This is a modern-English version of Holinshed Chronicles: England, Scotland, and Ireland. Volume 1, Complete, originally written by Holinshed, Raphael, Harrison, William. It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling, and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.

Scroll to the bottom of this page and you will find a free ePUB download link for this book.

HOLINSHED'S
CHRONICLES
ENGLAND, SCOTLAND,
AND
IRELAND.


IN SIX VOLUMES.

IN SIX VOLUMES.


VOL. I.

VOL. 1.

ENGLAND.

England.

LONDON:

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON; F. C. AND J. RIVINGTON; T. PAYNE; WILKIE
AND ROBINSON; LONGMAN, HURST, REES, AND ORME;
CADELL AND DAVIES; AND J. MAWMAN.

PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON; F. C. AND J. RIVINGTON; T. PAYNE; WILKIE
AND ROBINSON; LONGMAN, HURST, REES, AND ORME;
CADELL AND DAVIES; AND J. MAWMAN.


1807.

1807.

AMS PRESS INC.

AMS Press Inc.

NEW YORK

NYC


AMS PRESS INC.
NEW YORK, N.Y. 10003
1965

MANUFACTURED in the U.S.A.

AMS PRESS INC.
NEW YORK, NY 10003
1965

MANUFACTURED in the U.S.A.

[Original Title.]

THE

FIRST AND SECOND VOLUMES
of
CHRONICLES,
comprising

[Original Title.]

THE

FIRST AND SECOND VOLUMES
of
CHRONICLES,
including

1 The description and historie of England
2 The description and historie of Ireland,  
3 The description and historie of Scotland:

1 The description and history of England,
2 The description and history of Ireland,
3 The overview and background of Scotland:

first collected and published
BY
RAPHAELL HOLINSHED,
WILLIAM HARRISON, AND OTHERS:

first collected and published
BY
RAPHAEL HOLINSHED,
WILLIAM HARRISON, AND OTHERS:

Now newlie augmented and continued (with manifold matters of singular note and worthie memorie)
TO THE YEARE 1586,
By JOHN HOOKER aliàs VOWELL Gent.
AND OTHERS.
WITH CONUENIENT TABLES AT THE END OF THESE VOLUMES.

Now newly updated and expanded (with many noteworthy and memorable topics)
TO THE YEAR 1586,
By JOHN HOOKER also known as VOWELL Gent.
AND OTHERS.
WITH CONVENIENT TABLES AT THE END OF THESE VOLUMES.


HISTORIÆ PLACEANT NOSTRATES AC PEREGRINÆ.

Let our history please us and others.

THE CONTENTS OF VOLUME I

  Page
Ad. iv
Dedication. v
The names of the authors from whom this history of England is gathered. ix
An Historical Description of the Island of Britain, Book I 1
A Historical Description of the Island of Britain, Book II 221
An Historical Description of the Island of Britain, Book III 369
The History of England 424
The First Book of the History of England 427
The Second Book of the History of England 437
The Third Book of the History of England 451
The Fourth Book of the History of England 482
The Fifth Book of the History of England 551
The Sixth Book of the History of England 638
The Seventh Book of the History of England 702
The Eighth Book of the History of England 739
Transcriber's Note  

ADVERTISEMENT.


The chronicles of holinshed having become exceedingly scarce, and, from their Rarity and Value, having always brought a high Price whenever they have appeared for Sale, the Publishers have thought they should perform an acceptable Service to the Public by reprinting them in a uniform, handsome, and modern Form.

Holinshed's Chronicles have become very rare, and because of their scarcity and value, they have always fetched a high price whenever they are sold. The Publishers believe they can do a valuable service to the public by reprinting them in a consistent, attractive, and modern format.

It cannot now be necessary to state the Importance and interesting Nature of this Work. The high Price for which it has always sold, is a sufficient Testimony of the Esteem in which it has been held. Holinshed's Description of Britain is allowed to contain the most curious and authentic Account of the Manners and Customs of our Island in the Reign of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, in which it was written. His History of the Transactions of the British Isles, during these Periods, possesses all the Force and Value of contemporary Evidence, collected by a most skilful Observer; and the peculiar Style and Orthography in which the Work is written, furnish a very interesting Document to illustrate the History of the English Language.

It’s not necessary to explain the importance and interesting nature of this work. The high price it has always sold for is proof of the esteem in which it is held. Holinshed's Description of Britain is recognized as the most fascinating and authentic account of the manners and customs of our island during the reigns of Henry VIII and Elizabeth, when it was written. His history of events in the British Isles during these periods carries all the weight and value of contemporary evidence, gathered by a skilled observer. The unique style and spelling used in the work provide a captivating document to illustrate the history of the English language.

The original Edition of the Chronicles of Holinshed, it is well known, was published by their Author in a mutilated State. A Number of Pages, which had obviously been printed with the rest of the Work, were found to be omitted, except in a few Copies obtained by some favoured Persons. In the present Edition, these Castrations are faithfully restored; and in order that the Purchaser may depend upon finding an exact as well as a perfect Copy, it has been a Law with the Publishers, not to alter a single Letter, but to print the Work with the utmost Fidelity from the best preceding Edition, with the Author's own Orthography, and with his marginal Notes. The only Liberty taken, has been to use the Types of the present Day, instead of the old English Letter of the Time of Elizabeth.

The original edition of the Chronicles of Holinshed was, as is well known, published by its author in a shortened form. Several pages, which had clearly been printed with the rest of the work, were left out, except in a few copies that went to some privileged individuals. In this new edition, these omissions have been fully restored; and to ensure that buyers receive both an accurate and complete copy, the publishers have made it a rule not to change a single letter but to print the work with the highest fidelity from the best previous edition, using the author's own spelling and including his marginal notes. The only change made has been to use modern type instead of the old English font from the time of Elizabeth.

The Publishers submit to the Public this Edition of a curious and valuable Chronicle of our History, with a confident Hope, that it will gratify both the Historical Student and the General Reader. If it meet with the Reception which they anticipate, they will be encouraged to select some others of the rarest and most important of our ancient Chronicles, and reprint them, in like Manner, for the Convenience and Gratification of the Public.

The Publishers present this Edition of an interesting and valuable Chronicle of our History to the Public, with the hopeful expectation that it will satisfy both History enthusiasts and casual readers. If it receives the response they expect, they will be motivated to choose more of the rarest and most significant of our ancient Chronicles and reprint them in a similar way for the convenience and enjoyment of the Public.

TO THE
RIGHT HONORABLE, AND HIS SINGULAR GOOD LORD AND MAISTER,
S. William Brooke Knight

lord warden of the cinque ports, and baron of cobham, all increase of the feare and knowledge of god, firme obedience toward his prince, infallible loue to the common wealth, and commendable renowme here in this world, and in the world to come life euerlasting.

Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports and Baron of Cobham, all growth in fear and understanding of God, strong loyalty to his prince, unwavering love for the common good, and an honorable reputation in this world and in the next, eternal life.


Hauing had iust occasion, Right Honorable, to remaine in London, during the time of Trinitie terme last passed, and being earnestlie required of diuers my freends, to set downe some breefe discourse of parcell of those things, which I had obserued in the reading of such manifold antiquities as I had perused toward the furniture of a Chronologie, which I haue yet in hand; I was at the first verie loth to yeeld to their desires: first, for that I thought my selfe vnable for want of skill and iudgment, so suddenlie & with so hastie speed to take such a charge vpon me: secondlie, bicause the dealing therein might prooue an hinderance and impechment vnto mine owne Treatise: and finallie, for that I had giuen ouer all earnest studie of histories, as iudging the time spent about the same, to be an hinderance vnto my more necessarie dealings in that vocation & function wherevnto I am called in the ministerie. But when they were so importunate with me, that no reasonable excuse could serue to put by this trauell, I condescended at the length vnto their yrkesome sute, promising that I would spend such void time as I had to spare, whilest I should be inforced to tarie in the citie, vpon some thing or other that should satisfie their request; and stand in lieu of a description of my Countrie. For their parts also they assured me of such helps as they could purchase: and thus with hope of [Page vi] good, although no gaie successe, I went in hand withall, then almost as one leaning altogither vnto memorie, sith my books and I were parted by fourtie miles in sunder. In this order also I spent a part of Michaelmas and Hilarie termes insuing, being inforced thereto I say by other businesses which compelled me to keepe in the citie, and absent my selfe from my charge, though in the meane season I had some repaire vnto my poore librarie, but not so great as the dignitie of the matter required, and yet far greater than the Printers hast would suffer. One helpe, and none of the smallest that I obtained herein, was by such commentaries as Leland had somtime collected of the state of Britaine, books vtterlie mangled, defaced with wet and weather, and finallie vnperfect through want of sundrie volumes: secondlie, I gat some knowledge of things by letters and pamphlets, from sundrie places & shires of England, but so discordant now and then amongst themselues, especiallie in the names and courses of riuers and situation of townes, that I had oft greater trouble to reconcile them one with an other, than orderlie to pen the whole discourse of such points as they contained: the third aid did grow by conference with diuers, either at the table or secretlie alone, wherein I marked in what things the talkers did agree, and wherin they impugned ech other, choosing in the end the former, and reiecting the later, as one desirous to set foorth the truth absolutelie, or such things in deed as were most likelie to be true. The last comfort arose by mine owne reading of such writers as haue heretofore made mention of the condition of our countrie, in speaking wherof, if I should make account of the successe, & extraordinarie cōming by sundrie treatises not supposed to be extant, I should but seeme to pronounce more than may well be said with modestie, & say farder of my selfe than this Treatise can beare witnes of. Howbeit, I refer not this successe wholie vnto my purpose about this Description, but rather giue notice thereof to come to passe in the penning of my Chronologie, whose crums as it were fell out verie well in the framing of this Pamphlet. In the processe therefore of this Booke, if your Honor regard the substance of that which is here declared, I must needs confesse that it is none of mine owne: but if your Lordship haue consideration of the barbarous [Page vii] composition shewed herein, that I may boldlie claime and challenge for mine owne, sith there is no man of any so slender skill, that will defraud me of that reproch, which is due vnto me for the meere negligence, disorder, and euill disposition of matter comprehended in the same. Certes I protest before God and your Honour, that I neuer made any choise of stile, or words, neither regarded to handle this Treatise in such precise order and method as manie other would haue done, thinking it sufficient, truelie and plainelie to set foorth such things as I minded to intreat of, rather than with vaine affectation of eloquence to paint out a rotten sepulchre; a thing neither commendable in a writer, nor profitable to the reader. How other affaires troubled me in the writing hereof manie know, and peraduenture the slacknesse shewed herein can better testifie: but howsoeuer it be done, & whatsoeuer I haue done, I haue had an especiall eye vnto the truth of things, and for the rest, I hope that this foule frizeled Treatise of mine will prooue a spur to others better learned, more skilfull in Chorographie, and of greater iudgement in choise of matter to handle the selfe same argument, if in my life time I doo not peruse it againe. It is possible also that your Honour will mislike hereof, for that I haue not by mine owne trauell and eysight viewed such things as I doo here intreat of. In deed I must needs confesse, that vntill now of late, except it were from the parish where I dwell, vnto your Honour in Kent; or out of London where I was borne, vnto Oxford & Cambridge where I haue bene brought vp, I neuer trauelled 40. miles foorthright and at one iourney in all my life; neuerthelesse in my report of these things, I vse their authorities, who either haue performed in their persons, or left in writing vpon sufficient ground (as I said before) whatsoeuer is wanting in mine. It may be in like sort that your Honour will take offense at my rash and retchlesse behauiour vsed in the composition of this volume, and much more that being scambled vp after this maner, I dare presume to make tendour of the protection therof vnto your Lordships hands. But when I consider the singular affection that your Honour dooth beare to those that in any wise will trauell to set foorth such profitable things as lie hidden, and therevnto doo weigh [Page viii] on mine owne behalfe my bounden dutie and gratefull mind to such a one as hath so manie and sundrie waies benefited me that otherwise can make no recompense, I can not but cut off all such occasion of doubt, and therevpon exhibit it, such as it is, and so penned as it is, vnto your Lordships tuition, vnto whome if it may seeme in anie wise acceptable, I haue my whole desire. And as I am the first that (notwithstanding the great repugnancie to be seene among our writers) hath taken vpon him so particularlie to describe this Ile of Britaine; so I hope the learned and godlie will beare withall, & reforme with charitie where I doo tread amisse. As for the curious, and such as can rather euill fauouredlie espie than skilfullie correct an error, and sooner carpe at another mans dooings than publish any thing of their owne, (keeping themselues close with an obscure admiration of learning & knowledge among the common sort) I force not what they saie hereof: for whether it doo please or displease them, all is one to me, sith I referre my whole trauell in the gratification of your Honour, and such as are of experience to consider of my trauell, and the large scope of things purposed in this Treatise, of whome my seruice in this behalfe may be taken in good part, that I will repute for my full recompense, and large guerdon of my labours. The Almightie God preserue your Lordship in continuall health, wealth, and prosperitie, with my good Ladie your wife, your Honours children, (whom God hath indued with a singular towardnesse vnto all vertue and learning) and the rest of your reformed familie, vnto whom I wish farder increase of his holie spirit, vnderstanding of his word, augmentation of honor, and continuance of zeale to follow his commandements.

Having had just cause, Right Honorable, to stay in London during the last Trinity term, and being earnestly requested by several friends to write a brief discussion on part of those things I observed while reading various antiquities for a chronology I am currently working on, I was initially very reluctant to give in to their wishes. First, because I thought I was unqualified due to a lack of skill and judgment to take on such a task so suddenly and quickly. Secondly, because dealing with this might hinder my own treatise. Finally, because I had given up all serious study of history, as I judged that the time spent on it could hinder my more urgent responsibilities in the ministry. However, when they were so insistent that no reasonable excuse could put off this effort, I eventually agreed to their nagging requests, promising that I would spend my spare time while I was forced to stay in the city on something that would meet their request and serve as a description of my country. They also assured me they would provide whatever help they could, and thus, with hope for something good, though no great success, I began, leaning almost entirely on memory since my books were forty miles away. I also spent part of the Michaelmas and Hilary terms following this, as I was compelled by other obligations to stay in the city and be absent from my duties, though in the meantime, I did manage some visits to my meager library, but not as much as the importance of the subject required, and still far less than the printer's haste would allow. One significant help I obtained was from commentaries that Leland had once compiled about the state of Britain, books completely mangled, soiled by moisture and weather, and ultimately incomplete due to missing volumes. Additionally, I gained some knowledge from letters and pamphlets from various places and counties in England, but they often contradicted each other, especially regarding the names and courses of rivers and the positions of towns, so I had more trouble reconciling them than in neatly writing out the whole discussion of the issues they contained. The third source of assistance came from conversations with various individuals, either at the table or in private, where I noted what points the speakers agreed on and where they disputed each other, ultimately choosing the former and rejecting the latter, as I aimed to present the truth absolutely or, indeed, those things most likely to be true. The last comfort arose from my own reading of writers who have previously mentioned the condition of our country; in discussing this, if I were to account for the success and extraordinary insights found in various treatises not presumed to exist, I would only seem to make claims beyond what modesty allows and say more about myself than this treatise can support. Nevertheless, I do not attribute this success solely to my efforts concerning this description, but rather give notice of its occurrence in writing my chronology, of which the crumbs fell together quite nicely in shaping this pamphlet. Therefore, in the course of this book, if your Honor considers the substance of what is declared here, I must confess it is not entirely my own. However, if your Lordship takes into account the poor composition displayed herein, I can boldly claim that as my own, since no one with even the slightest skill would deny me the blame due for the mere negligence, disorganization, and poor arrangement of the material presented. I sincerely protest before God and your Honor that I never chose a style or words, nor did I strive to handle this treatise with the precise order and method that many others would have done, thinking it sufficient to plainly and accurately set forth the matters I intended to address, rather than with empty pretension of eloquence to decorate a decayed tomb; a thing neither commendable in a writer nor beneficial to the reader. Many know how other matters troubled me while writing this, and perhaps the slowness evident here can better testify to that. Regardless of how it is done, and whatever I have produced, I have aimed specifically at the truth of things, and for the rest, I hope that this messy, rough-hewn treatise of mine will encourage others more learned, skilled in geography, and of better judgment in the selection of subjects to handle the same topic, if during my lifetime I do not revisit it. It is also possible that your Honor will disapprove, because I have not personally traveled and viewed the subjects I discuss here. Indeed, I must admit that until recently, except for the parish where I live, visiting your Honor in Kent, or from London where I was born to Oxford and Cambridge where I have been raised, I have never traveled straight for forty miles in my life; nevertheless, in my account of these matters, I rely on the authorities who have either experienced them personally or documented them on solid grounds (as I mentioned before) regarding what is lacking in my own experience. It may similarly be the case that your Honor will take issue with my hastiness and careless behavior in the composition of this volume, and even more so that, being so hastily thrown together, I dare to offer it for your Lordship's protection. Yet, when I consider the great affection your Honor shows to those who strive to reveal such valuable hidden things, alongside my duty and grateful heart towards one who has benefited me in so many different ways, I cannot help but dismiss all doubt and present it, as it is, in the form it takes, to your Lordship's care; to whom, if it is in any way acceptable, I have my full desire. And as I am the first, despite the significant disagreements among our writers, to take on the task of specifically describing this Isle of Britain, I hope the learned and virtuous will tolerate it, and gently correct where I tread wrongly. As for the curious and those who can more readily criticize than skillfully correct an error and who are quicker to find fault with another's work than to contribute anything of their own (keeping themselves hidden with a vague admiration of learning among the common people), I do not care what they say about this: because whether it pleases or displeases them, it’s all the same to me, as I dedicate my entire effort to pleasing your Honor and those with the experience to appreciate my work and the broad scope of the matters envisioned in this treatise, from whom I hope my service in this regard will be taken in good faith, which I consider my full reward and generous recompense for my labors. May Almighty God preserve your Lordship in continuous health, wealth, and prosperity, along with my good Lady your wife, your Lordship's children (whom God has granted a unique inclination towards all virtue and learning), and the rest of your esteemed family, to whom I wish further increase of His holy spirit, understanding of His word, growth in honor, and persistence in zeal to follow His commandments.

Your Lordships humble seruant

Your Lordship's humble servant

and houshold Chaplein.

and household Chaplain.

W. H.

W. H.

[Page ix]

[Page ix]

¶ THE NAMES OF THE AUTHORS
FROM WHOME THIS
History of England
IS COLLECTED.


A.

A.

  • Aelius Spartianus.
  • Aelius Lampridius.
  • Asserius Meneuensis.
  • Alfridus Beuerlacensis.
  • Aeneas Syluius Senensis.
  • Auentinus.
  • Adam Merimouth with additions.
  • Antoninus Archiepiscopus Florentinus.
  • Albertus Crantz.
  • Alexander Neuill.
  • Arnoldus Ferronius.
  • Annius Viterbiensis.
  • Amianus Marcellinus.
  • Alliances genealogiques des Roys & Princes de France.
  • Annales D. Aquitaine per Iean Bouchet.
  • Annales de Bourgoigne per Guilamme Paradin.
  • Annales de France per Nicol Giles.
  • Annales rerum Flandricarum per Jacobum Meir.
  • Antonius Sabellicus.
  • Antonius Nebricensis.
  • Aurea Historia.

B.

B.

  • Biblia Sacra.
  • Beda venerabilis.
  • Berosus.
  • Brian Tuke knight.
  • Blondus Forliuiensis.
  • Berdmondsey, a Register booke belonging to that house.

C.

C.

  • Cæsars Commentaries.
  • Cornelius Tacitus.
  • Chronica Chronicorum.
  • Chronica de Dunstable, a booke of Annales belonging to the Abbey there.
  • Chronicon Io. Tilij.
  • Chronicle of Eyton, an historie belonging to that colledge, although compiled by some Northernman, as some suppose named Otherborne.
  • Chronicles of S. Albon.
  • Chronica de Abingdon, a booke of Annales belonging to that house.
  • Chronica de Teukesburie.
  • Claudianus.
  • Chronicon Genebrard.
  • Chroniques de Normandie.
  • Chroniques de Britaine.
  • Chroniques de Flanders published by Denis Sauage.
  • Continuation de Historie and Chroniques de Flanders by the same Sauage.
  • Couper.
  • Cuspinianus.
  • Chronica Sancti Albani.
  • Caxtons Chronicles.
  • Carion with additions.
  • Crockesden, a Register booke belonging to an house of that name in Staffordshire.

[Page x]

[Page x]

D.

D.

  • Diodorus Siculus.
  • Dion Cassius.
  • Dominicus Marius Niger.

E.

E.

  • Edmerus.
  • Eusebius.
  • Eutropius.
  • Encomium of Emma, an old Pamphlet written to hir, conteining much good matter for the vnderstanding of the state of this realme in hir time, wherein hir praise is not pretermitted, and so hath obteined by reason thereof that title.
  • Enguerant de Monstrellet.
  • Eulogium.
  • Edmund Campian.

F.

F.

  • Fabian.
  • Froissart.
  • Franciscus Tarapha.
  • Franciscus Petrarcha.
  • Flauius Vopiscus Siracusanus.
  • Floriacensis Vigorinensis.

G.

G.

  • Gviciardini Francisco.
  • Guiciardini Ludouico.
  • Gildas Sapiens.
  • Galfridus Monemutensis, aliàs Geffrey of Monmouth.
  • Giraldus Cambrensis.
  • Guilielmus Malmesburiensis.
  • Galfridus Vinsauf.
  • Guilielmus Nouoburgensis.
  • Guilielmus Thorne.
  • Gualterus Hemmingford, aliàs Gisburnensis.
  • Geruasius Dorobernensis.
  • Geruasius Tilberiensis.
  • Guilielmus Gemeticensis de ducibus Normaniæ.
  • Guilielmus Rishanger.
  • Guilielmus Lambert.
  • Georgius Lillie.
  • Guilamme Paradin.

H.

H.

  • Higinus.
  • Henricus Huntingtonensis.
  • Henricus Leicestrensis.
  • Hector Boece.
  • Historie Daniou.
  • Historia Ecclesiastica Magdeburgensis.
  • Henricus Mutius.
  • Historia quadripartita seu quadrilogium.
  • Hardings Chronicle.
  • Halles Chronicle.
  • Henricus Bradshaw.
  • Henricus Marleburgensis.
  • Herodianus.
  • Humfrey Luyd.

I.

I.

  • Iohannes Bale.
  • Iohannes Leland.
  • Iacobus Philippus Bergomas.
  • Iulius Capitolinus.
  • Iulius Solinus.
  • Iohannes Pike with additions.
  • Iohannes Functius.
  • Iohn Price knight.
  • Iohannes Textor.
  • Iohannes Bodinus.
  • Iohannes Sleidan.
  • Iohannes Euersden a Monke of Berry.
  • Iohannes or rather Giouan villani a Florentine.
  • Iohannes Baptista Egnatius.
  • Iohannes Capgraue.
  • Iohannes Fourden.
  • Iohannes Caius.
  • Iacob de Voragine Bishop of Nebio.
  • Iean de Bauge a Frenchman wrote a pamphlet of the warres in Scotland, during the time that Monsieur de Desse remained there.
  • Iohn Fox.
  • Iohannes Maior.
  • John Stow, by whose diligent collected summarie, I haue beene not onelie aided, but also by diuers rare monuments, ancient writers, and necessarie register bookes of his, which he hath lent me out of his own Librarie.
  • Iosephus.

[Page xi]

[Page xi]

L.

L.

  • Liber constitutionum London.
  • Lucan.
  • Lælius Giraldus.

M.

M.

  • Marianus Scotus.
  • Matthæus Paris.
  • Matthæus Westmonaster.     aliàs Flores historiarum.
  • Martin du Bellay, aliàs Mons. de Langey.
  • Mamertinus in Panegyricis.
  • Memoires de la Marche.

N.

N.

  • Nicephorus.
  • Nennius.
  • Nicholaus Treuet with additions.

O.

O.

  • Orosius Dorobernensis.
  • Osbernus Dorobernensis.
  • Otho Phrisingensis.

P.

P.

  • Pausanias.
  • Paulus Diaconus.
  • Paulus Aemilius.
  • Ponticus Virunius.
  • Pomponius Lætus.
  • Philip de Cumeins, aliàs M. de Argenton.
  • Polydor Virgil.
  • Paulus Iouius.
  • Platina.
  • Philippus Melancthon.
  • Peucerus.
  • Pomponius Mela.

R.

R.

  • Rogerus Houeden.
  • Ranulfus Higeden, aliàs Cestrensis the author of Polychronicon.
  • Radulfus Cogheshall.
  • Radulfus Niger.
  • Register of the Garter.
  • Records of Battell Abbey.
  • Richardus Southwell.
  • Robert Greene.
  • Radulfus de Diceto.
  • Robert Gaguin.
  • Rodericus Archiepiscopus Toletanus.
  • Records and rolles diuerse.

S.

S.

  • Strabo.
  • Suetonius.
  • Sigebertus Gemblacensis.
  • Sidon Appollinaris.
  • Simon Dunelmensis.
  • Sextus Aurelius Victor.

T.

T.

  • Trebellius Pollio.
  • Thomas More knight.
  • Thomas Spot.
  • Thomas Walsingham.
  • Titus Liuius de Foroliuisijs de vita Henrici. 5.
  • Titus Liuius Patauiensis.
  • Thomas Lanquet.
  • Thomas Couper.
  • Taxtor a Monke of Berry.
  • Theuet.
  • Thomas de la More.
  • Tripartita Historia.

V.

V.

  • Vvlcatius Gallicanus.
  • Volfgangus Lazius.

W.

W.

  • Whethamsted, a learned man, sometime Abbat of Saint Albons a Chronicler.
  • William Harrison.
  • William Patten of the expedition into Scotland. 1574.
  • William Proctor of Wiats rebellion.

Besides these, diuers other bookes and treatises of historicall matter I haue seene and perused, the names of the authors being vtterlie vnknowne.

Besides these, I have seen and read various other books and treatises on historical topics, with the authors' names being completely unknown.


[Page xii]

[Page xii]

REGVM ANGLIÆ
SERIES & CATALOGUS.

Wil. Conqu.
Wil. Rufus.
Henry I.
Stephen.
Henry II.
Richard I.
John.
Henry III.
Edward I.
Edward II.
Edward III.
Richard II.
Henry IV.
Henry V.
Henry VI.
Edward IV.
Edward V.
Richard III.
Henry VII.
Henry VIII.
Edward VI.
Philip & Mary.
Elizabeth.

Conquestor, Rufus, prior Henricus, Stephanúsque,

Conqueror, Rufus, former Henry, Stephen,

Alter & Henricus, Leonino corde Richardus,

Alter & Henricus, Leonino corde Richardus,

Rex & Ioannes, Henricus tertius inde:

Rex & Ioannes, Henry the Third therefore:

Eduardus primus, Gnatúsque, Nepósque sequuntur:

Eduardus primus, Gnatúsque, Nepósque follow:

His infœlicem Richardum iunge secundum:

Join his unhappily Richard the Second:

Henricus quartus soboles Gandaui Ioannis,

Henricus IV, son of John,

Præcedit Gnato quinto, sextóque Nepoti:

Precedes the fifth grandson, and the sixth descendant:

Eduardus quartus, quintus, homicida Richardus,

Eduard IV, V, killer Richard,

Septimi & Henricus octauus clara propago:

Septimi & Henricus the Eighth, a distinguished lineage:

Eduardus sextus, regina Maria, Philippus:

Edward VI, Queen Mary, Philip:

Elisabeth longos regnet victura per annos,

Elisabeth will reign for many years to come,

Seráque promisso fœlix potiatur olympo.

Seráque promisso fœlix potiatur olympo.


Carmen Chronologicon
THOMÆ NEWTONI CESTRESHYRIJ.

Loyd. Leland. Prise. Stowe. Holinshed. Lambard. More. Camden. Thinn. Hall. Vocal alias Hooker. Grafton. Fox. Harrison. Harding. Gildas. Staniherst. Bede. Neville. Fleming. Parker.

Gramine, fluminibus, grege, principe, fruge, metallis,

Gramine, fluminibus, grege, principe, fruge, metallis,

Lacte, feris, armis, vrbibus, arte, foris,

Lacte, feris, armis, vrbibus, arte, foris,

Quæ viget ac floret generosa Britannia, quæque,

Quæ viget ac floret generosa Britannia, quæque,

Obruta puluereo squalluit ante situ:

Obruta puluereo squalluit ante situ:

Exerit ecce caput, genuinum nacta nitorem,

Exerit, look at her head, having obtained genuine beauty,

Et rutilum emittit cum grauitate iubar.

Et rutilum emittit cum grauitate iubar.

Et quod blæsa hominum mutilarat tempore lingua,

Et quod blæsa hominum mutilarat tempore lingua,

Illud habet rectum pumice tersa nouo.

Illud has a smooth surface with the new pumice stone.

Loydus in hac pridem gnauus prolusit arena,

Loydus has long been eager to perform in the arena,

Lelandus, Prisius, Stous, Holinshedius,

Leland, Prise, Stous, Holinshed

Lambardus, Morus, Camdenus, Thinnius, Hallus,

Lambard, More, Camden, Thinn, Hall

Vocalis, Grafton, Foxius, Harrisonus,

Vocalis, Grafton, Foxius, Harrisonus

Hardingus, Gildas, Staniherstus, Beda, Neuillus,

Hardingus, Gildas, Staniherstus, Bede, Neuillus,

Doctáque Flemingi lima poliuit opus:

Doctáque Flemingi polished the work:

Nec te cane senex, magne ô Parkere, silebo,

Nec te cane senex, magne ô Parkere, silebo,

Cui decus attulerat pontificalis apex.

The papal tiara brought honor.

Omnibus his meritò est laus debita & optima merces,

Omnibus his, merit is rightly due and the best reward,

Quòd patriæ accendant lumina clara suæ.

Quod patriae accendant lumina clara sua.

Longa dies opus hoc peperit, longæua senectus,

Long days produced this work, an ancient old age,

Et libri authores perbeet, atque librum.

Et libri authores perbeet, atque librum.


[Page 1]

[Page 1]

AN
HISTORICALL DESCRIPTION
OF
THE ISLAND OF BRITAIN;
WITH A BRIEFE REHERSALL OF
THE NATURE AND QUALITIES OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND,
AND
SUCH COMMODITIES AS ARE TO BE FOUND IN THE SAME.
COMPREHENDED IN THREE BOOKES, AND WRITTEN BY W. H.


A TABLE OF SUCH CHAPITERS AS ARE CONTEINED IN THE FIRST BOOKE
OF THIS DESCRIPTION.

  Page
1 Of the diuision of the whole earth. 2
2 Of the position, circuit, forme, and quantitie of the Ile of Britaine. 4
3 Of the ancient denominations of this Iland. 6
4 What sundrie nations haue dwelled in Albion. 9
5 Whether it be likelie that anie giants were, and whether they inhabited in this Ile or not. 14
6 Of the languages spoken in this Iland. 22
7 Into how manie kingdoms this Iland hath beene diuided. 26
8 The names of such kings and princes as haue reigned in this Iland. 31
9 Of the ancient religion vsed in Albion. 33
10 Of such Ilands as are to be seene vpon the coasts of Britaine. 52
11 Of riuers, and first of the Thames, and such riuers as fall into it. 78
12 Of such streames as fall into the sea, betweene the Thames and the mouth of Sauerne. 91
13 The description of the Sauerne, and such waters as discharge themselues into the same. 117
14 Of such waters as fall into the sea in compasse of the Iland, betweene the Sauerne and the Humber. 123
15 The description of the Humber or Isis, and such water-courses as doo increase hir chanell. 156
16 Of such fals of waters as ioine with the sea, betweene Humber and the Thames. 168
17 Of such ports and creeks as our sea-faring men doo note for their benefit vpon the coasts of England. 181
18 Of the aire, soile, and commodities of this Iland. 183
19[Page 2] Of the foure high waies sometime made in Britaine by the princes of this Iland. 189
20 Of the generall constitution of the bodies of the Britons. 192
21 How Britaine at the first grew to be diuided into three portions. 195
22 After what maner the souereigntie of this Ile dooth remaine to the princes of Lhoegres or kings of England. 196
23 Of the wall sometime builded for a partition betweene England and the Picts and Scots. 214
24 Of the maruels of England. 216

OF THE DIUISION OF THE WHOLE EARTH.
CHAPTER I.

Noah first diuided the earth among his sonnes. We read that the earth hath beene diuided into thrée parts, euen sithens the generall floud. And the common opinion is, that Noah limited and bestowed it vpon his three sons, Japhet, Cham, and Sem, preserued with him in the Arke, giuing vnto each of them such portions thereof as to him séemed good, and neuerthelesse reteining the souereigntie of the whole still vnto himselfe: albeit as yet it be left vncertaine how those seuerall parts were bounded, and from whome they tooke such names as in our times are attributed to each of them. Certes the words, Asia, Europa, and Africa, are denominations giuen but of late (to speake of) vnto them, and it is to be doubted, whether sithens the time of Noah, the sea hath in sundrie places wonne or lost, added or diminished to and from each of them; or whether Europa, and Lybia were but one portion; and the same westerlie regions of late discouered (and now called America,) was the third part (counting Asia for the second) or the selfe region of the Atlantides, which Plato and others, for want of traffike thither in their times, supposed to be dissolued and sunke into the sea: as by their writings appeereth.

Noah was the first to divide the earth among his sons. We read that the earth has been divided into three parts since the great flood. The common belief is that Noah assigned and distributed it among his three sons, Japhet, Cham, and Sem, who were kept with him in the Ark, giving each of them portions that he thought were appropriate, while still retaining sovereignty over the whole. However, it remains uncertain how those separate parts were defined or where the names we use today originated. Certainly, the terms Asia, Europa, and Africa are relatively recent labels for these regions, and it's questionable whether the sea has changed in various places, gaining or losing land since Noah's time. Or if Europe and Libya were once just one area, while the recently discovered western regions (now called America) represented the third part (with Asia considered the second), or if it was the very region of the Atlantides, which Plato and others speculated had been submerged into the sea due to lack of trade to that area in their times, as their writings suggest.

The diuision of the earth not yet certeinlie knowne. Not long before my time, we reckoned Asia, Europa, and Africa, for a full and perfect diuision of the whole earth, which are parcels onelie of that huge Iland that lieth east of the Atlantike sea, and whereof the first is diuided from the second by Tanais (which riseth in the rocks of Caucasus, and hideth it selfe in the Meotine moores) and the Ocean sea; and the last from them both by the Mediterrane and red sea, otherwise called Mare Erythræum. But now all men, especially the learned, begin to doubt of the soundnes of that partition; bicause a no lesse part than the greatest of the thrée ioined with those Ilands and maine which lie vnder the north and Southpoles, if not double in quantitie vnto the same, are found out and discouered by the diligence of our trauellers. Hereby it appeereth, that either the earth was not exactlie diuided in time past by antiquitie; or els, that the true diuision thereof came not to the hands and notice of their posteritie, so that our ancestors haue hitherto as it were laboured in the Cimmerian darkenesse, and were vtterlie ignorant of the truth of that whereabout they indeuoured to shew their trauels and knowledge in their writings. Some peece of this confusion also is to be found amongst the ancient and Romane writers, who (notwithstanding their large conquests) did sticke in the same mire with their successors, not being able (as appeereth by their treatises) to deliuer and set downe the veritie. For Salust in his booke De Variance among the writers about the diuision of the earth. bello Iugurthino cannot tell whether Africa be parcell of Asia or not. And with the same scruple Varro in his booke De lingua Lat. is not a litle incumbred, who in the end concludeth, that the whole earth is diuided into Asia and Europa: so that Africa is excluded and driuen out of his place. Silius also writeth of Africa, (as one not yet resolued wherevnto to leane,) that it is;

The division of the Earth isn't fully understood yet. Not long before my time, we considered Asia, Europe, and Africa as a complete and perfect division of the entire earth, which are merely parts of that vast island lying east of the Atlantic Ocean. The first is separated from the second by the Tanais River (which rises in the Caucasus mountains and disappears into the Meotine marshes) and the ocean; and the last is separated from both by the Mediterranean and Red Seas, also known as the Mare Erythræum. But now everyone, especially scholars, begins to doubt the validity of this partition, because a part no less significant than the largest of the three, combined with those islands and landmasses beneath the North and South Poles—if not twice their size—has been discovered through the efforts of our travelers. This shows that either the earth was not accurately divided in ancient times, or that the true division of it did not come to the attention of their descendants, so our ancestors have until now labored in ignorance, completely unaware of the truth about what they tried to convey in their writings regarding their travels and knowledge. Some of this confusion is evident among ancient Roman writers, who, despite their vast conquests, got stuck in the same confusion as their successors, unable (as their writings demonstrate) to clarify and present the truth. For instance, Sallust, in his book De bello Iugurthino, cannot determine whether Africa is part of Asia or not. Similarly, Varro, in his book De lingua Lat., is also burdened by this uncertainty, ultimately concluding that the whole earth is divided into Asia and Europe, excluding Africa and pushing it out of its place. Silius also writes about Africa, torn as one who is still uncertain where to lean.

Aut ingens Asiæ latus, aut pars tertia rerum.

Aut ingens Asiæ latus, aut pars tertia rerum.

[Page 3]

[Page 3]

Wherein Lucane lib. 9. sheweth himselfe to be far of another iudgement, in that he ascribeth it to Europa, saieng after this maner:

Where Lucane, in book 9, shows that he has a completely different opinion, as he attributes it to Europa, saying it in this manner:

Tertia pars rerum Lybia: si credere famæ

Tertia pars rerum Lybia: if you believe the rumor

Cuncta velis, si ventos cœlúmque sequaris,

Cuncta velis, si ventos cœlúmque sequaris,

Pars erit Europæ, nec enim plus littora Nili

Pars erit Europæ, nec enim plus littora Nili

Quàm Scythicus Tanais primis à gradibus absunt.

Quam Scythian Tanais is far away from the first steps.

Whereby (I saie) we may well vnderstand, that in the time of Augustus Tiberius, Claudius & Nero, the Romanes were not yet resolued of the diuision of the earth. For my part, as I indeuour not to remooue the credit of that which antiquitie hath deliuered (and yet loth to continue and maintaine any corruption that may be redressed) so I thinke good to The earth diuided into fiue parts, whereas Belforest hath but foure, in Prefat. lib. 4. giue foorth a new diuision more probable, & better agreeing with a truth. And therefore I diuide the whole into fiue seuerall parcels, reteining the common diuision in the first three, as before; and vnto the fourth allowing not onelie all that portion that lieth by north of the Magellan streicts, and those Hyperborean Ilands which lie west of the line of longitude, of late discouered by Frobisher, and called by hir Maiestie Meta incognita: but likewise so manie Ilands as are within 180. degrees Westwards from our beginning or common line of longitude, whereby they are parted from those, which by this diuision are allotted vnto Asia, and the portion it selfe made equipollent with the same for greatnes, and far excéeding either Europa or Africa, if it be not fullie so much in quantitie as they both vnited and laid togither. The fift & last part is the Antartike portion with hir Ilands annexed, that region (I meane) which lieth vnder the South pole, cut off from America, or the fourth part by the Magellan streicts; & from Africa by the sea which Cape di bona Speranza. passeth by the Cape of good hope; a countrie no lesse large for limits and bounds than Africa or America, and therefore right worthie to be called the fift: howsoeuer it shall please the curious to mislike of this diuision. This also I will adde, that albeit the continent hereof doo not extend it selfe vnto the verie Antartike point, but lieth as it The forme of the fift part. were a long table betwéene two seas, of which the later is vnder the South poole, and as I may call it a maine sea vnder the aforesaid pricke, yet is it not without sundrie Ilands also adjoining vnto it, and the inner most sea not destitute of manie, as by experience hath béene of late confirmed. Furthermore, whereas our describers of the earth haue made it such in their descriptions, as hath reached litle or nothing into the peaceable sea without the Antartike circle: it is now found by Theuet and others, that it extendeth it selfe northwards into that trace, by no small number of leagues, euen in maner to the Equator, in so much that the westerlie part thereof from America, is supposed to reach northward so far from the Antartike article, as Africa dooth southwards from the tropike of Cancer, which is no small portion of ground; & I maruell why not obserued by such as heretofore haue written of the same. But they excuse themselues by the ingratitude of the Portingals and Spaniards, who haue of purpose concealed manie things found out in their trauell, least they should séeme to open a gap by dooing otherwise, for strangers to enter into their conquests. As for those Ilands also which lie in the peaceable sea, scattered here and there, as Iaua the greater, the lesser Sumatra, Iapan, Burneo, &c: with a number of other, I refer them still unto Asia, as before, so as they be without the compasse of 90. degrees eastward from the line of longitude, & not aboue 180. as I doo the Ile of S. Laurence, and a number of other vnto Africa within the said proportion, wishing so little alteration as I may: and yet not yeelding vnto any confusion, whereby the truth of the diuision should hereafter be impeached.

Whereby (I say) we can clearly understand that during the time of Augustus, Tiberius, Claudius, and Nero, the Romans were not yet settled on the division of the earth. For my part, while I don’t want to undermine the credibility of what antiquity has handed down (and yet I’m reluctant to continue and support any errors that could be corrected), I think it's best to propose a new division that is more plausible and aligned with the truth. Therefore, I divide the entire world into five separate parts, keeping the common division in the first three as before; and for the fourth, I include not only all the land north of the Magellan Straits and the Hyperborean Islands to the west of the line of longitude, recently discovered by Frobisher and named by Her Majesty Meta Incognita, but also as many islands as are within 180 degrees westward from our starting point or common line of longitude, which separates them from those portions allocated to Asia, making that portion equal in size and significantly larger than either Europe or Africa, if it is not exactly as large as both combined. The fifth and last part is the Antarctic portion with its attached islands, meaning the region that lies under the South Pole, separated from America (the fourth part) by the Magellan Straits, and from Africa by the sea that passes by the Cape of Good Hope; a country no less extensive in limits and boundaries than Africa or America, and therefore quite worthy of being termed the fifth: however, it may please those with a critical eye to disapprove of this division. I will also add that although this continent does not reach all the way to the very Antarctic point, but instead lies like a long table between two seas—one of which lies under the South Pole, and which I can refer to as a main sea under the said point—there are still various islands adjacent to it, and the inner sea is not devoid of many, as recent experience has confirmed. Furthermore, while our cartographers have depicted it in their descriptions in a way that has barely touched on the peaceful sea beyond the Antarctic circle, it is now found by Thevet and others that it extends northward into that area by a significant number of leagues, almost all the way to the Equator, such that the western portion of it from America is believed to reach northward as far from the Antarctic point as Africa does southward from the Tropic of Cancer, which represents no small area of land; and I wonder why this has not been noted by those who have written about it in the past. They justify themselves by claiming the ungratefulness of the Portuguese and Spaniards, who have deliberately concealed many discoveries made in their travels, fearing that otherwise, they would create an opportunity for outsiders to invade their conquests. As for the islands that lie in the peaceful sea, scattered here and there, such as Greater Java, Lesser Sumatra, Japan, Borneo, etc., along with many others, I still attribute them to Asia, as before, provided they are outside the range of 90 degrees eastward from the line of longitude and not more than 180 degrees, just as I do for the Isle of St. Lawrence and several others assigned to Africa within the same parameters, wishing for as little alteration as possible; yet not yielding to any confusion that might undermine the truth of the division in the future.

And whereas by Virgil (speaking of our Iland) saith;

And as Virgil says (talking about our island);

Et penitùs toto diuisos orbe Britannos,

Et penitùs toto diuisos orbe Britannos,

Unto what portion Britaine is referred. And some other authors not vnworthie to be read and perused, it is not certeine vnto which portion of the earth our Ilands, and Thule, with sundrie the like scattered in the north seas should be ascribed, bicause they excluded them (as you sée) from the rest of the whole earth: I have [Page 4] thought good, for facilitie sake of diuision, to refer them all which lie within the first minute of longitude, set downe by Ptolome, to Europa, and that as reason requireth: so that the aforesaid line shall henceforth be their Meta & partition from such as are to be ascribed to America; albeit they come verie neere vnto the aforesaid portion, & may otherwise (without prejudice) be numbred with the same. It may be that some will thinke this my dealing either to be superfluous, or to procéed from (I wot not what) foolish curiositie: for the world is now growne to be very apt and readie to iudge the hardest of euerie attempt. But forsomuch as my purpose is to leaue a plaine report of such matter as I doo write of, and deliuer such things as I intreat of in distinct and vpright order; though method now and then doo faile, I will go forward with my indeuour, referring the examination of my dooings to the indifferent and learned eare, without regard what the other doo conceiue and imagine of me. In the meane season therefore it shall suffice to say at this time, that Albion as the mother, and the rest of the Ilands as hir daughters, lieng east of the line of longitude, be still ascribed vnto Europa: wherevnto some good authours heretofore in their writings, & their owne proper or naturall situations also haue not amisse referred them.

To which part of Britain is assigned? Some other authors, not worth reading and examining, are uncertain about which part of the world our islands, along with Thule and various others scattered in the North Seas, should be categorized. They excluded them (as you see) from the rest of the earth. For the sake of convenience in division, I have decided to assign all that lie within the first minute of longitude, as set by Ptolemy, to Europe, as reason dictates. This line will henceforth be their boundary separating them from those categorized as part of America, even though they come very close to that area and could otherwise (without any issue) be counted with the same. Some might think my approach is either unnecessary or driven by some foolish curiosity, as the world has become quick to judge even the smallest attempts. However, since my goal is to provide a clear report of the matters I write about and present what I discuss in a distinct and straightforward order; even if my method occasionally falters, I will continue with my effort, leaving the evaluation of my work to the fair and knowledgeable audience, without caring what others think or imagine of me. In the meantime, it is sufficient to say that Albion, as the mother, and the other islands as her daughters, lying east of the line of longitude, are still attributed to Europe. Some reputable authors in the past have not incorrectly referred to them in their writings and their own natural locations.

OF THE POSITION, CIRCUIT, FORME, AND QUANTITIE OF THE ILE OF BRITAINE.
CAP. II.

How Britaine lieth from the maine. Britannia or Britain, as we now terme it in our English toong, or Brutania as some pronounce it (by reason of the letter y in the first syllable of the word, as antiquitie did sometime deliuer it) is an Ile lieng in the Ocean sea, directlie ouer against that part of France which conteineth Picardie, Normandie, and thereto the greatest part of little Britaine, which later region was called in time past Armorica, of the situation thereof vpon the sea coast, vntill such time as a companie of Britons (either led ouer by some of the Romane Emperours, or flieng thither from the tyrannie of such as oppressed them here in this Iland) did setle themselues there, and called it Britaine, after the name of their owne countrie, from whence they aduentured thither. It hath Ireland vpon the west side, on the north the maine sea, euen to Thule and the Hyperboreans; and on the east side also the Germane Ocean, by which we passe dailie through the trade of merchandize, not onlie into the low countries of Belgie, now miserablie afflicted betwéene the Spanish power and popish inquisition (as spice betweene the morter and the pestell) but also into Germanie, Friezeland, Denmarke, and Norwaie, carrieng from hence thither, and bringing from thence hither, all such necessarie commodities as the seuerall countries doo yeeld: through which meanes, and besides common amitie conserued, traffike is mainteined, and the necessitie of each partie abundantlie reléeued.

How Britain is situated away from the mainland. Britannia, or Britain as we call it today, or Brutania as some pronounce it (due to the 'y' in the first syllable of the word, as it was sometimes referred to in ancient times) is an island located in the Atlantic Ocean, directly across from the part of France that includes Picardy, Normandy, and most of Little Brittany, which was once known as Armorica because of its coastal location. A group of Britons, either led over by some of the Roman Emperors or fleeing from the tyranny of those who oppressed them in this island, settled there and named it Britain after their homeland from which they ventured. To the west, it borders Ireland, to the north is the main sea up to Thule and the Hyperboreans, and to the east is the German Ocean, through which we travel daily for trade, not only to the low countries of Belgium, now suffering between Spanish rule and the Inquisition (like spice caught between the mortar and the pestle) but also to Germany, Friesland, Denmark, and Norway, carrying goods from here to there and bringing back all the essential commodities that these various countries provide: through this trading, along with preserved friendships, commerce is maintained, and the needs of each side are abundantly met.

The longitude and latitude of this Ile. It conteineth in longitude taken by the middest of the region 19. degrees exactlie: and in latitude 53. degrées, and thirtie min. after the opinions of those that haue diligentlie obserued the same in our daies, and the faithfull report of such writers as haue left notice thereof vnto vs, in their learned treatises to be perpetuallie remembred. Howbeit, whereas some in setting downe of these two lines, haue seemed to varie about the placing of the same, each of them diuerslie remembring the names of sundrie cities and townes, whereby they affirme them to haue their seuerall courses: for my part I haue thought good to procéed somewhat after another sort; that is, by diuiding the latest and best chards each way into two equall parts (so neere as I can possiblie bring the same to passe) wherby for the Longest day. middle of latitude, I product Caerlile and Newcastell vpon Tine, (whose longest day consisteth of sixteene houres, 48. minuts) and for the longitude, Newberie, Warwike, Sheffield, Skipton, &c: which dealing, in mine opinion, is most easie and indifferent, and likeliest meane to come by the certeine standing and situation of our Iland.

The coordinates of this island are given in longitude and latitude. It measures 19 degrees in longitude, right in the middle of the region, and 53 degrees and thirty minutes in latitude, based on the observations of those who have carefully studied this in our times, and the reliable accounts of writers who have documented it in their scholarly works for us to remember permanently. However, some people seem to disagree on the positioning of these two lines, each recalling different names of various cities and towns to support their claims. As for me, I have decided to take a different approach; that is, by dividing the latest and best charts in each direction into two equal parts (as closely as I can manage), which allows me to identify, for the middle of latitude, Carlisle and Newcastle upon Tyne (whose longest day lasts sixteen hours and 48 minutes), and for the longitude, Newbury, Warwick, Sheffield, Skipton, etc. I think this method is the easiest and fairest way to determine the definite location and position of our island.

[Page 5]

[Page 5]

The compasse of Britaine. Touching the length and bredth of the same, I find some variance amongst writers: for after some, there are from the Piere or point of Douer, vnto the farthest part of Cornewall westwards 320. miles: from thence againe to the point of Cathnesse by the Irish sea 800. Wherby Polydore and other doo gather, that the circuit of the whole Iland of Britaine is 1720. miles, which is full 280. lesse than Cæsar dooth set downe, except there be some difference betwéene the Romane and British miles, as there is indeed; wherof hereafter I may make some farther conference.

Britain's compass. When it comes to the length and width of Britain, I find some disagreement among writers. According to some, the distance from the Pier or point of Dover to the furthest part of Cornwall to the west is 320 miles. From there, the distance to the point of Caithness by the Irish Sea is 800 miles. Based on this, Polydore and others conclude that the total circumference of the entire island of Britain is 1,720 miles, which is 280 miles less than what Caesar recorded, unless there is some difference between Roman and British miles, which there indeed is; I may discuss this further later on.

Martianus writing of the bredth of Britaine, hath onlie 300. miles, but Orosius hath 1200. in the whole compasse. Ethicus also agreeing with Plinie, Martianus, and Solinus, hath 800. miles of length, but in the breadth he commeth short of their account by 120. miles. In like maner Dion in Seuero maketh the one of 891. miles: but the other; to wit, where it is broadest, of 289. and where it is narrowest, of 37. Finally, Diodorus Siculus affirmeth the south coast to conteine 7000. furlongs, the second; to wit, à Carione ad Promontorium 15000. the third 20000. and the whole circuit to consist of 42000. But in our time we reckon the breadth from Douer to Cornewall, not to be aboue 300. miles, and the length from Douer to Cathnesse, no more than 500. which neuerthelesse must be measured by a right line, for otherwise I see not how the said diuision can hold.

Martianus says that the width of Britain is only 300 miles, but Orosius claims it’s 1200 miles in total. Ethicus agrees with Pliny, Martianus, and Solinus that the length is 800 miles, but he’s 120 miles short on the width. Similarly, Dion in Severus says one measurement is 891 miles; the widest part is 289 miles, and the narrowest is 37 miles. Finally, Diodorus Siculus states that the south coast is 7000 furlongs long, the second part from Carione to Promontorium is 15000, the third is 20000, and the total circumference is 42000. However, in our time, we estimate the width from Dover to Cornwall to be no more than 300 miles, and the length from Dover to Caithness to be about 500 miles, which should be measured in a straight line; otherwise, I don’t see how the mentioned divisions could be accurate.

The forme. The forme and fashion of this Ile is thrée-cornered, as some have deuised, like vnto a triangle, bastard sword, wedge, or partesant, being broadest in the south part, and gathering still narrower and narrower, till it come to the farthest point of Cathnesse northward, where it is narrowest of all, & there endeth in maner of a promontorie called Caledonium & Orchas in British Morwerydh, which is not aboue 30. miles ouer, as dailie experience by actuall trauell dooth confirme.

The form. The shape and form of this island is triangular, as some have described it, resembling a triangle, a bastard sword, a wedge, or a spear, being widest in the southern part and gradually becoming narrower until it reaches the northernmost point of Caithness, where it is the narrowest of all, and it ends like a promontory called Caledonium and Orchas in British Morwerydh, which is not more than 30 miles across, as daily experience through actual travel confirms.

Promontories of Britaine. The old writers giue vnto the thrée principall corners, crags, points, and promontories of this Iland, thrée seuerall names. As vnto that of Kent, Cantium, that of Cornewall, Hellenes, and of Scotland, Caledonium, and Orchas; and these are called principall, in respect of the other, which are Taruisium, Nonantum, Epidium, Gangacum, Octapites, Herculeum, Antiuesteum, Ocrinum, Berubium, Taizalum, Acantium, &c: of which I thought good also to leaue this notice, to the end that such as shall come after, may thereby take occasion to seeke out their true places, wherof as yet I am in maner ignorant, I meane for the most part; bicause I haue no sound author that dooth leade mée to their knowledge.

Cliffs of Britain. The old writers give the three main corners, cliffs, points, and promontories of this island, three different names. For Kent, it's Cantium; for Cornwall, Hellenes; and for Scotland, Caledonium and Orchas. These are called principal because of the others, which are Taruisium, Nonantum, Epidium, Gangacum, Octapites, Herculeum, Antiuesteum, Ocrinum, Berubium, Taizalum, Acantium, etc. I thought it was important to leave this notice so that those who come after may take the opportunity to find their true locations, of which I am mostly unaware, primarily because I have no reliable source to guide me to their knowledge.

The distance from the maine. Furthermore, the shortest and most vsuall cut that we haue out of our Iland to the maine, is from Douer (the farthest part of Kent eastward) unto Calice a towne in Picardie 1300. miles from Rome, in old time called Petressa and Scalas, though some like better of blacknesse where the breadth of the sea is not aboue thirtie miles. Which course, as it is now frequented and vsed for the most common and safe passage of such as come into our countrie out of France and diuers other realms, so it hath not beene vnknowne of old time vnto the Romans, who for the most part vsed these two hauens for their passage and repassage to and fro; although we finde, that now and then diuerse of them came also from Bullen, and landed at Sandwich, or some other places of the coast more toward the west, or betweene Hide and Lid; to wit, Romneie marsh, (which in old time was called Romania or Romanorum insula) as to auoid the force of the wind & weather, that often molesteth seafaringmen in these narrowe seas, best liked them for their safegards. Betweene the part of Holland also, which lieth néere the mouth of the Rhene and this our Iland, are 900. furlongs, as Sosimus saith; and besides him, diuers other writers, which being conuerted into English miles, doo yeeld 112. and foure od furlongs, whereby the iust distance of the neerest part of Britaine, from that part of the maine also, dooth certeinlie appéere to be much lesse than the common maps of our countrie haue hitherto set downe.

The distance from the coast. Moreover, the shortest and most popular route we have from our island to the mainland is from Dover (the easternmost part of Kent) to Calais, a town in Picardy, 1300 miles from Rome, which in ancient times was known as Petressa and Scalas, although some prefer the darker route where the sea is no more than thirty miles wide. This route, which is now commonly used for the safest passage of those entering our country from France and various other realms, was not unknown to the Romans in the past, who mostly used these two harbors for their travel back and forth. However, we find that occasionally some of them also came from Boulogne and landed at Sandwich or other places on the coast further west, or between Hythe and Lydd; specifically, Romney Marsh (which was once called Romania or Romanorum insula) as a way to avoid the rough winds and weather that often trouble seafarers in these narrow seas, which they preferred for their safety. Between the part of Holland near the mouth of the Rhine and our island, there are 900 furlongs, as Sosimus states; and besides him, several other writers, when converted into English miles, yield 112 and a bit more furlongs, which clearly shows that the actual distance from the nearest part of Britain to that part of the mainland is significantly less than what the common maps of our country have previously indicated.

[Page 6]

[Page 6]

OF THE ANCIENT NAMES OR DENOMINATIONS OF THIS ILAND.
CAP. III.

Dis, Samothes. In the diligent perusall of their treatises, who haue written of the state of this our Iland, I find that at the first it séemed to be a parcell of the Celtike kingdome, whereof Dis otherwise called Samothes, one of the sonnes of Japhet was the Saturne or originall beginner, and of him thencefoorth for a long while called Samothea. Afterward in processe of time, when desire of rule began to take hold in the minds of men, and ech prince endeuoured to enlarge his owne dominions: Albion the Neptunus Marioticus. sonne of Neptune, Amphitrite surnamed Marioticus (bicause his dominions laie among the ilands of the Mediterran sea, as those of Plutus did on the lower grounds neere vnto shore, as contrariwise his father Jupiter dwelled on the high hils néerer to heauen) hearing of the commodities of The first conquest of Britaine. the countrie, and plentifulnesse of soile here, made a voiage ouer, and finding the thing not onelie correspondent vnto, but also farre surmounting the report that went of this Iland, it was not long after yer he inuaded the same by force of armes, brought it to his subiection in the 29. yeare after his grandfathers decease, and finallie changed the name thereof into Albion, whereby the former denomination after Samothes did grow out of mind, and fall into vtter forgetfulnesse. And thus was this Iland bereft at on time both of hir ancient name, and also of hir lawfull succession of princes descended of the line of Japhet, Britaine under the Celts 341. yeares. vnder whom it had continued by the space of 341. yeres and nine princes, as by the Chronologie following shall easilie appeere.

Dis, Samothes. In carefully studying the writings about the state of our Island, I've found that at first it seemed to be part of the Celtic kingdom. Dis, also known as Samothes, one of the sons of Japhet, was the original ruler or creator, and for a long time, it was referred to as Samothea. As time went on, when the desire for power started to grow in people's minds, and each prince tried to expand his own territory, Albion, the son of Neptune and Amphitrite, who was called Marioticus (because his realm was among the islands of the Mediterranean Sea, like Plutus’s lands were near the shore, while his father Jupiter lived on the high hills closer to heaven), learned about the rich resources of the country and its abundant land. He made a journey over, and finding everything not only matched but greatly exceeded the rumors about this Island, it wasn’t long before he invaded it with military force, brought it under his control in the 29th year after his grandfather's death, and ultimately changed its name to Albion. This led to the former name after Samothes being forgotten entirely. Thus, the Island lost both its ancient name and the rightful line of princes descended from Japhet, Britain under the Celts for 341 years. under whom it had remained for 341 years and nine princes, as will be clearly shown by the following chronology.

Goropius our neighbor being verie nice in the denomination of our Iland, as in most other points of his huge volume of the originall of Antwarpe lib. 6. (whom Buchanan also followeth in part) is brought into great doubt, whether Britaine was called Albion of the word Alb, white; or Alp an hill; as Bodinus is no lesse troubled with fetching the same ab Oibijs, or as he wresteth it, ab Albijs gallis. But here his inconstancie appeareth, in that in his Gotthadamca liber. 7. he taketh no lesse paines to bring the Britaines out of Denmarke, whereby the name of the Iland should be called Vridania, Freedania, Brithania, or Bridania, tanquam libera Dania, as another also dooth to fetch the originall out of Spaine, where Breta signifieth soile or earth. But as such as walke in darkenesse doo often straie, bicause they wot not whither they go: euen so doo these men, whilest they séeke to extenuate the certeintie of our histories, and bring vs altogither to uncerteinties & their coniectures. They in like maner, which will haue the Welshmen come from the French with this one question, vnde Walli nisi a Gallis, or from some Spanish colonie, doo greatlie bewraie their oversights; but most of all they erre that endeuour to fetch it from Albine the imagined daughter of a forged Dioclesian, wherewith our ignorant writers haue of late not a little stained our historie, and brought the sound part thereof into some discredit and mistrust: but more of this hereafter.

Goropius, our neighbor, is very particular about the name of our island, and in many other aspects of his massive book on the origins of Antwerp, volume 6 (which Buchanan also partially supports), he raises significant doubts about whether Britain was called Albion from the word Alb, meaning white, or from Alp, meaning hill. Bodinus is equally confused, trying to derive it from Oibijs, or as he twists it, from Albijs gallis. However, his inconsistency shows when, in his Gotthadamca, book 7, he goes to great lengths to suggest that the Britons came from Denmark, which would imply the island's name should be Vridania, Freedania, Brithania, or Bridania, meaning free Denmark. Another person even tries to trace the origin back to Spain, where Breta means soil or earth. Just like those who walk in darkness often get lost because they don't know where they're going, these individuals, while attempting to undermine the certainty of our histories, lead us into uncertainties and their conjectures. Similarly, those who argue that the Welsh are descended from the French with the single question, "Vnde Walli nisi a Gallis?" (from where do the Welsh come if not from the French?), or from some Spanish colony, reveal their own oversights. But most of all, they err when they attempt to trace it back to Albine, the imagined daughter of a fabricated Dioclesian, which our ignorant writers have recently done a great disservice to our history, casting doubt on its credibility. But more on this later.

Neptune God of the sea. Now to speake somewhat also of Neptune as by the waie (sith I haue made mention of him in this place) it shall not be altogither impertinent. Wherfore you shall vnderstand, that for his excellent knowledge in the art of nauigation (as nauigation then went) he was reputed the most skilfull prince that liued in his time. And therfore, and likewise for his courage & boldnesse in aduenturing to and fro, he was after his decease honoured as a god, and the protection of such as trauelled by The maner of dressing of ships in old time. sea committed to his charge. So rude also was the making of ships wherewith to saile in his time (which were for the most part flat bottomed and broad) that for lacke of better experience to calke and trim the same after they were builded, they vsed to naile them ouer with rawe hides of bulles, buffles, and such like, and with such a kind of nauie (as they say) first Samothes, & then Albion arriued in this Iland, which vnto me doth not séeme a thing impossible. The northerlie or artike regions, doo not naile their ships with iron, which they vtterly want, but with wooden pins, or els they bind the planks togither verie artificiallie with bast ropes, osiers, rinds of trées, or twigs of [Page 7] popler, the substance of those vessels being either of fir or pine, sith oke is verie deintie & hard to be had amongst them. Of their wooden anchors I speake not (which neuerthelesse are common to them, and to the Gothlanders) more than of ships wrought of wickers, sometime vsed in our Britaine, and couered with leather euen in the time of Plinie, lib. 7. cap. 56. as also botes made of rushes and réeds, &c. Neither haue I iust occasion to speake of ships made of canes, of which sort Staurobates, king of India fighting against Semiramis, brought 4000. with him and fought with hir the first battell on the water that euer I read of, and vpon the riuer Indus, but to his losse, for he was ouercome by hir power, & his nauie either drowned or burned by the furie of hir souldiers.

Neptune, God of the Ocean. Now, to mention a bit about Neptune, since I've brought him up here, it’s not entirely irrelevant. You should know that due to his exceptional knowledge in the art of navigation (as it was back then), he was considered the most skilled ruler of his time. Because of this, and also for his courage and boldness in taking risks, he was honored as a god after his death, and the safety of those traveling by sea was entrusted to him. How ships were constructed in ancient times. The shipbuilding of his time was so primitive (most ships were flat-bottomed and wide) that due to a lack of better ways to seal and finish them after they were built, they would nail them over with raw hides from bulls, buffaloes, and similar animals. With such a type of fleet, as they say, Samothes and then Albion reached this island, which doesn’t seem impossible to me. The northern or Arctic regions don’t use iron nails for their ships, which they completely lack, but instead use wooden pegs, or they tightly bind the planks together using bast ropes, willows, tree bark, or twigs of [Page 7] poplar, typically made of fir or pine since oak is quite rare and hard to find there. I won't mention their wooden anchors (which are quite common to them and the Gothlanders) any more than I would the wicker ships once used in Britain, which were covered with leather even during the time of Pliny, lib. 7. cap. 56., as well as boats made of reeds and rushes, etc. I also don’t have a strong reason to talk about the cane ships, of which Staurobates, king of India, brought 4,000 to fight against Semiramis and had the first naval battle I’ve ever read about on the Indus River, but he lost because he was defeated by her forces, and his fleet was either drowned or burned by the fury of her soldiers.

But to proceed, when the said Albion had gouerned here in this countrie by the space of seauen yeares, it came to passe that both he and his brother Bergion were killed by Hercules at the mouth of Rhodanus, as the said Hercules passed out of Spaine by the Celtes to go ouer into Italie, and vpon this occasion (as I gather among the writers) not vnworthie to Lestrigo. be remembred. It happened in time of Lucus king of the Celts, that Lestrigo and his issue (whom Osyris his grandfather had placed ouer the Janigenes were the posteritie of Noah in Italie. Janigenes) did exercise great tyrannie, not onelie ouer his owne kingdome, but also in molestation of such princes as inhabited round about him in most intollerable maner. Moreouer he was not a little incouraged in these his dooings by Neptune his father, who thirsted Neptune had xxxiii. sonnes. greatly to leaue his xxxiii. sonnes settled in the mightiest kingdoms of the world, as men of whom he had alreadie conceiued this opinion, that if they had once gotten foot into any region whatsoeuer, it would not be long yer they did by some meanes or other, not onelie establish their seats, but also increase their limits to the better maintenance of themselues and their posteritie for euermore. To be short therefore, after the giants, and great princes, or mightie men of the world had conspired and slaine the aforsaid Osyris, onlie for that he was an obstacle vnto them in their tyrannous dealing; Hercules his sonne, surnamed Laabin, Lubim, or Libius, in the reuenge of his fathers death, proclaimed open warres against them all, and going from place to place, he ceased not to spoile their kingdomes, and therewithall to kill them with great courage that fell into his hands. Finallie, hauing among Lomnimi. Geriones. sundrie other ouercome the Lomnimi or Geriones in Spaine, and vnderstanding that Lestrigo and his sonnes did yet remaine in Italie, he directed his viage into those parts, and taking the kingdome of the Celts in his waie, he remained for a season with Lucus the king of that countrie, where he also maried his daughter Galathea, and begat a sonne Galathea. Galates, or Kelts. by hir, calling him after his mothers name Galates, of whom in my said Chronologie I haue spoken more at large.

But to continue, when Albion had ruled this country for seven years, both he and his brother Bergion were killed by Hercules at the mouth of the Rhône while Hercules was passing through from Spain by way of the Celts to go over to Italy. On this occasion, which I noted among the writers, is worth remembering. During the reign of Lucus, king of the Celts, Lestrigo and his descendants—who Osyris, their grandfather, had placed over the Janigenes—carried out great tyranny, not only over his own kingdom but also by tormenting the princes living nearby in the most intolerable manner. Moreover, he was greatly encouraged in these actions by his father Neptune, who was eager to have his thirty-three sons established in the mightiest kingdoms of the world, believing that once they had a foothold in any region, it wouldn’t be long before they would not only secure their positions but also expand their territories for better maintenance of themselves and their descendants forever. In short, after the giants and great princes, or mighty men of the world conspired and killed Osyris simply because he stood in their way, Hercules’ son, known as Laabin, Lubim, or Libius, declared open war against them all in revenge for his father's death, and traveled from place to place, not stopping until he plundered their kingdoms and courageously killed those who fell into his hands. Finally, after defeating the Lomnimi or Geriones in Spain, and learning that Lestrigo and his sons were still in Italy, he directed his journey there. Along the way, he took the kingdom of the Celts and stayed for a time with Lucus, the king of that land, where he also married his daughter Galathea and had a son by her, naming him after his mother, Galates, of whom I have discussed more in my Chronology.

In the meane time Albion vnderstanding how Hercules intended to make warres against his brother Lestrigo, he thought good if it were possible Bergion. to stop him that tide, and therefore sending for his brother Bergion out of the Orchades (where he also reigned as supreame Pomponius Mela cap. de Gallia. lord and gouernour) they ioined their powers, and sailed ouer into France. Being arriued there, it was not long yer they met with Hercules and his armie, neare vnto the mouth of the riuer called Roen (or the Rhodanus) where happened a cruell conflict betwéene them, in which Hercules and his men were like to haue lost the day, for that they were in maner wearied with long warres, and their munition sore wasted in the last viage that he had made for Spaine. Herevpon Hercules perceiuing the courages of his souldiours somewhat to abate, and seeing the want of artillerie like to be the cause of his fatall daie and present ouerthrowe at hand, it came suddenlie into his mind to will each of them to defend himselfe by throwing stones at his enimie, Strabo, lib. 4. whereof there laie great store then scattered in the place. The policie was no sooner published than hearkened vnto and put in execution, whereby they so preuailed in the end, that Hercules wan the field, their enimies were put to flight, and Albion and his brother both slaine, and buried in that plot. Thus was Britaine rid of a tyrant, Lucus king of the Celts deliuered from an vsurper (that dailie incroched vpon him, building sundrie cities and holds, of which some were placed among the Alps & called after his owne name, and other also euen in his owne kingdome on that side) and Lestrigo greatlie weakened by the slaughter of his brethren. Of this inuention of Hercules in like sort it commeth, [Page 8] that Jupiter father vnto Hercules (who indeed was none other but Osyris) is feigned to throw downe stones from heauen vpon Albion and Bergion, in the defense of his sonne: which came so thicke vpon them, as if great drops of raine or haile should haue descended from aboue, no man well knowing which waie to turne him from their force, they came so fast and with so great a violence.

In the meantime, Albion learned that Hercules planned to wage war against his brother Lestrigo. He thought it would be wise to stop him if possible, so he called his brother Bergion from the Orkney Islands, where he also ruled as a supreme lord. They combined their forces and sailed over to France. Once they arrived, it wasn't long before they confronted Hercules and his army near the mouth of the river called Roen (or the Rhodanus), where a fierce battle broke out. Hercules and his men were close to losing the fight because they were worn out from long wars, and their supplies were severely depleted from his recent campaign in Spain. Noticing that his soldiers were starting to lose their morale and realizing that the lack of artillery might doom them, Hercules suddenly thought of asking each of them to defend themselves by throwing stones at the enemy, of which there were plenty scattered around. The strategy was quickly embraced and put into action, enabling them to ultimately prevail; Hercules won the battle, their enemies fled, and both Albion and his brother were killed and buried at that site. Thus, Britain was freed from a tyrant, Lucus, the king of the Celts, was rescued from an usurper who constantly encroached upon him by building various cities and fortifications, some named after himself in the Alps and others within his own kingdom, and Lestrigo was greatly weakened by the death of his brothers. This clever tactic of Hercules also inspired the tale that Jupiter, Hercules' father (who was actually Osiris), is said to have hurled stones from heaven upon Albion and Bergion to protect his son. These stones fell so thickly as if heavy raindrops or hail were pouring down, leaving no one knowing which way to turn to escape their force, as they came down rapidly and with such great intensity.

But to go forward, albeit that Albion and his power were thus discomfited and slaine, yet the name that he gaue unto this Iland died not, but still remained vnto the time of Brute, who arriuing héere in the 1116. before Christ, and 2850. after the creation of the world, not onelie changed it into Britaine (after it had beene called Albion, by the space of about 600. yeares) but to declare his souereigntie ouer the rest of the Ilands also that lie scattered round about it, he called them all after the same maner, so that Albion was said in time to be Britanniarum insula maxima, that is, The greatest of those Iles that beare the name of Britaine, which Plinie also confirmeth, and Strabo in his first and second bookes denieth not. There are some, which vtterlie denieng that this Iland tooke hir name of Brute, doo affirme it rather to be so called of the rich mettals sometime carried from the mines there into all the world as growing in the same. Vibius Sequester also saith that Calabria was sometime called Britannia, Ob immensam affluentiam totius delitiæ atque vbertatis, that was to be found heerein. Other contend that it should be written with P (Pritannia.) All which opinions as I absolutelie denie not, so I willinglie leane vnto none of them in peremptorie maner, sith the antiquitie of our historie carrieth me withall vnto the former iudgements. And for the same cause I reiect them also, which deriue the aforesaid denomination from Britona the nymph, in following Textor (or Prutus or Prytus the sonne of Araxa) which Britona was borne in Creta daughter to Mars, and fled by sea from thence onelie to escape the villanie of Minos, who attempted to rauish and make hir one of his paramours: but if I should forsake the authoritie of Galfride, I would rather leane to the report of Parthenius, whereof elsewhere I haue made a more large rehersall.

But to move forward, even though Albion and his power were defeated and slain, the name he gave to this island didn’t disappear; it remained until the time of Brute, who arrived here in 1116 B.C. and 2850 A.D. after the creation of the world. He not only changed its name to Britain (after it had been called Albion for about 600 years), but to assert his sovereignty over the other islands scattered around it, he named them all similarly, so that Albion eventually came to be known as the greatest of those islands that bear the name of Britain. This is confirmed by Pliny, and Strabo does not deny it in his first and second books. Some people, completely rejecting the idea that this island was named after Brute, argue that it was named for the abundant metals that were once exported from its mines to the entire world. Vibius Sequester also claims that Calabria was once called Britannia due to its immense wealth and abundance found there. Others assert that it should be spelled with a 'P' (Pritannia). While I don’t outright deny any of these opinions, I’m not convinced by any of them either, since the antiquity of our history leads me to favor the earlier judgments. For the same reason, I also reject those who derive the aforementioned name from Britona the nymph, following Textor (or Prutus or Prytus, the son of Araxa), who was born in Crete as the daughter of Mars and fled by sea from there solely to escape the wickedness of Minos, who attempted to rape her and make her one of his lovers. However, if I were to disregard the authority of Geoffrey, I would prefer to lean toward the account of Parthenius, which I have elaborated on elsewhere.

It is altogither impertinent, to discusse whether Hercules came into this Iland after the death of Albion, or not, although that by an ancient monument seene of late, as I heare, and the cape of Hartland or Harcland in the West countrie (called Promontorium Herculis in old time) diuers of our British antiquaries doo gather great likelihood that he should also be here. But sith his presence or absence maketh nothing with the alteration of the name of this our region and countrie, and to search out whether the said monument was but some token erected in his honour of later times (as some haue beene elsewhere, among the Celts framed, & those like an old criple with a bow bent in one hand & a club in the other, a rough skin on his backe, the haire of his head all to be matted like that of the Irishmens, and drawing manie men captiue after him in chaines) is but smallie auailable, and therefore I passe it ouer as not incident to my purpose. Neither will I spend any time in the determination, whether Britaine had beene sometime a parcell of the maine, although it should well séeme so to haue beene, bicause that before the generall floud of Noah, we doo not read of Ilands, more than of hils and vallies. Wherfore as Wilden Arguis also noteth in his philosophie and tractation of meteors, it is verie likelie that they were onelie caused by the violent motion and working of the sea, in the time of the floud, which if S. Augustine had well considered, he would neuer haue asked how such creatures as liued in Ilands far distant from the maine could come into the arke, De ciuit. lib. 16. cap. 7. howbeit in the end he concludeth with another matter more profitable than his demand.

It is completely irrelevant to discuss whether Hercules came to this island after the death of Albion or not, although some of our British historians gather from an ancient monument recently seen, and from the cape of Hartland or Harcland in the West Country (formerly known as Promontorium Herculis), that he might have been here. But since his presence or absence doesn’t change the name of our region and country, and trying to determine whether that monument was just a later tribute to him (like some others constructed by the Celts, featuring an old cripple with a bow in one hand and a club in the other, a rough skin on his back, his hair matted like that of the Irishmen, and leading many captives in chains) is of little use, I will skip it as it’s not relevant to my purpose. I also won’t spend time determining whether Britain was once part of the mainland, even though it does seem likely, since before Noah’s great flood, we don’t read about islands, only about hills and valleys. Therefore, as Wilden Arguis notes in his philosophy and treatise on meteors, it is very likely that they were solely formed by the violent movement and action of the sea during the flood, which if St. Augustine had properly considered, he would never have asked how creatures living on islands far from the mainland could fit into the ark, as seen in De ciuit. lib. 16. cap. 7. However, in the end, he concludes with something more useful than his question.

As for the speedie and timelie inhabitation thereof, this is mine opinion, to wit, that it was inhabited shortlie after the diuision of the earth. For I read that when each capteine and his companie had their portions assigned vnto them by Noah in the partition that he made of the whole among his posteritie, they neuer ceased to trauell and search out the vttermost parts of the same, vntill they found out their bounds allotted, and had seene and vewed their limits, euen vnto the verie poles. It shall suffice therefore onelie to haue touched these things in this manner a farre off, and in returning to our purpose, to proceed with the rest concerning the denomination of our Iland, which was knowne [Page 9] Yet Timeus, Ephorus, and some of the Grecians, know the name Britannia, as appeareth also by Diodorus, &c. before the comming of Cesar. vnto most of the Gréekes for a long time, by none other name than Albion, and to saie the truth, euen vnto Alexanders daies, as appeareth by the words of Aristotle in his De mundo, and to the time of Ptolomie: notwithstanding that Brute, as I haue said, had changed the same into Britaine, manie hundred yeares before.

Regarding the swift and timely settling of the land, I believe it was populated shortly after the division of the earth. I read that when each leader and their group received their designated portions from Noah during the distribution of land among his descendants, they continuously traveled and explored the farthest reaches of the land until they discovered their assigned boundaries and had seen their limits, even up to the poles. Therefore, it's sufficient to briefly touch on these topics from afar, and now, returning to our main subject, let’s continue discussing the naming of our island, which was known [Page 9] Yet Timeus, Ephorus, and some of the Greeks know the name Britannia, as also indicated by Diodorus, etc., even before Caesar's arrival. to most of the Greeks for a long time solely as Albion. To tell the truth, even up until the days of Alexander, it was referred to as such, as noted by Aristotle in his De mundo and up to the time of Ptolemy; however, Brute, as I mentioned, had named it Britain many hundreds of years prior.

After Brutus I doo not find that anie men attempted to change it againe, vntill the time that Theodosius, in the daies of Valentinianus and Valens endeuoured, in the remembrance of the two aforesaid Emperours, to call it Valentia, as Marcellinus saith. But as this deuise tooke no hold among the common sort, so it retained still the name of Britaine, vntill the reigne of Ecbert, who about the 800. yeare of Grace, and first of his reigne, gaue foorth an especiall edict, dated at Winchester, that it should be called Angles land, or Angel-landt, for which in our time we doo pronounce it England. And this is all (right honorable) that I haue to say, touching the seuerall names of this Iland, vtterlie misliking in the meane season their deuises, which make Hengist the onlie parent of the later denomination, whereas Ecbert, bicause his ancestours descended from the Angles one of the sixe nations that came with the Saxons into Britaine (for they were not all of one, but of diuers countries, as Angles, Saxons, Germans, Switzers, Norwegiens, Jutes otherwise called Jutons, Vites, Gothes or Getes, and Vandals, and all comprehended vnder the name of Saxons, bicause of Hengist the Saxon and his companie that first arriued here before anie of the other) and therto hauing now the monarchie and preheminence in maner of this whole Iland, called the Of this opinion is Belforest, lib. 3. cap. 44. same after the name of the countrie from whence he derived his originall, neither Hengist, neither anie Queene named Angla, neither whatsoeuer deriuation ab Angulo, as from a corner of the world bearing swaie, or hauing ought to doo at all in that behalfe.

After Brutus, I don't see that anyone else tried to change it again, until Theodosius, during the reigns of Valentinian and Valens, attempted to call it Valentia in honor of those two emperors, as Marcellinus says. However, since this idea didn’t catch on with the public, it continued to be called Britain until the reign of Ecbert. Around the year 800 AD, in the first year of his reign, he issued a special edict, dated at Winchester, that the land should be called Angles land, or Angel-land, which we now pronounce as England. That’s all (honorable friend) I have to say about the various names of this island, strongly disapproving in the meantime of those ideas that make Hengist the only source of this later name. Ecbert, since his ancestors came from the Angles, one of the six nations that arrived with the Saxons in Britain (they were not all from one place, but from various countries like Angles, Saxons, Germans, Swiss, Norwegians, Jutes, also known as Jutons, Vites, Goths or Getes, and Vandals, all referred to under the name of Saxons because of Hengist the Saxon and his group, who first landed here before any of the others), and now having the monarchy and superiority over almost the entire island, named it after the country from which he traced his lineage, not Hengist, nor any queen named Angla, nor any derivation from Angulo, as from a corner of the world holding sway, or having anything to do with that.

WHAT SUNDRIE NATIONS HAUE DWELLED IN ALBION.
CAP. IV.

As few or no nations can iustlie boast themselues to haue continued sithence their countrie was first replenished, without any mixture, more or lesse, of forreine inhabitants; no more can this our Iland, whose manifold commodities haue oft allured sundrie princes and famous capteines of the world to conquer and subdue the same vnto their owne subiection. Manie sorts of people therfore haue come in hither and settled themselues here in this Ile, and first of all other, a parcell Samotheans.] of the linage and posteritie of Japhet, brought in by Samothes in the 1910. after the creation of Adam. Howbeit in processe of time, and after they had indifferentlie replenished and furnished this Iland with people (which was doone in the space of 335. yeares) Albion the giant afore mentioned, repaired hither with a companie of his owne race procéeding from Cham, and not onelie annexed the same to his owne dominion, but brought all such in like sort as he found here of the line of Japhet, into miserable seruitude and most extreame thraldome. After him also, Britains.
Chemminits.
and within lesse than sixe hundred and two yeares, came Brute the sonne of Syluius with a great traine of the posteritie of the dispersed Troians in 324. ships: who rendering the like courtesie vnto the Chemminits as they had doone before unto the séed of Japhet, brought them also wholie vnder his rule and gouernance, and dispossessing the peeres & inferior owners of their lands and possessions, he diuided the countrie among such princes and capteines as he in his arriuall here had led out of Grecia with him.

As few or no nations can rightly claim to have remained unchanged since their land was first settled, with little to no mixing with foreign inhabitants, neither can our island. Its various resources have often attracted many notable rulers and famous leaders to conquer and claim it for themselves. Many different groups of people have come here and settled on this island, starting with a group of Samotheans, descended from Japhet, who were brought by Samothes in 1910 after Adam's creation. Over time, after they had adequately populated and filled this island—a process that took 335 years—Albion, the giant mentioned earlier, came here with a company of his own lineage from Cham. He not only added this land to his own rule but also subjected the descendants of Japhet who were already here to extreme servitude and harsh oppression. Following him, within less than six hundred and two years, came Brute, the son of Sylvius, with a large group of survivors from the dispersed Trojans in 324 ships. He treated the Chemminits in the same way that had been done to the descendants of Japhet, bringing them completely under his control and taking the lands and possessions from both the noble and lesser owners, dividing the territory among the princes and leaders he had brought with him from Greece.

Romans. From hencefoorth I doo not find any sound report of other nation whatsoeuer, that should aduenture hither to dwell, and alter the state of the land, vntill the Romane emperours subdued it to their dominion, sauing of a few Galles, (and those peraduenture of Belgie) who first comming ouer to rob and pilfer vpon the coasts, did afterward plant themselues for altogither neere vnto the shore, and there builded sundrie cities and townes which they named after those of the maine, [Page 10] from whence they came vnto vs. And this is not onelie to be gathered out of Cesar where he writeth of Britaine of set purpose, but also elsewhere, as in his second booke a little after the beginning: for speaking of Deuiaticus king of the Swessions liuing in his time, he affirmeth him not onelie to be the mightiest prince of all the Galles, but also to hold vnder his subiection the Ile of Britaine, of which his sonne Galba was afterward dispossessed. But after the comming of the Romans, it is hard to say with how manie sorts of people we were dailie pestered, almost in euery steed. For as they planted their forworne legions in the most fertile places of the realme, and where they might best lie for the safegard of their conquests: so their armies did commonlie consist of manie sorts of people, and were (as I may call them) a confused mixture of all other countries and nations then liuing in the world. Howbeit, I thinke it best, bicause they did all beare the title of Romans, to reteine onelie that name for them all, albeit they were wofull ghests to this our Iland: sith that with them came all maner of vice and vicious liuing, all riot and excesse of behauiour into our countrie, which their legions brought hither from each corner of their dominions; for there was no prouince vnder them from whence they had not seruitours.

Romans. From now on, I don't find any reliable account of other nations that tried to settle here and change the state of the land until the Roman emperors took control, except for a few Gauls (possibly from Belgium) who first came over to raid the coasts. They later settled close to the shore and built various cities and towns, naming them after those from their homeland, [Page 10] from which they came to us. This can be gathered not only from Caesar, who writes specifically about Britain, but also from other places, such as in his second book shortly after the beginning. He mentions Deuiaticus, king of the Swessions, who was alive during his time, claiming he was not only the most powerful prince among the Gauls but also had control over the Isle of Britain, which his son Galba later lost. However, after the Romans arrived, it’s difficult to say how many different groups we were constantly dealing with, almost everywhere. They stationed their battle-hardened legions in the most fertile parts of the kingdom where they could best protect their conquests. Their armies typically included many different types of people, almost like a mixed bag of all the countries and nations existing at the time. Nevertheless, I think it's best to refer to them all simply as Romans, even if they were terrible guests for our island since they brought with them every kind of vice and corrupt behavior—every form of excess and indulgence—into our land, which their legions introduced from every corner of their empire; for there wasn't a province under their rule that didn’t supply them with servants.

Scots.
Picts.
How and when the Scots, a people mixed of the Scithian and Spanish blood, should arriue here out of Ireland, & when the Picts should come vnto vs out of Sarmatia, or from further toward the north & the Scithian Hyperboreans, as yet it is vncerteine. For though the Scotish histories doo carrie great countenance of their antiquitie in this Iland: yet (to saie fréelie what I thinke) I iudge them rather to haue stolne in hither within the space of 100. yeares before Christ, than to haue continued here so long as they themselues pretend, if my coniecture be any thing. Yet I denie not, but that as the Picts were long planted in this Iland before the Scots aduentured to settle themselues also in Britaine; so the Scots did often aduenture hither to rob and steale out of Ireland, and were finallie called in by the Meats or Picts (as the Romans named them, because they painted their bodies) to helpe them against the Britains, after the which they so planted themselues in these parts, that vnto our time that portion of the land cannot be cleansed of them. I find also that as these Scots were reputed for the most Scithian-like and barbarous nation, and longest without letters; so they vsed commonlie to steale ouer into Britaine in leather skewes, and began to helpe the Picts about or not long before the beginning of Cesars time. For both Diodorus lib. 6. and Strabo lib. 4. doo seeme to speake of a parcell of the Irish nation that should inhabit Britaine in their time, which were giuen to the eating of mans flesh, and therefore called Anthropophagi. Mamertinus in like sort dooth note the Redshanks and the Irish (which are properlie the Scots) to be the onelie enimies of our nation, before the comming of Cæsar, as appeareth in his panegyricall oration, so that hereby it is found that they are no new ghestes in Britaine. Wherefore all the controuersie dooth rest in the time of their first attempt to inhabit in this Iland. Certeinlie I maruell much whie they trauell not to come in with Cantaber and Partholonus: but I see perfectlie that this shift should be too grosse for the maintenance of their desired antiquitie. Now, as concerning their name, the Saxons translated the word Scotus for Irish: whereby it appeareth that those Irish, of whom Strabo and Diodorus doo speake, are none other than those Scots, of whom Ierome speaketh Aduersus Iouinianum, lib. 2. who vsed to feed on the buttocks of boies and womens paps, as delicate dishes. Aethicus writing of the Ile of Man, affirmeth it to be inhabited with Scots so well as Ireland euen in his time. Which is another proofe that the Scots and Irish are all one people. They were also called Scoti by the Romans, bicause their Iland & originall inhabitation thereof were vnknowne, and they themselues an obscure nation in the sight of all the world. Of the Picts. Now as concerning the Picts, whatsoeuer Ranulphus Hygden imagineth to the contrarie of their latter enterance, it is easie to find by Herodian and Mamertinus (of which the one calleth them Meates, the other Redshankes and Pictones) that they were setled in this Ile long before the time of Seuerus, yea of Cæsar, and comming of the Scots. Which is proofe sufficient, if no further authoritie remained extant for the same. So that the controuersie lieth not in their comming also, but in [Page 11] the true time of their repaire and aduenture into this Iland out of the Orchades (out of which they gat ouer into the North parts of our countrie, as the writers doo report) and from whence they came at the first into the aforsaid Ilands. For my part I suppose with other, that they came hither out of Sarmatia or Scythia: for that nation hauing had alwaies an eie vnto the commodities of our countrie, hath sent out manie companies to inuade and spoile the same. It may be that some will gather, those to be the Picts, of whom Cæsar saith that they stained their faces with wad and madder, to the end they might appeare terrible and feareful to their enimies; and so inferre that the Picts were naturall Britans. But it is one thing to staine the face onelie as the Britans did, of whom Propertius saith,

Scots.
Picts.
How and when the Scots, a people of mixed Scythian and Spanish ancestry, arrived here from Ireland, and when the Picts came to us from Sarmatia or further north among the Scythian Hyperboreans, is still uncertain. While Scottish histories boast a long-standing presence in this island, I honestly believe they likely sneaked in about 100 years before Christ rather than having occupied this land for as long as they claim, if my guess means anything. However, I don’t deny that, just as the Picts were well-established in this island long before the Scots decided to settle in Britain, the Scots often ventured here to plunder and steal from Ireland, eventually being invited by the Meats or Picts (as the Romans called them because they painted their bodies) to help them against the Britons. After that, they settled here so thoroughly that even today that part of the land cannot be cleared of them. I also find that these Scots were considered one of the most Scythian-like and barbarous nations, remaining longest without written language; they commonly crossed into Britain in leather boats and began helping the Picts around the time of Caesar. Both Diodorus in Book 6 and Strabo in Book 4 appear to mention a group from the Irish nation living in Britain during their time, known for eating human flesh, and therefore called Anthropophagi. Mamertinus likewise notes that the Redshanks and the Irish (which specifically means the Scots) were the only enemies of our nation before Caesar arrived, as shown in his panegyric oration, indicating that they were not new arrivals in Britain. Therefore, all the debate centers on the timing of their first attempt to settle in this island. I find it puzzling why they don’t try to arrive with Cantaber and Partholonus, but it seems clear that this would be too obvious for maintaining their claimed antiquity. Regarding their name, the Saxons translated the term Scotus to mean Irish: thus, it appears that the Irish referenced by Strabo and Diodorus are indeed those Scots mentioned by Jerome in Adversus Jovinianum, Book 2, who were said to feast on the buttocks of boys and women’s breasts as delicacies. Aethicus, writing about the Isle of Man, asserts that it was inhabited by Scots as much as Ireland even in his time. This further supports the idea that the Scots and Irish are essentially the same people. They were also called Scoti by the Romans because their island and original settlement were unknown, and they were an obscure nation in the eyes of the world. Of the Picts. Now concerning the Picts, whatever Ranulphus Hygden claims about their later arrival, it's easy to find from Herodian and Mamertinus (one calling them Meates and the other Redshanks and Pictones) that they were settled in this island long before the time of Severus and even Caesar, before the Scots arrived. This is sufficient evidence unless no other authority exists to support it. Thus, the debate lies not in their arrival but in the true time of their migration and venture into this island from the Orkneys (from where they crossed into the northern parts of our country, according to the writers) and from where they first came to those islands. Personally, I believe, along with others, that they came here from Sarmatia or Scythia: this nation has always had an eye on the resources of our country and has sent many groups to invade and plunder. Some might conclude that these are the Picts referred to by Caesar, who stained their faces with woad and madder to appear fearsome to their enemies, inferring that the Picts were native Britons. But staining the face alone, as the Britons did, is one thing, of which Propertius says,

Nunc etiam infectos demum mutare Britannos,

Nunc etiam infectos demum mutare Britannos,

And to paint the images and portraitures of beasts, fish and foules ouer the whole bodie, as the Picts did, of whom Martial saith,

And to paint the images and portraits of beasts, fish, and birds all over the body, like the Picts did, whom Martial said,

Barbara depictis veni Bascauda Britannis.

Barbara arrives in Britain.

Certes the times of Samothes and Albion, haue some likelie limitation; and so we may gather of the comming in of Brute, of Cæsar, the Saxons, the Danes, the Normans, and finallie of the Flemmings, (who had the Rosse in Wales assigned vnto them 1066. after the drowning of their countrie.) But when first the Picts, & then the Scots should come ouer into our Iland, as they were obscure people, so the time of their arriuall is as far to me vnknowne. Wherefore the resolution of this point must still remaine In tenebris. This neuerthelesse is certeine, that Maximus first Legate of Britaine, and afterward emperour, draue the Scots out of Britaine, and compelled them to get habitation in Ireland, the out Iles, and the North part of the maine, and finallie diuided their region betwéene the Britaines and the Picts. He denounced warre also against the Irishmen, for receiuing them into their land: but they crauing the peace, yéelded to subscribe, that from thence-foorth they would not receiue any Scot into their dominions; and so much the more, for that they were pronounced enimies to the Romans, and disturbers of the common peace and quietnesse of their prouinces here in England.

Surely the times of Samothes and Albion have some likely limitations; and from the arrival of Brute, Caesar, the Saxons, the Danes, the Normans, and finally the Flemings (who were assigned the Rosse in Wales in 1066 after their country was drowned), we can gather some information. However, when the Picts and then the Scots first arrived on our island, they were obscure people, so the timing of their arrival is still unknown to me. Therefore, the resolution of this matter must remain unclear. Nevertheless, it is certain that Maximus, the first Legate of Britain and later emperor, drove the Scots out of Britain and forced them to settle in Ireland, the outlying islands, and the northern part of the mainland. He also divided their region between the Britons and the Picts. He declared war on the Irish for giving the Scots refuge, but they, seeking peace, agreed to not allow any Scots to enter their territories from then on; particularly because the Scots were declared enemies of the Romans and disruptors of the common peace and order of their provinces here in England.

The Saxons became first acquainted with this Ile, by meanes of the piracie which they dailie practised vpon our coastes (after they had once begun to aduenture themselues also vpon the seas, thereby to seeke out more wealth than was now to be gotten in the West parts of the maine, which they and their neighbours had alreadie spoiled in most lamentable and barbarous maner) howbeit they neuer durst presume to The hurt by forren aid. inhabit in this Iland, vntill they were sent for by Vortiger to serue him in his warres against the Picts and Scots, after that the Romans had giuen vs ouer, and left vs wholie to our owne defense and regiment. Being therefore come vnder Hengist in three bottoms or kéeles, and in short time espieng the idle and negligent behauiour of the Britaines, and fertilitie of our soile, they were not a little inflamed to make a full conquest of such as at the first they came to aid and succour. Herevpon also they fell by little and little to the winding in of greater numbers of their countrimen and neighbours, with their wiues and children into this region, so that within a while these new comlings began to molest the homelings, and ceased not from time to time to continue their purpose, vntill they had gotten possession of the whole, or at the leastwise the greatest part of our countrie; the Britons in the meane season being driuen either into Wales and Cornewall, or altogither out of the Iland to séeke new habitations.

The Saxons first learned about this island through the piracy they regularly carried out along our coasts (after they had started venturing out to sea in search of more wealth than what was available in the western parts of the mainland, which they and their neighbors had already plundered in a very brutal and savage way). However, they never dared to settle in this island until Vortigern called upon them to help him in his wars against the Picts and Scots, after the Romans had abandoned us and left us entirely to our own defense and governance. They arrived under Hengist on three ships, and soon noticing the lazy and careless behavior of the Britons along with the fertility of our land, they were motivated to conquer those they initially came to assist. Consequently, they gradually brought over more of their countrymen and neighbors, along with their wives and children into this area, so that before long, these newcomers began to trouble the locals and persisted in their efforts until they had taken control of the whole, or at least the majority, of our country; in the meantime, the Britons were driven either into Wales and Cornwall or completely out of the island to seek new homes.

Danes. In like maner the Danes (the next nation that succéeded) came at the first onelie to pilfer and robbe vpon the frontiers of our Iland, till that in the end, being let in by the Welshmen or Britons through an earnest desire to be reuenged vpon the Saxons, they no lesse plagued the one than the other, their fréends than their aduersaries, seeking by all meanes possible to establish themselues also in the sure possession of Britaine. But such was their successe, that they prospered not long in their deuise: for so great was their lordlinesse, crueltie, and [Page 12] insatiable desire of riches, beside their detestable abusing of chast matrons, and yoong virgins (whose husbands and parents were dailie inforced to become their drudges and slaues, whilest they sat at home and fed like drone bées of the sweet of their trauell and labours) that God I say would not suffer them to continue any while ouer vs, but when he saw his time he remooued their yoke, and gaue vs liberty as it were to breath vs, thereby to see whether this his sharpe scourge could haue mooued vs to repentance and amendment of our lewd and sinfull liues, or not. But when no signe thereof appeared in our hearts, he called in an The Normans. other nation to vex vs, I meane the Normans, a people mixed with Danes, and of whom it is worthilie doubted, whether they were more hard and cruell to our countrimen than the Danes, or more heauie and intollerable to our Iland than the Saxons or the Romans. This nation came out of Newstria, the people thereof were called Normans by the French, bicause the Danes which subdued that region, came out of the North parts of the world: neuerthelesse, I suppose that the ancient word Newstria, is corrupted from West-rijc, bicause that if you marke the situation, it lieth opposite from Austria or Ost-rijc, which is called the East region, as Newstria is the Weast: for Rijc in the old Scithian toong dooth signifie a region or kingdome, as in Franc-rijc, or Franc-reich, Westsaxon-reich, Ost saxon-reich, Su-rijc, Angel-rijc, &c, is else to be séene. But howsoeuer this falleth out, these Normans or Danish French, were dedlie aduersaries to the English Saxons, first by meane of a quarell that grew betwéene them in the daies of Edward the Confessour, at such time as the Earle of Bullen, and William Duke of Normandie, arriued in this land to visit him, & their freends; such Normans (I meane) as came ouer with him and Emma his mother before him, in the time of Canutus and Ethelred. For the first footing that euer the French did set in this Iland, sithence the time of Ethelbert & Sigebert, was with Emma, which Ladie brought ouer a traine of French Gentlemen and Ladies with hir into England.

Danish people. Similarly, the Danes (the next nation that followed) initially came just to loot and raid along the borders of our island, until eventually, being invited in by the Welsh or Britons out of a strong desire for revenge against the Saxons, they tormented both friends and foes alike, trying by all means to secure their position in Britain. However, their success was short-lived; their arrogance, cruelty, and insatiable desire for wealth, coupled with their deplorable abuse of virtuous women and young girls (whose husbands and parents were daily forced to become their servants and slaves while they lazed at home, living off the hard work of others) were such that God would not let them remain over us for long. When the time came, He removed their yoke and granted us a chance to breathe and reflect, to see if this harsh punishment could move us to repentance and a change in our wicked and sinful ways. But when we showed no signs of change in our hearts, He brought in another nation to trouble us, meaning the Normans, a people mixed with Danes, and it is justly questioned whether they were harsher and more cruel to our countrymen than the Danes, or more burdensome and intolerable than the Saxons or the Romans. This nation came from Neustria, and the people were called Normans by the French because the Danes who conquered that region came from the northern parts of the world. Nevertheless, I believe the ancient name Neustria is derived from West-rijc, because if you observe the geography, it lies opposite to Austria or Ost-rijc, which is called the East region, as Neustria is the West. The term Rijc in the old Scythian language signifies a region or kingdom, as seen in Franc-rijc, or Franc-reich, Wessex-reich, Ost-saxon-reich, Su-rijc, Angel-rijc, etc. But however this may be, these Normans or Danish French were deadly enemies to the English Saxons, first due to a quarrel that arose between them in the days of Edward the Confessor, at the time when the Earl of Boulogne and William Duke of Normandy arrived in this land to visit him and their friends; specifically, those Normans who traveled with him and Emma, his mother, before him, during the time of Canute and Ethelred. The first presence of the French in this island since the times of Ethelbert and Sigebert was with Emma, who brought over a group of French gentlemen and ladies with her to England.

The cause of the conquest by the Normans. After hir also no small numbers of attendants came in with Edward the Confessour, whome he preferred to the greatest offices in the realme, in so much that one Robert a Norman, became Archbishop of Canturburie, whose preferment so much enhanced the minds of the French, on the one side, as their lordlie and outragious demeanour kindled the stomachs of the English nobilitie against them on the other: insomuch that not long before the death of Emma the kings mother, and vpon occasion of the brall hapning at Douer (whereof I haue made sufficient mention in my Chronologie, not regarding the report of the French authors in this behalfe, who write altogither in the fauour of their Archbishop Robert, but following the authoritie of an English préest then liuing in the court) the English Peeres began to shew their disliking in manifest maner. Neuerthelesse, the Normans so bewitched the king with their lieng and bosting, Robert the Archbishop being the chéefe instrument of their practise, that he beléeued them, and therevpon vexed sundrie of the nobilitie, amongst whom Earle Goodwijn of Kent was the chéefe, a noble Gentleman and father in law to king Edward by the mariage of his daughter. The matter also came to such issue against him, that he was exiled, and fiue of his sonnes with him, wherevpon he goeth ouer the sea, and soone after returning with his said sonnes, they inuaded the land in sundrie places, the father himselfe comming to London, where when the kings power was readie to ioine with him in battell, it vtterlie refused so to doo: affirming plainelie, that it should be méere follie for one Englishman to fight against another, in the reuenge of Frenchmens quarels: which answer entred so déeplie into the kings mind, that he was contented to haue the matter heard, and appointing commissioners for that purpose; they concluded at the vpshot, that all the French should depart out of England by a day, few excepted, whom the Archbishop of Can. exiled, and the rest of the French. king should appoint and nominate. By this means therfore Robert the Archbishop, & of secret counsell with the king, was first exiled as principall abuser & seducer of the king, who goeth to Rome, & there complaineth to the Pope of his iniurie receiued by the English. Howbeit as he returned home againe with no small hope of the readeption of his See, he died in Normandie, whereby he saued a killing. Certes he was the first that euer tendered complaint out of England vnto Rome, & with him went William Bishop of London (afterward reuoked) and Vlfo of Lincolne, who hardlie escaped the furie of the English nobilitie. Some also went [Page 13] into Scotland, and there held themselues, expecting a better time. And this is the true historie of the originall cause of the conquest of England by the French: for after they were well beaten at Douer, bicause of their insolent demeanour there shewed, their harts neuer ceased to boile with a desire of reuenge that brake out into a flame, so soone as their Robert possessed the primacie, which being once obteined, and to set his mischéefe intended abroch withall, a contention was quicklie procured about certeine Kentish lands, and controuersie kindled, whether he or the Earle should haue most right vnto them. The king held with the Erle Goodwine slandered by the French writers. priest as with the church, the nobilitie with the Earle. In processe also of this businesse, the Archbishop accused the Earle of high treason, burdening him with the slaughter of Alfred the kings brother, which was altogither false: as appeareth by a treatise yet extant of that matter, written by a chaplaine to king Edward the Confessour, in the hands of Iohn Stow my verie fréend, wherein he saith thus, "Alfredus incautè agens in aduentu suo in Angliam a Danis circumuentus occiditur." He addeth moreouer, that giuing out as he came through the countrie accompanied with his few proud Normans, how his meaning was to recouer his right vnto the kingdome, and supposing that all men would haue yéelded vnto him, he fell into their hands, whome Harald then king did send to apprehend him, vpon the fame onelie of this report brought vnto his eares. So that (to be short) after the king had made his pacification with the Earle, the French (I say) were exiled, the Quéene restored to his fauour (whom he at the beginning of this broile had imprisoned at Wilton, allowing hir but one onlie maid to wait upon hir) and the land reduced to hir former quietnesse, which continued vntill the death of the king. After which the Normans not forgetting their old grudge, remembred still their quarell, that in the end turned to their conquest of this Iland. After which obteined, they were so cruellie bent The miserie of the English vnder the French. to our vtter subuersion and ouerthrow, that in the beginning it was lesse reproch to be accounted a slaue than an Englishman, or a drudge in anie filthie businesse than a Britaine: insomuch that euerie French page was superiour to the greatest Peere; and the losse of an Englishmans life but a pastime to such of them as contended in their brauerie, who should giue the greatest strokes or wounds vnto their bodies, when their toiling and drudgerie could not please them, or satisfie their gréedie humors. Yet such was our lot in those daies by the diuine appointed order, that we must needs obey such as the Lord did set ouer vs, and so much the rather, for that all power to resist was vtterlie taken from vs, and our armes made so weake and feeble that they were not now able to remooue the importable load of the enimie from our surburdened The cause of our miserie. shoulders. And this onelie I saie againe, bicause we refused grace offered in time, and would not heare when God by his Preachers did call vs so fauourablie vnto him. Oh how miserable was the estate of our countrie vnder the French and Normans, wherein the Brittish and English that remained, could not be called to any function in the commonwealth, no not so much as to be constables and headburowes in small villages, except they could bring 2. or 3. Normans for suerties to the Lords of the soile for their good behauiour in their offices! Oh what numbers of all degrées of English and Brittish were made slaues and bondmen, and bought and sold as oxen in open market! In so much that at the first comming, the French bond were set free; and those that afterward became bond, were of our owne countrie and nation, so that few or rather none of vs remained free without some note of bondage and seruitude to the French. Hereby then we perceiue, how from time to time this Iland hath not onelie béene a prey, but as it were a common receptacle for strangers, the naturall homelings or Britons being still cut shorter and shorter, as I said before, till in the end they came not onelie to be In this voiage the said Harald builded Portaschith, which Caradoch ap Griffin afterward ouerthrew, and killed the garrison that Harald left therein. driuen into a corner of this region, but in time also verie like vtterlie to haue beene extinguished. For had not king Edward, surnamed the saint, in his time, after greeuous wars made vpon them 1063. (wherein Harald latelie made Earle of Oxenford, sonne to Goodwin Earle of Kent, and after king of England, was his generall) permitted the remnant of their women to ioine in mariage with the Englishmen (when the most part of their husbands and male children were slaine with the sword) it could not haue béene otherwise chosen, but their whole race must néeds haue susteined the [Page 14] vttermost confusion, and thereby the memorie of the Britons vtterlie haue perished among vs.

The reason for the Normans' conquest. Afterward, many attendants came in with Edward the Confessor, whom he promoted to the highest offices in the kingdom. One Robert, a Norman, became Archbishop of Canterbury, which greatly pleased the French but stirred up resentment among the English nobility due to their arrogant behavior. Not long before the death of Emma, the king's mother, and because of the incident at Dover (which I’ve mentioned in my Chronology, disregarding the accounts of the French authors who support their Archbishop Robert, and following the authority of an English priest living at court), the English peers began to openly show their discontent. Nevertheless, the Normans charmed the king with their lies and boasting, with Robert the Archbishop being the main instigator, convincing him to harass several members of the nobility, particularly Earl Godwin of Kent, who was a nobleman and father-in-law to King Edward through his daughter. The matter escalated to the point where he was exiled, along with five of his sons. He crossed the sea and soon returned with his sons, invading the land in various places. The father himself came to London, where the king's forces were ready to join him in battle but outright refused, stating that it would be sheer folly for one Englishman to fight another in revenge for the quarrels of the French. This response struck the king deeply, leading him to allow the matter to be heard. He appointed commissioners for this purpose, and they ultimately decided that all the French should leave England by a certain date, with a few exceptions as determined by the king. The Archbishop of Canterbury was exiled, along with the rest of the French. Thus, Robert the Archbishop, as the chief manipulator and seducer of the king, was first exiled. He went to Rome, where he complained to the Pope about the injury he received from the English. However, while returning home with high hopes of regaining his position, he died in Normandy, escaping a deadly fate. Certainly, he was the first to ever bring a complaint from England to Rome, accompanied by William Bishop of London (later recalled) and Ulf of Lincoln, who barely escaped the fury of the English nobility. Others went [Page 13] to Scotland and remained there, waiting for a better time. This is the true story of the original cause of the conquest of England by the French. After they were severely beaten at Dover due to their insolent conduct, their hearts never ceased to boil with a desire for revenge, which erupted into a fever once Robert attained the primacy. Once he gained that position, a conflict was quickly stirred over certain lands in Kent, sparking a debate over who had the most right to them—he or the Earl. The king sided with the priest and the church, while the nobility sided with the Earl. As this issue progressed, the Archbishop accused the Earl of treason, claiming he was responsible for the death of Alfred, the king's brother, which was completely false, as shown by a treatise still extant on that matter, written by a chaplain to King Edward the Confessor, in the possession of my dear friend John Stow, where it states, "Alfred, acting recklessly upon his arrival in England, was surrounded and killed by the Danes." He adds that, while traveling through the country with his few proud Normans, Alfred claimed he intended to reclaim his rights to the kingdom, assuming everyone would yield to him, he fell into their hands, whom King Harald sent to apprehend him, based solely on the rumor of this report. So, to be brief, after the king reached a peace agreement with the Earl, the French were exiled, the queen restored to his favor (he had imprisoned her at Wilton at the beginning of this conflict, allowing her only one maid to attend her), and the land returned to its former peace, which lasted until the king's death. After that, the Normans, not forgetting their old grudge, still remembered their quarrel, ultimately leading to their conquest of this island. After their victory, they were so cruelly determined to bring about our total subjugation that in the beginning, it was less shameful to be considered a slave than an Englishman, or a laborer in any filthy task than a Briton. So much so that every French page was superior to the highest noble; the loss of an Englishman's life was merely a pastime for them as they competed in bravado, trying to inflict the greatest wounds upon their bodies when their labor and drudgery could not satisfy their greedy desires. Yet our fate in those days was set by divine order, so we had to obey those whom the Lord placed over us. This was even more pressing since all power to resist was utterly taken from us, and our arms were so weak that they could no longer bear the unbearable burden of the enemy on our overburdened The cause of our misery. shoulders. And I say again that this was because we refused the grace offered at the right time and would not listen when God, through his Preachers, called us so favorably to him. Oh, how miserable was our country under the French and Normans, where the British and English who remained could not occupy any position in the commonwealth, not even as constables and heads of small villages, unless they could bring 2 or 3 Normans as sureties to the local Lords for their good behavior in their offices! Oh, how many English and British of all ranks were made slaves and bondmen, bought and sold like cattle in open markets! So that upon the initial arrival, the French bonds were set free, and those who later became bond were from our own country and nation, leaving few, if any, of us free from some mark of bondage and servitude to the French. Thus, we see how over time this island has not only been prey but also a common refuge for outsiders, with the natural inhabitants or Britons being progressively marginalized, as I said earlier, until ultimately they were not just driven into a corner of this region but also faced the danger of complete extinction. For had not King Edward, known as the saint, during his time, after fierce wars against them in 1063 (wherein Harald, recently made Earl of Oxford, son of Goodwin, Earl of Kent, and later King of England, was his general) allowed the remnant of their women to marry Englishmen (when most of their husbands and male children had been killed), their entire race would surely have faced utter destruction [Page 14] and the memory of the Britons would have completely perished among us.

Thus we see how England hath six times beene subiect to the reproch of conquest. And wheras the Scots séeme to challenge manie famous victories also ouer us, beside gréeuous impositions, tributs, & dishonorable compositions: it shall suffice for answer, that they deale in this as in the most part of their historie, which is to seeke great honor by lieng, & great renowme by prating and craking. Indeed they haue doone great mischéefe in this Iland, & with extreme crueltie; but as for any conquest the first is yet to heare of. Diuers other conquests also haue béene pretended by sundrie princes sithence the conquest, onelie to the end that all pristinate lawes and tenures of possession might cease, and they make a new disposition of all things at their owne pleasure. As one by king Edw. the 3. but it tooke none effect. Another by Henrie the 4. who neuerthelesse was at the last though hardlie drawne from the challenge by William Thorington, then cheefe Justice of England. The third by Henrie the 7. who had some better shew of right, but yet without effect. And the last of all by Q. Marie, as some of the papists gaue out, and also would haue had hir to haue obteined, but God also staied their malices, and hir challenge. But beside the six afore mentioned, Huntingdon the old historiographer speaketh of a seuenth, likelie (as he saith) to come one daie out of the North, which is a wind that bloweth no man to good, sith nothing is to be had in those parts, but hunger & much cold. Sée more hereof in the historie of S. Albons, and aforsaid author which lieth on the left side of the librarie belonging now to Paules: for I regard no prophesies as one that doubteth from what spirit they doo procéed, or who should be the author of them.

Thus, we see that England has been subjected to the disgrace of conquest six times. While the Scots seem to claim many famous victories over us, along with heavy burdens, tributes, and dishonorable agreements, it suffices to say that they often seek great honor through lies and fame through boasting. Indeed, they have caused significant harm in this island, with extreme cruelty; however, as for any true conquest, that still remains to be seen. Various other conquests have been asserted by several princes since the original conquest, merely to ensure that all ancient laws and ownership claims would cease, allowing them to reshape everything as they wished. One was attempted by King Edward III, but it had no effect. Another was by Henry IV, who was ultimately deterred from pursuing it by William Thorington, then Chief Justice of England. The third was by Henry VII, who had a somewhat better claim but still achieved nothing. The last was by Queen Mary, as some of the Papists asserted and hoped she would obtain, but God thwarted their evil intentions and her claim. Besides these six, the old historian Huntington mentions a seventh, which he says is likely to come one day from the North, a place that brings no good, as little can be found there but hunger and extreme cold. See more about this in the history of St. Albans, and from the aforementioned author, who is to the left side of the library now belonging to St. Paul's: I take no stock in prophecies, as I am skeptical about their origin and authorship.

WHETHER IT BE LIKELIE THAT ANY GIANTS WERE, AND WHETHER THEY INHABITED
IN THIS ILE OR NOT.

CAP. V.

Besides these aforesaid nations, which haue crept (as you haue heard) into our Iland, we read of sundrie giants that should inhabit here. Which report as it is not altogither incredible, sith the posterities of diuers princes were called by the name: so vnto some mens eares it seemeth so strange a rehersall, that for the same onelie cause they suspect the credit of our whole historie, & reiect it as a fable, vnworthie to be read. They also condemne the like in all other histories, especiallie of the North, where men are naturallie of greatest stature, imagining all to be but fables that is written of Starcater, Hartben, Angrine, Aruerode, &c: of whom Saxo, Johannes Magnus and Olaus doo make mention, & whose bones doo yet remaine to be seene as rare miracles in nature. Of these also some in their life time were able to lift vp (as they write) a vessell of liquor of 1000. weight, or an horsse, or an oxe, & cast it on their shoulders (wherein their verie women haue beene likewise knowne to come néere vnto them) and of the race of those men, some were séene of no lesse strength in the 1500. of Grace, wherein Olaus liued, and wrote the same of his owne experience and knowledge. Of the giant of Spaine that died of late yeares by a fall vpon the Alpes, as he either went or came fro Rome, about the purchase of a dispensation to marrie with his kinswoman (a woman also of much more than common stature) there be men yet liuing, and may liue long for age, that can saie verie much euen by their owne knowledge. Wherfore it appeareth by present experience, that all is not absolutelie vntrue which is remembred of men of such giants. For this cause therfore I haue now taken vpon me to make this breefe discourse insuing, as indeuouring therby to prooue, that the opinion of giants is not altogither grounded vpon vaine and fabulous narrations, inuented onelie to delight the eares of the hearers with the report of maruellous things: but that there haue beene such men in deed, as for their hugenesse of person haue resembled rather* high towers than mortall men, although their posterities are * Esay. 30. vers. 25. [Page 15] now consumed, and their monstruous races vtterlie worne out of knowledge.

Besides the nations mentioned before that have made their way into our island, we read about various giants who supposedly inhabited it. This idea isn't entirely unbelievable, especially since the descendants of different princes were referred to by this name. However, some people find such tales so strange that they doubt the credibility of our entire history and dismiss it as a fable unworthy of being read. They also criticize similar accounts in other histories, especially those from the North, where people are naturally of larger stature, thinking that everything written about Starcater, Hartben, Angrine, Aruerode, etc., is just fantasy, despite mentions by Saxo, Johannes Magnus, and Olaus, whose bones still exist as rare marvels of nature. Some of these giants were said to be able to lift a vessel weighing 1,000 pounds, or a horse or an ox, and throw it onto their shoulders (and their women were also known to come close to this strength). Some of the descendants of these giants were seen with similar strength in the 1500s, during the time Olaus lived and wrote based on his own experience and knowledge. Regarding the giant from Spain who recently died after falling in the Alps while either going to or coming from Rome to obtain a dispensation to marry his cousin (who was also unusually tall), there are still living witnesses who can speak on this from their own knowledge and may live for a long time due to their age. Therefore, current experiences show that not everything mentioned about such giants is completely false. For this reason, I have taken it upon myself to create this brief discussion, attempting to demonstrate that the belief in giants isn't solely based on empty and fanciful tales invented merely to entertain listeners with miraculous stories. Instead, there have indeed been such individuals who, due to their immense stature, resembled more high towers than mortal men, although their descendants have now disappeared, and their monstrous lineage is entirely forgotten. * Easy. 30. verse. 25. [Page 15]

I doo not meane herein to dispute, whether this name Gigas or Nephilim was giuen vnto them, rather for their tyrannie and oppression of the people, than for their greatnesse of bodie, or large steps, as Goropius would haue it (for he denieth that euer men were greater than at this present) or bicause their parents were not knowne, for such in old time were called Terræ filij; or whether the word Gigas dooth onlie signifie Indigenas, or homelings, borne in the land or not; neither whether all men were of like quantitie in stature, and farre more greater in old time, than now they be: and yet absolutelie I denie neither of these, sith verie probable reasons may be brought for ech of them, but especiallie the last rehearsed, whose confirmation dependeth vpon the authorities of sundrie ancient writers, who make diuers of noble race, equall to the giants in strength and manhood, and yet doo not giue the same name vnto them, bicause their quarels were iust, and commonlie taken in hand for defense of the oppressed. Examples hereof we may Antheus.
Lucane lib. 4 in fine.
take of Hercules and Antheus, whose wrestling declareth that they were equall in stature & stomach. Such also was the courage of Antheus, that being often ouercome, and as it were vtterlie vanquished by the said Hercules, yet if he did eftsoones returne againe into his kingdome, he forthwith recouered his force, returned and held Hercules tacke, till he gat at the last betwéene him and home, so cutting off the farther hope of the restitution of his armie, and killing finallie his aduersarie in the field, of which victorie Politian writeth thus:

I don't mean here to argue whether the name Gigas or Nephilim was given to them more for their tyranny and oppression of the people than for their size or long strides, as Goropius suggests (he claims that no men have ever been larger than they are now) or because their parents were unknown, as such people in ancient times were called Terræ filii; or whether the word Gigas only means indigenous people or locals born in the land or not; or whether all men were the same height and much taller in ancient times than they are today. I deny none of these ideas because very plausible reasons can be presented for each, especially the last one, whose support relies on the writings of several ancient authors, who show that many of noble lineage were equal to giants in strength and valor, yet were not given the same name because their battles were just and usually taken on in defense of the oppressed. Examples of this can be seen with Hercules and Antheus, whose wrestling demonstrates that they were equal in size and spirit. Antheus had such courage that, even though he was often defeated and seemingly entirely overcome by Hercules, if he returned to his kingdom, he immediately regained his strength, returned, and challenged Hercules until he finally managed to cut off the hope of restoring his army and ultimately killed his opponent in battle, of which Politian wrote this:

Incaluere animis dura certare palæstra,

In the fierce arena, minds are heated,

Neptuni quondàm filius atque Iouis:

Neptune, once the son of Jupiter:

Non certamen erant operoso ex ære lebetes,

Non certamen erant operoso ex ære lebetes,

Sed qui vel vitam vel ferat interitum:

Sed qui vel vitam vel ferat interitum:

Occidit Antæus Ioue natum viuere fas est,

Occidit Antæus, it is just for Jupiter's son to live.

Estq; magistra Pales Græcia, non Lybia.

Estq; magistra Pales Græcia, non Lybia.

Corineus.
Gomagot.
The like doo our histories report of Corineus and Gomagot, peraduenture king of this Ile, who fought a combat hand to hand, till one of them was slaine, and yet for all this no man reputeth Hercules or Corineus for giants, albeit that Hanuile in his Architrenion make the later to be 12. cubits in height, which is full 18. foot, if poeticall licence doo not take place in his report and assertion. But sith (I say againe) it is not my purpose to stand vpon these points, I passe ouer to speake any more of them. And whereas also I might haue proceeded in such order, that I should first set downe by manie circumstances, whether any giants were, then whether they were of such huge and incredible stature as the authours doo remember, and finallie whether any of them haue beene in this our Iland or not, I protest plainlie, that my mind is not here bent to deale in any such maner, but rather generallie to confirme and by sufficient authoritie, that there haue beene such mightie men of stature, and some of them also in Britaine, which I will set downe onelie by sundrie examples, whereby it shall fall out, that neither our Iland, nor any part of the maine, haue at one time or other béen altogither without them. First of all therfore, & to begin with the scriptures, the most sure & certeine ground of all knowledge: you shall haue out of them such notable examples set downe, as I haue obserued in reading the same, which vnto the godlie may suffice for sufficient proofe of my position. Neuerthelesse, after the scriptures I will resort to the writings of our learned Diuines, and finallie of the infidell and pagane authors, whereby nothing shall seeme to want that may confute Goropius, and all his cauillations.

Corineus. Gomagot. Our histories talk about Corineus and Gomagot, perhaps the king of this island, who fought a duel until one of them was killed. Yet despite all this, no one considers Hercules or Corineus to be giants, even though Hanuile in his Architrenion claims the latter was 12 cubits tall, which is about 18 feet, unless poetic license is at play in his account. But since (I say again) it’s not my goal to dwell on these points, I’ll move on and say no more about them. While I could have approached this by discussing many details, such as whether giants actually existed, whether they were as huge and incredible as the authors describe, and finally, whether any of them were in our island, I clearly state that my intention isn’t to take that route. Instead, I plan to generally confirm, with enough authority, that there have indeed been mighty men of stature, some even in Britain, which I will illustrate solely through various examples, showing that neither our island nor any part of the mainland has ever been entirely without them. To start with, and to begin with the scriptures, the most reliable foundation of all knowledge: you will find notable examples from them, which I have noted in my reading, that should serve as sufficient proof for the faithful regarding my position. Nevertheless, after the scriptures, I will turn to the writings of our learned theologians and finally to the works of infidel and pagan authors, ensuring nothing is lacking to refute Goropius and all his arguments.

Cap. 6. vers. 5. Moses the prophet of the Lord, writing of the estate of things before the floud, hath these words in his booke of generations. In these daies saith he, there were giants vpon the earth. Berosus also the Chalde Anti. li. 1. writeth, that néere vnto Libanus there was a citie called Oenon (which I take to be Hanoch, builded sometime by Cham) wherein giants did inhabit, who trusting to the strength and hugenesse of their bodies, did verie great oppression and mischeefe in the world. The Hebrues called them generallie Enach, of Hanach the Chebronite, father to Achimam, Scheschai [Page 16] and Talma, although their first originall was deriued from Henoch the sonne of Caine, of whome that pestilent race descended, as I read. The Moabits named them Emims, and the Ammonites Zamsummims, and it should seeme by the second of Deut. cap. 19, 20. that Ammon and Moab were greatlie replenished with such men, when Moses wrote that treatise. For of these monsters some families remained of greater stature than other Nu. cap. 13. verse 33, & 34. vnto his daies, in comparison of whome the children of Israell confessed themselues to be but grashoppers. Which is one noble testimonie that the word Gigas or Enach is so well taken for a man of huge stature, as for an homeborne child, wicked tyrant, or oppressour of the people.

Cap. 6. vers. 5. Moses, the prophet of the Lord, writing about the state of things before the flood, says in his book of generations that in those days there were giants on the earth. Berosus, the Chaldean, also writes that near Lebanon, there was a city called Oenon (which I believe is Hanoch, built at one time by Ham) where giants lived. These giants, relying on their strength and size, caused great oppression and harm in the world. The Hebrews generally called them Enach, after Hanach the Chebronite, father to Achimam, Scheschai, and Talma, although their true origin traced back to Henoch, the son of Cain, from whom that wicked race descended, as I have read. The Moabites called them Emims, and the Ammonites Zamsummims, and it seems from the second chapter of Deut. cap. 19, 20. that Ammon and Moab were greatly filled with such men when Moses wrote that work. For from these monsters, some families remained of greater stature than others Num. 13:33-34. in his days, compared to whom the children of Israel admitted they felt like grasshoppers. This is a notable testimony that the word Gigas or Enach is well understood to mean a man of huge stature, just as it can refer to a wicked tyrant or oppressor of the people.

Deut. 3. vers. 11.
Og of Basan.
Furthermore, there is mention made also in the scriptures of Og, sometime king of Basan, who was the last of the race of the giants, that was left in the land of promise to be ouercome by the Israelits, & whose iron bed was afterward shewed for a woonder at Rabbath (a citie of the Ammonites) conteining 9. cubits in length, and 4. in bredth, which cubits I take not to be geometricall, (that is, each one so great as six of the smaller, as those were wherof the Arke was made, as our Diuines affirme, especiallie Augustine: whereas Origen, hom. 2. in Gen. out of whom he seemeth to borrow it, appeareth to haue no such meaning directlie) but rather of the arme of a meane man, which oftentimes dooth varie & differ from the standard. Oh how Goropius dalieth about the historie of this Og, of the breaking of his pate against the beds head, & of hurting his ribs against the sides, and all to prooue, that Og was not bigger than other men, and so he leaueth the matter as sufficientlie answered with a French countenance of truth. But see August. de ciuit. lib. 15. cap. 25. & ad Faustum Manich. lib. 12. Ambros. &c. and Johannes Buteo that excellent geometrician, who hath written of purpose of the capacitie of the Arke.

Og of Bashan. The scriptures also mention Og, once king of Basan, who was the last of the giants left in the Promised Land to be defeated by the Israelites. His iron bed was later shown as a wonder at Rabbath, a city of the Ammonites, measuring 9 cubits long and 4 cubits wide. I believe these cubits are not geometric (meaning each one is not six times the size of the smaller ones used to make the Ark, as our theologians assert, especially Augustine). Origen, in hom. 2. in Gen., from whom Augustine seems to borrow, does not appear to hold that view directly. Instead, these cubits are likely of an average person's arm, which can often vary from the standard. Oh, how Goropius goes on about the story of Og, claiming that he hit his head against the bed's headboard and hurt his ribs against the sides, all to prove that Og wasn't bigger than other men, leaving the matter as if it has been sufficiently addressed with a French twist of truth. But see Augustine de ciuit. lib. 15. cap. 25. & ad Faustum Manich. lib. 12. Ambrose, etc., and Johannes Buteo, that excellent geometer, who has written specifically about the capacity of the Ark.

Cap. 17. ver. 4,
5, 6. Goliah.
In the first of Samuel you shall read of Goliah a Philistine, the weight of whose brigandine or shirt of maile was of 5000. sicles, or 1250. ounces of brasse, which amounteth to 104. pound of Troie weight after 4. common sicles to the ounce. The head of his speare came vnto ten pound English or 600. sicles of that metall. His height also was measured at six cubits and an hand bredth. All which doo import that he was a notable giant, and a man of great stature & strength to weare such an armour, and beweld so heauie a lance. But Goropius thinking himselfe still to haue Og in hand, and indeuouring to extenuate the fulnesse of the letter to his vttermost power, dooth neuerthelesse earnestlie affirme, that he was not aboue three foot more than the common sort of men, or two foot higher than Saule: and so he leaueth it as determined.

Cap. 17. ver. 4, 5, 6. Goliath. In the first book of Samuel, you will read about Goliath, a Philistine, whose armor weighed 5,000 shekels, or 1,250 ounces of bronze, which equals 104 pounds Troy weight after converting from 4 common shekels to the ounce. The head of his spear weighed about 10 pounds English or 600 shekels of that metal. His height was also measured at six cubits and a handbreadth. All of this shows that he was a remarkable giant and a man of great size and strength to wear such armor and wield such a heavy lance. However, Goropius, believing he still had Og in mind and trying to downplay the letter's fullness as much as possible, nonetheless firmly claims that he was no more than three feet taller than the average man, or two feet taller than Saul, and thus leaves it stated as a fact.

Cap. 21. ver. 16, 17, &c. In the second of Samuel, I find report of foure giants borne in Geth; of which Ishbenob the first, that would haue killed Dauid, had a speare, whose head weighed the iust halfe of that of Goliath: the second called Siphai, Sippai or Saph, 1. Par. 20. was nothing inferiour to the first: the third hight also Goliah, the staffe of whose speare was like vnto the beame of a weauers loome, neuerthelesse he was slaine in the second battell in Gob by Elhanan, as the first was by Abisai Ioabs brother, and the second by Elhanan. The fourth brother (for they were all brethren) was slaine at Gath by Ionathan nephew to Dauid, and he was not onlie huge of personage, but also of disfigured forme, for he had 24. fingers and toes. Wherby it is euident, that the generation of giants was not extinguished in Palestine, vntill the time of Dauid, which was 2890. after the floud, nor vtterlie consumed in Og, as some of our expositors would haue it.

Cap. 21. ver. 16, 17, etc. In the second book of Samuel, I read about four giants born in Gath. The first, Ishbenob, wanted to kill David and had a spear with a head that weighed exactly half of Goliath's. The second one, named Siphai, Sippai, or Saph, as mentioned in 1 Chronicles 20, was just as formidable as the first. The third was also named Goliath; his spear's shaft was like the beam of a weaver's loom, yet he was killed in the second battle at Gob by Elhanan, just as the first was slain by Abishai, Joab's brother, and the second by Elhanan. The fourth brother (since they were all siblings) was killed at Gath by Jonathan, David's nephew, and he was not only huge in stature but also disfigured, having 24 fingers and toes. This shows that the lineage of giants didn't disappear in Palestine until the time of David, which was 2890 years after the flood, and it wasn't completely wiped out in Og, as some of our interpreters suggest.

Now to come vnto our christian writers. For though the authorities alreadie alleged out of the word, are sufficient to confirme my purpose at the full; yet will I not let to set downe such other notes as experience hath reuealed, onelie to the end that the reader shall not thinke the name of giants, with their quantities, and other circumstances, mentioned in the scriptures, rather to haue some mysticall interpretation depending vpon them, than that the sense of the text in this behalfe is to be taken simplie as it speaketh. And first of all to omit that which Tertullian Lib. 2. de resurrect. saith; De ciuitate Dei lib. 15. cap. 9. S. Augustine noteth, how he with other saw the tooth of a man, wherof he tooke good aduisement, and pronounced in the end that it would haue made [Page 17] 100. of his owne, or anie other mans that liued in his time. The like Iohannes Boccacius. hereof also dooth Iohn Boccace set downe, in the 68. chapter of his 4. booke, saieng that in the caue of a mountaine, not far from Drepanum (a towne of Sicilia called Eryx as he gesseth) the bodie of an exceeding high giant was discouered, thrée of whose teeth did weigh 100. ounces, which being conuerted into English poise, doth yeeld eight pound and foure ounces, after twelue ounces to the pound, that is 33. ounces euerie tooth.

Now let’s talk about our Christian writers. Although the authorities already cited from the scripture are enough to fully support my argument, I will also include some other observations revealed by experience, just so the reader doesn’t think the mention of giants, their sizes, and other details in the scriptures is more about some mystical interpretation rather than the straightforward meaning of the text. First, to skip what Tertullian mentions in Book 2 of "On the Resurrection," City of God, Book 15, Chapter 9. Saint Augustine notes that he, along with others, observed a human tooth, which he carefully examined and concluded could have belonged to him or anyone else living at that time. Similarly, John Boccaccio. John Boccaccio also writes about this in Chapter 68 of his fourth book, stating that in a cave on a mountain not far from Drepanum (a town in Sicily he refers to as Eryx), the body of an incredibly tall giant was discovered, and three of his teeth weighed 100 ounces, which converts to eight pounds and four ounces in English weight, considering twelve ounces to the pound, meaning each tooth weighed 33 ounces.

He addeth farther, that the forepart of his scull was able to conteine manie bushels of wheat, and by the proportion of the bone of his thigh, A carcase discouered of 200. cubits. the Symmetricians iudged his bodie to be aboue 200. cubits. Those teeth, scull, and bones, were (and as I thinke yet are, for ought I know to the contrarie) to be seene in the church of Drepanum in perpetuall memorie of his greatnesse, whose bodie was found vpon this occasion. As some digged in the earth to laie the foundation of an house, the miners happened vpon a great vault, not farre from Drepanum: whereinto when they were entred, they saw the huge bodie of a man sitting in the caue, of whose greatnesse they were so afraid, that they ranne awaie, and made an outcrie in the citie, how there sat a man in such a place, so great as an hill: the people hearing the newes, ran out with clubs and weapons, as if they should haue gone vnto a foughten field, and 300. of them entring into the caue, they foorthwith saw that he was dead, and yet sat as if he had been aliue, hauing a staffe in his hand, compared by mine author vnto the mast of a tall ship, which being touched fell by and by to dust, sauing the nether end betwéene his hand and the ground, whose hollownesse was filled with 1500. pound weight of lead, to beare vp his arme that it should not fall in péeces: neuerthelesse, his bodie also being touched fell likewise into dust, sauing three of his aforesaid teeth, the forepart of his scull, and one of his thigh bones, which are reserued to be séene of such as will hardlie beleeue these reports.

He adds that the front part of his skull could hold many bushels of wheat, and based on the size of his thigh bone, the mathematicians estimated his body to be over 200 cubits tall. Those teeth, skull, and bones were (and I believe still are, for all I know) displayed in the church of Drepanum as a lasting reminder of his greatness. His body was discovered when some workers were digging the foundation for a house and came across a large vault not far from Drepanum. When they entered it, they saw the massive body of a man sitting in the cave. They were so startled by the sight that they ran away and shouted in the city about a man sitting in a place as big as a hill. Upon hearing the news, people rushed out with clubs and weapons as if heading into battle. Three hundred of them entered the cave and soon realized he was dead, yet he appeared to be alive, holding a staff in his hand, which my source compared to the mast of a tall ship. When they touched it, it crumbled to dust, except for the end that was between his hand and the ground, which was hollow and filled with 1,500 pounds of lead to support his arm so it wouldn't fall apart. Nonetheless, his body also fell to dust when touched, except for three of his aforementioned teeth, the front part of his skull, and one of his thigh bones, which are preserved for those who can hardly believe these accounts.

In the histories of Brabant I read of a giant found, whose bones were 17. or 18. cubits in length, but Goropius, as his maner is, denieth them to be the bones of a man, affirming rather that they were the bones of an elephant, because they somwhat resembled those of two such beasts which were found at the making of the famous ditch betwéene Bruxels and Machlin. As though there were anie precise resemblance betwéene the bones of a man and of an elephant, or that there had euer béene any elephant of 27. foot in length. But sée his demeanour. In the end he granteth that another bodie was found vpon the shore of Rhodanus, of thirtie foot in length. Which somewhat staieth his iudgement, but not altogither remooueth his error.

In the histories of Brabant, I read about a giant whose bones were 17 or 18 cubits long. However, Goropius, as usual, denies that they belong to a human, claiming instead that they were the bones of an elephant, because they somewhat resembled those of the two elephants found while digging the famous ditch between Brussels and Malines. As if there was any precise comparison between human bones and those of an elephant, or that there had ever been an elephant 27 feet long. But just look at his reasoning. In the end, he acknowledges that another body was found on the shore of the Rhône, measuring thirty feet in length. This somewhat shakes his judgment, but it doesn’t completely remove his error.

Mat. Westmon. The bodie of Pallas was found in Italie, in the yeare of Grace 1038. and being measured it conteined twentie foot in length, this Pallas was companion with Æneas.

Mat. Westmon. The body of Pallas was discovered in Italy in the year 1038 AD, and when measured, it was twenty feet long. This Pallas was a companion of Aeneas.

Iohannes Leland. There was a carcase also laid bare 1170. in England vpon the shore (where the beating of the sea had washed awaie the earth from the stone wherein it laie) and when it was taken vp it conteined 50. foot in Mafieus, lib. 14. Triuet. measure, as our histories doo report. The like was seene before in
Mat. West.
Wales, in the yeare 1087. of another of 14. foot.

Iohannes Leland. There was also a carcass uncovered in 1170 in England on the shore (where the waves had washed away the soil from the stone it rested on), and when it was retrieved, it measured 50 feet, as our histories report. A similar one was seen earlier in Wales in 1087, measuring 14 feet. Mafieus, lib. 14. Triuet.
Matt. West.

In Perth moreouer a village in Scotland another was taken vp, which to this daie they shew in a church, vnder the name of little John (per Antiphrasin) being also 14. foot in length, as diuerse doo affirme which Hector Boet. haue beholden the same, and whereof Hector Boetius dooth saie, that he did put his whole arme into one of the hanch bones: which is worthie to be remembred.

In Perth, there’s also a village in Scotland where another one was found, which they still show in a church today, under the name of Little John (ironically), measuring 14 feet in length, as various people claim who have seen it, and where Hector Boetius says he put his whole arm into one of the hip bones, which is notable to mention.

In the yeare of Grace 1475. the bodie of Tulliola the daughter of Cicero was taken vp, & found higher by not a few foot than the common sort of women liuing in those daies.

In the year 1475, the body of Tulliola, the daughter of Cicero, was exhumed and found to be several feet taller than the average women living at that time.

Geruasius Tilberiensis. Geruasius Tilberiensis, head Marshall to the king of Arles writeth in his Chronicle dedicated to Otho 4. how that at Isoretum, in the suburbes of Paris, he saw the bodie of a man that was twentie foot long, beside the head and the necke, which was missing & not found, the owner hauing peraduenture béene beheaded for some notable trespasse committed in times past, or (as he saith) killed by S. William.

Geruasius Tilberiensis. Geruasius Tilberiensis, the chief marshal to the King of Arles, writes in his Chronicle dedicated to Otho 4 about how he saw the body of a man who was twenty feet long at Isoretum, in the suburbs of Paris. The head and neck were missing and not found, possibly because the owner had been beheaded for some significant crime committed in the past, or as he mentions, killed by St. William.

The Greeke writers make mention of Andronicus their emperour, who liued 1183. of Grace, and was ten foot in height, that is, thrée foot higher than the Dutch man that shewed himselfe in manie places of England, [Page 18] 1582. this man maried Anna daughter to Lewis of France (before assured to Alexius, whome he strangled, dismembred and drowned in the sea) the ladie not being aboue eleuen yeares of age, whereas he was an old dotard, and beside hir he kept Marpaca a fine harlot, who ruled him as she listed.

The Greek writers mention Andronicus, their emperor, who lived in 1183 AD, and was ten feet tall, which is three feet taller than the Dutch man who appeared in many places in England. This man married Anna, the daughter of Louis of France (who had previously been promised to Alexius, whom he strangled, dismembered, and drowned in the sea). The lady was no more than eleven years old, while he was an old man, and alongside her, he kept Marpaca, a beautiful prostitute, who controlled him as she pleased. [Page 18]

Zonaras speaketh of a woman that liued in the daies of Justine, who being borne in Cilicia, and of verie comelie personage, was neuerthelesse almost two foot taller than the tallest woman of hir time.

Zonaras talks about a woman who lived during the days of Justinian, who was born in Cilicia and was very attractive, yet was almost two feet taller than the tallest woman of her time.

Sir Thomas Eliot. A carcase was taken vp at Iuie church neere Salisburie but of late yeares to speake of, almost fourtéene foot long, in Dictionario Eliotæ.

Sir Thomas Eliot. A carcass was found at Iuie church near Salisbury, which in recent years has been said to be almost fourteen feet long, in Dictionario Eliotæ.

Leland in Combrit. In Gillesland in Come Whitton paroche not far from the chappell of the Moore, six miles by east from Carleill, a coffin of stone was found, and therein the bones of a man, of more than incredible greatnes. In like sort Leland speaketh of another found in the Ile called Alderney, whereof you shall read more in the chapiter of our Ilands.

Leland in Combrit. In Gillesland in Come Whitton parish, not far from the chapel of the Moore, a stone coffin was discovered, containing the bones of a man of astonishing size. Similarly, Leland mentions another one found on the Isle called Alderney, which you can read more about in the chapter about our Islands.

Richard Grafton. Richard Grafton in his Manuell telleth of one whose shinbone conteined six foot, and thereto his scull so great that it was able to receiue fiue pecks of wheat. Wherefore by coniecturall symmetrie of these parts, his bodie must needs be of 24. foot, or rather more, if it were The Symmetrie or proportion of the bodie of a comelie man. diligentlie measured. For the proportion of a comelie and well featured bodie, answereth 9. times to the length of the face, taken at large from the pitch of the crowne to the chin, as the whole length is from the same place vnto the sole of the foot, measured by an imagined line, and seuered into so manie parts by like ouerthwart draughts, as Drurerus in his lineall description of mans bodie doth deliuer. Neuertheles, this symmetrie is not taken by other than the well proportioned face, for Recta, orbiculata (or fornicata) prona, resupinata, and lacunata (or repanda) doo so far degenerate from the true proportion as from the forme and beautie of the comelie. Hereby also they make the face taken in strict maner, to be the tenth part of the whole bodie, that is, frō the highest part of the forehead to the pitch of the chin, so that in the vse of the word face there is a difference, wherby the 9. part is taken (I say) from the crowne (called Vertex, because the haire there turneth into a circle) so that if the space by a rule were truelie taken, I meane from the crowne or highest part of the head to the pitch of the nether chap, and multiplied by nine, the length of the whole bodie would easilie appeare, & shew it selfe at the full. In like maner I find, that from the elbow to the top of the midle finger is the 4. part of the whole length, called a cubit: from the wrist to the top of the same finger, a tenth part: the length of the shinbone to the ancle a fourth part (and all one with the cubit:) from the top of the finger to the third ioint, two third parts of the face from the top of the forehead. Which obseruations I willinglie remember in this place, to the end that if anie such carcases happen to be found hereafter, it shall not be hard by some of these bones here mentioned, to come by the stature of the whole bodie, in certeine & exact maner. As for the rest of the bones, ioints, parts, &c: you may resort to Drurerus, Cardan, and other writers, sith the farther deliuerie of them concerneth not my purpose. To proceed therefore with other examples, I read that the bodie Sylvester Gyraldus. of king Arthur being found in the yeare 1189. was two foot higher than anie man that came to behold the same. Finallie the carcase of William Conqueror was séene not manie yeares since (to wit, 1542.) in the citie Constans fama Gallorum. of Cane, twelue inches longer, by the iudgment of such as saw it, than anie man which dwelled in the countrie. All which testimonies I note togither, bicause they proceed from christian writers, from whome nothing should be farther or more distant, than of set purpose to lie, and feed the world with fables.

Richard Grafton. Richard Grafton in his Manual tells of someone whose shinbone was six feet long, and whose skull was so large that it could hold five pecks of wheat. Therefore, based on the conjectural symmetry of these parts, his body must have been at least 24 feet tall, or possibly more, if it were The symmetry or proportions of a good-looking man's body. measured carefully. The proportion of a handsome and well-featured body corresponds to 9 times the length of the face, measured broadly from the highest point of the crown to the chin, just as the total body length is measured from the same point to the sole of the foot, by an imagined line, divided into several parts by similar cross measurements, as Dürer describes in his linear depiction of the human body. Nevertheless, this symmetry is measured only by the well-proportioned face, because Recta, orbiculata (or fornicata), prona, resupinata, and lacunata (or repanda) deviate significantly from true proportion, as well as from the form and beauty of the handsome. Thus, they also make the face, taken in strict terms, to be the tenth part of the whole body, that is, from the highest part of the forehead to the lowest point of the chin, so there’s a distinction in the use of the word face, where the 9th part is considered (I say) from the crown (called Vertex, because the hair there forms a circle), so if the distance were correctly measured, from the crown or highest point of the head to the lowest point of the chin, and multiplied by nine, the total length of the body would easily be revealed. Similarly, I find that from the elbow to the top of the middle finger is one-fourth of the whole length, called a cubit; from the wrist to the tip of the same finger, a tenth part; the length of the shinbone to the ankle is one-fourth (the same as the cubit); from the tip of the finger to the third joint, two-thirds of the face from the top of the forehead. I willingly mention these observations here, so that if any such skeletons are found in the future, it will not be difficult, based on some of these bones mentioned, to determine the stature of the entire body in a certain and exact manner. As for the other bones, joints, parts, etc., you can refer to Dürer, Cardan, and other authors, as further discussion on them is not my purpose. To proceed with other examples, I read that the body Sylvester Gyraldus. of King Arthur, found in the year 1189, was two feet taller than any man who came to see it. Finally, the corpse of William the Conqueror was seen not many years ago (specifically, in 1542) in the city The fame of the Gauls. of Caen, twelve inches longer, according to those who saw it, than any man living in the country. I note all these testimonies together because they come from Christian writers, from whom one should expect nothing further or more distant than a deliberate intent to deceive or fill the world with fables.

In our times also, and whilest Francis the first reigned ouer France, there was a man séene in Aquiteine, whome the king being in those parties made of his gard, whose height was such, that a man of common heigth might easilie go vnder his twist without stooping, a stature Briat. incredible. Moreouer Casanion, a writer of our time, telleth of the bones of Briat a giant found of late in Delphinois, of 15. cubits, the diameter of whose scull was two cubits, and the breadth of his shoulders foure, as he himselfe beheld in the late second wars of France, & wherevnto the report of Ioan Marius made in his bookes De Galliarum [Page 19] illustrationibus,where he writeth of the carcase of the same giant found not farre from the Rhodanus, which was 22. foot long, from the scull to the sole of the feet, dooth yéeld sufficient testimonie. Also Calameus in his commentaries De Biturigibus, confirmeth no lesse, adding that he was found 1556. & so dooth Baptista Fulgosus, lib. 1. cap. 6. saieng farther, that his graue was seene not farre from Valentia, and discouered by the violence and current of the Rhodanus. The said Casanion in like sort speaketh of the bones of a man which he beheld, one of whose téeth was a foot long, and eight pound in weight. Also of the sepulchre of another neere vnto Charmes castell, which was nine paces in length, things incredible to vs, if eiesight did not confirme it in our owne times, and these carcases were not reserued by the verie prouidence of God, to the end we might behold his works, and by these relikes vnderstand, that such men were in old time in deed, of whose statures we now begin to doubt. Now to say somwhat also of mine owne knowledge, there is the thighbone of a man to be séene in the church of S. Laurence néere Guildhall in London, which in time past was 26. inches in length, but now it beginneth to decaie, so that it is shorter by foure inches than it was in the time of king Edward. Another also is to be seene in Aldermarie burie, of some called Aldermanburie, of 32. inches and rather more, whereof the symmetrie hath beene taken by some skilfull in that practise, and an image made according to that proportion, which is fixt in the east end of the cloister of the same church, not farre from the said bone, and sheweth the person of a man full ten or eleuen foot high, which as some say was found in the cloister of Poules, that was neere to the librarie, at such time as the Duke of Somerset did pull it downe to the verie foundation, and carried the stones thereof to the Strand, where he did build his house. These two bones haue I séene, beside other, whereof at the beholding I tooke no great heed, bicause I minded not as then to haue had any such vse of their proportions, and therefore I will speake no more of them: this is sufficient for my purpose that is deliuered out of the christian authors.

In our time, while Francis I was reigning over France, there was a man seen in Aquitaine, whom the king made part of his guard. His height was such that a man of average height could easily walk under his arms without bending down; a truly incredible stature. Moreover, Casanion, a writer of our time, mentions the bones of Briat, a giant recently found in Delphinois, who measured 15 cubits tall, with a skull diameter of 2 cubits and shoulder width of 4 cubits, which he himself saw during the recent second wars of France. The account by Ioan Marius in his books about the Illustrations of the Gauls also provides sufficient evidence, where he writes about the carcass of the same giant found not far from the Rhône, which was 22 feet long from the skull to the soles of the feet. Calameus also confirms this in his commentaries on the Bituriges, noting he was found in 1556, as does Baptista Fulgosus in book 1, chapter 6, stating that his grave was seen not far from Valentia, uncovered by the force of the Rhône. Casanion similarly describes the bones of another man he observed, whose tooth was a foot long and weighed eight pounds. He also talks about the grave of another near Château de Charmes, which was nine paces long—things that would seem incredible to us if our own eyes hadn’t confirmed them in our time, and these remains weren’t preserved by God's providence so we could witness His works and understand that such men truly existed in ancient times, of whose sizes we now begin to doubt. Additionally, I can share my own observations: there is a thighbone of a man displayed in the church of St. Laurence near Guildhall in London, which used to be 26 inches long but has started to decay, now being four inches shorter than it was in King Edward's time. Another one can be seen in Aldermary Church, also known as Aldermanbury, measuring 32 inches or slightly more, from which measurements have been taken by some skilled in that practice, creating a figure based on that proportion, which is fixed at the east end of the cloister of the same church, not far from the mentioned bone. This figure represents a man who is about ten or eleven feet tall, which, as some claim, was found in the cloister of St. Paul's when the Duke of Somerset demolished it down to the very foundations and took the stones to the Strand, where he built his house. I have seen these two bones, among others, but at the time, I didn’t pay much attention as I wasn’t considering their proportions for any purpose, so I won't discuss them further. This is sufficient for my purpose, as presented from Christian authors.

Now it resteth furthermore that I set downe, what I haue read therof in Pagane writers, who had alwaies great regard of their credit, and so ought all men that dedicate any thing vnto posteritie, least in going about otherwise to reape renowme and praise, they doo procure vnto themselues in the end nothing else but meere contempt and infamie. For my part I will touch rare things, and such as to my selfe doo séeme almost incredible: howbeit as I find them, so I note them, requiring your Honour in reading hereof, to let euerie Author beare his owne burden, and euerie oxe his bundle.

Now it’s important to note that I will write down what I've read from ancient writers, who always cared about their reputation, and all should do the same when sharing anything with future generations. Otherwise, in their quest for fame and praise, they might only end up with nothing but contempt and disgrace. For my part, I’ll focus on extraordinary things that seem almost unbelievable to me. However, I’ll present them as I find them, and I ask that as you read this, you allow each author to stand by their own work, and each individual to carry their own load.

In vita Sertorij de Antheo. Plutarch telleth how Sertorius being in Lybia, néere to the streicts of Maroco, to wit, at Tingi (or Tanger in Mauritania, as it is now called) caused the sepulchre of Antheus, afore remembred to be opened: for hearing by common report that the said giant laie buried there, whose corps was fiftie cubits long at the least, he was so far off from crediting the same, that he would not beleeue it, vntill he saw the coffin open wherein the bones of the aforesaid prince did rest. To be short therefore, he caused his souldiers to cast downe the hill made sometime ouer the tombe, and finding the bodie in the bottome coffined in stone, after the measure therof taken, he saw it manifestlie to be 60. cubits in length, which were ten more than the people made accompt of, which Strabo also confirmeth.

In the life of Sertorius of Antheo. Plutarch tells how Sertorius, while in Libya, near the straits of Morocco, specifically at Tingi (now called Tanger in Mauritania), ordered the tomb of Antheus, mentioned earlier, to be opened. He had heard from common gossip that the giant was buried there, and that his body was at least fifty cubits long. He was so skeptical about this that he wouldn’t believe it until he saw the coffin opened, revealing the bones of the aforementioned prince. In short, he had his soldiers remove the hill that had once been built over the tomb, and when they found the body in a stone coffin and measured it, he saw that it was clearly 60 cubits long—ten more than what people had thought, which Strabo also confirms.

Pausanias reporteth out of one Miso, that when the bodie of Aiax was found, the whirlebone of his knée was adiudged so broad as a pretie dish: also that the bodie of Asterius somtime king of Creta was ten cubits long, and that of Hyllus or Gerion no lesse maruelous than the rest, all which Goropius still condemneth to be the bones of monsters of the sea (notwithstanding the manifest formes of their bones, epitaphes, and inscriptions found ingrauen in brasse and lead with them in their sepulchres) so far is he from being persuaded and led from his opinion.

Pausanias reports from one Miso that when Ajax's body was found, the kneecap was judged to be as wide as a pretty plate. He also mentions that the body of Asterius, once king of Crete, was ten cubits long, and that of Hyllus or Geryon was no less astounding than the others. Despite the clear shapes of their bones, tombstones, and engravings found in bronze and lead within their graves, Goropius still insists they are the bones of sea monsters, showing no sign of being swayed from his belief.

Philostrate. Philostrate in Heroicis saith, how he saw the bodie of a giant thirtie cubits in length, also the carcase of another of two and twentie, and the third of twelue.

Philostrate. Philostrate in Heroicis says that he saw the body of a giant thirty cubits long, the carcass of another that was twenty-two, and a third that was twelve.

Liuie in the seauenth of his first decade, speaketh of an huge person which made a challenge as he stood at the end of the Anien bridge, against any Romane that would come out and fight with him, whose [Page 20] stature was not much inferiour to that of Golias, of Artaches (of whome Herodot speaketh in the historie of Xerxes) who was sixe common cubits of stature, which make but fiue of the kings standard, bicause this is longer by thrée fingers than the other. Of Pusio, Secundilla, & Cabaras, of which the first two liuing vnder Augustus were aboue ten foot, and the later vnder Claudius of full nine, and all remembred by Plinie; of Eleazar a Jew, of whome Iosephus saith, that he was sent to Tiberius, and a person of heigth fiue cubits; of another of whom Nicephorus maketh mention lib. 12. cap. 13. Hist. eccles. of fiue cubits and an handfull, I say nothing, bicause Casanion of Mutterell hath alredie sufficientlie discoursed vpon these examples in his De gigantibus, which as I gesse he hath written of set purpose against Goropius, who in his Gigantomachia, supposeth himselfe to haue killed all the giants in the world, and like a new Iupiter Alterum carcasse Herculem, as the said Casanion dooth merilie charge and vpbraid him.

In the seventh year of his first decade, Liuie talks about a giant who issued a challenge while standing at the end of the Anien bridge, daring any Roman to come out and fight him. His size was nearly on par with that of Goliath, and Artaches (whom Herodotus mentions in the history of Xerxes), who was six common cubits tall, which translates to just five of the king’s standard because that one is three fingers longer than the other. As for Pusio, Secundilla, and Cabaras, the first two, living under Augustus, were over ten feet tall, and the latter, under Claudius, was a full nine feet, all noted by Pliny; there was also Eleazar, a Jew, of whom Josephus says he was sent to Tiberius and was five cubits tall; another mentioned by Nicephorus in Book 12, Chapter 13 of Ecclesiastical History, who was five cubits and a handful. I won't say more because Casanion of Mutterell has already extensively discussed these examples in his work De gigantibus, which I assume he wrote specifically against Goropius, who claims in his Gigantomachia that he has slain all the giants in the world, and like a new Jupiter Alterum carcasse Herculem, as Casanion rightly accuses him.

Lib. 7. Plinie telleth of an earthquake at Creta, which discouered the body of a giant, that was 46. cubits in length after the Romane standard, and by diuerse supposed to be the bodie of Orion or Ætion. Neuerthelesse I read, that Lucius Flaccus and Metellus did sweare Per sua capita, that it was either the carcase of some monster of the sea, or a forged deuise to bleare the peoples eies withall, wherein it is wonderfull to see, how they please Goropius as one that first deriued his fantasticall imagination from their asseueration & oth. The said Plinie also addeth that the bodie of Orestes was seuen cubits in length, one Gabbara of Arabia nine foot nine inches, and two reserued In conditorio Sallustianorum halfe a foot longer than Gabbara was, for which I neuer read that anie man was driuen to sweare.

Lib. 7. Pliny tells about an earthquake in Crete that revealed the body of a giant, which was 46 cubits long according to the Roman standard, and many thought it was the body of Orion or Ætion. However, I read that Lucius Flaccus and Metellus swore on their lives that it was either the carcass of some sea monster or a fabricated trick to deceive the public, which shows how they convinced Goropius, who seems to have based his bizarre imagination on their claims and oath. Pliny also notes that the body of Orestes was seven cubits long, one Gabbara of Arabia was nine feet nine inches, and two preserved in the Sallustian tombs were half a foot longer than Gabbara, for which I have never read that anyone had to swear an oath.

Trallianus. Trallianus writeth how the Athenienses digging on a time in the ground, to laie the foundation of a new wall to be made in a certeine Iland in the daies of an emperour, did find the bones of Macrosyris in a coffin of hard stone, of 100. cubits in length after the accompt of the Romane cubit, which was then either a foot and a halfe, or not much in difference from halfe a yard of our measure now in England. These verses also, as they are now translated out of Gréeke were found withall,

Trallianus. Trallianus writes that the Athenians, while digging to lay the foundation of a new wall on a certain island during the reign of an emperor, found the bones of Macrosyris in a hard stone coffin, measuring 100 cubits long by Roman standards, which was about a foot and a half or not much different from half a yard in our current measurements in England. These verses, as they are now translated from Greek, were also found alongside it,

Sepultus ego Macrosyris in longa insula

Sepultus ego Macrosyris in longa insula

Vitæ peractis annis mille quinquies:

After living 1,500 years:

which amounteth to 81. yeares foure moneths, after the Aegyptian reckoning.

which amounts to 81 years and four months, according to the Egyptian calendar.

In the time of Hadrian the emperour, the bodie of the giant Ida was taken vp at Messana, conteining 20. foot in length, and hauing a double row of teeth, yet standing whole in his chaps. Eumachus also in Perigesi, telleth that when the Carthaginenses went about to dich in their prouince, they found two bodies in seuerall coffins of stone, the one was 23. the other 24. cubits in length, such another was found in Bosphoro Cymmerio after an earthquake, but the inhabitants did cast those bones into the Meotidan marris. In Dalmatia, manie graues were shaken open with an earthquake, in diuers of which certeine carcases were found, whose ribs conteined 16. els, after the Romane measure, whereby the whole bodies were iudged to be 64. sith the longest rib is commonlie about the fourth part of a man, as some rouing symmetricians affirme.

During the time of Emperor Hadrian, the body of the giant Ida was uncovered in Messana, measuring 20 feet in length and still having a double row of teeth intact in its jaws. Eumachus, in Perigesi, mentions that when the Carthaginians were digging in their province, they discovered two bodies in separate stone coffins; one was 23 cubits long and the other 24. Another similar body was found in the Bosporus after an earthquake, but the locals threw those bones into the Sea of Azov. In Dalmatia, many graves were opened due to an earthquake, and in several of them, certain corpses were found whose ribs measured 16 elbows according to the Roman measurement, leading to the estimation that the entire bodies were 64 elbows long, since the longest rib is typically about a quarter of a person's height, as some roaming mathematicians assert.

Arrhianus saith, that in the time of Alexander the bodies of the Asianes were generallie of huge stature, and commonlie of fiue cubits, and such was the heigth of Porus of Inde, whom the said Alexander vanquished and ouerthrew in battell.

Arrhianus says that during Alexander's time, the people of Asia were generally very tall, commonly around five cubits in height, and such was the height of Porus of India, whom Alexander defeated in battle.

Suidas speaketh of Ganges, killed also by the said prince, who farre exceeded Porus; for he was ten cubits long. What should I speake of Artaceas a capitaine in the host of Xerxes, afore remembred, whose heigth was within 4. fingers bredth of fiue cubits, & the tallest man in the armie except the king himselfe. Herod. lib. 7. Of Athanatus whom Plinie remembreth I saie nothing. But of all these, this one example shall passe, which I doo read of in Trallianus, and he setteth downe in forme and manner following.

Suidas talks about Ganges, who was also killed by the same prince and was much taller than Porus, measuring ten cubits long. What should I say about Artaceas, a captain in Xerxes' army, mentioned earlier, who was just four fingers short of five cubits, and was the tallest man in the army besides the king himself? Herodotus, book 7. I won't mention Athanatus, who Pliny refers to. But among all these, I'll share one example that I read about in Trallianus, and he describes it as follows.

In the daies of Tiberius th'emperor saith he, a corps was left bare or laid open after an earthquake, of which ech tooth (taken one with another) conteined 12. inches ouer at the least. Now forsomuch as in [Page 21] A mouth of sixteene foot wide. such as be full mouthed, ech chap hath commonlie 16. teeth at the least, which amount vnto 32. in the whole, needs must the widenesse of this mans chaps be welneere of 16. foot, and the opening of his lips fiue at the least. A large mouth in mine opinion, and not to eat peason with Ladies of my time, besides that if occasion serued, it was able to receiue the whole bodies of mo than one of the greatest men, I meane of such as we be in our daies. When this carcase was thus found, euerie man maruelled at it, & good cause why. A messenger was sent to Tiberius the A counterfect made of a monstrous carcase by one tooth taken out of the head. emperour also to know his pleasure, whether he would haue the same brought ouer vnto Rome or not, but he forbad them, willing his Legate not to remooue the dead out of his resting place, but rather somewhat to satisfie his phantasie to send him a tooth out of his head, which being done, he gaue it to a cunning workeman, commanding him to shape a carcase of light matter, after the proportion of the tooth, that at the least by such means he might satisfie his curious mind, and the fantasies of such as are delited with nouelties. To be short, when the This man was more fauorable to this monster than our papists were to the bodies of the dead who tare them in peeces to make money of them. image was once made and set vp on end, it appéered rather an huge colossie than the true carcase of a man, and when it had stood in Rome vntill the people were wearie & throughlie satisfied with the sight thereof, he caused it to be broken all to peeces, and the tooth sent againe to the carcase frō whence it came, willing them moreouer to couer it diligentlie, and in anie wise not to dismember the corps, nor from thencefoorth to be so hardie as to open the sepulchre anie more. Pausan. lib. 8. telleth in like maner of Hiplodanus & his fellowes, who liued when Rhea was with child of Osyris by Cham, and were called to hir aid at such time as she feared to be molested by Hammon hir first Grandiáque effossis mirabitur ossa sepulchris. husband, whilest she remained vpon the Thoumasian hill, "In ipso loco," saith he, "spectantur ossa maiora multo quàm vt humana existimari possunt, &c." Of Protophanes who had but one great and broad bone in steed of all his ribs on ech side I saie nothing, sith it concerneth not his stature.

In the days of Tiberius, the emperor stated that a body was found exposed after an earthquake, and each tooth (taken one by one) measured at least 12 inches long. Since typical mouths with full sets of teeth usually have at least 16 teeth per jaw, totaling 32, the width of this man's jaws must have been nearly 16 feet, with his lips opening at least 5 feet. That's quite a large mouth, in my opinion, not exactly suitable for sharing peas with the ladies of my time. Moreover, if necessary, it could easily accommodate the entire bodies of more than one of the biggest men of our day. When this corpse was discovered, everyone was amazed, and rightly so. A messenger was sent to Tiberius, the emperor, to see if he wanted the body transported to Rome, but he forbade it, instructing his legate not to disturb the dead but instead to satisfy his curiosity by sending him a tooth from its head. Once that was done, he had a skilled craftsman shape a likeness of the body using lightweight materials, in order to indulge his inquisitive nature and those who delight in novelties. In short, when the model was completed and set upright, it appeared more like a gigantic statue than the actual corpse of a man. After it had stood in Rome until the people grew tired of it and were thoroughly satisfied by the sight, he had it smashed into pieces and sent the tooth back to the corpse from which it came, instructing them to cover it carefully and absolutely not to disturb the remains or attempt to open the tomb again. Pausanias in book 8 similarly recounts the story of Hiplodanus and his companions, who lived when Rhea was pregnant with Osiris by Cham and were called to her aid when she feared being harassed by Hammon, her first husband, while she remained on the Thoumasian hill. "In that very place," he says, "bones are seen that are much larger than could be considered human, and so on." I won’t mention Protophanes, who had just one large and broad bone instead of all his ribs on each side since it doesn’t relate to his height.

I could rehearse manie mo examples of the bodies of such men, out of Solinus, Sabellicus, D. Cooper, and others. As of Oetas and Ephialtes, who were said to be nine orgies or paces in heigth, and foure in bredth, which are taken for so many cubits, bicause there is small difference betwéene a mans ordinarie pace and his cubit, and finallie of our Richard the first, who is noted to beare an axe in the wars, the iron of whose head onelie weighed twentie pound after our greatest weight, and whereof an old writer that I haue seene, saith thus:

I could go over many more examples of the bodies of such men, from Solinus, Sabellicus, D. Cooper, and others. Take Oetas and Ephialtes, who were said to be nine strides or paces tall, and four wide, which are considered as many cubits, because there is little difference between a man's ordinary pace and his cubit. And finally, there's our Richard the First, who is known to have carried an axe in wars, the iron head of which alone weighed twenty pounds according to our greatest weight, and of which an old writer I have seen says this:

This king Richard I vnderstand,

This King Richard I understand,

Yer he went out of England,

Yer he went out of England,

Let make an axe for the nones,

Let’s make an axe for the nones,

Therewith to cleaue the Saracens bones,

Therewith to cleave the Saracens' bones,

The head in sooth was wrought full weele,

The head was definitely crafted well,

Thereon were twentie pound of steele,

There were twenty pounds of steel,

And when he came in Cyprus land,

And when he arrived in Cyprus,

That ilkon axe he tooke in hand, &c.

That old axe he took in hand, etc.

I could speake also of Gerards staffe or lance, yet to be seene in Gerards hall at London in Basing lane, which is so great and long that no man can beweld it, neither go to the top thereof without a ladder, which of set purpose and for greater countenance of the wonder is fixed by the same. I haue seene a man my selfe of seuen foot in heigth, but lame of his legs. The chronicles also of Cogshall speake of one in Wales, who was halfe a foot higher, but through infirmitie and wounds not able to beweld himselfe. I might (if I thought good) speake also of another of no lesse heigth than either of these and liuing of late yeares, but these here remembred shall suffice to prooue my purpose withall. I might tell you in like sort of the marke stone which Turnus threw at Æneas, and was such as that twelue chosen and picked men (saith Virgil),

I could also talk about Gerard's staff or lance, which can still be seen in Gerard's hall on Basing Lane in London. It's so massive and long that no one can wield it, and you can't even reach the top without a ladder, which is purposely placed there to add to the awe of it. I've seen a man myself who was seven feet tall, but he was lame in his legs. The chronicles of Cogshall also mention someone in Wales who was half a foot taller, but due to injury and illness, he couldn't manage on his own. If I wanted, I could also mention another person who was just as tall as these two and lived in recent years, but these examples will be enough to prove my point. I could similarly tell you about the stone that Turnus threw at Aeneas, which was such that twelve chosen men (according to Virgil),

Vis vnita fortior est eadem dispersa.

A united force is more powerful than that same force spread out.

(Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus)

(Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus)

[Page 22]

[Page 22]

were not able to stur and remooue out of the place: but I passe it ouer, and diuerse of the like, concluding that these huge blocks were ordeined and created by God: first for a testimonie vnto vs of his power and might; and secondlie for a confirmation, that hugenes of bodie is not to be accompted of as a part of our felicitie, sith they which possessed the same, were not onelie tyrants, doltish, & euill men, but also oftentimes ouercome euen by the weake & feeble. Finallie they were such indéed as in whom the Lord delited not, according to the saieng of the Cap. 3, 36. prophet Baruch; "Ibi fuerunt gigantes nominati, illi qui ab initio fuerunt statura magna, scientes bellum, hos non elegit Dominus, neque illis viam disciplinæ dedit, propterea perierunt, et quoniam non habuerunt sapientiam, interierunt propter suam insipientiam, &c." that is, "There were the giants famous from the beginning, that were of great stature and expert in warre, those did not the Lord choose, neither gaue he the waie of knowledge vnto them, but they were destroied, because they had no wisedome, and perished through their owne foolishnesse." That the bodies of men also doo dailie decaie in stature, beside 4. Esd. cap. 5. Plinie lib. 7. Esdras likewise confesseth lib. 4. cap. 5. whose authoritie is so good herein as that of Homer or Plinie, who doo affirme so much, whereas Goropius still continuing his woonted pertinacitie also in this behalfe, maketh his proportion first by the old Romane foot, and then by his owne, & therevpon concludeth that men in these daies be fullie so great as euer they were, whereby as in the former dealing he thinketh it nothing to conclude against the scriptures, chosen writers and testimonies of the oldest pagans. But see how he would salue all at last in the end of his Gigantomachia, where he saith, I denie not but that od huge personages haue bene seene, as a woman of ten, and a man of nine foot long, which I my selfe also haue beholden, but as now so in old time the common sort did so much woonder at the like as we doo at these, because they were seldome séene, and not commonlie to be heard of.

were not able to stir and move out of the place: but I pass it over, and several similar cases, concluding that these huge blocks were ordained and created by God: first as a testimony to us of his power and might; and secondly as confirmation that being large in body isn’t a part of our happiness, since those who possessed such traits were not only tyrants, dull, and evil men but also often overcome even by the weak and feeble. Finally, they were indeed such that the Lord did not delight in, according to the saying of the Cap. 3, 36. prophet Baruch; "There were giants known from the beginning, who were of great stature, expert in war; those did not the Lord choose, nor did He give them the way of knowledge, but they were destroyed because they had no wisdom and perished through their own foolishness." That the bodies of men also daily decay in stature, besides 4. Esd. cap. 5. Pliny in book 7. Esdras also admits in book 4, chapter 5, whose authority is as good as that of Homer or Pliny, who affirm this much, while Goropius, still maintaining his usual stubbornness in this matter, makes his proportion first by the old Roman foot, and then by his own, and thus concludes that men today are just as tall as they ever were, whereby he thinks it nothing to argue against the scriptures, chosen writers, and testimonies of the oldest pagans. But see how he tries to save it all in the end of his Gigantomachia, where he says, I do not deny that large individuals have been seen, like a woman ten feet tall and a man nine feet tall, which I myself have also witnessed, but like in the past, the common people marveled at such things just as we do now, because they were rarely seen and not commonly heard of.

OF THE LANGUAGES SPOKEN IN THIS ILAND.
CAP. VI.

British. What language came first with Samothes and afterward with Albion, and the giants of his companie, it is hard for me to determine, sith nothing of sound credit remaineth in writing, which may resolue vs in the truth Small difference betweene the British and Celtike languages. hereof. Yet of so much are we certeine, that the speach of the ancient Britons, and of the Celts, had great affinitie one with another, so that they were either all one, or at leastwise such as either nation with small helpe of interpretors might vnderstand other, and readilie discerne what the speaker meant. Some are of the opinion that the Celts spake Greeke, and how the British toong resembled the same, which was spoken in Grecia before Homer did reforme it: but I see that these men doo speake without authoritie and therefore I reiect them, for if the Celts which were properlie called Galles did speake Gréeke, why did Cesar in his letters sent to Rome vse that language, because that if they should be intercepted they might not vnderstand them, or why did he not vnderstand the Galles, he being so skilfull in the language without an interpretor? Yet I denie not but that the Celtish and British speaches might haue great affinitie one with another, and the British aboue all other with the Greeke, for both doo appéere by certeine words, as first in tri for three, march for an horsse, & trimarchia, whereof Pausanias speaketh, for both. Atheneus also writeth of Bathanasius a capitaine of the Galles, whose name is méere British, compounded of Bath & Ynad, & signifieth a noble or comelie iudge. And wheras he saith that the reliques of the Galles tooke vp their first dwelling about Isther, and afterward diuided themselues in such wise, that they which went and dwelled in Hungarie were called Sordsai, and the other that inhabited within the dominion of Tyroll) Brenni, whose seate was on the mount Brenhere parcell of the Alpes, what else signifieth the word Iscaredich in British, from whence the word Scordisci commeth, but to be diuided? [Page 23] Hereby then, and sundrie other the like testimonies, I gather that the British and the Celtish speaches had great affinitie one with another, as I said, which Cesar (speaking of the similitude or likenesse of religion in both nations) doth also auerre, & Tacitus in vita Agricolæ, in like sort plainlie affirmeth, or else it must needs be that the Galles which inuaded Italie and Greece were meere Britons, of whose likenes of speech with the Gréeke toong I need not make anie triall, sith no man (I hope) will readilie denie it. Appianus talking of the Brenni calleth them Cymbres, and by this I gather also that the Celts and the Britons were indifferentlie called Cymbri in their own language, or else that the Britons were the right Cymbri, who vnto this daie doo not refuse to be called by that name. Bodinus writing of the means by which the originall of euerie kingdome and nation is to be had and discerned, setteth downe thrée waies whereby the knowledge thereof is to be found, one is (saith he) the infallible testimonie of the sound writers, the other the description and site of the region, the third the relikes of the ancient speech remaining in the same. Which later if it be of any force, then I must conclude, that the spéech of the Britons and Celts was sometime either all one or verie like one to another, or else it must follow that the Britons ouerflowed the continent vnder the name of Cymbres, being peraduenture associat in this voiage, or mixed by inuasion with the Danes, and Norwegiens, who are called Cymbri and Cymmerij, as most writers doo remember. This also is euident (as Plutarch likewise confesseth In vita Marij) that no man knew from whence the Cymbres came in his daies, and therfore I beleeue that they came out of Britaine, for all the maine was well knowne vnto them, I meane euen to the vttermost part of the north, as may appeare furthermore by the slaues which were dailie brought from thence vnto them, whom of their countries they called Daui for Daci, Getæ for Gothes, &c: for of their conquests I need not make rehearsall, sith they are commonlie knowne and remembred by the writers, both of the Greekes and Latines.

British. It's hard to figure out which language came first with Samothes, then later with Albion and his giant companions, since there’s not much reliable writing left that can clarify the truth about this. There’s a slight difference between British and Celtic languages. However, we are certain that the speech of the ancient Britons and the Celts were quite similar, so they were either the same or at least closely related enough that members of either nation could understand each other with little help from interpreters and easily grasp what the speaker meant. Some believe that the Celts spoke Greek and that the British language resembled it, which was spoken in Greece before Homer reformed it. But I think these people speak without authority, so I reject their ideas. If the Celts, known properly as Gauls, spoke Greek, then why did Caesar use that language in his letters sent to Rome? He likely did so because if they were intercepted, the Gauls wouldn’t understand them. And why couldn’t he understand the Gauls himself, being so skilled in the language without an interpreter? Still, I don’t deny that the Celtic and British languages might have had a great deal of similarity, and British in particular had much in common with Greek. Certain words show this, like "tri" for three, "march" for horse, and "trimarchia," which Pausanias mentions. Athenaius also writes about Bathanasius, a captain of the Gauls, whose name is purely British, made up of Bath and Ynad, meaning a noble or handsome judge. He mentions that the remnants of the Gauls first settled around Isther and later split in such a way that those who moved to Hungary were called Sordsai, while those living in the Tyrol region were called Brenni, residing on Mount Brenhere, part of the Alps. What does the word "Iscaredich" mean in British, from which "Scordisci" comes, other than to be divided? [Page 23] From this and various other similar pieces of evidence, I conclude that the British and Celtic languages had a great resemblance to each other, as I mentioned, which Caesar (while discussing the similarity of religion in both nations) also affirms, and Tacitus clearly states in his work "Agricola." Otherwise, it must be the case that the Gauls who invaded Italy and Greece were true Britons, whose speech was similar to Greek, which I need not prove since no one (I hope) would readily deny it. Appian refers to the Brenni as Cymbres, and from this, I gather that the Celts and Britons were called Cymbri in their own language, or that the Britons were the true Cymbri, who to this day do not refuse that name. Bodinus, in writing about how the origins of every kingdom and nation can be identified, outlines three ways to gain this knowledge: one is the undeniable testimony of reputable writers, the second is the description and location of the region, and the third is the remnants of the ancient speech that remain in that area. If this last point has any weight, then I must conclude that the speech of the Britons and Celts was once either entirely the same or very similar to one another; otherwise, it would follow that the Britons overflowed onto the continent under the name of Cymbres, possibly joining up on this journey or mixing through invasions with the Danes and Norwegians, who are referred to as Cymbri and Cymmerij, as most writers note. It’s also clear (as Plutarch admits in "The Life of Marius") that nobody knew where the Cymbres came from in his time, and thus I believe they originated from Britain, as the whole region was well known to them, even to the furthest north, as evidenced by the slaves who were continually brought from there and whom they called Davi for Daci, Getæ for Goths, etc. I need not recount their conquests as they are widely known and remembered by both Greek and Latin writers.

British corrupted by the Latine and Saxon speeches. The British toong called Camberaec dooth yet remaine in that part of the Iland, which is now called Wales, whither the Britons were driuen after the Saxons had made a full conquest of the other, which we now call England, although the pristinate integritie thereof be not a little diminished by mixture of the Latine and Saxon speaches withall. Howbeit, manie poesies and writings (in making whereof that nation hath euermore delited) are yet extant in my time, wherby some difference betwéene the ancient and present language may easilie be discerned, notwithstanding that among all these there is nothing to be found, which can set downe anie sound and full testimonie of their owne originall, in remembrance whereof, their Bards and cunning men haue béene most slacke and negligent. Giraldus in praising the Britons affirmeth that there is not one word in all their language, that is not either Gréeke or Latine. Which being rightly vnderstanded and conferred with the likenesse that was in old time betwéene the Celts & the British toongs, will not a little helpe those that thinke the old Celtish to haue some sauour of the Gréeke. But how soeuer that matter standeth, after the British speach came once ouer into this Iland, sure it is, that it could neuer be extinguished for all the attempts that the Romans, Saxons, Normans, and Englishmen could make against that nation, in anie maner of wise.

British language influenced by Latin and Saxon languages. The British tongue called Camberaec still remains in that part of the island now known as Wales, where the Britons were driven after the Saxons fully conquered the rest, which we now call England, although its original purity has been notably weakened by the mixture of Latin and Saxon languages. However, many poems and writings (which that nation has always enjoyed creating) are still present in my time, through which some difference between the ancient and present language can easily be seen, even though among all these, nothing can be found that provides a clear and complete testimony of their own origin, a fact their bards and skilled individuals have been quite negligent about. Giraldus, in praising the Britons, claims that there is not one word in all their language that is not either Greek or Latin. When this is understood correctly and compared with the similarities that once existed between the Celtic and British languages, it will certainly help those who believe the old Celtic has some resemblance to Greek. But regardless of how that issue stands, once the British language came to this island, it is certain that it could never be extinguished despite all the attempts the Romans, Saxons, Normans, and English made against that nation in any way.

The Britons diligent in petigrées. Petigrées and genealogies also the Welsh Britons haue plentie in their owne toong, insomuch that manie of them can readilie deriue the same, either from Brute or some of his band, euen vnto Æneas and other of the Troians, and so foorth vnto Noah without anie maner of stop. But as I know not what credit is to be giuen vnto them in this behalfe, although I must néeds confesse that their ancient Bards were verie diligent in there collection, and had also publike allowance or salarie for the same; so I dare not absolutelie impugne their assertions, sith that in times past all nations (learning it no doubt of the Hebrues) did verie solemnelie preserue the catalogs of their descents, thereby either to shew themselues of ancient and noble race, or else to be descended from some one of the gods. But

The Brits diligent in pedigrees. The Welsh Britons have plenty of pedigrees and genealogies in their own language, to the extent that many of them can easily trace their lineage back to Brute or some of his followers, even all the way to Æneas and other Trojans, and further back to Noah without any interruption. However, I’m not sure how much credit to give them in this matter, although I must admit that their ancient bards were very dedicated in their collection efforts and even received public support or salaries for it; therefore, I can’t completely dispute their claims, since in the past, all nations (having learned this no doubt from the Hebrews) solemnly preserved records of their ancestry to either show they came from an ancient and noble lineage or to prove descent from one of the gods. But

Stemmata quid faciunt? quid prodest Pontice longo

Stemmata, what do they do? What benefit does a long lineage bring?

Sanguine censeri? aut quid auorum ducere turmas? &c.

Sanguine censeri? Or what about leading troops of ancestors? &c.

[Page 24]

[Page 24]

Latine. Next vnto the British speach, the Latine toong was brought in by the Romans, and in maner generallie planted through the whole region, as the French was after by the Normans. Of this toong I will not say much, bicause there are few which be not skilfull in the same. Howbeit, as the speach it selfe is easie and delectable, so hath it peruerted the names of the ancient riuers, regions, & cities of Britaine in such wise, that in these our daies their old British denominations are quite growne out of memorie, and yet those of the new Latine left as most vncertaine. This remaineth also vnto my time, borowed from the Romans, that all our déeds, euidences, charters, & writings of record, are set downe in the Latine toong, though now verie barbarous, and therevnto the copies and court-rolles, and processes of courts and leets registred in the same.

Latin. Next to the British language, Latin was introduced by the Romans and was widely established throughout the region, just like French was later by the Normans. I won't say much about this language since most people are already familiar with it. However, while the language itself is easy and enjoyable, it has changed the names of the ancient rivers, regions, and cities of Britain to such an extent that their old British names are almost forgotten today, and the new Latin names remain quite uncertain. This continues even in my time, as all our deeds, evidence, charters, and written records are recorded in Latin, although it's now quite outdated, along with the copies, court rolls, and processes of courts and meetings registered in it.

The Saxon toong. The third language apparantlie knowne is the Scithian or high Dutch, induced at the first by the Saxons (which the Britons call Saysonaec, as they doo the speakers Sayson) an hard and rough kind of speach, God wot, when our nation was brought first into acquaintance withall, but now changed with vs into a farre more fine and easie kind of vtterance, and so polished and helped with new and milder words, that it is to be aduouched how there is no one speach vnder the sunne spoken in our time, that hath or can haue more varietie of words, copie of phrases, or figures and floures of eloquence, than hath our English toong, although some haue affirmed vs rather to barke as dogs, than talke like men, bicause the most of our words (as they doo indéed) incline vnto one syllable. This also is to be noted as a testimonie remaining still of our language, deriued from the Saxons, that the generall name for the most part of euerie skilfull artificer in his trade endeth in Here with vs, albeit the H be left out, and er onlie inserted, as Scriuenhere, writehere, shiphere, &c: for scriuener, writer, and shipper, &c: beside manie other relikes of that spéech, neuer to be abolished.

The Saxon language. The third language apparently known is the Scythian or High Dutch, introduced initially by the Saxons (which the Britons call Saysonaec, as they do the speakers Sayson), a harsh and rough type of speech, God knows, when our nation first became familiar with it. But now, it has transformed into a much finer and easier way of speaking, polished and enhanced with newer, gentler words. It’s undeniable that there's no language spoken today that has or can have more variety of words, richness of phrases, or figures and flourishes of eloquence than our English tongue, even though some have claimed that we bark like dogs instead of speaking like men because most of our words (as indeed they do) lean toward a single syllable. It’s also worth noting as evidence of our language, derived from the Saxons, that the general name for most skilled craftsmen in their trade ends in 'here' with us, although the 'H' is dropped and 'er' is inserted, such as Scrivener, writer, shipper, etc., besides many other remnants of that speech, which will never be abolished.

The French toong. After the Saxon toong, came the Norman or French language ouer into our countrie, and therein were our lawes written for a long time. Our children also were by an especiall decrée taught first to speake the same, and therevnto inforced to learne their constructions in the French, whensoeuer they were set to the Grammar schoole. In like sort few bishops, abbats, or other clergie men, were admitted vnto anie ecclesiasticall function here among vs, but such as came out of religious houses from beyond the seas, to the end they should not vse the English toong in their sermons to the people. In the court also it grew into such contempt, that most men thought it no small dishonor to speake any English there. Which brauerie tooke his hold at the last likewise in the countrie with euerie plowman, that euen the verie carters began to wax wearie of there mother toong, & laboured to speake French, which as then was counted no small token of gentilitie. And no maruell, for euerie French rascall, when he came once hither, was taken for a gentleman, onelie bicause he was proud, and could vse his owne language, and all this (I say) to exile the English and British speaches quite out of the countrie. But in vaine, for in the time of king Edward the first, to wit, toward the latter end of his reigne, the French it selfe ceased to be spoken generallie, but most of all and by law in the midst of Edward the third, and then began the English to recouer and grow in more estimation than before; notwithstanding that among our artificers, the most part of their implements, tooles and words of art reteine still their French denominations euen to these our daies, as the language it selfe is vsed likewise in sundrie courts, bookes of record, and matters of law; whereof here is no place to make any particular The helpers of our English toong. rehearsall. Afterward also, by diligent trauell of Geffray Chaucer, and Iohn Gowre, in the time of Richard the second, and after them of Iohn Scogan, and Iohn Lydgate monke of Berrie, our said toong was brought to an excellent passe, notwithstanding that it neuer came vnto the type of perfection, vntill the time of Quéene Elizabeth, wherein Iohn Iewell B. of Sarum, Iohn Fox, and sundrie learned & excellent writers haue fullie accomplished the ornature of the same, to their great praise and immortall commendation; although not a few other doo greatlie séeke to staine the same, by fond affectation of forren and strange words, presuming that to be the best English, which is most corrupted with [Page 25] externall termes of eloquence, and sound of manie syllables. But as this excellencie of the English toong is found in one, and the south part of this Iland; so in Wales the greatest number (as I said) retaine still their owne ancient language, that of the north part of the said countrie being lesse corrupted than the other, and therefore reputed for the better in their owne estimation and iudgement. This also is proper to vs Englishmen apt to learne any forren toong. Englishmen, that sith ours is a meane language, and neither too rough nor too smooth in vtterance, we may with much facilitie learne any other language, beside Hebrue, Gréeke & Latine, and speake it naturallie, as if we were home-borne in those countries; & yet on the other side it falleth out, I wot not by what other meanes, that few forren nations can rightlie pronounce ours, without some and that great note of imperfection, especiallie the French men, who also seldome write any thing that sauoreth of English trulie. It is a pastime to read how Natalis Comes in like maner, speaking of our affaires, dooth clip the names of our English lords. But this of all the rest dooth bréed most admiration with me, that if any stranger doo hit vpon some likelie pronuntiation of our toong, yet in age he swarueth so much from the same, that he is woorse therein than euer he was, and thereto peraduenture halteth not a litle also in his owne, as I haue séene by experience in Reginald Wolfe, and other, whereof I haue iustlie maruelled.

French language. After the Saxon tongue, the Norman or French language came into our country, and our laws were written in it for a long time. Our children were specifically required to learn to speak it first and were compelled to learn its grammar whenever they attended grammar school. Similarly, few bishops, abbots, or other clergy members were admitted to any ecclesiastical roles among us unless they came from religious houses overseas, so they wouldn't use the English language in their sermons to the people. In court, speaking English became so looked down upon that most people thought it was a real disgrace to speak any English there. This trend eventually spread to the countryside, and even the plowmen began to tire of their mother tongue and worked to speak French, which was then considered a sign of gentility. No wonder, since every French commoner who arrived here was treated as a gentleman just because he was proud and could speak his own language, all in an effort to completely push out the English and Welsh languages. But it was in vain, for during King Edward the First's time, specifically towards the end of his reign, French ceased to be widely spoken, especially by law, during the mid-reign of Edward the Third, and then English started to recover and gain more respect than before; although among our craftsmen, most of their tools, implements, and technical terms still retain their French names even to this day, like the language itself, which is still used in various courts, records, and legal matters; this is not the place to go into detail about it. The helpers of our English language. Later, through the diligent work of Geoffrey Chaucer and John Gower during the time of Richard the Second, and afterwards by John Skogan and John Lydgate, a monk from Bury, our language reached an excellent stage, though it never truly achieved perfection until the time of Queen Elizabeth, when John Jewel, Bishop of Salisbury, John Fox, and several learned and renowned writers fully accomplished its beauty, to their great praise and immortal commendation; although many others try to tarnish it with their fondness for foreign and strange words, assuming that the best English is the most corrupted with external eloquence and numerous syllables. But just as this excellence of English is found in one part of the island, in Wales, the majority (as I said) still retains their ancient language, with that of the northern part being less corrupted than the other, and thus considered superior in their own estimation and judgement. This also applies to us English people are eager to learn any foreign language. Englishmen, since ours is a balanced language, neither too rough nor too smooth in expression, can easily learn any other language—besides Hebrew, Greek, and Latin—and speak it naturally, as if we were born in those countries; yet on the other hand, it turns out, I don’t know by what means, that few foreign nations can pronounce ours correctly without significant flaws, especially the French, who also rarely write anything that truly reflects English. It's amusing to read how Natalis Comes, likewise discussing our affairs, plays with the names of our English lords. But what amazes me most is that if any foreigner happens upon a fitting pronunciation of our language, he often strays so much from it with age that he's worse off than he ever was, possibly also stumbling a bit in his own language, as I've seen in the case of Reginald Wolfe and others, which I have justly wondered about.

The Cornish toong. The Cornish and Deuonshire men, whose countrie the Britons call Cerniw, haue a speach in like sort of their owne, and such as hath in déed more affinitie with the Armoricane toong than I can well discusse of. Yet in mine opinion, they are both but a corrupted kind of Brittish, albeit so far degenerating in these daies from the old, that if either of them doo méete with a Welshman, they are not able at the first to vnderstand one an other, except here and there in some od words, without the helpe of interpretors. And no maruell in mine opinion that the British of Cornewall is thus corrupted, sith the Welsh toong that is spoken in the north & south part of Wales, doth differ so much in it selfe, as the English vsed in Scotland dooth from that which is spoken among vs here in this side of the Iland, as I haue said alreadie.

Cornish language. The people from Cornwall and Devon, which the Britons refer to as Cerniw, have their own language that is actually more similar to the Armorican language than I can fully explain. However, I think both are just corrupted forms of British. They've degenerated so much over time that if either of them encounters a Welsh speaker, they can hardly understand each other at first, except for a few odd words, without the help of interpreters. It’s not surprising to me that the British spoken in Cornwall is so corrupted, since the Welsh language spoken in the north and south parts of Wales differs so much within itself, just like the English used in Scotland is different from that spoken here on our side of the island, as I've already mentioned.

Scottish english. The Scottish english hath beene much broader and lesse pleasant in vtterance than ours, because that nation hath not till of late indeuored to bring the same to any perfect order, and yet it was such in maner, as Englishmen themselues did speake for the most part beyond the Trent, whither any great amendement of our language had not as then extended it selfe. Howbeit in our time the Scottish language endeuoreth to come neere, if not altogither to match our toong in finenesse of phrase, and copie of words, and this may in part appeare by an historie of the Apocripha translated into Scottish verse by Hudson, dedicated to the king of that countrie, and conteining sixe books, except my memorie doo faile me.

Scottish English. Scottish English has been much broader and less pleasant to speak than ours because that nation hasn’t really tried to refine it until recently. Still, it was similar to how English speakers talked mostly beyond the Trent, where there hadn't been much improvement in our language at that time. However, nowadays, Scottish language is striving to come close, if not completely match our language in elegance of expression and variety of words. This is partially evident in a history of the Apocrypha translated into Scottish verse by Hudson, dedicated to the king of that country, and consisting of six books, unless I’m mistaken.

Thus we sée how that vnder the dominion of the king of England, and in the south parts of the realme, we haue thrée seuerall toongs, that is to saie, English, British, and Cornish, and euen so manie are in Scotland, if you accompt the English speach for one: notwithstanding that for bredth and quantitie of the region, I meane onelie of the soile of the maine Iland, it be somewhat lesse to see to than the other. For in the The wild Scots.
Redshanks.
Rough footed Scots.
north part of the region, where the wild Scots, otherwise called the Redshanks, or rough footed Scots (because they go bare footed and clad in mantels ouer their saffron shirts after the Irish maner) doo inhabit,
Irish Scots.
Irish speech.
they speake good Irish which they call Gachtlet, as they saie of one Gathelus, whereby they shew their originall to haue in times past béene fetched out of Ireland: as I noted also in the chapiter precedent, and wherevnto Vincentius cap. de insulis Oceani dooth yéeld his assent, saieng that Ireland was in time past called Scotia; "Scotia eadem (saith he) & Hibernia, proxima Britanniæ insula, spatio terrarum angustior, sed situ fœcundior; Scotia autem à Scotorum gentibus traditur appellata, &c." Out of the 14. booke of Isidorus intituled Originum, where he also addeth that it is called Hybernia, because it bendeth toward Iberia. But I find elsewhere that it is so called by certeine Spaniards which came to seeke and plant their inhabitation in the same, wherof in my Chronologie I haue spoken more at large.

So, we can see that under the rule of the King of England, in the southern parts of the kingdom, we have three distinct languages: English, Welsh, and Cornish. Scotland has just as many languages if you count English as one. However, in terms of area and size, the main land is somewhat smaller than the others. In the northern part of the region, where the wild Scots, also known as the Redshanks or rough-footed Scots (because they go barefoot and wear cloaks over their saffron shirts like the Irish), live, they speak a good Irish language that they call Gachtlet, which they trace back to one Gathelus, indicating their origins from Ireland. I mentioned this in the previous chapter, and Vincentius, in his chapter on the islands of the ocean, agrees, stating that Ireland was once called Scotia; "Scotia eadem (he says) & Hibernia, proxima Britanniæ insula, spatio terrarum angustior, sed situ fœcundior; Scotia autem à Scotorum gentibus traditur appellata, &c." This is from the 14th book of Isidore titled Origins, where he also mentions that it is called Hybernia because it leans towards Iberia. I find elsewhere that it was named by some Spaniards who came to settle there, which I discussed more thoroughly in my Chronology.

In the Iles of the Orchades, or Orkeney, as we now call them, & such [Page 26] coasts of Britaine as doo abbut vpon the same, the Gottish or Danish speach is altogither in vse, and also in Shetland, by reason (as I take it) that the princes of Norwaie held those Ilands so long vnder their subiection, albeit they were otherwise reputed as rather to belong to Ireland, bicause that the verie soile of them is enimie to poison, as some write, although for my part I had neuer any sound experience of the truth hereof. And thus much haue I thought good to speake of our old speaches, and those fiue languages now vsuallie spoken within the limits of our Iland.

In the Orkney Islands, or Orkneys as we call them now, and along the coasts of Britain that border them, the Scottish or Danish language is completely in use, as well as in Shetland, presumably because the princes of Norway held those islands under their control for so long, even though they were generally considered to belong more to Ireland, because the very soil there is said to be resistant to poison, as some writers suggest, although I personally have never had any solid evidence of this. So, I thought it would be good to mention our old languages and the five languages currently spoken within the boundaries of our island.

INTO HOW MANIE KINGDOMS THIS ILAND HATH BEENE DIUIDED.
CAP. VII.

Britaine at the first one entire kingdome. It is not to be doubted, but that at the first, the whole Iland was ruled by one onelie prince, and so continued from time to time, vntill ciuill discord, grounded vpō ambitious desire to reigne, caused the same to be gouerned by diuerse. And this I meane so well of the time before the comming of Brute, as after the extinction of his whole race & posteritie. Howbeit, as it is vncerteine into how manie regions it was seuered, after the first partition; so it is most sure that this latter disturbed estate of regiment, continued in the same, not onelie vntill the time of Cæsar, but also in maner vnto the daies of Lucius, with whome the whole race of the Britons had an end, and the Romans full possession of this Iland, who gouerned it by Legats after the maner of a prouince. It should séeme also that within a while after the time of Dunwallon (who rather brought those foure princes that vsurped in his time to obedience, than extinguished their titles, & such partition as they had made of the Iland among themselues) each great citie had hir fréedome and seuerall kind of regiment, proper vnto hir selfe, beside a large circuit of the countrie appertinent vnto the same, wherein were sundrie other cities also of lesse name, which owght homage and all subiection vnto the greater sort. And to saie truth, hereof it came to passe, that each of these regions, whereinto this Iland was then diuided, tooke his name of some one of these cities; although Ciuitas after Cæsar doth sometime signifie an whole continent or kingdome, whereby there were in old time Tot ciuitates quot regna, and contrariwise as may appeare by that of the Trinobantes, which was so called of Trinobantum the chiefe citie of that portion, whose territories conteined all Essex, Middlesex, and part of Hertfordshire, euen as the iurisdiction of the bishop of London is now extended, for the ouersight of such things as belong vnto the church. Ech of the gouernors also of these regions, called themselues kings, and therevnto either of them dailie made warre vpon other, for the inlarging of their limits. But for somuch as I am not able to saie how manie did challenge this authoritie at once, and how long they reigned ouer their seuerall portions, I will passe ouer these ancient times, and come néerer vnto our owne, I meane the 600. yéere of Christ, whereof we haue more certeine notice, & at which season there is euident proofe, that there were twelue or thirtéene kings reigning in this Iland.

Britain as a united kingdom. There’s no doubt that initially, the entire island was ruled by a single prince, and this continued until civil strife, driven by ambitious desires to rule, led to multiple rulers. I refer to the time before Brutus’s arrival and after the end of his entire lineage. However, while it’s uncertain how many regions it was divided into after the first partition, it’s certain that this later chaotic governance persisted not only until the time of Caesar but also almost until the days of Lucius, when the entire line of the Britons ended and the Romans took full control of the island, governing it through officials like governors as a province. It also seems that shortly after the time of Dunwallon (who brought the four princes that were vying for power during his time to submit rather than eliminating their claims and the divisions they had established among themselves), each major city had its own freedom and specific type of governance, along with a large surrounding area belonging to it, which included several other smaller cities that owed tribute and total subjection to the greater ones. Truthfully, this led to each of these regions, into which this island was divided, taking its name from one of these cities; although after Caesar, "Civitas" sometimes refers to an entire continent or kingdom, which means there were as many cities as there were kingdoms in ancient times, and the opposite can be seen in the case of the Trinobantes, named after Trinobantum, the chief city of that area, whose territories included all of Essex, Middlesex, and part of Hertfordshire, just like the jurisdiction of the bishop of London extends today to oversee matters related to the church. Each of the governors of these regions also called themselves kings and frequently waged war against one another to expand their territories. But since I can't specify how many claimed this authority at once and how long they ruled over their respective areas, I will skip over these ancient times and move closer to our own, meaning the year 600 AD, a time for which we have more accurate information, and during which there is clear evidence that twelve or thirteen kings were reigning in this island.

Wales diuided into three kingdomes. We find therefore for the first, how that Wales had hir thrée seuerall kingdomes, which being accompted togither conteined (as Giraldus saith) 49. cantreds or cantons (whereof thrée were in his time possessed by the French and English) although that whole portion of the Iland extended in those daies no farder than about 200. miles in length, and one hundred in bredth, and was cut from Lhoegres by the riuers Sauerne and Dee, of which two streames this dooth fall into the Irish sea at Westchester, the other into the maine Ocean, betwixt Somersetshire and Southwales, as their seuerall courses shall witnesse more at large.

Wales split into three kingdoms. So, we find that Wales had its three distinct kingdoms, which, when counted together, contained (as Giraldus says) 49 cantreds or cantons (of which three were held at his time by the French and English). Although this entire area of the island back then stretched about 200 miles in length and 100 miles in width, it was separated from Lloegres by the rivers Severn and Dee. One of these rivers flows into the Irish Sea at Chester, while the other empties into the Atlantic Ocean, between Somerset and South Wales, as their various paths will demonstrate in more detail.

Gwinhed. In the begining it was diuided into two kingdoms onelie, that is to saie, Venedotia or Gwynhedh (otherwise called Deheubarth) and Demetia, for which we now vse most cōmonlie the names of South & Northwales. But in a short processe of time a third sprung vp in the verie middest betwéene them both, which from thence-foorth was called Powisy, as shalbe shewed hereafter. For Roderijc the great, who flourished 850. of [Page 27] Christ, and was king of all Wales (which then conteined onlie six regions) leauing thrée sons behind him, by his last will & testament diuided the countrie into thrée portions, according to the number of his children, of which he assigned one vnto either of them, wherby Morwing or Morwinner had Gwynhedh or Northwales, Cadelh Demetia or Southwales, and Anaralt Powisy, as Giraldus and other doo remember. Howbeit it came to passe that after this diuision, Cadelh suruiued all his brethren, and thereby became lord of both their portions, and his successors after him vntill the time of Teuther or Theodor (all is one) after which they were contented to kéepe themselues within the compasse of Demetia, which (as I said) conteined 29. of those 49. cantreds before mentioned, as Powisy did six, and Gwinhedh fourtéene, except my memorie doo faile me.

Gwinhed. In the beginning, it was divided into only two kingdoms, which were Venedotia or Gwynhedh (also known as Deheubarth) and Demetia, for which we now commonly use the names South and North Wales. But shortly after, a third kingdom emerged right in the middle of the two, which was called Powisy, as will be explained later. Roderic the Great, who thrived in 850 AD and was king of all Wales (which then consisted of only six regions), left behind three sons. In his last will and testament, he divided the country into three portions, according to the number of his children, assigning one to each of them. Thus, Morwing or Morwinner received Gwynhedh or North Wales, Cadelh got Demetia or South Wales, and Anaralt received Powisy, as noted by Giraldus and others. However, it happened that after this division, Cadelh outlived all his brothers and thus became the lord of both their portions, and his successors did the same until the time of Teuther or Theodor (they are the same), after which they decided to limit themselves to Demetia, which (as I mentioned) contained 29 out of those 49 cantreds previously mentioned, while Powisy had six, and Gwynhedh had fourteen, unless my memory fails me.

Venedotia. The first of these thrée, being called (as I said) Northwales or Venedotia (or as Paulus Iouius saith Malfabrene, for he diuideth Wales also into thrée regions, of which he calleth the first Dumbera, the second Berfrona, and the third Malfabrene) lieth directlie ouer against Anglesei. the Ile of Anglesei, the chiefe citie whereof stood in the Ile of Anglesei and was called Aberfraw. It conteineth 4. regions, of which the said Iland is the first, and whereof in the chapter insuing I wille Arfon. intreat more at large. The second is called Arfon, and situate betweene
Merioneth.
two riuers, the Segwy and the Conwy. The third is Merioneth, and as it
Stradcluyd or Tegenia.
is seuered from Arfon by the Conwy, so is it separated from Tegenia (otherwise called Stradcluyd and Igenia the fourth region) by the riuer Cluda. Finallie, the limits of this latter are extended also euen vnto the Dée it selfe, and of these foure regions consisteth the kingdome of Venedotia, whereof in times past the region of the Canges was not the smallest portion.

Venedotia. The first of these three, referred to as North Wales or Venedotia (or, as Paulus Iouius calls it, Malfabrene, since he divides Wales into three regions—Dumbera, Berfrona, and Malfabrene)—lies directly opposite Anglesei. the Isle of Anglesey, where the main city, Aberfraw, is located. It includes four regions, with the first being the island itself, which I will discuss in more detail in the following chapter. The second is called Arfon, situated between Merioneth. two rivers, the Segwy and the Conwy. The third is Merioneth, which is separated from Arfon by the Conwy, and from Tegenia (also known as Stradcluyd and Igenia, the fourth region) by the river Cluda. Finally, the boundaries of this last region extend all the way to the Dee itself, and these four regions make up the kingdom of Venedotia, of which the region of the Canges was not the smallest part in the past.

Powisy. The kingdome of Powisy, last of all erected, as I said, hath on the north side Gwinhedh, on the east (from Chester to Hereford, or rather to Deane forest) England, on the south and west the riuer Wy and verie high hilles, whereby it is notablie seuered from Southwales, the chiefe citie thereof being at the first Salopsburg, in old time Pengwerne, and Ynwithig, but now Shrowesburie, a citie or towne raised out of the ruines of Vricouium, which (standing 4. miles from thence, and by the Saxons called Wrekencester and Wrokecester, before they ouerthrew it) is now inhabited with méere English, and where in old time the kings of Powisy did dwell and hold their palaces, till Englishmen draue them from thence to Matrauall in the same prouince, where they from thencefoorth aboad. Vpon the limits of this kingdome, and not far from Holt castell, vpon ech side of the riuer, as the chanell now runneth, stood sometime Bangor. the famous monasterie of Bangor, whilest the abated glorie of the Britons yet remained vnextinguished, and herein were 2100. monkes, of which, the learned sort did preach the Gospell, and the vnlearned labored with their hands, thereby to mainteine themselues, and to sustaine their preachers. This region was in like sort diuided afterward Mailrosse. in twaine, of which, the one was called Mailor or Mailrosse, the other reteined still hir old denomination, and of these the first laie by south, & the latter by north of the Sauerne.

Powisy. The Kingdom of Powisy, the last to be established, as I mentioned, is bordered to the north by Gwinhedh, to the east by England (from Chester to Hereford, or rather to Deane Forest), and to the south and west by the River Wy and very high hills, which notably separates it from South Wales. Its main city was originally Salopsburg, in ancient times known as Pengwerne and Ynwithig, but is now Shrewsbury, a city or town built from the ruins of Vricouium, which was located four miles away and was referred to by the Saxons as Wrekencester and Wrokecester before they destroyed it. It is now populated solely by English people, and it was formerly where the kings of Powisy lived and held their palaces until the English drove them out to Matrauall in the same province, where they have since settled. At the boundaries of this kingdom, not far from Holt Castle, on each side of the river, as the current channel runs, once stood Bangor. the famous monastery of Bangor, during a time when the diminished glory of the Britons still remained undiminished. There were 2,100 monks here, some of whom preached the Gospel while the others worked with their hands to support themselves and sustain their preachers. This region was later divided into two parts, Mailrosse. one called Mailor or Mailrosse, while the other kept its old name, with the first located to the south and the latter to the north of the Severn.

Fowkes de Warren. As touching Mailrosse, I read moreouer in the gests of Fowkes de Warren, how that one William sonne to a certeine ladie sister to Paine Peuerell, the first lord of Whittington, after the conquest did win a part of the same, and the hundred of Ellesmore from the Welshmen, in which enterprise he was so desperatlie wounded, that no man hight him life; yet at the last by eating of the shield of a wild bore, he got an appetite and recouered his health. This William had issue two daughters, Helene.
Mellent.
to wit, Helene maried to the heir of the Alans, and Mellent which refused mariage with anie man, except he were first tried to be a knight of prowesse. Herevpon hir father made proclamation, that against such a daie & at such a place, whatsoeuer Gentleman could shew himselfe most valiant in the field, should marrie Mellent his daughter, & haue with hir his castell of Whittington with sufficient liueliehood to mainteine their estates for euer. This report being spred, Fowkes de Warren came thither all in red, with a shield of siluer and pecocke for his crest, whereof he was called the red knight, and there ouercomming the kings sonne of Scotland, and a Baron of Burgundie, he maried the maid, and by hir had issue as in the treatise appeareth. There is yet great mention of the red knight in the countrie there about; and much like vnto this [Page 28] Mellent was the daughter sometime of one of the lord Rosses, called The originall of Fitz Henries. Kudall, who bare such good will to Fitz-Henrie clarke of hir fathers kitchen, that she made him carie hir awaie on horssebacke behind him, onlie for his manhood sake, which presentlie was tried. For being pursued & ouer taken, she made him light, & held his cloke whilest he killed and draue hir fathers men to flight: and then awaie they go, till hir father conceiuing a good opinion of Fitz-Henrie for this act, receiued him to his fauour, whereby that familie came vp. And thus much (by the waie) of Mailrosse, whereof this may suffice, sith mine intent is not as now to make anie precise description of the particulars of Wales; but onelie to shew how those regions laie, which sometime were Demetia. knowne to be gouerned in that countrie. The third kingdome is Demetia, or Southwales, sometime knowne for the region of the Syllures, wherevnto I also am persuaded, that the Ordolukes laie in the east part thereof, and extended their region euen vnto the Sauerne: but howsoeuer that matter falleth out, Demetia hath the Sauerne on hir south, the Irish sea on hir west parts, on the east the Sauerne onelie, and by north the land of Powisy, whereof I spake of late.

Fowkes de Warren. Regarding Mailrosse, I also read in the accounts of Fowkes de Warren about a certain William, the son of a lady who was the sister of Paine Peuerell, the first lord of Whittington. After the conquest, he captured part of it and the hundred of Ellesmore from the Welshmen. In this venture, he was so gravely injured that no one thought he would survive; however, by consuming the shield of a wild boar, he developed an appetite and regained his health. This William had two daughters, Helene.
Mellent.
namely, Helene, who married the heir of the Alans, and Mellent, who refused to marry any man unless he was proven to be a knight of valor. Therefore, her father announced that on a certain day and at a certain place, any gentleman who could prove himself the most valiant in battle would marry Mellent and receive his castle of Whittington along with enough land to support their estate forever. When this news spread, Fowkes de Warren arrived all dressed in red, with a silver shield and a peacock as his crest, which earned him the nickname the red knight. He defeated the king’s son of Scotland and a baron from Burgundy, married the maid, and they had descendants as described in the treatise. There is still considerable mention of the red knight in that region. Similarly, Mellent was once the daughter of one of the lord Rosses, named Kudall, who had such affection for Fitz-Henrie, the cook in her father’s kitchen, that she had him carry her away on horseback simply for his bravery, which was immediately proven. As they were pursued and caught, she made him get off the horse and held his cloak while he fought off and scattered her father’s men. Then they escaped until her father developed a favorable opinion of Fitz-Henrie due to this act, which elevated that family. So much for Mailrosse; my intent is not to provide a detailed description of Wales at this moment, but simply to depict how those regions were once known to be governed. The third kingdom is Demetia, or South Wales, formerly known as the territory of the Syllures. I also believe that the Ordolukes were located in the eastern part and extended their land up to the Severn. Regardless of how that matter turns out, Demetia is bordered by the Severn to the south, the Irish Sea to the west, only the Severn to the east, and the land of Powys to the north, which I mentioned earlier.

Cair Maridunum. Of this region also Caermarden, which the old writers call Maridunum, was the chéefe citie and palace belonging to the kings of Southwales, vntill at the last through forren and ciuill inuasions of enimies, the princes thereof were constrained to remooue their courts to Dinefar (which is in Cantermawr, and situate neuerthelesse vpon the same riuer Tewy, wheron Caermarden standeth) in which place it is far better defended with high hils, thicke woods, craggie rocks, and déepe marises. In this region also lieth Pembroke aliàs Penmoroc shire, whose fawcons haue béene in old time very much regarded, and therein likewise is Milford hauen, whereof the Welsh wisards doo yet dreame strange toies, which they beleeue shall one daie come to passe. For they are a nation much giuen to fortelling of things to come, but more to beléeue such blind prophesies as haue béene made of old time, and no man is accompted for learned in Wales that is not supposed to haue the spirit of prophesie.

Cair Maridunum. This region also includes Caermarden, which the old writers refer to as Maridunum. It was the main city and palace of the kings of South Wales until foreign and civil invasions forced the princes to move their courts to Dinefar (which is in Cantermawr and still located on the same river Tewy, where Caermarden stands). Dinefar is much better defended with high hills, thick woods, rugged rocks, and deep marshes. This region also contains Pembroke, or Penmoroc shire, known for its falcons that were highly valued in ancient times. Additionally, there’s Milford Haven, where the Welsh wizards continue to dream of strange things they believe will one day come true. The Welsh are a nation inclined to predict future events, but they are even more likely to believe in the blind prophecies made long ago, and no one is considered knowledgeable in Wales unless they are thought to possess the spirit of prophecy.

Pictland.
Scotland.
Picts.
Scots.
That Scotland had in those daies two kingdoms, (besides that of the Orchades) whereof the one consisted of the Picts, and was called Pightland or Pictland, the other of the Irish race, and named Scotland: I hope no wise man will readilie denie. The whole region or portion of the Ile beyond the Scotish sea also was so diuided, that the Picts laie on the east side, and the Scots on the west, ech of them being seuered from other, either by huge hils or great lakes and riuers, that ran out of the south into the north betwéene them. It séemeth also that at the first these two kingdoms were diuided from the rest of those of the Britons by the riuers Cluda and Forth, till both of them desirous to inlarge their dominions, draue the Britons ouer the Solue and the Twede, which then became march betweene both the nations. Wherefore the case being so plaine, I will saie no more of these two, but procéed in order with the rehersall of the rest of the particular kingdoms of this our south part of the Ile, limiting out the same by shires as they now lie, so néere as I can, for otherwise it shall be vnpossible for me to leaue certaine notice of the likeliest quantities of these their seuerall portions.

Pictland.
Scotland.
Picts.
Scots.
Scotland had two kingdoms back then (besides that of the Orkneys): one ruled by the Picts, known as Pictland, and the other by the Irish, called Scotland. I doubt any wise person would readily deny this. The whole area of the island beyond the Scottish sea was divided, with the Picts on the east side and the Scots on the west. They were separated by large hills or significant lakes and rivers that flowed from the south to the north between them. It also seems that initially, these two kingdoms were separated from the rest of the Britons by the rivers Clutha and Forth, until both sought to expand their territories and pushed the Britons over the Solway and the Tweed, which then became the border between the two nations. Given this is straightforward, I won't say more about these two but will continue in order by recounting the other specific kingdoms in the southern part of the island, detailing them by shires as they currently exist, as closely as I can. Otherwise, it would be impossible for me to give an accurate account of the likely sizes of their various regions.

Kent Henghist. The first of these kingdoms therefore was begunne in Kent by Henghist in the 456. of Christ, and thereof called the kingdome of Kent or Cantwarland, and as the limits thereof extended it selfe no farther than the said countie (the cheefe citie whereof was Dorobernia or Cantwarbyry now Canturburie) so it indured well néere by the space of 400. yeares, before it was made an earledome or Heretochie, and vnited by Inas vnto that of the West Saxons, Athelstane his sonne, being the first Earle or Heretoch of the same. Maister Lambert in his historie of Kent dooth gather, by verie probable coniectures, that this part of the Iland was first inhabited by Samothes, and afterward by Albion. But howsoeuer that case standeth, sure it is that it hath béen the onelie doore, whereby the Romans and Saxons made their entrie vnto the conquest of the region, but first of all Cæsar, who entred into this Iland vpon the eightéenth Cal. or 14. of September, which was foure daies before the full of the moone, as he himselfe confesseth, and then fell out about the 17. or 18. of that moneth, twelue daies before the equinoctiall (apparant) so that [Page 29] he did not tarrie at that time aboue eight or ten daies in Britaine. And as this platforme cannot be denied for his entrance, so the said region and east part of Kent, was the onelie place by which the knowledge of Christ was first brought ouer vnto vs, whereby we became partakers of saluation, and from the darkenesse of mistie errour, true conuerts vnto the light and bright beames of the shining truth, to our eternall benefit and euerlasting comforts.

Kent Henghist. The first of these kingdoms was established in Kent by Henghist in 456 AD, and it was called the Kingdom of Kent or Cantwarland. Its borders remained confined to that county (the main city being Dorobernia or Cantwarbyry, now Canterbury) for nearly 400 years before it was transformed into an earldom or heretochy and merged with that of the West Saxons, with Athelstane, his son, being the first earl or heretoch of that area. Master Lambert, in his history of Kent, suggests, through plausible conjectures, that this part of the island was first settled by Samothes and later by Albion. Regardless of how that may be, it is clear that it has been the only gateway through which the Romans and Saxons invaded the region, with Julius Caesar being the first to enter this land on the 18th of September, just four days before the full moon, as he himself stated. This event occurred on around the 17th or 18th of that month, twelve days before the equinox, meaning he did not stay in Britain for more than eight or ten days. While this entry point is undeniable, the eastern part of Kent was also the only area through which the knowledge of Christ first came to us, allowing us to partake in salvation and transforming us from the darkness of error into true converts embracing the light of shining truth, benefiting us eternally and providing everlasting comfort. [Page 29]

Southsax.
Ella.
The second kingdome conteined onelie Sussex, and a part of (or as some saie all) Surrie, which Ella the Saxon first held: who also erected his chéefe palace at Chichester, when he had destroied Andredswald in the 492. of Christ. And after it had continued by the space of 232. years, it ceased, being the verie least kingdome of all the rest, which were founded in this Ile after the comming of the Saxons (for to saie truth, it conteined little aboue 7000. families) & within a while after the erection of the kingdome of the Gewisses or Westsaxons, notwithstanding that before the kings of Sussex pretended and made claime to all that which laie west of Kent, and south of the Thames, vnto the point of Corinwall, as I haue often read.

Southsax.
Ella.
The second kingdom consisted only of Sussex, and part of (or as some say, all of) Surrey, which was first held by Ella the Saxon. He also built his main palace at Chichester after he destroyed Andredswald in 492 AD. This kingdom lasted for 232 years before it ended, being the smallest of all the kingdoms established in this island after the arrival of the Saxons (to be honest, it had just over 7,000 families). Shortly after the establishment of the kingdom of the Gewisses or West Saxons, it faded away, even though before that, the kings of Sussex claimed all the land west of Kent and south of the Thames, up to the tip of Cornwall, as I have often read.

Eastsax.
Erkenwiin.
The third regiment was of the East Saxons, or Tribonantes. This kingdome began vnder Erkenwijn, whose chéefe seat was in London (or rather Colchester) and conteined whole Essex, Middlesex, and part of Herfordshire. It indured also much about the pricke of 303. yeares, and was diuided from that of the East Angles onlie by the riuer Stoure, as Houeden and others doo report, & so it continueth separated from Suffolke euen vnto our times, although the said riuer be now growne verie small, and not of such greatnesse as it hath béene in times past, by reason that our countriemen make small accompt of riuers, thinking carriage made by horsse and cart to be the lesse chargeable waie. But herin how far they are deceiued, I will else-where make manifest declaration.

Eastsax.
Erkenwiin.
The third regiment was made up of the East Saxons, or Tribonantes. This kingdom was established under Erkenwiin, whose main seat was in London (or more accurately, Colchester) and included all of Essex, Middlesex, and part of Hertfordshire. It lasted for around 303 years and was separated from the kingdom of East Angles only by the Stour River, as reported by Houeden and others. It remains separate from Suffolk even to this day, although the river has become quite small and isn’t as significant as it once was because our countrymen pay little attention to rivers, thinking that transport by horse and cart is the cheaper option. However, how mistaken they are in this regard, I will clarify elsewhere.

Westsax. The fourth kingdome was of the West Saxons, and so called, bicause it laie in the west part of the realme, as that of Essex did in the east,
Cerdiic.
and of Sussex in the south. It began in the yeare of Grace 519. vnder Cerdijc, and indured vntill the comming of the Normans, including at the last all Wiltshire, Barkeshire, Dorset, Southampton, Somersetshire, Glocestershire, some part of Deuonshire (which the Britons occupied not) Cornewall, and the rest of Surrie, as the best authors doo set downe. At the first it conteined onelie Wiltshire, Dorcetshire, and Barkeshire, but yer long the princes thereof conquered whatsoeuer the kings of Sussex and the Britons held vnto the point of Cornewall, and then became first Dorchester (vntill the time of Kinigils) then Winchester the chéefe citie of that kingdome. For when Birinus the moonke came into England, the said Kinigils gaue him Dorchester, and all the land within seauen miles about, toward the maintenance of his cathedrall sea, by meanes whereof he himselfe remooued his palace to Winchester.

Westsax. The fourth kingdom was that of the West Saxons, named for its location in the western part of the realm, just as Essex was in the east, Cerdiic. and Sussex was in the south. It started in the year 519 AD under Cerdic and lasted until the arrival of the Normans, eventually encompassing all of Wiltshire, Berkshire, Dorset, Southampton, Somerset, Gloucestershire, parts of Devon (which were not occupied by the Britons), Cornwall, and the rest of Surrey, as noted by the best sources. Initially, it included only Wiltshire, Dorset, and Berkshire, but soon the rulers there conquered whatever land the kings of Sussex and the Britons controlled up to Cornwall. It was first Dorchester (until the time of King Kinigils) and then became Winchester, the main city of that kingdom. When Birinus the monk came to England, King Kinigils granted him Dorchester and all the land within seven miles around it to support his cathedral, which led him to move his palace to Winchester.

Brennicia, aliàs Northumberland. The fift kingdome began vnder Ida, in the 548. of Christ, and was called Northumberland, bicause it laie by north of the riuer Humber. And from
Ida.
the comming of Henghist to this Ida, it was onlie gouerned by earls or Heretoches as an Heretochy, till the said Ida conuerted it into a kingdome. It conteined all that region which (as it should séeme) was in time past either wholie apperteining to the Brigants, or whereof the said Brigants did possesse the greater part. The cheefe citie of the same in like maner was Yorke, as Beda, Capgraue, Leyland, and others doo set downe, who ad thereto that it extended from the Humber vnto the Scotish sea, vntill the slaughter of Egfride of the Northumbers, after which time the Picts gat hold of all, betweene the Forth and the Twede, which afterward descending to the Scots by meanes of the vtter destruction of the Picts, hath not béene sithens vnited to the crowne of England, nor in possession of the meere English, as before time it had béene. Such was the crueltie of these Picts also in their recouerie of the same, that at a certeine houre they made a Sicilien euensong, and slew euerie English man, woman and child, that they could laie hold vpon within the aforesaid region, but some escaped narrowlie, and saued themselues by flight.

Brennicia, aka Northumberland. The fifth kingdom began under Ida in the year 548 AD and was called Northumberland because it lay north of the River Humber. From the time Hengist arrived to this Ida, it was only governed by earls or leaders known as Heretoches, as a Heretochy, until Ida transformed it into a kingdom. It included all the area that seems to have previously belonged entirely to the Brigantes, or where the Brigantes held most of the land. The main city was York, as noted by Bede, Capgrave, Leyland, and others, who also mentioned that it extended from the Humber to the Scottish Sea, until the death of Egfrid of the Northumbers. After that, the Picts gained control of everything between the Forth and the Tweed, which later passed to the Scots due to the complete destruction of the Picts and has since not been united with the crown of England or controlled by the pure English as it had been before. The brutality of the Picts in reclaiming this area was so severe that at a certain time they enacted a Sicilian evening song and slaughtered every English man, woman, and child they could catch in the mentioned region, although some narrowly escaped and saved themselves by fleeing.

Deira. Afterward in the yeare of Grace 560. it was parted in twaine, vnder Adda, that yeelded vp all his portion, which lay betweene Humber and the Tine
Ella.
vnto his brother Ella (according to their fathers appointment) who [Page 30] called it Deira, or Southumberland, but reteining the rest still vnto his owne vse, he diminished not his title, but wrote himselfe as before king of all Northumberland. Howbeit after 91. yeares, it was revnited againe, and so continued vntill Alfred annexed the whole to his kingdome, in the 331. after Ida, or 878. of the birth of Jesus Christ our Sauiour.

Deira. Later, in the year 560 AD, it was split in two under Adda, who gave up his portion that was between the Humber and the Tine Ella. to his brother Ella (as their father had arranged) who [Page 30] named it Deira, or Southumberland. However, keeping the rest for himself, he didn’t change his title and referred to himself as before, king of all Northumberland. After 91 years, it was reunified again and stayed that way until Alfred incorporated it into his kingdom in the 331st year after Ida, or 878 AD, the year of our Lord Jesus Christ's birth.

Eastangles Offa, à quo Offlingæ. The seauenth kingdome, called of the East-Angles, began at Norwich in the 561. after Christ, vnder Offa, of whom the people of that region were long time called Offlings. This included all Norfolke, Suffolke, Cambridgeshire, and Elie, and continuing 228. yeares, it flourished onelie 35. yeares in perfect estate of liberte, the rest being consumed vnder the tribut and vassallage of the Mercians, who had the souereigntie thereof, and held it with great honour, till the Danes gat hold of it, who spoiled it verie sore, so that it became more miserable than any of the other, and so remained till the kings of the West-saxons vnited it to their crownes. Some saie that Grantcester, but now Cambridge (a towne erected out of hir ruines) was the chéefe citie of this kingdome, and not Norwich. Wherein I may well shew the discord of writers, but I cannot resolue the scruple. Some take this region also to be all one with that of the Icenes, but as yet for my part I cannot yeeld to their assertions, I meane it of Leland himselfe, whose helpe I vse chéefelie in these collections, albeit in this behalfe I am not resolued that he doth iudge aright.

Eastangles Offa, the namesake of the Offlings. The seventh kingdom, known as the East Angles, started in Norwich in 561 AD, under Offa, from whom the people of that area were long called Offlings. This included all of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, and Ely, and lasted for 228 years, flourishing for only 35 years in a state of true freedom. The rest of the time, it was under the tribute and vassalage of the Mercians, who held sovereignty over it and governed it with great honor until the Danes took control, causing severe devastation, so that it became more miserable than any of the others. It remained in that state until the kings of the West Saxons incorporated it into their crowns. Some say that Grantcester, now known as Cambridge (a town built from its ruins), was the main city of this kingdom, not Norwich. This illustrates the disagreement among writers, but I cannot resolve the issue. Some also consider this region to be the same as that of the Iceni, but personally, I can't agree with their claims, particularly those of Leland, whose insights I mainly rely on for these collections, though I am not convinced that he judges this matter correctly.

The 8. & last was that of Mertia, which indured 291. yeares, and for greatnesse exceeded all the rest. It tooke the name either of Mearc the Saxon word, bicause it was march to the rest (and trulie, the limits of most of the other kingdomes abutted vpon the same) or else for that the Mertia. lawes of Martia the Queene were first vsed in that part of the Iland. But as this later is but a méere coniecture of some, so the said Creodda. kingdome began vnder Creodda, in the 585. of Christ, & indured well néere 300. yeares before it was vnited to that of the West-saxons by Alfred, then reigning in this Ile. Before him the Danes had gotten hold thereof, and placed one Ceolulph an idiot in the same; but as he was soone reiected for his follie, so it was not long after yer the said Alfred (I saie) annexed it to his kingdome by his manhood. The limits Limits of Mertia. of the Mertian dominions included Lincolne, Northampton, Chester, Darbie, Nottingham, Stafford, Huntington, Rutland, Oxford, Buckingham, Worcester, Bedford shires, and the greatest part of Shropshire (which the Welsh occupied not) Lancaster, Glocester, Hereford (alias Hurchford) Warwijc and Hertford shires: the rest of whose territories were holden by such princes of other kingdomes through force as bordered vpon the same. Moreouer, this kingdome was at one time diuided into south and north Mertia, whereof this laie beyond and the other on this side of the Trent, which later also Oswald of Northumberland did giue to Weada the sonne of Penda for kindred sake, though he not long inioied it. This also is worthie to be noted, that in these eight kingdomes of the Saxons, there were twelue princes reputed in the popish Catalog for saints or martyrs, of which Alcimund, Edwine, Oswald, Oswijn and Aldwold reigned in Northumberland; Sigebert, Ethelbert, Edmond, and another Sigebert among the Estangels; Kenelme and Wistan in Mertia; and Saint Edward the confessor, ouer all; but how worthilie, I referre me to the iudgement of the learned. Thus much haue I thought good to leaue in memorie of the aforesaid kingdomes: and now will I speake somewhat of the diuision of this Iland also into prouinces, as the Romanes seuered it whiles they remained in these parts. Which being done, I hope that I haue discharged whatsoeuer is promised in the title of this chapter.

The eighth and last was Mertia, which lasted 291 years and was larger than all the others. It got its name either from "Mearc," the Saxon word for border, because it bordered the others (and indeed, the boundaries of most of the other kingdoms touched it) or because the laws of Queen Martia were first used in that part of the island. But since the latter is merely speculation from some, the kingdom began under Creodda in 585 AD and lasted nearly 300 years before it was united with the West Saxons by Alfred, who was then ruling this island. Before him, the Danes had taken control and placed an incompetent ruler named Ceolulph in charge; however, he was soon rejected for his foolishness, and not long after, Alfred annexed it to his kingdom through his bravery. The boundaries of the Mertian dominions included Lincoln, Northampton, Chester, Derby, Nottingham, Stafford, Huntingdon, Rutland, Oxford, Buckingham, Worcester, Bedford shires, and most of Shropshire (which the Welsh did not occupy), as well as Lancaster, Gloucester, Hereford (also known as Hurchford), Warwick, and Hertford shires. The remaining territories were held by princes from other kingdoms through force as they bordered the same. Furthermore, this kingdom was once divided into South and North Mertia, with the former lying beyond the Trent and the latter on this side. Later, Oswald of Northumberland granted it to Weada, the son of Penda, for familial reasons, although he did not hold it for long. It is also worth noting that among these eight kingdoms of the Saxons, twelve princes were recognized in the papal catalog as saints or martyrs, including Alcimund, Edwin, Oswald, Oswynn, and Aldwold in Northumberland; Sigebert, Ethelbert, Edmund, and another Sigebert among the East Angles; Kenelm and Wistan in Mertia; and Saint Edward the Confessor over all. But how deserving they were, I leave to the judgment of the learned. This is what I thought best to remember of the aforementioned kingdoms, and now I will say a bit about the division of this island into provinces as the Romans separated it while they were here. Once that’s done, I hope to have fulfilled whatever is promised in the title of this chapter.

The Romans therefore hauing obteined the possession of this Iland, diuided the same at the last into fiue prouinces, as Vibius Sequester Britannia prima. saith. The first whereof was named Britannia prima, and conteined the east part of England (as some doo gather) from the Trent vnto the Twede. Valentia. The second was called Valentia or Valentiana, and included the west side, as they note it, from Lirpoole vnto Cokermouth. The third hight Britannia secunda. Britannia secunda, and was that portion of the Ile which laie Flauia Cæsariensis. southwards, betwéene the Trent and the Thames. The fourth was surnamed Flauia Cæsariensis, and conteined all the countrie which remained betweene Douer and the Sauerne, I meane by south of the Thames, and wherevnto (in like sort) Cornewall and Wales were orderlie assigned. [Page 31] Maxima Cæsariensis. The fift and last part was then named Maxima Cæsariensis, now Scotland, the most barren of all the rest, and yet not vnsought out of the gréedie Romanes, bicause of the great plentie of fish and foule, fine alabaster and hard marble that are ingendred and to be had in the same, for furniture of houshold and curious building, wherein they much delited. More hereof in Sextus Rufus, who liued in the daies of Valentine, and wrate Notitiam prouinciarum now extant to be read.

The Romans, having gained control of this island, eventually divided it into five provinces, as Vibius Sequester says. The first was called Britannia prima and included the eastern part of England, stretching from the Trent to the Tweed. The second was known as Valentia or Valentiana and covered the western side, from Liverpool to Cockermouth. The third was called Britannia secunda, which was the section of the island lying south between the Trent and the Thames. The fourth was named Flavia Cæsariensis and encompassed all the territory between Dover and the Severn, specifically south of the Thames, where Cornwall and Wales were also designated. The fifth and final region was referred to as Maxima Cæsariensis, known today as Scotland, the most barren of all, yet still sought after by the greedy Romans due to the abundance of fish and fowl, fine alabaster, and hard marble found there, which they valued for household furnishings and elaborate buildings. More on this can be found in Sextus Rufus, who lived during the time of Valentine and wrote the Notitia of the Provinces, which is still available to read. [Page 31]


A Catalog of the kings and princes of this Iland, first from Samothes vnto the birth of our sauiour Christ, or rather the comming of the Romans: secondlie of their Legates: thirdlie of the Saxon princes according to their seuerall kingdomes: fourthlie of the Danes, and lastlie of the Normans and English princes, according to the truth conteined in our Histories.


OF THE KINGS OF BRITAINE, FROM SAMOTHES TO BRUTE.

Samothes.
Magus.
Sarronius.
Druiyus.
Bardus.
Longho.
Bardus Iunior.
Lucus.
Celtes.
   Albion.
Celtes after Albion slaine.
Galates.
Harbon.
Lugdus.
Beligius.
Iasius.
Allobrox.
Romus.
Paris.
Lemanus.
Olbius.
Galates. 2.
Nannes.
Remis.
Francus.
Pictus.

Samothes.
Magus.
Sarronius.
Druiyus.
Bardus.
Longho.
Bardus Junior.
Lucus.
Celtes.
   Albion.
Celtes after Albion slain.
Galates.
Harbon.
Lugdus.
Beligius.
Iasius.
Allobrox.
Romus.
Paris.
Lemanus.
Olbius.
Galates. 2.
Nannes.
Remis.
Francus.
Pictus.

After whom Brute entreth into the Iland, either neglected by the Celts, or otherwise by conquest, and reigned therein with his posteritie by the space of 636. yeares, in such order as foloweth.

After the Brawl enters the island, either ignored by the Celts or conquered, and ruled there with his descendants for 636 years, in the following manner.

Brute.
Locrinus.
Gwendolena his widow.
Madan.
Mempricius.
Ebracus.
Brutus Iunior.
Leil.
Rudibras.
Bladunus.
Leir.
Cordeil his daughter.
Cunedach and Morgan.
Riuallon.
Gurgustius.
Sisillus.
Iago.
Kimmachus.
Gorbodug.
Ferres and Porrex.

Brute.
Locrinus.
Gwendolena, his widow.
Madan.
Mempricius.
Ebracus.
Brutus Junior.
Leil.
Rudibras.
Bladunus.
Leir.
Cordeil, his daughter.
Cunedach and Morgan.
Riuallon.
Gurgustius.
Sisillus.
Iago.
Kimmachus.
Gorbodug.
Ferres and Porrex.

These 2. being slaine, the princes of the land straue for the superioritie and regiment of the same, by the space of 50. yéeres (after the race of Brute was decaied) vntill Dunwallon king of Cornwall subdued them all, & brought the whole to his subiection, notwithstanding that the aforesaid number of kings remained still, which were but as vassals & inferiours to him, he being their chéefe and onelie souereigne.

After these two were killed, the princes of the land fought for power and control for 50 years (after the line of Brute had declined) until Dunwallon, king of Cornwall, defeated all of them and brought them under his rule. Even though the mentioned kings still existed, they were merely vassals and subordinates to him, with him being their chief and sole sovereign.

Dunwallon reigneth.
Belinus his sonne, in whose time Brennus vsurpeth.
Gurgwinbatrus.
Guittellinus.
Seisili.
Kymarus.
Owan aliàs Ellan.
Morwich aliàs Morindus.
Grandobodian aliàs Gorbonian.
Arcigallon.
Elidurus aliàs Hesidor.
Arcigallon againe.
Elidurus againe.
Vigen aliàs Higanius, & Petitur aliàs Peridurus.
Elidurus the third time.
Gorbodia aliàs Gorbonian.
Morgan.
Meriones aliàs Eighuans.
Idouallon.
Rhimo Rohugo.
Geruntius Voghen.
Catellus.
Coellus.
Pyrrho aliàs Porrex.
Cherinus.
Fulganius aliàs Sulgenis.
Eldadus.
Androgius.
Vrian.
Hellindus.
Dedantius Eldagan.
Clotenis Claten.
Gurguintus.
Merian.
Bledunus Bledagh.
Cophenis.
Owinus aliàs Oghwen.
Sisillus or Sitsiltus.
Blegabridus.
Arcimalus Archiuall.
Eldadus.
Ruthenis thrée moneths.
Rodingarus aliàs Rodericus.
Samulius Penysell.
Pyrrho 2.
Carporis aliàs Capporis.
Dynellus aliàs Dygnellus.
Hellindus a few moneths.
Lhoid.
Casibellane.
Theomantius.
Cynobellinus.
Aruiragus.
Marius.
Coellus.
Lucius.

Dunwallon reigns.
Belinus his son, during whose time Brennus usurps.
Gurgwinbatrus.
Guittellinus.
Seisili.
Kymarus.
Owan also known as Ellan.
Morwich also known as Morindus.
Grandobodian also known as Gorbonian.
Arcigallon.
Elidurus also known as Hesidor.
Arcigallon again.
Elidurus again.
Vigen also known as Higanius, & Petitur also known as Peridurus.
Elidurus for the third time.
Gorbodia also known as Gorbonian.
Morgan.
Meriones also known as Eighuans.
Idouallon.
Rhimo Rohugo.
Geruntius Voghen.
Catellus.
Coellus.
Pyrrho also known as Porrex.
Cherinus.
Fulganius also known as Sulgenis.
Eldadus.
Androgius.
Vrian.
Hellindus.
Dedantius Eldagan.
Clotenis Claten.
Gurguintus.
Merian.
Bledunus Bledagh.
Cophenis.
Owinus also known as Oghwen.
Sisillus or Sitsiltus.
Blegabridus.
Arcimalus Archiuall.
Eldadus.
Ruthenis three months.
Rodingarus also known as Rodericus.
Samulius Penysell.
Pyrrho 2.
Carporis also known as Capporis.
Dynellus also known as Dygnellus.
Hellindus for a few months.
Lhoid.
Casibellane.
Theomantius.
Cynobellinus.
Aruiragus.
Marius.
Coellus.
Lucius.

Hitherto I haue set foorth the catalog of the kings of Britaine, in such sort as it is to be collected out of the most ancient histories, monuments and records of the land. Now I will set foorth the order and succession of the Romane legates or deputies, as I haue borowed them first out of Tacitus, then Dion, and others: howbeit I cannot warrant the iust course of them from Iulius Agricola forward, bicause there is no man that reherseth them orderlie. Yet by this my dooing herein, I hope some better table may be framed hereafter by other, wherof I would be glad to vnderstand when soeuer it shall please God that it may come to passe.

Until now, I've presented the list of the kings of Britain, compiled from the oldest histories, monuments, and records of the land. Now, I will outline the order and succession of the Roman legates or deputies, as I have gathered them first from Tacitus, then Dion, and others. However, I can't guarantee the exact sequence from Julius Agricola onward, as no one recounts them in an orderly manner. Nonetheless, with this effort, I hope a better table can be created by others in the future, and I would be glad to learn of it whenever it pleases God for it to happen.

Aulus Plautius.
Ostorius Scapula.
Didius Gallus.
Auitus.
Veranius a few moneths.
Petronius Turpilianus.
Trebellius Maximus.
Vectius Volanus.
Petilius Cerealis.
Iulius Frontinus.
Iulius Agricola.

Aulus Plautius.
Ostorius Scapula.
Didius Gallus.
Auitus.
Veranius for a few months.
Petronius Turpilianus.
Trebellius Maximus.
Vectius Volanus.
Petilius Cerealis.
Julius Frontinus.
Julius Agricola.

Hitherto Cornelius Tacitus reherseth these vicegerents or deputies in order.

So far Cornelius Tacitus lists these governors or deputies in order.

Salustius Lucullus.
Cneius Trebellius.
Suetonius Paulinus.
Calphurnius Agricola.
Publius Trebellius.
Pertinax Helrius.
Vlpius Marcellus.
Clodius Albinas.
Heraclius.
Carus Tyrannus.
Iunius Seuerus, aliàs
     Iulius Seuerus.
Linius Gallus.
Lollius Vrbicus.
Maximus.
Octauius.
Traherus.[Page 32]
Maximinianus.
Gratianus.
Aetius.

Salustius Lucullus.
Cneius Trebellius.
Suetonius Paulinus.
Calphurnius Agricola.
Publius Trebellius.
Pertinax Helrius.
Vlpius Marcellus.
Clodius Albinas.
Heraclius.
Carus Tyrannus.
Iunius Seuerus, also known as
     Iulius Seuerus.
Linius Gallus.
Lollius Vrbicus.
Maximus.
Octauius.
Traherus.[Page 32]
Maximinianus.
Gratianus.
Aetius.

Other Legates whose names are taken out of the Scotish historie but in incertein order.

Other Representatives whose names are taken from Scottish history but in an uncertain order.

Fronto sub Antonino.
Publius Trebellius.
Aulus Victorinus.
Lucius Antinoris.
Quintus Bassianus.

Fronto under Antoninus.
Publius Trebellius.
Aulus Victorinus.
Lucius Antinoris.
Quintus Bassianus.

WALES
1.

¶ The Romans not regarding the gouernance of this Iland, the Britons ordeine a king in the 447. after the incarnation of Christ.

The Romans not paying attention to the governance of this island, the Britons appoint a king in 447 AD.

Vortiger.
Vortimer.
Aurelius Ambrosius.
Vther.
Arthur.
Constantine.
Aurelius Conanus.
Vortiporius.
Maglocunus.
Caretius.
Cadwan.
Cadwallon.
Cadwallader.

Vortiger.
Vortimer.
Aurelius Ambrosius.
Vther.
Arthur.
Constantine.
Aurelius Conanus.
Vortiporius.
Maglocunus.
Caretius.
Cadwan.
Cadwallon.
Cadwallader.

¶ The kingdome of Wales ceaseth, and the gouernance of the countrie is translated to the Westsaxons by Inas, whose second wife was Denwalline the daughter of Cadwallader: & with hir he not onlie obteined the principalitie of Wales but also of Corinwall & Armorica now called little Britaine, which then was a colonie of the Britons, and vnder the kingdome of Wales.

The kingdom of Wales comes to an end, and the rule of the country is handed over to the West Saxons by Inas, whose second wife was Denwalline, the daughter of Cadwallader. With her, he not only gained control of the principality of Wales but also of Cornwall and Armorica, now known as Little Britain, which was then a colony of the Britons and under the kingdom of Wales.

KENT.
2.

¶ Hengist in the 9. of the recouerie of Britaine proclaimeth himselfe king of Kent, which is the 456. of the birth of our Lord & sauior Jesus Christ.

Hengist in the 9th year of the recovery of Britain declares himself king of Kent, which is the 456th year since the birth of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.

Hengist.
Osrijc aliàs Osca.
Osca his brother.
Ermenricus.
Athelbert.
Eadbaldus.
Ercombert.
Ecbert.
Lother.
Edrijc.

     The seat void.

Withredus.
Adelbert Iunior.
Eadbert.
Alrijc.
Eadbert.
Guthred.
Alred.

Hengist.
Osrijc also known as Osca.
Osca his brother.
Ermenric.
Athelbert.
Eadbald.
Ercombert.
Ecbert.
Lother.
Edrijc.

     The seat is vacant.

Withred.
Adelbert Junior.
Eadbert.
Alrijc.
Eadbert.
Guthred.
Alred.

¶ As the kingdome of Wales was vnited vnto that of the Westsaxons by Inas, so is the kingdom of Kent, at this present by Ecbert in the 827. of Christ, who putteth out Aldred and maketh Adelstane his owne base sonne Hertoch of the same, so that whereas it was before a kingdome, now it becometh an Hertochie or Dukedome, and so continueth for a long time after.

Just like the kingdom of Wales was united with that of the West Saxons by Inas, the kingdom of Kent is currently being unified by Ecbert in the year 827 AD. He removes Aldred and makes Adelstane, his own illegitimate son, the Duke of Kent. So, whereas it was previously a kingdom, it now becomes a duchy, and it remains that way for a long time afterward.

SOUTHSEX.
3.

¶ Ella in the 46. after Britaine giuen ouer by the Romanes erecteth a kingdom in Southsex, to wit, in the 492. of Christ whose race succeedeth in this order.

Ella in 46. after Britain was given over to the Romans, established a kingdom in Sussex, specifically, in 492 AD, whose lineage continues in this order.

Ella.
Cyssa.
Ceaulijn.
Celrijc.
Kilwulf.
Kinigils.
Kinwalch.
Ethelwold.
Berthun.
Aldwijn.

Ella.
Cyssa.
Ceaulijn.
Celrijc.
Kilwulf.
Kinigils.
Kinwalch.
Ethelwold.
Berthun.
Aldwijn.

¶ This kingdome endured not verie long as ye may sée, for it was vnited to that of the Westsaxons by Inas, in the 4689. of the world, which was the 723. of Christ, according to the vsuall supputation of the church, and 232. after Ella had erected the same, as is aforesaid.

This realm didn’t last very long as you can see, because it was united with the West Saxons by Inas, in the year 4689 of the world, which was the year 723 of Christ, according to the usual calculation of the church, and 232 years after Ella had established the same, as mentioned above.

ESTSEX.
4.

¶ Erkenwijn in the 527. after our sauiour Christ beginneth to reigne ouer Estsex, and in the 81. after the returne of Britaine from the Romaine obedience.

Erkenwijn begins to reign over Essex in 527 AD, and in 81 AD, after Britain returned from Roman rule.

Erkenwijn.
Sledda.
Sebertus.
Sepredus and Sywardus.
Sigebert fil. Syward.
Sigebert.
Swithelijn.
Sijgar and Sebba.
Sebba alone.
Sijgard.
Offa.
Selredus.
Ethelwold.
Albert.
Humbcanna.
Sinthredus.

Erkenwijn.
Sledda.
Sebertus.
Sepredus and Sywardus.
Sigebert son of Syward.
Sigebert.
Swithelijn.
Sijgar and Sebba.
Sebba alone.
Sijgard.
Offa.
Selredus.
Ethelwold.
Albert.
Humbcanna.
Sinthredus.

¶ In the 303. after Erkenwijn, Ecbert of the Westsaxons vnited the kingdome of Estsex vnto his owne, which was in the 828. after the birth of our sauiour Christ. I cannot as yet find the exact yéeres of the later princes of this realme, and therefore I am constrained to omit them altogither, as I haue done before in the kings of the Britons, vntill such time as I may come by such monuments as may restore the defect.

In 303. after Erkenwijn, Ecbert of the West Saxons united the kingdom of Essex with his own, which was in 828, after the birth of our Savior Christ. I still can't find the exact years for the later kings of this realm, so I'm forced to leave them out completely, just like I have done before with the kings of the Britons, until I can find records that will fill in the gaps.

WESTSEX.
5.

¶ Cerdijc entreth the kingdome of the Westsaxons, in the 519. of the birth of Christ, & 73. of the abiection of the Romaine seruitude.

Cerdick enters the kingdom of the West Saxons in 519 AD, and 73 years after the end of Roman rule.

Cerdijc aliàs Cercit.
Cenrijc.
Ceaulijn.
Kilriic aliàs Celrijc.
Kilwulf.
Kinigils.
Ceuwalch.
Sexburgh.

     The seat void.

Centwinus.
Cadwallader.
Inas.
Ethelard.
Cuthredus.
Sigebert.
Kinwulf.
Brithrijc.
Ecbert.
Ethelwulf.
Ethebald.
Ethelbert.
Ethelfrid.
Alfrid.
Edward I.
Adelstane.
Edmund.
Eadred.
Edwijn.
Edgar.
Edward 2.
Eldred.
Edmund 2.
Canutus.
Harald.
Canutus 2.
Edward 3.
Harald 2.

Cerdijc also known as Cercit.
Cenrijc.
Ceaulijn.
Kilriic also known as Celrijc.
Kilwulf.
Kinigils.
Ceuwalch.
Sexburgh.

     The seat is vacant.

Centwinus.
Cadwallader.
Inas.
Ethelard.
Cuthredus.
Sigebert.
Kinwulf.
Brithrijc.
Ecbert.
Ethelwulf.
Ethebald.
Ethelbert.
Ethelfrid.
Alfrid.
Edward I.
Adelstane.
Edmund.
Eadred.
Edwijn.
Edgar.
Edward II.
Eldred.
Edmund II.
Canutus.
Harald.
Canutus II.
Edward III.
Harald II.

¶ The Saxons hauing reigned hitherto in this land, and brought the same into a perfect monarchie, are now dispossessed by the Normans, & put out of their hold.

The Saxons who have ruled this land up to now and established a complete monarchy are now driven out by the Normans and removed from their power.

BERNICIA.
6.

¶ Ida erecteth a kingdome in the North, which he extended from the Humber mouth to S. Johns towne in Scotland, & called it of the Northumbers. This was in the 547. after the birth of our sauiour Christ.

Ida set up a kingdom in the North, which he expanded from the mouth of the Humber to St. John's town in Scotland, and called it Northumbria. This was in 547, after the birth of our Savior Christ.

Ida.
Adda.
Glappa.
Tidwaldus.
Fretwulfus.
Tidrijc.
Athelfrid.
Edwijn.
Kinfrid.
Oswald.
Oswy.
Egfrid.
Alfrid.
Osred.
Kinred.
Osrijc.
Kilwulf.
Edbert.
Offulse.
Ethelwold.[Page 33]
Elred.
Ethelred.
Alswold.
Osred.
Ethelred.
Osbald.
Eardulf.
Aldeswold.
Eandred.
Edelred.
Redwulf.
Edelred againe.
Osbright.
Ecbert.
Ricisiuus a Dane.
Ecbert againe.

Ida.
Adda.
Glappa.
Tidwald.
Fretwulf.
Tidric.
Athelfrid.
Edwin.
Kinfrid.
Oswald.
Oswy.
Egfrid.
Alfrid.
Osred.
Kinred.
Osric.
Kilwulf.
Edbert.
Offa.
Ethelwold.[Page 33]
Elred.
Ethelred.
Alswold.
Osred.
Ethelred.
Osbald.
Eardulf.
Aldeswold.
Eandred.
Edelred.
Redwulf.
Edelred again.
Osbright.
Ecbert.
Ricisiuus a Dane.
Ecbert again.

¶ Alfride king of the Westsaxons subdueth this kingdome in the 878. after our sauiour Christ, and 33. after Ida.

Alfred king of the West Saxons conquered this kingdom in 878 AD, and 33 years after Ida.

DEIRA.
7.

¶ Ella brother to Adda is ouer the south Humbers, whose kingdome reched from Humber to the These, in the 590. after the incarnation of Jesus Christ our sauiour.

¶ Ella is the brother of Adda and rules over the south of the Humber, with his kingdom stretching from the Humber to the Thames, in the year 590 after the birth of Jesus Christ our savior.

Ella.
Edwijn.
Athelbright.
Edwijn againe.
Osrijc.
Oswald.
Oswijn.

Ella.
Edwijn.
Athelbright.
Edwijn again.
Osrijc.
Oswald.
Oswijn.

¶ Of all the kingdomes of the Saxons, this of Deira which grew by the diuision of the kingdome of the Northumbers betwéene the sons of Ida was of the smallest continuance, & it was vnited to the Northumbers (wherof it had bene I saie in time past a member) by Oswijn in the 91. after Ella, when he had most traitorouslie slaine his brother Oswijn in the yéer of the world, 4618. (or 651. after the comming of Christ) and conteined that countrie which we now call the bishoprike.

Of all the kingdoms of the Saxons, Deira, which was formed by the division of the kingdom of Northumbria among the sons of Ida, was the shortest-lived. It was reunited with Northumbria (of which it had previously been a part) by Oswijn in the 91st year after Ella, when he treacherously killed his brother Oswijn in the year 4618 of the world (or 651 after the arrival of Christ), and covered the area we now refer to as the bishopric.

ESTANGLIA.
8.

¶ Offa or Vffa erecteth a kingdome ouer the Estangles or Offlings in the 561. after the natiuitie of Christ, and 114. after the deliuerie of Britaine.

Offa or Vffa establishes a kingdom over the East Angles or Offlings in 561 AD, which is 114 years after Britain was freed.

Offa.
Titellius.
Redwaldus.
Corpenwaldus.

     The seat void.

Sigebert.
Egricus.
Anna.
Adeler.
Ethelwold.
Adwulf.
Beorne.
Ethelred.
Ethelbert.

Offa.
Titellius.
Redwald.
Corpenwald.

The empty seat.

Sigebert.
Egric.
Anna.
Adeler.
Ethelwold.
Adwulf.
Beorn.
Ethelred.
Ethelbert.

¶ Offa of Mercia killeth Ethelbert, and vniteth Estanglia vnto his owne kingdome, in the 793. of Christ, after it had continued in the posteritie of Offa, by the space of 228. yéers and yet of that short space, it enioyed onelie 35. in libertie, the rest being vnder the tribute of the king of Mercia aforesaid.

Offa of Mercia killed Ethelbert and united East Anglia with his own kingdom in 793 AD, after it had been under the rule of Offa's descendants for 228 years. However, during that relatively short time, it only enjoyed 35 years of freedom, the rest being under the tribute of the aforementioned king of Mercia.

MERCIA.
9.

¶ Creodda beginneth his kingdome of Mercia, in the 585. of our sauiour Christ, and 138. after the captiuitie of Britaine ended.

Creodda begins his kingdom of Mercia in 585 AD, which is 138 years after the captivity of Britain ended.

Creodda.
Wibba.
Cherlus.
Penda.
  Oswy.
Weada.
Wulferus.
Ethelred.
Kinred or Kindred.

     The seat void.

Kilred.
Ethebald.
Beorred.
Offa.
Egferth.
Kinwulf.
Kenelme.
Kilwulf.
Bernulf.
Ludicane.
Willaf.
Ecbert.
Willaf againe.
Bertulf.
Butred.
Kilwulf.

Creodda.
Wibba.
Cherlus.
Penda.
  Oswy.
Weada.
Wulferus.
Ethelred.
Kinred or Kindred.

     The seat is empty.

Kilred.
Ethebald.
Beorred.
Offa.
Egferth.
Kinwulf.
Kenelme.
Kilwulf.
Bernulf.
Ludicane.
Willaf.
Ecbert.
Willaf again.
Bertulf.
Butred.
Kilwulf.

¶ Alfride vniteth the kingdome of Mercia, to that of the Westsaxons, in the 291. after Creodda, before Alfred the Dane had gotten hold thereof, and placed one Cleolulphus therein, but he was soone expelled, and the kingdome ioyned to the other afore rehearsed.

Alfride unites the kingdom of Mercia with that of the West Saxons, in the 291, after Creodda, before Alfred the Dane had taken control of it, and placed one Cleolulphus there, but he was soon expelled, and the kingdom was merged with the other mentioned earlier.

* The Succession of the kings of England from William bastard, unto the first of Queene Elizabeth.

* Succession of the kings of England from William the Conqueror, to Queen Elizabeth I.

William the first.
William his sonne.
Henrie 1.
Stephen.
Henrie 2.
Richard 1.
Iohn.
Henrie 3.
Edward 1. aliàs 4.
Edward 2.
Edward 3.
Richard 2.
  Henrie 4.
  Henrie 5.
  Henrie 6.
Edward 4. aliàs 7.
Edward 5.
  Richard 3.
Henrie 7.
Henrie 8.
Edward 6.
Marie his sister.
Elizabeth.

William I.
William II.
Henry I.
Stephen.
Henry II.
Richard I.
John.
Henry III.
Edward I (also known as Edward IV).
Edward II.
Edward III.
Richard II.
  Henry IV.
  Henry V.
  Henry VI.
Edward IV (also known as Edward VII).
Edward V.
  Richard III.
Henry VII.
Henry VIII.
Edward VI.
Mary, his sister.
Elizabeth.

¶ Thus haue I brought the Catalog of the Princes of Britaine vnto an end, & that in more plaine and certeine order than hath béene done hertofore by anie. For though in their regions since the conquest few men haue erred that haue vsed any diligence, yet in the times before the same, fewer haue gone any thing néere the truth, through great ouersight & negligence. Their seuerall yéeres also doo appéere in my Chronologie insuing.

I have finished the Catalog of the Princes of Britain, and I've presented it in a clearer and more accurate way than anyone else has before. While not many have made errors in their areas since the conquest, provided they've put in some effort, even fewer have gotten close to the truth in earlier times because of major oversights and negligence. The corresponding years are also indicated in my upcoming timeline.

OF THE ANCIENT RELIGION VSED IN ALBION.
CAP. IX.

It is not to be doubted, but at the first, and so long as the posteritie of Iaphet onelie reigned in this Iland, that the true knowledge and forme Samothes. of religion brought in by Samothes, and published with his lawes in the second of his arriuall, was exercised among the Britans. And although peraduenture in proces of time, either through curiositie, or negligence (the onelie corruptors of true pietie and godlinesse) it might a little decaie, yet when it was at the woorst, it farre excéeded the best of that which afterward came in with Albion and his Chemminites, as may be [Page 34] gathered by view of the superstitious rites, which Cham and his successours did plant in other countries, yet to be found in authors.

There’s no doubt that when the descendants of Japheth first ruled this island, the genuine understanding and practice of the religion introduced by Samothes, along with his laws established upon his second arrival, were followed among the Britons. And although it might have faded a bit over time, either from curiosity or negligence (the only true corruptors of real piety and godliness), even at its worst, it was far better than anything that later came with Albion and his Chemminites. This can be seen by looking at the superstitious practices that Cham and his successors established in other countries, which can still be found in various writings. [Page 34]

What other learning Magus the sonne of Samothes taught after his fathers death, when he also came to the kingdome, beside this which concerned the true honoring of God, I cannot easilie say, but that it should be naturall philosophie, and astrologie (whereby his disciples gathered a kind of foreknowledge of things to come) the verie vse of the word Magus (or Magusæus) among the Persians dooth yéeld no vncerteine testimonie.

What other knowledge Magus, the son of Samothes, taught after his father's death, when he also came to power, besides what related to the true worship of God, I can't say for sure, but it likely included natural philosophy and astrology (which allowed his followers to gain a sense of foresight about future events). The very use of the word Magus (or Magusæus) among the Persians provides no uncertain evidence.

Sarron. In like maner, it should seeme that Sarron sonne vnto the said Magus, diligentlie followed the steps of his father, and thereto beside his owne practise of teaching, opened schooles of learning in sundrie places, both among the Celts and Britans, whereby such as were his auditors, grew to be called Sarronides, notwithstanding, that as well the Sarronides as the Magi, and Druiydes, were generallie called Samothei.
Semnothei.
Samothei, or Semnothei, of Samothes still among the Grecians, as Aristotle in his De magia dooth confesse; and furthermore calling them Galles, he addeth therevnto, that they first brought the knowledge of letters and good learning vnto the Gréekes.

Sarron. Similarly, it seems that Sarron, son of the mentioned Magus, carefully followed in his father's footsteps. In addition to his own teaching practices, he opened schools in various places among the Celts and Britons, leading his students to be known as Sarronides. Despite this, both the Sarronides and the Magi, as well as the Druids, were generally referred to as Samothei.
Semnothei.
Samothei, or Semnothei, of Samothes is still recognized among the Greeks, as Aristotle admits in his De magia. He also calls them Galls, adding that they were the first to bring knowledge of letters and learning to the Greeks.

Druiyus. Druiyus the son of Sarron (as a scholer of his fathers owne teaching) séemed to be exquisit in all things, that perteined vnto the diuine and humane knowledge: and therefore I may safelie pronounce, that he excelled not onlie in the skill of philosophie and the quadriuials, but also in the true Theologie, whereby the right seruice of God was kept and preserued in puritie. He wrote moreouer sundrie precepts and rules of religious doctrine, which among the Celts were reserued verie religiouslie, and had in great estimation of such as sought vnto them.

Druiyus. Druiyus, the son of Sarron (as a scholar of his father's teachings), appeared to be exceptional in all areas related to divine and human knowledge. Therefore, I can confidently say that he excelled not only in the skill of philosophy and the quadrivials but also in true theology, which ensured that the proper service of God was maintained and preserved in purity. He also wrote various precepts and rules of religious doctrine, which were held in high regard among the Celts and were carefully preserved by those who sought them.

Corruptors of religion. How and in what order this prince left the state of religion, I meane touching publike orders in administration of particular rites and ceremonies, as yet I doo not read: howbeit this is most certeine, that after he died, the puritie of his doctrine began somewhat to decaie. For such is mans nature, that it will not suffer any good thing long to remaine as it is left, but (either by addition or subtraction of this or that, to or from the same) so to chop and change withall from time to time, that in the end there is nothing of more difficultie, for such as doo come after them, than to find out the puritie of the originall, and restore the same againe vnto the former perfection.

Religion corruptors. I’m not sure how or in what order this prince affected the state of religion, particularly regarding public practices of specific rites and ceremonies. However, one thing is certain: after he passed away, the purity of his teachings started to decline. Human nature tends to change good things, either by adding or taking away elements over time, making it increasingly difficult for future generations to discover the original purity and restore it to its former perfection.

Cæsar. In the beginning this Druiyus did preach vnto his hearers, that the soule of man is immortall, that God is omnipotent, mercifull as a father in shewing fauor vnto the godlie, and iust as an vpright iudge in punishing the wicked; that the secrets of mans hart are not vnknowne, and onelie knowne to him; and that as the world and all that is therein had their beginning by him, at his owne will, so shall all things likewise haue an end, when he shall see his time. He taught them also Strabo. li. 4.
Socion. lib. success.
with more facilitie, how to obserue the courses of the heauens and motions of the planets by arithmeticall industrie, to find out the true Cicero diuinat. 1. quantities of the celestiall bodies by geometricall demonstration, and thereto the compasse of the earth, and hidden natures of things contained in the same by philosophicall contemplation. But alas, this integritie continued not long among his successors, for vnto the immortalitie of the soule, they added, that after death it went into another bodie, (of which translation Ouid saith;

César. At first, this Druiyus preached to his listeners that the soul of a person is immortal, that God is all-powerful, merciful like a father in granting favor to the righteous, and just like a fair judge in punishing the wicked; that the secrets of a person’s heart are known only to Him; and that just as the world and everything in it had its beginning at His will, everything will also have an end when He sees fit. He also taught them how to easily observe the movements of the heavens and the motions of the planets through arithmetic, to determine the exact measurements of celestial bodies through geometry, and to understand the scope of the Earth and the hidden properties of things within it through philosophical reflection. But sadly, this integrity didn’t last long among his followers, as they added to the immortality of the soul the idea that after death, it goes into another body, of which translation Ovid mentions;

Morte carent animæ, sempérque priore relicta

Morte carent animæ, sempérque priore relicta

Sede, nouis domibus viuunt habitántque receptæ.)

Sede, nouis domibus vivunt habitantque receptae.)

The second or succedent, being alwaies either more noble, or more vile than the former, as the partie deserued by his merits, whilest he liued here vpon earth. And therefore it is said by Plato and other, that Orpheus after his death had his soule thrust into the bodie of a swanne, that of Agamemnon conueied into an egle, of Aiax into a lion, of Atlas into a certeine wrestler, of Thersites into an ape, of Deiphobus into Pythagoras, and Empedocles dieng a child, after sundrie changes into a man, whereof he himselfe saith;

The second or subsequent soul is always either more noble or more vile than the previous one, depending on the person's merits while they lived on earth. Therefore, it is said by Plato and others that Orpheus was reborn as a swan, Agamemnon as an eagle, Ajax as a lion, Atlas as a certain wrestler, Thersites as an ape, Deiphobus as Pythagoras, and Empedocles, who died as a child, eventually transformed into a man, of which he himself says;

[Page 35]

[Page 35]

Ipse ego námq; fui puer olim, deinde puella,

Ipse ego námq; fui puer olim, deinde puella,

Arbustum & volucris, mutus quóq; in æquore piscis.

Arbustum & volucris, mutus quóq; in æquore piscis.

Plinius, lib. 16. cap. ultimo. For said they (of whom Pythagoras also had, and taught this errour) if the soule apperteined at the first to a king, and he in this estate did not leade his life worthie his calling, it should after his decease be Metempsuchôsis. shut vp in the bodie of a slaue, begger, cocke, owle, dog, ape, horsse, asse, worme, or monster, there to remaine as in a place of purgation and punishment, for a certeine period of time. Beside this, it should peraduenture susteine often translation from one bodie vnto another, according to the quantitie and qualitie of his dooings here on earth, till it should finallie be purified, and restored againe to an other humane bodie, wherein if it behaued it selfe more orderlie than at the first: after the next death, it should be preferred, either to the bodie of a king againe, or other great estate. And thus they made a perpetuall circulation or reuolution of our soules, much like vnto the continuall motion of the heauens, which neuer stand still, nor long yeeld one representation and figure. For this cause also, as Diodorus saith, they vsed to cast certeine letters into the fire, wherein the dead were burned, to be deliuered vnto their deceased fréends, whereby they might vnderstand of the estate of such as trauelled here on earth in their purgations (as the Moscouits doo write vnto S. Nicholas to be a speach-man for him that is buried, in whose hand they bind a letter, and send him with a new paire of shooes on his feet into the graue) and to the end that after their next death they should deale with them accordinglie, and as their merits required. They brought in also the worshipping of manie gods, and their seuerall euen to this daie Oke honored whereon mistle did grow, and so doo our sorcerers thinking some spirits to deale about ye same, for hidden treasure. sacrifices: they honoured likewise the oke, whereon the mistle groweth, and dailie deuised infinit other toies (for errour is neuer assured of hir owne dooings) whereof neither Samothes, nor Sarron, Magus, nor Druiyus did leaue them anie prescription.

Pliny, Book 16. final chapter. They claimed (a belief that Pythagoras also had and taught) that if a soul originally belonged to a king, and that king did not live a life worthy of their position, after their death, the soul would be Metempsychosis. trapped in the body of a slave, beggar, rooster, owl, dog, ape, horse, donkey, worm, or monster, remaining there as if undergoing purification and punishment for a certain period of time. Furthermore, it might frequently switch from one body to another, depending on the quality and quantity of its actions on earth, until it was finally purified and restored to another human body. If it behaved more properly in that body than it had before, after its next death, it would be elevated again to the body of a king or another high-ranking individual. In this way, they created a perpetual cycle of our souls, much like the constant movement of the heavens, which never stand still or present a single form for long. For this reason, as Diodorus notes, they would throw certain letters into the fire where the dead were cremated, intended for their deceased friends, so they could understand the conditions of those who were purging here on earth (similar to how the Muscovites write to St. Nicholas to advocate for the buried, tying a letter in his hand and sending him off with a new pair of shoes into the grave). This was to ensure that after their next death, they would be treated accordingly based on their merits. They also introduced the worship of many gods, as well as their various sacrifices. They honored the oak tree, where mistletoe grows, and constantly devised countless other practices (for error is never sure of its own actions), none of which had been prescribed by Samothes, Sarron, Magus, or Druids.

These things are partlie touched by Cicero, Strabo, Plinie, Sotion, Laertius, Theophrast, Aristotle, and partlie also by Cæsar, Mela, Val. Max. lib. 2. and other authors of later time, who for the most part doo confesse, that the cheefe schoole of the Druiydes was holden here in Britaine, where that religion (saith Plinie) was so hotlie professed and followed, "Vt dedisse Persis videri possit," lib. 30. cap. 1. and whither the Druiydes also themselues, that dwelt among the Galles, would often resort to come by the more skill, and sure vnderstanding of the mysteries of that doctrine. And as the Galles receiued their religion Logike and Rhetorike out of Gallia.] from the Britons, so we likewise had from them some vse of Logike & Rhetorike, such as it was which our lawiers practised in their plees and common causes. For although the Greeks were not vnknowne vnto vs, nor we to them, euen from the verie comming of Brute, yet by reason of distance betwéene our countries, we had no great familiaritie and common accesse one vnto another, till the time of Gurguntius, after whose entrance manie of that nation trauelled hither in more securitie, as diuers of our countriemen did vnto them without all danger, to be offered vp in sacrifice to their gods. That we had the maner of our plees also out of France, Iuuenal is a witnesse, who saith;

These topics are partly addressed by Cicero, Strabo, Pliny, Sotion, Laertius, Theophrastus, Aristotle, and also by Caesar, Mela, Val. Max. in book 2, along with other later authors, who mostly agree that the main school of the Druids was located here in Britain, where that religion (according to Pliny) was passionately practiced and followed, "so much so that it could seem to have been given to the Persians," in book 30, chapter 1. The Druids who lived among the Gauls would often come here to gain a deeper and more secure understanding of the mysteries of that doctrine. Just as the Gauls received their religion from the Britons, we also learned some elements of Logic and Rhetoric from them, which our lawyers used in their pleas and common cases. Although the Greeks were not unknown to us, nor we to them, even from the very arrival of Brutus, due to the distance between our countries, we did not have much familiarity or access to one another until the time of Gurguntius, after whose arrival many from that nation traveled here more safely, just as many of our countrymen went to them without danger to be offered as sacrifices to their gods. That we also inherited the manner of our legal proceedings from France is supported by Juvenal, who says;

Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos.

Gallia taught eloquent lawyers to the Britons.

Howbeit as they taught vs Logike and Rhetorike, so we had also some Sophistrie from them; but in the worst sense: for from France is all kind of forgerie, corruption of maners, and craftie behauiour not so soone as often transported into England. And albeit the Druiydes were thus honored and of so great authoritie in Britaine, yet were there great numbers of them also in the Iles of Wight, Anglesey, and the Orchades, in which they held open schooles of their profession, aloofe as it were from the resort of people, wherein they studied and learned their songs by heart. Howbeit the cheefe college of all I say, remained still in Albion, whither the Druiydes of other nations also (beside the Galles) would of custome repaire, when soeuer anie controuersie among them in matters of religion did happen to be mooued. At such times also the rest were called out of the former Ilands, whereby it appeareth that in such cases they had their synods and publike meetings, and therevnto [Page 36] it grew finallie into custome, and after that a prouerbe, euen in variances falling out among the princes, great men, and common sorts of people liuing in these weast parts of Europe, to yeeld to be tried by Britaine and hir thrée Ilands, bicause they honoured hir préests (the Druiydes) as the Athenians did their Areopagites.

However, as they taught us Logic and Rhetoric, we also learned some Sophistry from them, but in the worst way: for all kinds of forgery, moral corruption, and deceptive behavior were quickly imported from France to England. Although the Druids were highly respected and held great authority in Britain, there were also many of them on the Isle of Wight, Anglesey, and the Orkneys, where they ran open schools for their profession, somewhat isolated from the public, and where they memorized their songs. Nevertheless, the main college was still in Albion, where Druids from other nations (besides the Gauls) would traditionally gather whenever a dispute about religious matters arose. At such times, others were also called from the previously mentioned islands, showing that they held synods and public meetings in those circumstances. Eventually, it became customary and then a proverb that in disputes among princes, nobles, and common people living in these western parts of Europe, they would agree to be judged by Britain and its three islands, because they honored its priests (the Druids) just as the Athenians honored their Areopagites. [Page 36]

Estimation of the Druiydes or Druiysh preests. Furthermore, in Britaine, and among the Galles, and to say the truth, generallie in all places where the Druiysh religion was frequented, such was the estimation of the préests of this profession, that there was little or nothing doone without their skilfull aduise, no not in ciuil causes, perteining to the regiment of the common-wealth and countrie. They had the charge also of all sacrifices, publike and priuate, they interpreted oracles, preached of religion, and were neuer without great numbers of yoong men that heard them with diligence, as they taught from time to time.

Estimation of the Druids or Druid priests. Additionally, in Britain, and among the Gauls, and to be honest, generally in all places where the Druid religion was practiced, the priests of this profession were held in such high regard that almost nothing was done without their expert advice, not even in civil matters related to the governance of the community and country. They were also responsible for all sacrifices, both public and private, interpreted oracles, preached about religion, and were never without large numbers of young men who listened to them attentively as they taught over time.

Immunitie of the cleargie greater vnder idolatrie than vnder the gospell. Touching their persons also they were exempt from all temporall seruices, impositions, tributes, and exercises of the wars: which immunitie caused the greater companies of scholers to flocke vnto them from all places, & to learne their trades. Of these likewise, some remained with them seuen, eight, ten, or twelue years, still learning the secrets of those unwritten mysteries by heart, which were to be had amongst them, and commonlie pronounced in verse. And this policie, as I take it, they vsed onelie to preserue their religion from contempt, whereinto it might easilie haue fallen, if any books thereof had happened into the hands of the common sort. It helped also not a little in the exercise of their memories, wherevnto bookes are vtter enimies, insomuch as he that was skilfull in the Druiysh religion, would not let readilie to rehearse manie hundreds of verses togither, and not to faile in one tittle, in the whole processe of this his laborious repetition. But as they dealt in this order for matters of their religion, so in ciuill affairs, historicall treatises, and setting downe of lawes, they vsed like order and letters almost with the Grecians. Whereby it is easie to be séene, that they reteined this kind of writing from Druiyus (the originall founder of their religion) and that this Iland hath not béene void of letters and learned men, euen sith it was first inhabited. I would ad some thing in particular also of their apparell, but sith the dealing withall is nothing profitable to the reader, I passe it ouer, signifieng neuerthelesse, that it was distinguished by sundrie deuises from that of the common sort, and of such estimation among the people, that whosoeuer ware the Druiysh weed, might walke where he would without any harme or annoiance. This honour was giuen also vnto the préests in Rome, insomuch that when Volusius was exiled by the Triumuirate, and saw himselfe in such danger, as that he could not escape the hardest, he gat the wéed of a preest upon his backe, and begged his almes therein, euen in the high waies as he trauelled, and so escaped the danger and the furie of his aduersaries: but to proceed with other things.

The clergy had more immunity under idolatry than they did under the gospel. Regarding their individuals, they were exempt from all temporal services, taxes, tributes, and military duties. This immunity led many students to flock to them from various places to learn their trades. Some of these students stayed with them for seven, eight, ten, or even twelve years, memorizing the secrets of those unwritten mysteries, which were typically recited in verse. I believe they employed this strategy solely to protect their religion from becoming disrespected, as it easily could have if any books about it had fallen into the hands of the general public. It also greatly aided in exercising their memories, as books are outright enemies to memory. A person skilled in the Druidic religion could effortlessly recite many hundreds of verses without missing a single detail throughout the entire process of their laborious recitation. Just as they managed their religious materials in this way, they also handled civil matters, historical writings, and the formulation of laws with a similar method and writing style close to the Greeks. This makes it clear that they retained this style of writing from Druidus (the original founder of their religion) and that this island has not been devoid of letters and learned individuals since it was first settled. I would like to add something specific about their clothing, but since discussing it doesn't provide much benefit to the reader, I’ll skip it, noting nonetheless that it was distinguished by various designs separate from that of the common people, and it held such esteem among the populace that anyone wearing Druidic attire could walk freely without harm or annoyance. This honor was also conferred upon the priests in Rome, to the extent that when Volusius was exiled by the Triumvirate and found himself in such danger that escape seemed impossible, he donned the garb of a priest and begged for alms on the highway as he traveled, thereby escaping the danger and fury of his adversaries. But let’s move on to other matters.

Bardus. After the death of Druiyus, Bardus his sonne, and fift king of the Celts, succéeded not onelie ouer the said kingdome, but also in his fathers vertues, whereby it is verie likelie, that the winding and wrapping vp of the said religion, after the afore remembred sort into verse, was first deuised by him, for he was an excellent poet, and no lesse indued with a singular skill in the practise and speculation of musicke, of which two many suppose him to be the verie author and Gen. 4. 21. beginner, although vniustlie, sith both poetrie and song were in vse before the flood, as was also the harpe and pipe, which Iubal inuented, and could neuer be performed without great skill in musicke. But to procéed, as the cheefe estimation of the Druiydes remained in the end among the Britons onelie, for their knowledge in religion, so did the fame of the Bardes (which were so called of this Bardus for their excellent skill in musicke, poetrie, and the heroicall kind of song, which at the first conteined onelie the high mysteries and secret points of their religion. There was little difference also betwéene them and The Bards degenerate. the Druiydes, till they so farre degenerated from their first institution, that they became to be minstrels at feasts, droonken meetings, and abhominable sacrifices of the idols: where they sang most commonlie no diuinitie as before, but the puissant acts of valiant princes, and fabulous narrations of the adulteries of the gods. Certes in my time this fond vsage, and thereto the verie name of the Bardes, are not yet extinguished among the Britons of Wales, [Page 37] where they call their poets and musicians Barthes, as they doo also in Ireland: which Sulpitius also writing to Lucane remembreth, where he saith that the word Bardus is meere Celtike, and signifieth a singer. Howbeit the Romans iudging all nations beside themselues to be but rude and barbarous, and thereto misliking vtterlie the rough musicke of the Bardes, entred so farre into the contemptuous mockage of their melodie, that they ascribed the word Bardus vnto their fooles and idiots, whereas contrariwise the Scythians and such as dwell within the northweast part of Europe, did vse the same word in verie honourable maner, calling their best poets and heroicall singers, Singebardos; their couragious singers and capiteins that delited in musicke, Albardos, Dagobardos, Rodtbardos, & one lame musician Lambard aboue all other, of whose skilfull ditties Germanie is not vnfurnished, as I heare vnto this daie. In Quizqueia or new Spaine, an Iland of the Indies, they call such men Boitios, their rimes Arcitos, and in steed of harps they sing vnto timbrels made of shels such sonnets and ditties as either perteine vnto religion, prophane loue, commendation of ancestrie, and inflammation of the mind vnto Mars, whereby there appeareth to be small difference betwéene their Boitios and our Bardes. Finallie of our sort, Lucane in his first booke writeth thus, among other like saiengs well toward the latter end;

Bardus. After the death of Druiyus, his son Bartus became the fifth king of the Celts. He succeeded not only in ruling the kingdom but also inherited his father's virtues. It's very likely that he was the first to master the art of putting the religion into verse, as he was an outstanding poet and had exceptional talent in music. Many believe he was the true originator of both poetry and song, although that's not entirely fair, since both were practiced before the flood, along with the harp and pipe invented by Jubal, which could never be performed without great skill in music. That said, the main reputation of the Druids ultimately remained among the Britons solely for their religious knowledge. Similarly, the fame of the Bards, named after Bartus for their amazing skills in music, poetry, and heroic songs, initially contained only the high mysteries and secret aspects of their religion. There was also little difference between them and the Druids until they strayed so far from their original purpose that they became minstrels at feasts, drunken gatherings, and shameful idol sacrifices; where they typically sang not of divinity as before, but rather about the powerful deeds of brave princes and fantastical tales of the gods' affairs. Indeed, in my time, this foolish practice, along with the very name of Bards, has not yet faded among the Britons of Wales, where they call their poets and musicians Barthes, just like they do in Ireland. Sulpitius noted this while writing to Lucane, stating that the word Bardus is purely Celtic and means a singer. However, the Romans judged all nations outside of themselves to be uncultured and barbaric and utterly disliked the rough music of the Bards, sinking so low into mockery of their melodies that they labeled the word Bardus for their fools and idiots. On the other hand, the Scythians and those living in the northwest of Europe used the same term in a very honorable way, calling their best poets and heroic singers Singebardos, and their brave singers and captains who delighted in music Albardos, Dagobardos, Rodtbardos, and even one renowned musician named Lambard, whose skilled songs Germany still enjoys to this day. In Quizqueia or New Spain, an island in the Indies, they refer to such individuals as Boitios, their rhymes as Arcitos, and instead of harps, they sing to timbrels made from shells, performing sonnets and ditties related to religion, profane love, ancestral praise, and stirring the spirit for Mars. This shows there is little difference between their Boitios and our Bards. Lastly, Lucane writes this in his first book, among other things, toward the end;

Lucani. li. 1.

Lucani. li. 1.

Vos quóq; qui fortes animas, bellóq; peremptas

Vos quóq; qui fortes animas, bellóq; peremptas

Laudibus in longum vates dimittitis æuum,

Laudibus, you send the poet on a long journey through time,

Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi.

You made many songs of Bard.

Et vos barbaricos ritus, morémque sinistrum

Et vos barbaricos ritus, morémque sinistrum

Sacrorum Druiydæ, positis recepistis ab armis.

Sacred Druid, you have received protection from weapons.

Solis nosse Deos, & cœli numina vobis,

Solis nosse Deos, & cœli numina vobis,

Aut solis nescire datum: nemora alta remotis

Aut solis nescire datum: nemora alta remotis

Incolitis lucis. Vobis authoribus, vmbræ

Incolitis lucis. Vobis authoribus, vmbræ

Non tacitas Erebi sedes, Ditisque profundi

Non tacitas Erebi sedes, Ditisque profundi

Pallida regna petunt, regit idem spiritus artus

Pallida kingdoms pursue, the same spirit controls the limbs

Orbe alio. Longæ canitis si cognita, vitæ

Orbe alio. Longă canities si cognita, vitæ

Mors media est, certe populi, quos despicit arctos,

Mors media est, certe populi, quos despicit arctos,

Fœlices errore suo, quos ille timorum

Fœlices errore suo, quos ille timorum

Maximus haud vrget leti metus: inde ruendi

Maximus doesn’t fear death: from there comes the rush of destruction.

In ferrum mens prona viris, animæque capaces

In iron, the mind is focused for men, and the souls are capable.

Mortis: & ignauum est redituræ parcere vitæ.

Mortis: & it is cowardly to spare life when it is meant to end.

Thus we sée as in a glasse the state of religion, for a time, after the first inhabitation of this Iland: but how long it continued in such soundnesse, as the originall authors left it, in good sooth I cannot say, yet this is most certeine, that after a time, when Albion arriued here, the religion earst imbraced fell into great decaie. For whereas Iaphet & Samothes with their children taught nothing else than such doctrine as they had learned of Noah: Cham the great grandfather of this our Albion, and his disciples vtterlie renouncing to follow their steps, gaue their minds wholie to seduce and lead their hearers headlong vnto all error. Whereby his posteritie not onelie corrupted this our Iland, with most filthie trades and practises; but also all mankind, generallie where they became, with vicious life, and most vngodlie conuersation. What doctrine Cham and his disciples taught. For from Cham and his successours procéeded at the first all sorcerie, witchcraft, and the execution of vnlawful lust, without respect of sex, age, consanguinitie, or kind: as branches from an odious and abhominable root, or streames deriued from a most filthie and horrible stinking puddle. Howbeit, & notwithstanding all these his manifold lewdnesses, such was the follie of his Ægyptians (where he first reigned and taught) that whilest he liued they alone had him in great estimation (whereas other nations contemned and abhorred him for his wickednesse, calling Chemesenua. him Chemesenua, that is, the impudent, infamous and wicked Cham) and not
Chem Min.
Cham made a god.
onelie builded a citie vnto him which they called Chem Min, but also after his death reputed him for a god, calling the highest of the seuen [Page 38] planets after his name, as they did the next beneath it after Osyris his sonne, whom they likewise honored vnder the name of Iupiter.

Thus, we see in a mirror the state of religion for a time after the first settlement of this island: but I honestly cannot say how long it remained as sound as the original authors left it. One thing is certain, though: after a while, when Albion arrived here, the religion that had been embraced fell into great decline. While Japhet and Samothes, along with their descendants, taught nothing but the doctrines they learned from Noah, Cham, the great grandfather of our Albion, and his followers completely rejected their ways, choosing instead to seduce and lead their followers straight into error. As a result, his descendants not only corrupted this island with filthy practices and trades but also influenced all of mankind generally wherever they went, living viciously and engaging in ungodly behavior. What teachings Cham and his followers shared. From Cham and his successors came all sorcery, witchcraft, and the pursuit of unlawful lust, without regard for sex, age, kinship, or kind: like branches from a hateful and abominable root or streams flowing from a disgusting and horrible stinking puddle. However, despite all these many lewd acts, the foolishness of his Egyptians (where he first ruled and taught) was such that while he lived, they alone held him in high esteem (while other nations despised and detested him for his wickedness, calling him Chemesenua. Chemesenua, which means the shameless, infamous, and wicked Cham) and not only built a city for him called Chem Min, but also after his death regarded him as a god, naming the highest of the seven planets after him, just as they named the one next to it after Osiris, his son, whom they also honored under the name of Jupiter. Chem Min.
Cham created a god.
[Page 38]

Translation of mortall men into heauen how it began. Certes it was a custome begonne in Ægypt of old time, and generallie in vse almost in euerie place in processe of time (when any of their famous worthie princes died) to ascribe some forme or other of the stars vnto his person, to the end his name might neuer weare out of memorie. And this they called their translation in heauen, so that he which had any starres or forme of starres dedicated vnto him, was properlie said to haue a seat among the gods. A toie much like to the catalog of Romish saints, (although the one was written in the celestiall or immateriall orbes, the other in sheeps skins, and verie brickle paper) but yet so estéemed, that euerie prince would oft hazard and attempt the vttermost aduentures, thereby to win such fame in his life, that after his death he might by merit haue such place in heauen, among the shining starres. Howbeit, euerie of those that were called gods, could not obteine that benefit, for then should there not haue béene stars enow in heauen to haue serued all their turnes, wherfore another place was in time imagined, where they reigned that were of a second calling, as the Cyril, aduersus Iul. lib. 6. sect. 8. Semones who were gods by grace and fauour of the people. "Semones dici voluerunt (saith Fulgentius In vocibus antiquis) quos cœlo nec dignos ascriberent, ob meriti paupertatem; sicut Priapus Hyppo. Vortumnus, &c. nec terrenos eos deputare vellent per gratiæ venerationem," as also a third place that is to say an earth, where those gods dwelled which were noble men, officers, good gouernours and lawgiuers to the people, and yet not thought worthie to be of the second or first companie, which was a iollie diuision.

Translation of mortal humans into heaven: how it started. It was indeed a custom that started in ancient Egypt and, over time, became common in many places. When any of their renowned princes died, they would associate some form of stars with that person to ensure their name would never be forgotten. This practice was referred to as their translation to heaven, so that anyone with stars or a star-like form dedicated to them was considered to have a seat among the gods. This concept is somewhat similar to the list of Roman saints, although one was recorded in celestial or immaterial realms while the other was written on fragile sheep skins and brittle paper. Nevertheless, it was so valued that every prince would often take risks and pursue great adventures to gain such fame in life that after their death, they might achieve a place in heaven among the shining stars. However, not everyone called a god could receive that honor, for then there wouldn't be enough stars in heaven to accommodate all of them. Thus, over time, another kind of realm was imagined where those of a lesser calling reigned, such as the Cyril, adversus Iul. lib. 6. sect. 8. Semones, who were considered gods by the grace and favor of the people. “Semones dici voluerunt (says Fulgentius in ancient words) whom they would not attribute to heaven due to their lack of merit; like Priapus, Hyppo, Vortumnus, etc., and they didn't want to categorize them as earthly gods out of respect for their grace,” as well as a third place, namely an earthly realm, where those gods existed who were noble individuals, officials, good governors, and lawmakers for the people, yet were not deemed worthy to be in the second or first group, which was quite a notable division.

Thus we sée in generall maner, how idolatrie, honoring of the starres, and brood of inferiour gods were hatched at the first, which follies in processe of time came also into Britaine, as did the names of Saturne & Iupiter, &c: as shall appeare hereafter. And here sith I haue alreadie somewhat digressed from my matter, I will go yet a little farder, and shew foorth the originall vse of the word Saturne, Iupiter, Hercules, &c: whereby your Honor shall sée a little more into the errours of the Gentils, and not onelie that, but one point also Which were properlie called Saturni, Ioues, Iunones, and Hercules. of the root of all the confusion that is to be found among the ancient histories. Certes it was vsed for a few yéeres after the partition of the earth (which was made by Noah, in the 133. yeere after the floud) that the beginners of such kingdoms as were then erected should be called Saturni, whereby it came to passe that Nimbrote was the Saturne of Babylon: Cham of Ægypt: and so foorth other of sundrie other countries. Their eldest sonnes also that succeeded them, were called Ioues; and their nephewes or sonnes sonnes, which reigned in the third place Hercules, by which meanes it followed that euerie kingdome had a Saturne, Iupiter and Hercules of hir owne, and not from anie other.

So we can generally see how idolatry, the worship of stars, and the belief in lesser gods originated, which eventually spread to Britain, along with the names of Saturn, Jupiter, etc., as will become clear later. Now, since I've already strayed a bit from my topic, I will go a little further and explain the original meaning of the names Saturn, Jupiter, Hercules, etc., so that you can gain a better understanding of the errors of the pagans, and not only that, but also one issue They were properly called Saturn, Jupiter, Juno, and Hercules. regarding the root of all the confusion found in ancient histories. Indeed, for a few years after the division of the earth (which was carried out by Noah in the 133rd year after the flood), the founders of such kingdoms that were established at that time were referred to as Saturni, which led to Nimrod being recognized as the Saturn of Babylon, Cham of Egypt, and so on for other various regions. Their eldest sons who succeeded them were called Ioues, and their nephews or grandsons, who ruled third in line were called Hercules. This meant that each kingdom had its own Saturn, Jupiter, and Hercules, and not from any other source.

In like sort they had such another order among their daughters, whom they married as yet commonlie vnto their brethren (God himselfe permitting the same vnto them for a time) as before the floud, to the end the earth might be thoroughlie replenished, and the sooner furnished with inhabitants in euerie part therof. The sister therefore and wife of Isis, Io and Iuno all one. euerie Saturne was called Rhea, but of Iupiter, Iuno, Isis, or Io. Beyond these also there was no latter Harold that would indeuour to deriue the petigree of any prince, or potentate, but supposed his dutie to be sufficientlie performed, when he had brought it orderlie vnto some Saturne or other, wherat he might cease, and shut vp all his trauell. They had likewise this opinion grounded amongst them, that heauen & earth were onlie parents vnto Saturne and Rhea, not knowing out of doubt, Cœlum or Cœlus.
Ogyges.
Sol.
Pater deorum.
what they themselues did meane, sith these denominations, Heauen, Ogyges, the Sunne, Pater Deorum, and such like, were onelie ascribed vnto Noah: as *Terra, (the Earth) Vesta, Aretia, the Moone, Mater * Tydea.
Vesta.
Terra.
Luna.
Aretia.
Deorum mater.
deorum, and other the like were vnto Tydea his wife. So that hereby we sée, how Saturne is reputed in euerie nation for their oldest god, or first prince, Iupiter for the next, and Hercules for the third. And therefore sith these names were dispersed in the beginning ouer all, it is no maruell that there is such confusion in ancient histories, and the [Page 39] dooings of one of them so mixed with those of another, that it is now impossible to distinguish them in sunder. This haue I spoken, to the end that all men may see what gods the Pagans honored, & thereby what religion the posteritie of Cham did bring ouer into Britaine. For vntill their comming, it is not likelie that anie grosse idolatrie or superstition did enter in among vs, as deifieng of mortall men, honoring of the starres, and erection of huge images, beside sorcerie, witchcraft, and such like, whereof the Chemminites are worthilie called the autors. Neither were these errors anie thing amended, by the comming Frō whence Brute did learne his religion. in of Brute, who no doubt added such deuises vnto the same, as he and his companie had learned before in Græcia, from whence also he brought Helenus the sonne of Priamus, (a man of excéeding age) & made him his préest and bishop thorough out the new conquest, that he had atchieued in Britaine.

Similarly, they had a similar system for their daughters, whom they usually married to their brothers (with God permitting this for a time) just like before the flood, so that the earth could be thoroughly populated and quickly filled with inhabitants in every part. Therefore, the sister and wife of Isis, Io, and Juno are all the same. Every Saturn was called Rhea, but of Jupiter, Juno, Isis, or Io. Beyond these, there was no later herald who would try to trace the lineage of any prince or ruler but assumed his duty was sufficiently fulfilled when he presented it orderly to some Saturn or another, after which he could stop and conclude all his efforts. They also held the belief that heaven and earth were the only parents of Saturn and Rhea, not truly understanding, Sky or Sky God.
Ogyges.
Sun.
Father of the gods.
what they themselves meant, since these names, Heaven, Ogyges, the Sun, Pater Deorum, and similar titles, were only assigned to Noah: as *Terra, (the Earth) Vesta, Aretia, the Moon, Mater * Tydea.
Vesta.
Earth.
Moon.
Aretia.
Mother of the gods.
deorum, and others like her were assigned to Tydea, his wife. Thus, we see how Saturn is regarded in every nation as their oldest god or first ruler, Jupiter as the next, and Hercules as the third. Therefore, since these names were spread from the beginning, it’s no surprise that there’s such confusion in ancient histories, with the [Page 39] deeds of one mixed with those of another, making it now impossible to separate them. I mention this so that everyone can see what gods the Pagans worshipped, and consequently, what religion the descendants of Ham brought over to Britain. For until their arrival, it is unlikely that any gross idolatry or superstition entered among us, such as deifying mortal men, honoring the stars, and erecting huge images, along with sorcery, witchcraft, and the like, for which the Chemminites are rightly called the authors. These errors were not corrected by the coming Where Brute learned his faith. of Brute, who undoubtedly added such practices as he and his company had learned before in Greece, from where he also brought Helenus, the son of Priam, (an extremely old man) and made him his priest and bishop throughout the new territory he had achieved in Britain.

After Brute, idolatrie and superstition still increased more and more among vs, insomuch that beside the Druiysh and Bardike ceremonies, and those also that came in with Albion and Brute himselfe: our countriemen either brought hither from abroad, or dailie inuented at home new religion and rites, whereby it came to passe that in the stead of the onelie and immortall God (of whom Samothes and his posteritie did preach Dis or Samothes made a god. in times past) now they honored the said Samothes himselfe vnder the name of Dis and Saturne: also Iupiter, Mars, Minerua, Mercurie, Apollo, Diana; and finallie Hercules, vnto whome they dedicated the gates and porches of their temples, entrances into their regions, cities, townes and houses, with their limits and bounds (as the papists did the gates of their cities and ports vnto Botulph & Giles) bicause fortitude and wisedome are the cheefe vpholders and bearers vp of common-wealths and kingdoms, both which they ascribed to Hercules (forgetting God) and diuers other idols whose names I now remember not. In lieu moreouer of sheepe and oxen, Mela. Diodorus, Strab. 4. Plin. Cæsar. 5. they offred mankind also vnto some of them, killing their offendors, prisoners, and oft such strangers as came from farre vnto them, by shutting vp great numbers of them togither in huge images made of wicker, réed, haie, or other light matter: and then setting all on fire togither, they not onelie consumed the miserable creatures to ashes (sometimes adding other beasts vnto them) but also reputed it to be the most acceptable sacrifice that could be made vnto their idols. From whence they had this horrible custome, trulie I cannot tell, but that it was common to most nations, not onlie to consume their strangers, captiues, &c; but also their owne children with fire, in such maner of sacrifice: beside the text of the Bible, the prophane histories doo generallie leaue it euident, as a thing either of custome or of particular necessitie, of which later Virgil saith;

After Brute, idolatry and superstition kept growing among us, so much so that besides the Druidic and Bardic ceremonies, and the ones that came with Albion and Brute himself, our countrymen either brought new religions and rites from abroad or invented them daily at home. This led to the worship of Samothes himself under the names of Dis and Saturn, instead of honoring the one immortal God that Samothes and his descendants preached about in the past. They also honored Jupiter, Mars, Minerva, Mercury, Apollo, Diana, and finally Hercules, to whom they dedicated the gates and porches of their temples, entrances to their regions, cities, towns, and homes, as well as their limits and boundaries (just as the Catholics dedicated the gates of their cities and ports to Botulph and Giles), because they believed that fortitude and wisdom were the main supports of states and kingdoms—qualities they associated with Hercules, forgetting God and various other idols whose names I don’t recall now. Additionally, instead of offering sheep and oxen, they also offered humans to some of these idols, executing offenders, prisoners, and often even strangers who traveled to them, by cramming large numbers into massive effigies made of wicker, reed, hay, or other lightweight materials. They then set everything on fire, not only burning those unfortunate souls to ashes (sometimes adding other animals to them) but also considered this the most acceptable sacrifice to their idols. I honestly don’t know where this horrific custom originated, but it was common among many nations, not only to sacrifice their strangers and captives but also their own children by fire. The Bible’s text and secular histories generally make this evident, as something either customary or necessary, which the later Virgil mentions.

Sanguine placastis ventos & virgine cæsa, &c.

Sanguine placastis ventos & virgine cæsa, &c.

As Silius dooth of the first, where he telleth of the vsuall maner of the Carthaginenses, saieng after this maner;

As Silius does in the beginning, where he describes the typical way of the Carthaginians, saying it this way;

Vrna reducebat miserandos annua casus, &c.

Vrna was dealing with miserable yearly events, etc.

But to procéed with our owne gods and idols, more pertinent to my purpose than the rehersall of forreine demeanours: I find that huge temples in like sort were builded vnto them, so that in the time of Lucius, when the light of saluation began stronglie to shine in Ptol. Lucensis. Britaine,thorough the preaching of the gospell, the christians discouered 25. Flamines or idol-churches beside three Archflamines, whose préests were then as our Archbishops are now, in that they had superior charge of all the rest, the other being reputed as inferiours, and subiect to their iurisdiction in cases of religion, and superstitious ceremonies.

But to continue with our own gods and idols, which are more relevant to my point than the mention of foreign practices: I find that large temples were built for them, so that during the time of Lucius, when the light of salvation began to shine brightly in Ptolemy of Lucena. Britain, through the preaching of the gospel, the Christians discovered 25 Flamines or idol-churches in addition to three Archflamines, whose priests were similar to our Archbishops today, in that they had higher authority over all the others, while the others were considered lower and subject to their jurisdiction in matters of religion and superstitious ceremonies.

Monstrous proportions of idols. Of the quantities of their idols I speake not, sith it is inough to saie, that they were monstrous, and that each nation contended which should honour the greater blocks, and yet all pretending to haue the iust heigth of the god or goddesse whom they did represent. Apollo Capitolinus that stood at Rome, was thirtie cubits high at the least; Tarentinus Iupiter of 40.; the idoll of the sonne in the Rhodes, of 70 (whose toe few men could fadam;) Tuscanus Apollo that stood in the librarie of the temple of Augustus, of 50. foot; another made vnder Nero of 110. foot; but one in France passed all, which Zenoduris made vnto [Page 40] Mercurie at Aruernum in ten years space, of 400. foot. Wherby it appeareth, that as they were void of moderation in number of gods, so without measure were they also in their proportions, and happie was he which might haue the greatest idoll, and lay most cost thereon.

Huge idols. I won’t even get into how many idols they had because it’s enough to say that they were huge, and each nation competed to see who could honor the largest statues, all claiming to represent the true height of the god or goddess they depicted. Apollo Capitolinus in Rome stood at least thirty cubits high; Tarentinus Jupiter was 40 cubits; the statue of the sun in Rhodes was 70 cubits (few men could measure its toe); Tuscan Apollo in the library of the Temple of Augustus was 50 feet tall; another statue created under Nero was 110 feet tall; but one in France exceeded them all, made by Zenodurus for Mercury at Aruernum, standing at 400 feet tall and taking ten years to complete. This shows that just as they lacked moderation in the number of gods, so too did they lack restraint in size, and the one who could afford the biggest idol was considered the luckiest.

Hitherto yee haue heard of the time, wherein idolatrie reigned and blinded the harts of such as dwelled in this Iland. Now let vs sée the successe of the gospell, after the death and passion of Iesus Christ our sauiour. And euen here would I begin with an allegation of Theodoret. Theodoret, wherevpon some repose great assurance (conceiuing yet more Sophronius. hope therein by the words of Sophronius) that Paule the Apostle should preach the word of saluation here, after his deliuerie out of captiuitie, which fell as I doo read in the 57. of Christ. But sith I cannot verifie the same by the words of Theodoret, to be spoken more of Paule than Peter, or the rest, I will passe ouer this coniecture (so far as it is grounded vpon Theodoret) and deale with other authorities, whereof we haue more certeintie. First of all therfore let vs see what Fortunatus hath written of Pauls comming into Britaine, and afterward what is to be found of other by-writers in other points of more assurance. Certes for the presence of Paule I read thus much:

Until now, you have heard about the time when idolatry dominated and blinded the hearts of those living on this island. Now, let us look at the impact of the gospel after the death and passion of Jesus Christ our Savior. I would like to start with a reference to Theodoret Theodoret, on whom some place great confidence (and who is supported even more by the words of Sophronius.), suggests that Paul the Apostle preached the word of salvation here after his release from captivity, which I read happened in the 57th year of Christ. However, since I cannot confirm this through Theodoret's words to be more about Paul than Peter or the others, I will set aside this speculation (as far as it is based on Theodoret) and refer to other authorities from which we have more certainty. So first, let’s see what Fortunatus wrote about Paul's arrival in Britain, and then look at what other writers have said on more certain matters. Indeed, regarding Paul’s presence, I read the following:

Quid sacer ille simul Paulus tuba gentibus ampla,

Quid sacer ille simul Paulus tuba gentibus ampla,

Per mare per terras Christi præconia fundens,

Per mare per terras Christi præconia fundens,

Europam & Asiam, Lybiam, sale dogmata complens,

Europam & Asiam, Lybiam, while fulfilling the doctrines of salt,

Arctos, meridies, hic plenus vesper & ortus,

Arctos, south, here full evening & sunrise,

Transit & Oceanum, vel qua facit insula portum,

Transit & Oceanum, or how the island creates a port,

Quásq; Britannus habet terras atque vltima Thule, &c.

Quasq; Britain has lands and the farthest Thule, etc.

Iosephus. That one Iosephus preached here in England, in the time of the Apostles, his sepulchre yet in Aualon, now called Glessenburg or Glastenburie, an epitaph affixed therevnto is proofe sufficient. Howbeit, sith these things are not of competent force to persuade all men, I will ad in few, what I haue read elsewhere of his arriuall here. First of all therefore you shall note that he came ouer into Britaine, about the 64. after Christ, when the persecution began vnder Nero, at which time Philip and diuers of the godlie being in France (whether he came with other christians, after they had sowed the word of God in Scythia, by the space of 9. yeares) seuered themselues in sunder, to make the better shift for their owne safegard, and yet not otherwise than by their flight, the gospell might haue due furtherance. Hereby then it came to Philip. Freculphus. To. 2., lib. 2. cap. 4.
Nennius. Nicephorus lib. 2. cap. 40.
Isidorus lib. de vita & obit. dict. patrum.
W. Malmes. de antiq. Glasconici monast.
passe, that the said Philip vpon good deliberation did send Iosephus ouer, and with him Simon Zelotes to preach vnto the Britons, and minister the sacraments there according to the rites of the churches of Asia and Greece, from whence they came not long before vnto the countrie of the Galles. Which was saith Malmesburie 103. before Faganus and Dinaw did set foorth the gospell amongst them. Of the cōming of Zelotes you may read more in the second booke of Niceph. Cal. where he writeth thereof in this maner: "Operæpretium etiam fuerit Simonem Cana Galileæ ortum, qui propter flagrantem in magistrum suum ardorem, summámq; euangelicæ rei per omnia curam Zelotes cognominatus est hîc referre, accepit enim is cœlitùs adueniente spiritu sancto, Aegyptium Cyrenem & Africam, deinde Mauritaniam & Lybiam omnem euangelium deprædicans percurrit, eandemque doctrinam etiam ad occidentalem Oceanum insulásque Britannicas perfert." And this is the effect in a little roome, of that which I haue read at large in sundrie writers, beside these two here alledged, although it may well be gathered that diuers Britains were conuerted to the faith, before this sixtie foure of Christ. Howbeit, whereas some write that they liued, and dwelled in Britaine, it cannot as yet take any absolute hold in my iudgement, but rather that they were baptised and remained, either in Rome, or else-where. And of this sort I suppose Claudia Rufina a British ladie. Claudia Rufina the wife of Pudens to be one, who was a British ladie indeed, and not onelie excellentlie séene in the Gréeke and Latine toongs, but also with hir husband highlie commended by S. Paule, as one 1. Tim. 4. hauing had conuersation and conference with them at Rome, from whence he did write his second epistle vnto Timothie, as I read. Of this ladie moreouer Martial speaketh, in reioising that his poesies were read also [Page 41] in Britaine, and onelie by hir meanes, who vsed to cull out the finest & honestest of his epigrams and send them to hir fréends for tokens, saieng after this maner, as himselfe dooth set it downe:

Josephus. Josephus preached here in England during the time of the Apostles, and his tomb still exists in Aualon, now known as Glastonbury; the inscription there is clear evidence. However, since these points may not convince everyone, I will briefly add what I have read elsewhere about his arrival here. First, you should note that he came to Britain around 64 AD, when the persecution began under Nero. At that time, Philip and several other believers were in France (where he arrived with other Christians after they had spread the word of God in Scythia for nine years) and separated themselves to ensure their own safety while still promoting the gospel through their escape. This led to the fact that Philip, after careful consideration, sent Josephus along with Simon Zelotes to preach to the Britons and administer the sacraments there according to the practices of the churches of Asia and Greece, from which they had recently come to the land of the Gauls. According to Malmesbury, this was 103 years before Faganus and Dinaw began spreading the gospel among them. You can read more about Zelotes' arrival in the second book of Nicephorus, where he writes: "It was worth the effort to mention Simon from Cana in Galilee, who, due to his fervent devotion to his master and his total concern for the evangelical mission, was called Zelotes. He was filled with the Holy Spirit and proclaimed the gospel throughout Egypt, Cyrene, Africa, then Mauritania, and all of Libya, bringing the same teachings even to the western ocean and the British Isles." This sums up what I have read extensively in several other authors, besides the two mentioned here, although it's clear that some Britons were converted to the faith before this 64 AD. However, while some write that they lived and settled in Britain, I don't find that entirely convincing; rather, it seems they were baptized and remained either in Rome or elsewhere. One of these, I believe, is Claudia Rufina, a British woman. Claudia Rufina, the wife of Pudens, was indeed a British woman, highly educated in Greek and Latin, and was commended by St. Paul, as someone who engaged with them in Rome, from which he wrote his second letter to Timothy, as I have read. Moreover, Martial mentions this lady, rejoicing that his poems were also read in Britain, and only through her, as she would select the best and most appropriate of his epigrams and send them to her friends as gifts, stating as he put it:

Dicitur & nostros cantare Britannia versus.

Dicitur & nostros cantare Britannia versus.

Furthermore making mention of hir and hir issue, he addeth these words:

Furthermore, speaking about her and her children, he adds these words:

Li. 11. Epig. 54.

Li. 11. Epig. 54.

Claudia cœruleis cùm sit Rufina Britannis

Claudia, with her blue eyes, is known to the Britons as Rufina.

Edita, cur Latiæ pectora plebis habet?

Edita, why does the heart of the people of Latium have?

Quale decus formæ? Romanam credere matres

Quale decus formæ? Roman mothers believe

Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam.

Italides can be, Atthides are their own.

Dij bene, quod sancto peperit fæcunda marito,

Dij said it well, that the fruitful mother gave birth to a holy husband,

Quot sperat, generos, quótque puella nurus.

Quot sperat, generos, quótque puella nurus.

Sic placeat superis, vt coniuge gaudeat vno,

Sic placeat superis, vt coniuge gaudeat vno,

Et semper natis gaudeat illa tribus.

Et semper natis gaudeat illa tribus.

The names of hir thrée children were Prudentiana, Praxedes, both virgins, and Nouatus, who after the death of Pudens their father (which befell him in Cappadocia) dwelled with their mother in Vmbria, where they ceased not from time to time to minister vnto the saints. But to leaue this impertinent discourse, and proceed with my purpose.

The names of her three children were Prudentiana, Praxedes, both virgins, and Nouatus, who, after their father Pudens passed away in Cappadocia, lived with their mother in Umbria, where they frequently served the saints. But let's not dwell on this irrelevant detail and move on with my main point.

I find in the Chronicles of Burton (vnder the yeare of Grace 141. and time of Hadrian the emperour) that nine scholers or clerkes of Grantha or Granta (now Cambridge) were baptised in Britaine, and became preachers of the gospell there, but whether Taurinus bishop or elder ouer the congregation at Yorke (who as Vincentius saith, was executed Lib. 10. cap. 17.
Taurinus.
about this time for his faith) were one of them or not, as yet I do not certeinlie find; but rather the contrarie, which is that he was no Britaine at all, but Episcopus Ebroicensis, for which such as perceiue not the easie corruption of the word, may soone write Eboracensis as certeinlie mine author out of whom I alledge this authoritie hath done before me. For Vincentius saith flat otherwise, and therefore the Chronologie if it speake of anie Taurinus bishop of Yorke is to be reformed in that behalfe. Diuers other also imbraced the religion of Christ verie zealouslie before these men. Howbeit, all this notwithstanding, the glad tidings of the gospell had neuer free and open passage here, vntill the time of Lucius, in which the verie enimies of the word became the apparent meanes (contrarie to their owne minds) to haue it set foorth amongst vs. For when Antoninus the emperour had giuen out a decrée, that the Druiysh religion should euerie where be abolished, Lucius the king (whose surname is now perished) tooke aduise of his councell what was best to be doone, & wrote in this behalfe. And this did Lucius, bicause he knew it *impossible for man to liue long * This is contrarie to the common talke of our Atheists who say, Let vs liue here in wealth, credit and authoritie vpon earth, and let God take heauen and his religion to himselfe to doo withall what he listeth. without any religion at all: finallie finding his Nobilitie & subiects vtter enemies to the Romane deuotiō (for that they made so many gods as they listed, & some to haue the regiment euen of their dirt & dung) and thervnto being pricked forwards by such christians as were conuersant about him, to choose the seruice of the true God that liueth for euer, rather than the slauish seruitude of any pagan idoll: he fullie resolued with himselfe in the end, to receiue and imbrace the gospell of Christ. He sent also two of his best learned and greatest Lucius openeth his ears to good counsell, as one desirous to serue God & not prefer the world. philosophers to Rome, vnto Eleutherus then bishop there in the 177. of Christ, not to promise any subiection to his sea, which then was not required, but to say with such as were pricked in mind, Acts. 2. verse. 37. "Quid faciemus viri fratres?" I meane that they were sent to be perfectlie instructed, and with farther commission, to make earnest request vnto him and the congregation there, that a competent number of preachers might be sent ouer from thence, by whose diligent aduise and trauell, the foundation of the gospell might surelie be laid ouer all the portion of the Ile, which conteined his kingdome, according to his mind.

I found in the Chronicles of Burton (under the year of Grace 141 and the time of Emperor Hadrian) that nine scholars or clerks from Grantha (now Cambridge) were baptized in Britain and became preachers of the gospel there. However, I'm not certain if Taurinus, the bishop or elder over the congregation in York (who, as Vincentius says, was executed around this time for his faith) was one of them; in fact, it seems the opposite might be true, as he was not British at all, but rather the Bishop of Eboracensis. Those who don’t see the simple corruption of the word might easily write Eboracensis, as my source has done before me. Vincentius says otherwise, and so the timeline should be corrected concerning any Taurinus mentioned as bishop of York. Others also embraced Christianity very zealously before these men. Nevertheless, despite all this, the good news of the gospel never had a free and open way here until the time of Lucius, during which even the enemies of the word became the obvious means (contrary to their own desires) to have it promoted among us. When Emperor Antoninus declared that the Druid religion should be abolished everywhere, King Lucius (whose surname has now faded) consulted his council on what was best to do and wrote in this regard. Lucius did this because he knew it was impossible for anyone to live long without any religion at all. Ultimately, finding that his nobility and subjects were outright enemies of Roman devotion (because they created as many gods as they wanted, including some who governed their dirt and dung), and being encouraged by the Christians around him to choose the service of the true God who lives forever rather than the slavish servitude of any pagan idol, he resolved to receive and embrace the gospel of Christ. He also sent two of his most learned and greatest philosophers to Rome, to Eleutherus, the bishop there in the 177th year of Christ, not to promise any subjection to his see (which was not required at the time) but to say, along with those who were stirred in their hearts, Acts 2:37, "What shall we do, brothers?" That is, they were sent to be thoroughly instructed and with further commission, to earnestly request him and the congregation there to send a sufficient number of preachers over from there, so that through their diligent guidance and efforts, the foundation of the gospel could firmly be established throughout the part of the island that contained his kingdom, according to his wishes.

The purpose of Lucius opened vnto the congregation at Rome by Eleutherus. When Eleutherus vnderstood these things, he reioiced not a little for the great goodnesse, which the Lord had shewed vpon this our Ile and countrie. Afterwards calling the brethren togither, they agréed to ordeine, euen those two for bishops, whom Lucius as you haue heard, had [Page 42] directed ouer vnto them. Finallie after they had thoroughlie catechized them, making generall praier vnto God and earnest supplication for the good successe of these men, they sent them home againe with no small charge, that they should be diligent in their function, and carefull ouer the flocke committed to their custodie.

Eleutherus revealed Lucius's purpose to the congregation in Rome. When Eleutherus learned about these matters, he was truly pleased by the great kindness the Lord had shown to our island and country. Later, he gathered the brothers together, and they agreed to ordain the two men that Lucius had sent to them, as you have heard. [Page 42] After they thoroughly taught them, they offered a general prayer to God and earnestly asked for the success of these men. They sent them back home with a strong reminder to be diligent in their duties and to take good care of the flock entrusted to them.

The first of these was called Eluanus Aualonius, a man borne in the Ile of Aualon, and brought up there vnder those godlie pastours and their disciples, whom Philip sent ouer at the first for the conuersion of the Britons. The other hight Medguinus, and was thereto surnamed Belga, bicause he was of the towne of Welles, which then was called Belga. This man was trained vp also in one schoole with Eluanus, both of them being ornaments to their horie ages, and men of such grauitie and godlinesse, that Eleutherus supposed none more worthie to support this charge, than they: after whose comming home also, it was not long yer Lucius and all A zealous prince maketh feruent subiects. his houshold with diuers of the Nobilitie were baptised, beside infinit numbers of the common people, which dailie resorted vnto them, and voluntarilie renounced all their idolatrie and paganisme.

The first of these was named Eluanus Aualonius, a man born on the Isle of Aualon and raised there under the guidance of those godly leaders and their disciples, whom Philip initially sent over for the conversion of the Britons. The other was called Medguinus, who was given the nickname Belga because he was from the town of Welles, which was then known as Belga. This man was also educated in the same school as Eluanus, with both of them being remarkable figures of their time, known for their seriousness and piety, so that Eleutherus believed no one was more worthy to take on this responsibility than they. After their return, it wasn’t long before Lucius and all his household, along with several nobles, were baptized, along with countless common people who came to them daily, willingly renouncing all their idol worship and paganism.

In the meane time, Eleutherus vnderstanding the successe of these learned doctours, and supposing with himselfe, that they two onlie could not suffice to support so great a charge as should concerne the conuersion of the whole Iland; he directed ouer vnto them in the yeare Faganus.
Dinauus.
Aaron.
insuing Faganus, Dinaw (or Dinauus) Aaron, and diuerse other godlie preachers, as fellow-labourers to trauell with them in the vineyard of Radulphus de la noir aliàs Niger. the Lord. These men therefore after their comming hither, consulted with the other, and foorthwith wholie consented to make a diuision of this
3. Cheefe Bishops in Britaine.
Iland amongst themselues, appointing what parcell each preacher should take, that with the more profit and ease of the people, and somewhat lesse trauell also for themselues, the doctrine of the Gospell might be preached and receiued. In this distribution, they ordeined that there Theonus.
Theodosius.
London.
Yorke.
Caerlheon.
should be one congregation at London, where they placed Theonus as chéefe elder and bishop, for that present time, worthilie called Theonus. 1. for there was another of that name who fled into Wales with Thadiocus of Yorke, at the first comming of the Saxons; and also Guthelmus, who went (as I read) into Armorica, there to craue aid against the Scots and Vandals that plagued this Ile, from the Twede vnto the Humber. After this Theonus also Eluanus succéeded, who conuerted manie of the Druiydes, and builded the first librarie neere vnto the bishops palace. The said Lucius also placed another at Yorke, whither they appointed Theodosius: and the third at Caerlheon vpon the riuer Vske, builded sometimes by Belinus, and called Glamorgantia, but now Chester (in which three cities there had before time beene thrée Archflamines erected vnto Apollo, Mars, and Minerua, but now raced to the ground, and three other churches builded in their steeds by Lucius) to the end that the countries round about might haue indifferent accesse vnto those places, and therewithall vnderstand for certeintie, whither to resort for resolution, if after their conuersion they should happen to doubt of any thing. In like sort also the rest of the idoll-temples standing in other places were either ouerthrowne, or conuerted into churches for christian congregations to assemble in, as our writers doo remember. In the report whereof giue me leaue gentle reader, of London my natiue citie to speake a little: for although it may and dooth seeme impertinent to my purpose, yet it shall not be much, and therefore I will soone make an end. There is a controuersie moued among our historiographers, whether the church that Lucius builded at London stood at Westminster, or in Cornehill. For there is some cause, why the metropolitane church should be thought to stand where S. Peters now doth, by the space of 400. & od yéeres before it was remoued to Canturburie by Austine the monke, if a man should leane to one side without anie conference of the asseuerations of the other. But herin (as I take it) there lurketh some scruple, for beside that S. Peters church stood in the east end of the citie, and that of Apollo in the west, the word Cornehill (a denomination giuen of late to speake of to one street) may easilie be mistaken for Thorney. For as the word Thorney proceedeth from the Saxons, who called the west end of the citie by that name, where Westminster now standeth, bicause of the wildnesse and bushinesse of the soile; so I doo not read of anie stréete in London [Page 43] called Cornehill before the conquest of the Normans. Wherfore I hold with them, which make Westminster to be the place where Lucius builded his church vpon the ruines of that Flamine 264. yeeres, as Malmesburie saith, before the comming of the Saxons, and 411. before the arriuall of Augustine. Read also his appendix in lib. 4. Pontif. where he noteth the time of the Saxons, in the 449. of Grace, and of Augustine in the 596. of Christ; which is a manifest accompt, though some copies haue 499. for the one, but not without manifest corruption and error.

In the meantime, Eleutherus, understanding the success of these learned doctors, believed that the two of them alone could not handle the huge responsibility of converting the entire island. So, he sent over Faganus, Dinaw (or Dinauus), Aaron, and several other dedicated preachers to work alongside them in the Lord's vineyard. After arriving, these men consulted with each other and quickly agreed to divide the island among themselves, assigning specific areas to each preacher so that the Gospel could be preached and received with greater benefit and ease for the people, while also reducing their own travel burden. In this distribution, they established one congregation in London, appointing Theonus as the chief elder and bishop for the time being, rightly called Theonus. There was another who shared the same name and fled into Wales with Thadiocus of York at the Saxons' arrival; and also Guthelmus, who went (as I've read) to Armorica to seek help against the Scots and Vandals that plagued this island from the Tweed to the Humber. After Theonus, Eluanus succeeded, converting many of the Druids and establishing the first library near the bishop's palace. Lucius also set up another at York, where they appointed Theodosius, and the third at Caerlheon on the River Usk, once built by Belinus and called Glamorgantia, but now Chester (in which three cities had previously housed three Archflamines dedicated to Apollo, Mars, and Minerva, now reduced to rubble and replaced by three other churches built by Lucius), so that the surrounding regions would have convenient access to these places and would know for sure where to go for answers if they had any doubts after their conversion. Similarly, the remaining idol temples in other locations were either destroyed or converted into churches for Christian congregations, as our writers recount. Speaking of which, allow me a moment to mention my home city of London: although it may seem off-topic, it's not too much, so I’ll keep it brief. There is a debate among historians about whether the church Lucius built in London was located at Westminster or in Cornhill. There is reason to believe that the metropolitan church stood where St. Peter’s is now, for about 400 plus years before it was moved to Canterbury by Augustine the monk, if one were to lean toward one side without considering the assertions of the other. But I think there’s some confusion here, because, aside from the fact that St. Peter’s church was in the east part of the city and Apollo’s was in the west, the term Cornhill (a name recently assigned to one street) could easily be mistaken for Thorney. The name Thorney comes from the Saxons, who referred to the west end of the city by that name, where Westminster now stands, because of the wild and bushy nature of the land; I don’t find any record of a street in London called Cornhill before the Norman conquest. Therefore, I agree with those who assert that Westminster is where Lucius built his church on the ruins of that Flamine 264 years before the Saxons' arrival, as Malmesbury notes, and 411 years before Augustine landed. Check out his appendix in Book 4 of Pontiffs, where he records the time of the Saxons in the 449th year of Grace, and Augustine’s arrival in 596 A.D.; that's a clear account, though some copies show 499 for one, which isn’t without clear corruption and error.

Britaine the first prouince that receiued the Gospell generallie. Thus became Britaine the first prouince that generallie receiued the faith, and where the gospell was freelie preached without inhibition of hir prince. Howbeit, although that Lucius and his princes and great numbers of his people imbraced the word with gréedinesse, yet was not the successe thereof either so vniuersall, that all men beleeued at the first; the securitie so great, as that no persecution was to be feared from the Romane empire after his decease; or the procéeding of the king so seuere, as that he inforced any man by publike authoritie to forsake and relinquish his paganisme: but onelie this fréedome was enioied, that who so would become a christian in his time, might without feare of his lawes professe the Gospell, in whose testimonie, if néed had béene, I doubt not to affirme, but that he would haue shed also his bloud, as did Emerita neece vnto Lucius. his neece Emerita, who being constant aboue the common sort of women, refused not after his decease by fire, to yeeld hir selfe to death, as a swéet smelling sacrifice in the nostrels of the Lord, beyond the sea in France.

Britain was the first region to widely receive the Gospel. This is how Britain became the first province to generally accept the faith, where the gospel was freely preached without any restrictions from its ruler. However, even though Lucius, his princes, and many of his people eagerly embraced the teachings, the spread was not so universal that everyone believed right away; there was also not such security that none would face persecution from the Roman Empire after his death; nor was the king's stance so strict that he forced anyone through official authority to abandon their paganism. Instead, the only freedom enjoyed was that anyone wishing to become a Christian during his reign could profess the Gospel without fear of his laws. If necessary, I have no doubt that he would have willingly shed his blood, just like Emerita, Lucius's niece. his niece Emerita, who, being more steadfast than the average woman, did not hesitate after his death to face death by fire, as a sweet-smelling sacrifice in the Lord’s eyes, over in France.

Lucius sendeth againe to Rome. The faith of Christ being thus planted in this Iland in the 177. after Christ, and Faganus and Dinaw with the rest sent ouer from Rome, in the 178. as you haue heard: it came to passe in the third yeare of the Gospell receiued, that Lucius did send againe to Eleutherus the bishop, requiring that he might haue some breefe epitome of the order of discipline then vsed in the church. For he well considered, that as it auaileth litle to plant a costlie vineyard, except it afterward be cherished, kept in good order, and such things as annoie, dailie remooued from the same: so after baptisme and entrance into religion, it profiteth little to beare the name of christians, except we doo walke in Ro. 3. ver. 1. the spirit, and haue such things as offend apparentlie, corrected by seuere discipline. For otherwise it will come to passe, that the wéedes of vice, and vicious liuing, will so quicklie abound in vs, that they will in the end choke vp the good séed sowne in our minds, and either inforce vs to returne vnto our former wickednesse with déeper securitie than before, or else to become meere Atheists, which is a great deale woorse.

Lucius is sending again to Rome. The faith of Christ was established in this island in 177 AD, and Faganus and Dinaw were sent over from Rome in 178, as you've heard. It happened that in the third year after the Gospel was received, Lucius sent another message to Bishop Eleutherus, asking for a brief summary of the order of discipline practiced in the church at that time. He understood well that planting an expensive vineyard is of little use unless it is nurtured, maintained in good condition, and regularly cleared of harmful things. Similarly, after baptism and entering into religion, it does little good to call ourselves Christians unless we walk in the spirit and accurately correct any obvious offenses with strict discipline. Otherwise, the weeds of vice and immoral living will quickly grow in us, eventually choking the good seed sown in our minds, forcing us to either fall back into our previous wrongdoings with even greater complacency than before or become outright atheists, which is far worse.

For this cause therefore did Lucius send to Rome, the second time, for a copie of such politike orders as were then vsed there, in their regiment The wisedome of Eleutherus. of the church. But Eleutherus considering with himselfe, how that all nations are not of like condition, and therefore those constitutions that are beneficiall to one, may now and then be preiudiciall to another: and séeing also that beside the word no rites and orders can long continue, or be so perfect in all points, but that as time serueth, they will require alteration: he thought it best not to laie any more vpon the necks of the new conuerts of Britaine as yet, than Christ and his apostles had alreadie set downe vnto all men. In returning therefore his messengers, he sent letters by them vnto Lucius and his Nobilitie, dated in the consulships of Commodus and Vespronius, wherein he told them that Christ had left sufficient order in the Scriptures for the gouernment of his church alreadie in his word, and not for that onlie, but also for the regiment of his whole *kingdome, if he would submit himselfe, to yéeld and follow that rule. The epistle it selfe is partlie * Though most princes canot heare on that side. extant, and partlie perished, yet such as it is, and as I haue faithfullie translated it out of sundrie verie ancient copies, I doo deliuer it here, to the end I will not defraud the reader of anie thing that may turne to the glorie of God, and his commoditie, in the historie of our nation.

For this reason, Lucius sent to Rome for a second time to get a copy of the political orders that were in use there for governing the church. The wisdom of Eleutherus. However, Eleutherus thought about how all nations aren’t in the same situation, and therefore, the rules that benefit one may sometimes harm another. He also realized that besides the word, no rites and orders can last forever or be perfect in every aspect, but as time goes on, they will need adjustments. So, he decided it was best not to impose anything further on the new converts in Britain than what Christ and his apostles had already outlined for everyone. In response to his messengers, he sent letters back to Lucius and his nobility, dated in the consulships of Commodus and Vespronius. In these letters, he informed them that Christ had already provided sufficient guidelines in the Scriptures for the governance of his church and, moreover, for the administration of his entire *kingdom, if he chose to submit to that rule. The epistle itself is partially * Although most princes cannot hear from that side. extant and partially lost, but as it stands, and as I have faithfully translated it from several very ancient copies, I present it here so that the reader won't be deprived of anything that may bring glory to God and benefit in the history of our nation.

Epistle of Eleutherus vnto Lucius. "You require of vs the Romane ordinances, and thereto the statutes of the emperours to be sent ouer vnto you, and which you desire to practise and put in vre within your realme and kingdome. The Romane lawes and those of emperours we may eftsoones reprooue, but those of God can neuer be found fault withall. You haue receiued of late through Gods mercie in [Page 44] the realme of Britaine the law and faith of Christ, you haue with you both volumes of the scriptures: out of them therefore by Gods grace, and the councell of your realme take you a law, and by that law through Gods sufferance rule your kingdome, for you are Gods vicar in your owne Psal. 24. realme, as the roiall prophet saith; The earth is the Lords and all that is therein, the compasse of the world, and they that dwell therein. Psal. 45. Againe, Thou hast loued truth and hated iniquitie, wherefore God, euen thy God hath annointed thee with oile of gladnesse aboue thy fellowes. Psal. 71. And againe, according to the saieng of the same prophet; Oh God giue thy iudgement vnto the king, & thy iustice vnto the kings sonne. The kings sons are the christian people & flocke of the realme, which are vnder your gouernance, and liue & continue in peace within your kingdome. * * Here wanteth. The gospell saith; As the hen gathereth hir chickens vnder hir wings, so dooth the king his people. Such as dwell in the kingdome of Britaine are yours, whom if they be diuided, you ought to gather into concord and vnitie, to call them to the faith and law of Christ, and to his sacred church: to chearish and mainteine, to rule also and gouerne them, defending each of them from such as would doo them wrong, and keeping them from the malice of such as be their enimies. *Wo vnto the nation whose king is a child, and whose princes rise vp earlie to banket and féed, which is spoken not of a prince that is within age, but of a prince that is become a child, through follie, sinne & vnstedfastnesse, of whom the prophet saith; The bloudthirstie and deceitfull men shall not liue foorth halfe their daies. *By féeding I vnderstand gluttonie; Psal. 55. by gluttonie, lust; & by lust all wickednesse & sinne, according to the saieng of Salomon the king; Wisedome entreth not into a wicked mind, nor dwelleth with a man that is subiect vnto sinne. A king hath his name of ruling, and not of the possession of his realme. You shalbe a king whilest you rule well, but if you doo otherwise, the name of a king shall not remaine with you, but you shall vtterlie forgo it, which God forbid. The almightie God grant you so to rule the kingdome of Britaine, that you may reigne with him for euer, whose vicar (or vicegerent) you are within your aforesaid kingdome. Who with the Sonne and the Holie-ghost, &c."

Letter from Eleutherus to Lucius. "You are asking us for the Roman laws and the statutes of the emperors to be sent to you, which you want to implement in your realm and kingdom. We might criticize the Roman laws and those of the emperors, but the laws of God can never be questioned. Recently, through God's mercy in [Page 44] the kingdom of Britain, you have received the law and faith of Christ; you have both volumes of the scriptures with you. Therefore, by God's grace and the counsel of your realm, take a law from them and govern your kingdom by that law, for you are God's representative in your own Psal. 24. realm, as the royal prophet says: 'The earth is the Lord’s and everything in it, the world and all who live in it.' Psal. 45. Likewise, 'You have loved truth and hated wickedness, therefore God, even your God, has anointed you with the oil of gladness beyond your companions.' Psalms. 71. Furthermore, according to the same prophet's saying: 'Oh God, give your judgment to the king, and your justice to the king’s son.' The king's sons are the Christian people and flock of the realm, who are under your governance and live peacefully within your kingdom. *It's missing here. The gospel says: 'As a hen gathers her chicks under her wings, so does the king with his people.' Those who dwell in the kingdom of Britain are yours; if they are divided, you should unite them in harmony and call them to the faith and law of Christ and his holy church: to nurture and maintain them, to govern and rule them, protecting each one from those who would wrong them and guarding them from the malice of their enemies. *Woe to the nation whose king is a child, and whose princes rise early to feast and indulge; this refers not to a young prince but to one who has become childish through folly, sin, and instability, of whom the prophet says: 'The bloodthirsty and deceitful shall not live out half their days.' *By indulging, I mean gluttony; Psalms 55. by gluttony, lust; and by lust, all wickedness and sin, according to King Solomon’s saying: 'Wisdom does not enter a wicked mind, nor does it dwell with one who is subject to sin.' A king is defined by his ability to rule, not merely by his possession of the realm. You will be a king as long as you rule well, but if you fail in this, the title of king will not remain with you, and you will lose it entirely, which God forbid. May the Almighty God grant you the ability to rule the kingdom of Britain so that you may reign with him forever, of whom you are the representative (or vicegerent) within your aforementioned kingdom. Who with the Son and the Holy Ghost, &c."

Hitherto out of the epistle that Eleutherus sent vnto Lucius, wherein manie pretie obseruations are to be collected, if time and place would serue to stand vpon them. After these daies also the number of such as were ordeined to saluation, increased dailie more and more, whereby (as in other places of the world) the word of God had good successe in Britaine, in time of peace; and in heat of persecution, there were no Albane.
Amphibalus.
Iulius.
Aaron.
small number of martyrs that suffered for the same, of which Albane, Amphibalus, Iulius, and Aaron, are reputed to be the chiefe, bicause of their noble parentage, which is a great matter in the sight of worldlie men.

So far, from the letter that Eleutherus sent to Lucius, there are many interesting observations to be gathered, if there were enough time and opportunity to discuss them. After this time, the number of those destined for salvation continued to grow more and more each day, which meant that, just like in other parts of the world, the word of God thrived in Britain during times of peace; and in the midst of persecution, there were a notable number of martyrs who suffered for it, among whom Albane, Amphibalus, Iulius, and Aaron are considered the most significant, due to their noble lineage, which mattered greatly to worldly people.

There are which affirme our Lucius to renounce his kingdome, and afterward to become first a bishop, then a preacher of the gospell, and afterward a pope: but to the end such as hold this opinion may once vnderstand the botome of their errors, I will set downe the matter at large, whereby they shall sée (if they list to looke) how far they haue béene deceiued.

There are those who claim that Lucius renounced his kingdom, then became a bishop, later a preacher of the gospel, and eventually a pope. However, so that those who hold this opinion can understand the root of their errors, I will lay out the matter in detail, so they can see (if they choose to look) how far they have been deceived.

Chlorus had three sons, & a daughter by Helena. I find that Chlorus had issue by his second wife, two sonnes, Dalmatius (who had a sonne called also Dalmatius and slaine by the souldiors.) Constantius father to Gallus, and Iulian the apostata; besides foure other whose names as yet I find not. But being at the first matched with Helena, and before she was put from him by the roiall power of Dioclesian, he had by hir three sonnes (beside one daughter named Emerita) of which the name of the first is perished, the second was called Lucius, & the third Constantine, that afterward was emperour of Rome, by election of the armies in Britaine. Now it happened that Lucius, whome the French call Lucion, by means of a quarell growne betwéene him and his elder brother, did kill his said brother, either by a fraie or by some other meanes, wherevpon his father exiled him out of Britaine, and appointed him from thenceforth to remaine in Aquitane in France. This Lucion brought thus into worldlie sorow, had now good leasure to meditate vpon heauen, who before in his prosperitie had [Page 45] peraduenture neuer regard of hell. Finallie he fell so far into the consideration of his estate, that at the last he renounced his paganisme, Lucion becommeth a christian.
Lucion a bishop.
and first became a christian, then an elder, and last of all a bishop in the church of Christ. He erected also a place of praier wherein to serue the liuing God, which after sundrie alterations came in processe of time to be an Abbaie, and is still called euen to our time after Lucion or Lucius: the first founder therof, and the originall beginner of anie such house in those parts.

Chlorus had three sons and a daughter with Helena. I find that Chlorus had two sons with his second wife, Dalmatius (who had a son also named Dalmatius and was killed by soldiers) and Constantius, who was the father of Gallus and Julian the Apostate, along with four others whose names I do not yet know. Initially, when he was married to Helena, and before Dioclesian's royal power separated them, he had three sons (besides one daughter named Emerita). The first son's name is lost, the second was named Lucius, and the third was Constantine, who later became the emperor of Rome by the army's choice in Britain. It happened that Lucius, whom the French call Lucion, killed his older brother during a quarrel, either in a fight or through some other means. As a result, his father exiled him from Britain and ordered him to live in Aquitaine in France. This Lucion, who was now filled with worldly sorrow, finally had time to reflect on heaven, having likely never thought about hell during his previous prosperity. Eventually, he reflected so deeply on his situation that he renounced his paganism, Lucion converts to Christianity.
Lucion is ordained as a bishop.
first becoming a Christian, then an elder, and finally a bishop in the Church of Christ. He also built a place of prayer to serve the living God, which, after various changes over time, eventually became an abbey and is still named after Lucion or Lucius: the original founder of such a place in that region.

In this also he and diuers other of his freends continued their times, in great contemplation and praier, and from hence were translated as occasion serued, vnto sundrie ecclesiasticall promotions in the time of Constant. his brother. So that euen by this short narration it is now easie to sée, that Lucius the king, and Lucius or Lucion the sonne of Hermannus Schedelius.
Bruschius cap. 3.
Chlorus, were distinct persons. Herevnto Hermannus Schedelius addeth also how he went into Rhetia with Emerita his sister, and néere vnto the citie Augusta conuerted the Curienses vnto the faith of Christ, and there likewise (being put to death in Castro Martis) lieth buried in the same towne, where his feast is holden vpon the third daie of December, as may readilie be confirmed, whereas the bones of our Lucius were to be séene at Glocester. That Schedelius erreth not herein also, the ancient monuments of the said Abbaie, whereof he was the originall beginner, as I said, doo yeeld sufficient testimonie, beside an hymne made in his commendation, intituled Gaude Lucionum, &c. But for more of this you may Festum Lucionis.
Iohn Bouchet.
resort vnto Bouchet in his first booke, and fift chapter of the Annales of Aquitane, who neuertheles maketh the king of Britaine grandfather to this Lucion. The said Schedelius furthermore setteth downe, that his Emerita martyred in Rhetia. sister was martyred in Trinecastell, néere vnto the place where the said Lucion dwelled, whereby it appéereth in like sort, that she was not sister to Lucius king of Britaine, of which prince Alexander Neccham in his most excellent treatise De sapientia diuina, setteth downe this Distichon:

In this period, he and several of his friends spent their time in deep reflection and prayer. From there, they were promoted to various church positions during the reign of his brother Constant. Thus, even from this brief account, it’s clear that Lucius the king and Lucius or Lucion, the son of Chlorus, were different individuals. Hermannus Schedelius also adds that he went to Rhetia with his sister Emerita, and near the city of Augusta, he converted the Curienses to the faith of Christ. He was eventually martyred in Castro Martis and is buried in that same town, where his feast is celebrated on December 3rd, which is easily confirmed, while the bones of our Lucius were seen in Gloucester. Schedelius is not mistaken here, as the ancient records of the abbey he founded provide sufficient evidence, along with a hymn in his honor titled Gaude Lucionum, etc. For more information, you may refer to Bouchet in his first book, fifth chapter of the Annals of Aquitaine, who, however, states that the king of Britain was the grandfather of this Lucion. Schedelius further notes that his sister Emerita was martyred in Trinecastell, near where Lucion lived, which indicates that she was not the sister of Lucius, king of Britain. Alexander Neccham mentions this prince in his excellent treatise De sapientia divina with the following distich:

Prima Britannorum fidei lux Lucius esse

Prima Britannorum fidei lux Lucius esse

Fertur, qui rexit mœnia Brute tua.

Fertur, who ruled the walls of your Brutus.

Neither could Lucion or Lucius be fellow and of kinred vnto Paule the apostle, as Auentine inferreth, except he meane it of some other Lucius, as of one whome he nameth Cyrinensis. But then will not the historie agree with the conuersion of the Rhetians and Vindelicians, whereof Schedelius and other doo make mention. But as each riuer the farder it runneth from the head, the more it is increased by small riuelets, and corrupted with filthie puddels, and stinking gutters, that descend into Heresie and monastical life brought into Britaine at one time by Pelagius. the same: so the puritie of the gospell, preached here in Britaine, in processe of time became first of all to be corrupted with a new order of religion, and most execrable heresie, both of them being brought in at once by Pelagius, of Wales, who hauing trauelled through France, Italie, Aegypt, Syria, & the easterlie regions of the world, was there at the last made an elder or bishop, by some of the monkes, vnto whose profession he had not long before wholie addicted himselfe. Finallie returning home againe with an augmentation of fame and countenance of greater holinesse than he bare out of the land with him, he did not onelie erect an house of his owne order at Bangor in Wales, vpon the Bangor. riuer Dee, but also sowed the pestiferous séed of his hereticall prauities ouer all this Iland, whereby he seduced great numbers of Britons, teaching them to preferre their owne merits, before the free mercie of God, in Jesus Christ his sonne. By this means therefore he brought assurance of saluation into question, and taught all such as had a diligent respect vnto their workes to be doubtfull of the same, whereas to such as regard this latter, there can be no quietnesse of mind, but alwaies an vnstedfast opinion of themselues, whereby they cannot discerne, neither by prosperitie nor aduersitie of this life, whether they be worthie loue or hatred. Neuertheles it behooueth the godlie to repose their hope in that grace which is freelie granted through Jesu Christ, and to flee vnto the mercies of God which are offered vnto vs in with and by his son, to the end that we may at the last find the testimonie of his spirit working with ours, that we are his chosen children, whereby commeth peace of conscience to such as doo beléeue.

Lucion and Lucius couldn't be considered kin to Paul the Apostle, as Auentine suggests, unless he means a different Lucius, perhaps the one he calls Cyrinensis. However, this wouldn't align with the history of the conversion of the Rhetians and Vindelicians, which Schedelius and others mention. Just like every river, the further it flows from the source, the more it’s fed by smaller streams and polluted by dirty puddles and foul ditches that flow into it: In the same way, the purity of the gospel preached here in Britain gradually became corrupted over time by a new religious order and the most detestable heresy, both of which were introduced at once by Pelagius from Wales. After traveling through France, Italy, Egypt, Syria, and the eastern regions, he was eventually made an elder or bishop by some monks, to whose order he had recently devoted himself. Finally, upon returning home with increased fame and a greater sense of holiness than when he left, he not only established his own order's house in Bangor, Wales, by the river Dee, but also spread the harmful seeds of his heretical beliefs throughout the island, misleading many Britons by teaching them to value their own merits over God's free mercy through His Son, Jesus Christ. This led to uncertainty about salvation and encouraged those who focused on their works to doubt their worthiness. For those who do so, peace of mind is impossible, resulting in a constant, unstable opinion of themselves, where they can't discern, due to life's prosperity or adversity, whether they are worthy of love or hatred. Nevertheless, the faithful must place their hope in the grace freely given through Jesus Christ and seek the mercies of God offered to us through Him so that, in the end, we may find the confirmation of His Spirit working alongside ours, affirming that we are His chosen children, which brings peace of conscience to those who believe.

[Page 46]

[Page 46]

Thus we sée how new deuises or orders of religion and heresie came in together. I could shew also what Comets, and strange signes appeared in Britaine, much about the same time, the like of which with diuers other haue beene perceiued also from time to time, sithence the death of Pelagius, at the entrance of anie new kind of religion into this Ile of Britaine. But I passe them ouer, onelie for that I would not seeme in my tractation of antiquities, to trouble my reader with the rehersall of anie new inconueniences.

Thus, we see how new ideas or orders of religion and heresy emerged together. I could also point out the comets and strange signs that appeared in Britain around the same time, similar to those that have been observed periodically since the death of Pelagius, coinciding with the introduction of any new kind of religion in this land of Britain. However, I’ll skip over those, simply because I don’t want to burden my reader with recounting any new inconveniences in my discussion of antiquities.

Anachorites.
Heremites.
Cyrillines.
Benedictines.
To procéed therefore with my purpose, after these, there followed in like sort sundrie other kinds of monasticall life, as Anachorites, Heremits, Cyrilline and Benedictine monkes, albeit that the heremeticall profession was onelie allowed of in Britaine, vntill the comming of Augustine the monke, who brought in the Benedictine sect, framed after the order of the house which Benedict surnamed Nursinus did first erect in Monte Cassino, about the 524. of Christ, & was finallie so well liked of all men, that we had few or (as I suppose) no blacke monkes in England that were not of his order. In processe of time how Benedict Biscop also our countrieman restored the said Benedictine profession greatlie decaied in England, our histories are verie plentifull, which Biscop went off into Italie, and at one time for a speciall confirmation of his two monasteries which he had builded at other mens costs vnto Monkes and Heremites onelie allowed of in Britaine. Paule and Peter vpon the bankes of the Were, as Beda dooth remember. So fast also did these and other like humane deuises prosper after his time, that at their suppression in England and Wales onelie, there were found 440. religious houses at the least, of which 373. might dispend 200. li. by the yéere at the least, as appeareth by the record of their suppression, which also noteth the totall summe of their reuenues to amount vnto 32000. pounds, their moueables 100000. li. and the number of The number of religious houses in England at their dissolution. religious men conteined in the same, to be 10000. which would make a pretie armie, wherevnto if you adde those 45. of late standing in Scotland, you shall soone see what numbers of these dens of spirituall robbers were mainteined here in Britaine. What number of saincts also haue béene hatched in them I could easilie remember, and beside those 160. which Capgraue setteth downe, & other likewise remembred in the golden Legend, and Legendarie of Excester, I might bring a rable out of Scotland able to furnish vp a calendar, though the yere were twise as long.

Anachorites.
Hermits.
Cyrillines.
Benedictines.
To continue with my point, after these, there were various other forms of monastic life, like Anachorites, Hermits, Cyrilline, and Benedictine monks. However, the hermitic lifestyle was only recognized in Britain until Augustine the monk arrived and introduced the Benedictine order, based on the community established by Benedict, known as Nursinus, at Monte Cassino around 524 A.D. This order became so popular that there were few, if any, black monks in England who weren't part of it. Over time, Benedict Biscop, also our fellow countryman, revived the declining Benedictine order in England, as our histories extensively document. Biscop traveled to Italy and, at one point, sought special confirmation for the two monasteries he built at others' expense dedicated to Saints Paul and Peter by the banks of the Wear, as Bede notes. These and similar human endeavors flourished after his time, so much so that at their dissolution in England and Wales alone, there were at least 440 religious houses, 373 of which had an annual income of at least £200, as recorded during their suppression. This record also indicates that their total revenues amounted to £32,000, with moveable assets of £100,000, and the number of religious men involved was about 10,000, which would make a sizable army. If you also include the 45 that recently stood in Scotland, you can see how many of these spiritual strongholds existed here in Britain. I could easily recall the number of saints that emerged from them, and in addition to the 160 listed by Capgrave and others mentioned in the Golden Legend and the Exon Legend, I could name enough from Scotland to fill a calendar, even if the year were twice as long.

As touching Pelagius the first heretike that euer was bred in this realme (notablie knowne) and parent of Monachisme, it is certeine, that before his corruption and fall, he was taken for a man of singular learning, deepe iudgement, and such a one, as vpon whome for his great gifts in teaching and strictnesse of life, no small péece of the hope and expectation of the people did depend. But what is wisedome of the flesh, without the feare and true knowledge of God? and what is learning except it be handmaid to veritie and sound iudgement? Wherefore euen of Roger Bakon his saieng of the preachers of his time who were the best lawyers and the worst Diuines. this man, we may see it verified, that one Roger Bakon pronounced long after of the corruption of his time, when all things were measured by wit and worldlie policie, rather than by the scriptures or guidance of the spirit; Better it is saith he, to heare a rude and simple idiot preach the truth, without apparance of skill and learned eloquence, than a profound clearke to set foorth error, with great shew of learning, and boast of filed vtterance. Gerson in like sort hath said fullie asmuch. These follies of Pelagius were blased abroad about the 400. of Christ, and from thencefoorth how his number of monkes increased on the one side, and his doctrine on the other, there is almost no reader that is vnskilfull and ignorant.

As for Pelagius, the first notable heretic born in this realm and the father of Monasticism, it’s clear that before his corruption and fall, he was regarded as a man of exceptional knowledge and deep judgment, someone on whom the hopes and expectations of the people relied due to his great teaching abilities and strict lifestyle. But what is the wisdom of the flesh without the fear and true knowledge of God? And what is learning if it is not a servant to truth and sound judgment? Therefore, even in regard to Roger Bacon remarked about the preachers of his time, who were the top lawyers and the least effective spiritual leaders. we can see this confirmed. Roger Bacon commented long after about the corruption of his time when everything was judged by intelligence and worldly politics rather than by the scriptures or guidance of the spirit; he said, "It is better to hear a rude and simple idiot preach the truth, without any appearance of skill or learned eloquence, than a profound scholar presenting error with great display of learning and boast of polished speech." Gerson has said much the same. These follies of Pelagius were widely spread around 400 AD, and from then on, how his number of monks increased on one side and his doctrine on the other is something that almost no reader is unaware of.

This also is certeine, that within the space of 200. yeares and odde, More than 2100 monkes in the College or Abbaie of Bangor in whose territories the parish of Ouerton standeth. there were manie more than 2100. monkes gathered togither in his house, whose trades notwithstanding the errors or their founder, (who taught such an estimation of merits and bodilie exercise (as Paule calleth it) that therby he sought not onlie to impugne, but also preuent grace, which was in deed the originall occasion of the erection of his house) were yet farre better and more godlie than all those religious orders, that were inuented of later time, wherein the professours liued to themselues, their wombs and the licentious fruition of those parts, that are beneath the bellie. For these laboured continuallie for their owne liuings, at vacant times from praier (as did Serapions monkes, which Niceph. lib. II. cap. 34. were 10000. ouer whome he himselfe was Abbat) and likewise for the [Page 47] better maintenance of such learned men as were their appointed preachers. Their liues also were correspondent to their doctrine, so that herein onelie they seemed intollerable, in that they had confidence in their déeds, and no warrant out of the word for their succor & defense, but were such a plant as the heauenlie father had not planted, and therefore no maruell, though afterward they were raised by the roots.

This is also certain that within the span of over 200 years, More than 2100 monks at the College or Abbey of Bangor, which encompasses the parish of Ouerton. there were many more than 2100 monks gathered together in his house. Despite the mistakes of their founder, who promoted a view of merit and physical exercise (as Paul calls it) that sought not only to challenge but also to prevent grace—this being the original reason for the establishment of his house—these monks were still far better and more righteous than all the religious orders created later, where the members lived for themselves, satisfying their desires and indulging in the pleasures of the flesh. These monks worked hard for their own livelihoods, during the breaks from prayer (just like the monks of Serapion, who had 10,000 under his leadership) and also for the [Page 47] better support of the learned men who were their appointed preachers. Their lives were consistent with their teachings, which made them seem intolerable only in their confidence in their actions, lacking any assurance from the scriptures for their support and defense. They were like a plant that the heavenly Father had not planted, and so it was no surprise that they were ultimately uprooted.

But as Pelagius and his adherents had a time to infect the church of Christ in Britaine, so the liuing God hath had a season also to purge and cleanse the same, though not by a full reformation of doctrine, Germanus, Lupus, Palladius, Patricius. sith Germanus, Lupus, Palladius, Patricius, and such like leaning for the most part vnto the monasticall trades, did not so much condemne the generall errors of Pelagius one waie, as mainteine the same, or as euill opinions another. For as Patricke séemed to like well of the honoring of the dead, so Germanus being in Britaine repaired an old chapell to Seuerus Sulpitius in vita Patricij. S. Albane, wherein Lupus also praied, as Palladius vpheld the strictnesse of life, in monasticall profession to the vttermost of his power. Wherefore God wrought this purgation of his house at the first, rather by taking awaie the wicked and pompous schoolemaisters of errour out of this life: hoping that by such meanes, his people would haue giuen eare to the godlie that remained. But in processe of time, when this his mercifull dealing was forgotten and our countriemen returned to their former disorders, he brought in the Saxons, who left no idoll vnhonored, no not their filthie Priapus, vnto whom the women builded temples, and made a beastlie image (Cum pene intenso, and as if he had beene circumcised) whome they called Ithypallus, Verpus, and as Goropius Atvatic. pag. 26. addeth, Ters: calling vpon him in maner at euerie word, yea at the verie fall of a knife out of their hands, and not counted anie shame vnto the most ancient and sober matrone of them all. Howbeit when this procéeding of the Lord could also take no place, and the shéepe of his pasture would receiue no wholesome fodder, it pleased his maiestie, to let them run on headlong from one iniquitie to another, in somuch that after the doctrine of Pelagius, it receiued that of Rome Augustine the monke.] also, brought in by Augustine and his monkes, whereby it was to be seene, how they fell from the truth into heresie, and from one heresie still into another, till at the last they were drowned altogither in the pits of error digged vp by Antichrist, wels in deed that hold no water, which notwithstanding to their followers séemed to be most sound doctrine, and cisterns of liuing water to such as imbraced the same.

But just as Pelagius and his followers had a chance to spread their ideas in the church of Christ in Britain, the living God also had a time to purify and cleanse it, even though not by a complete reformation of doctrine. Germanus, Lupus, Palladius, Patricius. Germanus, Lupus, Palladius, Patricius, and others, mostly focused on monastic practices, didn’t so much condemn the general errors of Pelagius as they maintained similar flawed opinions in different ways. Patrick seemed to approve of honoring the dead, while Germanus, during his time in Britain, restored an old chapel dedicated to Seuerus Sulpitius on the life of Patrick. St. Alban, where Lupus prayed, and Palladius upheld the strictness of monastic life to the best of his ability. Therefore, God initially purified His house by removing the wicked and showy teachers of error from this life, hoping that through this means, His people would listen to the godly that remained. However, over time, when this merciful action was forgotten and our countrymen returned to their old ways, He allowed the Saxons to invade, who honored every idol, including their filthy Priapus, to whom women built temples and made a grotesque image (with an almost erect posture, as if he had been circumcised) they called Ithypallus, Verpus, and as Goropius Atvatic. pag. 26. adds, Ters: calling upon him almost in every instance, even at the moment a knife fell from their hands, without any shame to the oldest and most respectable of them all. Nevertheless, when this approach from the Lord proved ineffective, and the sheep of His pasture would not accept any wholesome food, it pleased His majesty to let them run headlong from one wrongdoing to another, such that after adopting Pelagius’s teachings, they also accepted those from Rome Augustine the Monk. introduced by Augustine and his monks, revealing how they fell from truth into heresy and then from one heresy to another, until finally they were completely submerged in the pits of error dug by Antichrist—wells that, indeed, hold no water, which yet appeared to their followers as the truest doctrine and reservoirs of living water to those who embraced them.

Augustine. This Augustine, after his arriuall, conuerted the Saxons in déed from paganisme, but as the prouerbe saith, bringing them out of Gods blessing into the warme sunne, he also imbued them with no lesse hurtfull superstition, than they did know before: for beside the onelie name of Christ, and externall contempt of their pristinate idolatrie, he taught them nothing at all, but rather (I saie) made an exchange from grosse to subtill treacherie, from open to secret idolatrie, & from the name of pagans, to the bare title of christians, thinking this sufficient for their soules health, and the stablishment of his monachisme, of which kind of profession, the holie scriptures of God can in no wise like or allow. But what cared he? sith he got the great fish for which he did cast his hooke, and so great was the fish that he caught in déed, that within the space of 1000. yeares, and lesse, it deuoured the fourth part & more of the best soile of the Iland, which was wholie bestowed vpon his monkes, & other religious broodes that were hatched since his time, as may hereafter appéere in the booke following, where I intreate of cities, townes, &c. In the meane season what successe his monkes had Monks of Canturburie plagued. at Canturburie, how oft they were spoiled by enimies, their houses burned by casualtie, and brethren consumed with pestilence, I refer me to Gotcellius, Houeden, Geruase, and the rest of their owne historiographers. And so sore did the pestilence rage among them in the time of Celnothus (in whose daies the preests, clerks and monkes sang their seruice togither in the quire, that (of I wote not how manie) there remained onelie fiue aliue, which was a notable token of the furie and wrath of God conceiued and executed against that malignant generation. It came also to passe at the last that men vsed to praie for helpe at the said Augustines tumbe (although afterward Thomas Becket a newer saint did not a little deface his glorie) among which king [Page 48] Athelstane was one,whome Elnothus the abbat staied so long in the place, when he came thither to praie, that his soldiours waiting for his comming, and supposing the monkes to haue murdered him, began to giue an assault and set fire vpon the house.

Augustine. This Augustine, after he arrived, truly converted the Saxons from paganism, but as the saying goes, bringing them out of God’s blessings into the warm sun, he also filled them with no less harmful superstition than they previously knew: for besides the mere name of Christ and the outward rejection of their former idolatry, he taught them nothing else, but rather (I say) exchanged crude for subtle treachery, open for secret idolatry, and from the label of pagans to the bare title of Christians, believing this was enough for their souls' salvation and the establishment of his monasticism, which the holy scriptures of God cannot in any way approve or support. But what did he care? since he caught the big fish for which he cast his hook, and the fish he truly caught was so immense that within a thousand years, or less, it consumed more than a quarter of the best land of the Island, which was entirely given to his monks and other religious groups that were formed after his time, as will be made clear in the following book, where I discuss cities, towns, etc. In the meantime, I leave the outcome of his monks in Canterbury, how often they were attacked by enemies, their houses burned by chance, and brethren killed by plague, to Gotcellius, Houeden, Geruase, and the rest of their own historians. And so severely did the plague rage among them during the time of Celnothus (when the priests, clerks, and monks sang their services together in the choir) that out of I know not how many, only five remained alive, which was a notable sign of God’s fury and wrath directed against that wicked generation. It also happened eventually that people would pray for help at Augustine's tomb (though later Thomas Becket, a newer saint, greatly diminished his glory), among whom was King Athelstan, who Elnothus the abbot delayed so long in the place when he came there to pray that his soldiers, waiting for his return and fearing the monks had killed him, began to attack and set fire to the house. [Page 48]

Meates.
Pictes.
Caledoniens.
Whilest these things were thus in hand, in the south part of Albion, the Meates, Picts, and Caledoniens, which lie beyond the Scotish sea, receiued also the faith, by preaching of such christian elders as aduentured thither dailie, who trauelled not without great successe and increase of perfect godlines in that part of the Ile. Certes this prosperous attempt passed all mens expectation, for that these nations were in those daies reputed wild, sauage, and more vnfaithfull and craftie than well-minded people (as the wild Irish are in my time) and such were they (to saie the truth) in déed, as neither the sugred courtesie, nor sharpe swords of the Romans could mollifie or restraine from their naturall furie, or bring to anie good order. For this cause also in the end, the Romane emperours did vtterlie cast them off as an vnprofitable, brutish, & vntameable nation, and by an huge wall herafter to be described, separated that rude companie from the more mild and ciuill portion.

Meats.
Picts.
Caledonians.
While all this was happening, in the southern part of Britain, the Meats, Picts, and Caledonians, who live beyond the Scottish sea, also accepted the faith thanks to the preaching of Christian elders who ventured there every day. They worked hard and achieved great success, leading to a significant increase in true devotion in that part of the island. Certainly, this surprising effort exceeded everyone’s expectations, given that these nations were considered wild, savage, and more untrustworthy and cunning than good-hearted people (similar to how wild Irish are seen in my time). And to be honest, they truly were such, as neither the sweet courtesy nor sharp swords of the Romans could soften or restrain their natural fury or bring them into any good order. For this reason, the Roman emperors eventually gave up on them as an unprofitable, brutish, and untameable nation, and separated that rough group from the more gentle and civilized portion with a massive wall that would be described later.

Scotland conuerted to the faith of Christ. This conuersion of the north parts fell out in the sixt yeare before the warres that Seuerus had in those quarters, and 170. after the death of our sauiour Jesus Christ. From thenceforth also the christian religion continued still among them, by the diligent care of their pastors and bishops (after the vse of the churches of the south part of this Iland) till the Romane shéepheard sought them out, and found the meanes to pull them vnto him in like sort with his long staffe as he had done our countriemen, whereby in the end he abolished the rites of the churches of Asia there also, as Augustine had done alreadie in England: and in stéed of the same did furnish it vp with those of his pontificall see, although there was great contention, and no lesse bloodshed made amongst them, before it could be brought to passe, as by the histories of both nations yet extant may be séene.

Scotland embraced the faith of Christ. This conversion in the northern regions happened six years before the wars that Severus waged there, and 170 years after the death of our Savior Jesus Christ. From then on, the Christian religion persisted among them, thanks to the dedicated efforts of their pastors and bishops (following the practices of the churches in the southern part of this island) until the Roman shepherd sought them out and found a way to draw them to him with his long staff, just as he had with our countrymen. Ultimately, he replaced the rites of the Asian churches there as Augustine had already done in England; however, there was significant strife and considerable bloodshed among them before it could be achieved, as can be seen in the histories of both nations that still exist.

Paladius. In the time of Cœlestine bishop of Rome, who sate in the 423. of Christ, one Paladius a Grecian borne (to whome Cyrill wrote his dialog De adoratione in spiritu) and sometime disciple to Iohn 24. bishop of The first attempt of the bishop of Rome to bring Scotland vnder his obedience. Ierusalem, came ouer from Rome into Britaine, there to suppresse the Pelagian heresie, which not a little molested the orthodoxes of that Iland. And hauing doone much good in the extinguishing of the aforesaid opinion there, he went at the last also into Scotland, supposing no lesse, but after he had trauelled somwhat in confutation of the Pelagians in those parts, he should easilie persuade that crooked nation to admit and receiue the rites of the church of Rome, as he would faine haue doone beforehand in the south. Fastidius bishop of London. But as Fastidius Priscus archbishop of London, and his Suffragans resisted him here; so did the Scotish prelates withstand him there also in this behalfe: howbeit, bicause of the authoritie of his commission, grauitie of personage, and the great gift which he had in the veine of pleasant persuasion (whereby he drew the people after him, as Orpheus did the stones with his harpe, and Hercules such as heard him by his toong) they had him not onelie then in great admiration, but their successors also from time to time, and euen now are contented Paladius accompted for the apostle of the Scots. (and the rather also for that he came from Rome) to take him for their chéefe apostle, reckoning from his comming as from the faith receiued, which was in the 431. yeare of Christ, as the truth of their historie dooth verie well confirme.

Paladius. During the time of Cœlestine, bishop of Rome, who served in 423 AD, a Greek named Paladius (to whom Cyril wrote his dialogue De adoratione in spiritu) and once a disciple of John 24, bishop of The first effort by the bishop of Rome to bring Scotland under his authority. Jerusalem, came from Rome to Britain to combat the Pelagian heresy, which was troubling the orthodox Christians on that island. After doing significant work to extinguish this belief there, he eventually went to Scotland, thinking that after working against the Pelagians in that region, he could easily persuade that stubborn nation to accept the rites of the Roman Church, just as he had hoped to do in the south. Fastidius, Bishop of London. However, Fastidius Priscus, archbishop of London, and his suffragans opposed him here; similarly, the Scottish bishops resisted him on this matter as well. Nevertheless, because of the authority of his commission, his dignified presence, and his great talent for persuasive speaking (which drew people to him like Orpheus with his harp and Hercules with his words), he was held in high regard not only at that time but also by their successors over the years. Even today, they are willing to consider him (especially because he came from Rome) their chief apostle, counting his arrival as the beginning of their faith, which was in the year 431 AD, as confirmed by the truth of their history.

Thus we see what religion hath from time to time beene receiued in this Iland, & how and when the faith of Christ came first into our countrie. Howbeit as in processe of time it was ouershadowed, and corrupted with the dreames and fantasticall imaginations of man, so it dailie waxed woorse & woorse, till that it pleased God to restore the preaching of his gospell in our daies, whereby the man of sinne is now openlie reuealed, and the puritie of the word once againe brought to light, to the finall ouerthrow of the Romish sathan, and his popish adherents that honour him daie and night to the vttermost of their power, yeelding vp their harts as temples for him to dwell in, which rather ought to be the temples of God and habitations of the Holy-ghost. But such is their peruerse ignorance (notwithstanding that Paule hath giuen warning of him alreadie 2. Thes. 2. calling him (as I said) the man of sinne, and saieng that he sitteth as God in the temple of God, shewing himselfe in [Page 49] his chalenge of power,as if he were God, vnder pretense of zeale vnto true religion) that they will not giue eare vnto the truth, but rather shut their eares and their eies from hearing and reading of the scriptures, bicause they will not be drawne out of his snares and bondage.

Thus we can see how religion has been received in this island over time and when the faith of Christ first came to our country. However, as time went on, it was overshadowed and corrupted by the dreams and fanciful ideas of people, and it continued to worsen until it pleased God to restore the preaching of His gospel in our days. As a result, the man of sin is now openly revealed, and the purity of the word has once again been brought to light, leading to the final downfall of the Roman Satan and his papist followers, who honor him day and night to the best of their ability, offering up their hearts as temples for him to dwell in, which should instead be the temples of God and homes of the Holy Spirit. But their stubborn ignorance persists (even though Paul has already warned against him in 2 Thessalonians 2, calling him the man of sin and saying that he sits as God in the temple of God, showing himself in his claim to power as if he were God, under the guise of zeal for true religion) for they refuse to listen to the truth, instead closing their ears and eyes to hearing and reading the scriptures because they do not want to be pulled out of his traps and bondage.

OF THE MANIFOLD CONUERSIONS AND ALTERATIONS OF THE ESTATE OF THE COMMON-WEALTH
OF BRITAINE, SITHENS THE TIME OF SAMOTHES.

There is a certeine period of kingdomes, of 430. yeares, in which commonlie they suffer some notable alteration. And as in the aforesaid season there is set a time of increase and decaie, so we find that before the execution of Gods purpose dooth come to passe, in changing the estate of things, sundrie tokens are sent, whereby warning is giuen, that without repentance he will come and visit our offenses. This is partlie verified by Ioachimus Camerarius, who in his first booke De ostentis intreating of the same argument, telleth of a strange earthquake felt in Delus, which was neuer touched with any such plague before or after the ouerthrow of the Persians, giuen vnto them by the Grecians; also of the beard that suddenlie grew out of the face of the Pedacien prophetesse, so often as the citie was to be touched with any alteration and change. "Nam (saith he) descriptas esse diuinitùs ætates quibus idem humanarum rerum status duraret, quibus finitis, prædici prius quàm existeret nouationem in deterius euenturam rerum, quæque indies minùs ac minùs numini cordi essent. Emittuntur igitur cometæ diuinitus, & reuocantur dum supra nos conspecti quamdiu placuit Deo inferuntur, &c." Plato referreth such changes as happen in common-wealths to a certeine diuine force that resteth hidden in sundrie od numbers, whereof their periods do consist. True it is that God created all things in number, weight & measure, & that after an incomprehensible maner vnto our fraile & humane capacitie. Neuerthelesse, he appointed not these three to haue the rule of his works, wherefore we must not ascribe these changes to the force of number with Plato, much lesse then vnto destinie with the Peripatetiks, but vnto the diuine prouidence and appointment of God, which onelie may be called destinie as S. Augustine saith, for of other destinie it is impietie to dreame. Aristotle ascribing all euents vnto manifest causes precedent, dooth scoffe at Plato and his numbers in his booke of common-wealths, and bringeth in sundrie causes of the alteration of the state of things, which we may referre vnto principals, as iniurie, oppression, ambition, treason, rebellion, contempt of religion and lawes, and therevnto abundance of wealth in few, and great necessitie and miserie in manie. But whatsoeuer Aristotle gesseth at these things by humane reason as at the first causes, yet we acknowledge other beyond them, as sinne, which being suffered and come to the full, is cut downe by the iustice of the high God, the cheefe cause of all, who foreseeing the wickednesse of such as dwell on earth, dooth constitute such a reuolution of things in their beginnings, as best standeth with the execution of his purpose, and correction of our errors. The causes therefore that Aristotle dooth deliuer, are nothing else but the meanes which God vseth to bring his purposes to passe; and yet they deserue the name of causes, in that they preceed those effects which follow them immediatlie. But in truth other than secondarie or third causes no man can iustlie call them. Bodinus in his historicall method, cap. 6. making a large discourse of the conuersions of commonwealths, dooth séeme at the first to denie the force of number, but after a while he maruelleth that no Grecian or Latine Academike, hath hitherto made any discourse of the excellencie of such numbers as apperteine to the estate of empires and kingdomes by exemplification in any one citie or other. Hereby he sheweth himselfe vpon the sudden to alter his iudgement, so that he Fatal numbers. setteth downe certeine numbers as fatall; to wit, sixe vnto women, and seauen and nine vnto men, which (saith he) haue "Magnam in tota rerum natura potestatem," meaning as well in common-wealths and kingdomes from their first erections, as in particular ages of bodies, for sickenesse, health, change of habitation, wealth, and losse, &c: and for the confirmation of the same, he setteth downe sundrie examples of apparent likelihood, either by multiplication of one by the other, or diuision of [Page 50] greater numbers by either of them, or their concurrence one with another, calling the aforesaid three his criticall or iudiciall numbers, whereby he bringeth or rather restoreth an old kind of arithmancie (fathered on Pythagoras, yet neuer inuented by him) againe into the world. But we christians, in respecting of causes, haue to looke vnto the originall and great cause of all, and therefore we haue not to leane vnto these points in any wise as causes: for we know and confesse that all things depend vpon his prouidence, who humbleth and exalteth whom it pleaseth him. Neuerthelesse, I hope we may without offense examine how these assertions hold, so long as we vse them rather as Indices than Causas mutationum. And therefore haue I attempted to practise at this present the example of Bodinus, first in the alterations of our ciuill estate passed; and secondlie, of the like in cases of religion; from the flood generallie, and then after the first comming in of Samothes into our Ile, thereby somewhat to satisfie my selfe, and recreate the readers; but still protesting in the meane season that I vtterlie denie them to be any causes, or of themselues to worke any effect at all in these things, as Bodinus would seeme to vphold. As for those of other countries, I referre you to Aristotles politikes, and the eight of the common-wealth which Plato hath left vnto vs, therby to be farther resolued, if you be desirous to looke on them. In beginning therefore with my purpose; First bicause the flood of Noah was generall, and therefore appertinent vnto all, it shall not be amisse to begin with that, which was in the yeare 1656. after the creation of Adam, so that if you diuide the same by nine, you shall find the quotient to fall out exactlie with the 184. reuolution of the same number. Secondlie, for so much as the confusion of toongs was the originall cause of the dispersion of the people ouer the face of the whole earth, it shall not be amisse also to examine the same. Certes it fell out in the 133. after the flood: if we diuide therefore the said 133. by seauen, you shall find the quotient 19. without any ods remaining. From hence also vnto the comming of Samothes into Britaine, or rather his lawes giuen vnto the Celts, and with them vnto the Britons, in the second of his arriuall in this land, we find by exact supputation 126. yeares, which being parted by nine or seauen sheweth such a conclusion as maketh much for this purpose. Doubtlesse I am the more willing to touch the time of his lawes than his entrance, sith alteration of ordinances is the cheefe and principall token of change in rule and regiment; although at this present the circumstances hold not, sith he dispossessed none, neither incroched vpon any. From Samothes vnto the tyrannie of Albion, are 335. yeares complet, so that he arriued here in the 335. or 48. septenarie, which also concurreth with the 590 after the flood. In like sort the regiment of Albion continued but seauen yeares, and then was the souereingtie of this Ile restored againe by Hercules vnto the Celts. The next alteration of our estate openlie knowne, happened by Brute, betweene whose time and death of Albion there passed full 601. yeares (for he spent much time after his departure out of Grecia, before he came into Albion) so that if you accompt him to come hither in the 602. you shall haue 86. septenaries exactlie. From Brute to the extinction of his posteritie in Ferrex and Porrex, and pentarchie of Britaine, are 630. yeares, or 70. nouenaries, than the which where shall a man find a more precise period after this method or prescription, for manie and diuers considerations. The time of the pentarchie indured likewise 49. yeares, or seauen septenaries, which being expired Dunwallo brought all the princes vnder his subiection, and ruled ouer them as monarch of this Ile. After the pentarchie ended, we find againe, that in the 98. yeare, Brennus rebelled against Beline his brother, wherevpon insued cruell bloodshed betwéene them. So that here you haue 14. septenaries, as you haue from those warres ended, which indured a full yeare & more before Brennus was reconciled to his brother, to the comming of Cæsar into this Iland (whereat our seruitude and miserable thraldome to the Romans may worthilie take his entrance) 48. or 336. yeares, than the which concurrences I know not how a man should imagine a more exact.

There’s a certain period of kingdoms, around 430 years, during which they usually experience some significant change. In this time, there’s also a cycle of growth and decline, and we can see that before God’s purpose is fulfilled in changing the state of affairs, various signs are sent as warnings that, without repentance, He will come to address our wrongdoings. This is partly confirmed by Ioachimus Camerarius, who in his first book "De ostentis," discussing the same topic, mentions a strange earthquake felt in Delos, which had never been affected by such a calamity before or after the defeat of the Persians by the Greeks. He also refers to the beard that suddenly grew on the face of the Pedacian prophetess whenever the city was about to undergo significant changes. “For,” he says, “there are divinely established ages during which the state of human affairs remains stable, and once these are over, it is foretold before the changes occur that they will result in a deterioration of conditions, with things becoming less and less pleasing to the divine.” Comets are sent by divine will and are recalled when they are seen above us, as long as it pleases God, and so on. Plato attributes such shifts in states to a certain divine force that remains concealed in various odd numbers, from which their periods are formed. It is true that God created everything with number, weight, and measure, and in a way that is incomprehensible to our fragile human understanding. However, He did not designate these three to govern His works, so we shouldn’t attribute these changes to the force of numbers like Plato does, much less to fate as the Peripatetics do, but rather to the divine providence and appointment of God, which can truly be called fate, as Saint Augustine states, for it is impious to dream of a different fate. Aristotle attributes all events to evident preceding causes, and mocks Plato and his numbers in his book on states, introducing various causes for changes in the state of affairs. These can be attributed to principal factors such as injury, oppression, ambition, treason, rebellion, disregard for religion and laws, combined with the concentration of wealth in few and widespread need and misery among many. But whatever Aristotle speculates on these matters based on human reasoning as primary causes, we recognize others above them, like sin, which when allowed to persist and reach full measure, is brought down by the justice of the most High God, the primary cause of all, who, foreseeing the evil of those living on earth, establishes such a revolution of things in their beginnings, as is most in line with the execution of His purpose and correction of our faults. Therefore, the causes that Aristotle provides are nothing more than means that God uses to achieve His purposes; yet they deserve the title of causes as they precede the effects that follow them immediately. But truly, aside from secondary or tertiary causes, no one can rightly call them primary causes. Bodinus, in his historical method, chapter 6, makes a lengthy discussion about the transformations of states and initially seems to deny the power of numbers, but after a while, he wonders why no Greek or Latin academic has yet made a discussion on the significance of such numbers as they pertain to the state of empires and kingdoms by examples in any city. This shows that he suddenly shifts his judgment, setting forth certain numbers as fateful; specifically, six for women, and seven and nine for men, which he argues have "great power in the whole nature of things," referring both to states and kingdoms from their beginnings, as well as specific periods of individuals concerning sickness, health, relocation, wealth, and loss, etc. To confirm this, he presents various examples of apparent likelihood, whether by multiplication of one by another, or division of larger numbers by either of them, or their interplay, calling the aforementioned three his critical or judicial numbers, by which he revives an old form of arithmancy (attributed to Pythagoras, though never invented by him) into the world again. But we Christians, in regards to causes, must look to the original and great cause of all, and therefore we must not lean on these points in any way as causes, for we know and confess that all things depend on His providence, who humbles and elevates whom He pleases. Nevertheless, I hope we can examine how these assertions hold without offense, provided we consider them as indices rather than causes of change. Therefore, I have attempted to explore in this instance the example of Bodinus, first concerning the changes in our civil state in the past; and secondly, similar cases of religion; starting with the flood generally, and then the first arrival of Samothes to our Isle, to satisfy myself a bit and entertain the readers; but still affirming in the meantime that I completely deny them to be any causes or to have any effect on these matters, as Bodinus seems to maintain. As for those from other countries, I refer you to Aristotle’s "Politics," and the eighth of the commonwealths that Plato has left to us, for further resolution, should you wish to consider them. So, starting with my aim; first, since Noah's flood was universal and therefore relevant to all, it would be fitting to begin with that, which occurred in the year 1656 after Adam's creation, so that if you divide that by nine, you will find the quotient exactly coinciding with the 184th revolution of that number. Secondly, since the confusion of tongues was the original cause of the people scattering across the earth, it would be worthwhile to examine that as well. Indeed, it occurred in the 133rd year after the flood; thus, if we divide 133 by seven, we find the quotient to be 19, with no remainder. From this point to the coming of Samothes into Britain, or rather his laws given to the Celts, and subsequently the Britons, in the second year of his arrival to this land, we find, through exact calculation, 126 years, which when divided by nine or seven demonstrates a conclusion strongly supporting this argument. Doubtless, I am more inclined to discuss the timing of his laws than his entrance, since changes in ordinances are the primary and principal signs of alteration in governance; though currently, the circumstances don’t align, as he neither dispossessed anyone nor encroached upon anyone. From Samothes to the tyranny of Albion, there are a complete 335 years, meaning he arrived here in the 335th or 48th septenary, which also corresponds with the 590th year after the flood. Similarly, Albion’s reign lasted only seven years before the sovereignty of this Isle was restored to the Celts by Hercules. The next well-known change in our state happened with Brute, and between his time and the death of Albion, there were exactly 601 years (for he spent considerable time after leaving Greece before arriving in Albion), so if you consider him arriving here in the 602nd year, you will find an exact 86 septenaries. From Brute to the extinction of his posterity in Ferrex and Porrex, and the pentarchy of Britain, there are 630 years, or 70 nines, and where can one find a more precise period following this method or tradition, for many diverse considerations? The duration of the pentarchy was likewise 49 years, or seven septenaries, and once that period expired, Dunwallo brought all the princes under his rule, and governed as monarch of this Isle. After the end of the pentarchy, we again find that in the 98th year, Brennus rebelled against his brother Beline, resulting in a brutal conflict between them. Thus, here you have 14 septenaries, as you have from when those wars concluded, which lasted a full year or more before Brennus reconciled with his brother, to the arrival of Caesar in this Isle (where our servitude and miserable bondage to the Romans rightfully begins), 48 or 336 years, and in these occurrences, I cannot see how one could envision a more exact correlation.

After the comming of Cæsar we haue 54. or sixe nouenaries to Christ, whose death and passion redoundeth generallie to all that by firme and sure faith take hold of the same, and applie it vnto their comfort. From the birth of Christ to our countrie deliuered from the Romane yoke, are [Page 51] 446. yeares, at which time the Britains chose them a king, and betooke themselues to his obedience. But neither they nor their king being then able to hold out the Scots and Picts, which dailie made hauocke of their countrie; the said Vortiger in the third yeare of his reigne (which was the 63. septenarie after Christ) did send for the Saxons, who arriued here in the 449. and 450. yeares of Grace, in great companies, for our aid and succour, although that in the end their entrances turned to our vtter decaie and ruine, in that they made a conquest of the whole Ile, and draue vs out of our liuings. Hereby we sée therefore how the preparatiue began in the 449. but how it was finished in the tenth nouenarie, the sequele is too too plaine. In like sort in the 43. nouenarie or 387. after the comming of the Saxons, the Danes entred, who miserablie afflicted this Ile by the space of 182. yeares or 46. septenaries, which being expired, they established themselues in the kingdome by Canutus. But their time lasting not long, the Normans followed in the end of the 49. yeare, and thus you sée how these numbers do hold exactlie vnto the conquest. The like also we find of the continuance of the Normans or succession of the Conquerour, which indured but 89. yeares, being extinguished in Stephen, and that of the Saxons restored in Henrie the second, although it lacke one whole yeare of ten nouenaries, which is a small thing, sith vpon diuers occasions the time of the execution of any accident may be preuented or proroged, as in direction and progression astronomicall is oftentimes perceiued. From hence to the infamous excommunication of England in king Iohns daies, wherevpon insued the resignation of his crownes and dominions to the pope, are eight septenaries or 56. yeares. Thence againe to the deposition of Richard. 2. and vsurpation of Henrie 4. are 77. yeares or 11. septenaries. From hence to the conspiracie made against Edward. 2. after which he was deposed & murdered are 117. yeares, or 13. nouenaries. From hence to the beginning of the quarell betwéene the houses of Yorke and Lancaster (wherein foure score and od persons of the blood roiall were slaine and made awaie first and last, and which warres begunne in the 1448. and the yeare after the death of the Duke of Glocester, whose murther séemed to make frée passage to the said broile) are 72. yeares or eight nouenaries. From hence to the translation of the crowne from the house of Lancaster to that of Yorke, in Edward the 4. are 14. yeares or two septenaries, and last of all to the vnion of the said houses in Henrie the eight, is an exact quadrat of seuen multiplied in it selfe, or 49. yeares, whereof I hope this may in part suffice.

After the arrival of Caesar, we have 54 or six sets of seven years leading to Christ, whose death and suffering generally benefit all who firmly and sincerely believe in it and apply it for their comfort. From the birth of Christ to our country being freed from Roman rule, there are [Page 51] 446 years, at which point the Britons chose a king and committed to his leadership. However, neither they nor their king were able to fend off the Scots and Picts, who continually devastated their land. In the third year of his reign (which was the 63rd set of seven years after Christ), Vortigern summoned the Saxons, who arrived here in the years 449 and 450 in large numbers to aid and support us, although ultimately their arrival led to our complete downfall, as they conquered the entire island and drove us out of our homes. Thus, we see how the preparations began in 449, but how it was completed in the tenth set of seven, the consequences are all too clear. Similarly, in the 43rd set of seven or 387 years after the Saxons came, the Danes invaded, who brutally oppressed this island for 182 years or 46 sets of seven years. After that period ended, they firmly established themselves in the kingdom under Canute. However, their reign was short-lived, as the Normans followed at the end of the 49th year, and this shows how these numbers fit precisely leading up to the conquest. We also notice that the rule of the Normans, or the succession from the Conqueror, lasted only 89 years, ending with Stephen, while the Saxon line was restored with Henry the second, although it falls just one year shy of ten sets of seven, which is a minor detail, as on various occasions the timing for any event can be anticipated or extended, as is often observed in astronomical direction and progress. From here to the infamous excommunication of England during King John's era, leading to the surrender of his crowns and territories to the pope, there are eight sets of seven years or 56 years. From there to the deposition of Richard II and the usurpation by Henry IV, there are 77 years or 11 sets of seven. From this point to the conspiracy against Edward II, after which he was deposed and murdered, are 117 years or 13 sets of seven. From here to the beginning of the conflict between the houses of York and Lancaster (in which over eighty members of royal blood were killed, and which wars began in 1448, the year after the Duke of Gloucester’s murder, which seemed to trigger the conflict) there are 72 years or eight sets of seven. From here to the transfer of the crown from the house of Lancaster to that of York under Edward IV, there are 14 years or two sets of seven, and finally, to the unification of these houses under Henry VIII, is exactly seven squared, or 49 years, which I hope provides sufficient information.

Now as concerning religion, we haue from Christ to the faith first preached in Britaine (by Iosephus ab Aramathia, and Simon Zelotes) as some write 70. yeares or 10. septenaries. Thence also to the baptisme of Lucius, and his nobilitie in the yeare after their conuersion, 12. nouenaries or 108. yeares. After these the Saxons entred and changed the state of religion for the most part into paganisme, in the yeare 449. 39. nouenarie, and 273. yeare after Lucius had beene baptised, which is 39. septenaries, if I be not deceiued. In the 147. or 21. septenarie, Augustine came, who brought in poperie, which increased and continued till Wicklif with more boldnesse than anie other began to preach the gospell, which was Anno. 1361. or 765. yeares after the comming of Augustine, and yeeld 85. nouenaries exactlie. From hence againe to the Henrie 8. expulsion of the pope 175. yeares, or 25. septenaries, thence to the
Marie.
receiuing of the pope and popish doctrine 21. yeares or 3. septenaries, wherevnto I would ad the time of restoring the gospell by Quéene Elizabeth, were it not that it wanteth one full yeare of 7. Whereby we may well gather, that if there be anie hidden mysterie or thing conteined in these numbers, yet the same extendeth not vnto the diuine disposition of things, touching the gift of grace and frée mercie vnto the penitent, vnto which neither number weight nor measure shall be able to aspire.

Now, regarding religion, we have from Christ to the faith first preached in Britain (by Joseph of Arimathea and Simon Zealotes) as some write, 70 years or 10 cycles of 7. From there to the baptism of Lucius and his nobility, in the year after their conversion, 108 years or 12 cycles of 9. After this, the Saxons arrived and largely changed the state of religion to paganism in the year 449, which is 273 years after Lucius was baptized, or 39 cycles of 7, if I'm not mistaken. In the 147th year or 21st cycle of 7, Augustine came, who introduced Catholicism, which grew and persisted until Wycliffe, with more boldness than anyone else, began to preach the gospel, which was in the year 1361, or 765 years after Augustine's arrival, yielding exactly 85 cycles of 9. From that point to the removal of the pope by Henry VIII, there were 175 years or 25 cycles of 7, and from there to the acceptance of the pope and Catholic doctrine by Mary was 21 years or 3 cycles of 7. I would also include the time of restoring the gospel by Queen Elizabeth, were it not that it lacks a full year of 7. From this, we can gather that if there is any hidden mystery or anything contained in these numbers, it does not extend to the divine arrangement of things regarding the gift of grace and free mercy to the repentant, to which neither number, weight, nor measure can aspire.

[Page 52]

[Page 52]

OF SUCH ILANDS AS ARE TO BE SEENE VPON THE COASTS OF BRITAINE.
CAP. 10.

There are néere vnto, or not verie farre from the coasts of Britaine many faire Ilands, wherof Ireland with hir neighbors (not here handled) séeme to be the cheefe. But of the rest, some are much larger or lesse than other, diuers in like sort enuironed continuallie with the salt sea (whereof I purpose onelie to intreat, although not a few of them be Ilands but at the floud) and other finallie be clipped partlie by the fresh and partlie by the salt water, or by the fresh alone, whereof I may speake afterward.

There are several beautiful islands near, or not very far from, the coasts of Britain, with Ireland and its nearby islands (which I won't discuss here) seeming to be the main ones. However, the rest vary a lot in size, some being much larger or smaller than others, and are continuously surrounded by the ocean (which I plan to focus on, even though some of them are islands only at high tide). Others are partially bordered by fresh and saltwater, or just by freshwater, which I can talk about later.

Of these salt Ilands (for so I call them that are enuironed with the Ocean waues) some are fruitfull in wood, corne, wild foule, and pasture ground for cattell, albeit that manie of them be accounted barren, bicause they are onelie replenished with conies, and those of sundrie colours (cherished of purpose by the owners, for their skins or carcases in their prouision of household) without either man or woman otherwise inhabiting in them. Furthermore, the greatest number of these Ilands haue townes and parish-churches, within their seuerall precincts, some mo, some lesse: and beside all this, are so inriched with commodities, that they haue pleasant hauens, fresh springs, great store of fish, and plentie of cattell, wherby the inhabitants doo reape no small aduantage. How manie they are in number I cannot as yet determine, bicause mine informations are not so fullie set downe, as the promises of some on the one side, & mine expectation on the other did extend vnto. Howbeit, first of all that there are certeine which lie neere togither, as it were by heapes and clusters, I hope none will readilie denie. Nesiadæ.
Insulæ Scylurum.
Sileustræ.
Syllanæ.
Sorlingæ.
Sylley.
Hebrides.
Hebudes.
Meuaniæ.
Orchades.
Of these also those called the Nesiadæ, Insulæ Scylurum, Sileustræ, Syllanæ, now the Sorlings, and Iles of Silley, lieng beyond Cornwall are one, and conteineth in number one hundreth fourtie and seauen (each of them bearing grasse) besides shelfes and shallowes. In like sort the companie of the Hebrides in old time subject vnto Ireland are another, which are said to be 43. situat vpon the west side of this Iland, betweene Ireland & Scotland, and of which there are some that repute Anglesei, Mona Cæsaris, and other lieng betweene them to be parcell, in their corrupted iudgement. The third cluster or bunch consisteth of those that are called the Orchades, and these lie vpon the northwest point of Scotland, being 31. aliàs 28. in number, as for the rest they lie scattered here and there, and yet not to be vntouched as their courses shall come about. There are also the 18. Shetland Iles, and other yet farther distant from them, of which Iohn Frobuser I doubt not touched vpon some in his voiage to Meta Incognita: but for somuch as I must speake of the Shetlands hereafter, I doo not meane to spend anie time about them as yet.

Of these salt islands (that's what I call those surrounded by ocean waves), some are rich in trees, grain, wild birds, and pasture for cattle, even though many of them are considered barren because they are mainly filled with rabbits, which come in various colors (raised on purpose by the owners for their fur or meat for household supplies) without any men or women living there. Furthermore, most of these islands have towns and parish churches within their boundaries, some more than others. Besides all this, they are so rich in resources that they have pleasant harbors, fresh springs, an abundance of fish, and plenty of cattle, providing the inhabitants with considerable benefits. I can’t yet determine how many there are because my information isn’t fully detailed, as the promises from some on one side and my expectations on the other were not met. However, first of all, it is clear that there are certain ones that lie close together, almost in heaps and clusters, and I hope no one will readily deny that. Nesiadæ.
Scilly Islands.
Sileustræ.
Syllanæ.
Sorlingæ.
Sylley.
Hebrides.
Hebudes.
Meuaniæ.
Orkney Islands.
Of these, those called the Nesiadæ, Insulæ Scylurum, Sileustræ, Syllanæ, now the Sorlings, and Isles of Silley, located beyond Cornwall, make up one group, totaling one hundred forty-seven (each with grass) besides shelves and shallow areas. Similarly, the group of the Hebrides, which were once subordinate to Ireland, is another; they are said to be 43 in number, situated on the west side of this island, between Ireland and Scotland, with some that incorrectly consider Anglesey, Mona Cæsaris, and others between them as part of that. The third cluster consists of those called the Orchades, which lie on the northwest tip of Scotland and number 31, alternatively counted as 28. The rest are scattered here and there but will not remain untouched as their paths come around. There are also the 18 Shetland Islands and others even farther away, of which John Frobisher undoubtedly landed on some during his voyage to Meta Incognita; however, since I will speak about the Shetlands later, I don’t intend to spend any more time on them right now.

There haue beene diuers that haue written of purpose, De insulis Britanniæ, as Cæsar doth confesse. The like also may be seene by Plutarch, who nameth one Demetrius a Britaine, that should set foorth an exact treatise of each of them in order, and among other tell of certeine desert Iles beyond Scotland dedicated to sundrie gods and goddesses, but of one especiallie, where Briareus should hold Saturne and manie other spirits fast bound with the chaines of an heauie sléepe, as he heard, of which some die now and then, by meane wherof the aire becommeth maruellouslie troubled, &c: as you may sée in Plutarch De cessatione oraculorum, &c. But sith those bookes are now perished, and the most of the said Ilands remaine vtterlie vnknowen, euen to our owne selues (for who is able in our time to say where is Glota, Hiucrion, Etta, Iduna, Armia, Æsarea, Barsa, Isiandium, Icdelis, Xantisma, Indelis, Siata, Ga. Andros or Edros, Siambis, Xanthos, Ricnea, Menapia, &c? whose names onelie are left in memorie by ancient writers, but I saie their places not so much as heard of in our daies) I meane (God willing) to set downe so manie of them with their commodities, as I doo either know by Leland, or am otherwise instructed of by such as are of credit. Herein also I will touch at large those that are most famous, and breeflie passe ouer such as are obscure and vnknowen, making mine [Page 53] entrance at the Thames mouth, and directing this imagined course (for I neuer sailed it) by the south part of the Iland into the west. From thence in like sort I will proceed into the north, & come about againe by the east side into the fall of the aforesaid streame, where I will strike saile, and safelie be set ashore, that haue often in this voiage wanted water, but oftener béene set a ground, especiallie on the Scotish side.

There have been various writers who have discussed the islands of Britain, as Caesar admits. The same can be seen from Plutarch, who mentions a Briton named Demetrius, who was supposed to create a detailed account of each island in order. Among other things, he talks about certain deserted islands beyond Scotland dedicated to various gods and goddesses, particularly one where Briareus keeps Saturn and many other spirits tightly bound in the chains of a heavy sleep. Some of these spirits occasionally die, which causes the air to become remarkably troubled, as you can read in Plutarch's "On the Cessation of Oracles." However, since those books have now been lost, and most of those islands remain completely unknown even to us (for who can accurately say where Glota, Hiucrion, Etta, Iduna, Armia, Æsarea, Barsa, Isiandium, Icdelis, Xantisma, Indelis, Siata, Ga. Andros or Edros, Siambis, Xanthos, Ricnea, Menapia, etc. are—whose names are recorded only in the memories of ancient writers, but whose locations are hardly known in our time), I intend (God willing) to document as many of them along with their resources as I know from Leland or have been informed about by reliable sources. Herein, I will also discuss in detail those that are most famous and briefly mention those that are obscure and unknown, starting at the mouth of the Thames and navigating this imagined course (for I have never sailed it) along the southern part of the island into the west. From there, I will similarly proceed north and come back around the east side into the mouth of the aforementioned river, where I will drop anchor and safely set ashore, having often lacked water on this journey, but even more frequently run aground, especially on the Scottish side.

In beginning therefore, with such as lie in the mouth of the aforesaid Hoo. riuer, I must néeds passe by the How, which is not an Iland, and therefore not within the compasse of my description at this time, but almost an Iland, which parcels the Latins call Peninsulas, and I doo english a Byland, vsing the word for such as a man may go into drie-footed at the full sea, or on horssebacke at the low water without anie boat or vessell: and such a one almost is Rochford hundred in Essex also, yet not at this time to be spoken of, bicause not the sea onelie but the fresh water also doth in maner enuiron it, and is the cheefe occasion wherfore it is called an Iland. This How lieth between Cliffe (in old time called Clouesho, to wit, Cliffe in How or in the hundred of How) & the midwaie that goeth along by Rochester, of which hundred there goeth an old prouerbe in rime after this maner:

In starting out, I have to talk about the area near the mouth of the mentioned Hoo. river, so I must mention the How, which isn't technically an island and therefore not really part of what I'm describing right now. However, it’s almost an island; the Latins refer to such landforms as peninsulas, and I refer to it in English as a byland, using the term for land that one can access at high tide by foot or on horseback at low tide, without needing a boat or vessel. Rochford Hundred in Essex is a similar example, but it's not the focus right now because it's surrounded not only by the sea but also by fresh water, which is the main reason it’s called an island. This How is located between Cliffe (historically known as Clouesho, meaning Cliffe in How or in the Hundred of How) and the route that runs along Rochester. There's an old rhyme from this hundred that goes like this:

He that rideth into the hundred of How,

He who rides into the hundred of How,

Beside pilfering sea-men shall find durt ynow.

Beside stealing, sailors will find dirt now.

Greane. Next vnto this we haue the Greane, wherein is a towne of the same denomination, an Ile supposed to be foure miles in length, and two in
Shepey.
bredth. Then come we to Shepey, which Ptolomie calleth Connos, conteining seauen miles in length, and three in bredth, wherein is a castell called Quinborow, and a parke, beside foure townes, of which one is named Minster, another Eastchurch, the third Warden, and the fourth Leyden: the whole soile being throughlie fed with shéepe, verie well woodded, and (as I heare) belongeth to the Lord Cheyney, as parcell of his inheritance. It lieth thirtéene miles by water from Rochester, but the castell is fiftéene, and by south thereof are two small Ilands, Elmesie.
Hertesie.
wherof the one is called Elmesie, and the more easterlie Hertesie. In this also is a towne called Hertie, or Hartie, and all in the Lath of Scraie, notwithstanding that Hartie lieth in the hundred of Feuersham, and Shepey reteineth one especiall Bailie of hir owne.

Green. Next to this, we have the Greene, which has a town with the same name, an island that is believed to be four miles long and two miles wide. Then we come to Sheppey, which Ptolemy calls Connos, measuring seven miles long and three miles wide. It contains a castle called Quinborow and a park, as well as four towns: one named Minster, another Eastchurch, the third Warden, and the fourth Leyden. The entire area is well-fed with sheep, very well-wooded, and (from what I hear) belongs to Lord Cheyney as part of his inheritance. It lies thirteen miles by water from Rochester, but the castle is fifteen miles away. To the south, there are two small islands, Elmesie.
Hertesie.
one called Elmesie and the more easterly one called Hertesie. There is also a town called Hertie or Hartie, all within the Lath of Scraye, although Hartie is in the hundred of Feversham, and Sheppey retains its own special bailiff.

From hence we passe by the Reculuers (or territorie belonging in time past to one Raculphus, who erected an house of religion, or some such thing there) vnto a little Iland in the Stoure mouth. Herevpon also Stureev.
Thanet.
the Thanet abutteth, which Ptolomie calleth Toliapis, other Athanatos, bicause serpents are supposed not to liue in the same, howbeit sith it is not enuironed with the sea, it is not to be dealt withall as an Iland in this place, albeit I will not let to borow of my determination, and describe it as I go, bicause it is so fruitfull. Beda noteth it in times past to haue conteined 600. families, which are all one with Hidelands, *Ploughlands, Carrucates, or Temewares. He addeth also that it is * In Lincolneshire the word Hide or hideland, was neuer in vse in old time as in other places, but for Hide they vsed the word Carucate or cartware, or Teme, and these were of no lesse compasse than an Hideland. Ex Hugone le blanc Monacho Petrolurgensi. diuided from our continent, by the riuer called Wantsume, which is about thrée furlongs broad, and to be passed ouer in two places onelie. But whereas Polydore saieth, the Thanet is nine miles in length & not much lesse in bredth, it is now reckoned that it hath not much aboue seauen miles from Nordtmuth to Sandwich, and foure in bredth, from the Stoure to Margate, or from the south to the north, the circuit of the whole being 17. or 18. as Leland also noteth. This Iland hath no wood growing in it except it be forced, and yet otherwise it is verie fruitfull, and beside that it wanteth few other commodities, the finest chalke is said to be found there. Herein also did Augustine the moonke first arriue, when he came to conuert the Saxons, and afterward in processe of time, sundry religious houses were erected there, as in a soile much bettered (as the supersticious supposed) by the steps of that holy man, & such as came ouer with him. There are at this time 10. parish churches at the least in the Ile of Thanet, as S. Nicholas, Birchington, S. Iohns, Wood or Woodchurch, S. Peters, S. Laurence, Mownton or Monkeron, Minster, S. Gyles and all Saincts, whereof M. Lambert hath written at large in his description of Kent, and placed the same in the Lath of sainct Augustine and hundred of Kingslow, as may easilie be séene to him that will peruse it.

From here, we pass by the Reculvers (or the area that belonged in the past to one Raculphus, who built a place of worship or something similar there) to a small island at the mouth of the Stour. This is also where Thanet begins, which Ptolemy calls Toliapis and others call Athanatos, because it’s believed that snakes can’t survive there. However, since it isn’t surrounded by the sea, it shouldn't be treated as an island in this context, although I will still go ahead and describe it since it is very fertile. Bede noted that it once contained 600 families, which are the same as Hidelands, Ploughlands, Carrucates, or Temewares. He also adds that it is separated from the mainland by a river called Wantsume, which is about three furlongs wide and can only be crossed in two places. While Polydore claims that Thanet is nine miles long and not much less in width, it is currently estimated to be just over seven miles from Nordtmuth to Sandwich, and four miles wide from the Stour to Margate, or from south to north, with the entire circuit being about 17 or 18 miles, as noted by Leland. This island has no naturally growing wood unless it's cultivated, and yet it is very fertile and lacks few other resources; the finest chalk is said to be found there. This is also where Augustine the monk first arrived when he came to convert the Saxons, and later, over time, various religious houses were established there, as the superstitious believed the land was greatly improved by the footsteps of that holy man and those who came with him. Currently, there are at least ten parish churches on the Isle of Thanet, including St. Nicholas, Birchington, St. John's, Wood or Woodchurch, St. Peter's, St. Laurence, Mownton or Monkeron, Minster, St. Gyles, and All Saints, which Mr. Lambert has described in detail in his account of Kent, placing it in the Lathe of Saint Augustine and the hundred of Kingslow, as can easily be seen by anyone who takes the time to read it.

[Page 54]

[Page 54]

Rutupium. Sometime Rutupium or (as Beda calleth it) Reptacester, stood also in this Iland, but now thorough alteration of the chanell of the Dour, it is shut quite out, and annexed to the maine. It is called in these daies Richborow, and as it should seeme builded vpon an indifferent soile or high ground. The large brickes also yet to be seene there, in the ruinous walles, declare either the Romane or the old British workemanship. But as time decaieth all things, so Rutupium named Ruptimuth is now become desolate, and out of the dust thereof Sandwich producted, which standeth a full mile from the place where Reptacester stood. The old writers affirme, how Arthur & Mordred fought one notable battell here, wherin Gwallon or Gawan was slaine; at which time the said rebell came against his souereigne with 70000. Picts, Scots, Irish, Norwegians, &c: and with Ethelbert the first christian king of Kent did hold his palace in this towne, and yet none of his coine hath hitherto béene found there, as is dailie that of the Romanes, whereof manie péeces of siluer and gold, so well as of brasse, copper, and other mettall haue often beene shewed vnto me. It should appéere in like sort, that of this place, all the whole coast of Kent therabout was called Littus Rutupinum, which some doo not a little confirme by these words of Lucane, to be read in his sixt booke soone after the beginning:

Rutupium. At one time, Rutupium, or what Bede referred to as Reptacester, was located on this island. However, due to changes in the channel of the River Dour, it has now been completely cut off and attached to the mainland. Today, it's called Richborough, and it appears to have been built on a decent piece of land or high ground. The large bricks still visible in the crumbling walls indicate either Roman or ancient British craftsmanship. But as time erodes everything, Rutupium, now known as Ruptimuth, has become deserted, and from its ruins, Sandwich emerged, standing a full mile from where Reptacester once was. Ancient writers claim that Arthur and Mordred fought a significant battle here, in which Gwallon or Gawan was killed; during this time, the rebel came against his sovereign with 70,000 Picts, Scots, Irish, Norwegians, etc., and Ethelbert, the first Christian king of Kent, had his palace in this town. Yet, none of his coins have been found there, unlike those of the Romans, many pieces of silver and gold, as well as bronze, copper, and other metals, have often been shown to me. It also appears that from this place, the entire coast of Kent was referred to as Littus Rutupinum, which some affirm with the following words from Lucan’s sixth book, shortly after the beginning:

The last verse of one couple and first of an other.

The last line of one stanza and the first line of the next.

Aut vaga cum Tethis, Rutupináq; littora feruent,

Aut vaga cum Tethis, Rutupináq; littora feruent,

Vnda Calidonios fallit turbata Britannos.

Vnda Calidonios deceives troubled Britons.

Or when the wandering seas

Or when the roaming seas

and Kentish coasts doo worke,

and Kentish coasts do work,

And Calidons of British bloud,

And Calidons of British blood,

the troubled waues beguile.

the troubled waves beguile.

Meaning in like sort by the latter, the coast néere Andredeswald, which in time past was called Littus Calidonium of that wood or forrest, as Leland also confirmeth. But as it is not my mind to deale anie thing curiouslie in these by-matters, so in returning againe to my purpose, Seolesey of Seles there taken. and taking my iourney toward the Wight, I must needs passe by Selesey, which sometime (as it should séeme) hath béene a noble Iland, but now in maner a Byland or Peninsula, wherin the chéefe sée of the bishop of Chichester was holden by the space of thrée hundred twentie nine yeares, and vnder twentie bishops.

Meaning in a similar way, by the latter, the coast near Andredeswald, which was once called Littus Calidonium due to that forest, as Leland also confirms. However, since I don't want to get too caught up in these side matters, I’ll return to my main point. Seolesey of Seles is taken. As I continue my journey toward the Isle of Wight, I must pass by Selesey, which seems to have once been a noble island but is now basically a low-lying land or peninsula, where the main seat of the Bishop of Chichester was held for three hundred twenty-nine years under twenty bishops.

Next vnto this, we come vnto those that lie betweene the Wight and the Thorne. maine land, of which the most easterlie is called Thorne, and to saie truth, the verie least of all that are to be found in that knot. Being Haling. past the Thorne, we touched vpon the Haling, which is bigger than the Thorne, and wherein one towne is situat of the same denomination beside Port. another, whose name I remember not. By west also of the Haling lieth the Port (the greatest of the three alreadie mentioned) and in this standeth Portsmouth and Ringstéed) whereof also our Leland, saieth thus: "Port Ile is cut from the shore by an arme of the maine hauen, which breaketh out about thrée miles aboue Portsmouth, and goeth vp two miles or more by morish ground to a place called Portbridge, which is two miles from Portsmouth." Then breaketh there out another créeke from the maine sea, about Auant hauen, which gulleth vp almost to Portbridge, and thence is the ground disseuered, so that Portsmouth standeth in a corner of this Ile, which Iland is in length six miles, and three miles in bredth, verie good for grasse and corne, not without some wood, and here and there inclosure. Beside this, there is also another Iland north northwest of Port Ile, which is now so worne and washed awaie with the working of the sea, that at the spring tides it is wholie couered with water, and thereby made vnprofitable. Finallie being past all these, and in compassing this gulfe, we come by an other, which lieth north of Hirst castell, & southeast of Kaie hauen, whereof I find nothing worthie to be noted, sauing that it wanteth wood, as Ptolomie affirmeth in his Geographicall tables of all those Ilands which enuiron our Albion.

Next to this, we come to those that lie between Wight and the Thorne. The one farthest east is called Thorne, and to be honest, it’s the smallest of all the islands in that group. After passing Thorne, we reached Haling, which is larger than Thorne and has one town with the same name, and another town whose name I can’t recall. To the west of Haling lies Port (the largest of the three already mentioned), where Portsmouth and Ringstead are located. Leland also mentioned this: "Port Isle is separated from the shore by an arm of the main harbor, which comes out about three miles above Portsmouth and goes up for two miles or more over marshy ground to a place called Portbridge, which is two miles from Portsmouth." Then another creek breaks out from the main sea around Avant Haven, which nearly reaches Portbridge, and from there the land is divided so that Portsmouth sits at a corner of this isle, which is six miles long and three miles wide, very good for grass and corn, with some woods and fields scattered about. Additionally, there’s another isle north-northwest of Port Isle, which has now been so eroded and washed away by the sea that at high tide it is completely covered with water, making it worthless. Finally, after passing all these and rounding this gulf, we come to another isle, which lies north of Hirst Castle and southeast of Kay Haven, but I find nothing notable about it, except that it lacks wood, as Ptolemy states in his geographical tables of all those isles surrounding Albion.

Wight.
Guidh.
The Wight is called in Latine Vectis, but in the British speach Guidh, that is to saie, Eefe or easie to be séene, or (as D. Caius saith) separate, bicause that by a breach of the sea, it was once diuided [Page 55] from the maine, as Sicilia was also from Italie, Anglesei from Wales, Foulenesse from Essex, & Quinborow from Kent. It lieth distant from the south shore of Britaine (where it is fardest off) by fiue miles & a halfe, but where it commeth neerest, not passing a thousand paces, and this at the cut ouer betwéene Hirst castell and a place called Whetwell chine, as the inhabitants doo report. It conteineth in length twentie miles, and in bredth ten, it hath also the north pole eleuated by 50. degrées and 27. minutes, and is onelie 18. degrees in distance, and 50. od minuts from the west point, as experience hath confirmed, contrarie to the description of Ptolomie, and such as folow his assertions in the same. In forme, it representeth almost an eg, and so well is it inhabited with meere English at this present, that there are thirtie six townes, villages and castels to be found therein, beside 27. parish-churches, of which 15. or 16. haue their Parsons, the rest either such poore Vicars or Curats, as the liuings left are able to sustaine. The names of the parishes in the Wight are these.

Wight.
Guide.
The Wight is called Vectis in Latin, but in British, it’s called Guidh, which means easy to see, or (as Dr. Caius says) separate, because it was once divided from the mainland by a breach in the sea, similar to Sicilia being separated from Italy, Anglesey from Wales, Foulness from Essex, and Queensborough from Kent. It is located five and a half miles from the southern shore of Britain at its furthest point, but where it comes closest, it's less than a thousand paces away, specifically at the crossing between Hirst Castle and a place called Whetwell Chine, according to local residents. The island stretches twenty miles in length and ten miles in width. It is also positioned at 50 degrees and 27 minutes north latitude, and is 18 degrees and about 50 minutes west longitude, which experience has confirmed, contrary to the descriptions of Ptolemy and those who follow his assertions. In shape, it nearly resembles an egg, and it’s so well-populated with English inhabitants today that there are thirty-six towns, villages, and castles, in addition to 27 parish churches, of which 15 or 16 have their own parsons, while the rest are served by poor vicars or curates who manage with what the livings can support. The names of the parishes in the Wight are as follows.

P signifieth parsonages, V. vicarages.
leftbrace 1 Newport,  a chap. rightbrace leftbrace 15 Mottesson. p. rightbrace
2 Cairsbrosie. v. 16 Yarmouth. p.
3 Northwood.   17 Thorley. v.
4 Arriun. v. 18 Shalflete. v.
5 Goddeshill. v. 19 Whippingham. p.
6 Whitwell.   20 Wootton. p.
7 S. Laurence. p. 21 Chale.
p.
8 Nighton. p. 22 Kingston.
p.
9 Brading. v. 23 Shorwell.
p.
10 Newchurch. v. 24 Gatrombe.
p.
11 S. Helene. v. 25 Brosie.  
12 Yauerland. p. 26 Brixston. p.
13 Calborne. p. 27 Bensted.
p.
14 Bonechurch. p.      

It belongeth for temporall iurisdiction to the countie of Hamshire, but in spirituall cases it yéeldeth obedience to the sée of Winchester, wherof it is a Deanerie. As for the soile of the whole Iland, it is verie fruitfull, for notwithstanding the shore of it selfe be verie full of rocks and craggie cliffes, yet there wanteth no plentie of cattell, corne, pasture, medow ground, wild foule, fish, fresh riuers, and pleasant woods, whereby the inhabitants may liue in ease and welfare. It was first ruled by a seuerall king, and afterwards wonne from the Britons by Vespasian the legat, at such time as he made a voiage into the west countrie. In processe of time also it was gotten from the Romans by the kings of Sussex, who held the souereigntie of the same, and kept the king thereof vnder tribute, till it was wonne also from them, in the time of Athelwold, the eight king of the said south region, by Ceadwalla, who killed Aruald that reigned there, and reserued the souereigntie of that Ile to himselfe and his successors for euermore. At this time also there were 1200. families in that Iland, whereof the said Ceadwalla gaue 300 to Wilfride sometime bishop of Yorke, exhorting him to erect a church there, and preach the gospell also to the inhabitants thereof, which he in like maner performed, but according to the prescriptions of the church of Rome, wherevnto he yéelded himselfe vassall and feudarie: so that this Ile by Wilfride was first conuerted to the faith, though the last of all other that hearkened vnto the word. After Ceadwalla, Woolfride the parricide was the first Saxon prince that aduentured to flie into the Wight for his safegard, whither he was driuen by Kenwalch of the Westsaxons, who made great warres vpon him, and in the end compelled him to go into this place for succour, as did also king Iohn, in the rebellious stir of his Barons, practised by the clergie: the said Iland being as then in possession of the Forts, as some doo write that haue handled it of purpose. The first Earle of this Iland that I doo read of, was one Baldwijne de Betoun, who married for his second wife, the daughter of William le Grosse Earle of Awmarle; but [Page 56] he dieng without issue by this ladie, she was maried the second time to Earle Maundeuille, and thirdlie to William de Fortes, who finished Skipton castell, which his wiues father had begun about the time of king Richard the first. Hereby it came to passe also, that the Forts were Earls of Awmarle, Wight, and Deuonshire a long time, till the ladie Elizabeth Fortes, sole heire to all those possessions came to age, with whom king Edward the third so preuailed through monie & faire words, that he gat the possession of the Wight wholie into his hands, & held it to himselfe & his successors, vntill Henrie the sixt, about the twentieth of his reigne, crowned Henrie Beauchamp sonne to the lord Richard Earle of Warwike king thereof and of Iardesey and Gardesey with his owne hands, and therevnto gaue him a commendation of the Dutchie of Warwike with the titles of Comes comitum Angliæ, lord Spenser of Aburgauenie, and of the castell of Bristow (which castell was sometime taken from his ancestors by king Iohn) albeit he did not long enioy these great honors, sith he died 1446. without issue, and seuen yéeres after his father.

It belongs to the county of Hampshire for local authority, but for spiritual matters, it follows the see of Winchester, of which it is a Deanery. As for the land on the entire island, it is very fertile. Despite the shoreline being rocky and craggy, there is no shortage of cattle, grain, pasture, meadows, wild birds, fish, fresh rivers, and pleasant woods, allowing the residents to live in comfort and prosperity. It was initially ruled by a separate king and later taken from the Britons by Vespasian, the legate, during his voyage into the west country. Over time, it was also taken from the Romans by the kings of Sussex, who held sovereignty over it and kept its king under tribute, until it was also seized from them during the reign of Athelwold, the eighth king of the south region, by Ceadwalla, who killed Aruald, the reigning king, and reserved sovereignty of the island for himself and his successors forever. At that time, there were 1,200 families on the island, and Ceadwalla gave 300 to Wilfride, formerly the bishop of York, encouraging him to build a church there and preach the gospel to the residents, which he did according to the instructions of the Church of Rome, to which he submitted as a vassal. Thus, this island was first converted to faith by Wilfride, though it was the last to accept his teachings. After Ceadwalla, Woolfride the parricide was the first Saxon prince to seek refuge in Wight, having been driven there by Kenwalch of the West Saxons, who waged war against him, eventually forcing him to seek help in this place, just as King John did during the rebellion of his barons, instigated by the clergy, the island then being held by the forts, as some writers note. The first Earl of this island that I know of was Baldwin de Betoun, who married his second wife, the daughter of William le Grosse, Earl of Awmarle; however, he died without children by this lady, who remarried to Earl Maundeuille and then to William de Fortes, who completed Skipton Castle, which his wife’s father had begun around the time of King Richard the First. Consequently, the lands became associated with the Earls of Awmarle, Wight, and Devonshire for a long time, until Lady Elizabeth Fortes, the sole heir to those holdings, came of age. King Edward the Third then managed to acquire the entirety of Wight through money and persuasion, holding it for himself and his successors until Henry the Sixth, around the twentieth year of his reign, crowned Henry Beauchamp, son of Lord Richard, Earl of Warwick, as king of Wight and of Jersey and Guernsey, with his own hands, granting him a commendation of the Duchy of Warwick along with titles including Comte of the Earls of England and Lord Spenser of Abergavenny, and of the castle of Bristol (which had once been taken from his ancestors by King John). However, he did not enjoy these great honors for long, as he died in 1446 without issue, seven years after his father.

After we be past the Wight, we go forward and come vnto Poole hauen, Brunt Keysy. wherein is an Ile, called Brunt Keysy, in which was sometime a parish-church, and but a chapell at this present, as I heare. There are also two other Iles, but as yet I know not their names.

After we pass the Isle of Wight, we move ahead and arrive at Poole Harbor, Brunt Keysy. where there is an island called Brunt Keysy, which used to have a parish church, but now only has a chapel from what I hear. There are also two other islands, but I don't know their names yet.

We haue (after we are passed by these) another Ile, or rather Byland Portland. also vpon the coast named Portland not far from Waymouth or the Gowy, a prettie fertile peece though without wood, of ten miles in circuit, now well inhabited, but much better heretofore, and yet are there about foure score housholds in it. There is but one street of houses therein, the rest are dispersed, howbeit they belong all to one parish-church, whereas in time past there were two within the compasse of the same. There is also a castell of the kings, who is lord of the Ile, although the bishop of Winchester be patrone of the church, the parsonage whereof is the fairest house in all the péece. The people there are no lesse excellent slingers of stones than were the Baleares, who would neuer giue their children their dinners till they had gotten the same with their slings, and therefore their parents vsed to hang their meate verie high vpon some bough, to the end that he which strake it downe might onlie haue it, whereas such as missed were sure to go without it, Florus lib. 3. cap. 8. Which feat the Portlands vse for the defense of their Iland, and yet otherwise are verie couetous. And wheras in time past they liued onlie by fishing, now they fall to tillage. Their fire bote is brought out of the Wight, and other places, yet doo they burne much cow doong dried in the sunne, for there is I saie no wood in the Ile, except a few elmes that be about the church. There would some grow there, no doubt, if they were willing to plant it, although the soile lie verie bleake and open. It is not long since this was vnited to the maine, and likelie yer long to be cut off againe.

We have (after passing these) another island, or rather a land Portland, Oregon. also along the coast named Portland, not far from Weymouth or the Gowy. It's a pretty fertile area, though lacking in wood, covering about ten miles in circumference, now well inhabited, but much better before, and still there are about eighty households here. There's only one street of houses, the rest are scattered, although they all belong to one parish church, whereas in the past there were two within the same area. There's also a castle belonging to the king, who is the lord of the island, although the Bishop of Winchester is the patron of the church, whose parsonage is the nicest house in the whole place. The people here are just as excellent at slinging stones as the Balearics, who would never give their children their meals until they had earned them with their slings, so the parents would hang their food very high on some branch, so that whoever knocked it down would get it, while those who missed were sure to go without it, according to Florus, lib. 3, cap. 8. The people of Portland use this skill to defend their island, and yet they are quite greedy. While they used to rely solely on fishing, now they are turning to farming. Their firewood is brought from the Isle of Wight and other places, but they also burn a lot of sun-dried cow dung, since there is, I say, no wood on the island except for a few elms around the church. Some would surely grow there if they were willing to plant it, although the soil is quite bleak and exposed. It wasn't long ago that this was joined to the mainland, and it seems likely it will be cut off again soon.

Being past this we raise another, also in the mouth of the Gowy, betweene Colsford and Lime, of which for the smalnesse thereof I make no great account. Wherefore giuing ouer to intreat any farther of it, I Iardsey.
Gardesey.
cast about to Iardsey, and Gardesey, which Iles with their appurtenances apperteined in times past to the Dukes of Normandie, but now they remaine to our Quéene, as parcell of Hamshire and iurisdiction of Winchester, & belonging to hir crowne, by meanes of a composition made betwéene K. Iohn of England and the K. of France, when the dominions of the said prince began so fast to decrease, as Thomas Sulmo saith.

After this, we bring up another one, also in the mouth of the Gowy, between Colsford and Lime, which I don't think is worth much due to its small size. Therefore, I won't discuss it any further. I turn my attention to Iardsey and Gardesey, which islands and their belongings once belonged to the Dukes of Normandy, but now they belong to our Queen as part of Hampshire and the jurisdiction of Winchester, and are part of her crown, due to an agreement made between King John of England and the King of France when the territories of that prince started to decline rapidly, as Thomas Sulmo says.

Iardsey. Of these two, Iardsey is the greatest, an Iland hauing thirtie miles in compasse, as most men doo coniecture. There are likewise in the same twelue parish-churches, with a colledge, which hath a Deane and Prebends. It is distant from Gardsey full 21. miles, or thereabouts, and made notable, by meanes of a bloudie fact doone there in Queene Maries daies, whereby a woman called Perotine Massie wife vnto an honest minister or préest, being great with childe by hir husband, was burned to ashes: through the excéeding crueltie of the Deane and Chapiter, then contending manifestlie against God for the mainteinance of their popish and antichristian kingdome. In this hir execution, and at such time as the fire caught holde of hir wombe, hir bellie brake, and there issued a goodly manchilde from hir, with such force that it fell vpon the cold [Page 57] ground quite beyond the heate and furie of the flame, which quicklie was Horrible murther. taken vp and giuen from one tormentor and aduersarie to an other to looke vpon, whose eies being after a while satisfied with the beholding thereof, they threw it vnto the carcase of the mother which burned in the fire, whereby the poore innocent was consumed to ashes, whom that Gardsey. furious element would gladlie haue left vntouched, & wherevnto it ministred (as you heare) an hurtlesse passage. In this latter also, there haue béene in times past, fine religious houses, and nine castels, howbeit in these daies there is but one parish-church left standing in the same. There are also certeine other small Ilands, which Henrie S. Hilaries. the second in his donation calleth Insulettas, beside verie manie rocks, whereof one called S. Hilaries (wherein sometime was a monasterie) is fast vpon Iardsey, another is named the Cornet, which hath a castel not Cornet. Serke. passing an arrow shot from Gardsey. The Serke also is betwéene both, which is six miles about, and hath another annexed to it by an Isthmus or Strictland, wherein was a religious house, & therwithall great store of conies.

Iardsey. Of these two, Iardsey is the larger, an island about thirty miles in circumference, as most people believe. There are also twelve parish churches and a college with a Dean and prebendaries. It is roughly 21 miles away from Gardsey and became infamous due to a horrific event that occurred during Queen Mary's reign. A woman named Perotine Massie, the wife of a respectable minister, was executed by being burned alive while pregnant. This was due to the extreme cruelty of the Dean and Chapter, who were openly fighting against God to uphold their Catholic and anti-Christian kingdom. During her execution, as the flames caught her womb, her belly burst open, and a healthy baby fell out onto the cold ground, far from the heat and fury of the fire. The child was quickly picked up and passed around among her tormentors, and once they were satisfied with the sight, they tossed it back to the burning body of the mother, resulting in the poor innocent being consumed to ashes, even though the flames would have gladly left it untouched, as you see, providing an unintended escape. In the past, there were also fine religious houses and nine castles on the island, but today only one parish church remains standing there. There are also some smaller islands, which Henry the Second in his donation referred to as Insulettas, along with many rocks, one of which is called St. Hilaries (where there used to be a monastery) located close to Iardsey, and another named the Cornet, which has a castle just a short arrow shot away from Gardsey. The Serke is also situated between them, which has a circumference of six miles and is connected to another island by an isthmus, where there used to be a religious house and plenty of rabbits.

Brehoc.
Gytho.
Herme.
There is also the Brehoc, the Gytho, and the Herme, which latter is foure miles in compasse, and therein was sometime a Canonrie, that afterward was conuerted into a house of Franciscanes. There are two other likewise neere vnto that of S. Hilarie, of whose names I haue no Burhoo, aliàs the Ile of rats. notice. There is also the rockie Ile of Burhoo, but now the Ile of rats, so called of the huge plentie of rats that are found there, though Turkie conies. otherwise it be replenished with infinit store of conies, betwéene whome and the rats, as I coniecture, the same which we call Turkie conies, are oftentimes produced among those few houses that are to be seene in this Iland. Some are of the opinion that there hath béene more store of building in this Ile than is at this present to be seene, & that it became abandoned through multitudes of rats, but hereof I find no perfect warrantise that I may safelie trust vnto, yet in other places I read of the like thing to haue happened, as in Gyara of the Cyclades, where the rats increased so fast that they draue away the people. Varro speaketh of a towne in Spaine that was ouerthrowne by conies. The Abderits were driuen out of Thracia by the increase of mice & frogs; and so manie conies were there on a time in the Iles Maiorca and Minorca (now perteining to Spaine) that the people began to starue for want of bread, and their cattell for lacke of grasse. And bicause the Ilanders were not able to ouercome them, Augustus was constreined to send an armie of men to destroie that needlesse brood. Plin. lib. 8. cap. 55. Causes of the desolation of sundrie cities and townes. A towne also in France sometime became desolate onelie by frogs and todes. Another in Africa by locustes and also by grashoppers, as Amicla was by snakes and adders. Theophrast telleth of an whole countrie consumed by the palmer-worme, which is like vnto an huge caterpiller. Plinie writeth of a prouince vpon the borders of Æthiopia made void of people by ants and scorpions, and how the citizens of Megara in Grecia were faine to leaue that citie through multitudes of bées, as waspes had almost driuen the Ephesians out of Ephesus. But this of all other (whereof Ælianus intreateth) is most woonderfull, that when the Cretenses were chased out of a famous citie of their Iland by infinit numbers of bees, the said bees conuerted their houses into hiues, and made large combes in them which reached from wall to wall, wherein they reserued their honie. Which things being dulie considered, I doo not denie the possibilitie of the expulsion of the inhabitants out of the Ile of Burhoo by rats, although I say that I doo not warrant the effect, bicause I find it not set downe directlie in plaine words.

Brehoc.
Gytho.
Herme.
There’s also Brehoc, Gytho, and Herme, the latter being four miles around. At one time, it had a canonry that was later transformed into a Franciscan house. There are two others near St. Hilarie's, but I don't have their names. Burhoo, also called the Isle of Rats. There’s also the rocky Isle of Burhoo, now called the Isle of Rats, named for the huge number of rats found there, although it is also filled with countless rabbits, which I believe are the same as what we call Turkish rabbits, often found among the few houses visible on this island. Some think there were once more buildings on this island than we see today, and that it was abandoned due to the large number of rats, but I don't find any reliable evidence to trust that; however, I read of similar things happening elsewhere, like in Gyara of the Cyclades, where rapidly increasing rats drove the people away. Varro talks about a town in Spain that was destroyed by rabbits. The Abderites were forced out of Thrace by a surge of mice and frogs, and there were once so many rabbits on the islands of Mallorca and Menorca (now part of Spain) that the people began to starve for lack of bread, and their livestock for lack of grass. Because the islanders couldn't get rid of them, Augustus had to send an army to destroy those useless creatures. Pliny, book 8, chapter 55. Reasons for the devastation of different cities and towns. A town in France became deserted solely due to frogs and toads. Another in Africa was devastated by locusts and grasshoppers, as Amicla was by snakes and adders. Theophrastus tells of an entire country decimated by the palm worm, similar to a giant caterpillar. Pliny writes of a province on the borders of Ethiopia emptied of people by ants and scorpions, and how the citizens of Megara in Greece had to leave their city because of swarms of bees, similar to how wasps nearly drove the Ephesians out of Ephesus. But most astonishing of all, as Aelian tells, when the Cretans were driven from a famous city on their island by countless bees, those bees turned their homes into hives and made large honeycombs reaching from wall to wall, where they stored their honey. Considering all this, I don’t deny the possibility of the inhabitants of the Isle of Burhoo being expelled by rats, though I can't guarantee that outcome because I don’t find it stated clearly in plain words.

Alderney. Beside this there is moreouer the Ile of Alderney a verie pretie plot, about seuen miles in compasse, wherin a préest not long since did find a
Comment. Brit.
coffin of stone, in which lay the bodie of an huge giant, whose fore téeth were so big as a mans fist, as Leland dooth report. Certes this to me is no maruell at all, sith I haue read of greater, and mentioned them alreadie in the beginning of this booke. Such a tooth also haue they in Spaine wherevnto they go in pilgrimage as vnto S. Christophers tooth, but it was one of his eie teeth, if Ludouicus Viues say true, who went thither to offer vnto the same. S. August. de ciuit. lib. 15. cap. 9. writeth in like sort, of such another found vpon the coast of Vtica, and thereby gathereth that all men in time past were not onlie far greater than they be now, but also the giants farre exceeding the huge stature [Page 58] Iliad. 6. and height of the highest of them all. Homer complaineth that men in his time were but dwarfes in comparison of such as liued in the wars of Troy. Iliad. 5. & 7. See his fift Iliad, where he speaketh of Diomedes, and how he threw a stone at Æneas, (which 14. men of his time were not able to stirre) and Vergilius Aen. 12. therewith did hit him on the thigh and ouerthrew him. Virgil also noteth no lesse in his owne deuise, but Iuvenal bréefelie comprehendeth all this in his 15. Satyra, where he saith:

Alderney. Next to this, there’s also the island of Alderney, a very pretty place, about seven miles around, where a priest recently discovered a stone coffin containing the body of a huge giant, whose front teeth were as big as a man’s fist, according to Leland. Honestly, this doesn’t surprise me at all since I’ve read about even larger ones and mentioned them already at the beginning of this book. There’s also a tooth in Spain that people pilgrimage to, claiming it belongs to St. Christopher, but it was one of his eye teeth, if Ludovico Vives is to be believed, who went there to make an offering. St. Augustine, in the City of God, Book 15, Chapter 9, writes similarly about another one found off the coast of Utica, suggesting that in ancient times, not only were all men much larger than they are now, but also that the giants were far greater than even the tallest among them. [Page 58] Iliad. 6. Homer complains that men in his time were merely dwarfs in comparison to those who fought in the Trojan War. Iliad. 5 & 7. In the fifth book of the Iliad, he mentions Diomedes and how he threw a stone at Aeneas—something that 14 men of his time couldn't even lift—and struck him on the thigh and knocked him over. Virgil notes similar things in his work, but Juvenal succinctly summarizes it all in his 15th Satire where he states:

Saxa inclinatis per humum quæsita lacertis

Saxa inclined on the ground, sought by the arms.

Incipiunt torquere, domestica seditione

Start to twist, domestic unrest

Tela, nec hunc lapidem, quali se Turnus, & Aiax,

Tela, nor this stone, like Turnus and Ajax,

Et quo Tytides percussit pondere coxam

Et quo Tytides hit the thigh with his weight.

Aeneæ: sed quem valeant emittere dextræ

Aeneas: but whom they can send out with their right hands

Illis dissimiles, & nostro tempore nata.

Illis different, and born in our time.

Nam genus hoc viuo iam decrescebat Homero,

Nam genus hoc viuo iam decrescebat Homero,

Terra malos homines nunc educat, atque pusillos,

Terra now raises bad people and the weak,

Ergo Deus quicunque aspexit, ridet, & odit.

Ergo God whoever looks upon it laughs and hates.

But to returne againe vnto the Ile of Alderney, from whence I haue digressed. Herein also is a prettie towne with a parish-church, great plentie of corne, cattell, conies, and wilde foule, whereby the inhabitants doo reape much gaine and commoditie: onelie wood is their want, which they otherwise supplie. The language also of such as dwell in these Iles, is French; but the wearing of their haire long, & the attire of those that liued in Gardsey and Iardsey, vntill the time of king Henrie the eight, was all after the Irish guise. The Ile of Gardsey also was sore spoiled by the French 1371. and left so desolate, that onlie one castell remained therein vntouched.

But to return to the Isle of Alderney, from which I have digressed. Here, there is also a pretty town with a parish church, plenty of grain, livestock, rabbits, and wildfowl, allowing the inhabitants to gain a lot from the land. The only thing they lack is wood, which they obtain from elsewhere. The language spoken by those living on these islands is French; however, the way people wore their hair long and dressed in Guernsey and Jersey was in the Irish style until the reign of King Henry VIII. The Isle of Guernsey was also heavily damaged by the French in 1371, leaving it so desolate that only one castle remained untouched.

Beyond this, and neerer unto the coast of England (for these doo lie about the verie middest of the British sea) we haue one Iland called Bruchsey. the Bruch or the Bruchsey, lieng about two miles from Poole, whither men saile from the Fromouth, and wherein is nought else, but an old chapell, without any other housing.

Beyond this, and closer to the coast of England (since these are located roughly in the middle of the British Sea), we have an island called Bruchsey. Bruch or Bruchsey lies about two miles from Poole, where people sail from Fromouth, and there is nothing else on it except an old chapel, with no other buildings.

Next to this also are certeine rocks, which some take for Iles, as Illeston rocke néere vnto Peritorie, Horestan Ile a mile from Peritorie by south, Blacke rocke Ile southeast from Peritorie toward Teygnemouth, and also Chester, otherwise called Plegimundham: but how (to saie truth) or where this latter lieth, I cannot make report as yet, neuerthelesse sith Leland noteth them togither, I thinke it not my part to make separation of them.

Next to this, there are certain rocks that some people consider to be islands, like Illeston Rock near Peritorie, Horestan Isle a mile south of Peritorie, Black Rock Isle southeast from Peritorie toward Teygnemouth, and also Chester, also known as Plegimundham. But to be honest, I can't say exactly where this last one is. However, since Leland groups them together, I don't think it's my place to separate them.

Mount Iland. From hence the next Ile is called Mount Iland, otherwise Mowtland, situate ouer against Lough, about two miles from the shore, and well néere thrée miles in compasse. This Iland hath no inhabitants, but onelie the warrenner and his dog, who looketh vnto the conies there: notwithstanding that vpon the coast thereof in time of the yeere, great store of pilchards is taken, and carried from thence into manie places of our countrie. It hath also a fresh well comming out of the rocks, which is worthie to be noted in so small a compasse of ground. Moreouer in the mouth of the créeke that leadeth vnto Lough, or Loow, as some S. Nicholas Iland. call it, there is another little Iland of about eight acres of ground called S. Nicholas Ile, and midwaie betweene Falmouth and Dudman (a Greefe. certeine Promontorie) is such another named the Gréefe, wherein is great
Inis Prynin.
store of gulles & sea foule. As for Inis Prynin, it lieth within the Baie, about three miles from Lizards, and containeth not aboue two acres of ground, from which Newltjn is not far distant, and wherein is a poore fisher-towne and a faire wel-spring, wherof as yet no writer hath made mention. After these (omitting Pendinant in the point of Falmouth hauen) S. Michaels mount. we came at last to saint Michaels mount, whereof I find this description readie to my hand in Leland.

Mount Iland. The next island is called Mount Iland, also known as Mowtland, located about two miles off the shore of Lough, and nearly three miles in circumference. This island has no residents except for a warren keeper and his dog, who take care of the rabbits there. However, during certain times of the year, a significant number of pilchards are caught along its coast and are transported to many places in our country. It also features a fresh spring coming out of the rocks, which is notable considering the small size of the land. Additionally, at the mouth of the creek leading to Lough, or Loow, as some refer to it, there's another small island of about eight acres known as S. Nicholas Isle, situated halfway between Falmouth and Dudman (a certain promontory). There’s another small island called the Gréefe, which has a large number of gulls and seabirds. As for Inis Prynin, it lies within the bay, roughly three miles from the Lizard, and is only about two acres in size, near which is Newlton, featuring a small fishing town and a beautiful spring, which has yet to be mentioned by any writer. After these (excluding Pendinant at the tip of Falmouth harbor) St. Michael's Mount. we finally arrived at Saint Michaels Mount, of which I found this description ready in Leland.

The compasse of the root of the mount of saint Michael is not much more than halfe a mile, and of this the south part is pasturable and bréedeth conies, the residue high and rockie soile. In the north side thereof also is a garden, with certeine houses and shops for fishermen. Furthermore, the waie to the mountaine lieth at the north side, and is [Page 59] frequented from halfe eb to halfe floud, the entrance beginning at the foot of the hill, and so ascending by steps and greeces westward, first; and then eastward to the vtter ward of the church. Within the same ward also is a court stronglie walled, wherein on the south side is a chapell of S. Michaell, and in the east side another of our ladie. Manie times a man may come to the hill on foot. On the north northwest side hereof also, is a Piere for botes and ships, and in the Baie betwixt the mount and Pensardz are seene at the lowe water marke, diuers roots and stubs of trées, beside hewen stone, sometimes of doores & windowes, which are perceiued in the inner part of the Baie, and import that there hath not onelie beene building, but also firme ground, whereas the salt water doth now rule and beare the maisterie. Beyond this is an other little S. Clements Ile. Ile, called S. Clements Ile, of a chapell there dedicated to that saint. It hath a little from it also the Ile called Mowshole, which is not touched in any Chard. As for Mowshole it selfe, it is a towne of the maine, called in Cornish Port Enis, that is, Portus insulæ, whereof the said Ile taketh denomination, and in tin workes néere vnto the same there hath beene found of late, speare heds, battell axes, and swords of copper wrapped vp in linnen, and scarselie hurt with rust or other hinderance. Certes the sea hath won verie much in this corner of our Iland, but chéefelie betwéene Mowshole and Pensardz.

The area around the base of St. Michael's Mount is just a bit more than half a mile, and the southern part is pastureland that supports rabbits, while the rest is high and rocky terrain. On the north side, there's also a garden, along with some houses and shops for fishermen. Moreover, the path to the mountain starts on the north side and is busy from low tide to high tide, with the entrance at the foot of the hill, rising first westward and then eastward toward the outer ward of the church. Within that ward, there's a strongly walled courtyard, with a chapel of St. Michael on the south side and another dedicated to Our Lady on the east side. Often, a person can reach the hill on foot. On the northwest side, there’s a pier for boats and ships, and at low tide in the bay between the mount and Pensardz, various roots and tree stumps can be seen, as well as carved stones, sometimes from doors and windows, which can be found in the inner part of the bay. This suggests that there was once building and solid ground there, whereas now the saltwater dominates. Beyond this, there is another small island, called St. Clement's Island, named after the chapel dedicated to that saint. A bit further away is an island called Mowshole, which is not mentioned in any charts. Mowshole itself is a town from the mainland, known in Cornish as Port Enis, meaning Port of the Island, which is where the island gets its name. Recently, near the tin works close to Mowshole, spearheads, battle axes, and copper swords wrapped in linen have been found, hardly affected by rust or deterioration. Indeed, the sea has claimed a lot of land in this part of our island, especially between Mowshole and Pensardz.

Hauing thus passed ouer verie neere all such Iles, as lie vpon the south coast of Britaine, and now being come vnto the west part of our countrie, a sudden Pirie catcheth hold of vs (as it did before, when we went to Iardsey) and carrieth vs yet more westerlie among the flats of Sylley Iles or Syl. Sylley. Such force dooth the southeast wind often shewe vpon poore trauellers in those parts, as the south and southwest dooth vpon strangers against the British coast, that are not skilfull of our rodes and harborowes. Howbeit such was our successe in this voiage, that we feared no rocks, more than did king Athelstane, when he subdued them (and soone after builded a colledge of preests at S. Burien, in performance of his vow made when he enterprised this voiage for his safe returne) nor anie tempest of weather in those parts that could annoie our passage. Perusing therefore the perils whereinto we were pitifullie plunged, we found the Syllane Ilands (places often robbed by the Frenchmen and Spaniards) to lie distant from the point of Cornewall, about three or foure hours sailing, or twentie English miles, as some men doo account it. There are of these (as I said) to the number of one hundreth fortie seauen in sight, whereof each one is greater or lesse than other, and most of them sometime inhabited: howbeit, there are twentie of them, which for their greatnesse and commodities excéed all the rest. Thereto (if you respect their position) they are situat in maner of a circle or ring, hauing an huge lake or portion of the sea in the middest of them, which is not without perill to such as with small aduisement enter into the same. Certes it passeth my cunning, either to name or to describe all these one hundreth fourtie seauen, according to their estate; neither haue I had anie information of them, more than I haue gathered by Leland, or gotten out of a map of their description, which I had sometime of Reginald Woolfe: wherfore omitting as it were all the rags, and such as are not worthie to haue anie time spent about their particular descriptions, I will onelie touch the greatest, and those that lie togither (as I said) in maner of a roundle.

Having passed quite close to all the islands along the southern coast of Britain, we now found ourselves in the western part of our country, when suddenly a fierce storm caught us (as it had before when we headed to Jersey) and pushed us further west among the flats of Silly Isles or Sil. Silly. The southeast wind often shows its strength against poor travelers in those areas, just as the south and southwest winds do against strangers along the British coast who aren’t familiar with our routes and harbors. However, we were fortunate on this journey; we feared no rocks, just as King Athelstan did when he defeated them (and soon after built a college of priests at St. Buryan in fulfillment of a vow he made when he set out on this journey for a safe return), nor were we anxious about any storms in those waters that could disrupt our passage. Looking over the dangers we found ourselves in, we discovered that the Silly Islands (places often raided by the French and Spaniards) are about three or four hours sailing, or twenty English miles, from the tip of Cornwall, according to some estimates. There are, as I mentioned, a total of one hundred and forty-seven visible islands, each varying in size, and most of them were once inhabited; however, among them, twenty are larger and more valuable than the rest. Moreover, regarding their layout, they are arranged in a circle or ring, surrounding a large lake or sea area in the center, which can be hazardous for those who enter without caution. Honestly, it overwhelms me to either name or describe all these one hundred forty-seven islands in detail; I have no more information about them than what I've gathered from Leland or obtained from a map created by Reginald Wolfe. Therefore, skipping over the lesser ones that aren't worth detailing, I will only focus on the largest islands, which, as I mentioned, are arranged somewhat like a circle.

S. Maries Ile. The first and greatest of these therefore, called S. Maries Ile, is about fiue miles ouer, or nine miles in compasse. Therein also is a parish-church, and a poore towne belonging thereto, of threescore housholds, beside a castell, plentie of corne, conies, wild swans, puffens, gulles, cranes, & other kinds of foule in great abundance. This fertile Iland being thus viewed, we sailed southwards by the Norman Agnus Ile. rocke, and S. Maries sound vnto Agnus Ile, which is six miles ouer, and hath in like sort one towne or parish within the same of fiue or six housholds, beside no small store of hogs & conies of sundrie colours, verie profitable to their owners. It is not long since this Ile was left desolate, for when the inhabitants thereof returned from a feast holden in S. Maries Ile, they were all drowned, and not one person left aliue. Annot. There are also two other small Ilands, betwéene this and the Annot, whereof I find nothing worthie relation: for as both of them ioind togither are not comparable to the said Annot for greatnesse and [Page 60] circuit, so they want both hogs and conies, wherof Annot hath great Minwisand.
Smithy sound.
Suartigan.
Rousuian.
Rousuiar.
Cregwin.
plentie. There is moreouer the Minwisand, from whence we passe by the Smithy sound (leauing thrée little Ilands on the left hand, vnto the Suartigan Iland, then to Rousuian, Rousuiar, and the Cregwin, which seauen are (for the most part) replenished with conies onelie, and wild garlike, but void of wood & other commodities, sauing of a short kind of grasse, or here & there some firzes wheron their conies doo féed.

St. Mary's Island. The first and largest of these, called St. Mary's Island, is about five miles long, or nine miles around. It also has a parish church and a small town with about sixty households, along with a castle, plenty of grain, rabbits, wild swans, puffins, gulls, cranes, and many other kinds of birds in great abundance. After exploring this fertile island, we sailed southwards past the Norman Agnus Island. rock and St. Mary's Sound to Agnus Island, which is six miles wide and also has a town or parish with five or six households, in addition to a good number of pigs and rabbits of various colors, which are very beneficial to their owners. Not long ago, this island was deserted because all the inhabitants drowned after returning from a feast held on St. Mary's Island, leaving not a single person alive. Note. There are also two other small islands between this one and Annot, but I find nothing worth mentioning about them. Though they are connected, they are not comparable to Annot in size and area, lacking both pigs and rabbits that Annot has in abundance. [Page 60] Additionally, there is Minwisand, from which we pass by Smithy Sound, leaving three small islands to the left, heading to Suartigan Island, then to Rousuian, Rousuiar, and Cregwin. These seven islands are mostly filled only with rabbits and wild garlic, but lack wood and other resources, except for a short type of grass, or occasionally some heather where the rabbits feed.

Leauing therefore these desert peeces, we incline a little toward the Moncarthat.
Inis Welseck.
Suethiall.
Rat Iland.
northwest, where we stumble or run vpon Moncarthat, Inis Welseck, & Suethiall. We came in like sort vnto Rat Iland, wherein are so manie monstrous rats, that if anie horsses, or other beasts, happen to come thither, or be left there by negligence but one night, they are sure to be deuoured & eaten vp, without all hope of recouerie. There is Anwall. Brier. moreouer the Anwall and the Brier, Ilands in like sort void of all good furniture, conies onelie excepted, and the Brier (wherein is a village, castell, and parish-church) bringeth foorth no lesse store of hogs, and wild foule, than Rat Iland doth of rats, whereof I greatlie maruell.

Leaving these deserted places behind, we head slightly northwest, where we stumble upon Moncarthat, Inis Welseck, and Suethiall. We arrived similarly at Rat Island, which is home to so many monstrous rats that if any horses or other animals accidentally end up there, even for just one night, they are guaranteed to be devoured without any hope of recovery. Additionally, there are the Anwall and the Brier, islands that are equally lacking in any worthwhile resources, except for rabbits. The Brier, which has a village, a castle, and a parish church, produces just as many pigs and wild birds as Rat Island does rats, which I find quite astonishing.

Rusco.
Inis widdō.
By north of the Brier, lieth the Rusco, which hath a Labell or Byland stretching out toward the southwest, called Inis widdon. This Rusco is verie neere so great as that of S. Maries. It hath moreouer an hold, and a parish within it, beside great store of conies and wild foule, whereof they make much gaine in due time of the yeare. Next vnto this we come to Round Iland. S. Lides. the Round Iland, which is about a mile ouer, then to S. Lides Iland, (wherein is a parish-church dedicated to that Saint, beside conies, wood, and wild foule, of which two later there is some indifferent store) Notho. Auing. the Notho, the Auing, (one of them being situat by south of another, and the Auing halfe a mile ouer, which is a iust halfe lesse than the Notho) Tyan. and the Tyan, which later is a great Iland, furnished with a parish-church, and no small plentie of conies as I heare. After the Tyan S. Martines. we come to S. Martines Ile, wherein is a faire towne, the Ile it selfe being next vnto the Rusco for greatnesse, and verie well furnished with conies & fresh springs. Also betwixt this and S. Maries, are ten other, smaller, which reach out Knolworth.
Sniuilliuer.
Menwethā.
Vollis. 1.
Surwihe.
Vollis. 2.
Arthurs Ile.
Guiniliuer.
Nenech.
Gothrois.
of the northeast into the southwest, as Knolworth, Sniuilliuer, Menwetham, Vollis. 1. Surwihe, Vollis. 2. Arthurs Iland, Guiniliuer, Nenech and Gothrois, whose estates are diuers: howbeit as no one of these is to be accounted great in comparison of the other, so they all yéeld a short grasse méet for sheepe and conies, as doo also the rest. In the greater Iles likewise (whose names are commonlie such as those of the townes or churches standing in the same) there are (as I here) sundry lakes, and those neuer without great plentie of wild foule, so that the Iles of Sylley, are supposed to be no lesse beneficiall to their lords, than anie other whatsoeuer, within the compasse of our Ile, Wild swine in Sylley. or neere vnto our coasts. In some of them also are wild swine. And as these Iles are supposed to be a notable safegard to the coast of Cornewall, so in diuerse of them great store of tin is likewise to be found. There is in like maner such plentie of fish taken among these same, that beside the feeding of their swine withall, a man shall haue more there for a penie, than in London for ten grotes. Howbeit their cheefe commoditie is made by Keigh, which they drie, cut in peeces, and carie ouer into little Britaine, where they exchange it there, for salt, canuas, readie monie, or other merchandize which they doo stand in need of. A like trade haue some of them also, with Buckhorne or dried whiting, as I heare. But sith the author of this report did not flatlie auouch it, I passe ouer that fish as not in season at this time. Thus haue we viewed the richest and most wealthie Iles of Sylley, from whence we must direct our course eastwards, vnto the mouth of the Sauerne, and then go backe againe vnto the west point of Wales, continuing still our voiage along vpon the west coast of Britaine, till we come to the Soluey whereat the kingdomes part, & from which foorth on we must touch such Ilands as lie vpon the west and north shore, till we be come againe vnto the Scotish sea, and to our owne dominions.

Rusco.
Inis widow.
To the north of Brier lies the Rusco, which has a small island or landmass extending toward the southwest, called Inis widdon. This Rusco is nearly as large as that of St. Maries. It also contains a fort and a parish along with a large population of rabbits and wild birds, from which they profit significantly at the right time of year. Next to this, we arrive at Round Island. S. Lides. the Round Island, which is about a mile across, then to St. Lides Island, (where there is a parish church dedicated to that Saint, along with rabbits, woods, and wild birds, of which there is a reasonable amount) Notho. Auing. the Notho, the Auing, (one being located south of the other, with the Auing being half a mile wide, which is exactly half the size of the Notho) Tyan. and the Tyan, which is a large island equipped with a parish church, and I hear it has a good supply of rabbits as well. After the Tyan S. Martines. we come to St. Martines Isle, where there is a nice town; the island itself is next in size to the Rusco, and is very well stocked with rabbits and fresh springs. Also, between this and St. Maries are ten other smaller islands, which stretch out Knolworth.
Sniuilliuer.
Menwethā.
Vollis 1.
Surwihe.
Vollis 2.
Arthur's Isle.
Guiniliuer.
Nenech.
Gothrois.
from the northeast to the southwest, such as Knolworth, Sniuilliuer, Menwetham, Vollis. 1, Surwihe, Vollis. 2, Arthur's Isle, Guiniliuer, Nenech, and Gothrois, each with varying characteristics: however, none of them is considered large in comparison to the others, yet they all provide short grass suitable for sheep and rabbits, just like the rest. In the larger islands too (which often bear the names of the towns or churches found there), there are (as I hear) several lakes, and they are always abundant with wild birds, so the Isles of Sylley are believed to be just as beneficial to their lords as any others within the boundaries of our Isle, Wild pigs in Sylley. or near our coasts. Some of them also have wild boars. And while these islands are thought to be a significant protection to the coast of Cornwall, there is also a large quantity of tin to be found on several of them. Additionally, there is such an abundance of fish caught around these islands that, besides feeding their swine with it, one can get more there for a penny than in London for ten pence. However, their main commodity comes from Keigh, which they dry, cut into pieces, and transport over to Brittany, where they trade it for salt, canvases, ready money, or other goods they need. Some of them have a similar trade with Buckhorn or dried whiting, as I’ve heard. But since the source of this report did not explicitly confirm it, I’ll skip over that fish as it is not in season right now. Thus, we have explored the richest and most prosperous Isles of Sylley, from where we must set our course eastward toward the mouth of the Severn, and then go back again to the western point of Wales, continuing our voyage along the west coast of Brittany, until we reach the Solway where the kingdoms meet, and from there we will visit the islands along the west and north shore until we return once again to the Scottish sea and our own territories.

Helenus. Priamus. From the point of Cornewall therefore, or promontorie of Helenus (so called, as some thinke, bicause Helenus the son of Priamus who arriued here with Brute lieth buried there, except the sea haue washed awaie his sepulchre) vntill we come vnto the mouth of Sauerne, we haue none Ilands [Page 61] at all that I doo know or heare of, but one litle Byland, Cape or Peninsula, which is not to be counted of in this place. And yet sith I Pendinas. haue spoken of it, you shall vnderstand, that it is called Pendinas, and beside that the compasse thereof is not aboue a mile, this is to be remembered farder thereof, how there standeth a Pharos or light therein, for ships which saile by those coasts in the night. There is also at the verie point of the said Pendinas, a chappell of saint Nicholas, beside the church of saint Ia, an Irish woman saint. It belonged of late to the Lord Brooke, but now (as I gesse) the Lord Mountioy enioieth it. There is also a blockhouse, and a péere in the eastside thereof, but the péere is sore choked with sand, as is the whole shore furthermore from S. Ies vnto S. Carantokes, insomuch that the greatest part of this Byland is now couered with sands, which the sea casteth vp, and this calamitie hath indured little aboue fiftie yeares, as the inhabitants doo affirme.

Helenus. Priamus. From the point of Cornewall, or the promontory of Helenus (so named, as some believe, because Helenus, the son of Priamus, who arrived here with Brute, is buried there, unless the sea has washed away his grave), until we reach the mouth of the Severn, there are no islands that I know of or have heard about, except for one small island, cape, or peninsula, which isn’t significant in this context. But since I’ve mentioned it, you should know that it’s called Pendinas, and besides being just about a mile around, it’s worth noting that there is a lighthouse there for ships sailing along the coast at night. Also, at the very tip of Pendinas, there’s a chapel of Saint Nicholas, next to the church of Saint Ia, an Irish female saint. Recently, it belonged to Lord Brooke, but now, as I guess, Lord Mountjoy owns it. There’s also a blockhouse and a pier on the east side, but the pier is heavily blocked with sand, as is the entire shore from Saint Ies to Saint Carantokes, so much so that most of this island is now covered with sand that the sea has deposited, and this issue has been ongoing for just over fifty years, as the locals claim.

There are also two rocks neere vnto Tredwy, and another not farre from Tintagell, all which many of the common sort doo repute and take for Iles: wherefore as one desirous to note all, I thinke it not best that these should be omitted: but to proceed. When we be come further, I meane vnto the Sauerne mouth, we meet the two Holmes, of which one is called Stepholme, and the other Flatholme, of their formes béeing in déed parcels of ground and low soiles fit for little else than to beare grasse for cattell, whereof they take those names. For Holme is an old Saxon word, applied to all such places. Of these also Stepholme lieth south of the Flatholme, about foure or fiue miles; the first also a mile and an halfe, the other two miles or thereabout in length; but neither of them a mile and an halfe in breadth, where they doo seeme to be the broadest.

There are also two rocks near Tredwy and another not far from Tintagell, which many people consider to be islands. So, since I want to cover everything, I think it’s best not to skip over these. Moving on, as we get closer to the Severn mouth, we come across the two Holms, one called Steep Holm and the other Flat Holm, named for their shapes being basically pieces of land and low ground suitable for little else but grass for cattle. Holme is an old Saxon word used for all such places. Steep Holm is situated south of Flat Holm, about four or five miles away; the former is about one and a half miles long, the latter around two miles long. However, neither is more than one and a half miles wide at their broadest points.

It should séeme by some that they are not worthie to be placed among Ilands: yet othersome are of opinion, that they are not altogither so base, as to be reputed amongst flats or rocks: but whatsoeuer they be, this is sure, that they oft annoie such passengers and merchants as passe and repasse vpon that riuer. Neither doo I read of any other Iles Barri. which lie by east of these, saue onelie the Barri, and Dunwen: the first Barri is a flight shot from the shore. of which is so called of one Barroc, a religious man (as Gyraldus saith) and is about a flight shot from the shore. Herin also is a rocke standing at the verie entrance of the cliffe, which hath a little rift or chine vpon the side, wherevnto if a man doo laie his eare, he shall heare a noise, as if smithes did worke at the forge, sometimes blowing with their bellowes, and sometimes striking and clinking with hammers, whereof manie men haue great wonder; and no maruell. It is about a mile in compasse, situat ouer against Aberbarry, and hath a chappell in it.

Some might think they don’t deserve to be considered islands, while others believe they’re not quite low enough to be seen as just flats or rocks. Regardless of what they are, one thing is certain: they often annoy the travelers and merchants who pass through that river. I haven’t read about any other islands Barri. that lie to the east of these, except for Barri and Dunwen. The former Barri is just a short flight away from the shore. is named after a religious man called Barroc (as Gyraldus says) and is about a flight shot from the shore. There’s also a rock right at the entrance of the cliff, which has a small opening or crack on the side. If you put your ear to it, you’ll hear a noise like smiths working at a forge—sometimes blowing with their bellows and sometimes striking and clinking with hammers, which many people find quite amazing, and it’s no surprise. The island is about a mile in circumference, located opposite Aberbarry, and it has a chapel on it.

Dunwen. Dunwen is so called of a church (dedicated to a Welsh woman saint, called Dunwen) that standeth there. It lieth more than two miles from Henrosser, right against Neuen, and hath within it two faire mils, & great store of conies. Certes if the sand increase so fast hereafter as it hath done of late about it, it will be vnited to the maine within a short season. Beyond these and toward the coast of southwales lie two other Ilands, larger in quantitie than the Holmes, of which the one is Caldee. called Caldee or Inis Pyr. It hath a parish-church with a spire steeple, and a pretie towne belonging to the countie of Pembroke, and iurisdiction of one Dauid in Wales. Leland supposeth the ruines that are found therein to haue béene of an old priorie sometimes called Lille, which was a cell belonging to the monasterie of S. Dogmael, but of this Londy. I can saie nothing. The other hight Londy, wherein is also a village or towne, and of this Iland the parson of the said towne is not onelie the captaine, but hath thereto weife, distresse, and all other commodities belonging to the same. It is little aboue sixteene miles from the coast of Wales, though it be thirtie from Caldée, and yet it serueth (as I am informed) lord and king in Deuonshire. Moreouer in this Iland is great plentie of sheepe, but more conies, and therewithall of verie fine and short grasse for their better food & pasturage; likewise much Sampere vpon the shore, which is carried from thence in barrels. And albeit that there be not scarslie fourtie housholds in the whole, yet the inhabitants there with huge stones (alredie prouided) may kéepe off thousands of their enimies, bicause it is not possible for anie aduersaries to assaile them, but onelie at one place, and with a most [Page 62] dangerous entrance. In this voiage also we met with two other Ilands, one of them called Shepes Ile, the other Rat Ile; the first is but a little plot lieng at the point of the Baie, before we come at the Blockehouse which standeth north of the same, at the verie entrie into Milford hauen vpon the eastside. By north also of Shepes Ile, and betwéene it & Stacke rocke, which lieth in the verie middest of the hauen, at another point is Rat Ile yet smaller than the former, but what Schalmey. commodities are to be found in them as yet I cannot tell. Schalmey the greater and the lesse lie northwest of Milford hauen a good waie. They belong both to the crowne, but are not inhabited, bicause they be so Schoncold. often spoiled with pirates. Schoncold Ile ioineth vnto great Schalmey, and is bigger than it, onlie a passage for ships parteth them, whereby they are supposed to be one: Leland noteth them to lie in Milford hauen. Beside these also we found the Bateholme, Stockeholme, Midland, and Gresholme Iles, and then doubling the Wellock point, we came into a Baie, where we saw saint Brides Iland, and another in the Sound betwéene Ramsey and the point, of all which Iles and such rocks as are offensiue to mariners that passe by them, it may be my hap to speake more at large hereafter.

Dunwen. Dunwen is named after a church dedicated to a Welsh woman saint called Dunwen that stands there. It is located more than two miles from Henrosser, directly across from Neuen, and has two beautiful mills and a lot of rabbits. If the sand continues to accumulate here as it has recently, it will soon be joined to the mainland. Beyond this and towards the coast of South Wales are two other islands, larger than the Holmes, one of which is Caldee. Caldee or Inis Pyr has a parish church with a spire and a pretty town that belongs to Pembroke County, under the jurisdiction of a man named David in Wales. Leland believes that the ruins found there were from an old priory once called Lille, which was a cell of the monastery of S. Dogmael, but I can't say more about this. London. The other is called Londy, which also has a village or town. The parson of this town is not only the captain but also has the right to levy fines, seize property, and all other privileges associated with it. It is a little over sixteen miles from the coast of Wales, though thirty miles from Caldee, and it serves, as I’ve been informed, a lord and king in Devonshire. Moreover, this island has a significant number of sheep, but even more rabbits, along with very fine and short grass for their best feeding and pasturing. There's also a lot of samphire on the shore, which is shipped in barrels. Although there are barely forty households in total, the inhabitants there can fend off thousands of enemies with large stones that are already prepared, as it's impossible for any adversaries to attack them except at one spot, which has a very dangerous entry. On this journey, we also came across two other islands, one called Shepes Isle and the other Rat Isle; the first is just a small patch located at the tip of the bay before we reach the Blockhouse that stands north of it, right at the entry into Milford Haven on the east side. North of Shepes Isle, between it and Stacke Rock, which sits in the very middle of the haven, there’s Rat Isle, even smaller than the former. However, I can't tell what resources are found on them yet. Schalmey. Schalmey the greater and the lesser lie northwest of Milford Haven a good distance. They both belong to the crown but are uninhabited due to frequent pirate attacks. Schoncold Isle adjoins Great Schalmey and is larger than it, separated only by a passage for ships, leading to the assumption that they are one. Leland notes that they lie in Milford Haven. Besides these, we also discovered the Bateholme, Stockeholme, Midland, and Gresholme Isles, and after rounding Wellock Point, we entered a bay where we saw Saint Bride's Isle, along with another in the Sound between Ramsey and the point. Of all these isles and the rocks that pose a threat to sailors passing by, I might have the opportunity to talk more about them later.

Limen or Ramsey. Limen (as Ptolomie calleth it) is situat ouer against S. Dauids in Wales (wherevnto we must néeds come, after we be past another little one, which some men doo call Gresholme) & lieth directlie west of Schalmey. In a late map I find this Limen to be called in English Ramsey: Leland also confirmeth the same, and I cannot learne more thereof, than that it is much greater than anie of the other last mentioned (sithens I described the Holmes) and for temporall iurisdiction a member of Penbrookeshire, as it is vnto S. Dauids for matters concerning the church. Leland in his commentaries of England lib. 8. saieth that it contained thrée Ilets, whereof the bishop of S. Dauids is owner of the greatest, but the chanter of S. Dauids claimeth the second, as the archdeacon of Cairmarden dooth the third. And in these is verie excellent pasture for sheepe and horses, but not for other horned beasts which lacke their vpper téeth by nature (whose substance is conuerted into the nourishment of their hornes) and therefore cannot bite so low. Mawr. Next vnto this Ile we came to Mawr, an Iland in the mouth of Mawr, scant a bow shoot ouer, and enuironed at the low water with fresh, but at the high with salt, and here also is excellent catching of herings.

Limen or Ramsey. Limen (as Ptolemy calls it) is located opposite St. David's in Wales (where we must go after we pass another small one, which some people call Gresholme) and lies directly west of Schalmey. In a recent map, I found this Limen referred to in English as Ramsey: Leland also confirms this, and I can’t learn much more about it other than that it is much larger than any of the other places I mentioned (since I described the Holmes) and for local governance, it's part of Pembrokeshire, just as it is to St. David's for church matters. Leland, in his commentaries on England, vol. 8, says it includes three islets, of which the Bishop of St. David's owns the largest, but the chancellor of St. David's claims the second, while the archdeacon of Carmarthen claims the third. These islets have excellent pasture for sheep and horses, but not for other horned animals that lack their upper teeth by nature (whose substance is converted into the nourishment of their horns) and therefore cannot graze so low. Mawr. Next to this island, we arrived at Mawr, an islet at the mouth of Mawr, barely a bowshot wide, surrounded by fresh water at low tide, but by salt water at high tide, and here too, there’s excellent fishing for herrings.

After this, procéeding on still with our course, we fetched a compasse, going out of the north toward the west, and then turning againe (as the coast of the countrie leadeth) vntill we sailed full south, leauing the shore still on our right hand, vntill we came vnto a couple of Iles, which doo lie vpon the mouth of the Soch, one of them being distant (as we gessed) a mile from the other, and neither of them of anie greatnesse almost worthie to be remembred. The first that we came vnto is called Tudfall. Tudfall, and therein is a church, but without anie parishioners, except they be shéepe and conies. The quantitie thereof also is not much aboue Penthlin. six acres of ground, measured by the pole. The next is Penthlin, Myrach, or Mererosse, situat in maner betwixt Tudfall or Tuidall and the shore, and herein is verie good pasture for horsses, wherof (as I take it) that Guelyn. name is giuen vnto it. Next vnto them, we come vnto Gwelyn, a little Ile which lieth southeast of the fall of Daron or Daren, a thing of small quantitie, and yet almost parted in the mids by water, and next of all vnto Bardsey an Iland lieng ouer against Periuincle the southwest point or promontorie of Northwales (where Merlin Syluestris lieth buried) and whither the rest of the monks of Bangor did flie to saue themselues, when 2100. of their fellowes were slaine by the Saxon princes in the quarell of Augustine the monke, & the citie of Caerleon or Chester raced to the ground, and not since reedified againe to anie purpose. Ptolomie calleth this Iland Lymnos, the Britons Enlhi, and therein also is a parish-church, as the report goeth. From hence we cast about, gathering still toward the northest, till we came to Caer Ierienrhod, a notable rocke situat ouer against the mouth of the Leuenni, wherein standeth a strong hold or fortresse, or else some towne or village. Certes we could not well discerne whether of both it was, bicause the wind blew hard at southwest, the morning was mistie, and our [Page 63] mariners doubting some flats to be couched not far from thence, hasted awaie vnto Anglesei, whither we went a pace with a readie wind euen at our owne desire.

After this, continuing on our journey, we took a compass heading, going out of the north toward the west, and then turning again (as the coast of the country leads) until we sailed due south, keeping the shore on our right until we reached a couple of islands at the mouth of the Soch. One of them was about a mile from the other, and neither was large enough to be considered significant. The first island we came to is called Tudfall. Tudfall, which has a church but no parishioners except for sheep and rabbits. Its size is just over Penthlin. six acres of land, measured by the pole. The next is Penthlin, Myrach, or Mererosse, located somewhat between Tudfall and the shore, with very good pasture for horses, which is likely why it has that Guelyn. name. Next to these is Gwelyn, a small island lying southeast of the falls of Daron or Daren, which is quite small and almost split in the middle by water, and right near Bardsey, an island facing the southwestern tip of North Wales (where Merlin Sylvestris is buried) and where the remaining monks of Bangor fled to save themselves when 2,100 of their fellow monks were killed by the Saxon princes in the conflict with Augustine the monk, and the city of Caerleon or Chester was razed to the ground, and has not since been rebuilt purposefully. Ptolemy calls this island Lymnos, the Britons Enlhi, and according to reports, it also has a parish church. From here, we turned around, heading north until we reached Caer Ierienrhod, a notable rock situated across from the mouth of the Leuenni, where there stands a stronghold or fortress, or maybe some town or village. We couldn’t clearly see which it was because the wind was blowing hard from the southwest, the morning was misty, and our [Page 63] sailors, worried about shallow waters nearby, hurried away to Anglesey, which we approached quickly with a favorable wind just as we wished.

This Iland (which Tacitus mistaketh no doubt for Mona Cæsaris, and so dooth Ptolomie as appeareth by his latitudes) is situat about two miles from the shore of Northwales. Paulus Iouius gesseth that it was in time Anglesei cut from Wales by working of the sea. past ioined to the continent, or maine of our Ile, and onelie cut off by working of the Ocean, as Sicilia peraduenture was from Italie by the violence of the Leuant or practise of some king that reigned there. Thereby also (as he saith) the inhabitants were constreind at the first to make a bridge ouer into the same, till the breach waxed so great, that no such passage could anie longer be mainteined. But as these things doo either not touch my purpose at all, or make smallie with the Anglesei. present description of this Ile: so (in comming to my matter) Anglesei is found to be full so great as the Wight, and nothing inferiour, but rather surmounting it, as that also which Cæsar calleth Mona in fruitfulnesse of soile by manie an hundred fold. In old time it was reputed and taken for the common granarie to Wales, as Sicilia was to Rome and Italie for their prouision of corne. In like maner the Welshmen themselues called it the mother of their countrie, for giuing their minds wholie to pasturage, as the most easie and lesse chargeable trade, they vtterlie neglected tillage, as men that leaned onelie to the fertilitie of this Iland for their corne, from whence they neuer failed to receiue continuall abundance. Gyraldus saith that the Ile of Anglesei was no lesse sufficient to minister graine for the sustentation of all the men of Wales, than the mountaines called Ereri or Snowdoni in Northwales were to yeeld plentie of pasture for all the cattell whatsoeuer within the aforesaid compasse, if they were brought togither and left vpon the same. It contained moreouer so manie townes welnéere, as there be daies in a yeare, which some conuerting into Cantreds haue accompted but for three, as Gyraldus saith. Howbeit as there haue beene I say 363. townes in Anglesei, so now a great part of that reckoning is vtterlie shroonke, and so far gone to decaie, that the verie ruines of them are vnneath to be séene & discerned: and yet it séemeth to be méetlie well inhabited. Leland noting the smalnesse of our hundreds in comparison to that they were in time past, addeth (so far as I remember) that there are six of them in Anglesei, as Menay, Maltraith, Liuon, Talbellion, Torkalin, and Tindaithin: herevnto Lhoid saith also how it belonged in old time vnto the kingdome of Guinhed or Northwales, and that therein at a towne called Aberfraw, being on the southwestside of the Ile, the kings of Gwinhed held euermore their palaces, whereby it came to passe, that the kings of Northwales were for a long time called kings of Aberfraw, as the Welshmen named the kings of England kings of London, till better instruction did bring them farther knowledge.

This island (which Tacitus undoubtedly mistook for Mona Cæsaris, and so did Ptolemy as shown by his latitude) is located about two miles from the coast of North Wales. Paulus Jovius believed that it was once connected to the mainland of our island and was only separated by the action of the ocean, much like Sicily was perhaps removed from Italy by the forces of the Levant or the actions of some king who ruled there. He also mentioned that the inhabitants were initially forced to build a bridge to connect to it until the gap became so large that maintaining such a passage was no longer possible. However, since these details either do not pertain to my purpose or have little relevance to the current description of this island, I will focus on my topic: Anglesey is found to be about as large as the Isle of Wight, not inferior, but rather surpassing it, as it is also referred to by Caesar as Mona, known for its soil fertility by many hundreds of times. In ancient times, it was considered the common granary for Wales, just as Sicily was for Rome and Italy in terms of grain supply. Likewise, the Welsh themselves called it the mother of their country, as they devoted themselves entirely to pasture grazing, which is the easiest and least costly trade, completely neglecting farming, relying solely on the fertility of this island for their corn, from which they consistently received abundant yields. Gyraldus states that Anglesey was more than capable of providing grain for the sustenance of all the people of Wales, just as the mountains known as Ereri or Snowdonia in North Wales offered ample pasture for all the livestock within that area if they were gathered and left there. Furthermore, it contained nearly as many towns as there are days in a year, with some converting into Cantreds, counted as just three, as Gyraldus said. However, although there were 363 towns in Anglesey, a significant portion of that count has completely diminished, and many have decayed to the point where their ruins are barely discernible. Yet, it seems to be reasonably well inhabited. Leland notes the smallness of our hundreds compared to their past size, adding (as far as I recall) that there are six of them in Anglesey: Menay, Maltraith, Liuon, Talbellion, Torkalin, and Tindaithin. Additionally, Lhoid mentions how it once belonged to the kingdom of Gwynedd or North Wales, and that in a town called Aberfraw, located on the southwest side of the island, the kings of Gwynedd always held their palaces, leading to the kings of North Wales being called the kings of Aberfraw for a long time, just as the Welsh called the kings of England kings of London, until better information provided them with greater knowledge.

There are in Anglesei many townes and villages, whose names as yet I cannot orderlie atteine vnto: wherefore I will content my selfe with the rehearsall of so many as we viewed in sailing about the coasts, and otherwise heard report of by such as I haue talked withall. Beginning therefore at the mouth of the Gefni (which riseth at northeast aboue Gefni or Geuenni, 20. miles at the least into the land) we passed first by Hundwyn, then by Newborow, Port-Hayton, Beaumarrais, Penmon, Elian, Almwoch, Burric (whereby runneth a rill into a creeke) Cornew, Holihed (standing in the promontorie) Gwifen, Aberfraw, and Cair Cadwalader, of all which, the two latter stand as it were in a nuke betweene the Geuenni water, and the Fraw, wherevpon Aberfraw is situate. Within the Iland we heard onelie of Gefni afore mentioned, of Gristial standing vpon the same water, of Tefri, of Lanerchimedh, Lachtenfarwy and Bodedrin, but of all these the cheefe is now Beaumarais, which was builded sometime by king Edward the first, and therewithall a strong castell about the yeare 1295. to kéepe that land in quiet. There are also as Leland saith 31. parish-churches beside 69. chappels, that is, a hundreth in all. But héerof I can saie little, for lacke of iust instruction. In time past, the people of this Ile vsed not to seuerall their grounds, but now they dig stonie hillocks, and with the stones thereof they make rude walles, much like to those of Deuonshire, sith they want hedge bote, fire bote, and house bote, or (to saie at one word) timber, bushes and trees. As for wine, it is so plentifull and [Page 64] good cheape there most commonlie as in London, through the great recourse of merchants from France, Spaine, and Italie vnto the aforesaid Iland. The flesh likewise of such cattell as is bred there, wherof we haue store yearelie brought vnto Cole faire in Essex is most delicate, by reason of their excellent pasture, and so much was it esteemed by the Romans in time past, that Columella did not onelie commend and preferre them before those of Liguria, but the emperours themselues being neere hand also caused their prouision to be made for nete out of Anglesei, to feed vpon at their owne tables as the most excellent beefe. It taketh now the name of Angles and Ei, which is to meane the Ile of Englismen, bicause they wan it in the Conquerors time, vnder the leading of Hugh earle of Chester, and Hugh of Shrewesburie. Howbeit they recouered it againe in the time of William Rufus, when they spoiled the citie of Glocester, ransacked Shrewesburie, and returned home with great bootie and pillage, in which voiage also they were holpen greatlie by the Irishmen, who after thrée yeares ioined with them againe, and slue the earle of Shrewesburie (which then liued) with great crueltie. The Welshmen call it Tiremone and Mon, and herein likewise is a promontorie Holie head, or Cair kiby. or Byland, called Holie head (which hath in time past beene named Cair kyby, of Kyby a monke that dwelled there) from whence the readiest passage is commonlie had out of Northwales to get ouer into Ireland, of which Ile I will not speake at this time, least I shuld bereaue another of that trauell. Yet Plinie saith, lib. 4. cap. 16. that it lieth not farre off from and ouer against the Silures, which then dwelled vpon the west coast of our Iland, and euen so farre as Dunbritton, and beyond: Enilsnach, holie Ile. but to our Cair kybi. The Britons named it Enylsnach, or holie Ile, of the number of carcases of holie men, which they affirme to haue beene buried there. But herein I maruell not a little, wherein women had offended, that they might not come thither, or at the least wise returne from thence without some notable reproch or shame vnto their bodies. By south also of Hilarie point, somewhat inclining toward the east, lieth Inis Lygod, a small thing (God wot) and therefore not worthie great remembrance: neuertheles not to be omitted, though nothing else inforced the memoriall thereof, but onelie the number and certeine tale of such Iles as lie about our Iland. I might also speake of the Ile Mail Ronyad, which lieth north west of Anglesei by sixe miles; but bicause the true name hereof, as of manie riuers and streames are to me vnknowne, I am the more willing to passe them ouer in silence, least I should be noted to be farther corrupter of such words as I haue no skill to deliuer and exhibit in their kind. And now to conclude with the description of the whole Iland, this I will ad moreouer vnto hir commodities, that as there are the best milstones of white, red, blew, and gréene gréets, (especiallie in Tindaithin) so there is great gaines to be gotten by fishing round about this Ile, if the people there could vse the trade: but they want both cunning and diligence to take that matter in hand. And as for temporall regiment, it apperteineth to the countie of Cairnaruon, so in spirituall cases it belongeth to the bishoprike of Bangor. This is finallie to be noted of Anglesei, that sundrie earthen Ancient buriall. pots are often found there of dead mens bones conuerted into ashes, set with the mouthes downeward contrarie to the vse of other nations, which turned the brims vpwards, whereof let this suffice.

There are many towns and villages in Anglesey, whose names I cannot list in an orderly way yet: therefore, I'll just mention those we spotted while sailing around the coasts and those I've heard about from people I've talked to. Starting at the mouth of the River Gefni (which rises northeast above Geuenni, at least 20 miles inland), we first passed by Hundwyn, then Newborough, Port-Hayton, Beaumaris, Penmon, Elian, Almwch, Burric (where a stream runs into a creek), Cornew, Holihed (situated on the promontory), Gwifen, Aberfraw, and Cair Cadwalader. The latter two are located in a sort of nook between the Geuenni water and the Fraw, where Aberfraw is situated. Within the island, we only heard of Gefni as mentioned before, Gristial by that same water, Tefri, Lanerchimedh, Lachtenfarwy, and Bodedrin; but of all these, the main one is now Beaumaris, which was built sometime by King Edward I along with a strong castle around the year 1295 to keep that land secure. There are also, as Leland says, 31 parish churches and 69 chapels, making a total of a hundred. But I can say little about this due to lack of proper information. In the past, the people of this island didn’t fence their land, but now they dig up stony hills, and with those stones, they build rough walls, similar to those in Devonshire, since they lack hedgewood, firewood, and building timber—basically, timber, bushes, and trees. Wine is found to be so plentiful and cheap there, just like in London, due to the large number of merchants coming from France, Spain, and Italy to that island. The meat from the livestock raised there, which we send yearly to the Cole fair in Essex, is very delicate due to their excellent pastures, and it was so highly valued by the Romans in the past that Columella not only praised it over that from Liguria but the emperors themselves also had provisions made for cattle from Anglesey to feed at their tables as the best beef. It is now called Angles and Ei, meaning the Island of the Englishmen, because they won it during the time of the Conqueror, under the leadership of Hugh, Earl of Chester, and Hugh of Shrewsbury. However, they regained it during the time of William Rufus, when they sacked the city of Gloucester, looted Shrewsbury, and returned home with a great deal of spoils and loot. In that campaign, they were greatly aided by the Irish, who after three years joined them again and cruelly killed the Earl of Shrewsbury (who was then alive). The Welsh call it Tiremone and Mon, and also located here is a promontory called Holyhead (formerly known as Cair Kybi, named after a monk who lived there), from where the easiest passage is commonly found out of North Wales to get over to Ireland, about which island I won’t speak at this time so as not to take away from others’ efforts. Yet Pliny says, in book 4, chapter 16, that it lies not far off from and opposite the Silures, who lived on the west coast of our island, reaching as far as Dumbarton and beyond; but to our Cair Kybi. The Britons called it Enylsnach, or Holy Island, because of the number of holy men's remains, they claim to have been buried there. But here I am somewhat puzzled as to what offense women might have committed so that they could not go there, or at least return without some significant shame to their bodies. South of Hilarie Point, slightly leaning toward the east, lies Inis Lygod, a small island (God knows) and therefore not worthy of much remembrance: nonetheless, it should not be omitted, even if nothing else justifies mentioning it, but only the count and certain tale of such islands that lie around our island. I could also mention the island of Mail Ronyad, which lies six miles northwest of Anglesey; but because the true name of this island, as well as that of many rivers and streams, is unknown to me, I prefer to pass them over in silence, lest I be accused of further corrupting names I have no skill to convey accurately. Lastly, to wrap up the description of the whole island, I will add that, alongside its commodities, there are also excellent millstones made of white, red, blue, and green grit (especially in Tindaithin), and there are significant profits to be gained from fishing around this island if the people there could engage in the trade: but they lack both the skill and diligence to tackle that. As for earthly governance, it belongs to the County of Caernarfon, while in spiritual matters it falls under the bishopric of Bangor. It is also worth noting that various earthen pots are often found there containing the bones of the dead turned to ashes, set with their openings facing down, contrary to the practice of other nations, which turn the rims upward; of this, let that be sufficient.

Hauing thus described Anglesei, it resteth to report furthermore, how that in our circuit about the same, we met with other little Ilets, of which one lieth northwest thereof almost ouer against Butricke mouth, or the fall of the water, that passeth by Butricke. Adar.
Moil.
Rhomaid.
Ysterisd.
Adros.
Lygod.
The Britons called it Ynis Ader, that is to say, the Ile of birds in old time, but now it hight Ynis Moil, or Ynis Rhomaid, that is the Ile of porpasses. It hath to name likewise Ysterisd, and Adros. Being past this, we came to the second lieng by north east, ouer against the Hilarie point, called Ynis Ligod, that is to saie, the Ile of Mise, and of these two this latter is the smallest, neither of them both being of Seriall.
Prestholme.
any greatnesse to speake of. Ynis Seriall or Prestholme, lieth ouer against Penmon, or the point called the head of Mon, where I found a towne (as I told you) of the same denomination. Ptolomie nameth not this Iland, whereof I maruell. It is parcell of Flintshire, and of the iurisdiction of S. Asaph, and in fertilitie of soile, and breed of cattell, nothing inferiour vnto Anglesei hir mother: although that for [Page 65] quantitie of ground it come infinitelie short thereof, and be nothing comparable vnto it. The last Iland vpon the cost of Wales, hauing now Credine. left Anglesei, is called Credine, and although it lie not properlie within the compasse of my description, yet I will not let to touch it by the waie, sith the causey thither from Denbighland, is commonlie ouerflowne. It is partlie made an Iland by the Conwey, and partlie by the sea. But to proceed, when we had viewed this place, we passed foorth to S. Antonies Ile, which is about two or thrée miles compasse or more, a sandie soile, but yet verie batable for sheepe and cattell, it is well replenished also with fresh wels, great plentie of wild foule, conies and quarries of hard ruddie stone, which is oft brought thence to Westchester, where they make the foundations of their buildings withall. There are also two parish churches in the same, dedicated to S. Antonie and S. Iohn, but the people are verie poore, bicause they be so oft spoiled by pirats, although the lord of the same be verie wealthie thorough the exchange made with them of his victuals, for their wares, whereof they make good peniworths, as théeues commonlie doo of such preies as they get by like escheat, notwithstanding their landing there is verie dangerous, and onelie at one place. Howbeit they are constreined to vse it, and there to make their marts. From hence we went Hilberie. on, vntill we came to the cape of Ile Brée, or Hilberie, and point of Wyrale, from whence is a common passage into Ireland, of 18. or 20. houres sailing, if the wether be not tedious. This Iland at the full sea is a quarter of a mile from the land, and the streame betwéene foure fadams déepe, as ship-boies haue oft sounded, but at a lowe water a man may go ouer thither on the sand. The Ile of it selfe is verie sandie a mile in compasse, and well stored with conies, thither also went a sort of supersticious fooles in times past, in pilgrimage, to our ladie of Hilberie, by whose offerings a cell of monkes there, which belonged to Chester, was cherished and mainteined.

Having described Anglesey, it’s time to report further on our journey around it, where we encountered other little islands. One lies northwest of it, almost directly across from the mouth of Butrick, where the water flows by. Adar.
Moil.
Rhomaid.
Ysterisd.
Adros.
Lygod.
The Britons called it Ynis Ader, meaning the Isle of Birds in ancient times, but now it’s known as Ynis Moil, or Ynis Rhomaid, which means the Isle of Porpoises. It is also named Ysterisd and Adros. After passing this, we arrived at the second island in the northeast, located across from Hilarie point, called Ynis Ligod, meaning the Isle of Mice, and of the two, this one is the smaller, with neither being particularly large. Serial. Prestholme. Ynis Seriall or Prestholme lies across from Penmon, or the point called the Head of Mon, where I found a town (as I mentioned) with the same name. Ptolemy doesn’t mention this island, which makes me curious. It is part of Flintshire and under the jurisdiction of St. Asaph, and in terms of soil fertility and cattle farming, it is not inferior to Anglesey, its mother island, although in terms of land area it is significantly smaller and incomparable to it. The last island along the coast of Wales, after leaving Anglesey, is called Credine, and although it doesn’t properly fall within my description, I will mention it briefly since the causeway there from Denbighland is usually flooded. It is partly made an island by the Conwy River and partly by the sea. To continue, after exploring this place, we moved on to St. Anthony’s Isle, which is about two or three miles around, consisting of sandy soil, but very suitable for sheep and cattle, and it is well supplied with fresh wells, plenty of wild fowl, rabbits, and quarries of hard reddish stone, which is often taken there to Chester, where it is used for building foundations. There are also two parish churches on the island, dedicated to St. Anthony and St. John, but the people are very poor because they are often raided by pirates, although the lord of the island is quite wealthy from trading his food for their goods, benefiting from the good deals made from such loot, as thieves typically do with the spoils they acquire through such means, despite their landing being very dangerous and only possible at one spot. However, they are forced to use it and conduct their markets there. From there, we continued on until we reached the cape of Isle Brée, or Hilberie, and the point of Wyrale, from which there is a common passage to Ireland, taking 18 to 20 hours to sail, assuming the weather isn’t troublesome. This island is a quarter of a mile from the mainland at high tide, with the channel being about four fathoms deep, as sailors have often measured, but at low tide, you can walk across to it on the sand. The island itself is very sandy, about a mile around, and has a good number of rabbits. In past times, a group of superstitious fools made a pilgrimage there to our Lady of Hilberie, whose offerings supported a cell of monks that belonged to Chester.

The next Iland vpon the coast of England is Man or Mona Cæsaris, which some name Mana or Manim, but after Ptolomie, Monaoida, as some thinke, though other ascribe that name to Anglesei, which the Welshmen doo commonlie call Môn, as they doo this Manaw. It is supposed to be the first, as Hirtha is the last of the Hebrides. Hector Boetius noteth a difference betwéene them of 300. miles. But Plinie saith that Mona is 200000. miles from Camaldunum, lib. 2. cap. 75. It lieth also vnder 53. degrées of latitude, and 30. minuts, and hath in longitude 16. degrees and 40. minuts, abutting on the north side vpon S. Ninians in Scotland, Furnesfels on the east, Prestholme and Anglesei on the south, and Vlsther in Ireland on the west. It is greater than Anglesei by a third, and there are two riuers in the same, whose heads doo ioine so néere, that they doo seeme in maner to part the Ile in twaine. Some of the Eubonia.
Meuania.
ancient writers, as Ethicus, &c: call it Eubonia, and other following Orosius, Meuana or Mæuania, howbeit after Beda and the Scotish histories, the Meuaniæ are all those Iles aforesaid called the Hebrides, Eubonides, or Hebudes (whereof William Malmesburie, lib. 1. de regibus (beside this our Mona) will haue Anglesei also to be one. Wherefore it séemeth hereby that a number of our late writers ascribing the said name vnto Mona onelie, haue not beene a little deceiued. Iornandes lib. de Getis speaketh of a second Meuania; "Habet & aliam Meuaniam (saith he) necnon & Orchadas." But which should be prima, as yet I do not read, except it should be Anglesei; and then saith Malmesburie well. In like sort Propertius speaketh of a Meuania, which he called Nebulosa, but he meaneth it euidentlie of a little towne in Vmbria where he was borne, lib. 4. eleg. De vrbe Rom. Wherfore there néedeth no vse of his authoritie. This in the meane time is euident out of Orosius, lib. 1. capite 2. that Scots dwelled somtime in this Ile, as also in Ireland, which Ethicus also affirmeth of his owne time, and finallie confirmeth that the Scots and Irish were sometime one people. It hath in length 24. miles, and 8. in bredth, and is in maner of like distance from Galloway in Scotland, Ireland and Cumberland in England, as Buchanan reporteth.

The next island off the coast of England is Man, or Mona of Caesar, which some call Mana or Manim, but according to Ptolemy, it's Monaoida, as some believe, though others attribute that name to Anglesey, which the Welsh commonly refer to as Môn, like this Manaw. It's thought to be the first island, while Hirtha is the last of the Hebrides. Hector Boetius notes a difference of 300 miles between them. However, Pliny states that Mona is 200,000 miles from Camaldunum, lib. 2, cap. 75. It is also located at 53 degrees latitude and 30 minutes, with a longitude of 16 degrees and 40 minutes, bordered on the north by St. Ninian’s in Scotland, Furness on the east, Prestholme and Anglesey on the south, and Ulster in Ireland on the west. It is one-third larger than Anglesey, and there are two rivers on the island whose sources are so close that they seem to almost split the island in two. Some ancient writers, like Ethicus, call it Eubonia, while others following Orosius refer to it as Meuana or Mæuania. However, according to Bede and Scottish histories, the Meuaniæ refers to all those islands mentioned, known as the Hebrides, Eubonides, or Hebudes (William of Malmesbury, lib. 1 de regibus, beside this our Mona, considers Anglesey to be one too). Therefore, it seems that many of our recent writers, attributing that name solely to Mona, have been somewhat misled. Jornandes in his work on the Goths speaks of a second Meuania: "He has another Meuaniam (he says) and Orchadas." But which should be the first, I have yet to read, unless it is Anglesey; and in that case, Malmesbury is correct. Likewise, Propertius speaks of a Meuania he called Nebulosa, but he is clearly referring to a small town in Umbria where he was born, lib. 4, eleg. De vrbe Rom. Thus, there’s no need to rely on his authority. Meanwhile, it is evident from Orosius, lib. 1, cap. 2, that Scots once lived on this island, as well as in Ireland, which Ethicus also affirms in his time, and confirms that the Scots and Irish were once one people. Its length is 24 miles, width 8 miles, and it is roughly equidistant from Galloway in Scotland, Ireland, and Cumberland in England, as Buchanan reports.

In this Iland also were some time 1300. families, of which 960. were in the west halfe, and the rest in the other. But now through ioining house [Page 66] to house & land to land (a common plague and canker, which will eat vp all, if prouision be not made in time to withstand this mischéefe) that number is halfe diminished, and yet many of the rich inhabiters want roome, and wote not how and where to bestowe themselues, to their quiet contentations. Certes this impediment groweth not by reason that men were greater in bodie, than they haue béene in time past, but onelie for that their insatiable desire of inlarging their priuate possessions increaseth still vpon them, and will doo more, except they be restrained: but to returne to our purpose. It was once spoiled by the Scots in the time of king Athelstane, chéeflie by Anlafus in his flight from the bloudie battell, wherein Constantine king of Scotland was ouercome: secondlie by the Scots 1388. after it came to the possession of the English, for in the beginning the kings of Scotland had this Iland vnder their dominion, almost from their first arriuall in this Iland, and as Beda saith till Edwine king of the Northumbers wan it from them, and vnited it to his kingdome. After the time of Edwine, the Scots gat the possession thereof againe, and held it till the Danes & Norwaies wan it from them, who also kept it (but with much trouble) almost 370. yeares vnder the gouernance of their viceroies, whome the kings of Norwaie inuested vnto that honor, till Alexander the third king of that name in Scotland recouered it from them, with all the rest of those Iles that lie vpon the west coast, called also Sodorenses in the daies of Magnus king of Norwaie. And sithens that time the Scotish princes haue not ceased to giue lawes to such as dwelled there, but also from time to time appointed such bishops as should exercise ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in the same, till it was won from them by our princes, and Chronica Tinemuthi. so vnited vnto the realme of England. Finallie, how after sundrie sales bargains and contracts of matrimonie (for I read that William Scroope the kings Vicechamberleine, did buy this Ile and crowne thereof of the lord William Montacute earle of Sarum) it came vnto the ancestours of the earles of Darbie, who haue béene commonlie said to be kings of Man, the discourse folowing shall more at large declare. Giraldus noteth a contention betwéene the kings of England & Ireland for the right of this Iland, but in the end, when by a comprimise the triall of the matter was referred to the liues or deaths of such venemous wormes as should be brought into the same, and it was found that they died not at all, as the like doo in Ireland, sentence passed with the king of England, & so he reteined the Iland. But howsoeuer this matter standeth, and whether anie such thing was done at all or not, sure it is that the people of the said Ile were much giuen to witchcraft and sorcerie (which they learned of the Scots a nation greatlie bent to that horrible practise) in somuch that their women would oftentimes sell wind to the mariners, inclosed vnder certeine knots of thred, with this iniunction, that they which bought the same, should for a great gale vndoo manie, and for the Tall men in Man. lesse a fewer or smaller number. The stature of the men and also fertilitie of this Iland are much commended, and for the latter supposed verie néere to be equall with that of Anglesei, in all commodities.

In this island, there were once around 1,300 families, with 960 in the western half and the rest in the other half. However, due to houses being built right next to each other and land being joined together (a common issue that, if not addressed, will only get worse), that number has decreased by half. Still, many wealthy residents find themselves lacking space and are unsure how to arrange themselves for their own comfort. This issue doesn’t arise because people are physically larger than they used to be, but simply because their endless desire to expand their private property continues to grow and will keep growing unless they are held back. Returning to our main topic, it was once harmed by the Scots during the reign of King Athelstan, mainly by Anlafus during his escape from the bloody battle where King Constantine of Scotland was defeated; then again by the Scots in 1388 after it came into English possession. Initially, the kings of Scotland had control over this island almost from the time they first arrived, and as Bede mentions, until King Edwin of Northumbria took it from them, uniting it with his kingdom. After Edwin's time, the Scots regained possession and held it until the Danes and Norwegians took it from them, who managed to keep it (albeit with much difficulty) for almost 370 years under the rule of their viceroys appointed by the kings of Norway, until Alexander III of Scotland reclaimed it, along with the other islands off the west coast, known as Sodorenses during the reign of Magnus, king of Norway. Since that time, Scottish rulers have continued to legislate for those living there and have periodically appointed bishops to oversee ecclesiastical matters until it was taken from them by our princes and united with the realm of England. Finally, after various sales, agreements, and marriage contracts (notably, I read that William Scroope, the king's vice-chamberlain, purchased this island and its crown from Lord William Montacute, Earl of Sarum), it passed to the ancestors of the Earls of Derby, who have commonly been referred to as kings of Man, as will be detailed further. Giraldus notes a dispute between the kings of England and Ireland over the rights to this island, but ultimately, when the matter was compromised by testing the lives or deaths of certain venomous worms that were to be introduced, and finding that they did not die at all, unlike those in Ireland, the ruling favored the king of England, who then retained the island. Regardless of how this matter is settled, or whether any such event occurred, it is certain that the people of this island were heavily involved in witchcraft and sorcery (which they learned from the Scots, a nation deeply inclined towards such practices), to the extent that their women would sometimes sell wind to sailors, packaged in certain knots of thread, with the instruction that those who bought it would get a strong wind for a large payment, and a smaller wind for a lesser amount. The stature of the men and the fertility of this island are highly praised, and regarding the latter, it is believed to be nearly equal to that of Anglesey in all commodities.

There are also these townes therein, as they come now to my remembrance, Rushen, Dunglasse, Holme towne, S. Brids, Bala cury (the bishops house) S. Mich. S. Andrew, kirk Christ, kirk Louel, S. Mathees, kirk S. Anne, Pala sala, kirk S. Marie, kirk Concane, kirk Malu, and Home. But of all these Rushen with the castell is the strongest. It is also in recompense Riuers. of the common want of wood, indued with sundrie pretie waters, as first of al the Burne rising in the northside of Warehill botoms, and branching out by southwest of kirk S. An, it séemeth to cut off a great part of the eastside thereof, from the residue of that Iland. From those hils also (but of the south halfe) commeth the Holme and Holmey, by a towne of the same name, in the verie mouth whereof lieth the Pile afore mentioned. They haue also the Bala passing by Bala cury, on the westside, and the Rame on the north, whose fall is named Ramesei hauen, as I doo read in Chronicles.

There are also these towns here that come to mind now: Rushen, Dunglasse, Holme Town, St. Brids, Bala Curry (the bishop's house), St. Mich, St. Andrew, Kirk Christ, Kirk Louel, St. Mathees, Kirk St. Anne, Pala Sala, Kirk St. Marie, Kirk Concane, Kirk Malu, and Home. But of all these, Rushen with the castle is the strongest. It also compensates for the common lack of wood by having several nice streams, starting with the Burne that rises on the north side of Warehill Bottoms and runs southwest of Kirk St. An, seeming to separate a large part of the east side from the rest of the island. From those hills (but from the southern half) comes the Holme and Holmey, near a town of the same name, where the aforementioned Pile lies at the very mouth. They also have the Bala flowing past Bala Curry on the west side, and the Rame on the north, whose fall is called Ramesei Haven, as I read in the Chronicles.

Hilles. There are moreouer sundrie great hils therein, as that wherevpon S. Mathees standeth, in the northeast part of the Ile, a parcell whereof commeth flat south, betwéene kirk Louell, and kirk Marie, yéelding out of their botoms the water Bala, whereof I spake before. Beside these and [Page 67] well toward the south part of the Ile, I find the Warehils, which are extended almost from the west coast ouertwhart vnto the Burne streame. Hauens. It hath also sundrie hauens, as Ramsei hauen, by north Laxam hauen, by east Port Iris, by southwest Port Home, and Port Michell, by west. In Calfe of man.
The pile.
S. Michels Ile.
like sort there are diuers Ilets annexed to the same, as the Calfe of man on the south, the Pile on the west, and finallie S. Michels Ile Sheepe. in the gulfe called Ranoths waie in the east. Moreouer the sheepe of this countrie are excéeding huge, well woolled, and their tailes of such Hogs. greatnesse as is almost incredible. In like sort their hogs are in maner
Barnacles.
monstrous. They haue furthermore great store of barnacles bréeding vpon their coasts, but yet not so great store as in Ireland, and those (as there also) of old ships, ores, masts, peeces of rotten timber as they saie, and such putrified pitched stuffe, as by wrecke hath happened to corrupt vpon that shore. Howbeit neither the inhabitants of this Ile, Barnacles neither fish nor flesh. nor yet of Ireland can readilie saie whether they be fish or flesh, for although the religious there vsed to eat them as fish, yet elsewhere, some haue beene troubled, for eating of them in times prohibited for heretikes and lollards.

Hills. There are also several large hills within it, such as the one where St. Matthias stands, located in the northeast part of the island. A section of it extends straight south, between Kirk Louell and Kirk Marie, which feeds into the water Bala that I mentioned earlier. In addition to these and [Page 67] further to the south part of the island, I find the Warehills, which stretch almost across from the west coast to the Burne stream. Ports. It also has several harbors, including Ramsey Harbor to the north, Laxam Harbor to the east, Port Iris to the southwest, and Port Home and Port Michell to the west. In Calf of Man.
The Pile.
St. Michael's Island.
similar fashion, there are various islets associated with it, like the Calf of Man in the south, the Pile in the west, and finally S. Michael's Island Sheep. in the gulf called Ranoths Way in the east. Moreover, the sheep in this region are exceptionally large, well-coated with wool, and their tails are so big that they are almost unbelievable. Likewise, their hogs are almost Barnacles. monstrous. They also have a large number of barnacles growing on their coasts, but not as many as in Ireland, and those (like the ones there) come from old ships, ores, masts, pieces of rotten timber, as they say, and such decayed pitch substances that have washed up on shore due to shipwrecks. However, neither the inhabitants of this island, Barnacles are neither fish nor meat. nor those from Ireland, can easily say whether they are fish or flesh. Although the locals there used to eat them as fish, in other places some have been troubled for consuming them during times when doing so was banned for heretics and Lollards.

For my part, I haue béene verie desirous to vnderstand the vttermost of the bréeding of barnacls, & questioned with diuers persons about the same. I haue red also whatsoeuer is written by forren authors touching the generation of that foule, & sought out some places where I haue béene assured to sée great numbers of them: but in vaine. Wherefore I vtterlie despaired to obteine my purpose, till this present yeare of Grace 1584. and moneth of Maie, wherein going to the court at Gréenewich from London by bote, I saw sundrie ships lieng in the Thames newlie come home, either from Barbarie or the Canarie Iles (for I doo not well remember now from which of these places) on whose sides I perceiued an infinit sort of shells to hang so thicke as could be one by another. Drawing néere also, I tooke off ten or twelue of the greatest of them, & afterward hauing opened them, I saw the proportion of a foule in one of them more perfectlie than in all the rest, sauing that the head was not yet formed, bicause the fresh water had killed them all (as I take it) and thereby hindered their perfection. Certeinelie the feathers of the taile hoeng out of the shell at least two inches, the wings (almost perfect touching forme) were garded with two shels or shéeldes proportioned like the selfe wings, and likewise the brestbone had hir couerture also of like shellie substance, and altogither resembling the figure which Lobell and Pena doo giue foorth in their description of this foule: so that I am now fullie persuaded that it is either the barnacle that is ingendred after one maner in these shels, or some other sea-foule to vs as yet vnknowen. For by the feathers appearing and forme so apparant, it cannot be denied, but that some bird or other must proceed of this substance, which by falling from the sides of the ships in long voiages, may come to some perfection. But now it is time for me to returne againe vnto my former purpose.

For my part, I have been very eager to understand the complete breeding process of barnacles and have asked various people about it. I have also read everything written by foreign authors regarding the generation of that creature and sought out some locations where I was told I could see large numbers of them, but it was all in vain. Therefore, I completely despaired of achieving my goal until this present year of Grace 1584 and the month of May. While going to the court at Greenwich from London by boat, I saw several ships lying in the Thames that had recently returned, either from Barbary or the Canary Islands (I don’t quite remember which of these places). On the sides of these ships, I noticed an incredible number of shells hanging so thickly that they were almost touching each other. As I got closer, I took off ten or twelve of the largest ones, and after opening them, I saw the outline of a bird in one of them more clearly than in all the rest, except that the head wasn't yet formed because the fresh water had killed them all (as I believe) and thus hindered their development. Certainly, the feathers of the tail were sticking out of the shell at least two inches, the wings (almost perfectly formed) were covered with two shells or shields shaped like the wings themselves, and even the breastbone had its covering of similar shelly material, all resembling the figure that Lobel and Pena describe for this creature. So, I am now fully convinced that it is either the barnacle that is generated in this way in these shells or some other seabird that is unknown to us. Given the feathers and the clear form, it cannot be denied that some bird must come from this substance, which, by falling from the sides of the ships on long voyages, may achieve some level of perfection. But now it is time for me to return to my original purpose.

Bishop of Man. There hath sometime beene, and yet is a bishop of this Ile, who at the first was called Episcopus Sodorensis, when the iurisdiction of all the Hebrides belonged vnto him. Whereas now he that is bishop there, is but a bishops shadow, for albeit that he beare the name of bishop of Man, yet haue the earles of Darbie, as it is supposed, the cheefe profit of his sée (sauing that they allow him a little somewhat for a flourish) Patrone of Man. notwithstanding that they be his patrons, and haue his nomination vnto that liuing. The first bishop of this Ile was called Wimundus or Raymundus, and surnamed Monachus Sauinensis, who by reason of his extreame and tyrannicall crueltie toward the Ilanders, had first his sight taken from him, & then was sent into exile. After him succéeded another moonke in king Stephens daies called Iohn, and after him one Marcus, &c: other after other in succession, the sée it selfe being now also subiect to the archbishop of Yorke for spirituall iurisdiction. King of Man. In time of Henrie the second, this Iland also had a king, whose name was Cuthred, vnto whome Vinianus the cardinall came as legate 1177. and wherin Houeden erreth not. In the yeare also 1228. one Reginald was viceroy or petie king of Man, afterward murthered by his subiects. Then Olauus, after him Hosbach the sonne of Osmond Hacon, 1290. who being slaine, Olauus and Gotredus parted this kingdome of Sodora, in such [Page 68] wise, that this had all the rest of the Iles, the other onelie the Ile of Man at the first; but after the slaughter of Gotredus, Olauus held all, after whom Olauus his sonne succeeded. Then Harald sonne to Olauus, who being entered in Maie, and drowned vpon the coastes of Ireland, his brother Reginald reigned twentie and seuen daies, and then was killed the first of June, whereby Olauus aliàs Harald sonne to Gotred ruled in the Ile one yeare. Next vnto him succéeded Magnus the second sonne of Olauus, and last of all Iuarus, who held it so long as the Norwaies were lords thereof. But being once come into the hands of the Scots, one Godred Mac Mares was made lieutenant, then Alane, thirdlie Maurice Okarefer, and fourthlie one of the kings chapleines, &c. I would gladlie haue set downe the whole catalog of all the viceroyes and lieutenants: but sith I can neither come by their names nor successions, I surcesse to speake any more of them, and also of the Ile it selfe, whereof this may suffice.

Bishop of Man. There has been, and still is, a bishop on this Island. Initially, he was called the Bishop of Sodor, when he had jurisdiction over all the Hebrides. Now, however, the current bishop is more of a figurehead. Although he carries the title Bishop of Man, it seems the Earls of Derby reap most of the benefits from his position, only giving him a small allowance for show. Man's Patron. Despite being his patrons and having the power to nominate him for that position, they don’t seem to actually empower him much. The first bishop of this Island was known as Wimundus or Raymundus, nicknamed Monk of Savinens, who, due to his extreme and tyrannical cruelty toward the islanders, first lost his sight and was then exiled. He was succeeded by another monk during King Stephen’s reign named John, and then another named Marcus, among others, with the see itself now also being under the spiritual jurisdiction of the Archbishop of York. King of the Isle. During the time of Henry II, this Island had a king named Cuthred, to whom Cardinal Vinianus came as a legate in 1177, according to Houeden's accounts. In 1228, Reginald was the viceroy or petty king of Man, but he was murdered by his subjects. Then came Olav, followed by Hosbach, the son of Osmond Hacon, in 1290. After Hosbach's death, Olav and Gotred shared the kingdom of Sodor, with one ruling over all the other islands while the other initially governed only the Isle of Man. After Gotred's assassination, Olav took control entirely, followed by his son. Then came Harald, Olav's son, who entered in May and drowned off the coast of Ireland. His brother Reginald reigned for twenty-seven days before being killed on June 1st, which allowed Olav, also known as Harald, son of Gotred, to rule on the Isle for one year. He was succeeded by Magnus, Olav's second son, and finally Ivar, who held the throne as long as the Norwegians were in charge. However, once it fell into the hands of the Scots, Godred Mac Mares was appointed lieutenant, then Alan, followed by Maurice Okarefer, and finally one of the king's chaplains, among others. I would have liked to list all the viceroys and lieutenants, but since I cannot find their names or succession, I will stop discussing them and also the Isle itself, as this should suffice.

After we haue in this wise described the Ile of Man, with hir commodities, we returned eastwards backe againe unto the point of Ramshed, where we found to the number of six Ilets of one sort and other, whereof the first greatest and most southwesterlie, is named Wauay. the Wauay. It runneth out in length, as we gessed, about fiue miles and more from the southeast into the northwest, betwéene which and the maine land lie two little ones, whose names are Oldborrow and Fowlney. The Fouldra. fourth is called the Fouldra, and being situate southeast of the first, it hath a prettie pile or blockhouse therin, which the inhabitants name Fola.
Roa.
the pile of Fouldra. By east thereof in like sort lie the Fola and the Roa, plots of no great compasse, and yet of all these six, the first and Fouldra are the fairest and most fruitfull. From hence we went by Rauenglasse. Rauenglasse point, where lieth an Iland of the same denomination, as Reginald Wolfe hath noted in his great card, not yet finished, nor likelie to be published. He noteth also two other Ilets, betwéene the same and the maine land; but Leland speaketh nothing of them (to my remembrance) neither any other card, as yet set foorth of England: and thus much of the Ilands that lie vpon our shore in this part of my voiage.

After we described the Isle of Man and its resources, we headed east back to Ramshed, where we found six various islets. The first and largest, located to the southwest, is called Wow. It stretches about five miles from southeast to northwest. Between it and the mainland are two small ones named Oldborrow and Fowlney. The Fouldra. fourth is called Fouldra, located southeast of Wauay, and has a nice blockhouse there, which the locals call Fola. Roa. the blockhouse of Fouldra. To the east are the Fola and the Roa, which are small but out of all six, the first and Fouldra are the most attractive and fertile. From there, we passed Rauenglasse point, where there is an island of the same name, as noted by Reginald Wolfe in his incomplete map, which is unlikely to be published. He also mentions two other islets between this one and the mainland, but I don't recall Leland mentioning them or any other map published in England. And that's all I have to say about the islands along this part of my journey.

Hauing so exactlie as to me is possible, set downe the names and positions of such Iles, as are to be found vpon the coast of the Quéenes Maiesties dominions, now it resteth that we procéed orderlie with those Iles in Scotland. that are séene to lie vpon the coast of Scotland, that is to saie, in the Irish, the Deucalidonian & the Germans seas, which I will performe in such order as I may, sith I cannot do so much therin as I would. Some therefore doo comprehend and diuide all the Iles that lie about the north coast of this Ile now called Scotland into thrée parts, sauing that they are either occidentals, the west Iles, aliàs the Orchades & Zelandine, or the Shetlands. They place the first betwéene Ireland and the Orchades, so that they are extended from Man and the point of Cantire almost vnto the Orchades in the Deucalidonian sea, and after some are called the Hebrides. In this part the old writers indéed placed Hemodes of some called Acmodes, sée Plinie, Mela, Martianus, Capella, Plutarch. de defect. orac.the Hebrides or Hemodes, which diuers call the Hebudes and the Acmodes; albeit the writers varie in their numbers, some speaking of 30 Hebudes and seuen Hemodes; some of fiue Ebudes, as Solinus, and such as follow his authoritie. Howbeit the late Scottish writers doo product a summe of more than 300 of these Ilands in all, which sometime belonged to the Scots, sometime to the Norwegians, and sometime to the Danes. The first of these is our Manaw, of which I haue before intreated: next vnto this is Alisa a desert Ile, yet replenished with conies, soland foule, and a fit harbor for fishermen that in time of the yeare lie vpon the coast thereof for herings. Next vnto this is the Arran, a verie hillie and craggie soile, yet verie plentifull of fish all about the coast, and wherein is a verie good hauen: ouer against the mouth whereof lieth the Moll, which is also no small defence to such seafaring men as seeke harbor in that part. Then came we by the Fladwa or Pladwa, no lesse fruitfull and stored with conies than the Bota, Bura, or Botha, of eight miles long & foure miles broad, a low ground but yet verie batable, and wherein is good store of short and indifferent pasture: it hath also a towne there called Rosse, and a castell named the Camps. There is also another called the Marnech, [Page 69] an Iland of a mile in length, and halfe a mile in breadth, low ground also but yet verie fertile. In the mouth likewise of the Glot, lieth the more Cumber and the lesse, not farre in sunder one from another, and both fruitfull inough the one for corne, and the other for Platyceraton. The Auon another Iland lieth about a mile from Cantire, and is verie commodious to ships, wherof it is called Auon, that is to saie, Portuosa, or full of harbor: and therefore the Danes had in time past great vse of it. Then haue we the Raclind, the Kyntar, the Cray, the Gegaw six miles in length and a mile and a halfe in breadth; the Dera full of déere, and not otherwise vnfruitfull: and therefore some thinke Scarba. that it was called the Ile of déere in old time. Scarba foure miles in length, and one in breadth, verie little inhabited, and thereinto the sea betwéene that and the Ile of déere is so swift and violent, that except it be at certeine times, it is not easilie nauigable. Being past these, we come to certeine Ilands of no great fame, which lie scattered here and there, as Bellach, Gyrastell, Longaie, both the Fiolas, the thrée Yarues, Culbrenin, Duncomell, Lupar, Belnaua, Wikerua, Calfile, Luing, Sele Ile, Sound, of which the last thrée are fruitfull, and Slate Ile. belong to the earle of Argile. Then haue we the Slate, so called of the tiles that are made therin. The Nagsey, Isdalf, and the Sken (which later is also called Thian, of a wicked herbe growing there greatlie hurtfull, and in colour not much vnlike the lillie, sauing that it is of a more wan and féeble colour) Vderga, kings Ile, Duffa or blacke Ile, Kirke Ile and Triarach. There is also the Ile Ard, Humble Ile, Greene Ile, and Heth Ile, Arbor Ile, Gote Ile, Conies Ile aliàs idle Ile, Abrid Ile or bird Ile, and Lismor, wherein the bishop of Argill sometime held his palace, being eight miles in length and two miles in breadth, and not without some mines also of good mettall. There is also the Ile Ouilia, Siuna, Trect, Shepey, Fladaw, Stone Ile, Gresse, great Ile, Ardis, Musadell, & Berner, sometime called the holie sanctuarie, Vghe Ile, Molochasgyr, and Drinacha, now ouergrowne with bushes, elders, and vtterlie spoiled by the ruines of such great houses as haue heretofore béene found therin. There is in like sort the Wijc, the Ranse, and the Caruer.

Having as accurately as possible listed the names and locations of the islands found along the coast of the Queen's Majesty's dominions, it's now time to proceed methodically with the islands in Scotland, that is, in the Irish, the Deucalidonian, and the German seas, which I will do in the best order I can, since I cannot cover as much as I would like. Some therefore divide all the islands that lie around the northern coast of what is now called Scotland into three parts, noting that they are either western, the west isles, also called the Orkneys and Zelandine, or the Shetlands. They place the first group between Ireland and the Orkneys, stretching from the Isle of Man and the point of Cantire almost up to the Orkneys in the Deucalidonian sea, and some refer to them as the Hebrides. In this section, old writers did indeed refer to the Hebrides or Hemodes, which various people call the Hebudes and the Acmodes; however, the writers differ in their counts, some mentioning 30 Hebudes and seven Hemodes; others, like Solinus and his followers, mention five Ebudes. Nevertheless, recent Scottish writers claim a total of more than 300 islands, which once belonged to the Scots, then to the Norwegians, and sometimes to the Danes. The first of these is our Manaw, which I have discussed before; next is Alisa, a deserted island, yet full of rabbits, seabirds, and a suitable harbor for fishermen who come for herring during certain times of the year. Next is Arran, a very hilly and craggy land, yet abundant in fish along the coast, and it has a very good harbor; opposite the mouth of this harbor lies Moll, which also serves as quite a refuge for seafarers seeking shelter there. Next, we passed by Fladwa or Pladwa, equally fruitful and filled with rabbits as Bota, Bura, or Botha, which is eight miles long and four miles wide, a low-lying area but still very capable of supporting farming, with good grazing land for short and mild pasture. There's also a town there called Rosse and a castle named the Camps. There’s another island called the Marnech, an island about a mile long and half a mile wide, also low-lying but very fertile. In the mouth of the Glot, lie more Cumber and less Cumber, not far apart from each other, both fertile enough—one for grain, and the other for Platyceraton. Another island, Auon, lies about a mile from Cantire and is very convenient for ships, which is why it's called Auon, meaning Portuosa, or full of harbor: and so the Danes made great use of it in the past. Then we have Raclind, Kyntar, Cray, and Gegaw, six miles long and a mile and a half wide; Dera is full of deer and otherwise not unfruitful: hence some believe it was called the "Isle of Deer" in ancient times. Scarba is four miles long and one mile wide, very sparsely inhabited, and the sea between it and the Isle of Deer has such swift and violent currents that it is not easily navigable except at certain times. After passing these, we come to certain islands of little renown, scattered here and there, such as Bellach, Gyrastell, Longaie, both Fiolas, the three Yarues, Culbrenin, Duncomell, Lupar, Belnaua, Wikerua, Calfile, Luing, Sele Isle, Sound, of which the last three are fertile and belong to the Earl of Argyle. Next, we have Slate Isle, named for the tiles made there. The Nagsey, Isdalf, and Sken (the latter is also known as Thian, because of a harmful plant that grows there, quite detrimental and not unlike a lily, though it’s a paler and weaker color) Uderga, King's Isle, Duffa or Black Isle, Kirk Isle, and Triarach. There are also Isle Ard, Humble Isle, Green Isle, Heth Isle, Arbor Isle, Goat Isle, Rabbit Isle, also called Idle Isle, Abrid Isle or Bird Isle, and Lismor, where the Bishop of Argyle used to hold his palace, measuring eight miles in length and two miles in breadth, and not lacking some good metal mines as well. There is also Isle Ouilia, Siuna, Trect, Shepey, Fladaw, Stone Isle, Gresse, Great Isle, Ardis, Musadell, & Berner, sometimes called the Holy Sanctuary, Vghe Isle, Molochasgyr, and Drinacha, now overgrown with bushes, elder, and utterly ruined by the remains of large houses that have previously stood there. There are likewise Wijc, Ranse, and Caruer.

Ila. In this tract also, there are yet thrée to intreat of, as Ila, Mula and Iona, of which the first is one of the most, that hath not béene least accounted of. It is not much aboue 24 miles in length, and in breadth 16 reaching from the south into the north, and yet it is an excéeding rich plot of ground verie plentious of corne, cattell, déere, and also lead, and other mettals, which were easie to be obteined, if either the people were industrious, or the soile yéeldable of wood to fine and trie out the same. In this Iland also there is a lake of swéet water called the Laie, and also a baie wherein are sundrie Ilands; and therevnto another lake of fresh water, wherein the Falangam Ile is situate, wherein the souereigne of all the Iles sometime dwelled. Néere vnto this is the Round Ile. round Ile, so called of the consultations there had: for there was a court sometime holden, wherein 14 of the principall inhabitants did minister iustice vnto the rest, and had the whole disposition of things committed vnto them, which might rule vnto the benefit of those Ilands. There is also the Stoneheape, an other Iland so called of the heape of stones that is therein. On the south side also of Ila, we find moreouer the Colurne, Mulmor, Osrin, Brigidan, Corkerke, Humble Ile, Imersga, Bethy, Texa, Shepeie, Naosig, Rinard, Cane, Tharscher, Aknor, Gret Ile, Man Ile, S. Iohns Ile, and Stackbed. On the west side thereof also lieth Ouersey, whereby runneth a perilous sea, and not nauigable, but at certeine houres, Merchant Ile, Vsabrast, Tanask, Neff, Wauer Ile, Oruans, Hog Ile, and Colauanso.

Ila. In this area, there are three more to discuss: Ila, Mula, and Iona, with Ila being one of the most notable. It's just over 24 miles long and 16 miles wide, stretching from south to north, and it's an incredibly fertile piece of land, abundant in grain, livestock, deer, as well as lead and other metals, which could be easily obtained if the people were hardworking or if the soil yielded enough wood to refine and process them. This island also features a freshwater lake called the Laie, and a bay with several islands; additionally, there's another freshwater lake where the Falangam Isle is located, which was once the residence of the ruler of all the islands. Close by is the Round Isle. Round Isle, named for the meetings held there: it was a site for a court where 14 of the main residents administered justice to the others and had full authority over local affairs for the benefit of the islands. There's also the Stoneheape, another island named for the pile of stones found there. On the south side of Ila, we also find more places: Colurne, Mulmor, Osrin, Brigidan, Corkerke, Humble Isle, Imersga, Bethy, Texa, Shepeie, Naosig, Rinard, Cane, Tharscher, Aknor, Great Isle, Man Isle, St. John's Isle, and Stackbed. On the west side lies Ouersey, where a treacherous sea runs, navigable only at certain times, along with Merchant Isle, Usabrast, Tanask, Neff, Waver Isle, Oruans, Hog Isle, and Colauanso.

Mula. Mula is a right noble Ile, 24 miles in length and so manie in bredth, rough of soile, yet fruitfull enough: beside woods, déere, & good harbrough for ships, replenished with diuers and sundrie townes and castels. Ouer against Columkill also, it hath two riuers, which yeld verie great store of salmons, and other riuellets now altogither vnfruitfull, beside two lakes, in each of which is an Iland: and likewise in euerie of these Ilands a castell. The sea beating vpon this Ile, maketh foure notable baies wherein great plentie and verie good herrings are taken. It hath also in the northwest side Columbria, or the [Page 70] Ile of doues; on the southeast, Era: both verie commodious for fishing, cattell, and corne. Moreouer, this is woorth the noting in this Ile aboue all the rest, that it hath a plesant spring, arising two miles in distance from the shore, wherein are certeine little egs found, much like vnto indifferent pearles, both for colour and brightnesse, and thereto full of thicke humour, which egs being carried by violence of the fresh water vnto the salt, are there within the space of twelue houres conuerted into great shels, which I take to be mother pearle; except I be deceiued.

Cash. Mula is a truly noble island, 24 miles long and just as wide, rough in terrain but still quite fertile. It has woods, deer, and good harbors for ships, filled with various towns and castles. Across from Columkill, it features two rivers that yield a great abundance of salmon, and there are also smaller streams that are currently barren, along with two lakes, each containing an island; also, each of these islands has a castle. The sea crashing against this island forms four notable bays, where a large quantity of excellent herring is caught. On the northwest side, there's Columbria, or the Isle of Doves; on the southeast, Era: both are very suitable for fishing, livestock, and grain. Moreover, it's worth noting that this island has a pleasant spring, located two miles from the shore, where certain small eggs are found, resembling modest pearls in both color and brightness, and filled with thick fluid. When these eggs are carried by the force of fresh water into the saltwater, within twelve hours they turn into large shells, which I believe to be mother of pearl; unless I’m mistaken.

Iona. Iona was sometime called Columkill, in fame and estimation nothing inferiour to anie of the other, although in length it excéed little aboue two miles, and in breadth one. Certes it is verie fruitfull of all such commodities, as that climat wherein it standeth dooth yeeld, and beareth the name of Columbus the abbat, of whome I haue spoken more at large in my Chronologie. There were somtimes also two monasteries therein, one of moonks builded by Fergus, another of nuns: and a parish church, beside many chappels builded by the Scotish kings, and such princes as gouerned in the Iles. And when the English had once gotten possession of the Ile of Manaw, a bishops see was erected in the old monasterie of Columbus, whereby the iurisdiction of those Iles was still mainteined and continued. Certes there remaine yet in this Iland the old burials apperteining to the most noble families that had dwelled in the west Iles; but thrée aboue other are accompted the most notable, which haue little houses builded vpon them. That in the middest hath a stone, Regum tumuli. whereon is written, Tumuli regum Scotiæ, The burials of the kings of Scotland: for (as they saie) fourtie eight of them were there interred. Another is intituled with these words, The burials of the kings of Ireland, bicause foure of them lie in that place. The third hath these words written thereon, The graues of the kings of Norwaie, for there eight of them were buried also, and all through a fond suspicion conceiued of the merits of Columbus. Howbeit in processe of time, when Malcolme Cammor had erected his abbeie at Donfermeling, he gaue occasion to manie of his successors to be interred there.

Iona. Iona was sometimes called Columkill, and was just as famous and respected as any other place, even though it covers just over two miles in length and one mile in width. It is indeed very fruitful with all the goods that the climate produces, and it is named after Columbus the abbot, whom I've discussed more extensively in my Chronology. There were once two monasteries there: one for monks built by Fergus and another for nuns, along with a parish church and many chapels built by the Scottish kings and other princes who ruled the islands. When the English took possession of the Isle of Man, a bishop's see was established in the old monastery of Columbus, allowing the jurisdiction of those islands to continue. There are still old burial sites on this island belonging to the most noble families that lived in the western islands; however, three are particularly noted, each with small structures built over them. The one in the middle has a stone, Regal mounds. that reads, Tumuli regum Scotiæ, which means The burials of the kings of Scotland, as they say forty-eight of them were buried there. Another is titled The burials of the kings of Ireland because four of them are buried in that location. The third has the words The graves of the kings of Norway inscribed on it, as eight of them were also buried there, all stemming from a misguided belief about the merits of Columbus. However, over time, when Malcolm Cammor established his abbey at Dunfermline, he encouraged many of his successors to be buried there.

About this Iland there lie six other Iles dispersed, small in quantitie, but not altogither barren, sometimes giuen by the kings of Scotland and lords of the Iles vnto the abbeie of saint Columbus, of which the Soa, albeit that it yeeld competent pasturage for shéepe, yet is it more commodious, by such egs as the great plentie of wildfoule there bréeding doo The Ile of Shrewes. laie within the same. Then is there the Ile of Shrewes or of women; as the more sober heads doo call it. Also Rudan, & next vnto that, the Rering. There is also the Shen halfe a mile from Mula, whose bankes doo swarme with conies: it hath also a parish church, but most of the inhabitants doo liue and dwell in Mula. There is also the Eorse or the Arse, and all these belong vnto saint Columbus abbeie. Two miles from Arse is the Olue, an Iland fiue miles in length, and sufficientlie stored with corne and grasse, & not without a good hauen for ships to lie and harbor in. There is also the Colfans, an iland fruitfull inough, and full of cornell trées. There is not far off Mosse Ile. also the Gomater, Stafa, the two Kerneburgs, and the Mosse Ile, in the old Brittish speech called Monad, that is to saie Mosse. The soile of it is verie blacke, bicause of the corruption & putrefaction of such woods as haue rotted thereon: wherevpon also no small plentie of mosse is bred and ingendered. The people in like maner make their fire of the said earth, which is fullie so good as our English turffe. There is also the Long, & six miles further toward the west, Tirreie, which is eight miles in length and thrée in breadth, & of all other one of the most plentifull for all kinds of commodities: for it beareth corne, cattell, fish, and seafowle aboundantlie. It hath also a well of fresh water, a castell, and a verie good hauen for great vessels to lie at safegard in. Two miles from this also is the Gun, and the Coll two miles also from the Gun. Then passed we by the Calfe, a verie wooddie Iland, the foure gréene Iles, the two glasse or skie Ilands, the Ardan, the Ile of woolfes, & then the great Iland which reacheth from the east into the west, is sixteene miles in length, and six in breadth, full of mounteins and swelling woods: and for asmuch as it is not much inhabited, the seafoules laie great plentie of egs there, whereof such as will, may [Page 71] gather what number them listeth. Vpon the high cliffes and rocks also the Soland géese are taken verie plentifullie. Beyond this, about foure miles also is the Ile of horsses: and a little from that the hog Iland, which is not altogither vnfruitfull. There is a falcon which of custome bréedeth there, and therevnto it is not without a conuenient hauen. Not farre off also is the Canna, and the Egga, little Iles, but the later full of Soland géese. Likewise the Sobratill, more apt to hunt in than méet for anie other commoditie that is to be reaped thereby.

About this island, there are six other smaller islands scattered around, not entirely barren, sometimes given by the kings of Scotland and the lords of the Isles to the abbey of Saint Columbus. The Soa, while it provides adequate pasture for sheep, is more useful for the abundance of wildfowl that breed there. Shrews Island. Then there is the Isle of Shrews, or the Isle of Women, as more sensible people call it. Also, Rudan, and next to that, the Rering. There is also Shen, half a mile from Mula, whose shores are teeming with rabbits. It has a parish church, but most of the residents live in Mula. There is also Eorse, or Arse, and all of these belong to Saint Columbus's abbey. Two miles from Arse is the Olve, an island five miles long, well-stocked with grain and grass, and has a good harbor for ships. There is also Colfans, a fairly fruitful island full of cornel trees. Not far away is Mosse Island. also Gomater, Stafa, the two Kerneburgs, and Mosse Isle, which in old British is called Monad, meaning Moss. The soil there is very black due to the decay of such woods that have rotted there, which also breeds a good amount of moss. The locals also use this earth for their fires, which is just as good as our English turf. There is also the Long, and six miles further west, Tirreie, which is eight miles long and three miles wide, and it's one of the richest in all kinds of resources: it produces grain, cattle, fish, and plenty of seabirds. It also has a freshwater spring, a castle, and a very good harbor for large vessels to safely dock in. Two miles from this is the Gun, and two miles further is the Coll. We then passed by the Calfe, a very wooded island, the four green islands, the two glass or sky islands, the Ardan, the Isle of Wolves, and the large island that stretches sixteen miles from east to west and six miles wide, full of mountains and lush woods. Since it's not heavily populated, seabirds lay plenty of eggs there, which anyone can come and gather as many as they wish. On the high cliffs and rocks, Soland geese are also found in abundance. Beyond this, about four miles away is the Isle of Horses, and a bit from that, the Hog Island, which is not entirely unfruitful. There is a type of falcon that commonly breeds there, and it also has a suitable harbor. Not far from there are Canna and Egga, small islands, but the latter is full of Soland geese. There is also Sobratill, better for hunting than for any other benefit to be gained from it.

Skie. After this we came to the Skie, the greatest Ile about all Scotland: for it is two and fortie miles long; and somewhere eight, & in some places twelue miles broad: it is moreouer verie hillie, which hilles are therevnto loaden with great store of wood, as the woods are with pasture, the fields with corne and cattell; and (besides all other commodities) with no small heards of mares, whereby they raise great aduantage and commoditie. It hath fiue riuers verie much abounding with salmons, and other fresh streams not altogither void of that prouision. It is inuironed also with manie baies, wherein great plentie of herrings is taken in time of the yéere. It hath also a noble poole of fresh water; fiue castels and sundrie townes; as Aie, S. Iohns, Dunwegen, S. Nicholas, &c. The old Scots called it Skianacha, that is, Winged, but now named Skie. There lie certeine small Ilands about this also, as Rausa a batable soile for corne & gras; Conie Iland full of woods and conies; Paba a theeuish Iland, in whose woods théeues do lurke to rob such as passe by them. Scalpe Ile, which is full of deere; Crowling, wherein is verie good harbour for ships; Rarsa, full of béechen woods and stags, being in length seuen miles, and two in breadth. The Ron, a woodie Ile and full of heath: yet hath it a good hauen, which hath a little Iland called Gerloch on the mouth thereof, and therein lurke manie théeues. There is not farre off from this Ron, to wit about six miles also, the Flad, the Tiulmen, Oransa, Buie the lesse, and Buie the more and fiue other little trifling Iles, of whose names I haue no notice.

Skye. After this, we arrived at Skye, the largest island in all of Scotland. It stretches over 42 miles long and is about 8 to 12 miles wide in certain places. It’s also quite hilly, with those hills rich in woodlands, and the woods are filled with pastures, while the fields are abundant with crops and livestock. Additionally, there are plenty of herds of mares, which bring significant benefits and advantages. The island has five rivers teeming with salmon, along with other freshwater streams that also contain fish. It is surrounded by many bays where a great abundance of herring is caught throughout the year. There’s also a beautiful freshwater lake, five castles, and various towns, including Aie, St. John's, Dunvegan, and St. Nicholas, among others. The old Scots referred to it as Skianacha, meaning "Winged," but today it’s called Skye. Surrounding it are several small islands, such as Rausa, a fertile land for corn and grass; Conie Island, filled with woods and rabbits; Paba, a thieving island, where robbers hide among the woods to ambush passersby; Scalpe Isle, known for its deer; Crowling, which offers excellent shelter for ships; Rarsa, covered in beech woods and inhabited by stags, measuring seven miles long and two miles wide. The Ron is a wooded island covered in heath, yet it has a good harbor with a small island called Gerloch at its entrance, also known to harbor many thieves. Not too far from Ron, about six miles away, are Flad, Tiulmen, Oransa, Buie the Lesser, Buie the Greater, and five other small islands whose names I’m not familiar with.

After these we come vnto the Ise, a pretie fertile Iland, to the Oue, to the Askoome, to the Lindill. And foure score miles from the Skie towards the west, to the Ling, the Gigarmen, the Berner, the Magle, the Pable, the Flad, the Scarpe, the Sander, the Vateras, which later hath a noble hauen for great ships, beside sundrie other commodities: and these nine last rehearsed are vnder the dominion of the bishop of the Iles. After Bar. this we come to the Bar, an Iland seauen miles in length, not vnfruitfull for grasse and corne, but the chiefe commoditie thereof lieth by taking of herrings, which are there to be had abundantlie. In one baie of this Iland there lieth an Islet, and therein standeth a strong castell. In the north part hereof also is an hill which beareth good grasse from the foot to the top, and out of that riseth a spring, which running to the sea, doth carrie withall a kind of creature not yet perfectlie formed, which some do liken vnto cockels; and vpon the shore where the water falleth into the sea, they take vp a kind of shelfish, when the water is gone, which they suppose to be ingendred or increased after this manner. Betwéene the Barre and the Visse lie also these Ilands, Orbaus, Oue, Hakerset, Warlang, Flad, the two Baies, Haie, Helsaie, Gigaie, Lingaie, Fraie, Fudaie, and Friskaie. The Visse is thirtie miles long and six miles broad; and therein are sundrie fresh waters, but one especiallie of three miles in length: neuerthelesse, the sea hath now of late found a waie into it, so that it cannot be kept off with a banke of three score foot, but now and then it will flowe into the same, and leaue sea-fish behind it in the lake. There is also a fish bred therein almost like vnto a salmon, sauing that it hath a white bellie, a blacke backe, and is altogither without scales: it is likewise a great harbour for théeues and pirats.

After these, we come to the Isle, a pretty fertile island, to the Oue, the Askoome, and the Lindill. And eighty miles from Skye to the west, to the Ling, the Gigarmen, the Berner, the Magle, the Pable, the Flad, the Scarpe, the Sander, and the Vateras, which has a great harbor for large ships, along with various other resources: and these last nine mentioned are under the control of the bishop of the Isles. After this, we arrive at the Bar, an island seven miles long, not unfruitful for grass and grain, but its main resource is the abundant herring that can be caught there. In one bay of this island, there is a small islet with a strong castle on it. In the northern part, there is also a hill that grows good grass from bottom to top, and from that, a spring rises, flowing to the sea, carrying a kind of creature that is not yet fully formed, which some compare to cockles; on the shore where the water meets the sea, they gather a type of shellfish when the tide is out, which they believe is generated or increased in this way. Between the Bar and the Visse, there are also these islands: Orbaus, Oue, Hakerset, Warlang, Flad, the two Bays, Haie, Helsaie, Gigaie, Lingaie, Fraie, Fudaie, and Friskaie. The Visse is thirty miles long and six miles wide; it has several freshwater sources, but one especially is three miles long: however, the sea has recently found a way into it, so that it cannot be contained with a dam of sixty feet, and now and then it flows into it, leaving sea fish behind in the lake. There is also a fish that grows there almost like a salmon, but it has a white belly, a black back, and is completely without scales: it is also a great harbor for thieves and pirates.

Eight miles beyond this lieth the Helscher, appertinent to the nuns of Iona: then haue we the Hasker, verie plentifullie benefited by seales, which are there taken in time of the yéere. Thrée score miles from this also is the Hirth, whose inhabitants are rude in all good science and religion; yet is the Iland verie fruitfull in all things, and bringeth foorth shéepe farre greater than are else-where to be found, for they are as big as our fallow deare, horned like bugles, and haue their tailes hanging to the ground. He that is owner of this Ile, sendeth ouer [Page 72] his bailiffe into the same at midsummer, to gather in his duties, and Baptisme without preests. with him a préest to saie masse, and to baptise all the children borne since that time of the yéere precedent: or if none will go ouer with him (bicause the voiage is dangerous) then doth each father take paine to baptise his owne at home. Their rents are paid commonlie in dried seales and sea foule. All the whole Ile is not aboue a mile euerie waie; and except thrée mounteines that lie vpon one part of the shore, such as dwell in the other Iles can see no part thereof.

Eight miles beyond this lies the Helscher, belonging to the nuns of Iona. Then we have the Hasker, which is very abundantly populated with seals that are caught there at certain times of the year. Sixty miles from this is the Hirth, whose inhabitants are lacking in knowledge of good science and religion; yet the island is very fruitful in everything, producing sheep that are much larger than those found elsewhere, as they are as big as our fallow deer, horned like bugles, and have tails that hang to the ground. The owner of this island sends his bailiff there at midsummer to collect his dues, and with him a priest to say mass and baptize all the children born since that time of the previous year; or if no one will go with him (because the journey is dangerous), then each father takes the time to baptize his own children at home. Their rents are commonly paid in dried seals and seabirds. The entire island is not more than a mile in every direction, and except for three mountains that lie on one part of the shore, those living on the other islands can see no part of it.

Being past the Visse, we came after to Walaie, the Soa, the Strome, to Pabaie, to Barner, Ensaie, Killiger, the two Sagas, the Hermodraie, Scarfe, Grie, Ling, Gilling, Heie, Hoie, Farlaie, great So, little So, Ise, Sein the more, Sein the lesse, Tarant, Slegan, Tuom, Scarpe, Hareie, and the seauen holie Ilands, which are desert and bréed nothing Wild sheepe. but a kind of wild shéepe, which are often hunted, but seldome or neuer eaten. For in stéed of flesh they haue nothing but tallow; and if anie flesh be, it is so vnsauorie, that few men care to eate of it, except great hunger compell them. I suppose, that these be the wild sheepe which will not be tamed; and bicause of the horrible grenning thereof, Tigers. is taken for the bastard tiger. Their haire is betweene the wooll of a sheepe, and the haire of a goat, resembling both, shacked, and yet absolutelie like vnto neither of both: it maie be also the same beast which Capitolinus calleth Ouis fera, shewed in the time of Gordian the emperour; albeit that some take the same for the Camelopardalis: but hereof I make no warrantise.

After passing the Visse, we arrived at Walaie, the Soa, the Strome, then Pabaie, Barner, Ensaie, Killiger, the two Sagas, Hermodraie, Scarfe, Grie, Ling, Gilling, Heie, Hoie, Farlaie, Great So, Little So, Ise, Sein the More, Sein the Less, Tarant, Slegan, Tuom, Scarpe, Hareie, and the seven holy islands, which are uninhabited and only produce Wild sheep. a type of wild sheep that are often hunted but rarely or never eaten. Instead of meat, they primarily have fat; and if there is any meat, it's so unpalatable that few people want to eat it unless extreme hunger drives them to do so. I believe these are the wild sheep that refuse to be tamed; and because of their horrible howling, Tigers. they're often mistaken for a type of tiger. Their fur is a mix between sheep wool and goat hair, looking like both but not truly resembling either. It may also be the same animal that Capitolinus referred to as Ovis fera, shown during the reign of Emperor Gordian; although some think it refers to the Camelopardalis, but I make no guarantees about that.

There is also not farre off the Garuell, the Lambe, the Flad, the Kellas, the two Bernars, the Kirt, the two Buies, the Viraie, the Ile of Pigmeies. Pabaie, the two Sigrams, and the Ile of Pigmeies (which is so called vpon some probable coniecture) for manie little sculs and bones are dailie there found déepe in the ground, perfectlie resembling the bodies of children; & not anie of greater quantities, wherby their coniecture (in their opinion) is the more likelie to be true. There is also the Fabill Ile, Adams Ile, the Ile of Lambes, Hulmes, Viccoll, Haueraie, Car, Era, Columbes Ile, Tor Ile, Iffurd, Scalpe, Flad, and the Swet; on whose east side is a certeine vault or caue, arched ouer, a flight shoot in length, wherevnto meane ships do vse to runne for harbour with full saile when a tempest ouertaketh them, or the raging of the sea, in those parts do put them in danger of wrecke. Also we passed by the old castell Ile, which is a pretie and verie commodious plat for fish, foule, egges, corne, and pasture. There is also the Ile Eust or Eu, which is full of wood, and a notable harbour for théeues, as is also the Grinort; likewise the preests Ile, which is verie full of sea foule and good pasture. The Afull, the two Herbrerts, to wit, the greater and the lesse; and the Iles of Horsses, and Mertaika: and these 8 lie ouer against the baie which is called the Lake Brian. After this, we go toward the north, and come to the Haraie, and the Lewis or the Leug, both which make (in truth) but one Iland of thrée score miles in length, and sixtéene in breadth, being distinguished by no water, but by huge woods, bounds, and limits of the two owners that doo possesse those parts. The south part is called Haraie, Lewis called Thule by Tacitus, with no better authoritie than the Angleseie Mona. and the whole situate in the Deucalidon sea, ouer against the Rosse, & called Thule by Tacitus, wherein are manie lakes, and verie pretie villages, as lake Erwijn, lake Vnsalsago: but of townes, S. Clements, Stoie, Nois, S. Columbane, Radmach, &c. In like sort, there are two churches, whereof one is dedicated to saint Peter, an other to S. Clement, beside a monasterie called Roadill. The soile also of this Ile is indifferent fruitfull; but they reape more profit vnder the ground than aboue, by digging. There is neither woolfe, fox, nor serpent séene in this Iland; yet are there great woods therein, which also separate one part from the other. Likewise there be plentie of stags, but farre lesse in quantitie than ours: and in the north part of the Iland also is a riuer which greatlie aboundeth with salmons. That part also called Lewisa, which is the north half of the Ile is well inhabited toward the sea coasts, and hath riuers no lesse plentifull for salmon than the other halfe. There is also great store of herrings taken, whereof the fisher men doo raise great gaine and commoditie; and no lesse plentie of sheepe, which they [Page 73] doo not sheere, but plucke euerie yeere; yet is the ground of this part verie heathie, and full of mosse, and the face thereof verie swart and blacke, for the space of a foot in depth, through the corruption of such woods as in time past haue rotted on the same. And therefore in time of the yeere they conuert it into turffe to burne, as néede shall serue; and in the yéere after, hauing well doonged it in the meane time with slawke of the sea, they sowe barleie in the selfe places where the turffes grew, and reape verie good corne, wherewith they liue and féed. Tithe whales. Such plentie of whales also are taken in this coast, that the verie tithe hath béene knowne, in some one yéere, to amount vnto seauen and twentie whales of one greatnesse and other. This is notable also in this part of the Ile, that there is a great caue two yards déepe of water when the sea is gone, and not aboue foure when it is at the highest; ouer which great numbers doo sit of both sexes and ages, with hooks and lines, and catch at all times an infinite deale of fish, wherewith they liue, and which maketh them also the more idle.

There’s also not far from Garuell, the Lamb, the Flad, the Kellas, the two Bernars, the Kirt, the two Buies, the Viraie, the Island of Pygmies. Pabaie, the two Sigrams, and the Isle of Pigmeies (so named based on some reasonable guess) since many small skulls and bones are regularly found deep in the ground, perfectly resembling the bodies of children; and none of larger sizes, which makes their assumption (in their opinion) seem more likely to be true. There’s also the Fabill Isle, Adams Isle, the Isle of Lambs, Hulmes, Viccoll, Haueraie, Car, Era, Columbes Isle, Tor Isle, Iffurd, Scalpe, Flad, and the Swet; on the east side of which is a certain vault or cave, arched over, about a shot length, where small ships run for shelter with full sails when a storm hits them, or the raging sea puts them in danger of wreck. Also, we passed by the old castle Isle, which is a nice and very convenient spot for fish, fowl, eggs, grain, and pasture. There’s also Eust or Eu Isle, which is full of woods and a notable harbor for thieves, as is Grinort; likewise, the priests Isle, which is full of sea fowl and good pasture. The Afull, the two Herbrerts, namely the greater and the lesser; and the Isles of Horses and Mertaika: and these 8 lie across from the bay called the Lake Brian. After this, we head north and come to Haraie, and Lewis or Leug, which, in truth, form one island about sixty miles long and sixteen wide, separated not by water, but by vast woods, boundaries, and limits of the two owners who possess those regions. The southern part is called Haraie, Lewis referred to Thule as Tacitus did, relying on nothing more credible than the Angleseie Mona. and it’s all located in the Deucalidon sea, opposite Rosse, and called Thule by Tacitus, which has many lakes and lovely villages, like lake Erwijn, lake Vnsalsago: but towns include S. Clements, Stoie, Nois, S. Columbane, Radmach, etc. Similarly, there are two churches, one dedicated to Saint Peter and the other to S. Clement, besides a monastery called Roadill. The soil of this isle is fairly fertile; but they gain more from below the ground than above, through digging. There are neither wolves, foxes, nor serpents seen in this island; yet there are great woods that separate one part from another. Likewise, there are plenty of stags, but far fewer in number than ours: and in the north part of the island, there’s a river that abounds with salmon. That part, also called Lewisa, which is the northern half of the isle, is well populated along the coast, and has rivers as plentiful for salmon as the other half. There’s a great catch of herrings, from which the fishermen gain significant profit and benefit; and no less plenty of sheep, which they do not shear but pluck every year; yet the ground in this part is very heathland, full of moss, and its top layer is very dark and black, about a foot deep, due to the decay of woods that have rotted in the past. Therefore, at certain times of the year they turn it into turf to burn, as needed; and in the following year, after improving it with sea weed, they sow barley in the same places where the turfs grew, and reap very good grain, with which they live and feed. Tithe whales. Such a large number of whales are caught along this coast that the very tithe has been known, in one year, to amount to twenty-seven whales of similar size and others. It’s also notable that in this part of the isle, there’s a great cave two yards deep when the sea is out, and no more than four when it’s at its highest; over which large numbers of both sexes and ages sit with hooks and lines, catching an infinite amount of fish at all times, which provides for them and also contributes to their idleness.

Being past this about sixtie miles, we come vnto the Rona, or Ron, which some take for the last of the Hebrides, distant (as I said) about fortie miles from the Orchades, and one hundreth and thirtie from the promontorie of Dungisbe. The inhabitants of this Ile are verie rude and irreligious, the lord also of the soile dooth limit their number of housholds, & hauing assigned vnto them what numbers of the greater and smaller sorts of cattell they shall spend and inioie for their owne prouision, they send the ouerplus yéerlie vnto him to Lewis. Their cheefe paiments consist of a great quantitie of meale, which is verie plentifull among them, sowed vp in shéepes skins. Also of mutton and sea foule dried, that resteth ouer and aboue, which they themselues do spend. And if it happen that there be more people in the Iland than the lords booke or rate dooth come vnto, then they send also the ouerplus of them in like maner vnto him: by which means they liue alwaies in plentie. They receiue no vices from strange countries, neither know or heare of anie things doone else-where than in their owne Iland. Manie whales are taken also vpon their coasts, which are likewise replenished with seale, and porpasse, and those which are either so tame, or so fierce, that they abash not at the sight of such as looke vpon them, neither make they anie hast to flie out of their presence.

Traveling about sixty miles past this point, we reach Rona, or Ron, which some consider the last of the Hebrides, located roughly forty miles from the Orkneys and one hundred thirty from the promontory of Dungisbe. The people living on this island are quite rough and not very religious. The lord of the land limits their number of households and has assigned them specific numbers of larger and smaller livestock for their own use, with any excess sent to him in Lewis each year. Their main payments consist of a large quantity of meal, which is plentiful among them and packed in sheepskins. They also send dried mutton and seabirds that are left over for their own use. If there are more people on the island than the lord’s records indicate, they also send the surplus in the same manner, ensuring they always have plenty to live on. They don’t take on vices from outside countries, nor do they know or hear about anything happening beyond their own island. Many whales are also caught off their coasts, which are rich in seals and porpoises, with some either so tame or so fierce that they aren’t bothered by those who look at them and don’t rush to flee from their presence.

Suilscraie. Beyond this Ile, about 16 miles westward, there is another called Suilscraie, of a mile length, void of grasse, and without so much as heath growing vpon hir soile: yet are there manie cliffes and rocks therein, which are couered with blacke mosse, whereon innumerable sorts of foules do bréed and laie their egs. Thither in like sort manie doo saile from Lewissa, to take them yoong in time of the yeare, before they be able to flie, which they also kill and drie in eight daies space, and then returne home againe with them, and great plentie of fethers gathered in this voiage. One thing is verie strange and to be noted in Colke foule. this Iland, of the Colke foule, which is little lesse than a goose; and this kind commeth thither but once in the yeare, to wit, in the spring, to laie hir egs and bring vp hir yoong, till they be able to shift for themselues, & then they get them awaie togither to the sea, and come no more vntill that time of the yéere which next insueth. At the same season also they cast their fethers there, as it were answering tribute to nature for the vse of hir mossie soile: wherein it is woonderfull to sée, that those fethers haue no stalkes, neither anie thing that is hard in them, but are séene to couer their bodies as it were wooll or downe, till breeding time (I saie) wherein they be left starke naked.

Suilscraie. Beyond this island, about 16 miles to the west, there’s another one called Suilscraie, which is a mile long, bare of grass, and has not even heather growing on its soil. However, it does have many cliffs and rocks covered with black moss, where countless types of birds breed and lay their eggs. Many people sail from Lewis to catch the young birds during the year, before they can fly. They kill and dry them within eight days and then return home with them, along with plenty of feathers gathered on this trip. One very strange thing to note in Colke foul. this island is the Colke foul, which is almost like a goose; this bird only comes there once a year, in the spring, to lay its eggs and raise its young until they can fend for themselves, and then they all leave for the sea and don’t return until the same time the following year. At that same time, they shed their feathers there, as if paying tribute to nature for the use of her mossy soil. It’s remarkable to see that these feathers have no stems or anything hard in them; instead, they cover their bodies like wool or down until breeding season (I say) when they are left completely bare.

Orchades. The Orchades (whose first inhabitants were the Scithians, which came from those Iles where the Gothes did inhabit, as some sparks yet remaining among them of that language doo declare) lie partlie in the Germaine, and partlie in the Calidon seas, ouer against the point of Dunghisbie (being in number eight and twentie, or as other saie thirtie & one, yet some saie thirtie thrée, as Orosius, but Plinie saith fortie) and now belonging to the crowne of Scotland, as are the rest whereof héeretofore I haue made report, since we crossed ouer the mouth of the Solueie streame, to come into this countrie. Certes the people of these Islands reteine much of their old sparing diets, and therevnto they are of goodlie stature, tall, verie comelie, healthfull, of long life, great [Page 74] strength, whitish colour,as men that féed most vpon fish; sith the cold is so extreame in those parts, that the ground bringeth foorth but small store of wheate, and in maner verie little or no fuell at all, wherewith to warme them in the winter, and yet it séemeth that (in times past) some of these Ilands also haue béene well replenished with wood, but now they are without either trée or shrub, in stéed whereof they haue plentie of heath, which is suffered to grow among them, rather thorough their negligence, than that the soile of it selfe will not yéeld to bring forth trées & bushes. For what store of such hath béene in times past, the roots yet found and digged out of the ground doo yéeld sufficient triall. Otes they haue verie plentifullie, but greater store of barleie, wherof they make a nappie kind of drinke, and such indéed, as will verie readilie cause a stranger to ouershoot himselfe. Howbeit this may be vnto vs in lieu of a miracle, that although their drinke be neuer so strong, & they themselues so vnmeasurable drinkers (as none are If he speake all in truth. more) yet it shall not easilie be séene (saith Hector) that there is anie drunkard among them, either frantike, or mad man, dolt, or naturall foole, meet to weare a cockescombe.

Orchades. The Orchades (originally settled by the Scythians from the islands where the Goths lived, as some remnants of that language still indicate) are located partly in the German Sea and partly in the Caledonian Sea, across from the point of Dunghisbie. The total number of these islands is twenty-eight, although some say thirty-one, and others suggest thirty-three, as Orosius mentions, while Pliny claims there are forty. They now belong to the crown of Scotland, just like the other areas I reported on after we crossed the mouth of the Solway River to enter this country. Certainly, the people of these islands maintain many of their old frugal eating habits. They are also of impressive stature—tall, quite handsome, healthy, long-lived, and strong, with a lighter complexion, likely due to their diet mainly consisting of fish. The extreme cold in those regions means that the land produces very little wheat, and practically no fuel for warmth during winter. It seems that in the past, some of these islands were well-forested, but now they are devoid of trees or shrubs; instead, they have plenty of heath, which has been allowed to grow due to their negligence rather than the soil's inability to produce trees and bushes. The remnants of roots discovered and excavated from the ground provide ample evidence of the past abundance of such plants. They have an abundant supply of oats, but even more barley, which they use to make a strong kind of drink that can easily cause a stranger to overindulge. Nevertheless, it may seem miraculous to us that, although their drink is very potent and they are excessive drinkers (more than anyone else), it is seldom observed (according to Hector) that there are any drunks among them—no crazy, mad, dull, or foolish people fit to wear a fool's cap.

This vnmeasurable drinking of theirs is confessed also by Buchanan, who noteth, that whensoeuer anie wine is brought vnto them from other soiles, they take their parts thereof aboundantlie. He addeth moreouer, how they haue an old bole (which they call S. Magnus bole, who first preached Christ vnto them) of farre greater quantitie than common boles are, and so great, that it may séeme to be reserued since the Lapithane banket, onelie to quaffe and drinke in. And when anie bishop commeth vnto them, they offer him this bole full of drinke, which if he be able to drinke vp quite at one draught; then they assure themselues of good lucke, and plentie after it. Neuerthelesse this excesse is not often found in the common sort, whom penurie maketh to be more frugall; but in their priests, and such as are of the richer calling. They succour pirats also, and verie often exchange their vittels with their commodities, rather for feare and want of power to resist (their Ilands lieng so scattered) than for anie necessitie of such gains as they doo get by those men: for in truth, they thinke themselues to haue little need of other furniture than their owne soiles doo yéeld and offer vnto them. This is also to be read of the inhabitants of these Ilands, that ignorance of excesse is vnto the most part of them in stéed of physicke; and labour and trauell a medicine for such few diseases as they are molested and incombred withall.

This endless drinking of theirs is also noted by Buchanan, who mentions that whenever any wine is brought to them from other regions, they indulge in it generously. He further adds that they possess an old bowl (which they call St. Magnus bowl, named after the one who first preached Christ to them) that is much larger than ordinary bowls, so big that it seems to have been kept since the Lapiths’ banquet just for drinking from. When a bishop visits them, they offer him this bowl filled with drink, and if he can finish it in one go, they believe it will bring them good luck and abundance afterward. However, this excess is not common among the ordinary people, who, due to poverty, tend to be more frugal; it's more often seen among their priests and those of higher status. They also support pirates and frequently trade their food for their goods, more out of fear and inability to resist (since their islands are so scattered) than out of necessity for what they gain from these men: in truth, they feel they need little beyond what their own land provides. It's also noted about the inhabitants of these islands that ignorance of excess serves as their kind of medicine; meanwhile, work and effort are the cure for the few ailments they face.

In like sort they want venemous beasts, chéefelie such as doo delight in hotter soile, and all kinds of ouglie creatures. Their ewes also are so full of increase, that some doo vsuallie bring foorth two, three, or foure lambes at once, whereby they account our anelings (which are such as bring foorth but one at once) rather barren than to be kept for anie gaine. As for wild and tame foules, they haue such plentie of them, that the people there account them rather a burthen to their soile, than a benefit to their tables: they haue also neat and gotes, whereby they abound in white meat, as butter and cheese: wherein, next vnto fish, the chéefe part of their sustenance dooth consist. There is also a bishop of the Orchades, who hath his see in Pomona the chéefe of all the Ilands, wherein also are two strong castels, and such hath béene the superstition of the people here, that there is almost no one of them, that hath not one church at the least dedicated to the mother of Christ. Finallie, there is little vse of physicke in these quarters, lesse store of éeles, and least of frogs. As for the horsses that are bred amongst them, they are commonlie not much greater than asses, and yet to labour and trauell, a man shall find verie few else-where, able to come neere, much lesse to match with them, in holding out their iournies. The seas about these Ilands are verie tempestuous, not onelie through strong winds, and the influences of the heauens and stars; but by the contrarie méetings and workings of the west ocean, which rageth so vehementlie in the streicts, that no vessell is able to passe in safetie amongst them. Some of these Ilands also are so small and low, that all the commoditie which is to be reaped by anie of them, is scarselie sufficient to susteine one or two men: and some of them so barren and full of rocks, that they are nothing else but mosse or bare shingle. Wherefore onelie thirtéene of them are inhabited and made account of, the rest being left [Page 75] vnto their sheepe and cattell. Of all these Ilands also Pomona is the greatest, and therfore called the continent, which conteineth thirtie miles in length, and is well replenished with people: for it hath twelue parish churches, and one towne which the Danes (sometime lords of that Kirkwa. Iland) called Cracouia: but now it hight Kirkwa. There are also two pretie holds, one belonging to the king, the other to the bishop: and also a beautifull church, and much building betweene the two holds, and about this church, which being taken as it were for two townes, the one is called the kings and the other the bishops towne. All the whole Iland is full of cliffes and promontories, whereby no small number of baies and some hauens are producted.

They also want venomous animals, especially those that thrive in hotter environments, and all kinds of ugly creatures. Their ewes are so prolific that some often give birth to two, three, or four lambs at a time, which is why they consider our animals (which usually give birth to only one at a time) to be relatively barren and not worth keeping for profit. As for wild and domesticated birds, they have such an abundance that the locals see them more as a burden than as a benefit for their meals: they also have cattle and goats, providing them with plenty of dairy products like butter and cheese, which, alongside fish, make up the main part of their diet. There is also a bishop in the Orkneys, who has his seat in Pomona, the largest of all the islands, where there are also two strong castles. The superstition among the people here is such that almost everyone has at least one church dedicated to the mother of Christ. Lastly, there is little use for medicine in these areas, fewer eels, and even fewer frogs. The horses bred here are generally not much larger than donkeys, yet few elsewhere can match their endurance for work and travel. The seas around these islands are very rough, not only due to strong winds and celestial influences but also because of the tumultuous interactions of the west ocean, which rages so fiercely in the straits that no vessel can safely navigate them. Some of these islands are so small and low that the total resources they offer can barely support one or two people, while others are so barren and rocky that they consist solely of moss or bare gravel. Therefore, only thirteen of them are inhabited and considered useful, the rest being left for their sheep and cattle. Among all these islands, Pomona is the largest and is therefore called the continent, spanning thirty miles in length and well-populated: it has twelve parish churches and one town, which the Danes (once the lords of that island) called Cracouia, but now it's known as Kirkwa. There are also two nice fortresses, one belonging to the king and the other to the bishop, along with a beautiful church and much construction between the two fortresses and around this church. This area, regarded as two towns, is known as the king’s town and the bishop’s town. The entire island is filled with cliffs and headlands, resulting in a good number of bays and some harbors. [Page 75]

There is also tin and lead to be found in six of these Iles, so good and plentifullie as anie where else in Britaine. It lieth foure & twentie miles from Cathnesse, being separated from the same by the Pictish sea: wherein also lie certeine Ilands, as Stroma, foure miles from Cathnesse, which albeit that it be but foure miles from Cathnesse, is not reputed for anie of the Orchades. Going therefore from hence northward, we come to the first Ile of the Orchades, called south Rauals, which is sixtéene miles from Dunghilsbie, aliàs Dunachisbie, & that in two houres space, such is the swiftnesse of the sea in that tract. This Ile is fiue miles long, and hath a faire port called saint Margarets hauen. Then passe we by two desert Iles, which lie towards the east, wherein nothing is found but cattell: some call them the holmes, bicause they lie low, and are good for nothing but grasse. On the northside lieth the Bur, and two other holmes betweene the same & Pomona. From Bur, toward the west lie thrée Iles, Sun, Flat, and Far: and beyond them Hoie and Vall, which some accompt for two, and other but for one; bicause that in March and September, the flats that lie betwéene them, doo séeme to ioine them togither, after the tide is gone. This neuerthelesse is certeine, that in this single or double Ile, which is ten miles in length, the highest hilles are to be séene that are in all the Orchades. And as they lie eight miles from Rauals, so are they two miles from Pomona, & from saint Donats in Scotland full twentie miles, and on the north side of it lieth the Brainse, in a narrow streict, as Buchanan dooth remember. And these are the Iles which lie betweene Pomona and Cathnesse. As for the west side of the continent, I find that it lieth open to the sea, without either shelues, Ilands, or rocks appéering néere vnto it: but on the east side thereof Cobesa dooth in maner ouershadow it. Siapinsa also an Ile of six miles long, lieth within two miles of Cracouia, toward the east, on the west side of Pomona lieth the Rouse of six miles in length: and by east of that, the Eglisa, wherin (as they saie) their patrone S. Magnus lieth interred. From hense southward lie the Vera, Gersa, and not far off the Vester (which is fourescore miles from Hethland) Papa & Stronza, which is also eightie miles from Hethland as is the Vester. In the middest also of this tract lieth Far, or Fara, which is to saie, faire Ile, in old English, faire eie: and within sight so well of Hethland, as the Orchades (by reason of three insuperable rocks which are apparant in the same) a verie poore Iland, and yet yearelie robbed of such commodities as it hath by such Flemish and English fishermen as passe by the coasts thereof in time of the yeare, to catch fish for the prouision of their countries.

There is also tin and lead found in six of these islands, as good and plentiful as anywhere else in Britain. It lies twenty-four miles from Caithness, separated from it by the Pictish Sea: within this sea also lie certain islands, like Stroma, four miles from Caithness, which, although it's just four miles away, isn’t considered part of the Orkneys. Continuing northward from here, we reach the first island of the Orkneys, called South Rousay, which is sixteen miles from Dunghilsbie, also known as Dunachisbie, and that can be reached in two hours, thanks to the swift currents in that area. This island is five miles long and has a lovely harbor called St. Margaret's Haven. Then we pass two deserted islands lying to the east, where only livestock is found: some call them the Holms because they lie low and are only good for grazing. On the north side lies the Bur and two other Holms between it and Pomona. West of Bur, lie three islands: Sun, Flat, and Far; beyond these are Hoie and Vall, which some consider two islands and others just one, because in March and September, the flats between them seem to connect them after the tide goes out. Nonetheless, it's certain that in this single or double island, which is ten miles long, you can see the highest hills in all the Orkneys. They are eight miles from Rousay, two miles from Pomona, and exactly twenty miles from St. Donat's in Scotland, with the Brains lying on the north side in a narrow strait, as noted by Buchanan. These are the islands that lie between Pomona and Caithness. As for the west side of the mainland, I find that it lies open to the sea, without any shoals, islands, or rocks appearing nearby: but the east side is overshadowed by Cobesa. Siapinsa, an island six miles long, lies two miles east of Cracouia, while on the west side of Pomona is the Rouse, also six miles long; to the east of that is Eglisa, where it’s said their patron St. Magnus is buried. From here southward lie Vera, Gersa, and not far off Vester (which is eighty miles from Shetland), along with Papa and Stronza, which are also eighty miles from Shetland, just like Vester. In the middle of this area lies Far, or Fara, which means beautiful island in old English, and within sight of both Shetland and the Orkneys (due to three prominent rocks in the area) is a very poor island, yet it is annually robbed of its resources by Flemish and English fishermen who pass by its coasts during the fishing season to catch fish for their home countries.

Next vnto this is the greatest of all the Hethlands, an Iland called the Maine, sixtie miles in length, and sixteene in bredth, full of rocks, and whose coasts are onelie inhabited, the innermost parts being left vnto the foules of the aire, bicause of the barrennesse and vnfruitfulnesse of the soile: yet of late some haue indeuoured to impeople it, but with no successe correspondent to their desire. Wherefore they returned to their former trades, making their chéefe commoditie and yearelie gaine by fish, as aforetime. Ten miles from this toward the north, lieth the Zeale, twentie miles in length, eight in bredth, and so wild that it will suffer no creature to liue thereof, that is not bred therein. Betwéene this Iland also and the Maine, are other smaller Ilands to be found, as the Ling, Orne, Big, and Sanferre. And from hense nine miles northward Vsta, twentie miles long, & six in bredth, plaine, pleasant, but inuironed with a swift and terrible sea. Betwéene this also and the Zeale, are the Vie, the Vre, and the Ling: also towards the west, the two Skeues, Chalseie, Nordwade, Brase, and [Page 76] Mowse, on the west side lie the west Skeies, Rottia, Papa the lesse, Wunned, Papa the more, Valla, Londra, Burra, Haura the more, Haura the lesse, & in maner so manie holmes dispersed heere and there, whereof I haue no notice. Some call these the Shetland, and some the Shotland Iles. Buchanan nameth them in the third member of his diuision Zelandine, and toward the end of his first booke seemeth to auouch, that they liue in maner as doo the inhabitants of the Orchades: although not in so ciuill wise, nor in such large measure and aboundance of diet in their houses. He addeth moreouer, that their apparrell is after the Germaine cut, comelie, but not so chargeable and costlie, and how they raise their gaine by skins of beasts, as marterns, sheepe, oxen, and gotes skins, and therevnto a kind of cloth which they weaue, and sell to the merchants of Norwaie, togither with their butter, fish, either salted or dried, and their traine oile, and exercise their trade of fishing also in their vncerteine skewes, which they fetch out of Norwaie.

Next to this is the largest of all the Hebrides, an island called the Maine, sixty miles long and sixteen miles wide, full of rocks, with only the coasts inhabited, while the inner parts are left to the birds because of the barrenness and unfruitfulness of the soil. Recently, some have tried to settle it, but without much success. So, they went back to their old trades, making their main income and yearly profit from fishing, as they did before. Ten miles north of this lies the Zeal, twenty miles long, eight miles wide, and so wild that it allows no creatures to live there that were not born on the island. Between this island and the Maine, there are other smaller islands to be found, like Ling, Orne, Big, and Sanferre. And from here, nine miles north is Vsta, twenty miles long and six miles wide, flat and pleasant but surrounded by a swift and terrible sea. Between this and the Zeal are the Vie, the Vre, and the Ling. Also to the west are the two Skeves, Chalseie, Nordwade, Brase, and Mowse. On the west side lie the west Skeies, Rottia, Papa the Lesser, Wunned, Papa the Greater, Valla, Londra, Burra, Haura the Greater, Haura the Lesser, and many other small islets scattered here and there, of which I have no knowledge. Some call these the Shetland Islands, while others refer to them as the Shotland Islands. Buchanan names them in the third part of his division Zelandine, and towards the end of his first book, he seems to claim that the inhabitants live similarly to those in the Orkneys, although not as civilly nor with such an abundance of food in their homes. He also adds that their clothing is in the German style, attractive but not very expensive, and how they gain their income from the skins of animals, like martens, sheep, oxen, and goat skins, along with a kind of cloth which they weave and sell to merchants from Norway, along with their butter, fish, either salted or dried, and their train oil, and they also engage in fishing at their uncertain skerries, which they bring in from Norway.

Their speech is Gothish, and such of them as by their dealing with forren merchants doo gather anie wealth, that will they verie often bestow vpon the furniture of their houses. Their weights & measures are after the Germaine maner, their countrie is verie healthie, and so wholesome, that a man was found which had married a wife at one hundred yeares of age, and was able to go out a fishing with his bote at one hundred and fortie, and of late yéeres died of méere age, without anie other disease. Dronkennesse is not heard of among them, and yet they meet and make good chéere verie often. Neither doo I read of anie great vse of flesh or foule there, although that some of their Ilands haue plentie of both. Nor anie mention of corne growing in these parts, and therefore in steed of bread they drie a kind of fish, which they beat in morters to powder, & bake it in their ouens, vntill it be hard and drie. Their fuell also is of such bones as the fish yéeldeth, that is taken on their coasts: and yet they liue as themselues suppose in much felicitie, thinking it a great péece of their happinesse to be so farre distant from the wicked auarice, and cruell dealings of the more rich and ciuill part of the world.

Their speech is Gothic, and those among them who make some money through trade with foreign merchants often spend it on decorating their homes. Their weights and measures follow the German system. Their country is very healthy and so wholesome that one man was found who married at one hundred years old and was still able to go fishing in his boat at one hundred and forty, and recently died of pure old age, without any other illness. Drunkenness is not known among them, yet they often gather together and enjoy themselves. I also don’t read about much use of meat or fowl there, even though some of their islands have plenty of both. There is no mention of grain growing in these parts, so instead of bread, they dry a type of fish, which they pound into powder and bake in their ovens until it is hard and dry. Their fuel is made from the bones of the fish caught along their coasts. Yet they live, as they believe, in great happiness, considering it a significant part of their joy to be so far removed from the greedy and cruel behavior of the wealthier, more civilized parts of the world.

Herein also they are like vnto the Hirthiens, in that at one time of the yeare, there commeth a priest vnto them out of the Orchades (vnto which iurisdiction they doo belong) who baptiseth all such children, as haue béene borne among them, since he last arriued, and hauing afterward remained there for a two daies, he taketh his tithes of them (which they prouide and paie with great scrupulositie in fish, for of other commodities haue they none) and then returneth home againe, not without boast of his troublesome voiage, except he watch his time. In these Iles Amber. also is great plentie of fine Amber to be had (as Hector saith) which is producted by the working of the sea vpon those coasts: but more of this elsewhere. This neuertheles is certeine, that these Ilands, with the Orchades, were neuer perfectlie vnited to the crowne of Scotland, till the mariage was made betwéene king Iames and the ladie Marie daughter to Christierne king of Denmarke 1468, which Christierne at the birth of their sonne Iames (afterward king of Scotland and called Iames the fourth) resigned all his right and title whatsoeuer either he or his ancestors either presently or hertofore had, might haue had, or herafter may or should haue, vnto the aforesaid péeres, as appéereth by the charter.

Here, they are also similar to the Hirthians in that once a year, a priest comes to them from the Orkneys (which fall under their jurisdiction) to baptize all the children born since his last visit. After staying for two days, he collects his tithes from them (which they provide and pay with great care in fish, as they have no other goods) and then returns home, not without boasting about his exhausting journey, unless he times it right. In these islands, Amber. there is also a great abundance of fine amber available (as Hector says), which is produced by the sea working on those coasts; more on this will be discussed elsewhere. Nevertheless, it is certain that these islands, along with the Orkneys, were never fully united with the crown of Scotland until the marriage between King James and Lady Mary, daughter of Christian, King of Denmark, in 1468. When their son James (who later became King of Scotland and is known as James the Fourth) was born, Christian resigned all his rights and claims—whether he or his ancestors had, currently have, might have had, or may in the future have—to the aforementioned peers, as stated in the charter.

From these Shetland Iles, and vntill we come southwards to the Scarre, which lieth in Buquhamnesse, I find no mention of anie Ile situat vpon that coast, neither greatlie from thence, vntill we come at the Forth, that leadeth vp to Sterling, neither thought we it safetie for vs to search so farre as Thule, whence the most excellent brimstone commeth, & thereto what store of Ilands lie vnder the more northerlie climats, whose secret situations though partlie seene in my time, haue not yet bin perfectlie reueled or discouered by anie, bicause of the great aboundance of huge Ilands of ice that mooueth to and fro vpon their shores, and sundrie perilous gulfes and indraughts of water, and for as much as their knowlege doth not concerne our purpose, wherfore casting about, we came at the last into the Firth or Forth, which some call the Scotish sea, wherein we passe by seuen or eight such as they be, of which the first called the Maie, the second Baas, and Garwie the third, doo seeme to be inhabited. From these also holding on our course toward England, we passe by another Ile, wherein Faux castell standeth, and [Page 77] this (so far as my skill serueth) is the last Iland of the Scotish side, in compassing whereof I am not able to discerne, whether their flats and shallowes, number of Ilands without name, confusion of situation, lacke of true description, or mine owne ignorance hath troubled me most. No meruell therefore that I haue béene so oft on ground among them. But most ioifull am I that am come home againe: & although not by the Thames mouth into my natiue citie (which taketh his name of Troie) yet into the English dominion, where good interteinement is much more franke and copious, and better harborough wherein to rest my wearie bones, and refresh at ease our wetherbeaten carcasses.

From the Shetland Islands, and until we reach the Scarre, which is in Buchan, I can't find any mention of an island located along that coast, nor really anything until we get to the Forth, which leads up to Stirling. We also didn’t think it was safe to travel as far as Thule, where the best sulfur comes from, and to see what islands lie under the more northern climates. Though some of their hidden locations were partially seen in my time, they haven’t been fully revealed or discovered by anyone due to the huge abundance of ice islands moving back and forth along their shores, along with various dangerous gulfs and currents. Since knowing about them doesn’t concern our purpose, we ended up in the Firth or Forth, which some call the Scottish Sea, where we passed by seven or eight islands. The first is called Maie, the second Baas, and the third Garwie; these seem to be inhabited. Continuing our journey toward England, we passed by another island where Faux Castle stands, and this is, as far as my knowledge goes, the last island on the Scottish side. I’m unable to tell if my confusion comes from their flats and shallows, the numerous unnamed islands, the chaos of their locations, the lack of accurate descriptions, or my own ignorance. It’s no wonder I’ve spent so much time on land among them. But I’m really happy to be home again; and even though it wasn’t through the mouth of the Thames into my native city (which gets its name from Troy), I am back in England, where the hospitality is much more generous and plentiful, and there’s a better harbor where I can rest my tired body and recover comfortably from our rough journey.

The first Iland therefore which commeth to our sight, after we passed Lindesfarne or Holie Iland. Berwike, is that which was somtime called Lindesfarne, but now Holie Iland, and conteineth eight miles; a place much honored among our monasticall writers, bicause diuerse moonks and heremits did spend their times therein. There was also the bishops see of Lindesfarne for a long season, which afterward was translated to Chester in the stréet, & finallie to Duresme, Dunelme, or Durham. It was first erected by Oswald, wherein he placed Aidanus the learned Scotish moonke, who came hither out of the Ile called Hij, whereof Beda speaking in the third chapter of his third booke, noteth, that although the said Hij belong to the kings of Northumberland, by reason of situation & néerenesse to the coast; yet the Picts appointed the bishops of the same, and gaue the Ile with the see it selfe to such Scotish moonks as they liked, bicause that by their preaching they first receiued the faith. But to returne to Lindesfarne. After Aidan departed this life, Finanus finished and builded the whole church with sawed timber of oke, after the maner of his countrie, which when Theodorus the archbishop of Canturburie had dedicated, Edbert the bishop did couer ouer with lead.

The first island we see after passing Lindisfarne or Holy Island. Berwick is what was once called Lindisfarne, now known as Holy Island, and it stretches over eight miles. This place is highly regarded among our monastic writers because various monks and hermits spent their time there. It was also the bishop's seat of Lindisfarne for a long time, which later moved to Chester-le-Street, and finally to Durham. It was originally established by Oswald, who appointed Aidan, the learned Scottish monk, who came from the island called Iona. Bede mentions in the third chapter of his third book that although Iona belonged to the kings of Northumbria due to its location and proximity to the coast, the Picts appointed the bishops and granted the island along with the bishopric to the Scottish monks they favored since they were the ones who first preached the faith. But back to Lindisfarne. After Aidan passed away, Finanus completed and built the entire church using cut oak timber, following the style of his homeland. Once Theodorus, the Archbishop of Canterbury, dedicated it, Bishop Edbert covered it with lead.

Farne. Next vnto this is the Ile of Farne, and herein is a place of defense so far as I remember, and so great store of egs laid there by diuerse kinds of wildfoule in time of the yeare, that a man shall hardlie run for a wager on the plaine ground without the breach of manie, before his race be finished. About Farne also lie certeine Iles greater than Farne it selfe, but void of inhabitants; and in these also is great store of Puffins. puffins, graie as duckes, and without coloured fethers, sauing that they haue a white ring round about their necks. There is moreouer another Saint Cuthberts foules. bird, which the people call saint Cuthberts foules, a verie tame and gentle creature, and easie to be taken. After this we came to the Cocket Iland; so called, bicause it lieth ouer against the fall of Cocket water. Herein is a veine of meane seacole, which the people dig out of the shore at the low water; and in this Iland dwelled one Henrie sometime a famous heremite, who (as his life declareth) came of the Danish race. And from thence vntill we came vnto the coast of Norffolke I saw no more Ilands.

Farne Islands. Next to this is the Isle of Farne, which has a place for defense, as far as I can remember, and so many eggs laid there by various kinds of wildfowl during the year that it’s hard for a person to run a race on the flat ground without stepping on many of them before finishing. Around Farne, there are also certain islands larger than Farne itself, but uninhabited; and these also have a large number of Puffins. puffins, gray like ducks, and without colorful feathers, except for a white ring around their necks. Additionally, there’s another Saint Cuthbert's birds. bird that people call Saint Cuthbert’s fowl, which is very tame and gentle and easy to catch. After this, we reached Cocket Island, named because it lies opposite the falls of Cocket water. Here, there is a vein of medium sea coal that people dig out from the shore at low tide; and on this island lived one Henrie, once a famous hermit, who (as his life shows) came from the Danish line. From there until we reached the coast of Norfolk, I didn’t see any more islands.

Being therfore past S. Edmunds point, we found a litle Ile ouer against the fall of the water that commeth from Holkham, & likewise another ouer against the Claie, before we came at Waburne hope: the third also in Yarmouth riuer ouer against Bradwell, a towne in low or little England, whereof also I must néeds saie somewhat, bicause it is in maner an Iland, and as I gesse either hath béene or may be one: for the brodest place of the strict land that leadeth to the same, is little aboue a quarter of a mile, which against the raging waues of the sea can make Little England. but small resistance. Little England or low England therefore is about eight miles in length and foure in bredth, verie well replenished with townes, as Fristan, Burgh castell, Olton, Flixton, Lestoft, Gunton, Blundston, Corton, Lownd, Ashebie, Hoxton, Belton, Bradwell, and Gorleston, and beside this it is verie fruitfull and indued with all commodities.

Having passed St. Edmunds Point, we found a small island opposite the water flow from Holkham, and another one across from the Clay, before we reached Waburne hope. The third one was also in the Yarmouth river, opposite Bradwell, a town in Low England, which I must mention because it’s almost an island, and I suspect it either has been or could be one. The widest part of the land connecting to it is just over a quarter of a mile, which doesn’t offer much resistance against the raging waves of the sea. Low England is about eight miles long and four miles wide, well-populated with towns like Friston, Burgh Castle, Olton, Flixton, Lestoft, Gunton, Blundeston, Corton, Lownd, Ashebie, Hoxton, Belton, Bradwell, and Gorleston. Additionally, it is quite fertile and endowed with all sorts of resources.

Going forward from hence, by the Estonnesse (almost an Iland) I saw a small parcell cut from the maine in Orford hauen, the Langerstone in Orwell mouth, & two péeces or Islets at Cattiwade bridge; and then Merseie. casting about vnto the Colne, we beheld Merseie which is a pretie Iland, well furnished with wood. It was sometime a great receptacle for the Danes when they inuaded England; howbeit at this present it hath beside two decaied blockehouses, two parish churches, of which one is called east Merseie, the other west Merseie, and both vnder the archdeacon of Foulnesse. Colchester, as parcell of his iurisdiction. Foulenesse is an Ile void of [Page 78] wood, and yet well replenished with verie good grasse for neat and sheepe, whereof the inhabitants haue great plentie: there is also a parish church, and albeit that it stand somewhat distant from the shore, yet at a dead low water a man may (as they saie) ride thereto if he be skilfull of the causie; it is vnder the iurisdiction of London. And at this present master William Tabor bacheler of diuinitie and archdeacon of Essex hath it vnder his iurisdiction & regiment, by the surrender of maister Iohn Walker doctor also of diuinitie, who liued at such time as I first attempted to commit this booke to the impression.

Going forward from here, by the Estonnesse (almost an island), I saw a small area cut off from the mainland in Orford harbor, the Langerstone at the mouth of the Orwell, and two small islets at Cattiwade bridge; and then Mersey. Looking around toward the Colne, we saw Merseie, which is a lovely island, well-stocked with wood. It used to be a major refuge for the Danes when they invaded England; however, at present, it has two dilapidated blockhouses and two parish churches, one called East Merseie and the other West Merseie, both under the archdeacon of Foulness. Colchester, as part of his jurisdiction. Foulenesse is an island lacking trees, yet well-supplied with very good grass for cattle and sheep, of which the residents have plenty: there is also a parish church, and although it is somewhat far from the shore, they say that during a dead low tide, one can ride there if they are skilled at navigating the causeway; it is under the jurisdiction of London. Currently, Master William Tabor, a bachelor of divinity and archdeacon of Essex, has it under his jurisdiction and governance, by the surrender of Master John Walker, also a doctor of divinity, who lived at the time I first tried to publish this book.

In Maldon water are in like sort thrée Ilands inuironed all with salt Osithe.
Northeie.
streames, as saint Osithes, Northeie, and another (after a mersh) that beareth no name so far as I remember. On the right hand also as we went Ramseie.
Reie.
toward the sea againe, we saw Ramseie Ile, or rather a Peninsula or Biland, & likewise the Reie, in which is a chappell of saint Peter. And then coasting vpon the mouth of the Bourne, we saw the Wallot Ile and his mates, whereof two lie by east Wallot, and the fourth is Foulnesse, except I be deceiued, for here my memorie faileth me on the one side, and information on the other, I meane concerning the placing of Foulenesse. But to procéed. After this, and being entered into the Thames mouth, I find no Iland of anie name, except you accompt Rochford hundred for one, whereof I haue no mind to intreat, more than of Crowland, Mersland, Elie, and the rest, that are framed by the ouze. Andredeseie in Trent, so called of a church there dedicated to saint Andrew, and Auon (two noble riuers hereafter to be described) sith I touch onelie those that are inuironed with the sea or salt water round Canwaie. about, as we may see in the Canwaie Iles, which some call marshes onelie, and liken them to an ipocras bag, some to a vice, scrue, or wide sléeue, bicause they are verie small at the east end, and large at west. The salt rilles also that crosse the same doo so separat the one of them from the other, that they resemble the slope course of the cutting part of a scrue or gimlet, in verie perfect maner, if a man doo imagine himselfe to looke downe from the top of the mast vpon them. Betwéene these, moreouer and the Leigh towne lieth another litle Ile or Holme, whose name is to me vnknowne. Certes I would haue gone to land and viewed these parcels as they laie, or at the least haue sailed round about them by the whole hauen, which may easilie be doone at an high water: but for as much as a perrie of wind (scarse comparable to the makerell gale, whereof Iohn Anele of Calis one of the best seamen that England euer bred for his skill in the narow seas was woont to talke) caught hold of our sailes, & caried vs forth the right waie toward London, I could not tarie to sée what things were hereabouts. Thus much therefore of our Ilands, & so much may well suffice where more cannot be had.

In Maldon, there are three islands surrounded entirely by saltwater streams: Saint Osithes, Northeie, and another unnamed one that I can't recall. To our right, as we headed back toward the sea, we saw Ramseie Island, which is more like a peninsula or a bank, and also the Reie, which has a chapel dedicated to Saint Peter. Then, as we navigated along the mouth of the Bourne, we spotted Wallot Island and its companions, two of which are east of Wallot, while the fourth is Foulnesse, unless I’m mistaken, since my memory is lacking here, and I don’t have clear information about the exact positioning of Foulnesse. Moving on, after entering the mouth of the Thames, I didn’t find any named islands, unless you consider Rochford Hundred to be one, which I won’t delve into further, just like Crowland, Mersland, Elie, and the others formed by the mud. Andredeseie on the Trent, named after a church dedicated to Saint Andrew, and Auon (two notable rivers that I'll discuss later) are included here, though I’m only mentioning those surrounded by sea or saltwater, like the Canwaie Islands, which some merely call marshes and compare to a ipocras bag, or to a vice, screw, or wide sleeve, because they are very narrow at the east end and wide at the west. The salty channels that cross them separate each one so distinctly that they resemble the sloped cut of a screw or gimlet, perfectly, if you imagine looking down from the top of a mast. Between these and the town of Leigh lies another small island or holm, which I don’t know the name of. I would have liked to land and view these areas or at least sail around the whole harbor when the tide is high; however, a strong breeze (hardly comparable to the mackerel gale, which John Anele of Calais, one of the best seamen England ever produced for navigating narrow seas, used to talk about) caught our sails and carried us directly toward London, so I couldn’t stay to see what was around there. So, that's about all for our islands, and that should suffice when there’s not more to be found.

THE DESCRIPTION OF THE THAMES, AND SUCH RIUERS AS FALL INTO THE SAME.
CAP. XI.

Hauing (as you haue séene) attempted to set downe a full discourse of all the Ilands, that are situat vpon the coast of Britaine, and finding the successe not correspondent to mine intent, it hath caused me somewhat to restreine my purpose in this description also of our riuers. For whereas I intended at the first to haue written at large, of the number, situation, names, quantities, townes, villages, castels, mounteines, fresh waters, plashes or lakes, salt waters, and other commodities of the aforesaid Iles, mine expectation of information from all parts of England, was so deceiued in the end, that I was faine at last onelie to leane to that which I knew my selfe either by reading, or such other helpe as I had alreadie purchased and gotten of the same. And euen so it happeneth in this my tractation of waters, of whose heads, courses, length, bredth, depth of chanell (for burden) ebs, flowings, and falles, I had thought to haue made a perfect description vnder the report also of an imagined course taken by them all. But now for want of instruction, which hath béene largelie promised, & slacklie perfourmed, and other sudden and iniurious deniall of helpe voluntarilie offered, [Page 79] without occasion giuen on my part, I must needs content my selfe with such obseruations as I haue either obteined by mine owne experience, or gathered from time to time out of other mens writings: whereby the full discourse of the whole is vtterlie cut off, and in steed of the same a mangled rehearsall of the residue set downe and left in memorie.

Having (as you have seen) tried to write a complete account of all the islands located along the coast of Britain, and finding that the outcome didn’t match my intentions, I’ve had to limit my aim in this description of our rivers as well. Initially, I planned to write in detail about the number, location, names, sizes, towns, villages, castles, mountains, freshwater bodies, ponds or lakes, saltwaters, and other resources of the aforementioned islands. However, my expectation of receiving information from all over England turned out to be misguided, so I was forced to rely only on what I knew myself, either through reading or other assistance that I had already gathered. The same thing happens in this discussion of waters, about which I had hoped to provide a complete description regarding their sources, courses, lengths, widths, channel depths (for carrying capacity), ebbing, flowing, and falls, along with a reported imagined course they all take. But now, due to the lack of guidance, which has been promised broadly yet fulfilled inadequately, and other sudden and undeserved rejections of voluntarily offered help, without any provocation on my part, I must settle for such observations as I have gathered either from my own experiences or collected over time from other people's writings. As a result, the complete account I envisioned is entirely lost, replaced instead by a fragmented recounting of the remainder that has been noted and remembered.

Wherefore I beséech your honour to pardon this imperfection and rudenesse of my labour, which notwithstanding is not altogither in vaine, sith my errors maie prooue a spurre vnto the better skilled, either to correct or inlarge where occasion serueth, or at the leastwise to take in hand a more absolute péece of worke, as better direction shall incourage them thereto. The entrance and beginning of euerie thing is the hardest; and he that beginneth well, hath atchiued halfe his purpose. The ice (my lord) is broken, and from hencefoorth it will be more easie for such as shall come after to wade through with the rest, sith "Facile est inuentis addere;" and to continue and finish, is not so great a matter in building, as to attempt and laie the foundation or platforme of anie noble péece of workmanship, though it be but rudelie Thamesis. handled. But to my purpose. As I began at the Thames in my description of Ilands, so will I now doo the like with that of famous riuers; making mine entrie at the said riuer it selfe, of whose founteine some men make as much adoo, as in time past of the true head of Nilus, which, till of late (if it be yet descried) was neuer found: or the Tanais, whose originall was neuer knowne, nor shall be: for whilest one placeth it here, another there; there are none at all that deale with it exactlie. Wherefore leaning to such mens writings as haue of set purpose sought out the spring of the Thames; I affirme that this famous streame hath his head or beginning out of the side of an hill, standing in the plaines of Cotswold, about one mile from Tetburie, néere vnto the Fosse (an high waie so called of old) where it was sometime named Isis, or the Ouse, although diuerse doo ignorantlie call it the Thames euen there, rather of a foolish custome than anie skill, bicause they either neglect or vtterlie are ignorant how it was named at the first. From hence it runneth directlie toward the east (as all good riuers should) and Corinium. méeteth with the Cirne or Churne, (a brooke called in Latine Corinium) whereof Cirncester towne (by which it commeth) doth take the denomination.

I kindly ask for your understanding and forgiveness regarding the imperfections and roughness of my work, which, nevertheless, is not entirely in vain, since my mistakes may inspire those more skilled to correct or expand upon them wherever needed, or at least encourage them to undertake a more complete piece of work with better guidance. The start of anything is always the hardest; and whoever begins well has accomplished half of their goal. The ice, my lord, has been broken, and from now on it will be easier for those who follow to navigate the rest, since "It's easy to add to what has already been found;" and continuing and finishing is not as challenging in building as taking the initiative to lay the foundation or groundwork for any important piece of work, even if it's done rather roughly. But to my point. As I started with the Thames in my description of islands, I will now do the same with famous rivers, beginning with that very river itself, about which some people make as much fuss as there was in the past about the true source of the Nile, which, until recently (if it has even been identified), was never found; or about the Tanais, whose origin was never known and likely never will be: while one person places it here and another there, no one deals with it accurately. Therefore, leaning on the writings of those who have intentionally sought out the source of the Thames, I assert that this famous river begins on the side of a hill in the Cotswold plains, about a mile from Tetbury, near the Fosse (a high road named so in ancient times), where it was once called Isis or the Ouse, although many mistakenly refer to it as the Thames there, more out of a foolish habit than any real knowledge, because they either disregard or are completely unaware of how it was originally named. From there, it flows directly east (as all good rivers should) and meets the Cirne or Churne (a brook known in Latin as Corinium), from which the town of Cirencester derives its name.

From hence it hasteth vnto Créekelade, aliàs Crekanford, Lechlade, Radcotebridge, Newbridge, and Eouesham, receiuing by the waie an infinit sort of small streames, brookes, beckes, waters, and rundels: and here on this side of the towne diuideth it selfe into two courses, of which the one goeth straight to Botleie and Hinkseie, the other by Godstow, a village not farre off. This latter spreadeth it selfe also for a while into sundrie smaller branches, which run not farre yer they be reunited, and then beclipping sundrie pleasant meadowes, it passeth at length by Oxford, of some supposed rather to be called Ouseford of this riuer, Charwell. where it meeteth with the Charwell, and a litle from whence the originall branches doo ioine and go togither by Abbandune (aliàs Sensham or Abington as we call it) although no part of it at the first came so néere the towne as it doth now, till a branch thereof was led thither Some write, that the maine streame was brought thither from which ranne before betweene Andredeseie and Culenham. the maine streame, thorough the industrie of the moonks, as (beside the testimonie of old records thereof yet extant to be séene) by the decaie of Cair Dour, now Dorchester it selfe, sometime the throughfare from Wales and the west countrie to London, which insued vpon this fact, is easie to be seene. From hence it goeth to Dorchester, and so to Thame, where ioining with a riuer of the same denomination, it looseth the name of Isis or Ouse (whereof Ouseneie at Oxford is producted) and from thenceforth is called Thamesis. From Thame it goeth to Wallingford, and so to Reding, Pontium. which in time past, of the number of bridges there, was called Pontium; albeit that the English name doth rather proceed from Rhe, or Ree, the Saint Marie ouer Rhee. Saxon word for a water-course or riuer; which maie be séene in Ouerée, or Sutherée, for ouer the Ree, or south of the Rhee, as to the skilfull doth readilie appéere; yet some hold (and not altogither against probabilitie and likelihood) that the word Sutherée is so called of Sudrijc, to wit, the south kingdome, wherevnto in part the Thames is a bound. But that holdeth not in denomination, either of the said church or name of the foresaid countie. Other affirme likewise, that Reding is so called of the Greeke word (ῥεω) which is to ouerflowe. Certes, as neither of these coniectures are to be contemned, so the last [Page 80] cōmeth most neere to mine aid, who affirme, that not onelie the course of euerie water it selfe, but also his ouerflowing was in time past called Rhe, by such Saxons as inhabited in this Iland: and euen to this daie in Essex I haue oft obserued, that when the lower grounds by rage of water haue béene ouerflowen, the people beholding the same, haue said; All is on a Rhe, as if they should haue said; All is now a riuer, albeit the word Riuer be deriued from the French, and borrowed by them from the Latins, but not without corruption, as it was brought vnto them. I will not here giue notice how farre they are deceiued, which call the aforesaid church by the name of S. Marie Auderies, or S. Marie ouer Isis, or Ise: but I will procéed with the course of this noble streame, which, howsoeuer these matters stand after it hath passed by Kenet. Reding, & there receiued the Kenet, which commeth from the hilles that Thetis. lie west of Marleborough (& then the Thetis, commonlie called the Tide that commeth from Thetisford) hieth to Sudlington otherwise called Maidenhead, and so to Windleshore (or Windsore) Eaton, and then to Chertseie, where Erkenwald bishop of London sometime builded a religious house or cell, as I doo read.

From here, it quickly heads towards Créekelade, also known as Crekanford, Lechlade, Radcotebridge, Newbridge, and Eouesham, collecting numerous small streams, brooks, ditches, waters, and rivulets along the way. Here, on this side of the town, it splits into two paths; one goes directly to Botleie and Hinkseie, while the other winds its way by Godstow, a nearby village. The latter also spreads out briefly into several smaller branches, which reunite not far along their path. After weaving around several lovely meadows, it eventually flows by Oxford, which some believe should be called Ouseford in reference to this river, Charwell. Here, it meets the Charwell, and shortly after, the original branches join together at Abbandune (also known as Sensham or Abington, as we call it), although initially, no part of it came as close to the town as it does now until a branch was directed there. Some say that the main stream was brought there, which previously ran between Andredeseie and Culenham. The main stream, through the efforts of the monks, as evident from old records still available, and due to the decline of Cair Dour, now Dorchester itself, which once served as a thoroughfare from Wales and the west to London, is clear from this action. From there, it continues to Dorchester, and then to Thame, where it merges with a river of the same name, losing the name Isis or Ouse (from which Ouseneie at Oxford is derived) and from that point on is called Thamesis. From Thame, it travels to Wallingford and then to Reading, Pontium. In the past, it was called Pontium due to the number of bridges there, although the English name likely comes from Rhe or Ree, the Saint Marie over Rhee. Saxon word for a watercourse or river; which can be seen in Ouerée or Sutherée, meaning across the Ree or south of the Ree, as those knowledgeable can easily tell. However, some argue (not entirely without plausibility) that the word Sutherée is derived from Sudrijc, referring to the southern kingdom, which the Thames partially bounds. But that doesn't hold true for either the church's name or the name of the aforementioned county. Others also claim that Reading is named after the Greek word (ῥεω) meaning to overflow. Indeed, neither of these theories should be dismissed, but the latter [Page 80] comes closest to my view, asserting that not only the path of every water itself, but also its overflow was once called Rhe by the Saxons living in this island: and even today in Essex, I've often observed that when lowlands have been flooded due to rising waters, people watching have said, "Everything is on a Rhe," as if they were saying, "Everything is now a river," even though the word River is derived from French and borrowed from the Latins, but not without corruption, as it was introduced to them. I won't mention how mistaken those are who call the aforementioned church by the name of St. Marie Auderies, or St. Marie over Isis, or Ise, but I'll continue with the path of this noble stream, which, regardless of these issues, after passing through Kenet. Reading, and receiving the Kenet, which comes from the hills that Thetis. lie west of Marlborough (and then the Thetis, commonly known as the Tide coming from Thetisford) flows towards Sudlington, also called Maidenhead, and then to Windleshore (or Windsor), Eaton, and then to Chertsey, where Erkenwald, Bishop of London, once built a religious house or cell, as I have read.

From Chertseie it hasteth directlie vnto Stanes, and receiuing an other Cole. streame by the waie, called the Cole (wherevpon Colbrooke standeth) it goeth by Kingstone, Shene, Sion and Brentford or Bregentford, where it méeteth the Brane or the Brene (another brooke descending from Edgworth) whose name signifieth a frog, in the Brittish speach. Vpon this also sir John Thin had sometime a statelie house, with a maruellous prouision to inclose and reteine such fish as should come about the same. From Brene. Brentfoord it passeth by Mortlach, Putneie, Fulham, Batterseie, Chelseie, Lambeth, and so to London. Finallie going from thence vnto the sea, it taketh the Lée with it by the waie vpon the coast of Essex, and Darwent. another that commeth from Abreche not far off, and the Darnt vpon Kent side, which riseth néere to Tanrige, and commeth by Shoreham, vnto Craie. Derntford, wherevnto the Craie falleth. And last of all the Medwaie a notable riuer (in mine opinion) which watereth all the south and southwest part of Kent, and whose description shall insue.

From Chertsey, it heads directly to Staines, and picking up another stream along the way called the Cole (where Colbrooke stands), it passes by Kingston, Sheen, Syon, and Brentford, where it meets the Brane or the Brene (another brook flowing from Edgworth), whose name means frog in the British language. Sir John Thin once had a grand house by this brook, with an impressive setup to keep and catch fish that came around. From Brentford, it moves past Mortlake, Putney, Fulham, Battersea, Chelsea, Lambeth, and then into London. Finally, going from there to the sea, it brings along the Lea on the Essex coast, as well as another stream that comes from Abreche nearby, and the Darent on the Kent side, which rises near Tandridge and flows by Shoreham to Dartford, where it meets the Cray. And lastly, there's the Medway, a significant river (in my opinion) that waters all of the southern and southwestern part of Kent, with its description to follow.

Hauing in this maner bréefelie touched this noble riuer, and such brookes as fall into the same; I will now adde a particular description of each of these last by themselues, whereby their courses also shall be seuerallie described to the satisfaction of the studious. But yer I take the same in hand, I will insert a word or two of the commodities of the said riuer, which I will performe with so much breuitie as is possible. Héereby also finding out his whole tract and course from the head to the fall thereof into the sea. It appeareth euidentlie that the length thereof is at the least, one hundreth and eightie miles, if it be measured by the iourneies of the land. And as it is in course, the longest of the thrée famous riuers of this Ile, so it is nothing inferiour vnto them in aboundance of all kind of fish, whereof it is hard to saie, which of the three haue either most plentie, or greatest varietie, if the circumstances be duelie weighed. What some other write of the riuers of their countries it skilleth not, neither will I (as diuerse doo) inuent strange things of this noble streame, therewith to nobilitate and make it more honorable: but this will I in plaine termes affirme, that it neither swalloweth vp bastards of the Celtish brood, or casteth vp the right begotten that are throwne in without hurt into their mothers lap, as Politian fableth of the Rhene, Epistolarum lib. 8. epi. 6. nor yéeldeth clots of gold as the Tagus dooth: but an infinit plentie of excellent, swéet and pleasant fish, wherewith such as inhabit néere vnto hir bankes are fed and fullie nourished.

Having briefly touched on this noble river and the streams that flow into it, I will now provide a detailed description of each of these tributaries, allowing their courses to be described individually for the benefit of those who are interested. But before I delve into that, I will mention a few words about the advantages of the river, which I will do as briefly as possible. By doing this, I will also trace its entire route from the source to where it meets the sea. It’s clear that its length is at least one hundred and eighty miles when measured by land journeys. As the longest of the three famous rivers on this island, it is no less plentiful than they are in various types of fish, making it difficult to determine which of the three has either the most abundance or greatest variety, when all aspects are considered. What others write about the rivers in their countries doesn’t matter, and I won’t (like some do) invent fanciful tales about this noble stream to make it seem more remarkable: instead, I will simply state that it neither consumes illegitimate offspring of the Celtic lineage nor spouts forth the legitimate ones that are tossed in without harm to their mothers, as Politian suggests about the Rhine, in Epistolarum lib. 8. epi. 6. Nor does it yield nuggets of gold like the Tagus: instead, it offers an infinite supply of excellent, sweet, and delightful fish that feed and fully nourish those who live near its banks.

Salmons. What should I speake of the fat and swéet salmons, dailie taken in this streame, and that in such plentie (after the time of the smelt be past) as no riuer in Europa is able to excéed it. What store also of barbels, trouts, cheuins, pearches, smelts, breames, roches, daces, gudgings, flounders, shrimps, &c: are commonlie to be had therein, I refer me to them that know by experience better than I, by reason of their dailie trade of fishing in the same. And albeit it seemeth from time to time, to be as it were defrauded in sundrie wise of these hir large commodities, by the insatiable auarice of the fishermen, yet this famous riuer complaineth commonlie of no want, but the more it looseth at one time, the more it yéeldeth at another. Onelie in carps it séemeth to be [Page 81] Carps a fish late brought into England and later into the Thames. scant, sith it is not long since that kind of fish was brought ouer into England, and but of late to speake of into this streame, by the violent rage of sundrie landflouds, that brake open the heads and dams of diuers gentlemens ponds, by which means it became somewhat partaker also of this said commoditie, whereof earst it had no portion that I could euer heare. Oh that this riuer might be spared but euen one yeare from nets, &c! But alas then should manie a poore man be vndoone. In the meane time it is lamentable to see, how it is and hath béene choked of late with sands and shelues, through the penning and wresting of the course of the water for commodities sake. But as this is an inconuenience easilie remedied, if good order were taken for the redresse thereof: so now, the fine or prise set vpon the ballasse sometime freelie giuen to the merchants by patent, euen vnto the lands end (Iusques au poinct) will be another cause of harme vnto this noble streame, and all through an aduantage taken at the want of an (i) in the word ponct: which grew through an error committed by an English notarie vnskilfull in the French toong, wherein that patent was granted.

Salmon. What can I say about the fat and sweet salmon caught daily in this stream, and in such abundance (after the smelt season is over) that no river in Europe can match it? What a variety of barbel, trout, chub, perch, smelt, bream, roach, dace, gudgeon, flounder, shrimp, etc., are commonly found here, I leave to those who know better from their daily fishing experiences. And although it sometimes seems to be robbed of these great resources by the endless greed of the fishermen, this famous river usually complains of no shortage; the more it loses at one time, the more it yields at another. It only seems to be lacking in carp, as it has not been long since that type of fish was brought to England, and only recently to this stream, due to the violent flooding that broke open the heads and dams of various gentlemen's ponds, making it a bit of a participant in this resource, of which it previously had no share that I ever heard of. Oh, that this river could be spared even for one year from nets, etc.! But alas, that would ruin many a poor man. In the meantime, it is sad to see how it has been and continues to be choked by sands and shoals because of the alteration and manipulation of the water's course for the sake of profits. But while this is a problem that could easily be fixed with proper regulation, the fine or tax imposed on the ballast that was once freely given to merchants by patent, all the way to the land's end (jusques au poinct), will be another harm to this noble river, and all because of a mistake with the lack of an (i) in the word “ponct,” which arose from an error made by an English notary who was unskilled in French when that patent was granted.

Furthermore, the said riuer floweth and filleth all his chanels twise in the daie and night, that is in euerie twelue houres once; and this ebbing & flowing, holdeth on for the space of seauentie miles, within the maine land: the streame or tide being alwaies highest at London, when the moone dooth exactlie touch the northeast and south or west points of the heauens, of which one is visible, the other vnder the earth, and not subiect to our sight. These tides also differ in their times, each one comming latter than other, by so manie minuts as passe yer the reuolution and naturall course of the heauens doo reduce, and bring about the said planet vnto those hir former places: whereby the 36 The iust distāce betwéene one tide and another. common difference betwéene one tide and another, is found to consist of twentie foure minuts, which wanteth but twelue of an whole houre in foure and twentie, as experience dooth confirme. In like sort we sée by dailie triall, that each tide is not of equall heigth and greatnesse: for at the full and change of the moone we haue the greatest flouds, and such is their ordinarie course, that as they diminish from their changes and fuls, vnto the first and last quarters; so afterwards they increase againe, vntill they come to the full and change. Sometimes also they rise so high (if the wind be at the north or northeast, which bringeth in the water with more vehemencie, bicause the tide which filleth the chanell, commeth from Scotland ward) that the Thames ouerfloweth hir banks néere vnto London: which hapneth especiallie in the fuls and changes of Januarie and Februarie, wherein the lower grounds are of custome soonest drowned. This order of flowing in like sort is perpetuall, so that when the moone is vpon the southwest and north of points, then is the water by London at the highest: neither doo the tides alter, except some rough winds out of the west or southwest doo The streame oft checked in hir entrance into the land. kéepe backe and checke the streame in his entrance, as the east and northeast do hasten the comming in thereof, or else some other extraordinarie occasion, put by the ordinarie course of the northerne seas, which fill the said riuer by their naturall returne and flowing. And that both these doo happen eft among, I refer me to such as haue not sildome obserued it, as also the sensible chopping in of thrée or foure tides in one naturall daie, wherof the vnskilfull doo descant manie things.

Furthermore, the river flows and fills all its channels twice a day and night, which means every twelve hours once; and this ebbing and flowing goes on for about seventy miles inland. The tide is always highest at London when the moon is directly at the northeast, south, or west points of the sky, with one being visible and the other below the earth, out of our sight. These tides also vary in their timings, with each one arriving later than the last by several minutes due to the movement and natural course of the heavens bringing the moon back to those same positions. The average gap between one tide and another is found to be about twenty-four minutes, falling short of a full hour in a twenty-four hour period, as experience confirms. Similarly, we see through daily observation that each tide is not of equal height and size: during the full and new moons, we have the highest tides, and their typical cycle shows that as they decrease from these phases to the first and last quarters, they later increase again until reaching the full and new moons. Sometimes, they rise so high (if the wind is from the north or northeast, which pushes in the water more forcefully because the tide filling the channel comes from Scotland) that the Thames overflows its banks near London, especially during the full and new moons of January and February, when the low-lying areas are usually the first to get flooded. This pattern of flowing is also continuous, so when the moon is southwest or north of the points, the water is at its highest near London. The tides don't change unless some strong winds from the west or southwest hold back and check the flow as the east and northeast winds speed it up, or due to some other unusual circumstance affecting the usual flow from the northern seas that naturally fill the river. Both of these situations do happen from time to time, as I've noted to those who have often observed it, along with the noticeable influx of three or four tides in a single natural day, which the unskilled often misinterpret in many ways.

But how so euer these small matters doo fall out, and how often soeuer this course of the streame doth happen to be disturbed; yet at two seuerall times of the age of the moone, the waters returne to their naturall course and limits of time exactlie. Polydore saith, that this riuer is seldome increased or rather neuer ouerfloweth hir banks by landflouds: but he is herein verie much deceiued, as it shalbe more apparentlie séene hereafter. For the more that this riuer is put by of hir right course, the more the water must of necessitie swell with the white waters which run downe from the land: bicause the passage cannot be so swift and readie in the winding as in the streight course. These landflouds also doo greatlie straine the finesse of the streame, in so much that after a great landfloud, you shall take haddocks with your hands beneath the bridge, as they flote aloft vpon the water, whose eies are so blinded with the thicknesse of that element, that they cannot see [Page 82] where to become, and make shift to saue themselues before death take hold of them. Otherwise the water of it selfe is verie cléere, and in comparison next vnto that of the sea, which is most subtile and pure of all other; as that of great riuers is most excellent, in comparison of smaller brookes: although Aristotle will haue the salt water to be most grosse, bicause a ship will beare a greater burden on the sea than on the fresh water; and an eg sinke in this that swimmeth on the other. But he may easilie be answered by the quantitie of roome and aboundance of waters in the sea; whereby it becommeth of more force to susteine such vessels as are committed to the same, and whervnto the greatest riuers (God wot) are nothing comparable. I would here make mention of sundrie London bridge. bridges placed ouer this noble streame, of which that of London is most chieflie to be commended, for it is in maner a cōtinuall street, well replenished with large and statelie houses on both sides, and situat vpon twentie arches, whereof ech one is made of excellent free squared stone, euerie of them being thréescore foot in height, and full twentie in distance one from another, as I haue often viewed.

But no matter how these small things turn out, and no matter how often the flow of the river gets disrupted, at two specific phases of the moon, the waters return to their natural course and timing exactly. Polydore claims that this river rarely floods or doesn’t overflow its banks due to land floods, but he is very much mistaken, as will become clear later. The more this river is diverted from its original path, the more the water has to rise with the runoff from the land, because the flow can’t be as fast and smooth in the winding parts as it is in straight stretches. These land floods also greatly strain the clarity of the stream, so much so that after a big flood, you can catch haddocks with your hands beneath the bridge, as they float on the surface, their eyes so blinded by the murkiness that they can’t see where to go and struggle to save themselves before death takes them. Otherwise, the water itself is very clear, especially compared to that of the sea, which is the most refined and pure of all; as the water from larger rivers is far superior to that of smaller streams. Although Aristotle argues that saltwater is denser since a ship can carry more weight on the sea than in freshwater, while an egg sinks in freshwater but floats in saltwater. However, this can be easily countered by the sheer volume and abundance of seawater, which gives it more capacity to support such vessels, and compared to it, even the largest rivers are nothing significant. I would like to mention several bridges spanning this noble river, with the bridge in London being especially noteworthy, as it is almost a continuous street, well populated with large and impressive houses on both sides, sitting on twenty arches, each made of fine quarried stone, each one being sixty feet high and twenty feet apart, as I have often seen.

In like maner I could intreat of the infinit number of swans dailie to be séene 2000 boates vpon the Thames and 3000 poore mē mainteined by the same whose gaines come in most plentifullie in the tearme time. vpon this riuer, the two thousand wherries and small boats, wherby three thousand poore watermen are mainteined, through the cariage and recariage of such persons as passe or repasse, from time to time vpon the same: beside those huge tideboats, tiltbotes, and barges, which either carrie passengers, or bring necessarie prouision from all quarters of Oxfordshire, Barkeshire, Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, Herfordshire, Midlesex, Essex, Surrie, and Kent, vnto the citie of London. But for somuch as these things are to be repeated againe in the particular description of London, annexed to his card; I surceasse at this time to speake anie more of them here, as not lingering but hasting to performe my promise made euen now, not yet forgotten, and in performance whereof I thinke it best to resume the description of this noble riuer againe into my hands, and in adding whatsoeuer is before omitted, to deliuer a full and perfect demonstration of his course. How and where the said streame ariseth, is alreadie & with sufficiencie set downe, noting the place to be within a mile of Tetburie, whereof some doo vtterlie mislike, bicause that rill in summer drouths is oft so drie, that there is little or no water at all séene running aboue ground in the same. Isis. For this cause therefore manie affirme the verie head of Isis to come from the poole aboue Kemble. Other confound it with the head of the Cirne or Chirne, called in Latine Corinium that riseth aboue Coberleie. For my part I follow Leland, as he dooth the moonke of Malmesburie, which wrote the historie intituled Eulogium historiarum, who searched the same of set purpose, and pronounced with Leland, although at this present that course be verie small, and choked vp (as I heare) with grauell and sand. Procéeding therefore from the head, it first of all Couus. receiueth the Kemble water called the Coue, which riseth aboue Kemble towne, goeth by Kemble it selfe vnto Poole and Somerford, and then (accompanieth the Thames) vnto Canes, Ashton, Canes, and Howston, holding on in one chanell vntill they méet with the Chirne, the next of all to be described.

Similarly, I could talk about the countless swans you can see every day 2000 boats on the Thames and 3000 poor men supported by those whose earnings are highest during the school term. on this river, the two thousand wherries and small boats, which maintain three thousand poor watermen through the transport and return of those who travel back and forth, from time to time on the same: besides those large tideboats, tilt boats, and barges, which either carry passengers or bring essential supplies from all over Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, Hertfordshire, Middlesex, Essex, Surrey, and Kent, to the city of London. However, since these matters will be discussed again in the specific description of London, attached to his map, I will refrain from speaking any more about them here, as I am eager to fulfill the promise I just made, which has not been forgotten, and in keeping that promise, I think it’s best to return to the description of this noble river and, by adding anything that was omitted earlier, provide a full and complete depiction of its course. How and where this stream originates is already sufficiently noted, indicating the location to be within a mile of Tetbury, which some completely dislike because that little stream often runs so dry during summer droughts that there is little or no water seen flowing above ground. Isis. For this reason, many assert that the true source of the Isis comes from the pool above Kemble. Others confuse it with the source of the Cirne or Chirne, known in Latin as Corinium, which rises above Coberley. For my part, I follow Leland, as he does the monk of Malmesbury, who wrote the history titled Eulogium Historiarum, who specifically investigated this and agreed with Leland, although at present its course is very small and choked up (as I hear) with gravel and sand. Thus, starting from the source, it first receives the Kemble water called the Coue, which rises above Kemble town, flows past Kemble itself to Poole and Somerford, and then (joins the Thames) towards Canes, Ashton, Canes, and Howston, continuing in one channel until they meet with the Chirne, the next one to be described.

Corinium. The Chirne is a faire water arising out of the ground aboue Coberleie, from whence it runneth to Cowleie, Cowlesburne, Randcome, and so into the Isis on the left side aboue Crekelade. These thrée waters being thus vnited and brought into one chanell, within a little space of the head of Isis, it runneth on by Crekelade, beneath which towne it receiueth Rhe. the Rhe, descending from Elcombe, Escot, Redburne, Widhill, & at the fall into Isis, or not far off ioineth with another that runneth west of Purton by Braden forrest, &c. Next of all our Isis méeteth with the Amneie. Amneie on the left hand, which comming from aboue Holie roode Amneie, runneth by Downe Amneie, and finallie into the Isis a little aboue Iseie. In like sort I read of another that méeteth withall on the right hand aboue Iseie also, which so far as I can call to remembrance, commeth from about Drifield and falleth so into our Isis, that they run as one vntill they come at the Colne, although not so nakedlie and without helpe, but that in this voiage, the maine streame dooth crosse one water that descendeth from Swindon, and going also by Stratton [Page 83] toward Seuingham, is it selfe increased with two rils by the waie, whereof one commeth from Liddenton by Wambreie, as I haue béene informed.

Cirencester. The Chirne is a beautiful river that rises from the ground above Coberleie, flowing to Cowleie, Cowlesburne, Randcome, and into the Isis on the left side above Crekelade. These three rivers come together and flow into one channel a short distance from the head of the Isis, running past Crekelade. Just below this town, it receives the Rhe. The Rhe originates from Elcombe, Escot, Redburne, Widhill, and when it joins the Isis, it connects with another river that flows west of Purton, near Braden forest, etc. Next, our Isis meets the Amnesia. The Amneie, coming from above Holie roode Amneie, flows by Downe Amneie and finally into the Isis just above Iseie. Similarly, I read about another river that joins on the right side above Iseie, which, as far as I can remember, comes from around Drifield and flows into our Isis, where they run as one until they reach the Colne. However, it’s not entirely seamless; during this journey, the main stream crosses another river descending from Swindon, which also flows by Stratton toward Seuingham and is itself fed by two smaller streams along the way, one of which comes from Liddenton by Wambreie, as I have been informed.

Colneius, Colineus, or Colunus. The Colne is a faire riuer rising by north neere to Witchington, & from thence goeth to Shiptons, Compton Abdale, Wittenton, Parneworth, Colne Deanes, and Colne Rogers, Winston, Biberie, Colne Alens, Quenington, Faireford, and west of Lachelade into the riuer Isis, which hereabout on the southside also taketh in another, whereof I find this remembrance. The Isis being once past Seuingham, crosseth a brooke from southest that mounteth about Ashbirie, and receiuing a rill from bywest (that commeth from Hinton) beneath Shrineham, it afterward so diuideth it selfe, that the armes therof include Inglesham, and by reason that it falleth into the Isis at two seuerall places, there is a plesant Iland producted, whereof let this suffice.

Colneius, Colineus, or Colunus. The Colne is a beautiful river that starts in the north near Witchington, and from there flows to Shiptons, Compton Abdale, Wittenton, Parneworth, Colne Deanes, and Colne Rogers, then on to Winston, Biberie, Colne Alens, Quenington, Faireford, and west of Lachelade into the river Isis. Around here, on the south side, it also picks up another stream, of which I have this note. After the Isis passes Seuingham, it crosses a brook from the southeast that rises near Ashbirie, and taking in a small stream from the west (which comes from Hinton) below Shrineham, it subsequently divides in such a way that its branches enclose Inglesham. Because it flows into the Isis at two separate points, a lovely island is formed, and this is all I will say about it.

Lecusor Leche. Being past Lechelade a mile, it runneth to saint Johns bridge, & thereabout méeteth with the Leche on the left hand. This brooke, whereof Lechlade taketh the name (a towne wherevnto one péece of an old vniuersitie is ascribed, which it did neuer possesse, more than Crekelade did the other) riseth east of Hampnet, frō whence it goeth to north Lech, Estenton, Anlesworth, east Lech, south Thorpe, Farendon, & so into the Isis. From hence this famous water goeth by Kenskot toward Radcote bridge (taking in the rill that riseth in an od péece of Barkeshire, and runneth by Langford) and being past the said bridge (now notable through a conspiracie made there sometimes by sundrie barons against the estate) it is not long yer it crosse two other waters, both of them descending from another od parcell of the said countie, whereof I haue this note giuen me for my further information. There are two fals of water into Isis beneath Radcote bridge, wherof the one commeth from Shilton in Barkeshire by Arescote, blacke Burton and Clarrefield. The other also riseth in the same péece, and runneth by Brisenorton vnto Bampton, and there receiuing an armelet from the first that breake off at blacke Burton, it is not long yer they fall into Isis, and leaue a pretie Iland. After these confluences, the maine course of Winrush. the streame hasteth by Shifford to Newbridge, where it ioineth with the Winrush. The Winrush riseth aboue Shieburne in Glocestershire, from whence it goeth to Winrush, & cōming by Barrington, Burford, Widbrooke, Swinbecke castell, Witneie, Duckington, Cockthorpe, Stanlake, it méeteth with the Isis west by south of Northmore. From hence it goeth beneath Stanton, Hartingcourt and Ensham, betwéene which and Cassinton, Briwerus. it receiueth (as Leland calleth it) the Bruerne water.

Lecusor Milk. After passing Lechlade by a mile, it runs to Saint John's bridge, where it meets the Leche on the left side. This stream, from which Lechlade gets its name (a town that has been associated with an old university it never actually owned, just like Crekelade with the other), rises east of Hampnet, from which it flows to North Lech, Eastenton, Anlesworth, East Lech, South Thorpe, Farendon, and then into the Isis. From here, the famous water flows by Kenskot toward Radcote bridge (collecting the stream that rises in a peculiar part of Barkshire and flows by Langford) and after passing the bridge (which is now notable for a conspiracy once plotted there by several barons against the estate), it doesn't take long before it crosses two other streams, both of which descend from another odd parcel of the same county, of which I have this note given to me for my further information. There are two streams that flow into the Isis below Radcote bridge, one coming from Shilton in Barkshire by Arescote, Black Burton, and Clarrefield. The other also rises in the same area and flows by Brisenorton to Bampton, where it receives a little stream from the first that branches off at Black Burton; it isn't long before they both fall into the Isis, leaving a pretty island. After these confluences, the main course of Windrush. the stream rushes by Shifford to Newbridge, where it joins with the Winrush. The Winrush rises above Shieburne in Gloucestershire, from there it flows to Winrush, passing through Barrington, Burford, Widbrooke, Swinbecke castle, Witney, Duckington, Cockthorpe, and Stanlake, meeting the Isis to the west-southwest of Northmore. From here it flows beneath Stanton, Hartingcourt, and Ensham, between which and Cassington, Briwerus. it receives (as Leland calls it) the Bruerne water.

It riseth aboue Limington, and going to Norton in the Marsh, and through a patch of Worcestershire vnto Euenlode, betweene it and the foure Comus. shirestones, it taketh in a rill called Come, comming by the long and the little Comptons. After this also it goeth by Bradwell, Odington, and Rolrich. so to Bleddenton, aboue which towne it taketh in the Rolrich water that issueth at two heads, in the hils that lie by west of little Rolrich, and ioine aboue Kenkeham, and Church hill. From thence also it goeth vnto Bruerne, Shipton vnderwood, Ascot, Short hamton, Chorleburie, Corneburie parke, Stonfield, Longcombe, and southeast of Woodstocke Enis. parke, taketh in the Enis, that riseth aboue Emstone, and goeth to Ciddington, Glimton, Wotton (where it is increased with a rill that runneth thither from stéeple Barton, by the Béechin trée) Woodstocke, Blaidon, so that after this confluence, the said Enis runneth to Cassinton, and so into the Isis, which goeth from hence to Oxford, and there receiueth the Charwell, now presentlie to be described.

It rises above Limington and flows towards Norton in the Marsh, passing through a section of Worcestershire to Euenlode, between it and the four county stones. It takes in a stream called Come, which runs by the Long and Little Comptons. After that, it continues past Bradwell, Odington, and Rolrich, heading to Bleddenton, above which town it collects the Rolrich water that comes from two sources in the hills west of Little Rolrich, joining above Kenkeham and Church Hill. From there, it goes to Bruerne, Shipton Underwood, Ascot, Short Hamton, Chorleburie, Corneburie Park, Stonfield, Longcombe, and southeast of Woodstock Park. It takes in the Enis, which rises above Emstone and flows to Ciddington, Glimton, and Wotton (where it is joined by a stream that runs from Steeple Barton, by the Beech tree) then moves on to Woodstock, Blaidon. After this confluence, the Enis flows to Cassington and then into the Isis, which continues on to Oxford, where it receives the Charwell, which will now be described.

Charwell. The head of Charwell is in Northamptonshire, where it riseth out of a little poole, by Charleton village, seuen miles aboue Banberie northeast, and there it issueth so fast at the verie surge, that it groweth into a pretie streame, in maner out of hand. Soone after also Bure. it taketh in a rillet called the Bure, which falleth into it, about Otmere side: but forasmuch as it riseth by Bincester, the whole course therof is not aboue foure miles, and therefore cannot be great. A friend of mine prosecuting the rest of this description reporteth thereof as followeth. Before the Charwell commeth into Oxfordshire, it receiueth the Culen. Culen, which falleth into the same, a little aboue Edgcote, and so [Page 84] descending toward Wardington, it méeteth with another comming from by north west, betweene Wardington and Cropreadie. At Banberie also it Come. méeteth with the Come (which falleth from fennie Conton by Farneboro, and afterwards going by kings Sutton, not far from Aine, it receiueth the discharge of diuerse rillets, in one bottome before it come at Clifton. The said water therfore ingendred of so manie brookelets, Ocus. consisteth chiefelie of two, whereof the most southerlie called Oke, commeth from Oke Norton, by Witchington or Wiggington, and the Berfords; and carieng a few blind rils withall, dooth méet with the other that falleth from by northwest into the same, within a mile of Charwell.

Charwell. The Charwell River starts in Northamptonshire, emerging from a small pool near Charleton village, seven miles northeast of Banbury. It flows out rapidly at the source, quickly becoming a charming stream. Shortly after, it takes in a small stream called the Bure, which flows into it near Otmere. Since it rises near Bincester, its entire length is no more than four miles, so it can't be very large. A friend of mine who is continuing this description reports the following. Before the Charwell enters Oxfordshire, it receives the Cullen. The Culen flows into it just above Edgcote, and as it descends towards Wardington, it meets another stream coming from the northwest, between Wardington and Cropredy. At Banbury, it also meets the Come here. The Come flows down from the marshy area of Conton near Farneboro, and then, passing by Kings Sutton and not far from Aine, it collects water from various little streams, merging into one body before reaching Clifton. Therefore, this water made up of so many smaller streams Oculus. consists mainly of two, the southernmost called Oke, which comes from Oke Norton, passing through Witchington or Wiggington and the Berfords. It carries a few minor streams and meets the other stream that flows in from the northwest, within a mile of Charwell.

That other (as I coniecture) is increased of thrée waters, wherof each Tudo. one hath his seuerall name. The first of them therefore hight Tudo, which comming betwéene Epwell and the Lée by Toddington, ioineth about Ornus. Broughton with the second that runneth from Horneton, named Ornus, as I gesse. The last falleth into the Tude or Tudelake, beneath Broughton; and for that it riseth not far from Sotteswell in Warwikeshire, some are Sotbrooke. of the opinion, that it is to be called Sotbrooke. The next water that méeteth without Charwell beneath Clifton commeth from about Croughton, Souarus.
Sowar.
and after this is the Sowar or Swere, that riseth north of Michaell Tew, Burus. and runneth by nether Wotton. The last of all is the Reie aliàs Bure, whose head is not far aboue Burcester, aliàs Bincester, and Burncester: and from whence it goeth by Burecester to Merton, Charleton, Fencote, Addington, Noke, Islip, and so into Charwell, that holdeth on his course after this augmentation of the waters, betwéene Wood and Water Eton, to Marston, and the east bridge of Oxford by Magdalene college, and so beneath the south bridge into our aforesaid Isis.

That other river (as I guess) is formed from three streams, each with its own name. The first is called Tudo, which flows between Epwell and the Lée near Toddington and merges with the second, which comes from Horneton and is named Ornus, as I believe. The last river flows into the Tude or Tudelake, beneath Broughton; and since it rises not far from Sotteswell in Warwickshire, some think it should be called Sotbrooke. The next stream that meets Charwell below Clifton comes from near Croughton, and after this is the Sowar or Swere, which rises north of Michael Tew and flows past Nether Wotton. Finally, there's the Reie, also known as Bure, whose source is not far above Burcester, also called Bincester and Burncester: from there, it flows past Burecester to Merton, Charleton, Fencote, Addington, Noke, Islip, and then into Charwell, which continues on its course after this mix of waters, between Wood and Water Eton, to Marston, and the east bridge of Oxford by Magdalene College, and then below the south bridge into our aforementioned Isis.

Middest of England whereabouts. In describing this riuer, this one thing (right honorable) is come vnto my mind, touching the center and nauill as it were of England. Certes there is an hillie plot of ground in Helledon parish, not far from Danberie, where a man maie stand and behold the heads of thrée notable riuers, whose waters, and those of such as fall into them, doo abundantlie serue the greatest part of England on this side of the Humber. The first of these waters is the Charwell, alreadie described. The second is the Leme that goeth westward into the fourth Auon. And the third is the head of the Nene or fift Auon it selfe, of whose courses there is no card but doth make sufficient mention; and therefore your honour maie behold in the same how they doo coast the countrie, and also measure by compasses how this plot lieth in respect of all the rest, contrarie to common iudgement, which maketh Northampton to be the middest and center of our countrie.

The Location of Central England. While describing this river, one thing comes to mind, honorable reader, about the center and hub of England. Indeed, there is a hilly area in Helledon parish, not far from Danbury, where a person can stand and see the sources of three notable rivers, whose waters, along with those that flow into them, serve most of England on this side of the Humber. The first of these rivers is the Charwell, which has already been described. The second is the Leme, which flows westward into the fourth Avon. The third is the source of the Nene, or the fifth Avon itself, which is sufficiently mentioned on any map, allowing you to see how they navigate the country and measure with compasses how this area compares to the others, contrary to the common belief that Northampton is the center of our country.

But to go forward with my description of the Ouse, which being past Oxford goeth to Iflie, Kennington, Sanford, Rodleie, Newnham, and so to Abington, som time called Sensham, without increase, where it receiueth Ocus. the Oche, otherwise called the Coche, a little beneath S. Helens, which runneth thither of two brooklets, as I take it, whereof one commeth from Compton, out of the vale and west of the hill of the White horsse, the other from Kings Letcombe, and Wantage in Barkshire, and in one chanell, entreth into the same, vpon the right side of his course. From Abington Arun. likewise (taking the Arun withall southwest of Sutton Courtneie) it goeth by Appleford, long Wittenham, Clifton, Wittenham the lesse, & beneath Dorchester, taketh in the Thame water, from whence the Isis loseth the preheminence of the whole denomination of this riuer, and is contented to impart the same with the Thame, so that by the coniunction of these two waters Thamesis is producted, and that name continued euen vnto the sea.

But to continue with my description of the Ouse, which flows past Oxford to Iflie, Kennington, Sanford, Rodleie, Newnham, and then to Abington, sometimes called Sensham, without gaining any size, where it meets the Oculus. the Oche, also known as the Coche, just below St. Helens, which comes from two small streams, as I understand it. One flows from Compton, out of the valley and west of the hill of the White Horse, while the other comes from Kings Letcombe and Wantage in Berkshire, and they merge into one channel on the right side of its flow. From Abington Arun. it also continues (taking the Arun with it, southwest of Sutton Courtney) by Appleford, Long Wittenham, Clifton, Wittenham the Lesser, and below Dorchester, it takes in the Thame water, from which point the Isis loses its primary name and is willing to share it with the Thame, so that with the joining of these two waters, Thamesis is formed, and that name continues all the way to the sea.

Thame. Thame riuer riseth in the easterlie parts of Chilterne hils, towards Penleie parke, at a towne called Tring west of the said parke, which is seauen miles from the stone bridge, that is betweene Querendon and Ailsburie (after the course of the water) as Leland hath set downe. Running therefore by long Merston, and Puttenham, Hucket, and Bearton, it receiueth soone after a rill that commeth by Querendon from Hardwike, and yer long an other on the other side that riseth aboue Windouer in the Chilterne, and passing by Halton, Weston, Turrill, Broughton, and Ailsburie, it falleth into the Tame west of the said towne (except my memorie doo faile me.) From this confluence the Tame goeth by Ethorpe, [Page 85] the Winchingtons, Coddington, Chersleie, Notleie abbeie: and comming almost to Tame, it receiueth one water from southeast aboue the said towne, and another also from the same quarter beneath the towne; so that Tame standeth inuironed vpon thrée sides with thrée seuerall waters, as maie be easilie séene. The first of these commeth from the Chiltern east of Below or Bledlow, from whence it goeth to Hinton, Horsenden, Kingseie, Towseie, and so into the Tame. The other descendeth also from the Chilterne, and going by Chinner, Crowell, Siddenham, and Tame parke, it falleth in the end into Tame water, and then they procéed togither as one by Shabbington, Ricot parke, Dracot, Waterstoke, Milton, Cuddesdon, and Chiselton. Here also it taketh in another water from by-east, whose head commeth from Chilterne hils, not farre from Stocking church, in the waie from Oxford to London. From whence it runneth to Weston (and méeting beneath Cuxham with Watlington rill) it goeth onto Chalgraue, Stadham, and so into the Tame. From hence our streame of Thame runneth to Newenton, Draton, Dorchester (sometime a bishops see, and a noble citie) and so into the Thames, which hasteth in like sort to Bensington, Blauius. Crowmarsh, or Wallingford, where it receiueth the Blaue, descending from Blaueburg, now Blewberie, as I learne.

Thame. The Thame River begins in the eastern part of the Chiltern Hills, near Penley Park, at a town called Tring, which is seven miles from the stone bridge between Quarrendon and Aylesbury (following the water’s route), as Leland has noted. It then flows through Long Marston, Puttenham, Hucket, and Bearton, quickly picking up a stream that comes from Quarrendon near Hardwick. Not long after, it gathers another stream from the direction of Windsor in the Chilterns, flowing past Halton, Weston, Turrill, Broughton, and Aylesbury, before emptying into the Thames just west of the town (unless I misremember). From this point, the Thames flows by Ethorpe, the Winchingtons, Coddington, Chersley, and Notley Abbey. As it approaches Tame, it receives one water source from the southeast above the town, and another from the same area below the town, making Tame surrounded on three sides by three different waters, which is easily seen. The first one comes from the Chilterns east of Bledlow, flowing to Hinton, Horsenden, Kingsey, and Towsie before joining the Thames. The other descends from the Chilterns as well, passing through Chinner, Crowell, Siddenham, and Tame Park, eventually falling into the Thames, which then continues together as one waterway through Shabbington, Ricot Park, Draycot, Waterstock, Milton, Cuddesdon, and Chiselton. Here, it also takes in another water source from the east, which originates in the Chiltern Hills, not far from Stocking Church, along the route from Oxford to London. This water flows to Weston, and after merging with the Watlington Stream below Cuxham, it continues on to Chalgrove, Stadhampton, and then into the Thames. From there, our Thame stream runs to Newington, Drayton, Dorchester (once a bishop's see and a noble city) and finally into the Thames, which then rushes toward Benson, Blauius. Crowmarsh, or Wallingford, where it receives the Blaue, flowing down from Blaugburg, now Blewbury, as I've learned.

Thus haue I brought the Thames vnto Wallingford, situate in the vale of White horsse, that runneth a long therby. From hence it goeth by Newenham, north Stoke, south Stoke, Goring, Bassilden, Pangburne, where it meeteth with a water that commeth from about Hamsted Norris, runneth by Frizelham, Buckelburie, Stanford, Bradfeld, Tidmarsh and Pangburne. After which confluence it goeth on betweene Mapledorham and Purleie, to Cauersham, and Cauersham manour, and a little beneath receiueth the Kenet that commeth thereinto from Reading.

Thus, I have brought the Thames to Wallingford, located in the Vale of White Horse, which runs nearby. From here, it flows by Newenham, North Stoke, South Stoke, Goring, Bassilden, and Pangbourne, where it meets a stream that comes from around Hamstead Norris, flowing past Frilsham, Bucklebury, Stanford, Bradfield, Tidmarsh, and Pangbourne. After this confluence, it continues between Mapledurham and Purley, to Caversham, and the Caversham Manor, and shortly after receives the Kennet that flows in from Reading.

Cenethus. The Kenet riseth aboue Ouerton 5 or 6 miles west of Marleborow, or Marlingsborow, as some call it; & then going by Fifeld, Clatfor, Maulon, & Preshute, vnto Marleburie: it holdeth on in like order to Ramsburie, and northwest of little Cote, taketh in a water by north descending from the hilles aboue Alburne chase west of Alburne town. Thence it runneth to little Cote, Charnhamstréet, & beneth Charnhamstréet it crosseth the Bedwiine.
Chalkeburne.
Bedwin, which (taking the Chalkburne rill withall) commeth from great Bedwijne, & at Hungerford also two other in one botom somewhat beneath the towne. From hence it goeth to Auington, Kinburie, Hamsted marshall, Lamburne. Euburne, Newberie; and beneath this towne, taketh in the Lamburne water that commeth by Isberie, Egerston, the Sheffords, Westford, Boxford, Donington castell, and Shaw. From Newberie it goeth to Thatcham, Alburnus. Wolhampton, Aldermaston, a little aboue which village it receiueth the Alburne, another brooke increased with sundrie rils: and thus going on to Padworth, Oston, and Michaell, it commeth at last to Reading, where (as I said) it ioineth with the Thames, and so they go forward as one by Sonning to Shiplake, and there on the east side receiue the Loddon that commeth downe thither from the south, as by his course appéereth.

Cenethus. The River Kenet rises about 5 or 6 miles west of Marlborough, or Marlingsborough, as some call it; and then flows past Fifield, Clatford, Maulon, and Preshute to Marlborough. It continues in a similar path to Ramsbury, and northwest of Little Cote, it takes in a stream from the north that descends from the hills above Albourne Chase, west of Albourne town. From there, it flows to Little Cote, Charnham Street, and below Charnham Street, it crosses the Bedouin.
Chalkburn.
Bedwin, which (including the Chalkburne rill) comes from Great Bedwin, and at Hungerford, it meets two other streams in one area just below the town. From here, it continues to Avington, Kinbury, Hampstead Marshall, Lamburne. Euburne, Newbury; and just below this town, it picks up the Lamburne water that flows by Isbury, Egerston, the Sheffords, Westford, Boxford, Donnington Castle, and Shaw. From Newbury, it flows to Thatcham, Alburnus. Wolhampton, Aldermaston, and just above this village, it receives the Alburne, another brook fed by several streams: and then it continues on to Padworth, Oaken, and Michael, finally arriving at Reading, where (as I mentioned) it joins the Thames, and they flow together as one through Sonning to Shiplake, where on the east side it receives the Loddon that comes down from the south, as shown by its course.

Lodunus. The Loddon riseth in Hamshire betwéene west Shirburne and Wooton toward the southwest, afterward directing his course toward the northwest, thorough the Vine, it passeth at the last by Bramlie, and thorough a peece of Wiltshire, to Stradfield, Swallowfield, Arberfield, Loddon bridge, leauing a patch of Wiltshire on the right hand (as I haue béene informed.) This Loddon not far from Turges towne receiueth two waters in one bottome, whereof the westerlie called Basing water, commeth from Basingstoke, and thorough a parke vnto the aforesaid place.

Lodunus. The Loddon starts in Hampshire between west Shirburne and Wooton to the southwest, then heads northwest, flowing through the Vine, and finally passing by Bramlie, through a piece of Wiltshire, to Stradfield, Swallowfield, Arborfield, and Loddon Bridge, leaving a patch of Wiltshire on the right side (as I’ve been informed). This Loddon, not far from Turges Town, receives two streams in one area, with the western one called Basing Water, which comes from Basingstoke and flows through a park to the aforementioned place.

The other descendeth of two heads from Mapledour well, and goeth by Skewes, Newenham, Rotherwijc, and yer it come at Hartlie, ioineth with the Basing water, from whence they go togither to Turges, where they méet with the Loddon (as I haue said alreadie.) The next streame toward Ditis vadum. the south is called Ditford brooke. It riseth not farre from Vpton, goeth Ikelus. by Gruell, and beneath Wharnborow castell receiueth the Ikell (comming from a parke of the same denomination) from whence they go togither by Maddingleie vnto Swalowfield, and so into the Loddon. In this voiage [Page 86] Elueius. also the Loddon méeteth with the Elwie or Elueie that commeth from Aldershare, not farre by west of Euersleie: and about Eluesham Ducus. likewise with another running from Dogmansfield named the Douke: and Erin. also the third not inferior to the rest comming from Erin, whose head is in Surreie, and going by Ash becommeth a limit, first betwéene Surreie and Hamshire; then betwéene Hamshire and Barkeshire, and passing by Ash, Erinleie, Blacke water, Perleie, and Finchamsted; it ioineth at last with the Ditford, before it come at Swalowfield. To conclude therefore with our Loddon, hauing receiued all these waters; and after the last confluence with them now being come to Loddon bridge, it passeth on by a part of Wiltshire to Twiford bridge, then to Wargraue, and so into the Thames that now is maruellouslie increased and growen vnto triple greatnesse (to that it was at Oxford.)

The other river branches off from Mapledour well and flows past Skewes, Newenham, and Rotherwijc, eventually reaching Hartlie, where it joins the Basing water. From there, they continue together to Turges, where they meet the Loddon (as I’ve already mentioned). The next stream to the south is called Ditford brook. It rises not far from Upton, flows by Gruell, and under Wharnborow castle, it takes in the Ikell (which comes from a park of the same name). Together, they flow past Maddingleie to Swalowfield and then into the Loddon. On this journey, the Loddon also meets the Elwie or Elueie that comes from Aldershare, not far west of Euersleie. Near Elvesham, it also joins another stream from Dogmansfield called the Douke. Additionally, there’s a third stream, no less significant, coming from Erin, whose source is in Surrey. It flows past Ash, forming a boundary first between Surrey and Hampshire, then between Hampshire and Berkshire, passing by Ash, Erinleie, Blackwater, Perleie, and Finchamsted before finally joining the Ditford, just before it reaches Swalowfield. To conclude with our Loddon, after receiving all these waters, it flows past Loddon bridge, continuing through part of Wiltshire to Twiford bridge, then to Wargraue, and so into the Thames, which has now remarkably increased to three times its size compared to when it was at Oxford.

Being therefore past Shiplake and Wargraue, it runneth by Horsependon, or Harding: then to Henleie vpon Thames, where sometime a great rill voideth it selfe in the same. Then to Remenham, Greneland (going all this waie from Shiplake iust north, and now turning eastwards againe) by Medenham, Hurlie, Bisham, Marlow the greater, Marlow the lesse, it meeteth with a brooke soone after that consisteth of the water of two Vsa. rilles, whereof the one called the Vse, riseth about west Wickham, out of one of the Chilterne hilles, and goeth from thence to east Wickham or high Wickham, a pretie market towne. The other named Higden, descendeth Higden. also from those mounteines but a mile beneath west Wickham, and ioining both in one at the last, in the west end of east Wickham towne, they go togither to Wooburne, Hedsor, & so into the Thames. Some call it the Tide; and that word doo I vse in my former treatise: but to procéed. After this confluence our Thames goeth on by Cowkham, Topleie, Maidenhead, aliàs Sudlington, Braie, Dorneie, Clure, new Windsore (taking in neuerthelesse, at Eaton by the waie, the Burne which riseth out of a Moore, & commeth thither by Burnham) old Windsor, Wraiborow, and a little by east therof doth crosse the Cole, whereof I find this short description insuing.

Being past Shiplake and Wargrauve, it flows by Horsependon, or Harding; then to Henley-on-Thames, where a great stream empties into it. Next, it continues to Remenham, Greneland (traveling north from Shiplake and then turning east again), passing by Medenham, Hurley, Bisham, Marlow the Greater, and Marlow the Lesser, where it soon merges with a brook made up of the waters of two rivers, one called the Vse, which rises near West Wickham from one of the Chiltern hills, flowing to East Wickham, also known as High Wickham, a charming market town. The other, named Higden, also comes from those hills but a mile below West Wickham, and joining together at the west end of East Wickham town, they continue together to Wooburn, Hedsor, and then into the Thames. Some refer to it as the Tide; and that term was used in my earlier work. But to continue, after this merging, our Thames flows on past Cowkam, Topley, Maidenhead, also known as Sudlington, Bray, Dorney, Cliveden, and New Windsor (taking in, however, the Burn that rises from a moor and comes here by Burnham along the way), Old Windsor, Wraysbury, and a short distance to the east, it crosses the Colne, which I’ll briefly describe next.

Colus, aliàs Vere and Vertume. The Cole riseth néere vnto Flamsted, from whence it goeth to Redburn, S. Michaels, S. Albons, Aldenham, Watford, and so by More to Richmansworth, where there is a confluence of three waters, of which this Cole is the Gadus. first. The second called Gadus riseth not farre from Ashridge, an house or palace belonging to the prince: from whence it runneth to great Gaddesdin, Hemsted, betwéene Kings Langleie, and Abbots Langleie, then to Hunters, and Cashew bridges, and so to Richmanswoorth, receiuing by the waie a rill comming from Alburie by northwest, to Northchurch, Barkehamsted, and beneath Hemsted ioining with the same. The last commeth in at northwest from aboue Chesham, by Chesham it selfe, then by Chesham Bois, Latimers, Mawdlens, Cheinies, Sarret and Richmanswoorth, and so going on all in one chanell vnder the name of Cole, it runneth to Vxbridge, where it taketh in the Missenden water, from northwest, which rising aboue Missenden the greater goeth by Missenden the lesse, Hagmondesham (now Hammersham) the Vach, Chalfhunt Giles, Chalfhunt S. Peters, Denham, and then into the Cole aboue Vxbridge (as I haue said.) Soone after this our Cole doth part it selfe into two branches, neuer to ioine againe before they come at the Thames, for the greater of them goeth thorough the goodlie medows straight to Colebrooke, the other vnto two milles, a mile and a halfe east of Colebrooke, in the waie to London, leauing an Iland betwéene them of no small size and quantitie.

Colus, also referred to as Vere and Vertume. The Cole river rises near Flamstead and flows to Redburn, St. Michaels, St. Albons, Aldenham, Watford, and then through More to Rickmansworth, where three streams meet, with this Cole being the first. The second stream called Gadus rises not far from Ashridge, a house or palace belonging to the prince, and flows to Great Gaddesden, Hemel Hempstead, between Kings Langley and Abbots Langley, then to Hunters and Cashew bridges, continuing to Rickmansworth, receiving a stream coming from Albury to the northwest, then to Northchurch, Berkhamsted, and joins below Hemel Hempstead. The last one comes from the northwest, flowing above Chesham, through Chesham itself, then by Chesham Bois, Latimers, Maudlins, Chenies, Sarratt, and Rickmansworth, and ultimately all flow together under the name of Cole to Uxbridge, where it takes in the Missenden water from the northwest. This stream rises above Great Missenden, passes through Little Missenden, Hammersham (formerly Hagmondesham), the Vatch, Chalfont St. Giles, Chalfont St. Peter, Denham, and merges into the Cole above Uxbridge (as I mentioned). Soon after, our Cole splits into two branches, which never come together again until they reach the Thames. The larger branch flows straight through the beautiful meadows to Colebrooke, while the other heads towards Two Mile, a mile and a half east of Colebrooke, leaving an island of considerable size between them.

Vindeles. Being past the Cole, we come to the fall of the Vindeles, which riseth by northwest néere vnto Bagshot, from whence it goeth to Windlesham, Chobham, and méeting with a brooklet comming westward from Bisleie, they run togither toward Cherteseie, where when they haue met with a small rill rising north of Sonning hill in Windlesoure great parke, it falleth into the Thames on the northeast side of Cherteseie. When we were come beyond this water, it was not long yer we came vnto another on the same side, that fell into the Thames betweene Shepperton on the one side, and Veius. Oteland on the other, and is called the Waie. The Weie or the Waie rising by west, commeth from Olsted, & soone after taking the Hedleie brooke withall (which riseth in Wulmere forrest, and goeth by Hedleie [Page 87] and Frensham) hasteth by Bentleie, Farnham, Alton, Waiberleie, Elsted, Thuresbie. and so to Pepper harrow, where it ioineth with the Thuresbie water, which commeth not farre off from a village of the same denomination. From hence also it goeth to Godalming, and then toward Shawford, but yer it come there, it crosseth Craulie becke, which rising somewhere about Crawleie. the edge of Sussex short of Ridgewijc, goeth by Vacherie parke, Knoll, Craulie, Bramleie, Wonarsh, and so into the Waie. From hence then our Abbinger. riuer goeth to Shawford, and soone after (méeting with the Abbinger water that commeth by Shere, Albirie, and the chappell on the hill) it proceedeth to Guldeford, thence to Stoke, Sutton in the parke, Send, Woking, and at Newarke parke side taketh in a brooke that riseth of two heads, whereof one dooth spring betwéene two hils north of Pepper harrow, and so runneth through Henleie parke, the other aboue Purbright, and afterward ioining in one, they go foorth vnto Newarke, and being there vnited, after the confluence it goeth to Purford court, to Bifler, Waifred, Oteland, and so into the Thames.

Vindeles. After passing Cole, we reach the fall of the Vindeles, which rises to the northwest near Bagshot. From there, it flows to Windlesham, Chobham, and meets a small stream coming westward from Bisley. They join together and head toward Chertsey, where they encounter a tiny stream originating north of Sonning Hill in Windleshore Great Park, eventually flowing into the Thames on the northeast side of Chertsey. Once we crossed this water, it wasn't long before we came to another stream on the same side, which flows into the Thames between Shepperton on one side and Veius. Oteland on the other. This stream is called the Waie. The Waie, rising from the west, comes from Olsted, and soon after merges with the Hedley Brook, which rises in Wulmere Forest and flows past Hedley and Frensham. It then rushes past Bentley, Farnham, Alton, Waverley, Elsted, Thuresbie. and continues to Pepperharrow, where it joins the Thuresbie Water, which comes from a nearby village with the same name. From there, it flows to Godalming and then toward Shawford. Before reaching Shawford, it crosses Crawley Beck, which starts somewhere near the edge of Sussex, short of Ridgewick, flowing past Vachery Park, Knoll, Crawley, Bramley, Wonersh, and then into the Waie. From here, our Abbinger. river heads to Shawford and soon meets the Abbinger Water that comes from Shere, Albury, and the chapel on the hill. It then continues to Guildford, from there to Stoke, Sutton in the Park, Send, Woking, and at Newarke Park, it takes in a brook that has two sources—one rising between two hills north of Pepperharrow, and the other above Purbright. After they join together, they flow to Newarke, and once united, they continue to Purford Court, to Bifler, Waifred, Oteland, and finally into the Thames.

Molts. From Oteland the Thames goeth by Walton, Sunburie, west Moulseie, Hampton, and yer it come at Hampton court on the northside, and east Moulseie on the other, it taketh in the Moule water, which giueth name vnto the two townes that stand on each side of the place, where it falleth into our streame. It riseth in Word forrest, and going by Burstow, it méeteth afterward with another gullet, conteining a small course from two seuerall heads, whereof one is also in the forrest aforenamed, the other runneth from Febush wood, and comming by Iseld, méeteth with the first aboue Horleie, and so run on in one chanell, I saie, till they ioine with the Moule water, whereof I spake before.

Many. The Thames flows from Oteland past Walton, Sunbury, West Molesey, Hampton, and eventually reaches Hampton Court on the north side, with East Molesey on the opposite side. It takes in the Mole River, which gives its name to the two towns located on each side of the spot where it merges into our stream. It originates in the Wold Forest, and as it passes Burstow, it meets another waterway that comes from two different sources: one also from the aforementioned forest, and the other flowing from Febush Wood. This waterway then meets with the first one near Horley, and they continue together in one channel, until they join with the Mole River I mentioned earlier.

After this confluence in like sort, it is not long yer the Moule take in another from by north, which commeth from about Mesham on the one side, and another on the other side, running by Ocleie and Capell, and whereinto also a branch or rill commeth from a wood on the northwest part. Finallie, being thus increased with these manie rilles, it goeth by east Becheworth, west Becheworth, and ouer against the Swalow on the side of Drake hill, taking in another that cōmeth thither from Wootton by Darking and Milton, it runneth to Mickleham, Letherhed, Stoke, Cobham, Ashire parke, east Moulseie, and so into the Thames, which after this coniunction goeth on to Kingston, and there also méeteth with another becke, rising at Ewell south of Nonsuch. Certes, this rill goeth from Ewell by the old parke, then to Mauldon, & so to Kingston towne. The Thames in like maner being past Kingston, goeth to Tuddington, Petersham, Twickenham, Richmond, and Shene, where it receiueth a water on the northwest side, which comming from about Harrow on the hill, and by west of the same, goeth by Haies, Harlington, Felthan, and Thistleworth into the Thames.

After this merging, it doesn't take long for the Mole to pick up another stream from the north, which comes from around Mesham on one side, and another from the other side, flowing by Ocleie and Capell, along with a branch or small stream that comes from a wood in the northwest. Finally, after being joined by these many streams, it flows past East Becheworth, West Becheworth, and across from the Swallow on the side of Drake Hill, taking in another one that comes from Wootton by Dorking and Milton. It continues to Mickleham, Leatherhead, Stoke, Cobham, Ashire Park, East Molesey, and then into the Thames. After this confluence, it flows on to Kingston, where it meets another stream rising at Ewell, south of Nonsuch. This stream goes from Ewell by the old park, then to Maldon, and on to Kingston town. The Thames, after passing Kingston, flows to Teddington, Petersham, Twickenham, Richmond, and Sheen, where it receives a water from the northwest that comes from around Harrow on the Hill, going west of there, flowing by Hayes, Harlington, Feltham, and Twickenham into the Thames.

The next fall of water is at Sion, néere vnto new Brainford, so that it Brane. issueth into the Thames betwéen them both. This water is called Brane, that is in the Brittish toong (as Leland saith) a frog. It riseth about Edgeworth, and commeth from thence by Kingesburie, Twiford, Periuall, Hanwell, and Austerleie. Thence we followed our riuer to old Brentford, Mortlach, Cheswijc, Barnelmes, Fulham, and Putneie, beneath which townes it crossed a becke from Wandlesworth, that riseth at Woodmans turne, and going by Easthalton, méeteth another comming from Croidon by Bedington, and so going on to Mitcham, Marton abbeie, and Wandlesworth, it is not Mariburne. long yer it fall into the Thames. Next vnto this is Mariburne rill on the other side, which commeth in by S. Iames, so that by this time we haue either brought the Thames, or the Thames conueied vs to London, where we rested for a season to take view of the seuerall tides there, of which each one differeth from other, by foure & twentie minuts, that is fortie eight in a whole daie, as I haue noted before, except the wether alter them. Being past London, and in the waie toward the sea: the first water that it méeteth withall, is the Brome on Kent side, Bromis. west of Gréenewich, whose head is Bromis in Bromleie parish, and going from thence to Lewsham, it taketh in a water from by east, and so directeth his course foorth right vnto the Thames.

The next waterfall is at Sion, near New Brentford, where it flows into the Thames between them both. This water is called Brane, which means "frog" in the British language (as Leland says). It rises around Edgeworth and comes from there through Kingsbury, Twiford, Perivale, Hanwell, and Osterley. From there, we followed our river to old Brentford, Mortlake, Chiswick, Barn Elms, Fulham, and Putney, beneath which it crossed a stream from Wandsworth, which rises at Woodman's Turn, and flows by East Halton, where it meets another stream coming from Croydon by Beddington, and then continues on to Mitcham, Merton Abbey, and Wandsworth, not long before it falls into the Thames. Next to this is the River Marylebone on the other side, which flows in by St. James, so by this point we have either brought the Thames to us, or the Thames has led us to London, where we rested for a while to observe the different tides there, each differing from one another by twenty-four minutes, making a total of forty-eight in a single day, as I noted earlier, unless affected by the weather. After passing London and heading toward the sea, the first water it encounters is the River Brome on the Kent side, west of Greenwich, which originates in Bromley parish. From there to Lewisham, it takes in a stream from the east and continues straight on to the Thames.

The next water that it méeteth withall, is on Essex side, almost against Lée. Woolwich, and that is the Lée or Luie, whose head riseth short of Kempton in Hertfordshire, foure miles southeast of Luton, sometime [Page 88] Logus. called Logodunum or Logrodunum, & going through a péece of Brokehall parke (leauing Woodhall parke on the north, and Hatfield on the south, with another parke adioining) it goeth toward Hartford towne. But yer it Marran. come there, it receiueth a water (peraduenture the Marran) rising at northwest in Brodewater hundred, from aboue Welwin, northeast of Digeswell, and going to Hartingfeld burie, where the said confluence is within one mile of the towne. Beneath Hatfield also it receiueth the Beane. Beane (as I gesse) comming from Boxwood by Benington, Aston, Watton, and Stapleford, and a little lower, the third arme of increase from aboue Ware, which descendeth from two heads: whereof the greatest commeth from Barkewaie in Edwinster hundred, the other Sandon in Oddesey hundred, and after they be met beneath little Hornemeade, they go togither by Pulcherchurch, or Puckrich, Stonden, Thunderidge, Wadesmill, Benghoo, and so into the Lée, which from hence runneth on till it come at Ware, which was drowned by the rage of the same 1408, and so to Amwell, where on the north side it receiueth the water that commeth from little Hadham, through a péece of Singleshall parke, then by great Hadham, and so from Widford to the aforesaid towne. From hence also they go as one to old Stansted called Le Veil, branching in such wise yer it come there, that it runneth through the towne in sundrie places. Thence it goeth foorth to Abbats Stansted, beneath which it méeteth with the Sturus. Stoure, west (as I remember) of Roidon. This Sture riseth at Wenden lootes, from whence it goeth to Langleie, Clauering, Berden, Manhuden, & Birchanger (where it taketh a rill comming from Elsingham, & Stansted Mountfitchet.) Thence it hieth on to Bishops Stourford, Sabrichfoord, and beneath this towne crosseth with another from the east side of Elsingham, that goeth to Hatfield, Brodocke, Shiring, Harlo, & so into the Stoure, and from whence they go togither to Eastwic, Parmedon, and next into the Lée. These things being thus performed, the Lée runneth on beneath Hoddesdon, Broxburne, and Wormleie, where a water breaketh out by west of the maine streame, a mile lower than Wormeleie it selfe, but yet within the paroch, and is called Wormeleie locke.

The next body of water it encounters is on the Essex side, almost opposite Leave. Woolwich, and this is the Lée or Luie, which originates just short of Kempton in Hertfordshire, four miles southeast of Luton, once [Page 88] Logos. known as Logodunum or Logrodunum. It flows through a part of Brokehall park (leaving Woodhall park to the north and Hatfield to the south, with another adjacent park) towards Hartford town. But before it reaches there, it takes in another stream (possibly the Marran) that rises to the northwest in Brodewater hundred, above Welwin, northeast of Digeswell, and flows to Hartingfeld bury, where the confluence is within a mile of the town. Below Hatfield, it also receives the Bean. Beane (as I guess) coming from Boxwood by Benington, Aston, Watton, and Stapleford, and shortly after, a third tributary from above Ware, which descends from two sources: the larger one comes from Barkewaie in Edwinster hundred, the other from Sandon in Oddesey hundred. After they meet below little Hornemeade, they flow together by Pulcherchurch, or Puckrich, Stonden, Thunderidge, Wadesmill, Benghoo, and into the Lée, which then continues on to Ware, which was flooded by its fury in 1408, and then to Amwell, where on the north side it receives water that comes from little Hadham, flowing through a part of Singleshall park, then by great Hadham, and from Widford to the aforementioned town. From here, they also flow as one to old Stansted known as Le Veil, branching in such a way that it runs through the town in several places. It then proceeds to Abbats Stansted, below which it meets the Sturus. Stoure, west (as I recall) of Roidon. This Sture rises at Wenden lootes, from where it goes to Langleie, Clauering, Berden, Manhuden, & Birchanger (where it takes in a stream coming from Elsingham and Stansted Mountfitchet). From there, it hurries on to Bishops Stourford, Sabrichfoord, and below this town, it crosses with another water from the east side of Elsingham that flows to Hatfield, Brodocke, Shiring, Harlo, and into the Stoure, from where they flow together to Eastwic, Parmedon, and finally into the Lée. Once these events have taken place, the Lée continues beneath Hoddesdon, Broxburne, and Wormleie, where a stream breaks out west of the main flow, a mile lower than Wormeleie itself, but still within the parish, and is called Wormeleie lock.

It runneth also by Cheston nunrie, and out of this a little beneath the said house, breaketh an arme called the Shirelake, bicause it diuideth Eastsex and Hartford shire in sunder, and in the length of one medow called Fritheie. This lake runneth not but at great flouds, and méeteth againe with a succor of ditchwater, at a place called Hockesditch, halfe a mile from his first breaking out, and halfe a mile lower at Marsh point ioineth againe with the streame from whence it came before. Thence commeth the first arme to S. Maulie bridge (the first bridge westward vpon that riuer) vpon Waltham causie, & halfe a mile lower than Maulie bridge, at the corner of Ramnie mead, it méeteth with the kings streame & principall course of Luy, or Lee, as it is commonlie called. The second arme breaketh out of the kings streame at Halifield halfe a mile lower than Cheston nunrie, and so to the fulling mill, and two bridges by west of the kings streame, wherinto it falleth about a stones cast lower at a place called Malkins shelffe, except I was wrong informed. Cheston & Hartfordshire men doo saie, that the kings streame at Waltham dooth part Hartfordshire and Essex, but the Essex men by forrest charter doo plead their liberties to hold vnto S. Maulies bridge. On the east side also of the kings streame breaketh out but one principall arme at Halifield, three quarters of a mile aboue Waltham, & so goeth to the corne mill in Waltham, and then to the K. streame againe a little beneath the kings bridge.

It runs by Cheston Núnerie, and just below that house, a stream called the Shirelake breaks off because it divides Essex and Hertfordshire. It only flows during heavy rains and reconnects with some ditch water at a place called Hockesditch, half a mile from where it first appears. Half a mile further down at Marsh Point, it joins back up with the stream it originated from. From there, the first branch leads to St. Maulie's Bridge (the first bridge heading west on that river) along the Waltham Causeway, and half a mile lower than Maulie's Bridge, at the corner of Ramnie Mead, it meets the main flow of the River Lee, as it’s commonly called. The second branch diverges from the main flow at Halifield, half a mile lower than Cheston Núnerie, and continues to the fulling mill and two bridges to the west of the main flow, where it flows in about a stone's throw lower at a spot called Malkins Shelf, unless I was misinformed. People from Cheston and Hertfordshire say that the main flow at Waltham separates Hertfordshire and Essex, but the Essex locals, citing their forest charter, argue for their rights up to St. Maulie’s Bridge. On the east side of the main flow, there’s also one main branch that springs up at Halifield, three-quarters of a mile above Waltham, then it flows to the corn mill in Waltham, and returns to the main flow just below the king's bridge.

From hence the Lée runneth on by south on Waltonstow till it come to Stretford Langthorne, where it brancheth partlie of it selfe, and partlie Alfred. by mans industrie for mils. Howbeit heerein the dealing of Alfred (sometimes king of England) was not of smallest force, who vnderstanding the Danes to be gotten vp with their ships into the countrie, there to kill and slaie his subiects, in the yeere of grace 896, by the conduct of this riuer: he in the meane time before they could returne, did so mightilie weaken the maine chanell, by drawing great numbers of trenches from the same; that when they purposed to come backe, there was nothing so much water left as the ships did draw: wherefore being set on ground, they were soone fired, & the aduersaries ouercome. By this policie also [Page 89] much medow ground was woone, & made firme land, whereby the countrie about was not a little inriched, as was also a part of Assyria by the like practise of Cyrus with the Ganges, at such time as he came against Babylon, which riuer before time was in maner equall with Euphrates. For he was so offended, that one of his knights whom he loued déerlie, was drowned and borne awaie with the water in his passage ouer the same, that he sware a deepe oth yer long to make it so shallow that it should not wet a woman to the knées. Which came to passe, for he caused all his armie to dig 46 new draines frō the same, wherby the vow that he had made was at the full performed. Senec. de Tra. li. 3. But to conclude with the Lee that somtime ouerflowed all those medowes, through which it passeth (as for a great waie not inferior to the Thames) and I find that being past Westham, it is not long yer it fall into that streame. One thing I read more of this riuer before the conquest, that is, how Edward the first, & sonne of Alfred, in the yeare of grace 912, builded Hartford towne: at which time also he had Wittham a towne in Essex in hand, as his sister called Aelfled repaired Oxford & London, and all this foure yeares before the building of Maldon; of some called Hertford or Herudford betweene three waters, that is, the Lée, the Benefuth, and Memmarran, or rather Penmarran: but how these waters are distinguished in these daies, as yet I cannot tell. It is possible, that the Bene may be the same which commeth by Benington, and Benghoo: which if it be so, then must the Memmarran be the same that descendeth from Whitwell, for not farre from thence is Branfield, which might in time past right well be called Marranfield, for of like inuersion of names I could shew manie examples.

From here, the Lée flows south past Waltonstow until it reaches Stretford Langthorne, where it branches out partly on its own and partly through human effort for mills. However, Alfred's involvement (who was once king of England) was quite significant. Understanding that the Danes had entered the country via their ships to kill his subjects in the year 896, using this river for passage, he greatly weakened the main channel by creating numerous trenches before they could return. As a result, when they planned to come back, there was barely enough water left for their ships to float, so they ran aground and were quickly destroyed, allowing Alfred's forces to prevail. This strategy also reclaimed much meadowland, turning it into solid ground, which significantly enriched the surrounding area, similar to what Cyrus did in Assyria with the Ganges when he attacked Babylon, a river that was once virtually equal to the Euphrates. He was so upset that one of his beloved knights drowned while crossing it that he swore a deep oath to make it shallow enough so that it wouldn't wet a woman's knees. This was indeed accomplished, as he ordered his entire army to dig 46 new drains from it, fulfilling his vow entirely. But to conclude with the Lée, which once overflowed all the meadows along its path (similar to a major river, not inferior to the Thames), I find that after Westham, it doesn’t take long for it to flow into that stream. One more thing I read about this river before the conquest is that Edward the First, son of Alfred, built Hartford town in the year 912. At that time, he was also working on Wittham, a town in Essex, just as his sister Aelfled repaired Oxford and London, all four years before the construction of Maldon. Some refer to it as Hertford or Herudford, situated between three waters: the Lée, the Benefuth, and Memmarran, or rather Penmarran. However, how these waters are identified today, I cannot yet say. It’s possible that the Bene is the same one that flows by Benington and Benghoo; if that’s the case, then Memmarran must be the one coming from Whitwell, as not far from there is Branfield, which could very well have been called Marranfield in the past. I could provide many examples of similar name changes.

Being past the Lee (whose chanell is begun to be purged 1576, with further hope to bring the same to the north side of London) we come vnto Rodon or Rodunus. the Rodon, vpon Essex side in like maner, and not verie farre (for foure miles is the most) from the fall of the Lée. This water riseth at little Canfield, from whence it goeth to great Canfield, high Roding, Eithorpe Roding, Ledon Roding, White Roding, Beauchampe Roding, Fifeld, Shelleie, high Ongar, and Cheping Ongar, where the Lauer falleth into it, that Lauer. ariseth betwixt Matching and high Lauer; and taking another rill withall comming from aboue Northweld at Cheping Ongar, they ioine (I saie) with the Rodon, after which confluence Leland coniectureth that the streame Iuelus. is called Iuell: for my part, I wot not what to say of it. But héerof I am sure, that the whole course being past Ongar, it goeth to Stansted riuers, Theidon mount, Heibridge, Chigwell, Woodford bridge, Ilford bridge, Barking, & so into the Thames.

After passing the Lee (whose channel began to be cleared in 1576, with hopes of extending it to the north side of London), we arrive at Rodon or Rodunus. the Rodon, on the Essex side in a similar manner, and not very far (about four miles at most) from where the Lee flows. This river starts at Little Canfield, then moves to Great Canfield, High Roding, Eithorpe Roding, Ledon Roding, White Roding, Beauchampe Roding, Fifeld, Shelley, High Ongar, and Cheping Ongar, where the Lauer joins it, arising between Matching and High Lauer. Taking another stream from above Northweld at Cheping Ongar, they merge (I say) with the Rodon, after which Leland speculates that the stream Iuelus. is called Iuell: but honestly, I don’t know what to say about that. However, I am certain that the entire course, after passing Ongar, flows to Stansted Rivers, Theidon Mount, Heibridge, Chigwell, Woodford Bridge, Ilford Bridge, Barking, and then into the Thames.

Darwent. The Darwent méeteth with our said Thames vpon Kents side, two miles and more beneath Erith. It riseth at Tanridge, or there abouts, as I haue beene informed by Christopher Saxtons card late made of the same, and the like (I hope) he will doo in all the seuerall shires of England at the infinit charges of sir Thomas Sackford knight, & maister of the requests, whose zeale vnto his countrie héerin I cannot but remember, & so much the rather, for that he meaneth to imitate Ortelius, & somewhat beside this hath holpen me in the names of the townes, by which these riuers for the Kentish part do run. Would to God his plats were once finished for the rest! But to procéed. The Darwent therefore, rising at Tanridge, goeth on by Titseie toward Brasted, and receiuing on ech side of that towne (& seuerall bankes) a riuer or rill, it goeth on to Nockhold, Shorham, Kinsford, Horton, Darnhith, Dartford or Derwentford, Craie. & there taking in the Craie on the left hand that coms from Orpington by Marie Craie, Paules Craie, North Craie, and Craiford, it is not long yer it fall into the Thames. But after I had once passed the fall of the brooke, it is a world to sée what plentie of Serephium groweth vpon the Kentish shore, in whose description Fuichsius hath not a little halted; whilest he giueth foorth the hearbe Argentaria for Serephium, betwéene which there is no maner of likelihood. This neuerthelesse is notable in the said hearbe, that being translated into the garden, it receiueth another forme cleane different from the first, which it yéelded when it grew vpon the shore, and therevnto appeareth of more fat & foggie substance. Which maketh me to thinke that our physicians do take it for a distinct kind of wormewood, whereof controuersie ariseth among them. The next water that falleth into the Thames, is west of the Wauie Iles, a rill of no great fame, neither long course, for rising about Coringham, [Page 90] it runneth not manie miles east and by south, yer it fall into the mouth of this riuer, which I doo now describe.

Darwent. The Darwent meets our Thames on the Kent side, about two miles or more below Erith. It rises near Tanridge, or thereabouts, as I’ve learned from Christopher Saxton's recent map of the area, and I hope he will do the same for all the various counties in England with the generous support of Sir Thomas Sackford, knight and master of the requests, whose dedication to his country I can’t help but acknowledge. Especially since he plans to follow Ortelius's example, and he has also assisted me with the names of the towns through which these rivers flow in Kent. I wish his maps were finished for the rest! But to continue. The Darwent, therefore, rising at Tanridge, flows by Titseie toward Brasted, and collecting on either side of that town (and various banks) a river or brook, it continues to Nockhold, Shorham, Kinsford, Horton, Darnhith, Dartford or Derwentford, Chalk. and there taking in the Craie on the left that comes from Orpington through Marie Craie, Paules Craie, North Craie, and Craiford, it’s not long before it falls into the Thames. However, after I passed the brook's mouth, it's incredible to see the abundance of Serephium growing on the Kentish shore, which Fuichsius has not accurately described; while he claims the herb Argentaria is Serephium, the two are not even remotely alike. Nonetheless, what is notable about this herb is that when it’s moved to a garden, it takes on a completely different form from what it had when it grew on the shore, appearing to have a thicker and more oily texture. This leads me to think our physicians might consider it a distinct type of wormwood, which has caused some debate among them. The next water that flows into the Thames is west of the Wauie Isles, a brook of little repute and a short course, starting near Coringham, [Page 90] it doesn’t run many miles east and south before it pours into the mouth of this river, which I am now describing.

I would haue spoken of one créeke that commeth in at Cliffe, and another that runneth downe from Haltsto by S. Maries: but sith I vnderstand not with what backewaters they be serued, I let them passe as not skilfull of their courses. And thus much of the riuers that fall into the Thames, wherein I haue doone what I maie, but not what I would for mine owne satisfaction, till I came from the head to Lechlade, vnto which, as in lieu of a farewell, I will ascribe that distichon which Apollonius Rhodius writeth of the Thermodon:

I would have mentioned one creek that flows in at Cliffe and another that runs down from Haltsto by St. Mary’s. But since I don't know how they’re fed by backwaters, I’ll skip them because I'm not knowledgeable about their paths. And that's all I have to say about the rivers that flow into the Thames, where I’ve done what I can, but not everything I would have liked for my own satisfaction, until I got from the source to Lechlade, to which, as a sort of goodbye, I’ll reference that couplet which Apollonius Rhodius wrote about the Thermodon:

Huic non est aliud flumen par, nec tot in agros

Huic non est aliud flumen par, nec tot in agros

Vllum dimittit riuos quot fundit vtrinque.

Vllum allows streams to flow freely from both sides.

Midwaie. Next vnto the Thames we haue the Midwaie water, whereof I find two descriptions, the first beginneth thus. The Midwaie water is called in Latine Medeuia (as some write) bicause the course therof is midwaie in a manner betwéene London and Dorobernia, or (as we now call it) Canturburie. In British it hight Dourbrée: and thereof Rochester was sometime called Durobreuum. But in an old charter which I haue seene (conteining a donation sometime made to the monasterie of saint Andrews there by Ceadwalla) I find that the Saxons called this riuer Wedring; and also a towne standing betweene Malling and east Farleie, Wedrington; and finallie, a forrest also of the same denomination, Wedrington, now Waterdon, wherby the originall name appeareth to be fetched from this streame. It ariseth in Waterdon forrest east of Whetlin or Wedring, and ioineth with another brooke that descendeth from Ward forrest in Sussex: and after this confluence they go on togither, as one by Ashhirst, where hauing receiued also the second brooke, it hasteth to Pensherst, and there carrieth withall the Eden, that commeth from Lingfield parke. After this it goeth to the southeast part of Kent, and taketh with it Frethus. the Frith or Firth, on the northwest side, and an other little streame that commeth from the hilles betwéene Peuenburie and Horsemon on the southeast. From thence also, and not farre from Yalling it receiueth the Theise. Theise (a pretie streame that ariseth about Theise Hirst) & afterward
Grane aliàs Cranus.
the Gran or Crane, which hauing his head not farre from Cranbrooke, and méeting with sundrie other riuelets by the waie, whereof one branch of Theise is the last, for it parteth at the Twist, and including a pretie Iland, doth ioine with the said Midwaie, a little aboue Yalding, and then with the Lowse. Finallie at Maidstone it méeteth with another brooke, whose name I know not, and then passeth by Allington, Duton, Newhide, Halling, Cuckestane, Rochester, Chattham, Gillingham, Vpchurch, Kingsferrie, and falleth into the maine sea betwéene Shepeie and the Grane.

Midway. Next to the Thames, we have the Midwaie water, which I found described in two ways. The first description starts like this: The Midwaie water is called in Latin Medeuia (as some write) because its course is roughly midway between London and Dorobernia, or what we now call Canterbury. In British, it’s referred to as Dourbrée, and from that, Rochester was once called Durobreuum. However, in an old charter I’ve seen (which includes a donation once made to the monastery of Saint Andrews there by Ceadwalla), I found that the Saxons called this river Wedring; and there’s also a town between Malling and East Farleigh, called Wedrington; and finally, there’s a forest of the same name, Wedrington, now Waterdon, which suggests that the original name comes from this stream. It starts in Waterdon forest, east of Whetlin or Wedring, and joins with another brook that flows down from Ward forest in Sussex. After this confluence, they travel together as one past Ashurst, where having also received the second brook, it hurries to Penshurst, and carries with it the Eden that comes from Lingfield Park. After that, it heads to the southeastern part of Kent, and takes with it Frethus. the Frith or Firth on the northwest side, and another little stream that comes from the hills between Pevensey and Horsemon on the southeast. From there, not far from Yalding, it receives the Theese. Theise (a pretty stream that rises around Theise Hirst) & later Grane aka Cranus. the Gran or Crane, which has its source not far from Cranbrook, and meets various other little rivers along the way, one branch of Theise being the last, as it splits at the Twist, creating a small island, and joins the Midwaie just above Yalding, and then with the Lowse. Finally, at Maidstone, it meets another brook, whose name I don’t know, and then passes by Allington, Ditton, New Hythe, Halling, Cuckstone, Rochester, Chatham, Gillingham, Upchurch, Kingsferry, and flows into the main sea between Sheppey and the Crane.

And thus much out of the first authour, who commendeth it also, for that in time past it did yéeld such plentie of sturgeon, as beside the kings portion, and a due vnto the archbishop of Canturburie out of the same, the deane and chapter of Rochester had no small allowance also of that commoditie: likewise for the shrimps that are taken therein, which are no lesse estéemed of in their kind, than the westerne smelts or flounders taken in the Thames, &c. The second authour describeth it after this manner, and more copiouslie than the other.

And so much from the first author, who also praises it, because in the past it provided such an abundance of sturgeon, that besides the king's share and a due to the Archbishop of Canterbury from it, the dean and chapter of Rochester also received a considerable portion of that resource. Similarly, for the shrimp that are caught there, which are regarded just as highly as the western smelts or flounders caught in the Thames, etc. The second author describes it like this, and in more detail than the first.

The cheefe head of this streame riseth in Waterdon forrest, from whence after it hath runne a pretie waie still within the same, east of Whetlin, it méeteth with a brooke, whose head is in Ward forrest, southwest of Greenested, which goeth to Hartfield, and so to Whetlin, and yer long ioineth with the Midwaie. After this confluence it is not long yer it take in another by west from Cowden ward, and the third aboue Pensherst, growing from two heads, whereof one is in Lingfield parke, the other west of Crawherst; and ioining aboue Edinbridge, it doth fall into the midwaie beneath Heuer towne, and Chiddingston. From Pensherst our maine streame hasteth to Ligh, Tunbridge, and Twidleie, and beneath the towne, it crosseth a water from North, whereof one head is at the Mote, another at Wroteham, the third at west Peckham, & likewise another from southest, that runneth east of Capell. Next after this it receiueth the These, whose forked head is at Theise Hirst, which descending downe toward the north, taketh in not farre from Scotnie a brooke out of the northside of Waterden forrest, whose name I find not, [Page 91] except it be the Dour. After this confluence our riuer goeth to Goldhirst, and comming to the Twist, it brancheth in such wise, that one part of it runneth into Midwaie, another into the Garan, or rather Garunus, Cranus. Cranebrooke (if my coniecture be anie thing.) The Garan (as Leland calleth it) or the Crane (as I doo take it) riseth néere to Cranebrooke, and going by Siffinghirst, it receiueth yer long one water that commeth by Fretingdon, and another that runneth from great Chard by Smerdon, and Hedcorne, crossing two rilles by the waie from by north, Hedcorne it selfe standing betwéene them both. Finallie, the Garan or Crane meeting with Midwaie south of Yalling, they on the one side, and the These on the other, leaue a pretie Iland in the middest, of foure miles in length, and two in breadth, wherein is some hillie soile, but neither towne nor village, so farre as I remember.

The main source of this stream rises in Waterdon Forest, where, after flowing a short distance within the same forest, east of Whetlin, it meets a brook that originates in Ward Forest, southwest of Greenested. This brook flows to Hartfield and then to Whetlin, eventually joining the Midwaie. Not long after this confluence, it takes in another stream from the west of Cowden Ward, and a third stream above Pensherst, which has two sources—one in Lingfield Park and the other west of Crawherst. Joining above Edenbridge, it flows into the Midwaie below Hever Town and Chiddingstone. From Pensherst, our main stream rushes towards Ligh, Tunbridge, and Twidleie, and just below the town, it crosses a water from the north, which has one source at the Mote, another at Wrotham, and a third at West Peckham, as well as another stream from the southeast that runs east of Capell. After this, it receives the These, which has its forked source at These Hirst. This stream flows north and takes in another brook from the north side of Waterden Forest, whose name I cannot find, unless it's the Dour. After this confluence, our river continues to Goldhirst, and upon reaching the Twist, it branches off such that one part flows into the Midwaie and another into the Garan, or possibly Cranebrooke, if my guess is correct. The Garan, as Leland calls it, or the Crane, as I understand it, rises near Cranebrooke and passes by Siffinghirst, where it soon receives a stream from Fretingdon and another from Great Chard by Smerdon, crossing two rills along the way from the north, with Hedcorne situated between them. Finally, the Garan or Crane meets the Midwaie south of Yalling, leaving a nice island in the middle, four miles long and two miles wide, which has some hilly terrain but no towns or villages, as far as I remember.

From Yalling forward, the Midwaie goeth to west Farlegh, east Farlegh: and yer it come at Maidstone, it interteineth a rill that riseth short of Ienham, and goeth by Ledes and Otteringden, which is verie beneficiall to clothiers in drie yéeres: for thither they conueie their clothes to be thicked at the fulling milles, sometimes ten miles for the same: there is also at Ledes great plentie of fulling earth, which is a necessarie commoditie.

From Yalling onward, the Midway goes to West Farleigh, then East Farleigh: and when it reaches Maidstone, it takes in a stream that rises just above Ightham and flows by Leeds and Otterden, which is very useful to clothiers in dry years: because they transport their cloth there to be thickened at the fulling mills, sometimes up to ten miles for this purpose: there is also at Leeds a great supply of fulling clay, which is a necessary commodity.

Being past Maidstone, it runneth by Allington, Snodland, Halling, Cuckstane, and Rochester, where it passeth vnder a faire bridge of stone, with a verie swift course, which bridge was begun 1388 by the lord Iohn Cobham, the ladie Margaret his wife, and the valiant sir Robert Knolles, who gaue the first onset vpon that péece of worke, and therevnto builded a chappell of the Trinitie at the end therof, in testimonie of his pietie. In processe of time also one Iohn Warner of Rochester made the new coping thereof; and archbishop Warham of Canturburie the iron barres: the bishops also of that see were not slacke in their beneuolence and furtherances toward that worke, especiallie Walter Merton founder of Merton college in Oxford, who by misfortune perished by falling from the same, as he rode to surueie the workemen. Being past Rochester, this noble riuer goeth to Chatham, Gillingham, Vpchurch, and soone after branching, it imbraceth the Greene at his fall, as his two heads doo Ashdon forrest, that lieth betwéene them both.

After Maidstone, it flows by Allington, Snodland, Halling, Cuckstane, and Rochester, where it passes under a beautiful stone bridge with a very swift current. This bridge was started in 1388 by Lord John Cobham, his wife Lady Margaret, and the brave Sir Robert Knolles, who was the first to take on that project. He also built a chapel dedicated to the Trinity at one end as a testament to his piety. Over time, John Warner from Rochester added the new coping, and Archbishop Warham of Canterbury provided the iron bars. The bishops of that see were also generous and supportive of the work, especially Walter Merton, the founder of Merton College in Oxford, who unfortunately died falling from his horse while inspecting the workers. After Rochester, this noble river continues to Chatham, Gillingham, Upchurch, and soon after branching, it meets the green at its mouth, just as its two tributaries do, Ashdon Forest, which lies between them both.

OF SUCH STREAMES AS FALL INTO THE SEA, BETWEENE THE THAMES AND THE MOUTH
OF THE SAUERNE.

CHAP. XII.

Stoure. After the Midwaie we haue the Stoure that riseth at Kingeswood, which is
Nailburne water also (as I heare) neer to Cantwarbirie, but I wote not whereabouts: sée Marianus Scotus.
fourtéene or fifteene miles from Canturburie. This riuer passeth by Ashford, Wie, Nackington, Canturburie, Fordish, Standish, and Sturemouth, where it receiueth another riuer growing of three branches. After our Stoure or Sture parteth it self in twaine, & in such wise, that one arme therof goeth toward the north, and is called (when it commeth at the sea) the north mouth of Stoure; the other runneth southeastward vp to Richborow, and so to Sandwich, from whence it goeth northeast againe and falleth into the sea. The issue of this later tract is called the hauen of Sandwich. And peraduenture the streame that commeth downe thither, after the diuision of the Stoure, maie be the Wantsome. same which Beda calleth Wantsome; but as I cannot vndoo this knot at will, so this is certeine, that the Stoure on the one side, and peraduenture the Wantsome on the other, parteth and cutteth the Tenet from the maine land of Kent, whereby it is left for an Iland.

Stour River. After the Midway, we have the Stour that rises at Kingswood, which is I've heard about Nailburne water, located near Canterbury, but I'm not exactly sure where it is; see Marianus Scotus. fourteen or fifteen miles from Canterbury. This river flows by Ashford, Wye, Nackington, Canterbury, Fordish, Standish, and Stourmouth, where it receives another river that branches off into three parts. After the Stour splits into two, one branch heads north and is called (when it reaches the sea) the north mouth of Stour; the other flows southeast up to Richborough, and then to Sandwich, from where it goes northeast again and falls into the sea. The end of this latter stretch is called the harbor of Sandwich. And perhaps the stream that flows down there, after the division of the Stour, may be the Wantsome. same one that Bede called Wantsome; but while I can't untangle this issue at will, it is certain that the Stour on one side, and perhaps the Wantsome on the other, separate and cut the Tenet from the mainland of Kent, leaving it as an island.

There are other little brookes which fall into the Stoure, whereof Leland speaketh, as Fishpoole becke that ariseth in Stonehirst wood, and meeteth with it foure miles from Canturburie: another beginneth at Chislet, and goeth into the Stoure gut, which sometime inclosed Thanet, as Leland saith: the third issueth out of the ground at Northburne (where Eadbert of Kent sometime past held his palace) and runneth to Sandwich hauen, as the said authour reporteth: and the fourth called Bridgewater that riseth by S. Marie Burne church, and going by Bishops [Page 92] Burne, meeteth with Canturburie water at Stourmouth: also Wiham that riseth aboue Wiham short of Adsam, and falleth into Bridgewater at Dudmill, or Wenderton: and the third namelesse, which riseth short of Wodensburgh (a towne wherein Hengist & the Saxons honored their grand idoll Woden, or Othine) and goeth by Staple to Wingam: but sith they are obscure I will not touch them here. From hence passing by the Goodwine, a plot verie perilous for sea-faring men (sometime firme land, that is, vntill the tenth of the conquerours sonne, whose name was William Rufus, and wherein a great part of the inheritance of erle Goodwine in time past was knowne to lie) but escaping it with ease, we came at length to Dour. Douer. In all which voiage we found no streame, by reason of the cliffes that inuiron the said coast. Howbeit vpon the south side of Douer, there is a pretie fresh riuer, whose head ariseth at Erwell, not passing foure miles from the sea, and of some is called Dour, which in the British toong is a common name for waters, as is also the old British word Auon for the greatest riuers, into whose mouthes or falles shippes might find safe entrance; and therefore such are in my time called hauens, a new word growen by an aspiration added to the old: the Scots call it Auen. But more of this else-where, sith I am now onelie to speake of Dour, wherof it is likelie that the towne & castell of Douer did sometime take the name. From hence we go toward the Camber (omitting peraduenture here and there sundrie small creeks void of backwater by the waie) Rother. whereabouts the Rother a noble riuer falleth into the sea. This Rother separateth Sussex from Kent, and hath his head in Sussex, not farre from Argas hill néere to Waterden forrest, and from thence directeth his course vnto Rotherfield. After this it goeth to Ethlingham or Hitchingham, and so foorth by Newendon vnto Mattham ferrie, where it diuideth it selfe in such wise, that one branch thereof goeth to Appledoure (where is a castell sometime builded by the Danes, in the time of Alfred, as they did erect another at Middleton, and the third at Bilie. Beamflete) and at this towne, where it méeteth the Bilie that riseth about Bilsington, the other by Iden, so that it includeth a fine parcell of ground called Oxneie, which in time past was reputed as a parcell of Sussex; but now vpon some occasion or other (to me vnknowne) annexed vnto Kent. From hence also growing into some greatnesse, it runneth to Becke. Rie, where it méeteth finallie with the Becke, which commeth from Beckleie: so that the plot wherein Rie standeth, is in manner a by-land or peninsula, as experience doth confirme. Leland and most men are of the Limenus. likeliest opinion, that this riuer should be called the Limen, which (as Peter of Cornhull saith) doth issue out of Andredeswald, where the head thereof is knowne to be. Certes, I am of the opinion, that it is called the Rother vnto Appledoure, & from thence the Limen, bicause the Danes are noted to enter into these parts by the Limen; and sailing on the same to Appledoure, did there begin to fortifie, as I haue noted alreadie. Howbeit, in our time it is knowne by none other name than the Rother or Appledoure water, whereof let this suffice.

There are other small streams that flow into the Stoure, which Leland mentions, like Fishpoole Beck that starts in Stonehirst Wood and joins it four miles from Canterbury. Another begins at Chislet and enters the Stoure Gut, which used to enclose Thanet, as Leland says. The third comes from Northburne (where Eadbert of Kent once had his palace) and flows to Sandwich Haven, according to the same author. The fourth, called Bridgewater, rises near St. Mary Burne Church and flows by Bishops Burne, meeting Canterbury water at Stourmouth. There's also Wiham, which rises above Wiham short of Adsam and flows into Bridgewater at Dudmill or Wenderton. The third unnamed stream rises near Wodensburgh (a town where Hengist and the Saxons honored their great idol Woden, or Othine) and goes by Staple to Wingam. Since they are not well-known, I won't discuss them here. From here, passing by the Goodwine, which is a very dangerous spot for sailors (once solid land until the tenth son of the conqueror, named William Rufus, where a large part of Earl Goodwine’s inheritance was known to lie), we managed to get through without much trouble and finally reached Dour. During the entire journey, we found no stream due to the cliffs that surround the coastline. However, on the south side of Dover, there is a nice fresh river, whose source is at Erwell, not more than four miles from the sea, and some call it Dour, which in the British language is a common name for waters, just like the old British word Auon for major rivers, where ships could find safe entry; and therefore, in my time, they are now called havens, a new term that has evolved by adding aspiration to the old one: the Scots call it Auen. But more on this later, as I am currently only discussing Dour, from which the town and castle of Dover likely derived their name. From here, we head towards the Camber (skipping perhaps a few small creeks along the way that have no backwater) where the Rother, a noble river, flows into the sea. This Rother separates Sussex from Kent and has its source in Sussex, not far from Argas Hill near Waterden Forest, and from there it flows directly to Rotherfield. Next, it goes to Ethlingham or Hitchingham, and continues through Newendon to Mattham Ferry, where it splits in such a way that one branch goes to Appledoure (where there was a castle built by the Danes during Alfred's time, just as they built another at Middleton, and a third at Beamflete), and at this town, where it meets the Bilie that rises around Bilsington, the other branch goes by Iden, encompassing a lovely piece of land called Oxneie, which was once considered part of Sussex but is now, for some unknown reason, attached to Kent. From here, growing larger, it flows to Rie, where it finally meets the Becke, which comes from Beckley. Thus, the area where Rie stands is essentially a by-land or peninsula, as experience confirms. Leland and most people believe that this river should be called the Limen, which (as Peter of Cornhull states) comes from Andredeswald, where its source is known to be. Certainly, I think it is called the Rother up to Appledoure, and from there the Limen, because the Danes are known to have entered these parts via the Limen; and sailing on it to Appledoure, they started to fortify there, as I have already noted. However, in our time, it is known by no other name than the Rother or Appledoure water, which is enough on that.

Being thus crossed ouer to the west side of Rie hauen, & in vewing the issues that fall into the same, I meet first of all with a water that groweth of two brookes, which come downe by one chanell into the east side of the mouth of the said port. The first therfore that falleth into it descendeth from Beckleie or thereabouts (as I take it) the next runneth along by Pesemarsh, & soone after ioining with all, they hold on as one, till they fall into the same at the westerlie side of Rie: the third streame commeth from the north, and as it mounteth vp not farre from Munfield, so it runneth betweene Sescambe and Wacklinton néere vnto Bread, taking another rill withall that riseth (as I heare) not verie far from Westfield. There is likewise a fourth that groweth of two heads betweene Ielingham and Pet, and going by Winchelseie it méeteth with all about Rie hauen, so that Winchelseie standeth inuironed on thrée parts with water, and the streames of these two that I haue last rehearsed.

After crossing over to the west side of Rye Haven and looking at the streams that flow into it, I first come across a river that is formed by two brooks that merge into one channel on the east side of the port's entrance. The first one flows down from Beckley or nearby (as I understand it), while the second runs alongside Peasmarsh, and soon after, they combine as one before entering on the western side of Rye. The third stream comes from the north and, as it rises not far from Mountfield, it flows between Sedlescombe and Wacklington, close to Bread, picking up another small stream that, as I've heard, originates not far from Westfield. There is also a fourth stream that starts from two sources between Iden and Pett, and flowing past Winchelsea, it joins the others around Rye Haven, leading to Winchelsea being surrounded by water on three sides by the streams I just mentioned.

The water that falleth into the Ocean, a mile by southwest of Hastings, Aestus. or therabouts, is called Æstus or Asten: perhaps of Hasten or Hasting the Dane, (who in time past was a plague to France and England) & rising not far from Penhirst, it meeteth with the sea (as I heare) by east of Buluerhithe. Hollington. Buluerhith is but a creeke (as I remember) serued with no [Page 93] backewater; and so I heare of Codding or Old hauen, wherefore I meane not to touch them.

The water that flows into the Ocean, about a mile southwest of Hastings, Heat. or somewhere around there, is called Æstus or Asten: possibly named after Hasten or Hasting the Dane, (who used to be a menace to France and England) & rising not far from Penhirst, it meets the sea (as I’ve heard) east of Bulwer-Lytton. Hollington. Buluerhith is just a creek (as I remember) with no [Page 93] backwater; and so I’ve heard about Codding or Old haven, so I won’t get into those.

Peuenseie. Into Peuenseie hauen diuerse waters doo resort, and of these, that which entereth into the same on the east side riseth out from two heads,
Ash.
Burne.
whereof the most easterlie is called Ash, the next vnto the Burne, and vniting themselues not farre from Ashburne, they continue their course vnder the name and tide of Ashburne water, as I read. The second that commeth thereinto issueth also of two heads, whereof the one is so manie miles from Boreham, the other not far from the Parke east of Hellingstowne, and both of them concurring southwest of Hirstmowsen, they direct their course toward Peuenseie (beneath which they méet with another rising at Foington) and thence go in one chanell for a mile or Cucomarus. more, till they fall togither into Peuenseie hauen. The Cuckmer issueth out at seuerall places, and hereof the more easterlie branch commeth from Warbleton ward, the other from Bishops wood, and méeting beneath Halling, they run one bottome by Micham, Arlington, Wellington, old Frithstan, and so into the sea.

Peuenseie. In Peuenseie, several rivers flow together, and among them, the one that enters from the east branches out from two sources, Ash. Burn. The easternmost is called Ash, and the one next to it is Burne. They join not far from Ashburne and continue their journey under the name of Ashburne Water, as I've read. The second river that flows into this one also has two sources: one is several miles from Boreham, and the other is near the park east of Hellingstowne. Both of them come together southwest of Hirstmowsen and flow towards Peuenseie (where they meet another river that rises at Foington), then they continue in a single channel for a mile or Cucomarus. more until they merge into Peuenseie Haven. The Cuckmer branches out at various points, with the more eastern branch coming from Warbleton Ward and the other from Bishops Wood. They converge beneath Halling and flow together by Micham, Arlington, Wellington, old Frithstan, and then out to sea.

Isis.
Ni fallor.
Vnto the water that commeth out at Newhauen, sundrie brookes and riuerets doo resort, but the chiefe head riseth toward the west, somewhat betwéene Etchinford and Shepleie, as I heare. The first water therefore that falleth into the same on the east side, issueth out of the ground about Vertwood, and running from thence by Langhton and Ripe, on the west side; it falleth into the aforesaid riuer beneath Forle and Glime, or thrée miles lower than Lewis, if the other buttall like you not. The next herevnto hath his head in Argas hill, the third descendeth from Ashedon forrest, and ioining with the last mentioned, they crosse the maine riuer a little beneath Isefield. The fourth water commeth from Ashedon forrest by Horstéed Caines (or Ousestate Caines) and falleth into the same, likewise east of Linfield. Certes I am deceiued if this riuer be not called Isis, after it is past Isefield. The fift riseth Sturewell. about Storuelgate, and meeteth also with the maine streame aboue Linfield, and these are knowen to lie vpon the right hand as we rowed vp the riuer. On the other side are onelie two, whereof the first hath his originall neere vnto Wenefield, and holding on his course toward the east, it meeteth with his maister betweene Newicke and Isefield (or Plimus. Ifield) as some read it. The last of all commeth from Plimodune or Plumpton, and hauing met in like sort with the maine riuer about Barcham, it runneth foorth with it, & they rest in one chanell by Barcham, Hamseie, Malling, Lewis, Piddingburne, and so foorth into the maine.

Isis.
No doubt.
Various streams and small rivers flow into the water that comes out at Newhaven, but the main source rises to the west, somewhat between Etchingham and Shepley, or so I've heard. The first water that flows into it on the east side comes from the ground near Vertwood, and running from there past Langton and Ripe on the west side, it joins the aforementioned river below Forle and Glime, or three miles lower than Lewes, unless you prefer the other option. The next one originates at Argas Hill, the third comes down from Ashdown Forest, and joining with the last mentioned, they cross the main river just below Isefield. The fourth stream comes from Ashdown Forest by Horsted Keynes (or Ousestate Keynes) and flows into the same river, also east of Lindfield. I would be surprised if this river isn't called Isis after it passes Isefield. The fifth rises around Sturewell and also meets the main stream above Lindfield, and these are known to be on the right side as we rowed upstream. On the other side, there are only two, the first originates near Wivelsfield, and continuing eastward, it meets with its main counterpart between Newick and Isefield (or Plimus. Ifield) as some read it. The last one comes from Plumpton or Plimodune, and having similarly joined the main river near Barcombe, it moves along with it, and they flow together in one channel by Barcombe, Hamsey, Malling, Lewes, Piddinghoe, and so forth into the main body of water.

Soru. The next riuer that we came vnto west of Brighthemston is the Sore, which notwithstanding I find to be called Brember water, in the ancient map of Marton colledge in Oxford: but in such sort (as I take it) as the Rother or Limen is called Appledoure streame, bicause of the said towne that standeth thervpon. But to procéed, it is a pleasant water, & thereto if you consider the situation of his armes, and branches from the higher grounds, verie much resembling a foure stringed whip. Whereabout the head of this riuer is, or which of these branches may safelie be called Sora from the rising, in good sooth I cannot say. For after we had passed nine or ten mils thereon vp into the land, suddenlie the crosse waters stopped vs, so that we were inforced to turne either east or west, for directlie foorth right we had no waie to go. The first arme on the right hand as we went, riseth out of a parke by south of Alborne, and going on for a certeine space toward the northwest, it turneth southward betwéene Shermonburie and Twinham, and soone after Bimarus. méeteth with the Bimar, not much south from Shermonburie, whence they run togither almost two miles, till they fall into the Sore. That on the west side descendeth from about Billingeshirst, & going toward the east, it crosseth with the fourth (which riseth a litle by west of Thacam) east from Pulborow, and so they run as one into the Sore, that after this confluence hasteth it selfe southward by Brember, Burleis, the Combes, and yer long into the Ocean.

Question. The next river we came to west of Brighton is the Sore, which I also see referred to as Brember Water in the old map of Marton College in Oxford. This is similar to how the Rother or Limen is called the Appledore Stream because of the town that sits there. Moving on, it’s a pretty river, and if you look at its arms and branches from the higher ground, it indeed resembles a four-stringed whip. I can’t really say where the head of this river is or which of these branches can safely be called Sora from its source. After we had traveled nine or ten miles up into the land, we suddenly encountered cross waters, which forced us to turn either east or west, as there was no way to go straight ahead. The first arm on the right as we continued rises out of a park south of Alborne, heading northwest for a while, then turning south between Shermonbury and Twinham, and shortly after Bimarus. it joins the Bimar, not far south from Shermonbury, where they run together for almost two miles before merging into the Sore. The one on the west side comes down from around Billinghurst, and as it heads east, it crosses with the fourth branch (which rises a little west of Thacombe) east of Pulborough, and they flow together into the Sore, which after this confluence rushes southward by Brember, Burleys, the Combes, and soon reaches the Ocean.

Arunus. The Arun (of which beside Arundell towne the castell and the vallie wherin it runneth is called Vallis Aruntina, or Arundale in English) is a goodlie water, and thereto increased with no small number of excellent & pleasant brookes. It springeth vp of two heads, whereof one descendeth from the north not far from Gretham, and going by Lis, méeteth with the [Page 94] next streame (as I gesse) about Doursford house. The second riseth by west from the hils that lie toward the rising of the sunne from East maine, and runneth by Peterfield. The third commeth from Beriton ward, and ioineth with the second betwéene Peterfield and Doursford, after which confluence they go togither in one chanell still toward the east (taking a rill with them that cōmmeth betwéene Fernehirst and S. Lukes chappell, southwest of Linchmere, and meeting with it east of Loddesworth (as I doo read, and likewise sundrie other in one chanell beneath Stopham) to Waltham, Burie, Houghton, Stoke, Arundell, Tortington ford, Climping (all on the west side) and so into the sea.

Arunus. The Arun (which, along with Arundell town, the castle, and the valley it flows through, is referred to as Vallis Aruntina or Arundale in English) is a beautiful river, enhanced by several excellent and pleasant streams. It originates from two sources: one flows down from the north, not far from Gretham, and, passing by Lis, meets the next stream (as I believe) near Doursford House. The second source rises from the hills to the east of East Main and flows by Petersfield. The third comes from Beriton ward and joins the second between Petersfield and Doursford. After this confluence, they continue together in one channel toward the east (taking a small stream with them that comes between Fernhurst and St. Luke's chapel, southwest of Linchmere, and meets it east of Loddesworth, as I read, along with several others in one channel below Stopham) to Waltham, Bury, Houghton, Stoke, Arundell, Tortington ford, Climping (all on the west side) and then into the sea.

Hauing thus described the west side of Arun, let vs doo the like with the other in such sort as we best may. The first riuer that we come vnto therfore on the east side, and also the second, rise of sundrie places in S. Leonards forrest, & ioining a little aboue Horsham, they méet with the third, which commeth from Ifield parke, not verie farre from Slinfeld. The fourth hath two heads, whereof one riseth in Witleie parke, the other by west, neere vnto Heselméere chappell, and meeting by west of Doursfeld, they vnite themselues with the chanell, growing by the confluence that I spake of beneath Slinfeld, a little aboue Billingshirst. The last water commeth from the hils aboue Linchemere, and runneth west and south, and passing betwéene Billingshirst and Stopham it commeth vnto the chanell last mentioned, and so into the Arun beneath Stopham, without anie further increase, at the least that I doo heare of.

Having described the west side of the Arun, let's do the same for the east side as best as we can. The first river we encounter on the east side, which is also the second, originates from various places in St. Leonard's Forest, and they meet just above Horsham. The third river comes from Ifield Park, not too far from Slinfeld. The fourth has two sources: one rises in Witley Park, and the other is to the west, near Heslemere Chapel. These two join together west of Doursfield and connect with the channel I mentioned earlier near Slinfeld, just above Billingshurst. The last river comes from the hills above Linchmere, flowing west and south. It passes between Billingshurst and Stopham before joining the previously mentioned channel, leading into the Arun below Stopham, without any further increase, at least as far as I know.

Burne. Burne hath his issue in a parke néere Aldingburrie (or rather a little aboue the same toward the north, as I haue since beene informed) and running by the bottomes toward the south, it falleth betwéene north Elin. Berflete and Flesham. Erin riseth of sundrie heads, by east of Erinleie, and directing his course toward the sunne rising, it peninsulateth Delūs. Seleseie towne on the southwest and Pagham at northwest. Deel springeth about Benderton, and thence running betwéene middle Lauant and east Lauant, it goeth by west of west Hampnet, by east of Chichester, or west of Rumbaldesdowne, and afterward by Fishburne, where it meeteth with a rill comming north west from Funtingdon (a little beneath the towne) & then running thus in one streame toward the sea, it méeteth with another rillet comming by north of Bosham, and so into Auant gulfe by east of Thorneie Iland.

Burne. Burne has its source in a park near Aldingburry (or actually a little above it to the north, as I have learned since) and flows downwards towards the south, falling between North Elin. Berflete and Flesham. Erin rises from several springs, east of Erinleigh, and heads towards the sunrise, forming a peninsula Delus. with Seleseie town to the southwest and Pagham to the northwest. Deel springs from around Benderton, and then flows between Middle Lauant and East Lauant, passing west of West Hampnet, east of Chichester, or west of Rumbaldesdowne, and afterwards by Fishburne, where it meets a stream coming northwest from Funtingdon (just below the town) & then flowing together as one stream towards the sea, it joins another little stream coming from the north of Bosham, and so into Auant gulf to the east of Thorneie Island.

Racunus. The Racon riseth by east of Racton or Racodunum (as Leland calleth it) and comming by Chidham, it falleth into the sea, northeast of Thorneie
Emill.
aforesaid. The Emill commeth first betwéene Racton and Stansted, then downe to Emilsworth or Emmesworth, & so vnto the Ocean, separating Sussex from Hampshire almost from the very head. Hauing in this maner passed along the coasts of Sussex, the next water that I remember, riseth by east of the forrest of Estbirie, from whence it goeth by Southwike, west Burhunt, Farham, and so into the gulfe almost full Badunus forte. south. Then come we to Bedenham creeke (so called of a village standing thereby) the mouth whereof lieth almost directlie against Porchester castell, which is situat about three miles by water from Portesmouth towne, as Leland dooth report. Then go we within halfe a mile further Forten or Fordon. to Forten creeke, which either giueth or taketh name of a village hard Osterpoole. by. After this we come to Osterpoole lake, a great créeke, that goeth vp by west into the land, and lieth not far from a round turret of stone, from whence also there goeth a chaine to another tower on the east side directlie ouer against it, the like whereof is to be séene in diuerse other hauens of the west countrie, wherby the entrance of great vessels into that part may be at pleasure restreined.

Racoon. The Racon rises east of Racton or Racodunum (as Leland calls it) and flows past Chidham, emptying into the sea, northeast of Thorneie. Emil. The Emill comes first between Racton and Stansted, then flows down to Emilsworth or Emmesworth, and continues into the ocean, separating Sussex from Hampshire almost from its source. Having passed along the coasts of Sussex, the next water I recall rises east of the forest of Estbirie, flowing past Southwike, West Burhunt, Farham, and into the bay nearly due south. Then we reach Bedenham creek (named after a village nearby), whose mouth is almost directly opposite Porchester Castle, which is situated about three miles by water from Portsmouth town, as Leland reports. Next, we go half a mile further Forten or Fordon. to Forten creek, which either takes its name from a nearby village or gives its name to it. After this, we arrive at Osterpoole lake, a large creek that goes up into the land to the west and is not far from a round stone turret, from which a chain also extends to another tower on the east side directly across from it. This kind of setup can also be seen in various other harbors in the west country, allowing for the controlled entrance of large vessels into that area.

From hence we go further to Tichefeld water, that riseth about Eastmaine Tichefield. parke, ten or twelue miles by northeast or there abouts from Tichefeld. From Eastmaine it goeth (parting the forrests of Waltham, and Eastberie by the way) to Wicham or Wicombe, a pretie market towne & large throughfare, where also the water separateth it selfe into two armelets, and going vnder two bridges of wood commeth yer long againe vnto one chanell. From hence it goeth three or foure miles further, to a bridge of timber by maister Writhoseleies house (leauing Tichfeld towne on the right side) and a little beneath runneth vnder Ware bridge, whither the sea floweth as hir naturall course inforceth. Finallie, within a mile of [Page 95] this bridge it goeth into the water of Hampton hauen, whervnto diuerse streames resort, as you shall heare hereafter.

From here, we continue to Tichefeld Water, which rises near Eastmaine park, about ten or twelve miles northeast of Tichefeld. From Eastmaine, it flows (parting the forests of Waltham and Eastberie along the way) to Wicham or Wicombe, a nice market town and busy thoroughfare, where the water splits into two small channels, flowing under two wooden bridges before rejoining into one stream. From here, it continues for three or four miles to a wooden bridge by Mr. Writhosele's house (with Tichfeld town on the right) and shortly after runs beneath Ware Bridge, where the sea flows as its natural course dictates. Finally, within a mile of this bridge, it enters the waters of Hampton Haven, to which various streams flow, as you will hear more about later.

Hamelrish. After this we come to Hamble hauen, or Hamelrish créeke, whose fall is betwéene saint Andrewes castell, and Hoke. It riseth about Shidford in Waltham forrest, & when it is past Croke bridge, it méeteth with another brooke, which issueth not farre from Bishops Waltham, out of sundrie springs in the high waie on Winchester, from whence it passeth (as I said) by Bishops Waltham, then to Budeleie or Botleie, and then ioining with the Hamble, they run togither by Prowlingsworth, Vpton, Brusill, Hamble towne, and so into the sea.

Hamelrish. After this, we arrive at Hamble Haven, or Hamelrish Creek, whose flow is between Saint Andrew's Castle and Hoke. It rises near Shidford in Waltham Forest, and after passing Croke Bridge, it meets another brook that comes from various springs along the main road to Winchester, not far from Bishops Waltham. From there, it continues past Bishops Waltham, then to Budeleie or Botleie, and finally joins the Hamble. They flow together through Prowlingsworth, Upton, Brusill, Hamble Town, and into the sea.

Southhampton. Now come we to the hauen of Southhampton, by Ptolomie called Magnus portus, which I will briefelie describe so néere as I can possiblie. The bredth or entrie of the mouth hereof (as I take it) is by estimation two miles from shore to shore. At the west point therof also is a strong castell latelie builded, which is rightlie named Caldshore, but now Cawshot, I wote not by what occasion. On the east side thereof also is a place called Hoke (afore mentioned) or Hamell hoke; wherein are not aboue thrée or foure fisher houses, not worthie to be remembred. This hauen shooteth vp on the west side by the space of seuen miles, vntill it come to Hampton towne, standing on the other side, where it is by estimation a mile from land to land. Thence it goeth vp further about thrée miles to Redbridge, still ebbing and flowing thither, and one mile further, so farre as my memorie dooth serue mée. Now it resteth that I describe the Alresford streame, which some doo call the Arre or Arle, and I will procéed withall in this order following.

Southampton. Now we arrive at the harbor of Southampton, known by Ptolemy as Magnus portus, which I will briefly describe as best as I can. The width or entry of its mouth (as I see it) is roughly two miles from shore to shore. At the western point, there is a strong castle recently built, which is correctly named Caldshore, but is now called Cawshot; I’m not sure why. On the eastern side, there is a place called Hoke (previously mentioned) or Hamell Hoke, where there are only about three or four fishing houses, not worth mentioning. This harbor stretches up on the west side for about seven miles, until it reaches Hampton town, located on the other side, where it is estimated to be a mile from land to land. From there, it continues moving up further about three miles to Redbridge, with the tide ebbing and flowing there, and one mile further, as far as I remember. Now I need to describe the Alresford stream, which some call the Arre or Arle, and I will proceed with that in the following order.

Alresford. The Alresford beginneth of diuerse faire springs, about a mile or more frō Alresford, or Alford as it is now called, and soone after resorting to one bottome, they become a broad lake, which for the most part is called Alford pond. Afterward returning againe to a narrow chanell, it goeth through a stone bridge at the end of Alford towne (leauing the towne it selfe on the left hand) toward Hicthingstocke thrée miles off, but yer it commeth there, it receiueth two rils in one bottome, whereof one commeth from the Forrest in maner at hand, and by northwest of old Alresford, the other frō Browne Candiuer, that goeth by Northenton, Swarewotton, Aberstone, &c: vntill we méet with the said water beneath Alford towne. Being past Hichinstocke, it commeth by Auington to Eston village, and to Woorthie, where it beginneth to branch, and ech arme to part it selfe into other that resort to Hide and the lower soiles by east of Winchester, there seruing the stréets, the close of S. Maries, Wolueseie, and the new college verie plentifullie with their water. But in this meane while, the great streame commeth from Worthie to the east bridge, and so to saint Elizabeth college, where it dooth also part in twaine, enuironing the said house in most delectable maner. After this it goeth toward S. Crosses, leauing it a quarter of a mile on the right hand: then to Twiford (a mile lower) where it gathereth againe into one bottome, and goeth six miles further Otter. to Woodmill, taking the Otter brooke withall on the east side, and so into the salt créeke that leadeth downe to the hauen.

Alresford. The Alresford starts from several beautiful springs, about a mile or more from Alresford, now known as Alford, and soon they flow together to form a broad lake, mostly called Alford Pond. After that, it narrows again and goes through a stone bridge at the end of Alford town (leaving the town itself to the left) towards Hicthingstock, three miles away. Before it gets there, it receives two streams that merge together, one coming from the nearby forest northwest of old Alresford, and the other from Browne Candiuer, which flows by Northenton, Swarewotton, Aberstone, etc., until it meets the main water below Alford town. After passing Hichinstock, it flows by Avington to Easton village and to Worthie, where it begins to branch out, with each arm splitting off into others that lead to Hide and the lower lands east of Winchester, supplying the streets, the close of St. Mary’s, Wolvesey, and the new college very plentifully with water. Meanwhile, the main stream flows from Worthie to the east bridge, and then to St. Elizabeth’s college, where it also splits in two, surrounding the house in a very delightful manner. After this, it heads toward St. Cross, leaving it a quarter of a mile to the right; then to Twyford (a mile lower) where it gathers again into one stream and goes six miles further Otter. to Woodmill, taking the Otter brook with it on the east side, and then into the salt creek that leads down to the harbor.

On the other side of Southhampton, there resorteth into this hauen also Stocke. both the Test & the Stockbridge water in one bottome, whereof I find this large description insuing. The verie head of the Stockewater, is supposed to be somewhere about Basing stoke, or church Hockleie, and going from thence betwéene Ouerton and Steuenton, it commeth at last by Lauerstocke & Whitchurch, and soone after receiuing a brooke by Bourne. northwest, called the Bourne (descending from S. Marie Bourne, southeast from Horsseburne) it procéedeth by Long paroch and the wood, till it meet with the Cranburne, on the east side (a pretie riuelet rising about Michelneie, and going by Fullington, Barton, and to Cramburne) thence to Horwell in one bottome, beneath which it meeteth with the Andeuer water, that is increased yer it come there by an other brooke, whose name I doo not know. This Andeuer streame riseth in Culhamshire forrest, not far by north from Andeuer towne, and going to vpper Clatford, yer it touch there it receiueth the rill of which I spake before, which rising also néere vnto Anport, goeth to Monketon, to Abbatesham, the Andeuer, and both (as I said) vnto the Test beneath Horwell, whereof I spake euen now.

On the other side of Southampton, this harbor also attracts the Stocke, where both the Test and Stockbridge water converge. Here's a detailed description of it. The source of the Stockewater is believed to be around Basingstoke or Church Hockley. It flows from there between Overton and Steventon, eventually passing through Laverstock and Whitchurch. Soon after, it receives a stream from the northwest called the Bourne, which flows down from St. Mary Bourne, southeast of Horsebridge. It continues through Longparish and the woods until it meets the Cranbourne on the east side, a lovely little river that rises near Michelmersh and flows through Fullington, Barton, and into Cranbourne. Then it moves on to Horwell in a single stretch, where it connects with the Andover water, which has been increased by another stream, the name of which I do not know. This Andover stream rises in the Culhamshire Forest, not far north of Andover town. As it heads to Upper Clatford, it gathers the rill I mentioned earlier, which also rises near Anport and flows through Monketon to Abbots Ann, eventually joining the Andover, and both streams, as I said, flow into the Test below Horwell, which I just mentioned.

[Page 96]

[Page 96]

These streames being thus brought into one bottome, it runneth toward the south vnder Stockbridge, and soone after diuiding it selfe in twaine, one branch thereof goeth by Houghton, & a little beneath meeteth with a rill, that commeth from bywest of S. Ans hil, and goeth by east of vpper Wallop, west of nether Wallop, by Bucholt forrest, Broughton, Valopius. and called (as I haue béene informed) the Gallop, but now it is named Wallop. The other arme runneth through the parke, by north west of kings Somburne, and vniting themselues againe, they go forth by Motteshunt, and Test. then receiue the Test, a pretie water rising in Clarendun parke, that goeth by west Deane, and east Deane, so to Motteshunt, and finallie to the aforesaid water, which from thencefoorth is called the Test, euen vnto the sea. But to procéed. After this confluence, it taketh the gate to Kimbebridge, then to Rumseie, Longbridge, and beneath the same receiueth a concourse of two rilles whereof the one commeth from Sherefield, the other from the new Forrest, and ioining in Wadeleie parke, they beat vpon the Test, not verie farre from Murseling. From thence the Test goeth vnder a pretie bridge, before it come at Redbridge, from whence it is not long yer it fall into the hauen.

These streams, once combined into one, flow south under Stockbridge and soon split into two branches. One branch goes by Houghton and a little further down meets a stream coming from the west of St. Ans Hill, passing east of Upper Wallop, west of Nether Wallop, through Bucholt Forest, Broughton, Valopius. and is called (as I've been told) the Gallop, but it's now known as Wallop. The other arm runs through the park, northwest of Kings Somburne, and merging again, they continue by Motteshunt, and Test. then they receive the Test, a lovely stream rising in Clarendon Park, which flows by West Dean and East Dean, to Motteshunt, and finally joins the earlier water, which from then on is called the Test, all the way to the sea. Moving on, after this joining, the river goes towards Kimbebridge, then to Rumseie, Longbridge, and just below that, it collects two streams, one coming from Sherefield and the other from the New Forest, which merge in Wadeley Park before flowing into the Test, not far from Murseling. From there, the Test flows under a nice bridge before reaching Redbridge, and shortly after that, it empties into the harbor.

The next riuer that runneth into this port, springeth in the new Eling. Forrest, and commeth thereinto about Eling, not passing one mile by west of the fall of Test. From hence casting about againe into the maine sea, and leauing Calde shore castell on the right hand, we directed our course toward the southwest, vnto Beaulieu hauen, whereinto the Mineie Mineie. descendeth. The Mineie riseth not far from Mineiestéed, a village in the north part of the new Forrest; and going by Beaulieu, it falleth into the sea southwest (as I take it) of Exburie, a village standing vpon the shore.

The next river that flows into this port starts in the New Forest and arrives there around Eling, less than a mile west of the mouth of the Test. From there, turning again into the main sea and leaving Calde Shore Castle on the right, we set our course southwest to Beaulieu Haven, where the Mineie river flows in. The Mineie rises not far from Mineiestéed, a village in the northern part of the New Forest; passing by Beaulieu, it empties into the sea southwest, as I understand, of Exbury, a village located on the shore.

Limen. Being past the Mineie, we crossed the Limen as it is now called, whose head is in the verie hart of the new Forrest (sometime conuerted into a place of nourishment for déere by William Rufus, buieng his pleasure with the ruine of manie towns and villages, as diuerse haue inclosed or inlarged their parks by the spoile of better occupiengs) & running southwest of Lindhirst & the parke, it goeth by east of Brokenhirst, west of Bulder, & finallie into the sea south and by east of Lemington. I take this not to be the proper name of the water, but of the hauen, for Limen in Gréeke is an hauen: so that Limendune is nothing else, but a downe or higher plot of ground lieng on the hauen: neuerthelesse, sith this denomination of the riuer hath now hir frée passage, I think it not conuenient to séeke out any other name that should be giuen vnto it. The next fall that we passed by is namelesse, except it be called Bure, & as Bure.
Milis.
it descendeth from new Forrest, so the next vnto it hight Mile, as I haue heard in English. Certes the head thereof is also in the southwest part of the said Forrest, & the fall not far from Milford bridge, beyond the which I find a narrow going or strictland leading frō the point to Hirst castell which standeth into the sea, as if it hoong by a thred, from the maine of the Iland, readie to be washed awaie by the continuall working and dailie beating of the waues.

Limen. Once we passed the Mineie, we crossed the Limen, as it’s now called, which originates in the very heart of the New Forest (once turned into a hunting ground for deer by William Rufus, who enjoyed his whims at the expense of many towns and villages, as various people have enclosed or expanded their parks by the ruin of better lands). Flowing southwest of Lindhirst and the park, it runs east of Brokenhirst, west of Bulder, and finally empties into the sea south and east of Lemington. I believe this is not the actual name of the river, but rather of the harbor, since Limen in Greek means a harbor; therefore, Limendune is simply a hill or higher ground located by the harbor. Nevertheless, since this name for the river has now been established, I think it’s best not to search for another name for it. The next waterfall we passed is nameless, unless it’s referred to as Bure, and as Bureau.
Mills.
it flows down from the New Forest, the next one is called Mile, as I've heard in English. Its source is also in the southwest part of that Forest, with the fall located not far from Milford Bridge, beyond which I find a narrow path leading from the point to Hirst Castle, which juts into the sea, as if it's hanging by a thread, ready to be washed away by the constant action and daily crashing of the waves.

Auon. The next riuer that we came vnto of anie name is the Auon, which (as Leland saith) riseth by northeast, and not far from Woolfehall in Wiltshire, supposed to be the same which Ptolomie called Halenus. The first notable bridge that it runneth vnto,is at Vphauen, thence foure miles further it goeth to little Ambresburie, and there is another bridge, from thence to Woodford village, standing at the right hand banke, and Newton village on the left. The bishops of Sarum had a proper manor place at Woodford, which bishop Sharton pulled downe altogither, bicause it was somewhat in ruine. Thence it goeth to Fisherton bridge, to Cranebridge, old Salisburie, new Salisburie, and finallie to Harnham, which is a statelie bridge of stone, of six arches at the least. There is at the west end of the said bridge, a little Iland, that lieth betwixt this and another bridge, of foure pretie arches, and vnder this later runneth a good round streame, which (as I take it) is a branch of Auon, that breaketh out a little aboue, & soone after it reuniteth it selfe againe: or else that Wilton water hath there his entrie into the Auon, which I cannot yet determine. From Harneham bridge it goeth to Dounton, that is about foure miles, and so much in like sort from thence to Fordingbridge, to Ringwood bridge fiue miles, to Christes church Twinham fiue miles, and streight into the sea; and hitherto Leland of [Page 97] this streame, which for the worthinesse thereof (in mine opinion) is not sufficientlie described. Wherefore I thinke good to deliuer a second receiued of another, which in more particular maner dooth exhibit his course vnto vs.

Auon. The next river we came to with a name is the Auon, which (as Leland says) rises from the northeast, not far from Woolfehall in Wiltshire, thought to be the same one that Ptolemy called Halenus. The first notable bridge it reaches is at Uphaun, and four miles further, it goes to little Amesbury, where there’s another bridge. From there, it flows to Woodford village on the right bank, with Newton village on the left. The bishops of Sarum had a nice manor at Woodford, which Bishop Sharton completely demolished because it was somewhat in ruins. From there, it goes to Fisherton bridge, then to Cranebridge, old Salisbury, new Salisbury, and finally to Harnham, which has a grand stone bridge with at least six arches. At the west end of this bridge, there’s a small island lying between this bridge and another with four nice arches, and beneath the latter flows a good round current, which (as I understand it) is a branch of the Auon that breaks off a little upstream and quickly reunites; or it could be that Wilton water enters the Auon there, which I can’t determine yet. From Harnham bridge, it goes to Downton, which is about four miles, and the same distance from there to Fordingbridge, to Ringwood bridge five miles, to Christ Church Twinham five miles, and straight into the sea; and up to this point, Leland has discussed this stream, which, in my opinion, is not described adequately for its significance. Therefore, I think it’s good to provide a second account from another source, which offers a more detailed description of its course to us.

Certes this Auon is a goodlie riuer, rising (as I said before néere) vnto Wolfe hall; although he that will séeke more scrupulouslie for the head in déed, must looke for the same about the borders of the forrest of Sauernake (that is Soure oke) which lieth as if it were imbraced betwéene the first armes thereof, as I haue beene informed. These heads also doo make a confluence by east of Martinshall hill, and west of Wootton. From whence it goeth to Milton, Powseie, Manningfield abbeie, Manningfield crosse, and beneath Newington taketh in one rill west from Rudborow, and another a little lower that riseth also west of Alcanninges, and runneth into the same by Patneie, Merden, Wilford, Charleton, and Rustisall. Being therefore past Newington, it goeth to Vphauen (whereof Leland speaketh) to Chesilburie, Compton, Ablington, little Almsburie, Darntford, Woodford, old Salisburie, and so to new Salisburie, where it receiueth one notable riuer from by northwest, & another from north east, which two I will first describe, leauing the Wilugh. Auon at Salisburie for a while. The first of these is called the Wilugh, whereof the whole shire dooth take hir name, and not of the great plentie of willowes growing therein, as some fantasticall heads doo imagine: whereof also there is more plentie in that countrie than is to be found in other places. It riseth among the Deuerels, and running thence by hill Deuerell, & Deuerell long bridge, it goeth toward Bishops straw, taking in one rill by west & another from Vpton by Werminster at northwest. From Bishops straw it goeth to Norton, Vpton, Badhampton, Steplinford, and Stapleford, where it meeteth with the Winterburie water from by north, descending from Maddenton by Winterburne. From Stapleford it hasteth to Wishford, Newton, Chilhampton, Wilton: and thither commeth a water vnto it from southwest, which riseth of two heads aboue Ouerdonet. After this it goeth by Wordcastell, to Tisburie, and there receiueth a water on ech side, whereof one commeth from Funthill, the other from two issues (of which one riseth at Austie, the other at Swalodise) and so keeping on still with his course, our Wilugh runneth next of all by Sutton. Thence it goeth to Fouant, Boberstocke, Nader becke. Southburcombe, Wilton (where it taketh in the Fomington or Nader water) Westharnam, Salisburie, and Eastharnam: and this is the race of Wilugh.

Certainly, this Auon is a beautiful river, starting (as I mentioned earlier) near Wolfe Hall; however, if someone really wants to find the true source, they should look near the edges of the Savernake Forest (which is dry oak), as I've been told. These sources also come together to the east of Martinshall Hill and west of Wootton. From there, it flows to Milton, Powseie, Manningfield Abbey, Manningfield Cross, and below Newington, it takes in one stream from the west of Rudborow and another a bit lower that also rises west of Alcanninges, flowing into the same river via Patneie, Merden, Wilford, Charleton, and Rustisall. After passing Newington, it goes to Uphaven (which Leland mentions), then to Chesilburie, Compton, Ablington, Little Almsburie, Darntford, Woodford, old Salisbury, and then to new Salisbury, where it receives a notable river from the northwest and another from the northeast. I’ll first describe these two before returning to the Wilugh. Auon at Salisbury for a moment. The first of these is called the Wilugh, which gives its name to the whole county, not from the abundance of willows growing there, as some fanciful thinkers believe—though there are indeed more willows in that area than in other places. It rises among the Deverels and flows past Hill Deverell and Deverell Long Bridge, heading toward Bishop's Straw, taking in one stream from the west and another from Upton by Werminster to the northwest. From Bishop's Straw, it goes to Norton, Upton, Badhampton, Steplinford, and Stapleford, where it meets the Winterburie water from the north, coming down from Maddenton by Winterburne. From Stapleford, it hurries to Wishford, Newton, Chilhampton, and Wilton: here, a stream joins it from the southwest, which rises from two heads above Overdonet. After this, it flows by Wordcastell to Tisburie, where it receives water on each side, one coming from Funthill and the other from two sources (one rising at Austie and the other at Swalodise). Continuing on its course, our Wilugh runs next to Sutton. From there, it goes to Fouant, Boberstocke, Nader Becke. Southburcombe, Wilton (where it takes in the Fomington or Nader Water), Westharnam, Salisbury, and Eastharnam: and this is the path of the Wilugh.

The other is a naked arme or streame without anie branches. It riseth aboue Colingburne Kingston in the hils, and thence it goeth to Colingburne, the Tidworths (whereof the more southerlie is in Wiltshire) Shipton, Cholterton, Newton, Toneie, Idmerson, Porton, the Winterburns, Lauerstocke, and so into Auon east of Salisburie. And thus is the confluence made of the aforesaid waters, with this our second Auon, Becquith brooke. whereinto another water falleth (called Becquithes brooke) a mile beneath Harneham bridge, whose head is fiue miles from Sarum, and thrée miles aboue Becquithes bridge, as Leland doth remember, who noteth the Chalkeburne. Chalkeburne water to haue his due recourse also at this place into the aforesaid riuer. Certes it is a pretie brooke, and riseth six miles from Shaftesburie, and in the waie toward Salisburie in a bottome on the right hand, whence it commeth by Knighton and Fennistratford, to Honington, that is about twelue miles from the head, and about two miles and an halfe from Honington beneath Odstocke, goeth into the Auon, a mile lower than Harnham bridge, except he forget himselfe. This Harnham, whereof I now intreat, was sometime a pretie village before the erection of new Salisburie, and had a church of S. Martine belonging vnto it, but now in stéed of this church, there is onelie a barne standing in a verie low mead on the northside of S. Michaels hospitall. The cause of the relinquishing of it was the moistnesse of the soile, verie oft ouerflowne. And whereas the kings high waie laie sometime through Wilton, licence was obteined of the king and Richard bishop of Salisburie, to remooue that passage vnto new Salisburie in like maner, and vpon this occasion was the maine bridge made ouer Auon at Harneham. Thrée towns decaied by changing one waie. By this exchange of the waie also old Salisburie fell into vtter decaie, & Wilton which was before the head towne of the shire, and furnished with twelue parish churches, grew to be but a poore village, and of [Page 98] small reputation. Howbeit, this was not the onelie cause of the ruine of old Salisburie, sith I read of two other, whereof the first was a salue vnto the latter, as I take it. For whereas it was giuen out, that the townesmen wanted water in old Salisburie, it is flat otherwise; sith that hill is verie plentifullie serued with springs and wels of verie swéet water. The truth of the matter therefore is this.

The other is a clear stream without any branches. It rises above Collingbourne Kingston in the hills, and then flows to Collingbourne, the Tidworths (the more southerly one is in Wiltshire), Shipton, Cholterton, Newton, Toneie, Idmerson, Porton, the Winterburns, Laverstock, and then into the Avon east of Salisbury. This creates the confluence of the aforementioned waters with our second Avon, Becquith Creek. into which another stream (called Becquithes brook) flows a mile below Harnham bridge, whose source is five miles from Sarum, and three miles above Becquithes bridge, as Leland notes, who also mentions the Chalkeburne. Chalkeburne water also joins this river at this location. Certainly, it is a nice brook, rising six miles from Shaftesbury, and on the way to Salisbury in a low area on the right, passing by Knighton and Fennistratford, to Honington, which is about twelve miles from its source, and about two and a half miles from Honington, just below Odstock, flows into the Avon, a mile lower than Harnham bridge, unless it forgets itself. This Harnham, which I am now discussing, used to be a nice village before the building of New Salisbury, and had a church of St. Martin associated with it, but now instead of this church, there is only a barn standing in a very low meadow on the north side of St. Michael’s hospital. The reason for its abandonment was the wetness of the soil, which frequently flooded. And while the king's highway used to run through Wilton, permission was obtained from the king and Richard, bishop of Salisbury, to move that route to New Salisbury as well, and for this reason the main bridge was built over the Avon at Harnham. Three towns fell into decline because of a change in one route. Due to this change in the route, old Salisbury fell into complete decline, and Wilton, which was previously the main town of the county, with twelve parish churches, became just a poor village of little reputation. However, this was not the only reason for the downfall of old Salisbury, as I found out about two others, the first being a remedy for the latter, as I see it. For although it was claimed that the townspeople lacked water in old Salisbury, the reality is quite the opposite; that hill is abundantly supplied with springs and wells of very sweet water. Therefore, the truth of the matter is this.

An holie conflict. In the time of ciuill warres, the souldiors of the castell and chanons of old Sarum fell at ods, insomuch that after often bralles, they fell at last to sad blowes. It happened therefore in a rogation weeke that the cleargie going in solemne procession, a controuersie fell betwéene them about certeine walkes and limits, which the one side claimed and the other denied. Such also was the hot intertainment on ech part, that at the last the Castellanes espieng their time, gate betwéene the cleargie and the towne, and so coiled them as they returned homeward, that they feared anie more to gang about their bounds for the yeare. Héerevpon the people missing their bellie cheare (for they were woont to haue banketing at euerie station, a thing commonlie practised by the religious in old time, wherewith to linke in the commons vnto them, whom anie man may lead whither he will by the bellie, or as Latimer said, with beefe, bread and beere) they conceiued foorthwith a deadlie hatred against the Castellans. But not being able to cope with them by force of armes, they consulted with Richard Pore their bishop, and he with them so effectuallie, that it was not long yer they, I meane the chanons, began a new church vpon a péece of their owne ground called Mirifield, pretending to serue God there in better safetie, and with far more New Salisburie begun. quietnesse than they could doo before. This church was begun 1219, the nine and twentith of Aprill, and finished with the expenses of 42000 marks, in the yeare 1260, and fiue & twentith of March, whereby it appeereth that it was aboue fortie yéers in hand, although the clearks were translated to the new towne 1220, or the third yeere after the fraie. The people also séeing the diligence of the chanons, and reputing their harmes for their owne inconuenience, were as earnest on the other side to be néere vnto these prelats, and therefore euerie man brought his house vnto that place, & thus became old Sarum in few yeeres vtterlie desolate, and new Salisburie raised vp in stéed thereof, to the great decaie also of Harnham and Wilton, whereof I spake of late. Neuerthelesse it should séeme to me that this new citie is not altogither void of some great hinderances now and then by water: for in the second of Edward the second (who held a parlement there) there was a sudden thaw after a great frost, which caused the waters so fast to arise, that euen at high masse time the water came into the minster, and not onelie ouerflowed the nether part of the same, but came vp all to the kings pauase where he sate, whereby he became wetshod, and in the end inforced to leaue the church, as the executour did his masse, least they should all haue béene drowned: and this rage indured there for the space of two daies, wherevpon no seruice could be said in the said minster.

A sacred war. During the time of civil wars, the soldiers of the castle and the canons of old Sarum had serious disagreements, leading to frequent fights that eventually escalated to violence. It happened that during a Rogation week, as the clergy were going in solemn procession, a dispute arose between them regarding certain paths and boundaries that one side claimed and the other denied. The conflict reached such a boiling point that eventually the castle guards saw their opportunity, positioned themselves between the clergy and the town, and ambushed them on their way home, causing the clergy to fear returning to their old routes for the rest of the year. As a result, the people, missing their feasts (since they were used to having a banquet at every stop, a common practice by the religious in the past that linked the common folk to them, whom anyone can lead wherever they want through food, or as Latimer said, with beef, bread, and beer), immediately developed a deadly hatred towards the castle guards. However, unable to confront them with force, they consulted with Richard Pore, their bishop, who worked with them effectively. Soon enough, the canons began constructing a new church on a piece of their own land called Mirifield, claiming it would allow them to serve God more safely and peacefully than before. This church was started on April 29, 1219, and completed with an expense of 42,000 marks by March 25, 1260, which shows it took more than forty years to complete, even though the clerks were moved to the new town in 1220, just three years after the fight. The people, seeing the canons' efforts and considering their troubles as a shared inconvenience, were motivated to live near these leaders, prompting everyone to move their homes to that location, which led to the rapid desolation of old Sarum and the rise of new Salisbury in its place, significantly affecting Harnham and Wilton, which I mentioned earlier. Nevertheless, it seems to me that this new city still faces some significant hindrances caused by water: in the second year of Edward II's reign (who held a parliament there), a sudden thaw followed by a severe frost caused the waters to rise so rapidly that during High Mass, water flooded into the minster. Not only did it overflow the lower part of the building, but it also reached the king's pew where he sat, soaking his feet and eventually forcing him to leave the church, much like the executor who left his mass, for fear they would all drown. This flooding lasted for two days, during which no service could be held in the minster.

Now to returne againe from whence I thus digressed. Our Auon therefore departing from Salisburie, goeth by Burtford, Longford, and taking in the waters afore mentioned by the waie, it goeth by Stanleie, Dunketon, Craiford, Burgate, Fording bridge, Ringwood, Auon, Christes church; and finallie into the sea. But yer it come all there & a litle beneth Sturus. Christes church, it crosseth the Stoure or Sture, a verie faire streame, whose course is such as may not be left vntouched. It riseth of six heads, whereof thrée lie on the north side of the parke at Sturton within the pale, the other rise without the parke; & of this riuer the towne and baronie of Sturton dooth take his name as I gesse, for except my memorie do too much faile me, the lord Sturton giueth the six heads of the said water in his armes. But to procéed. After these branches are conioined in one bottome, it goeth to long Laime mill, Stilton, Milton, and beneath Gillingham receiueth a water that descendeth from Mere. Thence the Sture goeth to Bugleie, Stoure, Westouer bridge, Stoure Cale. prouost, and yer long it taketh in the Cale water, from Pen that commeth downe by Wickhampton to Moreland, & so to Stapleford, seuen miles from Wickhampton, passing in the said voiage, by Wine Caunton, and the fiue bridges. After this confluence, it runneth to Hinton Maries, and soone Lidden.
Deuilis.
after crosseth the Lidden and Deuilis waters all in one chanell, whereof the first riseth in Blackemore vale, and goeth to the bishops Caundell: [Page 99] the second in the hils south of Pulham, and so runneth to Lidlinch; the
Iber.
third water issueth néere Ibberton, and going by Fifehed to Lidlington,
Blackewater.
and there méeting with the Lidden, they receiue the Blackewater aboue Bagburne, and so go into the Stoure.

Now to return again to where I digressed. Our Avon, therefore, leaves Salisbury and goes by Burtford, Longford, and picking up the previously mentioned waters along the way, it passes through Stanley, Dunkerton, Crawford, Burgate, Fordingbridge, Ringwood, Avon, Christ's Church; and finally into the sea. But before it gets there, just below Christ's Church, it crosses the Stoure or Sture, a very beautiful stream, which deserves mention. It rises from six sources, three of which are on the north side of the park at Sturton within the boundaries, while the others rise outside the park; the town and barony of Sturton take their name from this river, as I believe, because, if my memory serves me right, the lord Sturton features the six sources of this water in his coat of arms. But I will continue. After these branches join together, it flows to Long Lame Mill, Stilton, Milton, and below Gillingham receives a stream that flows down from Mere. From there, the Sture goes to Bugley, Stoure, Westover Bridge, Stoure Provost, and not long after, it takes in the Cale water, which comes down from Pen by Wickhampton to Moreland, and then to Stapleford, seven miles from Wickhampton, passing along the way by Wine Caunton and the five bridges. After this confluence, it flows to Hinton Maries, and soon after crosses the Lidden and Deuilis waters all in one channel, where the first rises in Blackemore Vale and goes to the Bishop's Caundell; the second rises in the hills south of Pulham and flows to Lidlinch; the third stream comes near Ibberton and flows by Fifehead to Lidlington, and there meets the Lidden, receiving the Blackewater above Bagburne, and goes into the Stoure.

After this the Stoure runneth on to Stoureton minster, Fitleford, Hammond, and soone after taking in one water that commeth from Hargraue by west Orchard, and a second from Funtmill, it goeth on to Chele, Ankeford, Handford, Durweston, Knighton, Brainston, Blandford, Charleton: and crossing yer long a rill that riseth about Tarrent, and goeth to Launston, Munketon, Caunston, Tarrant, it proceedeth foorth by Shepwijc, and by and by receiuing another brooke on the right hand, that riseth about Strictland, and goeth by Quarleston, Whitchurch, Anderston, and Winterburne, it hasteth forward to Stoureminster, Berford lake, Alen bridge, Winburne, aliàs Twinburne minster, whither commeth a water called Alen (from Knolton, Wikehampton, Estambridge, Hinton, Barnsleie) which hath two heads, whereof one riseth short of Woodcotes, and east of Farneham, named Terig, the other at Munketon aboue S. Giles Winburne, and going thence to S. Giles Ashleie, it taketh in the Horton becke, as the Horton dooth the Cranburne. Finallie, meeting with the Terig aboue Knolton, they run on vnder the name of Alen to the Stoure, which goeth to the Canfords, Preston, Kingston, Perleie, and Yolnest: but yer it This Stoure aboundeth with pike, perch, roch, dace, gudgeon and éeles. come at Yolnest it taketh in two brookes in one bottome, whereof one commeth from Woodland parke by Holt parke, and Holt, another from aboue vpper Winburne, by Edmondesham, Vertwood, and Mannington, and ioining about S. Leonards, they go to Hornebridge, and so into Stoure. After which confluence, the said Stoure runneth by Iuor bridge, and so into Auon, leauing Christs church aboue the méeting of the said waters (as I haue said before.)

After this, the Stour flows on to Stourton Minster, Fitleford, Hammond, and shortly after it takes in a stream from Hargraive near West Orchard, and a second from Funtmill. It continues on to Chele, Ankeford, Handford, Durweston, Knighton, Brainston, Blandford, and Charleton. It crosses a small stream that rises near Tarrent and flows to Launston, Munketon, Caunston, and Tarrant. Then, it moves on by Shepwijc, soon receiving another brook on the right that rises near Strictland and flows past Quarleston, Whitchurch, Anderston, and Winterburne. It hastens forward to Stourminster, Berford Lake, Alen Bridge, Winburne, also known as Twinburne Minster, where a water called Alen joins in (from Knolton, Wikehampton, Estambridge, Hinton, Barnsley) which has two sources: one rises just short of Woodcotes, east of Farneham, named Terig, while the other is at Munketon above St. Giles Winburne. From there it goes to St. Giles Ashleie and takes in the Horton Beck, just as the Horton does the Cranburne. Finally, meeting with the Terig above Knolton, they flow together under the name of Alen to the Stour, which then goes to the Canfords, Preston, Kingston, Perleie, and Yolnest. But before it reaches Yolnest, it takes in two streams at one point, one coming from Woodland Park by Holt Park and Holt, and the other from above Upper Winburne, by Edmondesham, Vertwood, and Mannington. They join together at St. Leonards, then head to Hornebridge, and flow into the Stour. After this confluence, the Stour runs by Iuor Bridge and flows into the Avon, leaving Christ Church above the meeting of the mentioned waters (as I said before). This Stour is full of pike, perch, roach, dace, gudgeon, and eels.

Burne. Hauing in this maner passed Christes church head we come to the fall of the Burne, which is a little brooke running from Stourefield heath, without branches; from whence we proceeded: & the next fall that we come Poole. vnto is Poole, from whose mouth vpon the shore, by southwest in a baie of thrée miles off, is a poore fisher towne called Sandwich, where we saw a péere and a little fresh brooke. The verie vtter part of saint Adelmes point, is fiue miles from Sandwich. In another baie lieth west Lilleworth, where (as I heare) is some profitable harborough for ships. The towne of Poole is from Winburne about foure miles, and it standeth almost as an Ile in the hauen. The hauen it selfe also, if a man should measure it by the circuit, wanteth little of twentie miles, as I did gesse by the view.

Burne. Having passed by Christ's church head, we come to the Burne fall, which is a small stream running from Stourfield Heath, without any branches. From there, we moved on, and the next fall we reached is Poole, from whose mouth, on the shore, southwest, there’s a small fishing town called Sandwich, about three miles away, where we saw a pier and a small freshwater stream. The very outer edge of Saint Adlme's point is five miles from Sandwich. In another bay lies West Lilleworth, which I've heard has a decent harbor for ships. The town of Poole is about four miles from Winburne, and it stands almost like an island in the harbor. The harbor itself, if measured by its circumference, is nearly twenty miles, as I estimated from what I could see.

Going therefore into the same, betwéene the north and the south points, to sée what waters were there, we left Brunkeseie Iland, and the castell on the left hand within the said points; and passing about by Pole, and leauing that créeke, bicause it hath no fresh, we came by Holton and Kesworth, where we beheld two falles, of which one was called the north, Piddle. the other the south waters. The north streame hight Piddle as I heare. It riseth about Alton, and goeth from thence to Piddle trench head, Deuils. Piddle hinton, Walterstow, and yer it come at Birstam, receiueth Deuils brooke that commeth thither from Brugham and Melcombe by Deuilish towne. Thence it goeth to Tow piddle, Ashe piddle, Turners piddle (taking in yer it come there, a water that runneth from Helton by Middleton, Milburne & Biere) then to Hide, and so into Pole hauen, and of this water Marianus Scotus speaketh, except I be deceiued. The south water Frome. is properlie called Frome for Frame. It riseth néere vnto Euershot, and going downe by Fromequitaine, Chelmington, and Catstocke, it receiueth there a rill from beside Rowsham, and Wraxehall. After this it goeth on Ocus. to Chilfrome, and thence to Maden Newton, where it méeteth with the Owke, that riseth either two miles aboue Hoke parke at Kenford, or in the great pond within Hoke parke, and going by the Tollards, falleth into the Frome about Maden Newton, & so go as one from thence to Fromevauchirch, Crokewaie, Frampton, and Muckilford, and receiueth néere vnto the same a rill from aboue Vpsidling by S. Nicholas Sidling, and Grimston. From hence it goeth on by Stratton and Bradford Peuerell, and Silleie.
Minterne.
Cherne.
beneath this Bradford, it crosseth the Silleie aliàs Minterne and Cherne brooks both in one chanell: whereof the first riseth in vpper Cherne parish, the other at Minterne, and méeting aboue middle Cherne, they go [Page 100] by nether Cherne, Forston, Godmanston, and aboue Charneminster into Frome. In the meane time also our Frome brancheth and leaueth an Iland aboue Charneminster, and ioining againe néere Dorchester, it goeth by Dorchester, and Forthington; but yer it come at Beckington, it méeteth with another Becke that runneth thereinto from Winterburne, Stapleton, Martinstow, Heringstow, Caine and Stafford, and from thence goeth without anie further increase as yet to Beckington, Knighton, Tinkleton, Morton, Wooll, Bindon, Stoke, & beneath Stoke receiueth the issue of the Luckford. Luckford lake, from whence also it passeth by Eastholme, Warham, and so
Séeke more for Wilie brooke that goeth by West burie to Pole hauen.
into the Baie. From this fall we went about the arme point by Slepe, where we saw a little créeke, then by Owre, where we beheld an other, & then comming againe toward the entrance by saint Helens, and Furleie castell, we went abroad into the maine, and found ourselues at libertie.

Going between the north and south points to see what waters were there, we left Brunkeseie Island and the castle on the left-hand side within those points; passing by Pole and leaving that creek because it has no freshwater, we came by Holton and Kesworth, where we saw two falls, one called the north, Pee. the other the south waters. The north stream is called Piddle, as I've heard. It rises near Alton and flows from there to Piddle Trench Head, Grieving. Piddle Hinton, Walterstow, and before it reaches Birstam, it receives Deuils Brook, which comes from Brugham and Melcombe by Deuilish Town. From there, it continues to Tow Piddle, Ashe Piddle, Turners Piddle (taking in a water that flows from Helton by Middleton, Milburne & Biere), then to Hide, and into Pole Haven, and this water is mentioned by Marianus Scotus, unless I'm mistaken. The south water Frome. is properly named Frome for Frame. It rises near Euershot and flows down by Fromequitaine, Chelmington, and Catstocke, where it receives a stream from Rowsham and Wraxehall. After this, it goes on Oculus. to Chilfrome, and then to Maden Newton, where it meets the Owke, which rises either two miles above Hoke Park at Kenford or in the large pond within Hoke Park, and flowing by the Tollards, falls into the Frome near Maden Newton, and from there it continues as one stream to Fromevauchirch, Crokewaie, Frampton, and Muckilford, and receives another stream near there from above Upsidling by S. Nicholas Sidling, and Grimston. From here it goes on by Stratton and Bradford Peuerell, and Silleie.
Minterne.
Cherne.
below Bradford, it crosses the Silleie, also known as Minterne and Cherne brooks, both in one channel: the first rises in Upper Cherne parish, the other at Minterne, and meeting above Middle Cherne, they flow by Nether Cherne, Forston, Godmanston, and above Charneminster into Frome. Meanwhile, our Frome branches and leaves an island above Charneminster, and joining again near Dorchester, it flows by Dorchester and Forthington; but before it gets to Beckington, it meets another stream that flows into it from Winterburne, Stapleton, Martinstow, Heringstow, Caine, and Stafford, and from there it continues without any further increase to Beckington, Knighton, Tinkleton, Morton, Wooll, Bindon, Stoke, and below Stoke it receives the outlet from the Luckford. Luckford lake, from where it passes by Eastholme, Warham, and into the Bay. After this fall, we went around the arm point by Slepe, where we saw a little creek, then by Owre, where we saw another, and then coming back toward the entrance by Saint Helens and Furleie Castle, we ventured out into the main, and found ourselves free.

When we were past Pole hauen, we left the Handfast point, the Peuerell point, S. Adelmes chappell, and came at last to Lughport hauen, whereby and also the Luckeford lake, all this portion of ground last remembred, is left in maner of a byland or peninsula, and called the Ile of Burbecke, wherein is good store of alum and hard stone. In like sort going still westerlie, we came to Sutton points, where is a créeke. Then vnto Waie or Wilemouth, by kings Welcombe, which is twentie miles from Pole, and whose head is not full foure miles aboue the hauen by northwest at Vphill in the side of a great hill. Hereinto when we were entred, we saw three falles, whereof the first and greatest commeth from Vpweie by Bradweie, and Radipoole, receiuing afterward the second that ran from east Chekerell, and likewise the third that maketh the ground betwéene Weimouth and Smalmouth passage almost an Iland. There is a little barre of sand at the hauen mouth, and a great arme of the sea runneth vp by the right hand; and scant a mile aboue the hauen mouth on the shore, is a right goodlie and warlike castell made, which hath one open barbicane. This arme runneth vp also further by a mile as in a baie, to a point of land where a passage is into Portland, by a little course of pibble sand. It goeth vp also from the said passage vnto Abbatsbirie about seauen miles off, where a litle fresh rondell resorteth to the sea. And somewhat aboue this, is the head or point of Chesill. the Chesill lieng northwest, which stretcheth vp from thence about seauen miles, as a maine narrow banke, by a right line vnto the southeast, and there abutteth vpon Portland scant a quarter of a mile aboue the Newcastle there. The nature of this banke is such, that so often as the wind bloweth vehementlie at southeast, so often the sea beateth in, and losing the banke soketh through it: so that if this wind should blow from that corner anie long time togither, Portland should be left an Iland as it hath béene before. But as the southwest wind dooth appaire this banke, so a northwest dooth barre it vp againe. It is pretie to note of the Townelet of Waimouth, which lieth streight against Milton on the other side, and of this place where the water of the hauen is but of small breadth, that a rope is commonlie tied from one side of the shore to another, whereby the ferrie men doo guide their botes without anie helpe of Ores. But to procéed with our purpose. Into the mouth of this riuer doo ships often come for succour.

When we passed Pole Haven, we left behind Handfast Point, Peuerell Point, St. Adelm's Chapel, and eventually reached Lughport Haven. This area, along with Luckeford Lake, forms a piece of land that is practically a byland or peninsula, known as the Isle of Burbecke, which has a good supply of alum and hard stone. Continuing westward, we arrived at Sutton Points, which has a creek. Next, we went to Waie or Wilemouth, near King's Welcombe, about twenty miles from Pole, with its head not even four miles northwest of the haven at Uphill, located on the side of a large hill. Once we entered here, we noticed three falls: the first and largest comes from Upweie through Bradweie and Radipoole, receiving a second fall from East Chekerell, and then a third that almost turns the land between Weymouth and Smalmouth Passage into an island. There's a small sandbar at the mouth of the haven, and a large arm of the sea runs up on the right side. Not far above the mouth of the haven, there's a quite impressive and fortified castle with an open barbican. This arm continues for about another mile into a bay, reaching a point of land where there’s a passage to Portland, marked by a small stretch of pebble sand. From that passage, it goes up to Abbatsbirie, about seven miles away, where a small freshwater stream meets the sea. Just above this, there's the head or point of Chesil. The Chesill stretches northwest about seven miles in a straight line to the southeast, ending just a quarter of a mile from Newcastle on Portland. The nature of this bank is such that whenever the wind blows strongly from the southeast, the sea crashes in and erodes the bank; if this wind persists for a long time, Portland could once again become an island as it has in the past. However, while the southwest wind erodes the bank, the northwest wind helps to stabilize it. Interestingly, the small town of Weymouth lies directly across from Milton on the other side, and in this area, where the water of the haven is quite narrow, a rope is usually tied from one side of the shore to the other, allowing ferrymen to guide their boats without using oars. But to continue with our purpose, ships often come into the mouth of this river for refuge.

Going by Portland and the point thereof called the Rase, we sailed along by the Shingle, till we came by saint Katharins chappell, where we saw the fall of a water that came downe from Blackdéene Beaconward, by Portsham and Abbatsburie. Thence we went to another that fell into the sea, neere Birton, and descended from Litton by Chilcombe, then vnto the Bride. Bride or Brute port, a pretie hauen, and the riuer it selfe serued with
Nature hath set the mouth of this riuer in maner betwixt two hils, so that a little cost would make an hauē there.
sundrie waters. It riseth halfe a mile or more aboue Bemister, and so goeth from Bemister to Netherburie by Parneham, then to Melplash, and so to Briteport, where it taketh in two waters from by east in one chanell, of which one riseth east of Nettlecort, and goeth by Porestoke and Milton, the other at Askerwell, and runneth by Longlether. From hence also our Bride going Simen. toward the sea, taketh the Simen on the west that commeth by Simensburge into the same, the whole streame soone after falling into the sea, and leauing a pretie hauenet.

Sailing past Portland and a spot called the Rase, we continued along the Shingle until we reached St. Katharine's Chapel, where we saw a waterfall coming down from Blackdéene Beacon, near Portsham and Abbatsbury. From there, we went to another waterfall that poured into the sea near Burton, originating from Litton via Chilcombe, and then to the Bride. Bride or Brute Port, a charming harbor, and the river itself is fed by
Nature has placed the mouth of this river almost between two hills, so a small investment could establish a harbor there.
various streams. It rises half a mile or more above Bemister and flows from Bemister to Netherbury via Parneham, then to Melplash, and finally to Briteport, where it merges two streams from the east into one channel; one originates east of Nettlecort and flows past Porestoke and Milton, while the other starts at Askerwell and runs by Longlether. From here, our Bride River, heading toward the sea, collects the Simen from the west, which comes from Simensburge into the same river, and soon after, the entire stream flows into the sea, leaving a lovely little harbor.

Chare. The next port is the Chare, serued with two rils in one confluence, beneath Charemouth. The cheefe head of this riuer is (as Leland saith) [Page 101] in Marshwood parke, and commeth downe by Whitechurch: the other runneth by west of Wootton, and méeting beneath Charemouth towne (as I said) dooth fall into the sea. Then came we to the Cobbe, and beheld the Lime Buddle. water, which the townesmen call the Buddle, which commeth about thrée miles by north of Lime, from the hils, fleting vpon Rockie soile, and so falleth into the sea. Certes, there is no hauen héere that I could sée, but a quarter of a mile by west southwest of the towne, is a great and costlie iuttie in the sea for succour of ships. The towne is distant from Coliton, about fiue miles. And heere we ended our voiage from the Auon, which conteineth the whole coast of Dorcester, or Dorcetshire, so that next we must enter into Summerset countie, and sée what waters are there.

Chore. The next stop is the Chare, served by two rivers that meet at one point, beneath Charemouth. The main source of this river is, as Leland mentions, [Page 101] in Marshwood Park, and it flows down by Whitechurch; the other river runs west of Wootton and meets below Charemouth town (as I said) before it flows into the sea. Then we arrived at the Cobbe and saw the Lime Buddle. water, which the locals call the Buddle, coming from about three miles north of Lime, flowing over rocky soil, and into the sea. Certainly, there is no harbor here that I could see, but a quarter mile to the west-southwest of the town is a large and expensive jetty in the sea for the assistance of ships. The town is about five miles away from Coliton. And here we concluded our journey from the Avon, which covers the entire coast of Dorcester or Dorsetshire, so next we must enter Somerset County and see what waters are there.

Axe. The first water that we méet withall in Summersetshire is the Axe, which riseth in a place called Axe knoll, longing to sir Giles Strangwaie, néere vnto Cheddington in Dorsetshire, from whence it runneth to Mosterne, Feborow, Claxton, Weiford bridge, Winsham foord, and receiuing one rill from the east by Hawkechurch, and soone after another comming from northwest by Churchstoke, from Wainbroke, it goeth to Axeminster, Yare aliàs Arte. beneath which it crosseth the Yare, that commeth from about Buckland, by Whitstaunton, Yarecombe, Long bridge, Stockeland, Kilmington bridge (where it receiueth a brooke from by south, that runneth by Dalwood) and so into the Axe. From hence our Axe goeth to Drake, Musburie, Culliford: but yer it come altogither at Culliford, it méeteth with a water that riseth aboue Cotleie, and goeth from thence by Widworthie, Culliton, and there receiuing a rill also, procéedeth on after the confluence aboue Culliford bridge, into the Axe, and from thence hold on togither into the maine sea, whereinto they fall vnder the roots of the winter cliffes, the points of them being almost a mile in sunder. The most westerlie of them called Berewood, lieth within halfe a mile of Seton.

Axe. The first water we encounter in Somersetshire is the Axe, which rises in a place called Axe Knoll, near Sir Giles Strangwaie, close to Cheddington in Dorsetshire. From there, it flows to Mosterne, Feborow, Claxton, Weiford Bridge, Winsham Ford, and receives a stream from the east near Hawkchurch. Shortly after, another stream comes from the northwest near Churchstoke and Wainbroke, and then it continues to Axminster. Quickly known as Art. Below Axminster, it crosses the Yare, which originates around Buckland, flowing through Whitstaunton, Yarecombe, Long Bridge, Stockeland, and Kilmington Bridge. Here, it receives a brook from the south that runs by Dalwood, and then it merges into the Axe. From there, the Axe flows to Drake, Musbury, and Culliford. Before it reaches Culliford, it meets a stream that rises above Cotleigh and flows through Widworthy and Culliton, receiving another rill as it proceeds after the merging above Culliford Bridge into the Axe. Together, they continue on into the main sea, where they fall under the roots of the winter cliffs, which are almost a mile apart. The most westerly of them, called Berewood, lies within half a mile of Seaton.

But the other toward the east is named Whitecliffe, of which I saie no more, but that "in the time of Athelstane, the greatest nauie that euer aduentured into this Iland, arriued at Seton in Deuonshire, being replenished with aliens that sought the conquest of this Iland, but Athelstane met and incountered with them in the field, where he ouerthrew six thousand of his aforesaid enimies. Not one of them also that remained aliue, escaped from the battell without some deadlie or verie gréeuous wound. In this conflict moreouer were slaine fiue kings, which were interred in the churchyard of Axe minster, and of the part of the king of England were killed eight earles of the chéefe of his nobilitie, and they also buried in the churchyard aforesaid. Héervnto it addeth how the bishop of Shireburne was in like sort slaine in this battell, that began at Brunedune neere to Coliton, and indured euen to Axe minster, which then was called Brunberie or Brunburg. The same daie that this thing happened the sunne lost his light, and so continued without anie brightnesse, vntill the setting of that planet, though otherwise the season was cléere and nothing cloudie."

But the other towards the east is called Whitecliffe. I won't say much more about it, except that "during the time of Athelstan, the largest fleet ever to venture into this island arrived at Seton in Devonshire. It was filled with foreigners looking to conquer this land, but Athelstan met them in battle and defeated six thousand of his enemies. Not one of those who survived left the battlefield without a serious or deadly wound. In this conflict, five kings were also slain and buried in the churchyard of Axminster. On the side of the King of England, eight earls from his nobility were killed, and they were likewise buried in the aforementioned churchyard. Additionally, it’s noted that the Bishop of Sherborne was also killed in this battle, which started at Brunedune near Colyton and lasted all the way to Axminster, which was then called Brunberie or Brunburg. On the same day this happened, the sun lost its light and remained dim until it set, even though the weather was clear and not cloudy."

As for the hauen which in times past as I haue heard, hath béene at Sidmouth (so called of Sidde a rillet that runneth thereto) and likewise at Seton, I passe it ouer, sith now there Sidde. Seton. is none at all. Yet hath there béene sometime a notable one, albeit, that at this present betweene the two points of the old hauen, there lieth a mightie bar of pibble stones, in the verie mouth of it, and the riuer Axe is driuen to the verie east point of the hauen called White cliffe. Thereat also a verie little gull goeth into the sea, whither small fisherbotes doo oft resort for succour. The men of Seton began of late to stake and make a maine wall within the hauen to haue changed the course of the Axe, and (almost in the middle of the old hauen) to haue trenched through the Chesill, thereby to haue let out the Axe, & to haue taken in the maine sea, but I heare of none effect that this attempt did come vnto. From Seton westward lieth Coliton, about two miles by west Colie. northwest, whereof riseth the riuer Colie, which going by the aforesaid towne, passeth by Colecombe parke, and afterward falleth betweene Axe bridge and Axe mouth towne into the Axe riuer.

Regarding the harbor that, as I've heard, used to be at Sidmouth (named after Sidde, a small stream that runs there) and also at Seton, I won't go into detail since there is none now. However, there was once a significant one, although at present, between the two ends of the old harbor, there's a huge barrier of pebble stones right at its entrance, forcing the River Axe to flow toward the eastern point of the harbor known as White Cliffe. There's also a very small inlet that leads to the sea, where small fishing boats often come for shelter. Recently, the people of Seton started to create a main wall within the harbor to try and change the course of the Axe and to dig through the Chesil almost in the middle of the old harbor, aiming to let out the Axe and bring in the sea, but I've heard that this attempt didn't lead to any successful outcome. West of Seton lies Coliton, about two miles to the west-northwest, where the River Colie rises. This river flows past the aforementioned town, goes by Colecombe Park, and eventually flows between Axe Bridge and Axe Mouth into the River Axe.

By west of Bereworth point lieth a créeke, serued (so farre as I remember) with a fresh water that commeth from the hilles south of Sid. Soutleie or Branscombe. Sidmouth hauen is the next, and thither commeth a fresh water by S. Maries from the said hils, that goeth from S. Maries [Page 102] aforesaid to Sidburie, & betweene Saltcombe & Sidmouth into the maine Autrie aliàs Ottereie. sea. By west of Auterton point also lieth another hauen, and thither commeth a pretie riueret, whose head is in the Hackpendon hilles, and commeth downe first by Vpauter, then by a parke side to Mohuns Auter, Munketon, Honniton, Buckewell, and north of Autrie receiueth a rill Tale. called Tale, that riseth northwest of Brodemburie in a wood, and from whence it commeth by Pehemburie, Vinniton, and making a confluence with the other, they go as one betwéene Cadde and Autrie, to Herford, Luton, Collaton, Auterton, Budeleie, and so into the sea. On the west side of this hauen is Budeleie almost directly against Otterton. It is easie to be seene also, that within lesse space than one hundred yeers, ships did vse this hauen, but now it is barred vp. Some call it Budeleie hauen of Budeleie towne, others Salterne port, of a little créeke comming out of the maine hauen vnto Salterne village, that hath in time past béene a towne of great estimation.

To the west of Bereworth, there's a creek, which, as far as I recall, receives fresh water from the hills south of Sid. Soutleie or Branscombe. Sidmouth harbor is next, and a fresh water stream flows from St. Maries from those hills, traveling from St. Maries [Page 102] to Sidbury, and between Saltcombe and Sidmouth into the sea. To the west of Auterton point, there's another harbor, where a pretty little river starts in the Hackpendon hills. It flows first by Upauter, then alongside a park to Mohuns Otter, Munketon, Honiton, Buckewell, and to the north of Autrie, it picks up a stream Story. called Tale, which rises northwest of Broadhembury in a wood, and flows by Pehembury, Vinniton, and merging with the other, they continue together between Cadde and Autrie, to Herford, Luton, Collaton, Auterton, Budeleie, and eventually into the sea. On the west side of this harbor, there's Budeleie, almost directly opposite Otterton. It’s clear that within less than a hundred years, ships used this harbor, but now it’s blocked. Some refer to it as Budeleie harbor after Budeleie town, while others call it Salterne port, named after a small creek flowing from the main harbor to Salterne village, which was once a town of great standing.

Exe. The Ex riseth in Exmore in Summersetshire, néere vnto Ex crosse, and goeth from thence vnto Exeford, Winsford, and Extun, where it receiueth a water comming from Cutcombe, by north. After this confluence it goeth on toward the south, till it méet with a pretie brooke rising northeast of Whettell (going by Brunton Regis) increased at the least with thrée rilles which come all from by north. These being once met, this water runneth on by west of the beacon that beareth the name of Haddon, & soone Barleie. after taketh in the Barleie, that receiueth in like sort the Done at
Done aliàs Dones broke.
Hawkbridge, and from hence goeth by Dauerton, and Combe, and then doth méet with the Exe, almost in the verie confines betwéene Dorset & Summersetshires. Being past this coniunction, our Exe passeth betwéene Brushford and Murbath, and then to Exe bridge, where it taketh in (as I heare) a water by west from east Austie: and after this likewise another on ech side, whereof one commeth from Dixford, and Baunton, the other Woodburne. called Woodburne, somewhat by east of Okeford. From these meetings it goeth to Caue and through the forrest and woods to Hatherland and Washfields, vntill it come to Tiuerton, and here it receiueth the Lomund water that riseth aboue Ashbrittle, & commeth downe by Hockworthie, vpper Loman, and so to Tiuerton that standeth almost euen in the verie Lomund or Simming. confluence. Some call this Lomund the Simming brooke or Sunnings bath. After this our Exe goeth to Bickleie, Theuerten, (taking in a rill by Columbe. west) nether Exe, Bramford, beneath which it ioineth with the Columbe that riseth of one head northeast of Clarie Haidon, and of another south of Shildon, and méeting beneath Columbe stocke, goeth by Columbe and Bradfeld, and there crossing a rill that commeth by Ashford, it runneth south to Wood, More haies, Columbton, Brandnicke, Beare, Columbe Iohn, Hoxham, and ioining (as I said) with the Exe at Bramford, passing vnder but one bridge, yer it meet with another water by west, growing of the Cride.
Forten.
Forten and Cride waters (except it be so that I doo iudge amisse.) The Cride riseth aboue Wollesworthie, and néere vnto Vpton: after it is past Dewrish, crosseth a rill from betweene Puggill and Stockeleie by Stocke English, &c. From hence it goeth to Fulford, where it méeteth with the Forten, wherof one branch commeth by Caldbrooke, the other from S. Marie Tedburne, and ioining aboue Crediton, the chanell goeth on to the Cride, (which yer long also receiueth another from by north, comming by Stockeleie and Combe) then betwéene Haine and Newton Sires, to Pines, and so into the Exe, which staieth not vntill it come to Excester. From Excester (whither the burgesses in time past laboured to bring the same, but in vaine) it runneth to Were, there taking in a rill from by west, and an other lower by Exminster, next of all vnto Toppesham; beneath Cliuus. which towne the Cliue entreth thereinto, which rising about Plumtree, goeth by Cliff Haidon, Cliff Laurence, Brode Cliff, Honiton, Souton, Bishops Cliff, S. Marie Cliff, Cliff saint George, and then into the Exe, that runneth forward by Notwell court, Limston and Pouderham Ken. castell. Here (as I heare) it taketh in the Ken, or Kenton brooke (as Leland calleth it) comming from Holcombe parke, by Dunsdike, Shillingford, Kenford, Ken, Kenton, and so into Exe hauen, at whose mouth lie certeine rocks which they call the Checkstones, except I be deceiued. The next fall, whereof Leland saith nothing at all, commeth by Ashcombe and Dulish, and hath his head in the hilles thereby.

Exec. The Exe river rises in Exmoor in Somerset, near Ex Cross, and flows from there to Exeford, Winsford, and Exton, where it receives a stream coming from Cutcombe to the north. After this junction, it continues south until it meets a nice brook that starts northeast of Whettell (flowing by Brunton Regis), fed by at least three smaller streams, all from the north. Once these combine, this water flows west of the beacon named Haddon, and soon after merges with the Barle, which also takes in the Done at Done alias Dones Brook. Hawkbridge, and from here it continues by Dawton and Combe, eventually meeting the Exe, nearly on the border between Dorset and Somerset. After this confluence, the Exe flows between Brushford and Murbath, and then on to Exe Bridge, where it takes in a stream from the west coming from East Austie: then also another on each side, one from Dixford and Baunton, and the other Woodburne. called Woodburne, slightly east of Okeford. From these junctions, it continues to Caue and through the forest and woods to Hatherland and Washfields, until it reaches Tiverton, where it receives the Lomund water that rises above Ashbrittle, flowing down by Hockworthy, Upper Loman, and then into Tiverton, which is almost at the very Lomund or Simming. confluence. Some refer to this Lomund as the Simming brook or Sunning's bath. After this, our Exe goes to Bickleigh, Tiverton, (taking in a stream from Columbe. the west) Nether Exe, Bramford, underneath which it joins with the Columbe that rises from one source northeast of Clarie Haidon, and from another south of Shildon. After meeting beneath Columbe Stock, it flows by Columbe and Bradfield, and there crosses a stream coming from Ashford, running south to Wood, More Hayes, Columbton, Brandnick, Beare, Columbe John, Hoxham, and joining (as previously mentioned) with the Exe at Bramford, passing under just one bridge before meeting another stream from the west, which comes from the Cride.
Forte.
Forten and Cride waters (unless I'm mistaken). The Cride rises above Wollesworthy, near Upton: after passing Dewrish, it crosses a stream from between Puggill and Stockleigh by Stocke English, etc. From there it continues to Fulford, where it meets the Forten, one branch coming from Caldbrook and the other from St. Mary Tedburn, joining above Crediton, the channel continues to the Cride, (which soon also receives another from the north, coming by Stockleigh and Combe) then flowing between Haine and Newton Sires, to Pines, and so into the Exe, which does not stop until it reaches Exeter. From Exeter (where the council used to try to bring it, but in vain) it flows to Were, taking in a stream from the west, and another lower down by Exminster, next arriving at Topsham; below Cliuus. which town the Clive enters, rising about Plumtree, flowing by Cliff Haidon, Cliff Lawrence, Broad Cliff, Honiton, Souton, Bishops Cliff, St. Mary Cliff, St. George Cliff, and then into the Exe, which runs forward by Notwell Court, Lympstone, and Powderham Ken. Castle. Here (as I’ve heard) it takes in the Ken, or Kenton brook (as Leland calls it) coming from Holcombe Park, by Dunsdike, Shillingford, Kenford, Ken, Kenton, and flows into the Exe estuary, where some rocks called the Checkstones lie at its mouth, unless I’m mistaken. The next tributary, of which Leland says nothing, comes from Ashcombe and Dulish, and has its source in the hills nearby.

[Page 103]

[Page 103]

Teigne. The Teigne mouth is the next fall that we came to, & it is a goodlie port foure miles from Exemouth. The head of this water is twentie miles from the sea at Teigne head in Dartmore among the Gidleie hilles. From whence it goeth to Gidleie towne, Teignton drue, where it receiueth the Crokerne. Crokerne comming from by north, and likewise an other west of Fulford parke. Then it goeth to Dufford, Bridford, Kirslowe, Chidleie, Knighton, Bouie. and beneath the bridge there receiueth the Bouie, whose course is to north Bouie, Lilleie, and Bouitracie. Thence it runneth to kings Eidis. Teignton, taking in Eidis, a brooke beneath Preston that commeth from Edeford by the waie. And when it is past this confluence, at kings Leman. Teignton, it crosseth the Leman, which commeth from Saddleton rocke by Aller. Beckington, and Newton Bushels: and soone after the Aller that riseth betwéene Danburie and Warog well, afterward falling into the sea by Bishops Teignton, south of Teignmouth towne.

Lice. The Teigne mouth is the next fall we reached, and it’s a decent port about four miles from Exemouth. The source of this water is twenty miles from the sea at Teigne head in Dartmore among the Gidleie hills. From there, it flows to Gidleie town, Teignton drew, where it receives the Crokerne. The Crokerne comes in from the north, as well as another stream west of Fulford park. It then continues to Dufford, Bridford, Kirslowe, Chidleie, Knighton, Bouie. and below the bridge, it receives the Bouie, which flows northward through Bouie, Lilleie, and Bouitracie. From there, it runs to kings Eid. Teignton, taking in Eidis, a brook below Preston that comes from Edeford along the way. After this confluence, at kings Leman. Teignton, it crosses the Leman, which comes from Saddleton rock by Go. Beckington and Newton Bushels: and soon after, the Aller rises between Danburie and Warog well, eventually flowing into the sea near Bishops Teignton, south of Teignmouth town.

The verie vtter west point of the land, at the mouth of Teigne is called the Nesse, and is a verie high red cliffe. The east part of the hauen is named the Poles, a low sandie ground, either cast vp by the spuing of the sand out of the Teigne, or else throwne vp from the shore by the rage of wind and water. This sand occupieth now a great quantitie of the ground betwéene the hauen where the sand riseth, and Teignmouth towne, which towne (surnamed Regis) hath in time past béene sore defaced by the Danes, and of late time by the French.

The farthest west point of the land, at the mouth of the Teign, is called the Nesse, and it's a very high red cliff. The eastern part of the harbor is named the Poles, a low sandy area, either created by the sand being pushed out from the Teign or tossed up from the shore by the force of the wind and water. This sand now occupies a large portion of the ground between the harbor where the sand rises and the town of Teignmouth, which is also known as Regis. This town has been heavily damaged in the past by the Danes and more recently by the French.

From Teignemouth we came to Tor baie, wherof the west point is called Birie, and the east Perritorie, betwéene which is little aboue foure miles. From Tor baie also to Dartmouth is six miles, where (saith Leland) I marked diuerse things. First of all vpon the east side of the hauen a great hillie point called Downesend, and betwixt Downesend, and a pointlet named Wereford is a little baie. Were it selfe, in like sort, is not full a mile from Downesend vpward into the hauen. Kingswere towne standeth out as another pointlet, and betwixt it & Wereford is the second baie. Somewhat moreouer aboue Kingswere towne goeth a little créeke vp into the land from the maine streame of the hauen called Waterhead, and this is a verie fit place for vessels to be made in. In like sort halfe a mile beyond this into the landward goeth another longer créeke, and aboue that also a greater than either of these called Gawnston, whose head is here not halfe a mile from the maine sea, by the compassing thereof, as it runneth in Tor baie.

From Teignmouth, we traveled to Tor Bay, where the western point is called Birie and the eastern point is Perritorie, with just over four miles in between. It's six miles from Tor Bay to Dartmouth, where, according to Leland, I noted various things. First, on the east side of the harbor, there's a large hilly point called Downesend, and between Downesend and a smaller point called Wereford, there's a little bay. Were itself is less than a mile up the harbor from Downesend. Kingswere town sticks out like another point, and between Kingswere and Wereford is a second bay. Additionally, just above Kingswere town, a small creek extends into the land from the main stream of the harbor called Waterhead, which is a very suitable place for building vessels. Similarly, half a mile further inland is another longer creek, and beyond that is a larger one called Gawnston, whose head is less than half a mile from the main sea, as it curves around into Tor Bay.

Dart. The riuer of Dart or Darent (for I read Derenta muth for Dartmouth) commeth out of Dartmore fiftéene miles aboue Totnesse, in a verie large plot, and such another wild morish & forrestie ground as Exmore is. Of it selfe moreouer this water is verie swift, and thorough occasion of tin-workes whereby it passeth, it carrieth much sand to Totnesse bridge, and so choketh the depth of the riuer downeward, that the hauen it selfe is almost spoiled by the same. The mariners of Dartmouth accompt this to be about a kenning from Plimmouth. The Darent therefore proceeding from the place of his vprising, goeth on to Buckland, from whence it goeth to Ashburne. Buckland hole; and soone after taking in the Ashburne water on the one
Buckfastlich.
side that runneth from Saddleton rocke by north, and the Buckfastlich that commeth from north west, it runneth to Staunton, Darington, Hemston, and there also crossing a rill on ech side passeth foorth to Hartburne. Totnesse, Bowden, and aboue Gabriell Stoke, méeteth with the Hartburne that runneth vnder Rost bridge, two miles aboue Totnes, or (as another saith) by Ratter, Harberton, Painesford, and Asprempton into Darent, which yon long also commeth to Corneworthie, Grenewaie, Ditsham, Darntmouth towne (wherevnto king Iohn gaue sometimes a maior, as he did vnto Totnesse) from thence betwéene the castelles, and finallie into sea.

Dart game. The river Dart, or Darent (because I read Derenta mouth for Dartmouth), flows out of Dartmoor fifteen miles above Totnes, in a very large area, and has a wild, marshy, and forested landscape similar to Exmoor. This water is quite fast, and due to the tin workings it passes through, it carries a lot of sand to Totnes bridge, which clogs the riverbed downstream, nearly ruining the harbor itself. The sailors in Dartmouth consider this to be about a kenning from Plymouth. The Darent then continues from its source to Buckland, and from there it flows to Ashburn. Buckland Hole; shortly after, it takes in the Ashburne water on one Buckfastly. side that runs from Saddleton rock to the north, and the Buckfastlich coming from the northwest. It then flows to Staunton, Darington, Hemston, and there also crossing a stream on each side proceeds on to Hartburne. Totnes, Bowden, and above Gabriel Stoke, it meets the Hartburne that flows under Rost bridge, two miles above Totnes, or (as another source says) through Ratter, Harberton, Painesford, and Asprempton into Darent, which continues on to Corneworthie, Grenewaie, Ditsham, Dartmouth town (where King John once granted a mayor, just like he did for Totnes), and from there between the castles, finally into the sea.

From hence we went by Stokeflemming to another water, which commeth from blacke Auton, then to the second that falleth in east of Slapton, and so coasting out of this baie by the Start point, we saile almost directlie west, till we come to Saltcombe hauen. Certes this port hath verie little fresh water comming to it, and therefore no meruell though it be barred; yet the head of it (such as it is) riseth néere Buckland, and goeth to Dudbrooke, which standeth betwéene two créekes. Thence it hieth [Page 104] to Charleton, where it taketh in a rill, whose head commeth from south and north of Shereford. Finallie it hath another créeke that runneth vp by Ilton: and the last of all that falleth in north of Portlemouth, whose head is so néere the baie last afore remembred, that it maketh it a sorie peninsula (as I haue heard it said.)

From here, we went by Stokeflemming to another stream that comes from black Auton, then to the second one that flows east of Slapton. After coasting out of this bay by Start Point, we sailed almost directly west until we reached Saltcombe harbor. This port has very little fresh water coming into it, so it's no surprise that it’s blocked; however, the head of it (as it is) rises near Buckland and flows to Dudbrooke, which sits between two creeks. From there, it heads to Charleton, where it takes in a stream that starts from the south and north of Shereford. Finally, it has another creek that runs up by Ilton, and the last one falls in north of Portlemouth, whose head is so close to the previously mentioned bay that it creates a sorry peninsula (as I've heard it mentioned).

Awne. Then come we to the Awne, whose head is in the hils farre aboue Brent towne, from whence it goeth to Dixford wood, Loddewell, Hache, Aunton, Thorleston, and so into the sea ouer against a rocke called S. Michaels Arme. burrow. Arme riseth aboue Harford, thence to Stoford, Iuie bridge, Armington bridge, Fléet, Orchardton, Ownewell, and so vnto the sea, which is full of flats and rocks, so that no ship commeth thither in anie tempest, except it be forced therto, through the vttermost extremitie and desperat hazard of the fearefull mariners. King Philip of Sée Hen. 7. pag. 792, 793, 794. Castile lost two ships here in the daies of king Henrie the seuenth, when he was driuen to land in the west countrie by the rage of weather. Yalme. Yalme goeth by Cornewood, Slade, Stratleie, Yalmeton, Collaton, Newton ferrie, and so into the sea, about foure miles by south east from the Plim. maine streame of Plimmouth. Being past these portlets, then next of all we come to Plimmouth hauen, a verie busie péece to describe, bicause of the numbers of waters that resort vnto it, & small helpe that I haue for the knowledge of their courses; yet will I doo what I may in this, as in the rest, and so much I hope by Gods grace to performe, as shall suffice my purpose in this behalfe.

Awne. Next, we arrive at the Awne, which starts in the hills high above Brent town. From there, it flows to Dixford Wood, Loddewell, Hache, Aunton, Thorleston, and then into the sea, opposite a rock called St. Michaels. Arm. The Arme rises above Harford, then moves on to Stoford, Ivie Bridge, Armington Bridge, Fleet, Orchardton, Ownewell, and finally into the sea, which is full of shallow areas and rocks, making it inaccessible to ships during a storm unless they are driven there out of extreme desperation by the terrified sailors. King Philip of See Hen. 7, pages 792, 793, 794. Castile lost two ships here in the days of King Henry the Seventh when he was forced to land in the west country due to severe weather. Yalme. The Yalme runs by Cornewood, Slade, Stratleie, Yalmeton, Collaton, and Newton Ferry, flowing into the sea about four miles southeast from the Plim. main stream of Plymouth. Once we pass these small rivers, we come to the busy harbor of Plymouth, which is tricky to describe because of the many waters that gather there, and I have little knowledge of their routes. Still, I will do my best in this, as in the rest, and I hope, by God's grace, to accomplish enough to meet my purpose in this matter.

Plim. The Plimne or Plim, is the verie same water that giueth name to Plimpton towne. The mouth of this gulfe, wherein the ships doo ride, is walled on ech side and chained ouer in time of necessitie, and on the south side of the hauen is a blocke house vpon a rockie hill: but as touching the riuer it selfe, it riseth in the hils west of Cornewood, and commeth downe a short course of thrée miles to Newenham after it be issued out of the ground. From Newenham also it runneth to Plimpton, and soone after Stoure aliàs Catwater. into the Stoure, which Stoure ariseth northwest of Shepistour, & goeth frō thence to Memchurch, Hele, Shane, Bickleie, and so to Eford, where taking in the Plim, it runneth downe as one vnder the name of Plim, vntill it go past Plimmouth, and fall into the hauen south east of Plimmouth aforesaid. I haue oftentimes trauelled to find out the cause whie so manie riuers in England are called by this name Stoure, and at the first supposing that it was growne by the corruption of Dour, the British word for a streame, I rested thervpon as resolued for a season: but afterward finding the word to be méere Saxon, and that Stouremare is a prouince subiect to the duke of Saxonie, I yéelded to another opinion: whereby I conceiue that the said name was first deriued from the Saxons. But to returne to our purpose.

Plim. The Plimne or Plim is the same water that gives its name to Plimpton town. The mouth of this inlet, where the ships dock, is walled on both sides and chained across in times of need. On the south side of the harbor, there’s a blockhouse on a rocky hill. As for the river itself, it rises in the hills west of Cornewood and flows a short distance of three miles to Newenham once it comes up from the ground. From Newenham, it runs to Plimpton and soon after into the Stoure, which rises northwest of Shepistour and flows from there to Memchurch, Hele, Shane, Bickleie, and then to Eford. At Eford, it takes in the Plim and continues downstream as one body of water under the name of Plim until it passes Plymouth and flows into the harbor southeast of Plymouth. I have often traveled to discover why so many rivers in England are called Stoure, initially assuming it derived from the corruption of Dour, the British word for stream, and I was content with that for a while. But later, I found the word to be purely Saxon, and that Stouremare is a province subject to the Duke of Saxony, leading me to consider another opinion: that this name was first derived from the Saxons. But let's get back to our main topic.

Plimmouth it selfe standeth betweene two créeks, not serued with anie backewater, therefore passing ouer these two, we enter into the Thamar that dischargeth it selfe into the aforesaid hauen. Going therfore vp that streame, which for the most part parteth Deuonshire from Cornewall, Taue or Tauie. the first riueret that I met withall on the east side is called Tauie, the head whereof is among the mounteins foure miles aboue Peters Tauie, beneath which it meeteth with another water from by west, so that these two waters include Marie Tauie betwéene them, though nothing neere the confluence. From hence the Taue or Tauie runneth to Tauistocke, aboue which it taketh in a rill from by west, and another aboue north Buckland, whose head is in Dartmore, and commeth therevnto by Sandford and Harrow bridge. From hence it goeth into Thamar, by north Buckland, moonks Buckland, Beare, and Tamerton follie. Hauing thus dispatched the Lidde. Tauie, the next that falleth in on the east side vpwards is the Lidde, which rising in the hils aboue Lidford, runneth downe by Curriton and Trushell. Siddenham, and so to Lidstone, aboue which it receiueth the Trushell brooke, which rising north east of Brediston, goeth by Trusholton to Ibaine, where it receiueth a rill that commeth by Bradwood from Germanswike, and after the confluence runneth to Liston, and from thence Core. into the Thamar. The next aboue this is the Corewater, this ariseth somewhere about Elwell or Helwell, and going by Virginston, runneth on by saint Giles without anie increase vntill it come to Thamar. Next of all it taketh in two brookes not much distant in sunder, whereof the one [Page 105] commeth in by Glanton, the other from Holsworthie, and both east of Tamerton, which standeth on the further banke, & other side of the Thamar, and west northwest of Tedcote, except the quarter deceiue me.

Plimmouth sits between two creeks, without any backwater. After crossing these two, we enter the Tamar River, which flows into the aforementioned harbor. Heading upstream, which mostly separates Devon from Cornwall, the first small river I encountered on the east side is called Taw, whose source lies among the mountains four miles above Peter's Taw. Below this point, it meets another stream from the west, forming a boundary that includes Mary Taw, although not very close to their junction. From here, the Taw flows to Tavistock, where it collects a stream from the west and another from north Buckland, whose source is in Dartmoor, reaching it via Sandford and Harrow Bridge. It then proceeds into the Tamar, passing by north Buckland, Monk's Buckland, Bear, and Tamerton Follie. After addressing the Taw, the next river that joins from the east upstream is the Lid, which rises in the hills above Lidford and flows by Curriton and Siddenham, reaching Lidstone. Above Lidstone, it receives the Trushell brook, which rises northeast of Brediston and goes past Trusholton to Ibaine. There, it takes in a stream that comes from Bradwood, flowing from Germanswike. After this confluence, it continues to Liston, and from there into the Tamar. The next river above this is the Corewater, which originates somewhere around Elwell or Helwell, running by Virginston and continuing past Saint Giles without any additional flow until it reaches the Tamar. Lastly, it gathers two brooks that aren't far apart; one comes in from Glanton, and the other from Holsworthie, both located east of Tamerton, which sits on the opposite bank of the Tamar and west-northwest of Tedcote, unless I'm mistaken.

Thamar. Certes, the Thamar it selfe riseth in Summersetshire, about thrée miles northeast of Hartland, and in maner so crosseth ouer the whole west countrie betwéene sea and sea, that it leaueth Cornewall, a byland or peninsula. Being therefore descended from the head, by a tract of six miles, it commeth to Denborow, Pancrase well, Bridge Reuell, Tamerton, Tetcote, Luffencote, Boiton, and Wirrington, where it meeteth with a Arteie. water on the west side called Arteie, that riseth short of Jacobstow. Kenseie. Two miles in like sort frō this confluence, we met with the Kenseie, whose head is short of Warpeston by south east: from whence it goeth by Treneglos, Tremone, Tresmure, Trewen, Lanston, and so into the Thamar, that runneth from hence by Lowwhitton vnto Bradston, and going on toward Dunterton, taketh in a rill from south Pitherwijc, and by Lesant; Enian. beneath Dunterton also it crosseth the Enian. This riuer riseth at Dauidston, and directeth his race by saint Clethir, Lancast, and Trelaske first; and then vnder sundrie bridges, vntill it méet with the Thamar. From hence also the Thamar goeth by Siddenham to Calstocke bridge, Calstocke towne, Clifton, Cargreue (there abouts taking in a créeke aboue Landilip) and running on from thence, hasteth toward Liuer. Saltash, where it receiueth the Liuer water. The head of Liuer is about Broomwellie hill, from whence it goeth on to North hill, Lekenhorne, South hill, and taking in a rill by east (from aboue Kellington) it runneth on to Newton, Pillaton, Wootton, Blosfleming, saint Erne, and beneath this village crosseth a rillet that runneth thither from Bicton by Quithiocke, saint Germans, and Sheuiocke. But to procéed. After the confluence, it goeth betweene Erlie and Fro Martine castell, and soone after taking in a rill from by north, that passeth west of saint Steuens, it is not long yer it fall into the Thamar, which after this (receiuing the Milbrooke creeke) goeth on by Edgecombe, and betwéene saint Michaels Ile and Ridden point into the maine sea. And thus haue I finished the description of Plimmouth water, and all such falles as are betwéene Newston rocke on the east side, and the Ram head on the other.

Thamar. Indeed, the River Tamar itself originates in Somerset, about three miles northeast of Hartland, and it crosses the entire west country between the two seas, leaving Cornwall as a landlocked peninsula. Flowing from its source over a distance of six miles, it reaches Denborow, Pancras Well, Bridge Reuell, Tamerton, Tetcote, Luffencote, Boiton, and Wirrington, where it meets a stream on the west side called Arteie, which rises just short of Jacobstow. Kensei. Two miles from this confluence, we encounter the Kenseie, whose source is southeast of Warpeston. It flows past Treneglos, Tremone, Tresmure, Trewen, Lanston, and joins the Tamar, which flows from there by Lowwhitton to Bradston, and moving toward Dunterton, it takes in a stream from south Pitherwijc, and by Lesant; Enian. beneath Dunterton, it also crosses the Enian. This river rises at Davidston and flows through Saint Clethir, Lancast, and Trelaske first, then under various bridges, until it meets the Tamar. From here, the Tamar flows by Siddenham to Calstock bridge, Calstock town, Clifton, Cargreave (there taking in a creek above Landilip), and continues its course towards Liwer. Saltash, where it collects the Liuer water. The source of Liuer is around Broomwellie Hill, from which it flows to North Hill, Lekenhorne, South Hill, and takes in a stream from the east (above Kellington) as it moves on to Newton, Pillaton, Wootton, Blosfleming, Saint Erne, and beneath this village, it crosses a small stream that flows from Bicton by Quithiocke, Saint Germans, and Sheviocke. But to continue, after the confluence, it flows between Erlie and Fro Martine Castle, and soon after, it takes in a stream from the north that passes west of Saint Stephens, not long before it merges with the Tamar, which then, receiving the Milbrooke creek, runs on by Edgecombe and between Saint Michael's Isle and Ridden Point into the main sea. And thus, I have completed the description of Plymouth water and all the falls between Newston Rock on the east side and the Ram Head on the other.

After this we procéeded on with our iournie toward the west, and passing by Longstone, we came soone after to Sothan baie, where we crossed the Seton water, whose head is about Liscard, & his course by Minheniet, Sutton.
Low.
Chafrench, Tregowike, Sutton and so into the sea. Then came we to Low, and going in betwéene it and Mount Ile, we find that it had a branched course, and thereto the confluence aboue Low. The chiefe head riseth in the hils, as it were two miles aboue Gaine, and going by that towne, it ceaseth not to continue his course east of Dulo, till it come a little aboue Low, where it crosseth and ioineth with the Brodoke water that runneth from Brodokes by Trewargo, and so into the sea. Next vnto these Polpir. are two other rils, of which one is called Polpir, before we come at Foy, or Fawy.

After this, we continued our journey westward, and after passing Longstone, we soon arrived at Sothan Bay, where we crossed the Seton River. Its source is near Liscard, and it flows by Minheniet, Sutton, Chafrench, Tregowike, Sutton, and then into the sea. Then we reached Low, and as we went between it and Mount Isle, we noticed that it had a branching course, and there was a confluence above Low. The main source rises in the hills, about two miles above Gaine, and flowing by that town, it continues east of Dulo until it reaches just above Low, where it crosses and joins with the Brodoke River, which flows from Brodokes by Trewargo and into the sea. Next to these are two other streams, one of which is called Polpir, before we arrive at Foy or Fawy.

Fawie. Foy or Fawy riuer riseth in Fawy moore, on the side of an hill in Fawy moore, from whence it runneth by certeine bridges, till it méet with the
Glin.
Glin water west of Glin towne, which rising aboue Temple, & méeting with a rill that commeth in from S. Neotes, doth fall into Fawy a mile and more aboue Resprin from by east. After this confluence then, it goeth to Resprin bridge, Lestermen castell, Lostwithiell bridge, Pill, saint Lerinus. Kingtons, saint Winnow, and Golant, and here also receiueth the Lerine water out of a parke, that taketh his waie into the maine streame by Biconke, Tethe, and the Fining house. Being thus vnited, it proceedeth vnto Fawy towne, taking in a rill or creeke from aboue it on the one side, and another beneath it south of Halling on the other: of which two this latter is the longest of course, sith it runneth thrée good miles Faw. before it come at the Foy. Leland writing of this riuer addeth verie largelie vnto it after this maner. The Fawy riseth in Fawy moore (about two miles from Camilford by south, and sixtéene miles from Fawy towne) in a verie quaue mire on the side of an hill. From hence it goeth to Drainesbridge, to Clobham bridge, Lergen bridge, New bridge, Resprin [Page 106] bridge, and Lostwithiell bridge, where it meeteth with a little brooke, and néere therevnto parteth it selfe in twaine. Of these two armes therefore one goeth to a bridge of stone, the other to another of timber, and soone after ioining againe, the maine riuer goeth to saint Gwinnowes, from thence also to the point of saint Gwinnowes wood, which is about halfe a mile from thence, except my memorie dooth faile me. Here goeth in a salt créeke halfe a mile on the east side of the hauen, and at the head of it is a bridge called Lerine bridge; the créeke it selfe in like maner bearing the same denomination.

Fawie. The Foy or Fawy river begins in Fawy moor, on the side of a hill in Fawy moor, from where it flows past certain bridges until it meets the Glin. Glin water west of Glin town, which rises above Temple and joins with a stream that comes in from St. Neots, flowing into Fawy a mile or more above Resprin from the east. After this confluence, it continues to Resprin bridge, Lestermen castle, Lostwithiell bridge, Pill, St. Lerinus. Kingtons, St. Winnow, and Golant, where it also receives the Lerine water from a park, which flows into the main stream by Biconke, Tethe, and the Fining house. Having joined, it moves towards Fawy town, collecting a stream or creek from above on one side, and another below it south of Halling on the other side: of these two, the latter is the longest, as it flows three good miles Faw. before it reaches the Foy. Leland wrote extensively about this river in this manner. The Fawy rises in Fawy moor (about two miles south of Camilford and sixteen miles from Fawy town) in a very marshy area on the side of a hill. From there, it flows to Drainesbridge, Clobham bridge, Lergen bridge, New bridge, Resprin [Page 106] bridge, and Lostwithiell bridge, where it meets a small brook, and nearby divides into two arms. Of these two branches, one goes to a stone bridge, while the other goes to a timber bridge, and soon after they join again, the main river continues to St. Gwinnowes, then to the point of St. Gwinnowes wood, which is about half a mile from there, unless I misremember. A salt creek goes in here half a mile on the east side of the haven, and at the head of it is a bridge called Lerine bridge; the creek itself also bears the same name.

In the middle of this créeke was a cell of S. Ciret in an Islet longing sometime to Mountegew a priorie. From Lerine créeke, to S. Caracs pill or créeke, is about halfe a mile, and Lower on the east side of the said hauen: it goeth vp also not aboue a mile and an halfe into the land. From Caracs créeke to Poulmorland a mile, and this likewise goeth vp scant a quarter of a mile into the land, yet at the head it parteth it selfe in twaine. From Poulmorland vnto Bodnecke village halfe a mile, where the passage and repassage is commonlie to Fawy. From Bodnecke to Pelene point (where a créeke goeth vp not fullie a thousand paces into the land) a mile, thence to Poulruan a quarter of a mile, and at this Poulruan is a tower of force, marching against the tower on Fawy side, betwéene which (as I doo heare) a chaine hath sometime beene stretched, and likelie inough; for the hauen there is hardly two bow shot ouer. The verie point of land at the east side of the mouth of this hauen, is called Pontus crosse, but now Panuche crosse. It shall not be amisse in this place somewhat to intreat of the Comwhath. towne of Fawy, which is called in Cornish Comwhath, and being situat on the northside of the hauen, is set hanging on a maine rockie hill, being in length about one quarter of a mile, except my memorie deceiue me.

In the center of this creek was a cell of St. Ciret on a small island that used to be part of Mountegew, a priory. From Lerine creek to St. Caracs Pill or creek is about half a mile, and further down on the east side of the harbor, it extends not more than a mile and a half inland. From Caracs creek to Poulmorland is a mile, and this also goes up barely a quarter of a mile into the land, yet at its head, it splits into two. From Poulmorland to Bodnecke village is half a mile, where the passage back and forth is usually to Fawy. From Bodnecke to Pelene Point (where a creek goes up not quite a thousand paces into the land) is a mile, then to Poulruan is a quarter of a mile, and at this Poulruan there is a strong tower facing the tower on the Fawy side, between which (as I've heard) a chain has sometimes been stretched, and it is quite likely; for the harbor there is hardly two bow shots wide. The very point of land on the east side of the mouth of this harbor is called Pontus Cross, but is now known as Panuche Cross. It would be appropriate here to talk a bit about the Comwhath. town of Fawy, which is called Comwhath in Cornish, and is situated on the north side of the harbor, perched on a steep rocky hill, and is about a quarter of a mile long, unless my memory fails me.

The renowme of Fawy rose by the wars vnder king Edward the first, Edward the third, and Henrie the fift, partlie by feats of armes, and partlie by plaine pirasie. Finallie, the townesmen feeling themselues somwhat at ease and strong in their purses, they fell to merchandize, and so they prospered in this their new deuise, that as they trauelled into all places, so merchants from all countries made resort to them, whereby within a while they grew to be exceeding rich. The ships of Fawy sailing on a time by Rhie and Winchelseie in the time of king Edward the third, refused stoutlie to vale anie bonet there, although warning was giuen them so to doo by the portgreues or rulers of those townes. Herevpon the Rhie and Winchelseie men made out vpon them with cut and long taile: but so hardlie were they interteined by the Fawy pirates (I should saie aduenturers) that they were driuen home againe with no small losse and hinderance. Such fauour found the Fawy men also immediatlie vpon this bickering, that in token of their victorie ouer their winching aduersaries, and riding ripiers (as they called them in mockerie) they altered their armes and compounded for new, wherein the scutchion of Rhie and Winchelseie is quartered with theirs, and beside this the Foyens Gallants of Foy or Fawy. were called the gallants of Fawy or Foy, whereof they not a little reioiced, and more peraduenture than for some greater bootie. And thus much of Fawy towne, wherein we sée what great successe often commeth of witlesse and rash aduentures. But to returne againe to our purpose from whence we haue digressed, and as hauing some desire to finish vp this our voiage, we will leaue the Fawmouth & go forward on our iournie.

The fame of Fawy grew during the wars under King Edward I, Edward III, and Henry V, partly due to military achievements and partly from straightforward piracy. Eventually, the townspeople, feeling relatively secure and affluent, turned to trade. They thrived in this new venture, traveling to various places and attracting merchants from all over, which quickly made them very wealthy. At one point, the ships from Fawy were sailing past Rye and Winchelsea during King Edward III's reign and stubbornly refused to lower their flags, even when they were warned to do so by the portreeves or rulers of those towns. In response, the men from Rye and Winchelsea launched an attack on them, but the Fawy pirates (or should I say adventurers) defended themselves so fiercely that they sent their adversaries home with significant losses. Following this skirmish, the Fawy men were so favored that as a sign of their victory over their whining opponents, whom they mockingly referred to as 'riding ripiers,' they changed their coat of arms, incorporating the shield of Rye and Winchelsea along with their own. Furthermore, the people of Fawy were dubbed the 'gallants of Fawy or Foy,' which pleased them greatly, perhaps even more than a larger bounty would have. Thus ends the tale of Fawy town, which shows how much success can sometimes come from reckless and foolish adventures. But now, let's return to our main topic from where we digressed, and with some eagerness to complete this journey, we will leave Falmouth and continue on our way.

Being therefore past this hauen, we come into Trewardith baie, which lieth into the land betwéene Canuasse and the Blacke head point, and here about Leland placeth Vrctoum promontorium. In this we saw the fall of two small brookes, not one verie far distant from another. The first of them entring west of Trewardith, the other east of saint Blaies, and both directlie against Curwarder rocke, except I mistake my compasse. Neither of them are of anie great course, and the longest not full thrée miles and an halfe. Wherfore sith they are neither branched nor of anie great quantitie, what should I make long haruest of a little corne and spend more time than may well be spared about them?

Once we pass this harbor, we enter Trewardith Bay, which lies inland between Canuasse and Black Head Point. Here, Leland identifies the Promontory of Urctoum. We noticed the confluence of two small streams, not far apart. The first one flows in from the west of Trewardith, while the other comes in from the east of St. Blaise, both directly across from Curwarder Rock, unless I'm miscalculating. Neither stream has a significant course, with the longest being just under three and a half miles. Since they aren’t branched or substantial, why should I spend so much time gathering a little harvest when it's better to conserve my time?

Austell. When we were past the Blacke head, we came to Austell brooke, which is increased with a water that commeth from aboue Mewan, and within a mile after the confluence, they fall into the sea at Pentoren, from whence we went by the Blacke rocke, and about the Dudman point, till we came to [Page 107] Chare. Chare haies, where falleth in a pretie water, whose head is two miles aboue saint Tues. Thence we went by here and there a méere salt créeke, till we passed the Graie rocke, in Gwindraith baie, and S. Anthonies point, where Leland maketh his accompt to enter into Falamouth hauen.

Austell. When we passed Black Head, we arrived at Austell Brook, which is fed by a stream coming from above Mewan. About a mile after the streams join, they flow into the sea at Pentoren. From there, we went past Black Rock and around Dudman Point until we reached [Page 107] Charge. Chare has some lovely waters flowing in, which originate two miles above St. Tues. After that, we traveled past a few salt creeks, until we passed Gray Rock in Gwindraith Bay and St. Anthony's Point, where Leland notes the entrance to Falmouth Harbor.

Fala. The Fala riseth a little by north of Penuenton towne, and going westward till it come downwards toward saint Dionise, it goeth forth from thence to Melader, saint Steuens Grampont, Goldon, Crede, Corneleie, Tregue, Moran, Tregunnan, it falleth into the hauen with a good indifferent force: and this is the course of Fala. But least I should séeme to omit those creekes that are betwéene this and S. Anthonies point, I will go a little backe againe, and fetch in so manie of them, as come now to my remembrance. Entring therefore into the port, we haue a créeke that runneth vp by saint Anthonies toward saint Gereus, then another that goeth into the land by east of saint Maries castell, with a forked head, passing in the meane time by a great rocke that lieth in the verie midst of the hauen, in maner of the third point of a triangle, betwéene saint Maries castell and Pendinant.

Hey. The Fala rises a bit north of Penuenton town and flows westward until it heads down toward Saint Dionise. From there, it continues on to Melader, Saint Steuens Grampont, Goldon, Crede, Corneleie, Tregue, Moran, and Tregunnan, eventually entering the harbor with decent force. This is the path of the Fala. But to avoid leaving out the creeks between this point and Saint Anthony's point, I’ll go back a bit and include as many of them as I can remember. Entering the port, we have a creek that runs up toward Saint Anthony's and Saint Gereus, then another that flows inland east of Saint Mary's Castle, with a forked end, passing in between a large rock that lies right in the center of the harbor, like the third point of a triangle, between Saint Mary's Castle and Pendinant.

Thence we cast about by the said castell, and came by another créeke that falleth in by east, then the second aboue saint Iustus, the third at Ardenora, the fourth at Rilan. And hauing as it were visited all these in order, we came backe againe about by Tregonnian, and then going vpward betweene it and Taluerne, till we came to Fentangolan, we found the confluence of two great creekes beneath saint Clements, whereof one hath a fresh water comming downe by S. Merther, the other another from Truro, increased with sundrie branches, though not one of them of anie greatnesse, and therefore vnworthie to be handled. Pole hole standeth vpon the head almost of the most easterlie of them. S. Kenwen and Truro stand aboue the confluence of other two. The fourth falleth in by west from certeine hils: as for the fift and sixt, as they be little créeks and no fresh, so haue I lesse language and talke to spend about them.

Then we explored around the castle and came to another creek that flows in from the east, then the second above Saint Iustus, the third at Ardenora, and the fourth at Rilan. After visiting all these in order, we made our way back around Tregonnian, and then went upward between it and Taluerne until we arrived at Fentangolan. There, we found the confluence of two large creeks below Saint Clements, one of which has fresh water coming down from Saint Merther, while the other comes from Truro, fed by several small branches, though none of them is significant enough to warrant discussion. Pole Hole lies almost at the head of the more easterly one. Saint Kenwen and Truro are situated above where the other two meet. The fourth creek flows in from the west, coming from certain hills; as for the fifth and sixth, since they are small creeks and not fresh, I have less to say about them.

S. Caie. Of saint Caie, and saint Feokes créeke, whose issue is betwéene Restronget and créeke of Trurie, I sée no cause to make any long spéech; S. Feoks. yet I remember that the towne of S. Feoke standeth betwéene them both. That also called after this saint, rising aboue Perannarwothill, and Milor. comming thence by Kirklo, falleth into Falamouth, northeast of Milor, which standeth vpon the point betwéene it and Milor créeke. Milor creeke is next Restronget: some call it Milor poole, from whence we went by Trefusis point, and there found an other great fall from Perin, which being branched in the top, hath Perin towne almost in the verie confluence. And thus much by my collection of the fall. But for somuch as Leland hath taken some paines in the description of this riuer, I will not suffer it to perish, sith there is other matter conteined therein worthie remembrance, although not deliuered in such order as the thing it selfe requireth.

S. Caie. Regarding Saint Caie and Saint Feoke's creek, whose flow is between Restonget and Trurie creek, I don’t see any reason to elaborate; S. Feoks. however, I remember that the town of Saint Feoke is situated between the two. This town, named after the saint, rises above Perannarwothill, and Milor. flows from there by Kirklo, emptying into Falmouth, northeast of Milor, which sits at the point between it and Milor creek. Milor creek is nearest to Restonget: some refer to it as Milor pool, from where we traveled past Trefusis point, and found another great fall from Perin, which, being split at the top, has Perin town almost at the very junction. And that's what I've gathered about the fall. Since Leland has put some effort into describing this river, I won’t let it go unnoticed, as there are other noteworthy details included, even if they aren’t presented in a manner that the subject deserves.

Fala. The verie point (saith he) of the hauen mouth (being an hill whereon the king hath builded a castell) is called Pendinant. It is about a mile in compasse, almost inuironed with the sea: and where the sea couereth not, the ground is so low that it were a small mastrie to make Pendinant an Iland. Furthermore, there lieth a cape or foreland within the hauen a mile and a halfe, and betwixt this and maister Killigrewes house one great arme of the hauen runneth vp to Penrine towne, which is three miles from the verie entrie Leuine. of Falamouth hauen, and two good miles from Penfusis. Moreouer there is Leuine, Priselo, betwixt saint Budocus and Pendinas, which were a good hauen but for the barre of sand. But to procéed.

Hey. The exact location of the harbor mouth (which is a hill where the king has built a castle) is called Pendinant. It's about a mile around, almost surrounded by the sea: and where the sea doesn’t cover it, the ground is so low that it would be easy to make Pendinant an island. Additionally, there is a cape or headland within the harbor a mile and a half away, and between this and Mr. Killigrew's house, a large arm of the harbor runs up to Penrine town, which is three miles from the actual entrance Leuine. of Falmouth harbor, and two good miles from Penfusis. Furthermore, there is Leuine, Priselo, located between Saint Budocus and Pendinas, which would be a good harbor if it weren’t for the sandbar. But let's continue.

The first creeke or arme that casteth on the northwest side of Falemouth hauen, goeth vp to Perin, and at the end it breaketh into two armes, whereof the lesse runneth to Glasenith, Viridis nidus, the gréene nest, or Wagméere at Penrine: the other to saint Glunias the parish church of Penrine. In like sort out of each side of Penrine créeke, breaketh an arme yer it come to Penrine. This I vnderstand also that stakes and foundations of stone haue béene set in the créeke at Penrine a little lower than the wharfe, where it breaketh into armes: but howsoeuer this [Page 108] standeth, betwixt the point of Trefusis and the point of Restronget is Milor. Milor créeke, which goeth vp a mile into the land, and by the church is a good rode for ships. The next creeke beyond the point of Restronget wood, Restronget. is called Restronget, which going two miles vp into the maine, breaketh into two armes. In like order betwixt Restronget and the creeke of Trurie be two créekes; one called saint S. Feoks.
S. Caie.
Feokes, the other saint Caie, next vnto which is Trurie créeke that goeth vp about two miles créeking from the principall streame, and breaketh within halfe a mile of Trurie, casting in a branch westward euen hard by Newham wood.

The first creek or arm that runs along the northwest side of Falmouth harbor goes up to Perrin, and at the end, it splits into two arms, one of which flows to Glasenith, the Green Nest, or Wagméere at Penrin; the other goes to Saint Glunias, the parish church of Penrin. Similarly, from each side of Penrin creek, an arm branches off before reaching Penrin. I also understand that stakes and stone foundations have been set in the creek at Penrin a little below the wharf, where it splits into arms. Regardless of this, between the point of Trefusis and the point of Restronget is Milor creek, which extends a mile inland, and there’s good anchorage for ships by the church. The next creek beyond the point of Restronget is called Restronget, which runs two miles inland and splits into two arms. Likewise, between Restronget and Trurie creek, there are two creeks; one called Saint Feoks and the other Saint Caie, next to which is Trurie creek that goes about two miles, branching off from the main stream, and splits within half a mile of Trurie, casting a branch westward right by Newham wood.

Trurie créeke. This creeke of Trurie is diuided into two parts before the towne of Trurie, and each of them hauing a brooke comming downe and a bridge, the towne of Trurie standeth betwixt them both. In like sort Kenwen stréet is seuered from the said towne with this arme, and Clements street by east with the other. Out of the bodie also of Trurie creeke breaketh another eastward a mile from Trurie, and goeth vp a mile and a halfe to Cresilian bridge of stone. At the verie entrie and mouth of this créeke is a rode of ships called Maples rode: and here fought not long since eightéene ships of Spanish merchants, with foure ships of warre of Deepe, but the Spaniards draue the Frenchmen all into this harborow. A mile and an halfe aboue the mouth of Crurie creeke, is another named Moran. Lhan Moran of S. Morans church at hand. This créeke goeth vp a quarter of a mile from the maine streame into the hauen, as the maine streame goeth vp two miles aboue Moran créeke ebbing and flowing: and a quarter of a mile higher, is the towne of Cregowie, where we found a bridge of stone vpon the Fala riuer. Fala it selfe riseth a mile or more west of Roche hill, and goeth by Graund pont, where I saw a bridge of stone.

Trurie Creek. Trurie creek is divided into two parts before the town of Trurie, with each section having a brook and a bridge, and the town of Trurie sits between them. Similarly, Kenwen street is separated from the town by this arm of the creek, and Clements street is on the east side with the other arm. Another branch of Trurie creek breaks off eastward, a mile from Trurie, and flows up a mile and a half to the stone Cresilian bridge. At the very entrance and mouth of this creek is a spot for ships called Maples road; not long ago, eighteen ships of Spanish merchants fought against four warships from Deepe, but the Spaniards drove the Frenchmen into this harbor. A mile and a half above the mouth of Trurie creek, there's another creek called Moran. Near Lhan Moran of St. Morans Church, this creek goes up a quarter of a mile from the main stream into the harbor, while the main stream flows up two miles above Moran creek, ebbing and flowing. A quarter of a mile further up is the town of Cregowie, where we found a stone bridge over the Fala river. The Fala itself rises a mile or more west of Roche hill and flows by Graund pont, where I saw a stone bridge.

Graund pont. This Graund pont is foure miles from Roche hill, and two little miles from Cregowie, betwixt which the Fala taketh his course. From Cregowie to passe downe by the bodie of the hauen of Falamouth to the mouth of Lanie horne pill or créeke, on the south side of the hauen is a mile, and (as I remember) it goeth vp halfe a mile from the principall streame of the hauen. From Lanihorne pill also is a place or point of sand about a mile waie of fortie acres or thereabout (as a peninsula) called Ardeuerauter. As for the water or créeke that runneth into the south southeast part, it is but a little thing of halfe a mile vp into the land, and the créeke that hemmeth in this peninsula, of both dooth seeme to be the greater. From the mouth of the west creeke of this peninsula, vnto saint Iustes creeke, is foure miles or more.

Grand point. This Graund Pont is four miles from Roche Hill and two short miles from Cregowie, between which the Fala River flows. From Cregowie, traveling down by the body of the harbor of Falmouth to the mouth of Lanie Horn Pill or creek, is a mile, and (as I recall) it goes up half a mile from the main stream of the harbor. From Lanie Horn Pill, there's also a sandy spot about a mile away, roughly forty acres in size (like a peninsula), called Ardeuerauter. As for the water or creek that runs into the south-southeast part, it's just a small one, half a mile inland, and the creek that encloses this peninsula seems to be larger than both. From the mouth of the west creek of this peninsula to Saint Justes Creek, it's four miles or more.

S. Iustus.
S. Mawes.
In like maner from saint Iustes pill or créeke (for both signifie one thing) to saint Mawes creeke is a mile and a halfe, and the point betwéene them both is called Pendinas. The créeke of saint Mawes goeth vp a two miles by east northeast into the land, and beside that it ebbeth and floweth so farre, there is a mill driuen with a fresh créeke that resorteth to the same. Halfe a mile from the head of this downeward to the hauen, is a créeke in maner of a poole, whereon is a mill also that grindeth with the tide. And a mile beneath that on the south side entereth a créeke (about halfe a mile into the countrie) which is barred from the maine sea by a small sandie banke, and another mile yet lower, is an other little créekelet. But how so euer these créekes doo run, certeine it is that the bankes of them that belong to Fala are meruellouslie well woodded. And hitherto Leland, whose words I dare not alter, for feare of corruption and alteration of his iudgement. Being past Falmouth hauen therefore (as it were a quarter of a mile beyond Arwennach, maister Killegrewes place which standeth on the brimme or shore within Falmouth) we came to a little hauen which ran vp betwéene two hilles, but it was barred: wherefore we could not learne whether it were serued with anie backe fresh water or not.

S. Justus.
S. Mawes.
Similarly, from Saint Iustus's Pill or Creek (since both mean the same) to Saint Mawes Creek is a mile and a half, and the point between them is called Pendinas. The creek of Saint Mawes extends about two miles northeast into the land, and besides that, it ebbs and flows so far that there’s a mill powered by a freshwater creek that connects to it. Half a mile from the head of this down towards the harbor, there's a creek shaped like a pool, where there’s also a mill that grinds with the tide. A mile below that, on the south side, another creek enters (about half a mile into the countryside) which is blocked from the main sea by a small sandy bank, and another mile lower, there’s another small creeklet. However these creeks flow, it’s certain that the banks of those belonging to Fala are incredibly well wooded. And up to this point, Leland, whose words I dare not change for fear of corrupting and altering his judgment. Once we passed Falmouth harbor (about a quarter of a mile beyond Arwennach, Master Killegrew's place, which stands on the shore within Falmouth), we reached a small harbor that ran up between two hills, but it was blocked off; therefore, we couldn’t determine whether it was supplied with any back freshwater or not.

Polwitherall. From thence we went by Polwitherall creeke (parted into two armes) then
Polpenrith.
to the Polpenrith, wherevnto a riueret falleth that riseth not farre from thence, and so goeth to the maine streame of the hauen at the last, whither the créeke resorteth about thrée miles and more from the mouth of the hauen, and into which the water that goeth vnder Gare bridges, [Page 109] doo fall in one bottome (as Leland hath reported.) Vnto this hauen Wike.
Gare. Mogun.
Penkestell.
Callous.
Cheilow.
Gilling.
also repaireth the Penkestell, the Callous, the Cheilow, and the Gilling, although this latter lieth against saint Mawuons on the hither side hard without the hauen mouth (if I haue doone aright.) For so motheaten, mouldie, & rotten are those bookes of Leland which I haue, and beside that, his annotations are such and so confounded, as no man can (in a maner) picke out anie sense from them by a leafe togither. Wherefore I suppose that he dispersed and made his notes intricate of set purpose: or else he was loth that anie man should easilie come to that knowledge by reading, which he with his great charge & no lesse trauell attained vnto by experience. Thus leauing Fala hauen, as more troublesome for me to describe, than profitable for seafaring men, without good aduise to enter into, we left the rocke on our left hand, and came straight southwest to Helford hauen, whose water commeth downe Haile. from Wréeke (where is a confluence of two small rilles whereof that rill consisteth) by Mawgan and Trelawarren, and then it receiueth a rill on the north ripe from Constantine, after whose confluence it goeth a maine vntill it come to the Ocean, where the mouth is spoiled by sand comming from the tinworks. See Leland in the life of S. Breaca. Beneath this also is another rill comming from S. Martyrs, by whose course, and another ouer against it on the west side that falleth into the sea by Winniton, all Menage is left almost in maner of an Iland. From hence we go south to the Manacle point, then southwest to Lisard, and so north and by west to Predannocke points, beyond which we méet with the fall of the said water that riseth in the edge of Menag, and goeth into the sea by Melien on the north, and Winniton on the south. By north also of Curie. Winniton is the Curie water that runneth short of Magan, and toucheth with the Ocean south of Pengwenian point.

Polwitherall. From there we traveled by Polwitherall creek (which splits into two arms) then Polpenrith. to Polpenrith, where a small river flows in that rises not far from there, and eventually connects with the main stream of the harbor, to which the creek flows about three miles or more from the mouth of the harbor. The water that runs under Gare bridges also drains into the same area (as Leland mentioned). To this harbor Wike.
Gare.
Mogun.
Penkestell.
Callous.
Cheilow.
Gilling.
also comes the Penkestell, the Callous, the Cheilow, and the Gilling, although the latter is located near Saint Mawuons on this side, just outside the mouth of the harbor (if I’m correct). For those books of Leland that I have are worn out, moldy, and rotten, and besides that, his notes are so mixed up that no one can (almost) make any sense from them by reading a single page. Therefore, I suspect he intentionally made his notes complicated: or he was unwilling for anyone to easily gain the knowledge by reading that he acquired through great expense and hard work. Thus, leaving Fala harbor, which is more trouble for me to describe than beneficial for seafarers without careful consideration to enter, we kept the rock on our left side, and headed straight southwest to Helford harbor, whose water comes down Hailey. from Wréeke (where two small streams converge, making that stream), by Mawgan and Trelawarren, and then it receives a stream on the north side from Constantine, after which it flows steadily until it reaches the Ocean, where the mouth is blocked by sand coming from the tinworks. See Leland in the life of S. Breaca. Below this, there is another stream coming from S. Martyrs, by which course, and another opposite it on the west side that flows into the sea by Winniton, all of Menage is left almost as if it were an island. From here we go south to Manacle point, then southwest to Lisard, and then north and by west to Predannocke points, beyond which we encounter the flow of the aforementioned water that rises at the edge of Menag and goes into the sea by Melien to the north and Winniton to the south. To the north of Curie. Winniton is the Curie water that runs short of Magan and touches the Ocean south of Pengwenian point.

Loo. From hence we sailed to the Loo mouth, which some call Lopoole, because it is narrower at the fall into the sea, than it is betwéene the sea and Hailston. It riseth aboue S. Sethians, and comming downe by Wendron, it hasteth to Hailston or Helston, from whence onelie it is called Loo: but betwéene Helston and the head, men call it commonlie Cohor. Of this riuer Leland saith thus: The Lopoole is two miles in length, and betwixt it and the maine Ocean is but a barre of sand that once in thrée or foure yéeres, what by weight of the fresh water, and working of the sea breaketh out, at which time it maketh a wonderfull noise: but soone after the mouth of it is barred vp againe. At all other times the superfluitie of the water of Lopole (which is full of trout and éele) draineth out through the sandie barre into the open sea: certes if this barre could alwaies be kept open, it would make a goodlie hauen vp vnto Haileston towne, where coinage of tin is also vsed, as at Trurie and Lostwithiell, for the quéenes aduantage.

Restroom. From here, we sailed to the Loo mouth, which some call Lopoole, because it is narrower at the entrance to the sea than it is between the sea and Hailston. It rises above St. Sethians and flows down by Wendron, rushing toward Hailston or Helston, from which it is only referred to as Loo: but between Helston and the head, people commonly call it Cohor. About this river, Leland says: The Lopoole is two miles long, and between it and the main ocean, there is just a sandbar that every three or four years, due to the weight of the freshwater and the action of the sea, breaks out, creating a tremendous noise: but soon after, the mouth gets blocked again. At all other times, the excess water from Lopole (which is full of trout and eel) drains through the sandy bar into the open sea: surely, if this bar could always be kept open, it would create a nice harbor up to Haileston town, where tin is also coined, as it is in Trurie and Lostwithiel, for the queen's benefit.

Being passed the Loo, I came to another water that descendeth without Simneie. anie increase from Crowan by Simneie, whose whole course is not aboue thrée miles in all. Then going by the Cuddan point, we entered the mounts Baie, and going streight north (leauing S. Michaels mount a Lid. little vpon the left hand) we came to the Lid, which rising short of Tewidnacke, descendeth by Lidgenan, and so into the sea. Certes the course of these waters cannot be long, sith in this verie place this breadth of land is not aboue foure miles, and not more than fiue at the verie lands end. There is also a rill east of Korugie, and Guluall, and another west of the same hard at hand, and likewise the third east of Pensants: and not a full quarter of a mile from the second, southwest of Pensants also lieth the fourth that commeth from Sancrete ward by Newlin, from whence going southwest out of the baie by Moushole Ile, that lieth south of Moushole towne, we come to a water that entreth into the Ocean betwixt Remels & Lamorleie point. Trulie the one head thereof commeth from by west of Sancrete, the other from by west of an hill that standeth betwéene them both, and ioining aboue Remels, it is not long yer they salute their grandame. After this, and before we come at Rosecastell, there are two other créekes, whereof one is called Boskennie, that riseth south of saint Buriens, and an other somewhat longer than the first, that issueth by west of the aforesaid towne, wherein is to be noted, that our cards made heretofore doo appoint [Page 110] S. Buriens to be at the very lands end of Cornewall, but experience now teacheth vs, that it commeth not néere the lands end by thrée miles. This latter rill also is the last that I doo reade of on the south side, and likewise on the west and north, till we haue sailed to S. Ies baie, Bresan Ile. which is full ten miles from the lands end, or Bresan Ile eastward, & rather more, if you reckon to the fall of the Haile, which lieth in the very middest and highest part of the baie of the same. The soile also is verie hillie here, as for saint Ies towne, it is almost (as I said) a byland, and yet is it well watered with sundrie rilles that come from those hilles vnto the same.

Being past the Loo, I arrived at another stream that flows down from Crowan by Simneie, which isn’t more than three miles long. After passing the Cuddan point, we entered the bay and headed straight north (leaving St. Michael's Mount a bit to our left) until we reached the Lid, which flows down from Lidgenan before it meets the sea. The water here can't travel far, since this stretch of land is only about four miles wide, and no more than five at the very end. There's also a small stream east of Korugie and Guluall, as well as another one close by to the west, and a third stream east of Pensants. Not quite a quarter of a mile from the second one, southwest of Pensants, is the fourth stream that comes from Sancrete toward Newlin. From there, heading southwest out of the bay by Mousehole Isle, which lies south of Mousehole town, we reach a waterway that enters the ocean between Remels and Lamorleie point. One source comes from west of Sancrete, the other from west of a hill that sits between the two, and when they meet above Remels, they don’t take long to join the ocean. After this and before reaching Rosecastell, there are two other creeks, one called Boskennie, which rises south of St. Buriens, and another slightly longer one that flows west of the aforementioned town. It’s important to note that previous maps placed St. Buriens right at the very end of Cornwall, but experience now shows that it’s actually three miles away from the coast. This latter stream is the last one I read about on the south side, and similarly on the west and north, until we sail to St. Ies Bay, which is about ten miles from the coast, or eastward to Bresan Isle, and a bit more if you consider the fall of the Haile, which lies in the middle and highest part of the bay. The land here is very hilly, and as for St. Ies town, it's almost (as I mentioned) a bit inland, yet it is well-watered by various streams flowing down from those hills.

Haile. The Haile riseth in such maner, and from so manie heads, as I haue before said: howbeit I will adde somewhat more vnto it, for the benefit of my readers. Certes the chéefe head of Haile riseth by west of Goodalfin hilles, and going downe toward saint Erthes, it receiueth the second, and best of the other three rilles from Goodalfin towne: finallie, comming to saint Erthes, and so vnto the maine baie, it taketh Clowart. in the Clowart water from Guimer, south of Phelacke, which hath two heads, the said village standing directlie betwixt them both.

Hailey. The Haile rises in such a way and from so many sources, as I mentioned before; however, I will add a bit more for the benefit of my readers. The main source of the Haile originates west of the Goodalfin hills, and as it flows down toward Saint Erthes, it receives the second and best of the other three streams from Goodalfin town. Finally, reaching Saint Erthes and then the main bay, it takes in the Clowart water from Guimer, located south of Phelacke, which has two sources, with the village positioned directly between them both.

Caine. The Caine riseth southeast of Caineburne towne a mile and more, from whence it goeth without increase by west of Gwethian, and so into the sea west of Mara Darwaie. From hence we coasted about the point, & left the baie till we came to a water that riseth of two heads from those hilles that lie by south of the same: one of them also runneth by saint Vni, another by Redreuth, and méeting within a mile, they fall into the Luggam. Ocean beneath Luggam or Tuggan. A mile and a halfe from this fall we come vnto another small rill, and likewise two other créekes, betwixt which the towne of saint Agnes standeth; and likewise the fourth halfe a mile beyond the most easterlie of these, whose head is almost thrée miles within the land in a towne called saint Alin. Thence going by the Manrocke, and west of saint Piran in the sand, we find a course of thrée miles and more from the head, and hauing a forked branch, the parts doo méet at west aboue saint Kibbard, and so go into the sea. I take this to S. Pirans créeke. Carantocke. be saint Pirans créeke, for the next is Carantocke pill or créeke, whose head is at Guswarth, from whence it goeth vnto Trerise, and soone after taking in a rill from by west, it runneth into the sea coast of saint Carantakes. Beyond this is another créeke that riseth aboue little saint Colan, and goeth by lesse saint Columbe: and east and by north hereof commeth downe one more whose head is almost south of the Nine stones, & going from thence to great saint Columbes, it passeth by Lamberne, and so into the sea. S. Merous créeke is but a little one, rising west of Padstow, and falling in almost ouer against the Gull rocke. Then turning Padstow.
Locus bufonis.
betwéene the point and the blacke rocke,we entred into Padstow hauen thrée miles lower than port Issec, and a mile from port Ewin, whose waters remaine next of all to be described.

Caine. The Caine rises southeast of Caineburne town, about a mile away, from where it flows west of Gwethian and into the sea west of Mara Darwaie. From there, we navigated around the point and left the bay until we reached a stream that rises from two sources in the hills to the south: one runs by Saint Vni, while the other flows by Redreuth, and they meet within a mile before merging into the Luggam. Ocean beneath Luggam or Tuggan. A mile and a half from this confluence, we encountered another small stream, along with two other creeks, between which the town of Saint Agnes is situated; and another creek is half a mile beyond the easternmost of these, whose source is almost three miles inland in a town called Saint Alin. Continuing past Manrocke and west of Saint Piran in the sand, we found a path of over three miles from the source, and with a forked branch, the sections meet to the west above Saint Kibbard, flowing into the sea. I believe this to be S. Piran's Creek. Carantock. Saint Piran's creek, as the next is Carantocke creek, which begins at Guswarth, flowing to Trerise, and soon after taking in a stream from the west, it flows into the sea at Saint Carantakes. Beyond this is another creek that rises above Little Saint Colan and flows by Lesser Saint Columbe; and east-north-east of this one, another creek flows down whose source is almost south of the Nine Stones, and from there, heading towards Great Saint Columbe, it passes by Lamberne before entering the sea. Saint Merous creek is a small one, starting west of Padstow and flowing almost directly opposite Gull Rock. Then, turning Padstow.
Frog spot.
between the point and the black rock, we entered Padstow harbor, three miles lower than Port Issec and a mile from Port Ewin, whose waters are next to be described.

Alannus. The Alan ariseth flat east from the hauen mouth of Padstow, well néere
Eniam.
eight or nine miles about Dauidstone, neere vnto which the Eniam also issueth, that runneth into the Thamar. Going therefore from hence it passeth to Camelford, saint Aduen, saint Bernard (both Cornish saints) and soone after receiueth a rill at northeast, descending from Rowters hill. Thence it goeth to Bliseland, and Helham, the first bridge of name that standeth vpon Alin. Yer long also it taketh in one rill by south from Bodman, another from saint Laurence, the third by west of this, and the fourth that commeth by Wethiell, no one of them excéeding the course of thrée miles, and all by south. From hence it goeth toward Iglesaleward, and there receiueth a water on the east side, which commeth about two miles from saint Teath, by Michelston, saint Tuchoe, saint Maben (mo Cornish patrons) and finallie south of Iglesall, méeteth with the Alen that goeth from thence by S. Breaca to Woodbridge. Hereabout I find, that into our Alein or Alen, there should fall two Carneseie.
Laine.
riuerets, whereof the one is called Carneseie, the other Laine, and comming in the end to full notice of the matter, I sée them to issue on seuerall sides beneath Woodbridge almost directlie the one against the other. That which descendeth from northwest, and riseth about saint Kew, is named Carneseie, as I heare: the other that commeth in on the [Page 111] southwest banke hight Laine, and noted by Leland to rise two miles aboue S. Esse. But howsoeuer this matter standeth, there are two other créekes Pethrike.
Minner.
Dunmere.
on ech side also, beneath these, as Pethrike creeke, and Minner créeke (so called of the Cornish saints) for that soile bred manie, wherewith I finish the description of Alen, or (as some call it) Dunmere, and other Padstow water.

Alannus. The Alen rises flat east from the harbor mouth of Padstow, almost Eniam. eight or nine miles around Davidstone, near which the Eniam also flows, entering the Tamar. From here, it moves towards Camelford, Saint Adwen, and Saint Bernard (both Cornish saints) and soon after receives a stream from the northeast, flowing down from Rowters Hill. Then it heads to Bliseland and Helham, where the first named bridge stands over the Alen. Soon after, it takes in one stream from the south coming from Bodman, another from Saint Laurence, the third from the west, and the fourth from Wethiell, each of them no longer than three miles, all from the south. From here, it continues toward Iglesaleward, where it receives water on the east side, which flows about two miles from Saint Teath, passing through Michelston, Saint Tuchoe, and Saint Maben (more Cornish patrons), and finally south of Iglesal, it meets the Alen that flows from there by S. Breaca to Woodbridge. Here, I find that into our Alen, two Carneseie.
Laine.
small rivers should flow in, one called Carneseie and the other Laine. Upon closer inspection, I see they enter from different sides below Woodbridge, almost directly across from each other. The one that flows from the northwest, rising near Saint Kew, is called Carneseie, as I've heard; the other, coming in from the southwest bank, is named Laine, noted by Leland to rise two miles above S. Esse. Regardless of the specifics, there are two other creeks Pethrike.
Minner.
Dunmere.
on each side below these as well, named Pethrike creek and Minner creek (named after Cornish saints) because that land produced many. With this, I conclude the description of the Alen, or (as some call it) Dunmere, and other waters of Padstow.

From Padstow hauen also they saile out full west to Waterford in Ireland. There are likewise two rockes, which lie in the east side of the hauen, secretlie hidden at full sea, as two pads in the straw, whereof I think it taketh the name. Yet I remember how I haue read that Padstow is a corrupted word for Adlestow, and should signifie so much as Athelstani locus, as it may well be. For it is euident that they had in time past sundrie charters of priuilege from Athelstane, although at this present it be well stored with Irishmen. But to our purpose. Leland supposed this riuer to be the same Camblan, where Arthur fought his last and fatall conflict: for to this daie men that doo eare the ground there, doo oft plow vp bones of a large size, and great store of armour, or else it may be (as I rather coniecture) that the Romans had some field (or Castra) thereabout, for not long since (and in the remembrance of man) a brasse pot full of Romane coine was found there, as I haue often heard. Being thus passed Padstow hauen, and after we had gone three miles from hence, we came to Portgwin a poore fisher towne, where I find a brooke and a péere. Then I came to Portissec aliàs Cunilus two miles further, and found there a brooke, a péere, and some succor for fisher boats. Next of all vnto a brooke that ran from south east, directlie north into the Sauerne sea, and within halfe a mile of the same laie a great blacke rocke like an Iland. From this water to Treuenni is about a mile, where the paroch church is dedicated to saint Simphorian, and in which paroch also Tintagell or Dundagie castell standeth, which is a thing inexpugnable for the situation, and would be made with little reparations one of the strongest things in England. For it standeth on a great high terrible crag inuironed with the sea. There is a chappell yet standing in the dungeon thereof, dedicated to saint Vlet. Tintagell towne and Treuenni are not a mile in sunder.

From Padstow harbor, they also sail directly west to Waterford in Ireland. There are also two rocks located on the east side of the harbor, secretly hidden at high tide, like two pads in the straw, which I think is where it gets its name. However, I remember reading that Padstow is a corrupted term for Adlestow, which should mean something like Athelstan's place, and that makes sense. It is clear that they historically had several charters of privilege from Athelstan, although it is currently well-populated by Irish people. But to our topic. Leland believed this river to be the same one where Arthur fought his last and fatal battle: to this day, people plowing that land often dig up large bones and plenty of armor, or it could be (as I suspect) that the Romans had some camp or settlement nearby, as not long ago (within living memory) a bronze pot filled with Roman coins was found there, as I have often heard. After passing Padstow harbor and going three miles from there, we reached Portgwin, a small fishing town, where I found a stream and a pier. Then I arrived at Portissec, also known as Cunilus, two miles further along, where I found a stream, a pier, and some support for fishing boats. Next was a stream that flowed from the southeast directly north into the Severn Sea, and within half a mile of it lay a large black rock resembling an island. From this water to Treuenni is about a mile, where the parish church is dedicated to Saint Simphorian, and within that parish is also Tintagel or Dundagie castle, which is nearly impregnable due to its location and could be made one of the strongest fortifications in England with minimal repairs. It sits on a steep, towering cliff surrounded by the sea. There is still a chapel standing in its dungeon, dedicated to Saint Vlet. Tintagel town and Treuenni are less than a mile apart.

Tredwie. The next créeke is called Bosinni, which is a mile from Tintagell, and to the same Tredwie water resorteth, and so they go to the sea betwixt two hils, whereof that on the one side lieth out like an arme or cape, and maketh the fashion of an hauenet or peere, whither shiplets sometime doo resort for succour. A frier of late daies tooke vpon him to make an hauen at this place, but in vaine. There lie also two blacke rocks as Ilets, at the west northwest point, or side of this créeke, the one (sauing that a little gut dooth part them) ioining with the other, and in these by all likelihood is great store of gulles. I can not tell whether this be the water that runneth by Boscastell or not, but if it Boscastell. be not, then haue I this description of the latter. Boscastell créeke that lieth east of Tintagell, is but a small thing, running at the most not aboue two miles into the land, yet it passeth by foure townes, whereof the first is called Lesneth, the second saint Juliet, the third Minster, and the fourth Boscastell or Bushcastell, as some men doo pronounce it.

Tredwie. The next creek is called Bosinni, which is a mile from Tintagell, and it flows into the same Tredwie water, leading to the sea between two hills. One of these hills juts out like an arm or cape, creating the shape of a harbor or pier, where small boats occasionally seek refuge. A friar recently attempted to create a harbor at this location but failed. There are also two black rocks resembling islets at the west-northwest point of this creek, one of which is connected to the other by a small channel, and it's likely that there are many gulls around these rocks. I'm not sure if this is the water that flows by Boscastell, but if it isn’t, here’s a description of that one. Boscastell creek, lying east of Tintagell, is quite small, extending only about two miles inland at most, yet it passes by four towns: the first is called Lesneth, the second Saint Juliet, the third Minster, and the fourth Boscastell or Bushcastell, as some people pronounce it.

Bede. In Bede baie I find the Bedewater, whose chiefe head is not farre from
Lancels.
Norton. Thence running to Stratton, it receiueth the Lancels rill before it come at Norham. And here also it crosseth another whose head is east of saint Marie wijke, from whence it runneth by Wolston and Whalesborow, and thence into the sea betweene Efford and Plough hill. And thus much of the waters that lie betwéene the point of Cornewall, and the Hartland head vpon the north side of Cornewall. Now let vs doo the like with those that remaine of Deuonshire, whereo the said Hartland is the verie first point in this our poeticall voiage. Hauing therefore brought Hartland point on our backs, we come next of all to Barstable bar, and so into the hauen, whereinto two principall streams doo perpetuallie vnburden their chanels.

Bede. In Bede’s account, I discover the Bedewater, whose main source isn’t far from Lancelot. Norton. From there, it flows to Stratton, where it receives the Lancels stream before reaching Norham. It also crosses another stream whose source is east of Saint Marie Wijke, flowing past Wolston and Whalesborough, and then into the sea between Efford and Plough Hill. This covers the waters located between the tip of Cornwall and the Hartland head on the northern side of Cornwall. Now, let’s do the same for those that remain in Devonshire, with Hartland being the very first point in our poetic journey. Having passed Hartland Point, we next arrive at Barnstable Bar, and then into the harbor, where two main streams constantly refresh their channels.

Ocus. The first and more westerlie of these is called Ocus, whose head is not farre west of the head of Darnt, and Loth in Darntmore. Rising therefore in the aforesaid place, it runneth northwest to Snorton, and so to Okehampton, beneath which towne it méeteth with an other water comming from southeast, & riseth not much west from the head of Tawe. From hence [Page 112] it goeth to Stow Exborne, Moonke Okington, & Iddesleie, where it taketh Tanridge.
Turrege.
in the Tanridge a verie pretie streamelet, whose issue is not full a mile by east from the head of Thamar, thrée miles by north east from Hartland. Comming therefore by west and east Putford, Bulworthie, Bockington, Newton, and Shebbor, it receiueth a forked rill that runneth from ech side of Bradworthie by Sutcombe, Treborow, Milton, & so to Thornebirie, where méeting with an other forked water (whereof one head comming from Dunsland, ioineth with the other north of Cockbirie) it goeth with speed into the Tanridge water. After this confluence it Buckland. runneth on to Shéepewash (by west whereof falleth in the Buckland water from by north) thence to high Hainton, and so to Haitherlaie, north wherof it taketh in a rill from by south, and endeth his race at Iddesleie, by ioining with the Oke. Hence then the Ocus hasteth to Dowland, and betwéene it and Doulton, receiueth one rill from by east, as it dooth an other betwéene Doulton and Marton from by west, and so procéeding on with his course, it commeth east of Torrington the lesse, and taking in a water at east, that runneth from thrée heads (by Wollie parke) betweene which Combe and Roughborow are situat, it descendeth to Langtrée. Torington the more, and meeting with the Langtrée water on the one side, Were or Ware. and the Ware brooke on the other, it procéedeth to Bediford, crossing a rill by the waie that commeth vnto it betwéene Annarie & Littham. From Bediford bridge it goeth without anie increase to Westleie, Norham, Appledoure, and so into the hauen.

Focus. The first and more westerly of these is called Ocus, whose source is not far west of the head of Darnt and Loth in Darntmore. Rising in the mentioned location, it flows northwest to Snorton, and then to Okehampton, beneath which town it meets another stream coming from the southeast, rising just west of the head of Tawe. From here [Page 112] it flows to Stow Exborne, Monk Okington, and Iddesleie, where it picks up Tanridge.
Turrege.
the Tanridge, a very pretty streamlet, whose outlet is not quite a mile east from the head of Thamar, three miles northeast from Hartland. Flowing through west and east Putford, Bulworthy, Bockington, Newton, and Shebbor, it receives a forked rill that runs from each side of Bradworthy by Sutcombe, Treborow, Milton, and then to Thornebirie, where meeting with another forked water (one source coming from Dunsland joining with the other north of Cockbirie) it speeds into the Tanridge water. After this junction, it Buckland. continues to Sheepwash (just west of which the Buckland water flows in from the north), then to high Hainton, and so to Haitherlaie, north of which it takes in a rill from the south, ending its course at Iddesleie, where it joins with the Oke. From here, the Ocus rushes to Dowland, and between it and Doulton, it receives one rill from the east, as it does another between Doulton and Marton from the west, and continuing on its course, it comes east of Little Torrington, taking in a stream on the east that flows from three heads (near Wollie Park), between which Combe and Roughborow are situated, it descends to Langtrée. Great Torrington, and meeting with the Langtrée water on one side, Were or Ware. and the Ware brook on the other, it proceeds to Bediford, crossing a rill along the way that comes to it between Annarie and Littham. From Bediford bridge, it continues without any increase to Westleie, Norham, Appledore, and then into the harbor.

Taw. The Taw of both is the more noble water, notwithstanding that his hauen be barred with sand; and thereby dangerous, and hath most rils descending into his chanell. Howbeit, by these two is all the hart of Deuonshire well watered on the northside of the moores. The Tawy riseth directlie at south west of Throwlie, and north of the head of Darnt, or (as Leland saith) in Exmore south east from Barstable. From thence also it runneth to Sele, South Taueton, Cockatre, Bath, Northtaueton, Ashridge, Colridge, and soone after receiueth the Bowmill créeke, wherof Bowmill. one head riseth at Bow, the other at Mill, and meeting beneth Bishops Morchard, they fall into the Taw north of Nimeth Rowland, as I haue béene informed. From hence then it runneth by Edgeforth, to Chimligh, by south whereof it méeteth with a rill comming downe of two heads from about Rakenford, by Wetheridge and Chawleie. Thence it goeth to Moulebraie. Burrington, and Chiltenholtwood, and there taketh in the Moulebraie water consisting of two in one chanell, wherof the Moll dooth rise aboue north Moulton, and comming to Moulton receiueth another rill running from Molland, and soone after the second that growing by two brookes (the head of one being at Knawston, and of the other west of Crokeham, and both vniting themselues beneath Mariston) dooth fall into the same yer long also, and so go togither till it crosse the Braie, which (being Braie. the second of the two that maketh the Moulbraie) riseth at Braie, commeth by Buckland, and south of Holtwood dooth make his confluence with Taw. Being past the wood, it goeth on to Brightleie hall, Taueton, Tauestocke, & Berstable, sometime a pretie walled towne with foure gates, but now a little thing; and such in déed, as that the suburbes thereof are greater than it selfe. I suppose that the name of this towne in the British speach was Abertaw, bicause it stood toward the mouth of Taw, and Berdnesse pronounced short (as I gesse) for Abernesse. As for Staple, it is an addition for a market, & therefore hath nothing to doo in the proper name of the towne. King Athelstane is taken here for the chiefe priuileger of the towne. This is also worthie to be noted hereof, that the houses there are of stone, as most are in all the good townes thereabout.

Taw. The Taw of both rivers is the more noble water, even though its harbor is blocked by sand, making it dangerous, and it has many streams flowing into its channel. However, these two rivers ensure that the northern side of the moors in Devonshire is well-watered. The Taw rises directly southwest of Throwlie, and north of the head of Darnt, or (as Leland says) in Exmoor southeast of Barnstable. From there, it flows to Sele, South Tawton, Cockatre, Bath, North Tawton, Ashridge, Colridge, and shortly thereafter receives the Bowmill creek, which has one source at Bow and another at Mill. They merge below Bishops Morchard and flow into the Taw north of Nimeth Rowland, as I have been informed. From here, it runs by Edgeforth to Chimligh, just south of which it meets a stream coming down from two sources near Rakenford, by Wetheridge and Chawleie. Then it continues to Moulebraie. Burrington and Chiltenholtwood, where it takes in the Moulebraie water, which consists of two streams in one channel. The Moll rises above north Moulton and, upon reaching Moulton, collects another stream flowing from Molland. Shortly after, a second stream, formed by two brooks (one source at Knawston and the other west of Crokeham, both of which merge below Mariston), also flows into this river, and they continue together until crossing the Braie. The Braie, which is the second of the two that forms the Moulebraie, rises at Braie, flows by Buckland, and south of Holtwood merges with the Taw. After passing the wood, it goes on to Brightleie Hall, Tawton, Tawestock, and Barnstable, which used to be a pretty walled town with four gates, but is now quite small; in fact, its suburbs are larger than the town itself. I believe the name of this town in the British language was Abertaw, because it stood towards the mouth of the Taw, with Berdnesse pronounced short (as I suppose) for Abernesse. As for Staple, it is an addition for a market, and therefore has nothing to do with the proper name of the town. King Athelstan is regarded as the main benefactor of the town. It is also worth noting that the houses there are made of stone, as most are in all the good towns around.

But to proceed with our purpose. Beneath this towne there falleth in a water that hath one head néere about Challacombe, & another at east Downe, whereof this descending by Stoke riuer, and the other by Sherwell, they vnite themselues within thrée miles of Berstaple. Soone after also it taketh in another that descendeth from Bitenden by Ashford, and the last of all east of saint Anthonies chappell, named the Doneham. Doneham, bicause one head is at west Done, and the other at Ham, both of them méeting west of Ash. And thus is Taue described, which is no great water nor quicke streame, as may appéere in Low water marke at Berstable and yet is it a pretie riueret. This also is worthie to be noted [Page 113] thereof, that it receiueth no brooke from by west, whereof I would somewhat maruell, if Taurige were not at hand.

But to continue with our purpose. Beneath this town, there’s a river that has one source near Challacombe and another at East Down. The one flowing by Stoke River and the other by Sherwell merge within three miles of Barnstaple. Soon after, it also takes in another river that flows from Bitenden by Ashford, and the last one is to the east of St. Anthony's chapel, named the Doneham. Doneham, because one source is at West Done and the other at Ham, both meeting west of Ash. This describes the Tawe, which is not a large body of water nor a fast stream, as can be seen at low water mark in Barnstaple. Yet, it’s a pretty little river. It's also worth noting [Page 113] that it doesn't receive any brook from the west, which I would find somewhat surprising if Taurige wasn't nearby.

Being past the Taue, Cride baie and Bugpoint aliàs Bagpoint, we go by More baie, Morstone aliàs Mortstone, and then toward the northeast, till we come by a créekelet to Ilfare combe, & so to Combe Marton, whereat (I meane ech of them) are sundrie créekes of salt water, but not serued with anie fresh that I as yet doo heare of. Marrie there is betwéene Martinbow & Trensow, a créeke that hath a backewater, which descendeth Paradine. from Parracombe (so farre as I call to mind named Parradine becke) but
Orus.
the greatest of all is betweene Linton and Connisberie called Ore, which riseth in Summersetshire in Exmore (east of Hore oke, more than a mile) and going by Owre, falleth into the sea betwéene Linton and Conisberie, so that the whole race thereof amounteth in and out to an eight miles, as I haue heard reported. Thus haue I finished the discourse of the The bredth of Deuonshire & Cornewall. waters of Deuonshire, whose breadth in this place from hence ouerthwart to the Checkstones in the mouth of Ex, on the south side of the Ile, is eight and thirtie miles or vnder fortie, and so much likewise is it from Plimmouth to Hartland point, but the broadest part there commeth to six and thirtie miles, whereas the broadest part of Cornewall doth want two miles of fortie.

Having passed the Taue, Cride Bay, and Bugpoint also known as Bagpoint, we continue past More Bay, Morstone also called Mortstone, and then head northeast until we reach a small creek leading to Ilfare Combe, and then to Combe Marton. Each of these locations has several saltwater creeks, but I haven't heard of any fresh water sources around. However, between Martinbow and Trensow, there's a creek with a backwater that flows from Parracombe (if I remember correctly, it's called Parradine Beck), but the largest of all is between Linton and Conisberie, known as Ore. It originates in Somerset in Exmoor (east of Hore Oke, more than a mile away) and flows past Owre into the sea between Linton and Conisberie, making its total length approximately eight miles, as I've heard. This concludes my discussion of the The expanse of Devon and Cornwall. waters of Devonshire, whose width at this point from here across to the Checkstones at the mouth of the Ex on the south side of the Isle is thirty-eight miles or just under forty. It’s the same distance from Plymouth to Hartland Point, but the widest part there reaches thirty-six miles, while the broadest part of Cornwall is two miles short of forty.

Being past the aforesaid limits of the counties we came to Portlochbaie, Loch. whither commeth a water named Loch that descendeth from Stokepero,
Durus.
Lucham and Portloch without increase. Thence to Dunsteir brooke, which runneth from about Wootton, and Courtneie by Tunbercombe and Dunsteir, then to another that commeth west of Old Cliffe, leauing a parke on the Vacetus. west side, next of all to Watchet water, whereof one head commeth from the Quantocke hils south of Bickualer by Westquantocke head, and almost Williton. at Doniford, receiueth the Williton becke, then to east Quantocke brooke
Doddington.
(omitting a créeket) & next of all to Doddington water, that goeth by Holford, Alfoxton, and afterward into the sea. From hence we go by Bottesall point, to Stert point, where two noble riuers doo make their confluence, which I will seuerallie describe, as to my purpose apperteineth.

Being beyond the mentioned boundaries of the counties, we arrived at Portlochbaie, Lake. where there is a river called Loch that flows down from Stokepero, Durus. Lucham, and Portloch without any increase in flow. From there, we went to the Dunsteir brook, which comes from near Wootton and Courtneie by Tunbercombe and Dunsteir, then to another stream that flows west of Old Cliffe, passing by a park on the Vacetus. west side, and then to Watchet water, where one source comes from the Quantock hills south of Bickualer by Westquantocke head, and nearly Williton. at Doniford, it collects the Williton beck, then east Quantocke brook Doddington. (ignoring a creek) and then to Doddington water, which flows by Holford, Alfoxton, and eventually into the sea. From here we proceed by Bottesall point to Stert point, where two great rivers meet, and I will describe them separately as pertains to my purpose.

Iuelus. The first of these is called the Iuell, or (as I find it in an ancient writer) Yoo, who saith that the riuer Yoo dooth runne from Ilchester to Bridgewater, and so into the sea. It riseth aboue Oburne, and at Shirburne receiueth a water, whereof Leland saith thus. There are seuen The seuen sisters. springs in an hill called the seuen sisters, north east from Shireburne, which gather into one bottome, & come into the Mere. Another brooke likewise commeth by Heidon from Puscandell, three miles from thence by flat east, betwixt the parke and the Mere full so great as the streame of the Mere, and ioining at the lower mill of Shireburne, with the Mere water, it is not long yer it fall into the Euill. Thence our Euill goeth on towards Glasen Bradford, and yer it come there taketh in a forked rill from by south, descending from about west Chelburie and Chetnall in Dorsetshire, beneath which towne the other head falleth into the same, so that they run foorth by Bearhaggard and Thorneford (till they méet with the Iuell) and so to Clifton, Euill a proper market towne, Trent, Cade. Mutford, Ashinton, and east of Limminton it méeteth with the Cade that runneth from Yarlington, by north Cadbirie, and soone after crossing a rill also from by east, that commeth from Blackeford by Compton, it hasteth to south Cadbirie, Sparkeford, Queenes Camell, west Camell, and so into Iuell, which runneth on to Kimmington, Ilchester, Ilbridge, long Sutton, and yer it come at Langport, taketh in two famous waters in one chanell, next of all to be remembred before I go anie further. The first of all these riseth southeast betwéene the Parrets (where it is called Parret. Parret water) and goeth to Crokehorne, and at Meriot taketh in a brooke from the east, which consisteth of two courses vnited at Bowbridge, whereof the one descendeth from Pen by Hasilburie, the other from aboue the thrée Chenocks, as I doo vnderstand.

Iuelus. The first of these is called the Iuell, or (as I found in an ancient text) Yoo, which says that the river Yoo runs from Ilchester to Bridgewater and then into the sea. It rises above Oburne, and at Shirburne, it receives a stream that Leland describes this way: There are seven springs on a hill called the seven sisters, northeast of Shirburne, which come together in one place and flow into the Mere. Another brook also comes from Heidon, from Puscandell, three miles directly east, between the park and the Mere, as large as the stream of the Mere, and joins with the Mere water at the lower mill of Shirburne, shortly before it flows into the Euill. From there, our Euill continues toward Glasen Bradford, and before it arrives, it takes in a forked stream from the south, descending from around west Chelburie and Chetnall in Dorsetshire, beneath which town the other source flows into it, so that they move forward by Bearhaggard and Thorneford (until they meet with the Iuell) and then to Clifton, Euill, a lovely market town, Trent, Cade. Mutford, Ashinton, and east of Limminton it meets with the Cade that flows from Yarlington, near north Cadbirie, and soon after crosses another stream coming from the east, originating from Blackeford by Compton, hurrying to south Cadbirie, Sparkeford, Queenes Camell, west Camell, and then into Iuell, which continues on to Kimmington, Ilchester, Ilbridge, long Sutton, and before it reaches Langport, it takes in two notable streams in one channel, which I mention next before going any further. The first of these rises southeast between the Parrets (where it's called Parrot. Parret water) and flows to Crokehorne, and at Meriot it takes in a stream from the east, which is made up of two branches that meet at Bowbridge, one coming down from Pen by Hasilburie, and the other from above the three Chenocks, as I understand it.

From hence also they go as one with the Parret water, toward south Pederton (taking in at east a becke comming from Hamden hill) thence to Pederton, Lambrooke, Thorneie bridge, and Muchelneie where it méeteth Ill. with the second called Ill or Ilus, whose head is aboue Chellington, & comming downe from thence by Cadworth, before it come at Dunniet, it taketh in a rill that runneth by Chascombe and Knoll. Thence leauing [Page 114] Ilmister on the east side, it meeteth with another from by east, descending from about Whitlakington. Then it goeth to Pokington (where it Ilton. crosseth the Ilton water by west) next to Ilbruers, and there it ioineth with a rillet that riseth by west at Staple, and runneth by Bicknell and Abbats Ilie, and after this confluence goeth on toward Langport. And here after some mens opinion, the Iuell looseth his name, and is called Parret: but this coniecture cannot hold, sith in the old writers it is called Iuell, till it fall into the sea. Neuerthelesse, how soeuer this matter standeth, being past Langport, it goeth by Awber toward saint Anthonies, where it méeteth with the Tone next of all to be described.

From here, they travel together with the Parret water, heading south toward Pederton (taking in a stream from Hamden Hill to the east), then to Pederton, Lambrooke, Thorneie Bridge, and Muchelneie, where it meets the second called Ill or Ilus. Its source is above Chellington, and as it flows down by Cadworth, it picks up a stream that runs by Chascombe and Knoll before reaching Dunniet. Then, leaving Ilmister on the east side, it joins with another stream coming from the east, descending from around Whitlakington. Next, it heads to Pokington (where it crosses the Ilton water from the west), then to Ilbruers, where it joins a small stream that rises to the west at Staple and flows by Bicknell and Abbats Ilie. After this confluence, it continues toward Langport. According to some, the Iuell loses its name here and is called Parret; however, this theory doesn't hold up, as old writers refer to it as Iuell until it enters the sea. Regardless of how this matter stands, after passing Langport, it flows by Awber toward Saint Anthonies, where it meets the Tone, which will be described next.

Tone. The Tone issueth at Clatworthie, and goeth by west of Wiuelscombe, to Stawleie, Ritford, Runton, Wellington and Bradford, beneath which it taketh in a faire water cōming from Sanford Combe, Elworthie, Brunt Rafe, Miluerton, Oke and Hilfarens. After this confluence also it runneth to Helebridge, and there below méeteth with one water that runneth by Hawse, Hethford, and Norton, then another from Crokeham by bishops Slediard, and the third & fourth at Taunton, that descendeth from Kingston by north, and another by south that riseth about Pidmister. And thus is the Tone increased, which goeth from Taunton to Riston, Crech, Northcurrie, Ling, and so by Anthonie into the Iuell, Chare or Care. that after this confluence méeteth yer long with the Chare, a pretie riuer that commeth by east from Northborow, by Carleton, Badcare, Litecare, Somerton, Higham, Audrie moore, Audrie, and Michelsborow. From whence going on betweene Quéenes moore and North moore, it receiueth one Peder. brooke called Peder from by southwest, that runneth through Pederton parke and North moore; and likewise another that passeth by Durleie, yer it doo come at Bridgewater. From Bridgewater it goeth by Chilton directlie northwest, and then turning flat west, it goeth northward towards the sea, taking in two waters by the waie, whereof one runneth Camington. by Coripole & Camington, and beareth the name of Camington, the other by Brier. Siddington and Comage, and then receiuing the Brier before it come at Start point, they fall as one into the Ocean, whereof let this suffice for the description of the Iuell, whose streame dooth water all the west part of Summersetshire and leaueth it verie fruitfull.

Vibe. The Tone starts at Clatworthie and flows west of Wiuelscombe, moving through Stawleie, Ritford, Runton, Wellington, and Bradford, where it collects a nice stream coming from Sanford Combe, Elworthie, Brunt Rafe, Miluerton, Oke, and Hilfarens. After this confluence, it continues to Helebridge, where it meets another stream flowing from Hawse, Hethford, and Norton, followed by another from Crokeham near bishops Slediard, and a third and fourth at Taunton, one coming down from Kingston to the north and another from the south rising around Pidmister. This increases the Tone, which travels from Taunton to Riston, Crech, Northcurrie, Ling, and then by Anthonie into the Iuell, Chare or Care. After this confluence, it soon meets with the Chare, a lovely river that comes from the east through Northborow, Carleton, Badcare, Litecare, Somerton, Higham, Audrie moore, Audrie, and Michelsborow. Continuing between Quéenes moore and North moore, it receives a Peder. stream called Peder from the southwest, which runs through Pederton park and North moore; another stream also flows by Durleie before it reaches Bridgewater. From Bridgewater, it travels northwest to Chilton, then turns west, flowing northward toward the sea, collecting two streams along the way, one flowing by Coripole and Camington, taking on the name of Camington, and the other passing by Briar. Siddington and Comage, then joining the Brier before reaching Start point, where they merge into the Ocean. This is enough to describe the Iuell, whose waters nourish the entire western part of Summersetshire, making it very fertile.

Brier. The Brier, Bruer, or Bréer, riseth of two waters, wherof one is in Selwood forest, & commeth downe by Bruecombe, Bruham, and Bruton. The Leland writeth the first Brieuelus and the second Mellodunus or the Milton water. other which Leland nameth Mellos, is northest of Staffordell towne, and going by the same, it runneth by Redlinch, to Wike; where it méeteth with the other head, and thence go on as one to Awnsford, Alford (where Dulis. it taketh in a water called Dulis from by north that riseth néere Dolting, and commeth by Euerchurch parke) then to the Lidfords, Basborow wood, the Torhill, Pont perilous (whereinto they fable that Arthur being wounded to death did throw Calibur his sword) by Glastenburie and so into the Méere. Beside this riuer there are two other also that fall into the Sowaie or Stowaie. said Méere, whereof the one called Sowaie commeth from Créechurch parke, Cos. and Pulton by Hartlacke bridge, the other named Cos or the Coscombe water, from aboue Shepton, Mallet (which east of Wike taketh in a water comming from Welles) by Wike, Gedneie, and so into the Méere. Finallie, returning all into one chanell, it runneth to Burtlehouse, and soone after diuiding it selfe, one arme goeth by Bastian aliàs Brent bridge, to High bridge, leauing Huntspill a market towne by southwest, the other by Marke to Rokes bridge, Hebbes passage, and so into the sea, leauing a faire Iland, wherin beside Brentmarsh are seuen or eight townes, of whose names I haue no knowledge.

Briar. The Brier, Bruer, or Bréer, originates from two rivers, one located in Selwood Forest, which flows down through Bruecombe, Bruham, and Bruton. The Leland refers to the first stream, Brieuelus, and the second, Mellodunus, also known as the Milton water. The other river, which Leland calls Mellos, is to the north of Staffordell town and flows past it, running by Redlinch to Wike, where it meets the other source. From there, they continue as one to Awnsford, Alford (where it takes in a stream called Dulis from the north that rises near Dolting and flows by Euerchurch Park), then to the Lidfords, Basborow Wood, Torhill, and Pont Perilous (where it's said that Arthur, wounded to death, threw his sword Calibur), by Glastonbury, and eventually into the Mere. In addition to this river, there are also two others that flow into the Sowaie or Stowaie. Mere, one named Sowaie coming from Creechurch Park and Pulton by Hartlacke Bridge, and the other named Cos or Coscombe Water, which flows from above Shepton Mallet (which east of Wike takes in a stream coming from Wells), passing through Wike, Gedneie, and then into the Mere. Finally, all returning into one channel, it flows to Burtlehouse, and soon after splits, with one arm going by Bastian, also known as Brent Bridge, to High Bridge, leaving Huntspill, a market town, to the southwest, while the other passes by Marke to Rokes Bridge, Hebbes Passage, and into the sea, leaving a beautiful island, where besides Brentmarsh, there are seven or eight towns, of which I have no knowledge of the names.

Now as touching the water that commeth from Welles, which falleth (as I said) into the Coscombe water on the right hand of the Cawseie; you shall vnderstand that as manie springs are in Wels, so the chiefe of them is named Andres well, which riseth in a medow plat not farre from the east end of the cathedrall church, and afterward goeth into the Coscombe, in Milton.
Golafer.
such place as I haue noted. Leland speaketh of the Milton & Golafer waters, which should fall likewise into the Brier: but whether those be they whereof the one riseth aboue Staffordell, and in the descent runneth by Shipton, Pitcombe, and so to Awnsford on the one side, as the other dooth rise betwéene Batcombe and Vpton noble on the other halfe; or vnto whether of them either of these names are seuerallie to be attributed: as yet I doo not read.

Now, regarding the water that comes from Welles, which flows (as I mentioned) into the Coscombe water on the right side of the Cawseie; you should know that among the many springs in Wels, the main one is called Andres well, which rises in a meadow not far from the east end of the cathedral church, and then flows into the Coscombe, in Milton.
Golafer.
the location I noted. Leland talks about the Milton and Golafer waters, which are also supposed to flow into the Brier: but whether these are the ones that rise above Staffordell and run past Shipton, Pitcombe, and towards Awnsford on one side, while the other rises between Batcombe and Upton Noble on the other side; or if either of these names should be assigned to them separately, I have yet to find out.

[Page 115]

[Page 115]

Axe. 2. The second Axe which commeth by Axe towne in old time called Vexa, issueth out of Owkie hole, from whence it goeth by Owkie towne, afterward

The Chederbrooke, driueth twelue miles within a quarter of a mile of his head.
meeting with the Chederbrooke that commeth from the Cheder rocks, wherein is an hole in old time called Carcer Æoli, wherof much hath béene written & surmised past credit. It runneth by Were, Ratcliffe, and after a little compasse into the northeast branch of the aforesaid riuer last described, betweene Rokes bridge and Hebbes passage, as I haue beene informed. From the fall of Axe we come to an other called Bane, Bane. northeast of Woodspring, whose head is about Banwell parke, or else in
Artro.
Smaldon wood. Then to an other, and to the third, called Artro, which riseth about Litton, and going by the Artroes, Vbbeie, Perribridge (receiuing a rill yer it come thither from by south) beneath Cungesbirie, or (as I learne) betwéene Kingston and Laurence Wike, it méeteth with the sea.

Axe. 2. The second Axe, which comes through Axe town, formerly known as Vexa, flows out of Owkie hole, passing by Owkie town. It then meets the Chederbrooke, which travels twelve miles within a quarter mile of its source, The Chederbrooke, traveling twelve miles within a quarter mile of its source. connecting with the Chederbrooke that comes from the Cheder rocks. There's a hole historically known as Carcer Æoli that has been extensively written about and speculated on, often without credibility. It flows past Were, Ratcliffe, and after a slight detour, heads into the northeast branch of the previously mentioned river, situated between Rokes bridge and Hebbes passage, according to what I've been told. From the Axe's fall, we reach another called Bane, Bane. which is northeast of Woodspring, originating around Banwell park or possibly in Art. Smaldon wood. Then we move on to another and the third, referred to as Artro, which rises near Litton and flows by the Artroes, Ubbie, and Perribridge (collecting a stream from the south before it arrives there) below Cungesbirie, or (as I’ve learned) between Kingston and Laurence Wike, where it eventually meets the sea.

Sottespill. Sottespill water riseth betwéene Cheueleie and Naileseie, howbeit it hath no increase before it come into the sea at Sottespill, more than Cleueden. the next vnto it, which is named Cleueden water, of a certeine towne neere to the fall thereof. It riseth southeast of Barrow, goeth by Auon. 3. Burton Naileseie, and so vnto Cleuedon. The Auon, commonlie called the third Auon, is a goodlie water, and growne to be verie famous by sundrie occasions, to be particularlie touched in our description of Bristow. Yet thus much will I note héere thereof as a rare accident, how that in king Edgars daies, the verie same yeare that the old monasterie of Euesham fell downe by itselfe, a porpasse was taken therein neere to the said monasterie, and neuer anie before or since that time heard of to haue béene found in that streame. And euen so not manie yeares before I Sturgion taken in Rochester water. first wrote this treatise, a sturgion was taken aliue in Rochester streame, which the bishop gaue vnto your honor, and you would as gladlie haue sent it to the quéenes maiestie, if she might haue béene presented withall aliue as it was taken. Certes both these rare occurrents gaue no lesse occasion of strange surmises to the inhabitants of both places, than the blockes of Brerton, when they appeare, doo vnto that familie; of which the report goeth that they are neuer séene but against some mischéefe or other to befall vnto that house. But how farre am I gone from my purpose?

Sottespill. Sottespill water rises between Chew Valley and Nailsea, although it doesn't increase in size before it reaches the sea at Sottespill, more than Cleuden. the next one, which is called Cleueden water, named after a town near where it falls. It rises southeast of Barrow, flows by Auon. 3. Burton Nailsea, and then continues to Clevedon. The Auon, often referred to as the third Auon, is a beautiful river that has become quite famous for various reasons, which I will detail in our description of Bristol. However, I will mention here a rare event: in the days of King Edgar, the very same year that the old monastery of Evesham collapsed on its own, a porpoise was caught there near the monastery, and none have been heard of in that stream before or since. Also, not many years before I Sturgeon caught in Rochester water. wrote this treatise, a sturgeon was caught alive in Rochester stream, which the bishop gave to your honor, and you would have happily sent it to Her Majesty, had it been presented alive as it was caught. Certainly, both of these unusual occurrences caused just as much speculation among the residents of both places as the blocks of Brerton do for that family; the story goes that they are never seen without some misfortune occurring for that household. But how far have I strayed from my point?

The Auon therefore riseth in the verie edge of Tetburie, and goeth by long Newton to Brokenton, Whitchurch, and Malmsburie, where it receiueth two waters, that is to saie, one from by west comming by Foreleie and Bromleham, which runneth so néere to the Auon in the west suburbe of Malmsburie, that the towne thereby is almost made an Iland. Another from Okeseie parke by Hankerton, Charleton, and Garesden. After this confluence it hasteth to Cole parke, then goeth it toward the southeast, till it méet with a water comming from southwest (betwéene Hullauington and Bradfield) by Aston: and soone after with another at the northside from Binall by Wootton Basset (through the parke to Gretenham, and Idouer bridges) and after the confluence to Dauntseie, Segar, Sutton, Christmalford, Auon, Calwaies house, and then to west Tetherton. Beneath this towne also it taketh in a water increased by two brookes, whereof one comming from Cleue by Hilmarton, Whitleie house and Bramble (and there receiuing another that commeth by Calne) passeth on by Stanlie into the Auon, which from thencefoorth goeth to Chippenham, Rowdon, Cosham. Lekham, and then receiuing Cosham water, goeth to Lacocke, Melsham, and yer it come at Whaddon, crosseth two other in one chanell, whereof one riseth about Brumham house, and goeth to Sene, the other about the Diuizes, and from thence runneth to Potterne wood, Creeke wood, Worton, Maston, Bucklington, and ioining with the other aboue Litleton, they run by Semmington, and north of Whaddon aforesaid into the maine streame, whereof I now intreat. From hence our Auon runneth to Stauerton, and Were. southwest of that towne méeteth with the Were that commeth from Vpton by
Westbirie vnder the plaine, neuer without a théefe or twaine.
Dilton, Brooke parke (there crossing a rill called Bisse from Westbirie vnder the plaine) then to north Bradleie, Trubridge, and so into Auon that goeth from thence to Bradford, & within a mile or thereabouts, before it come at Freshford, it méeteth with the Frome, whose description dooth insue.

The Auon rises at the very edge of Tetbury and flows past Long Newton to Brokenton, Whitchurch, and Malmsbury, where it picks up two streams. One comes from the west, passing by Foreleie and Bromleham, running so close to the Auon in the western suburb of Malmsbury that the town is almost an island. The other flows from Okeseie Park by Hankerton, Charleton, and Garesden. After this joining, it rushes to Cole Park, then heads southeast until it meets a stream coming from the southwest (between Hullavington and Bradfield) by Aston. Soon after, it connects with another water source on the north side from Binall by Wootton Bassett (through the park to Gretenham and Idouer bridges) and after this confluence, flows to Dauntsey, Segar, Sutton, Christmalford, Auon, Calwaies house, and then to West Tetherton. Below this town, it takes in a stream fed by two brooks, one coming from Cleve by Hilmarton, Whitley House, and Bramble (and collecting another from Calne) that flows into the Auon. From this point, the river goes to Chippenham, Rowdon, Cosham, Lekham, and then after receiving the Cosham water, heads to Lacock, Melsham. Before it reaches Whaddon, it crosses two other streams in one channel, one rising near Brumham House and flowing to Sene, the other around the Devizes, which then runs to Potterne Wood, Creeke Wood, Worton, Maston, Bucklington, and joining with the other above Littleton, it flows by Semmington and north of Whaddon into the main stream I'm now discussing. From there, the Auon runs to Staverton, and to the southwest of that town, it meets the Were that comes from Upton by Westbury under the plain, never without a thief or two. Dilton, Brooke Park (there crossing a stream called Bisse from Westbury under the plain), then to North Bradley, Trubridge, and into the Auon that flows from there to Bradford, and within about a mile before it reaches Freshford, it meets the Frome, whose description follows.

Frome. The Frome riseth in the east part of Mendip hils, and from thence runneth by Astwijc, the Cole pits, Lie vnder Mendip, Whateleie, [Page 116]
Nonneie.
Elmesbridge, and soone after taketh in the Nonneie water, comming from Nonneie castell, thence to Walles and Orcharleie bridge, where it receiueth a pretie brooke descending from Frome Selwood west of Brackleie, increased with sundrie rils, whereof two come out of Selwood forrest (and one of them from the Fratrie) another out of Long lead parke, from Horningsham, and the fourth from Cosleie. Hence our Frome goeth to Lullington, Beckington, Farleie castell, Bord and Fresh foord, Silling. and taking in the Silling brooke, falleth into the Auon beneath Bradford, and east of Freshford. From thence going beneath Stoke, it receiueth on the left hand a water comming from southwest, increased by sundrie brookes, whereof one commeth from Camelet by Litleton, and Dankerton, the other from Stone Eston, Midsummer Norton, by Welston, Rodstocke, Wrigleton, Foscot, and Wellow, and there (taking in a rill from Phillips Norton) it goeth by Clauerton to Hampton, and there it méeteth with another water comming from Barthford, whose head is at Litleton from whence it runneth by west Kineton to Castell combe (where it ioineth with a rill rising by north from Litleton drue) and thence commeth south to Slaughtenford, Haselburie, Box, Baithford, and so into the Auon, which turning plaine west, hasteth to Baithwijc, and (meeting with another in his passage from Caldaston) to Bath, the Tiuertons, and Coston.

Frome. The Frome River starts in the eastern part of the Mendip Hills, running past Ashwick, the coal pits, and beneath Mendip, Whateleigh, [Page 116] Nonneie. Elmesbridge, and soon afterward takes in the Nonneie water, which comes from Nonneie Castle. It then flows to Walles and Orchardleigh Bridge, where it receives a lovely stream coming down from Frome Selwood, west of Brackleigh, fed by several brooks, two of which come from Selwood Forest (one from the Fratrie), another from Longlead Park, near Horningsham, and the fourth from Cosley. From there, the Frome continues to Lullington, Beckington, Farleigh Castle, Bord, and Freshford, Sipping. and after incorporating the Silling Brook, it flows into the Avon below Bradford and just east of Freshford. Moving beneath Stoke, it takes on a stream from the southwest, fed by various brooks, one that comes from Camelet, passing through Littleton and Dunkerton, and another from Stone Easton, Midsomer Norton, through Welston, Rodstock, Wrigleton, Foscot, and Wellow. There, after taking in a stream from Phillips Norton, it goes by Claverton to Hampton, where it meets another water coming from Bathford, which starts at Littleton and flows west to Kineton, reaching Castle Combe (where it joins a stream rising to the north from Littleton Drew) and then continues south to Slaughterford, Hazelbury, Box, Bathford, and into the Avon, which turns straightforward west, hurrying to Bathwick, and (meeting another stream on its way from Caldaston) to Bath, the Tivertons, and Coston.

Héere also it taketh in a rill by the waie from Markesburie by Wilmerton and Newton, and then going on to Sawford, it méeteth with one rill soone Swinford. west of Northstocke, named Swinford, and another by Bitton, from Durhain by Wike, and so procéedeth still holding on his way to Caimsham, a towne Swinford parteth Summerset & Glocestershires in sunder. in Summerset shire (so called of Caim an English saint, by whose praiers, as the countrie once beléeued, all the adders, snakes and serpents were turned into stone, their formes reserued, and for a certeine space of ground about the said towne, and whereof some store as yet is to be found in those quaries. But this miracle is so true as the historie of Hilda, or that S. Patrike should chase all venemous creatures out of Italie, with his staffe; or that maid Radegund should driue the crowes to the pound, which did annoie hir corne while she went vnto a chappell to heare & sée a masse) where it crosseth the Chute, which issueth at Winford, and goeth by bishops Chue to Penford, and there receiueth the Clue comming from Cluton, and from thence to Chute, & so into the Auon. The Auon likewise after all these confluences goeth to Briselton, and so to Bristow, beneath which it receiueth a rill on each side (wherof one commeth from about Stoke lodge in Glocestershire, being a faire water and running by Acton, Frampton, Hambroch, Stapleton, and through Bristow, the other by south from Dundreie hill and towne, by Bisport and Bedminster) and so descending yet lower, goeth to Rawneham passage and Clifton, then by S. Vincents rocke and Laie, next of all to Crocampill, and finallie into the sea, whither all waters by nature doo resort.

Here it also takes in a stream along the way from Markesburie through Wilmerton and Newton, and then continuing on to Sawford, it soon meets another stream west of Northstock named Swinford, along with another one by Bitton, coming from Durhain by Wike, and it keeps moving towards Caimsham, a town in Somerset (named after Caim, an English saint, who, according to local belief, turned all the adders, snakes, and serpents into stone through his prayers, preserving their shapes, and some of these can still be found in the nearby quarries. But this miracle is as true as the story of Hilda or that St. Patrick chased all venomous creatures out of Italy with his staff; or that the maiden Radegund drove the crows into the pound that were bothering her crops while she went to a chapel to attend a mass) where it crosses the Chute, which flows from Winford, going by Bishop's Chue to Penford, and there it captures the Clue coming from Cluton, and from there into Chute, and eventually into the Avon. The Avon, after all these confluences, flows to Briselton, then to Bristol, below which it receives a stream on each side (one coming from around Stoke Lodge in Gloucestershire, a fine river flowing by Acton, Frampton, Hambrook, Stapleton, and through Bristol, the other coming from south of Dundry Hill and town, passing through Bisport and Bedminster) and then descends even lower, going to the Rhineham passage and Clifton, then by St. Vincent's rock and Laie, next to Crocampill, and finally into the sea, where all waters naturally congregate.

Alderleie. Beside this water, Leland maketh mention of Alderleie brooke, which in some ancient records is also called Auon, and runneth by Barkeleie. In
Douresleie.
like maner he talketh of Douresleie becke, whose principall head is in Douresleie towne: howbeit he saith no thing of it more, than that it
Torworth.
serueth sundrie tucking lucking milles, and goeth by Tortworth or foure miles further, before it come at the Sauerne. Finallie, making mention of an excellent quarrie of hard stone about Douresleie, he telleth of the Tortworth becke, that runneth within a flight shot of Barkeleie towne, and falleth on the left hand into Sauerne marches, taking with all the Alderleie or Auon, except I mistake his meaning, which may soone be doone among his confused notes.

Alderley. Next to this water, Leland mentions Alderleie brook, which is also referred to as Auon in some old records, and flows by Barkeleie. In Douresleie. the same way, he discusses Douresleie beck, whose main source is in Douresleie town; however, he doesn't provide any further details, only stating that it Torworth. powers several fulling mills and continues past Tortworth for about four miles before reaching the Severn. Finally, while mentioning an excellent quarry of hard stone near Douresleie, he notes the Tortworth beck, which runs within a stone's throw of Barkeleie town and flows on the left side into the Severn marshes, taking along with it the Alderleie or Auon, unless I misinterpret his meaning, which could easily happen given his disorganized notes.

[Page 117]

[Page 117]

THE DESCRIPTION OF THE SAUERNE, & SUCH WATERS AS DISCHARGE THEMSELUES
INTO THE SAME.

CHAP. XIII.

Sauerne. The Sauerne which Ptolomie calleth Sabriana, Tacitus Sabrina, diuideth England or that part of the Iland, which sometime was called Lhoegres from Cambria, so called of Camber, the second sonne of Brute, as our histories doo report. But now that region hight Wales, of the Germane word Walsh, whereby that nation dooth vse to call all strangers without respect of countrie. This riuer tooke the name of a certeine ladie, called Habren or Hafren, base daughter to Locrinus begotten vpon Estrildis daughter to Humber otherwise called Cumbrus or Vmar, and for which some write Chonibrus king of Scithia, that sometime inuaded this Island, and was ouerthrowne here in the daies of this Locrinus, as shall be shewed at hand: although I suppose rather that this ladie was called Ine, and that the word Sabrina is compounded of Aber and Ine, and the letter S added "Propter euphoniam:" for the mouth or fall of euerie riuer in the British spéech is called Aber, whereby Aber Ine is so much to saie as, the fall of Ine. But let vs returne againe to our discourse of Humber or Vmar, which is worthie to be remembred.

Sour. The Sauerne, which Ptolemy calls Sabriana and Tacitus calls Sabrina, separates England, or that part of the island once known as Lhoegres, from Cambria, named after Camber, the second son of Brute, according to our histories. This region is now known as Wales, derived from the German word Walsh, which that nation uses to refer to all foreigners regardless of their origin. This river was named after a certain lady, known as Habren or Hafren, the illegitimate daughter of Locrinus, who was conceived with Estrildis, daughter of Humber, also referred to as Cumbrus or Vmar, and some say Chonibrus, king of Scythia, who once invaded this island and was defeated during Locrinus's reign, as will soon be shown. However, I believe this lady was actually called Ine, and that the word Sabrina is a mix of Aber and Ine, with the letter S added "for the sake of euphony," since the mouth or mouth of every river in British speech is called Aber, meaning Aber Ine is simply the mouth of Ine. But let’s return to our discussion of Humber or Vmar, which deserves to be remembered.

For after the death of Locrinus, it came to passe that Guendolena his wife ruled the kingdome in the nonage of hir sonne: and then getting the said Estrildis and Habren hir daughter into hir hands, she drowned them both in this riuer. And in perpetuall remembrance of hir husbands disloialtie towards hir, she caused the streame to be called Habren of the yoong ladie, for which the Romans in processe of time for readinesse and mildnesse of pronunciation, wrote Sabrina, and we at this time doo pronounce the Sauerne. Of the drowning of the said Abren also I find these verses insuing:

For after Locrinus died, his wife Guendolena took over the kingdom while their son was still a minor. She captured Estrildis and her daughter Habren and drowned them both in the river. To forever remember her husband's betrayal, she named the stream after the young lady, calling it Habren. Over time, the Romans later adapted it to Sabrina for ease of pronunciation, and we now pronounce it the Save rn. I also found the following verses about the drowning of Habren:

In fluuium præcipitatur Abren,

In the flow, it falls Abren,

Nomen Abren, fluuio de virgine, nomen eidem

Nomen Abren, river of the virgin, same name

Nomine corrupto deinde Sabrina datur.

Sabrina is then given a nomination.

But to returne to our Sauerne. It falleth into the maine sea betweene Wales and Cornewall, which is and shall be called the Sauerne sea, so long as the riuer dooth keepe hir name. But as the said streame in length of course, bountie of water, and depth of chanell commeth farre behind the Thames: so for other commodities, as trade of merchandize, plentie of cariage, & store of all kind of fish, as salmon, trouts, breames, pikerell, tench, perch, &c: it is nothing at all inferiour or second to the same. Finallie, there is nothing to be discommended in this riuer, but the opennesse thereof in manie places to the weather, whereby sundrie perils oft ouertake such as fish or saile in small vessels on the same.

But to return to our Severn. It flows into the main sea between Wales and Cornwall, which will be called the Severn Sea as long as the river keeps its name. However, while this stream is shorter, has less water volume, and a shallower channel compared to the Thames, when it comes to other resources like trade, transportation, and an abundance of fish such as salmon, trout, bream, pike, tench, perch, etc., it is by no means inferior or second to it. Finally, the only drawback of this river is its openness in many areas to the weather, which often puts those who fish or sail in small vessels at risk.

The head of this noble streame is found in the high mounteines of south Wales called Helennith or Plim limmon; in English, the blacke mounteins, or moore heads, from whence also the Wie and the Rhidoll do procéed: and therefore these thrée waters are commonlie called the thrée sisters, and haue in latitude two and fiftie degrees ten minutes, in longitude fiftéene and fiftie, as the description inferreth. So soone as it is out of the ground, it goeth southeastward, till it come within a mile of Laundlos, where it receiueth a chanell from by south southwest, called the Dulas, which commeth thereinto on the south side, & southwest of Lan Idlos. It riseth (as it should séeme) of diuerse heads in the edge of Radnorshire, and taking in sundrie small rilles, it meeteth at the last Brueham. with the Brueham brooke, and so they go togither till they fall into the
Clewdogh.
Sauerne. Beneath Lan Idlos it taketh in the Clewdogh, from northwest, a water producted by the influence of foure pretie brookes, whereof one is Bacho.
Dungum.
Lhoid.

Bigga.
Couine.
called Bacho, another Dungum comming out of lin Glaslin, the third Lhoid rising in lin Begilin, and the most southerlie called Bigga. After which confluence our Sauerne procéedeth on by Berhlaid toward Landiman, taking in by the waie, on the east side the Couine, thence to Cairfuse castell, [Page 118] Carnon.
Taran.
where it meeteth with the Carnon, and the Taran both in one chanell, and going not far from the aforesaid fortresse. After this it crosseth the
Hawes.
Dulesse. 2.
Hawes on the north halfe beneath Aberhawes, next of all the Dulesse that riseth in the edge of Radnor shire, and méeteth with it before it come at Newton in Powisie, otherwise called Trenewith, as I find in British language. Being come to Trenewith, I cannot eschue (right honorable) to giue one note, as by the waie, touching the originall of my ladie your bedfellowes ancestrie, which came from hence, & were surnamed Newtons onelie, for that the grandfather of sir John Newton either dwelled or was borne there: otherwise the right name is Caradoc, for which some doo corruptlie write Cradocke, respecting rather the shortnesse of pronuntiation, than the true orthographie and writing of the word. Certes the Caradockes haue béene, and yet are a linage of great honor, antiquitie, and seruice; their lands also sometime belonged (for the most part) to the noble Connoanies of Summersetshire: but in what order they descended to the Newtons, in good sooth I cannot tell. But to procéed with our riuer, which being past Newton, runneth foorth by Mule. Landilouarne, and so foorth on till it come to the fall of the Mule, whose head is in the edge of Radnor also, and thereto his passage by Kerie and Lanmereiwijc. After this also it procéedeth further till it Kenlet.
Camalet.
Tate.
meet with the Kenlet or the Camalet, which taketh in also the Tate or Tadbrooke water rising out of the hilles a mile from Bishops towne, the whole course thereof being about seauen miles from the head (as I haue often heard.) Of this also I find two descriptions, whereof one I borrow out of Leland, who saith that it is a pretie brooke, running in the vale by Mountgomerie, and comming within halfe a mile of the place where Chirbirie priorie stood, it falleth into the Sauerne about a mile from thence. Of the rilles (saith he) that run from the hilles thorough Mountgomerie, which are a mile from the Sauerne shore, and likewise of Lan Idlos. the Lan Idlos brooke that méeteth withall within foure miles of the head, I speake not, but thinke it sufficient to touch those of some estimation, onelie leauing the rest to such as maie hereafter deale with things more particularlie as time and trauell maie reueale the truth to them. And hitherto Leland, whose words I dare not alter. But another noteth this Camalet or Kenlet to run by More, Liddiom, Sned, Churchstocke, Chirbirie, Walcote, and Winsbirie, and so into the Sauerne.

The source of this noble stream is found in the high mountains of South Wales, known as Helennith or Plimlimmon; in English, the Black Mountains, or Moorheads, from which the Wye and the Rhidoll also originate. These three rivers are commonly called the three sisters and are situated at a latitude of fifty-two degrees ten minutes and a longitude of fifteen fifty, as the description indicates. As soon as it emerges from the ground, it flows southeast until it reaches within a mile of Laundlos, where it receives a channel from the south-southwest named the Dulas, which enters on the south side and southwest of Lan Idlos. It appears to rise from various sources on the edge of Radnorshire, and collecting several small streams, it ultimately meets at Brueham. with the Brueham brook, and they flow together until they join the Clewdog. Severn. Below Lan Idlos, it takes in the Clewdogh from the northwest, a river fed by four pretty brooks, one named Bacho.
Dungum.
Lhoid.
Big sister.
Cousin.
—Bacho, another called Dungum from Lin Glaslin, the third is Lhoid rising in Lin Begilin, and the southernmost is called Bigga. After this confluence, our Severn continues on towards Berhlaid, heading for Landiman, picking up the Couine along the east side, and then moving towards Cairfuse Castle, [Page 118] where it meets the Carnon and the Taran both in one channel, not far from the aforementioned fortress. After this, it crosses the Hawes. Dulesse. 2. Hawes on the northern half below Aberhawes, and next is the Dulesse that rises on the edge of Radnorshire, meeting it before arriving at Newton in Powisie, also known as Trenewith, as noted in the British language. Upon reaching Trenewith, I must not fail (honorable sir) to mention a note regarding the ancestry of your lady wife, which originated here, known solely by the surname Newton, because the grandfather of Sir John Newton either lived or was born there; however, the correct name is Caradoc, which some mistakenly write as Cradocke, prioritizing the brevity of pronunciation over the true spelling of the word. Indeed, the Caradocs have been, and are still, a lineage of great honor, antiquity, and service; their lands once largely belonged to the noble Connoanies of Somersetshire. But how they passed down to the Newtons, I truly cannot say. Moving on with our river, which after Newton flows on by Donkey. Landilouarne, and continues until it reaches the fall of the Mule, whose source is also at the edge of Radnor, with its course by Kerie and Lanmereiwijc. After this, it goes further until it Kenlet.
Camalet.
Tate.
meets the Kenlet or Camalet, which also takes in the Tate or Tadbrooke water rising from the hills about a mile from Bishops Town, the whole course being about seven miles from the source (as I have often heard). I have found two descriptions of this, one borrowed from Leland, who says it is a pretty brook running through the vale by Montgomery, and coming within half a mile of where Chirbirie Priory stood, it falls into the Severn about a mile from there. Of the streams, he mentions, that run from the hills through Montgomery, which are a mile from the Severn shore, and also of Lan Idlos. the Lan Idlos brook that meets it within four miles of the source, I will not elaborate on, but I think it sufficient to touch upon those of some significance, leaving the rest to others who may later handle things more specifically as time and travel may reveal the truth to them. And thus far Leland, whose words I dare not change. Another notes that this Camalet or Kenlet flows by More, Liddiom, Sned, Churchstock, Chirbirie, Walcote, and Winsbirie, and then into the Severn.

From hence then, and after this confluence it goeth on by Fordon, Leighton, and Landbreuie toward Meluerleie, and there it méeteth with Tanet. sundrie waters in one chanell, whereof the one called the Tanet is a Peuereie or Murnewie. verie pretie water (whereinto the Peuereie or Murneweie doth fall, which descendeth from the hilles by west of Matrafall not farre from Lhan Auernie. Filin) the other Auernie, and ioining beneath Abertannoth, or aboue Lannamonach neere unto the ditch of Offa, it is not long yer they méet Mordant. with the Mordant brooke, and there loose their names so soone as they ioine and mix their waters with it. The head of the Mordant issueth out of the Lanuerdan hilles, where diuerse saie, that the parish church of crosse Oswald or Oswester sometimes stood. Certes, Oswester is thirtéene miles northwest from Shrewesburie, and conteineth a mile within the walles. It hath in like sort foure suburbs or great stréetes, of which one is called Stratlan, another Wuliho, the third Beterich, wherein are one hundred and fortie barns standing on a row belonging to the citizens or burgesses, and the fourth named the Blackegate stréet, in which are thirtie barns mainteined for corne and haie. There is also a brooke Simons becke. running thorough the towne by the crosse, comming from Simons well, a bow shoote without the wall; & going vnder the same betweene Thorowgate & Newgate, running vnder the Blacke gate. There is another, ouer whose Bederich. course the Baderikes or Bederich gate standeth, and therefore called Bederich brooke. The third passeth by the Willigate or Newgate, & these fall all togither with the Crosse brooke, a mile lower by south into the Mordant that runneth (as I said) by Oswester. From hence also it goeth to Mordant towne, and betwéene Landbreuie and Meluerleie doth fall into the Sauerne. After this our principall streame goeth to Sheauerdon castell, Mountford, and Bicton chappell: and here it receiueth a water on the left hand, that riseth of two heads, whereof one is aboue Merton, the other at Ellismere, and ioining betweene Woodhouses & Bagleie, the [Page 119] confluence runneth on by Radnall, Halton, Teddesmer, Roiton, Baschurch, Walford, Grafton, Mitton, and so into the Sauerne. From hence it runneth to Fitz, Eton, or Leiton, Barwijc, vpper Rossall, Shelton, and so to Shrewsburie, where it crosseth the Mele water, whose head (as I heare) is said to be in Weston.

From here, after this confluence, it continues past Fordon, Leighton, and Landbreuie toward Meluerleie, where it meets with Tanet. several waters in one channel, one of which is called the Tanet, a Peuereie or Murnewie. very pretty stream (into which the Peuereie or Murneweie flows, descending from the hills west of Matrafall, not far from Lhan Auernie. Filin). The other is Auernie, joining below Abertannoth, or above Lannamonach near the ditch of Offa. Not long after, they encounter Biting. the Mordant brook, and lose their names as soon as they join and mix their waters with it. The head of the Mordant springs from the Lanuerdan hills, where some say the parish church of Oswald or Oswester once stood. Indeed, Oswester is thirteen miles northwest of Shrewsbury and encompasses a mile within its walls. It also has four suburbs or main streets, one called Stratlan, another Wuliho, the third Beterich, which has one hundred and forty barns lined up belonging to the citizens or burgesses, and the fourth named the Blackegate street, where thirty barns are maintained for grain and hay. There is also a brook Simon's beak. running through the town by the cross, coming from Simons well, a bowshot outside the wall; it flows beneath the town between Thorowgate and Newgate, running under the Black gate. Another brook, over whose Bederich. course the Bederich gate stands, is called Bederich brook. The third flows by the Willigate or Newgate, and these all come together with the Crosse brook, a mile lower south into the Mordant that runs (as I said) by Oswester. From here, it continues to Mordant town, and between Landbreuie and Meluerleie, it flows into the Sauerne. Next, our main stream goes to Sheauerdon castle, Mountford, and Bicton chapel, and here it receives a stream on the left side, which rises from two sources, one above Merton, the other at Ellismere, and joining between Woodhouses & Bagleie, the [Page 119] confluence flows on through Radnall, Halton, Teddesmer, Roiton, Baschurch, Walford, Grafton, Mitton, and onward into the Sauerne. From here, it flows to Fitz, Eton, or Leiton, Barwijc, upper Rossall, Shelton, and then to Shrewsbury, where it crosses the Mele water, whose source (I hear) is said to be in Weston.

Mele. The Mele therefore rising at Weston, goeth by Brocton, Worthen, Aston
Haberleie.
Pigot, Westleie, Asterleie, and at Lea it méeteth with the Haberleie water that commeth downe by Pontesford and Aunston. After this confluence also it runneth to Newenham & Crokemele, there taking in a rill on the other side that descendeth by Westburie and Stretton, & thence going on to Hanwood, Noball, Pulleie, Bracemele, and Shrewesburie, it falleth (as I said) into the open Sauerne. From hence our Sauerne hasteth to Vffington, Preston, and betwéene Chilton and Brampton taketh in the Terne, a faire streame and worthie to be well handled; if it laie in me to performe it. This riuer riseth in a mere beside Welbridge parke, néere vnto Ternemere village in Staffordshire. From whence it runneth by the parkes side to Knighton, Norton, Betton, and at Draiton Hales crosseth with a water comming from about Adbaston (where maister Brodocke dwelleth) and runneth by Chippenham and Amming: Terne. so that the Terne on the one side, and this brooke on the other, doo * Sée Hen. 6. pag. 649 inclose a great part of *Blore heath, where a noble battell was somtime purposed betwéene king Henrie the sixt, and the duke of Yorke: but it wanted execution.

Melee. The Mele starts at Weston, flows through Brocton, Worthen, Aston Haberle. Pigot, Westleie, Asterleie, and at Lea it joins the Haberleie river that comes down from Pontesford and Aunston. After this joining, it continues to Newenham & Crokemele, where it picks up a stream from the other side that flows down from Westburie and Stretton, and then moves on to Hanwood, Noball, Pulleie, Bracemele, and Shrewesburie, eventually flowing into the open Severn. From here, our Severn rushes to Uffington, Preston, and between Chilton and Brampton, it incorporates the Terne, a beautiful stream that deserves good attention; if only I could manage it. This river starts in a mere near Welbridge Park, close to the village of Ternemere in Staffordshire. From there, it flows alongside the park to Knighton, Norton, Betton, and at Draiton Hales it crosses a stream coming from around Adbaston (where Mr. Brodocke lives) and flows by Chippenham and Amming: Terne. so that the Terne on one side and this brook on the other, * See Hen. 6, page 649 enclose a large part of *Blore heath, where a famous battle was once planned between King Henry the Sixth and the Duke of York: but it never took place.

But to procéed. After this confluence, it runneth to Draiton Hales, Ternehill bridge: and yer long taking in a rill from Sandford by Blechleie, it goeth to Stoke Allerton, Peplaw, and Eaton, where it crosseth with a brooke that riseth about Brinton, and going by Higham, Morton, the great Mere, Forton, Pilson, Pickstocke, Keinton, Tibberton, and Bolas, it ioineth with the said Terne not farre from Water Vpton. Thence passing to Crogenton, it méeteth with another brooke that commeth from Chaltwen Aston, by Newport, Longford, Aldneie, and so through the Wilde moore to Kinsleie & Sléepe, and finallie into the Terne, which hasteth from thence to Eston bridge, and néere vnto Walcote taketh in Roden. the Roden. This water riseth at Halton in Cumbermere lake: and comming to Ouenleie, crosseth a rill from Cowlemere by Leniall. Thence it goeth to Horton, and (ioining with another rill beneath Nonlaie that commeth from Midle) runneth on to Wen, Aston, there crossing a rill beneath Lacon hall from Prées ward, and so to Lée, Befford, Stanton, Morton, Shabrée, Painton, Roden, Rodington, and then into Terne, that runneth from thence by Charlton, Vpton, Norton, Barwijc, Acham, and so into the Sauerne two miles beneath Shrewesburie (as I wéene.)

But to proceed. After this junction, it flows to Draiton Hales, Ternehill Bridge; and shortly after taking in a stream from Sandford by Blechleie, it goes to Stoke Allerton, Peplaw, and Eaton, where it crosses with a brook that rises near Brinton, passing by Higham, Morton, the great Mere, Forton, Pilson, Pickstock, Keinton, Tibberton, and Bolas, it joins the Terne not far from Water Upton. From there, passing to Crogenton, it meets another brook that comes from Chaltwen Aston, going through Newport, Longford, Aldenley, and then through the Wild Moore to Kinsley & Sleep, and finally into the Terne, which rushes from there to Eston Bridge, and near Walcote, it takes in the Roden. This water rises at Halton in Cumbermere Lake and, reaching Ouenley, crosses a stream from Cowlemere by Leniall. From there, it goes to Horton, joining with another stream below Nonley that comes from Midle, flowing on to Wen, Aston, where it crosses a stream below Lacon Hall from Prées Ward, and continues to Lee, Befford, Stanton, Morton, Shabré, Painton, Roden, Rodington, and then into the Terne, which flows from there by Charlton, Upton, Norton, Barwijc, Acham, and finally into the Severn two miles below Shrewsbury (or so I believe).

Thus haue I described the Terne in such wise as my simple skill is able to performe. Now it resteth that I proceed on (as I maie) with the Sauerne streame, with which, after this former confluence, it goeth vnto Roxater or Roxcester, Brampton, Eaton vpon Sauerne, Draiton, where it Euerne. ioineth with the Euerne that runneth from Frodesleieward by Withiall and Pitchford, Cresfedge, Garneston, Leighton, and betwéene the two Wenlocke or Rhe. Bildasses crosseth the Rhe or Wenlocke water, and so goeth on to Browsleie and Hoord parke, where it vniteth it selfe with another brooke to be described in this place, whilest the Sauerne rests, and recreates it selfe here among the plesant bottoms.

I've described the Tern as best as my simple skills allow. Now, I will continue with the Severn, which, after this previous confluence, flows to Roxater or Rochester, Brampton, Eaton upon Severn, Draiton, where it connects with the Everne that runs from Frodesley toward Withall and Pitchford, Cresfedge, Garneston, Leighton, and between the two Bildasses crosses the Rhe or Wenlock water, and then proceeds to Browsley and Hoord Park, where it joins another stream that I will describe here, while the Severn takes a break and relaxes among the pleasant lowlands.

This water ariseth aboue Tongcastell, and yer it haue run anie great distance from the head, it méeteth with a rill comming by Sheriffe Hales, and Staunton. Thence it goeth on to Hatton, Roiton, and there crossing another from Woodhouses, comming by Haughton and Euelin, it Worfe. procéedeth to Beckebirie and Higford, and not omitting here to crosse the Worfe (sometime a great streame that runneth vnto it out of Snowdon poole) and so passeth foorth to Badger, Acleton, Worffield: a litle from whence (about Wickin) it taketh in another brooke into it called Churle, & so goeth on to Rindleford, and then into Sauerne somwhat aboue Bridgenorth at Penston mill (except mine information deceiue me.) From Bridgenorth our Sauerne descendeth to Woodburie, Quatford, and there Marbrooke. taking in the Marbrooke beneath Eaton that riseth aboue Collaton, and goeth by Moruill & Vnderton, it runneth by Didmanston, Hempton, Aueleie, & beneath in the waie to Bargate, crosseth with a brooke comming from [Page 120] Vpton parke, by Chetton, Billingsleie, and Highleie, which being admitted, it holdeth on to Areleie, Ciarnewood parke, Hawbach and Dowlesse. Dowlesse. Here also it méeteth with the Dowlesse water, a pretie brooke issuing out of the Cle hilles in Shropshire, verie high to looke vpon, and thrée miles or thereabouts from Ludlow, which runneth through Lempe. Clebirie parke in Wire forrest, & taking withall the Lempe, dooth fall into the Sauerne not far from Bewdleie.

This water rises above Tongcastell, and before it has traveled any significant distance from its source, it meets a stream coming from Sheriffe Hales and Staunton. From there, it continues on to Hatton, Roiton, and crosses another stream from Woodhouses, which flows by Haughton and Euelin, Worfe. It then proceeds to Beckebirie and Higford, also crossing the Worfe (once a large stream that flows into it from Snowdon pool) and continues on to Badger, Acleton, Worffield. A little further on (around Wickin), it picks up another brook called Churle, and continues to Rindleford, and then into the Severn somewhat above Bridgenorth at Penston mill (unless I'm misinformed). From Bridgenorth, our Severn flows down to Woodburie, Quatford, and there Marbrooke. It takes in the Marbrooke below Eaton, which rises above Collaton and flows by Moruill and Underton, running past Didmanston, Hempton, Aueleie, and below on the way to Bargate, crosses with a brook coming from [Page 120] Upton park, by Chetton, Billingsleie, and Highleie. Once this is included, it continues to Areleie, Ciarnewood park, Hawbach, and Dowless. At Dowlesse, it also meets the Dowlesse water, a pretty brook that flows out of the Cle hills in Shropshire, quite high up, about three miles from Ludlow, running through Lame. Clebirie park in Wire forest, and together with the Lempe, it falls into the Severn not far from Bewdleie.

But to procéed. From Bewdleie our Sauerne hasteth directlie to Ribford, Stoure. Areleie and Redston, and here it méeteth with a water called Stoure, descending from Elie, or out of the ponds of Hales Owen in Worcestershire, where it receiueth a rill from the left hand, and another from the right, and then goeth on to Sturbridge (taking in there the third water yer long running from Sturton castell) then to Kniuer Whittenton, Ouerleie and Kidormister, aboue which it crosseth one brookelet that commeth thither by Church hill, and another beneath it that runneth by Belborow, betwixt which two waters lieth an od peece of Staffordshire included, and also the Cle hill. From hence the aforesaid Sauerne hasteth by Redston to Shrawleie; and aboue this towne receiueth Astleie. the Astleie water, as beneath the same it dooth another. From Witleie then it goeth on to Holt castell, and so to Grimleie, taking in Doure.
Sulwaie.
thereabout with the Doure, and Sulwaie waters, whereof this riseth at Chadswijc, and runneth by Stoke priorie, & Droitwich, the other aboue Chaddesleie, and commeth by Dourdale. After this it goeth foorth vnto Worcester, in old time called Cair Brangon, or Cair Frangon, where it Tiber. méeteth with the Tiber, or Tiberton water, on the right hand aboue that citie, and beneth it neere vnto Powijc with the Temde, whose description shall be set downe before I procéed or go anie further with the Sauerne.

But to continue. From Bewdley, our river Saune flows directly to Ribford, Stour River. Areley and Redstone, and here it meets a stream called Stour, coming down from Elie, or from the ponds of Hales Owen in Worcestershire, where it receives a stream from the left and another from the right, and then continues on to Stourbridge (taking in, there, a third stream running from Sturton Castle) before going to Kniuer, Whittington, Overley, and Kidderminster, above which it crosses a small brook that arrives from Church Hill, and another below it that flows by Belbroughton, between which two waters lies a strange piece of Staffordshire, including Cle Hill. From there, the aforementioned Saune rushes by Redstone to Shrawley; and above this town, it receives Astley. the Astley water, as below the same it does another. From Witley, it then continues to Holt Castle, and then to Grimley, taking in Dull.
Sulwaie.
the Dour and Sulwaie waters, with the former rising at Chadswick and flowing by Stoke Priory and Droitwich, while the latter comes from above Chaddesley and flows by Dourdale. After this, it continues on to Worcester, once known as Cair Brangon or Cair Frangon, where it Tiber River. meets the Tiber, or Tiberton water, on the right side above that city, and below it near Powick with the Temde, which I will describe before I proceed any further with the Saune.

Temde. The Temde, or (as some name it) the Tame riseth vp in Radnorshire, out of the Melenith hilles, and soone after his issue, méeting with a water from Withall, it runneth to Begeldie, Lanuerwaterden, and so to Knighton, which is fiue or six miles (as I heare) from his originall. From Knighton it goeth ouer the ditch of Offa vnto Standish, and Clude. crossing a rill that commeth from betwéene the parke named Clude, (and is a bound of Radnorshire) it goeth to Buckton, Walford, and Lanuarden, where it meeteth with the Bardwell or Berfield, and the Clun, both in one chanell, of which I find these descriptions here folowing word for Barfield. word in Leland. The Bardwell or Barfield riseth aboue New Chappell, in
Clun.
the honour of Clun, hard by the ditch of Offa, and goeth by Bucknell. The Clun issueth out of the ground betwéene Lhan Vehan and Maiston, and going on by Bucton, Cluncastell, Clundon, Purslaw, and Clunbirie, it crosseth with a brooke that runneth along by Kempton and Brampton. Thence going foorth by Clunbirie, Brome, Abcot and Marlow, it méeteth with the Bardwell, and so in the Temde, not verie far from Temderton. I Owke. suppose that Leland calleth the Bardwell by the name of Owke, but I will not abide by it bicause I am not sure of it. After these confluences therefore, our Temde goeth by Trippleton, Dounton, Burrington, and Oneie. Broomefield, where it méeteth with the Oneie, which is an indifferent streame, and increased with sundrie waters, whereof I saie as followeth.

Temde. The Temde, also known as the Tame, rises in Radnorshire from the Melenith hills, and shortly after, it meets a stream from Withall. It flows through Begeldie, Lanuerwaterden, and continues to Knighton, which is about five or six miles from its source. From Knighton, it crosses Offa's Dyke to Standish, and Clue. after crossing a stream that comes from the park called Clude (which marks the boundary of Radnorshire), it goes on to Buckton, Walford, and Lanuarden, where it joins the Bardwell or Berfield and the Clun, both flowing in the same channel. I find the following descriptions here word for Barfield. word from Leland. The Bardwell or Barfield rises above New Chapel, in the honor of Clun, near Offa’s Dyke, and flows by Bucknell. The Clun emerges from the ground between Lhan Vehan and Maiston, flowing past Buckton, Cluncastell, Clundon, Purslaw, and Clunbirie, where it intersects with a brook that runs alongside Kempton and Brampton. Continuing past Clunbirie, Brome, Abcot, and Marlow, it meets the Bardwell and then feeds into the Temde, not far from Temderton. I Okay. believe that Leland refers to the Bardwell as Owke, but I'm not certain so I won't stand by that. After these confluences, the Temde flows by Trippleton, Dounton, Burrington, and Oneie. Broomefield, where it joins the Oneie, which is a moderate stream, fed by several waters, about which I will say more next.

Bow. The first of all is called the Bow. It riseth (as I learne) in the hilles betwéene Hissington and Shelue, and from thence commeth downe by
Warren.
Lindleie and Hardwijc, where it crosseth the Warren that issueth out of the ground about Rotlie chappell, and runneth by Adston and Wentnor. After the confluence also going on by Choulton and Cheinies, it taketh Queneie and Strabroke. in the Queneie and Strabroke both in one chanell, wherof the first riseth at Lebotwood, and commeth downe by the Strettons, till it passe by Fellanton. The second mounteth about Longuill, and goeth by Rushburie, Newhall, Harton, and Alcaster, from whence it is not long yer it fall into the Queneie, and so by Stratford into the Oneie, which hath borne that name since the confluence of the Bow and Warren at Hardwijc, whereof I spake before. Finallie, the Oneie which some call the Somergill. Somergill being thus increased, it runneth on to Hawford chappell, Oneibirie, Broomefield, and so into Temde, and next of all to Ludlow. Corue. The Temde being thus brought to Ludlow, méeteth with the Corue, which commeth thorough Coruedale from aboue Brocton by Morehouses, Shipton, [Page 121] Hungerford, and a little beneath taking in a rill that commeth by Tugford, and Brencost castell, goeth on to Corsham castell, and there crossing another from saint Margarets Clée, it hieth to Stanton Lacie, and so likewise to Ludlow.

Bow. The first one is called the Bow. It rises (as I’ve learned) in the hills between Hissington and Shelue, and from there it flows down by Warren. Lindleie and Hardwijc, where it crosses the Warren that comes out of the ground near Rotlie chapel, and runs by Adston and Wentnor. After meeting up with the river, it continues on by Choulton and Cheinies, where it takes in Queneie and Strabroke. both the Queneie and Strabroke in a single channel, the first rising at Lebotwood and flowing down by the Strettons, until it passes by Fellanton. The second rises around Longuill, and flows by Rushburie, Newhall, Harton, and Alcaster, from where it’s not long before it joins the Queneie, and then goes by Stratford into the Oneie, which has carried that name since the confluence of the Bow and Warren at Hardwijc, as mentioned earlier. Finally, the Oneie, which some call the Somergill. Somergill, having been increased in this way, flows on to Hawford chapel, Oneibirie, Broomefield, and into Temde, and then to Ludlow. Corue. The Temde, now brought to Ludlow, meets the Corue, which travels through Corvedale from above Brocton by Morehouses, Shipton, [Page 121] Hungerford, and just below it takes in a stream coming from Tugford and Brencost castle, continuing on to Corsham castle, where it crosses another river from Saint Margarets Clée, then heads to Stanton Lacie, and likewise to Ludlow.

From Ludlow in like sort it goeth to Ludford, the Ashfordes, little Ladwich. Hereford, Burrington, and at Burfford vniteth it selfe with the Ladwich that commeth beneath Milburne stoke, from betweene Browne, Cleehill, and Stittertons hill, to Middleton, Henleie, Ladwich, Conam, and so into Temde, which beneath Temdbirie receiueth another rill on the other side, Rhe. and the second on the left hand called Rhe, that commeth from aboue Ricton, Staterton, Hound, Nene, Clebirie, Knighton, and then into the Temde. From hence the Temde doeth goe by Astham, Lingridge, Shelleie Welch, Clifton, Whitburne (and crossing a water that commeth from the Sapies) to Knightwijc and Bradwaies. Hereabout againe it interteineth a rill that descendeth from about Kidburie on the right hand, and goeth by Collomatherne, Credeleie, Aufrike, and so into Temde, and then procéeding forward, the said streame runneth to Braunford, and yer long Langherne. (taking in the Langherne that riseth about Martleie, and passeth by Kengewijc) it goeth to Powijc, and so into the Sauerne before it come at Wickecester.

From Ludlow it flows to Ludford, the Ashfords, little Ladwich. Hereford, Burrington, and at Burfford it merges with the Ladwich that comes from below Milburne stoke, between Browne, Cleehill, and Stitterton's hill, to Middleton, Henley, Ladwich, Conam, and then into Temde, which below Temdbirie receives another stream on the other side, Rhe. and the second stream on the left called Rhe, which comes from above Ricton, Staterton, Hound, Nene, Clebirie, Knighton, and then into the Temde. From there the Temde goes by Astham, Lingridge, Shelley Welch, Clifton, Whitburne (crossing a stream that comes from the Sapies) to Knightwijc and Bradwaies. Around here it takes in a stream that flows from about Kidburie on the right, and goes by Collomatherne, Credeleie, Aufrike, and then into Temde, and then continuing on, the stream runs to Braunford, and soon Langherne. (taking in Langherne that rises near Martleie and passes by Kengewijc) it goes to Powijc, and then into the Severn before it reaches Wickecester.

Thus haue I brought all such streames before me that fall into the Sauerne from the head, vntill I come to Powijc, wherof (as you may easily perceiue) the Temde is the most excellent. Now it resteth that I proceed with the rest of the discourse intended concerning this our riuer. Certes, from Powijc mils which are about halfe a mile beneth Worcester, the Sauerne runneth on to Kempseie and Cleueld, whence after it hath crossed a brooke comming from Cowleie, it hasteth first to Stoke, and so to Vpton, which is eleuen or twelue miles from Glocester, whither it floweth manie times at high tides, but yer it come there, it drowneth another fall descending from Maluerne hilles by Blackemoore parke, & soone after the third growing by two branches, wherof one commeth also from Maluerne hils by little Maluerne and Welland, the other from Elderford by Pendocke and Longdon. After these confluences in like sort, it runneth to Bushelleie, and Tewkesburie, where it receiueth the Auon, that followed next of all in order to be described, before I procéed anie further in my discourse of Sauerne.

I've gathered all the streams that flow into the Severn starting from the source, all the way to Powick, where you can clearly see that the Teme is the most noteworthy. Now, I will continue with the rest of my discussion about our river. Indeed, starting from the Powick mills, which are about half a mile below Worcester, the Severn flows on to Kempsey and Cleveled. After crossing a stream coming from Cowleigh, it makes its way first to Stoke and then to Upton, which is eleven or twelve miles from Gloucester, where it often floods during high tides. Before reaching there, it gets another influx from a stream descending from the Malvern Hills by Blackmore Park, and soon after, it merges with the third stream made up of two branches: one also coming from the Malvern Hills near Little Malvern and Welland, and the other from Elderford by Pendock and Longdon. After these confluences, it continues to Bushley and Tewkesbury, where it receives the Avon, which I'll describe next before I go further in my discussion of the Severn.

Auon. 4. The Auon riseth at Nauesbie in the borders of Northamptonshire, a little side hand of Gillesborow and foot of the hils whereon Nauesbie standeth, and euen out of the church yard of the said village. From hence it goeth to Welford, Stamford, Lilburne, Clifton, and Rugbie, by north whereof it Swiuethus. crosseth a water called Swift, which commeth from aboue Kimcote, to Lutterworth, Browne ouer and Colsford. From thence also it goeth to Souus. Newbold, Wolston, Ruington, and betwéene the Stonlies taketh in the Sow. This Sow is a pretie water comming from aboue Calendon to Whitleie, and soone after méeting with a riueret from Couentrie, which some doo call Shirburne water, it goeth thence to Bagginton, where it taketh in a rill Kinell. called Kinell, as I haue read from Kenelsworth, from whence it runneth to Stonleie, & so into the Auon. After this confluence the Auon procéedeth on to Stonleie abbeie, Ashehow, Miluerton, Edmonds cote, and appace to Warwijc.

Auon. 4. The Avon begins at Nauesbie, located on the edges of Northamptonshire, near a part of Gillesborow and at the foot of the hills where Nauesbie is situated, even emerging from the churchyard of that village. From there, it flows to Welford, Stamford, Lilburne, Clifton, and Rugbie, where it crosses a stream called Swift, which comes from above Kimcote, passing through Lutterworth, Browne over, and Colsford. It continues on to Sooze. Newbold, Wolston, and Ruington, and between the Stonlies, it captures the Sow. This Sow is a lovely stream coming from above Calendon to Whitleie, and shortly after joins with a small river from Coventry, known by some as Shirburne water, then flows to Bagginton, where it gathers a stream Kinell! called Kinell, as I have read from Kenelsworth. From there, it runs to Stonleie and into the Avon. After this merging, the Avon continues on to Stonleie Abbey, Ashehow, Miluerton, Edmonds cote, and swiftly arrives at Warwick.

But yer it come there, it méeteth from south east with two waters in one chanell, whereof the least commeth to Marton from Bishops Itchington, by Herburbirie and Thorpe, where it crosseth a rill from Southam. The other Leame. is called Leame, or Lime that descendeth from about Helladon, or néere vnto Catesbie in Northamptonshire, and going by Ouencote, Braunston, Lemington and Mertun, it ioineth with the other, and then go from thence togither vnder the name of Leame, to Hunnington, Cobbington, and so into the Auon, as I gaue notice before. At Warwike also the Auon taketh in a water running northwest from Groue parke. Thence it goeth on to Bereford, and there crossing another from Shirburne, it passeth forth to Bishops Hampton, méeting finallie with the third, from Kineton that runneth by Walton and Charlecote. After this last rehearsed confluence, it hasteth to Stretford vpon Auon, and then to Luddington ward, where it Stoure. taketh in the Stoure that riseth aboue Cherington, & whose course from thence is such, as that being once past the head, it goeth by Weston, and [Page 122] yer long crossing a water from Campden, hanging Aston, & Todnam, it runneth to Barcheston, Aldermaston, Clifford, & so into the Auon. From hence then the said Auon goeth to Luddington, Burton, Bitford, and Cleue, and being parted from the said towne, yer it come at Sawford, it Arow. receiueth the Arow or Aur, which rising in the blacke hils in Worchestershire, commeth by Alchurch, Beleie parke, Ypsleie, Studleie, Alne. and then taking in another rill called Alne, out of Fecknam forrest, and going by Coughton parke, it hasteth to Alcester, Arow, Ragleie, Wheteleie, Bouington, Standford, and so into Auon, which after this conjunction goeth to Vffenton & then to Eouesholme: but yer it come there it receiueth two waters in one chanell, whereof the first riseth about Willerseie, the other néere to Buckland, and ioining beneath Pludor. Badseie, they fall into Anon, vnder the name of Pludor brooke, before it come to Eouesholme.

But here it comes, meeting from the southeast with two streams in one channel, with the smaller one coming to Marton from Bishops Itchington, by Herburbirie and Thorpe, where it crosses a stream from Southam. The other Lemme. is called Leame, or Lime, which flows down from around Helladon, or near Catesbie in Northamptonshire, and passing by Ouencote, Braunston, Lemington, and Mertun, it joins the other, and then they both continue together under the name of Leame, to Hunnington, Cobbington, and into the Avon, as I mentioned before. At Warwick, the Avon also takes in a stream running northwest from Grove Park. It then continues to Bereford, and there, crossing another from Shirburne, it proceeds to Bishops Hampton, finally meeting the third one from Kineton that flows by Walton and Charlecote. After this last mentioned confluence, it rushes to Stratford upon Avon, and then to Luddington Ward, where it Stour. takes in the Stoure that rises above Cherington, and from there, its course is such that, once past the head, it flows by Weston, and [Page 122] soon crossing a stream from Campden, hanging Aston, and Todnam, it runs to Barcheston, Aldermaston, Clifford, and then into the Avon. From there, the Avon goes to Luddington, Burton, Bitford, and Cleve, and having separated from the town, before it reaches Sawford, it Arrow. receives the Arow or Aur, which rises in the Black Hills in Worcestershire, coming by Alchurch, Belie Park, Ypsley, Studley, Alne. and then taking in another stream called Alne, from Fecknam Forest, and passing by Coughton Park, it rushes to Alcester, Arow, Ragleigh, Wheteleigh, Bouington, Stanford, and then into the Avon, which after this junction goes to Uffenton and then to Evesham: but before it gets there, it receives two streams in one channel, the first rising near Willersley, the other close to Buckland, and joining beneath Plunder. Badsey, they flow into Avon, under the name of Pludor Brook, before it reaches Evesham.

Vincélus. Being past Eouesholme it crosseth the Vincell, which rising out of the hils somewhere about Sudleie, runneth two miles further to Winchelcombe, and Gretton, and taking in a rill by the waie from Hailes, procéedeth on (going within one quarter of a mile of Hailes abbaie) to Tuddington, or Doddington, beneath which when it hath crossed another rill that commeth from Stanwaie, it goeth to Wannington, Sedgeborow, and receiuing there the last on the right hand also (as all aboue rehearsed) it falleth into the Auon, when it is come by Hinton, vnto a towne called Hampton, or (as some doo write it) Ampton. After this confluence the Auon goeth to Charleton, to Crapthorne (and there taking in a rill on the left hand) to Fladbirie wike, and almost at Persore bridge, méeteth with a branched Piddle. water that commeth by Piddle, whereof one head is at Alberton, an other at Piddle. From Persore it goeth to Birlingham, and soone after carrieng a brooke withall descending from Fakenham, by Bradleie, Himbleton, Huddenton, Crowleie, Churchhill, Pibleton, Besseford and Desseford, it fléeteth to Eckington, Bredon, Twining, Mitton, and Tewkesburie, where it ioineth with the Sauerne.

Vincélus. After passing Eouesholme, it crosses the Vincell, which rises from the hills near Sudleie and flows two miles further to Winchelcombe and Gretton. It picks up a stream along the way from Hailes, continuing on (going within a quarter of a mile of Hailes Abbey) to Tuddington or Doddington. Below Tuddington, after crossing another stream that comes from Stanwaie, it heads to Wannington, Sedgeborow, and there, picking up the last stream on the right (as mentioned above), it flows into the Avon, arriving at a place near Hinton called Hampton, or as some write it, Ampton. After this confluence, the Avon goes to Charleton, to Crapthorne (where it also takes in a stream on the left) to Fladbirie Wike, and almost at Persore Bridge, meets with a branched span class="leftnote">Piddle. water that comes from Piddle, one branch starting at Alberton and another at Piddle. From Persore, it flows to Birlingham, and soon after carries a brook that descends from Fakenham through Bradleie, Himbleton, Huddenton, Crowleie, Churchhill, Pibleton, Besseford, and Desseford, before it glides to Eckington, Bredon, Twining, Mitton, and Tewkesburie, where it joins the Severn.

Now to resume the course of the Sauerne, you shall vnderstand, that from Tewkesburie it goeth to Derehirst, the How passage, and soone after Chilus. receiuing the Chiltenham water that commeth thither by Bodenton, Sawton, and Norton, it runneth to Ashelworth, Sainthirst; and here it parteth it selfe till it come to Glocester, where it vniteth it selfe againe. But in the meane time the easterlie branch receiueth a forked chanell, whereof one head is not far frō Leke Hampton, the other about Witcombe, from whence it goeth to Brockworth. The other branch or arme taketh in the Leadon that commeth downe by Preston, Dimmocke, Pantleie Leadon. vpper Leadon, Leadon court, and there taking in one rill that commeth from Linton by Areknoll, and another beneath it from Tainton by Rudford, it falleth into the said branch on the right side, before it come at Glocester.

Now to continue the flow of the Sauerne, you should know that from Tewkesbury it goes to Derehirst, then to How passage, and soon after Chill. It receives the Cheltenham water that comes in from Bodenton, Sawton, and Norton, then it flows to Ashelworth, Sainthirst; here it splits until it reaches Gloucester, where it comes back together. Meanwhile, the eastern branch receives a split channel, one part not far from Leke Hampton, the other around Witcombe, from where it goes to Brockworth. The other branch, or arm, includes the Leadon that flows down from Preston, Dimmocke, Pantleie Lead on. upper Leadon, Leadon court, and there it takes in one stream from Linton by Areknoll and another below it from Tainton by Rudford, which joins this branch on the right side before it reaches Gloucester.

The Sauerne therefore being past Glocester, it méeteth with a litle rill on the right hand, and thence holding on his course by Elmore, Minsterworth, Longneie, to Framilode, it receiueth yer it come at this Strowd. latter the Strowd brooke, which rising not farre from Side, goeth by Massade, Edgeworth, Frampton, Strowd, and receiuing there a water that commeth from Panneswijc Lodge, by Pittescombe on the one side, and another from Radbridge on the other, it prosecuteth his voiage to Stone house, Eslington, white Misen, & so toward Framilode, where the said Strowd dooth fall into the Sauerne. After the fall of Strowd, the Sauerne goeth from thence to Newenham, and Arlingham, and soone after receiuing a water on each side, whereof one commeth from Vleie by Cham and Chambridge, the other by Blackneie and Catcombe, it goeth foorth till it méet with another water on ech side, whereof that on the English halfe is forked, so that one head thereof is to be found about Borwell, the other at Horton, and méeting aboue Tortworthie, they run by Stone and Barkeleie castell, and so into the Sauerne. That on the Welsh halfe Newarne. is named Newarne, which cömeth from the forrest of Deane, and so into the Sauerne.

The Severn, after passing Gloucester, meets a small stream on the right side, and then continues its route through Elmore, Minsterworth, Longney, to Framilode, where it collects water before reaching this Strowd. The Strowd brook, which rises not far from Side, flows by Massade, Edgeworth, Frampton, Strowd, and gathers water from Panneswijc Lodge on one side and another from Radbridge on the other, continuing its journey to Stonehouse, Eslington, White Misen, and then toward Framilode, where the Strowd falls into the Severn. After the Strowd's confluence, the Severn flows on to Newenham and Arlingham, soon receiving water on both sides, one from Vleie by Cham and Chambridge, and the other by Blackney and Catcombe. It continues until it meets another stream on each side, where the one on the English side is forked, with one branch found near Borwell and the other at Horton. Meeting above Tortworth, they flow by Stone and Berkeley Castle, and into the Severn. The stream on the Welsh side Newark. is called Newarne and comes from the Forest of Dean, flowing into the Severn.

[Page 123]

[Page 123]

OF SUCH WATERS AS FALL INTO THE SEA IN COMPASSE OF THE ILAND, BETWÉENE
THE SAUERNE AND THE HUMBER.

CHAP. XIV.

The Sauerne being thus described, it resteth that I go forward with the names of those that lie vpon the coast of Southwales, making my entrie at the ferrie ouer betwéene Aust in Glocestershire, and a village on the further banke of Sauerne, not farre from Tarendacus chappell, in the Wie mouth. mouth of the riuer Wie, which ferrie is about three miles ouer (saith Guie aliàs Wie. Leland) or else my memorie dooth faile me. This riuer Guie or Wie beginneth (as I said before) on the side of the hilles, where the Sauerne dooth arise, and passing through Wenceland, that is, southeast by Raiader Guie to Buelt (where the Irwon meeteth withall) it goeth to Glasburie, Hereford, Monmouth, and finallie into the Sauerne sea at Chepstow: for so they call Monhafren, which seuereth Wales from Summersetshire, Deuonshire, Cornewall: as for the Rhidoll which is the third sister, it hath the shortest course of all, for it runneth northward, and into the sea at Aberistwith, which is not farre off, as the writers doo report.

The River Severn being described, I will continue with the names of those along the coast of South Wales, starting at the ferry between Aust in Gloucestershire and a village on the other side of the Severn, not far from the chapel of Tewkesbury, at the mouth of the River Wye. This ferry is about three miles across (as Leland says), or I might be mistaken. The River Wye begins (as I mentioned earlier) at the hills where the Severn rises, flowing through Wye Valley, southeast to Rhayader Wye to Buelt (where the Irwon joins it), then onward to Glasbury, Hereford, Monmouth, and finally into the Severn Sea at Chepstow: for they call Monhafren, which separates Wales from Somerset, Devon, and Cornwall. As for the Rheidol, which is the third sister, it has the shortest course of all, flowing northward into the sea at Aberystwyth, which is nearby, according to the writers.

Leland writing of this riuer Guie or Wie saith thus; The Wie goeth thorough all Herefordshire by Bradwarden castell, belonging to sir Richard Vehan, and so to Hereford east, thence eight miles to Rosse, a Vmber a fish onelie in the Wie. market towne in Herefordshire: and in this riuer be vmbers, otherwise called grailings. It is also found by common experience, that the salmon of this riuer is in season, when the like fish to be found in all other riuers is abandoned and out of vse; wherof we of the east parts doo not a little maruell. But let vs not staie vpon these descriptions, sith an other is come to my hand more exact than either of these.

Leland, writing about this river Guie or Wie, says this: The Wie runs through all of Herefordshire by Bradwarden Castle, which belongs to Sir Richard Vehan, and continues to Hereford east, then eight miles to Rosse, a market town in Herefordshire. In this river, there are umbers, also known as grailings. It is also commonly known that the salmon in this river is in season when similar fish are gone and not seen in any other rivers, which we in the east find quite surprising. But let's not linger on these descriptions, since I have another one that is more accurate than either of these.

The Guie therefore riseth out of the blacke mounteines of Wales, out of which the Sauerne springeth in Radnorshire, and comming by Lhangerike, Darnoll. and Raiadargoie, it receiueth one rill from the west called Darnoll, and another from by northeast comming by saint Harmon. Thence it goeth to Lhanuthell, and in the waie betwixt Raiader and Lhanuthell, it ioineth Elland. with the Elland, whose head is néere to Comeristwith, and taketh
Clardwen.
likewise into him the Clardwen that diuideth for a season Radnorshire from Brecknoch, which Clardwen is likewise increased by the Clarthie within thrée miles of his head and lesse, hauing his course from southwest & hille soile adiacent. From Lhanuthell it goeth west of Ithan. Dissart, where it receiueth the Ithan, a riuer rising aboue Lhanibister, and from whence it runneth to Landwie, and Lambaderne vawr: beneath which it crosseth a water on ech side, whereof that on the right hand Dulesse.
Cluedoch.
consisteth on the Dulesse and the Cluedoch, after their confluence: the Lamaron. other hight Lomaron, whose head is aboue Lanthangle, and in the forrest of Blethwag. After these confluences, it runneth on crinkeling in Hawie. strange manner, vnder the name of Ithor, till it come to Dissart, taking in the Hawie on the left side yer it come there, and then into the Wie on the north side, which directeth his course further to Bealt, where it Yrwon. receiueth the Yrwon, a notable streame, descending from the hilles aboue Lanihangle Abergwessen, and thence comming downe by Lanurid Lang marsh, Lanauan, Vechan, Langantan, and so to Beth or Bealt, being inlarged by Weuereie. the waie with sundrie faire waters, as the Weuereie, whose head is about Lanauan moore, the Dulasse, or (as some call it) the Dowlasse, that Dulasse.
Comarch.
Dulasse.
commeth from the hilles west of the head of Weuereie. The Comarch whose head and course is west of the Dowlasse on the north side, and likewise by two other on the southwest, and Dilasse from by southwest, which last rehearsed falleth into him halfe a mile and more aboue the influence of the Comarch which lieth on the other side. After this our Yrwon goeth to Dehon. Lhanuareth, where it crosseth the Dehon on the southwest side, then to Edwie. Aberedwie, and there receiueth the Edwie on the northeast, which ariseth in the hilles aboue Botins chappell, and commeth downe by Crigend and Lanhaderne, thence the Guie goeth on to Lanstephan, and there (or a
Machaweie.
little aboue) taketh in the Machaweie that commeth by castell Paine, and [Page 124]
Leuenni.
so going on in processe of time with the Leuenni, whereof Leland in his commentaries doth write as here insueth.

The Guie rises from the black mountains of Wales, where the Severn springs in Radnorshire. It flows past Lhangerike, Darnoll. and Raiadargoie, receiving a stream from the west called Darnoll and another from the northeast that comes by Saint Harmon. From there, it goes to Lhanuthell, and along the way between Raiader and Lhanuthell, it joins Elland. with the Elland, whose source is near Comeristwith, and also takes in Clardwen. the Clardwen, which temporarily separates Radnorshire from Brecknock. The Clardwen also receives water from the Clarthie, which is within three miles of its source, flowing from the southwest and the nearby hilly terrain. From Lhanuthell, it heads west of Ithan. Dissart, where it receives the Ithan, a river that rises above Lhanibister, and from there it flows to Landwie and Lambaderne vawr: below which it crosses a body of water on each side, right-side Dulesse.
Cluedoch.
formed by the Dulesse and the Cluedoch after their merging: the Lamaron. other being called Lomaron, whose source is above Lanthangle, in the forest of Blethwag. After these confluences, it winds in a strange manner under the name Ithor until it reaches Dissart, collecting the Hawie on the left side before arriving there, and then into the Wie on the north side, which directs its course further to Bealt, where it Yrwon. receives the Yrwon, a prominent stream that flows down from the hills above Lanihangle Abergwessen, continuing through Lanurid Lang marsh, Lanauan, Vechan, Langantan, and so to Beth or Bealt, expanded by Weuereie. various lovely waters, including the Weuereie, which rises near Lanauan moor, the Dulasse, or (as some call it) the Dowlasse, which Dulasse.
Comarch.
Dulasse.
comes from the hills west of the Weuereie’s source. The Comarch, which has its source and course to the west of the Dowlasse on the north side, as well as two others on the southwest, and Dilasse from the southwest; the last mentioned joins it more than half a mile above the mouth of the Comarch, which lies on the opposite side. After this, our Yrwon goes to Dehon. Lhanuareth, where it crosses the Dehon on the southwest side, then to Edwin. Aberedwie, where it receives the Edwie from the northeast, which rises in the hills above Botins chapel, flowing down through Crigend and Lanhaderne. From there, the Guie continues on to Lanstephan, where it takes in the Machaweie that comes by Castell Paine, a Machaweie. little further along, and then continues its course with the Leuenni, which Leland writes about in his commentaries as follows.

Euer.
Euerie.
The Leuenni, otherwise called the Euer or Euerie, is a farre streame rising in Welch Talgarth hard by Blaine Leuenni, among the Atterill hilles, from whence it goeth to Brecknoch mere, which is two miles long, and a mile broad, and where men doo fish in Vniligneis or botes of one peece, as they doo in Lhin Seuathan, which is foure miles from Brecknoch. Finallie bringing great store of red sand withall, and there with the Brennich. Brennich water (that hath his originall issue at Mennith gader, and is Trufrin. increased with the Trufrin) it falleth into the Wie aboue Glesbirie three miles from Haie, at a place that of the onelie fall of this brooke is named Aberleuenni, after this the Guie. Being come to Haie, a pretie towne where much Romane coine is found, which they call Jewes monie: and after it hath passed or crossed a little brooke, which commeth from Dulesse. Lanigon, it méeteth with the Dulesse that commeth also from the Atterill by Kersop, and from thence goeth to Clifford castell (being now entred into Herefordshire, and leauing Radnor, wherevnto it hath for a long course béene march) then to the Whitneies, Winferton, Letton, Bradwarden, Broberie, Monington, Biford, Bridgesalers, Eaton, Brinton, and Hereford, without anie influence of riuer worthie of memorie, and yet with manie windlesses, & there méeteth with a water rising short of Wormesleie, which goeth by Maunsell, Lacie, Brinsop, Crednell, Stretton, and Huntington, and soone after into the Wie, beside a little rill that runneth betwéene them both euen into Hereford towne. From hence in like sort the Wie hasteth to Rotheras church, Hampton, and Mordeford, where Lug. it taketh in sundrie waters in one chanell, of which the Lug or Luie is the principall, and next of all to be described, before I go anie further with the course of the Wie, whereinto it dischargeth the chanell. It riseth in the edge of the forrest of Kemples aboue Langunlo: from whence it goeth to Momonacht, Pilleth Whitton, Fuldibrooke, Prestaine, so into Herefordshire, where betwéene Bonie & Beton, or Bitton, it receiueth in the Somergill, whose crotched head being march to Radnor forrest, directeth his streame betwéene the new and old Radnors, to Knill, to Nash, and so into the Lug, which presentlie passeth by Kinsham, Shirleie, Ailmister, Kingsland, Eaton chappell, and so into Lemister, where it crosseth the Oneie (a streamelet rising short of Shobden, and going by Chorlester) a little before it come to the west side of the towne.

Eur. Eurie. The Leuenni, also known as the Euer or Euerie, is a long river that starts in Talgarth, near Blaine Leuenni, among the Atterill hills. From there, it flows to Brecknoch mere, which is two miles long and a mile wide, where people fish from Vniligneis or single-piece boats, just like they do in Lhin Seuathan, located four miles from Brecknoch. It eventually carries a lot of red sand with it, and along with the Brennich water (which originates at Mennith gader and is joined by the Trufrin), it empties into the Wye above Glesbirie, three miles from Haie, at a spot named Aberleuenni after this brook's only fall, before continuing to the Guie. Upon reaching Haie, a pretty town where many Roman coins, referred to as Jew's money, are found, it crosses a small brook coming from Lanigon and meets the Dulesse, which also flows from the Atterill by Kersop. From there, it travels to Clifford Castle (now entering Herefordshire and leaving Radnor, which it has bordered for a long stretch) and then passes through Whitneies, Winferton, Letton, Bradwarden, Broberie, Monington, Biford, Bridgesalers, Eaton, Brinton, and Hereford, with no significant river influences worth mentioning, though it encounters many bends. It meets a waterway rising near Wormesleie that flows through Maunsell, Lacie, Brinsop, Crednell, Stretton, and Huntington, before soon joining the Wye, near a little stream that runs between them, flowing directly into Hereford town. From there, the Wye quickly moves toward Rotheras church, Hampton, and Mordeford, where it collects various waters into a single channel, with the Lug or Luie being the main one, which I'll describe next before continuing with the course of the Wye, where it discharges its flow. The Lug rises at the edge of Kemples forest above Langunlo, then flows to Momonacht, Pilleth Whitton, Fuldibrooke, and Prestaine, entering Herefordshire, where it meets the Somergill between Bonie & Beton. Its crooked head, bordering Radnor forest, directs its stream between the new and old Radnors, then to Knill, Nash, and into the Lug, which flows past Kinsham, Shirleie, Ailmister, Kingsland, Eaton Chapel, and arrives at Lemister, where it crosses the Oneie (a small stream rising near Shobden and flowing by Chorlester) just before reaching the west side of the town.

At Lemister it selfe in like sort three waters doo méet, and almost Pinsell. inuiron the towne, that is to saie, the Lug, the Pinfulleie or Pinsell
Kenbrooke.
(a riueret rising at Kingsland two miles from Lemister) & the Kenbrooke, which commeth out of the blacke mounteins, from Lemister, otherwise called Leofminster, of the builder, and also Leonminster, the Lug or Luie goeth on to Eaton, and there taketh in a rill beneath Hampton, and aboue Hope, whereof one head is betwéene Hatfield and Bickleton, another néere vnto Marston, and méeting of both at Humber. From Hampton it goeth to Bodenham, Wellington, Morton, Sutton, Shelwijc, Lugwardin, and Fromeie. Longward, where it crosseth the Fromeie or Frome, a pretie water, and worthie to be remembred. It riseth about Wolferelaw, from whence it commeth downe toward the southest by Edwinsloch to Bromyard, Auenburie, Bishops Frome, Castell Frome, Can Frome, to Stretton vpon Frome, and Loden aliàs Acton. there taking in a water called Loden, comming from aboue Bishops Grendon, by Pencombe, Cowarne, Stoke Lacie, Cowarne, and Engleton, our Frome goeth on to Yarkeleie, Dornington, and Longward, and so into the Lug, betwéene Longward and Suston, which runneth foorthwith to Mordford, or Morthford, and there into the Wie, vnto whose description I now returne againe.

At Lemister, three rivers come together to surround the town. These are the Lug, the Pinfulleie or Pinsell (a small river that starts at Kingsland, two miles from Lemister), and the Kenbrooke, which flows down from the black mountains. Lemister is also known as Leofminster, named after its builder, and Leonminster. The Lug, or Luie, flows toward Eaton, where it picks up a stream below Hampton and above Hope. One source of this stream is between Hatfield and Bickleton, while another is near Marston, and they meet at Humber. From Hampton, it continues to Bodenham, Wellington, Morton, Sutton, Shelwijc, Lugwardin, and Longward, where it crosses the Fromeie or Frome, a charming river worth mentioning. It rises around Wolferelaw, flowing south by Edwinsloch to Bromyard, Auenburie, Bishops Frome, Castell Frome, Can Frome, and then to Stretton upon Frome, where it takes in another stream called Loden. Loden comes from above Bishops Grendon, passing Pencombe, Cowarne, Stoke Lacie, Cowarne, and Engleton. Our Frome continues to Yarkeleie, Dornington, and Longward, merging into the Lug between Longward and Suston, which then flows on to Mordford, or Morthford, and there into the Wie, to which I now return.

Being come therefore vnto Mordford, it goeth to Fawnehope, Hamlacie, Treske. Ballingham, Capull regis, where it receiueth a water called Treske, from little Berch by Treske, Fawleie, How, Capull Inkeston, Foie, Brampton, Bridstow, Wilton castell, the Rosse, and there a rill from Bishops Vptonward by Rudhall, Weresend, Ham, Glewston, Godderich, here in like sort meeting with another that commeth from Ecleswall in the confines of Glocestershire, by Peniard castell & Coughton, to Welch Bicknor, English Bicknor, Huntesham, including a parcell of Monmouthshire, being an outliggand, as ye may find in that parcell of Herefordshire which butteth [Page 125] vpon Glocestershire (as you shall find the like péece of Herefordshire in the confines of Salop and Worcester, wherein Rochford standeth, beside manie other which I haue elsewhere spoken of) Whitchurch, where Gainar. it taketh in Gainar water that commeth from Much Birch, by Lanwarne, Garran. Michaell church, and at Langarran crosseth the Garran brooke, that riseth in Gregwood, short of Arcop, six miles from Monemouth by northwest: after which these two doo runne as one to Marston, and almost Whitchurch, and so into the Wie, which goeth from thence to Gunnarew, S. Michaell, Dixton, and Monemouth, where I will staie a while, till I haue described the Mone, next of all to be remembred here.

Having arrived at Mordford, it continues on to Fawnehope, Hamlacie, Treske. Ballingham, Capull regis, where it collects a stream called Treske, from little Berch by Treske, Fawleie, How, Capull Inkeston, Foie, Brampton, Bridstow, Wilton castell, the Rosse, and there a stream from Bishops Upton onward by Rudhall, Weresend, Ham, Glewston, Godderich, merging here with another that comes from Ecleswall on the borders of Glocestershire, by Peniard castell & Coughton, to Welch Bicknor, English Bicknor, Huntesham, including a part of Monmouthshire, being an outlier, as you may find in that section of Herefordshire which borders [Page 125] Glocestershire (as you will find a similar piece of Herefordshire in the area of Salop and Worcester, where Rochford stands, along with many others I have mentioned elsewhere) Whitchurch, where Gainar. it takes in Gainar water coming from Much Birch, by Lanwarne, Garran. Michaell church, and at Langarran crosses the Garran brook, which rises in Gregwood, short of Arcop, six miles from Monmouth to the northwest: after this, these two run as one to Marston, and almost Whitchurch, and then into the Wie, which flows from there to Gunnarew, S. Michaell, Dixton, and Monmouth, where I will pause for a moment, until I have described the Mone, which is next to be mentioned here.

Mona. The Mona or Monbecke, riseth in the forrest of Hene, twentie miles from Monemouth by west in Eirisland, and going by Creswell, or Craswall chappell not farre from the marches of Brecknocke, and northeast of Hatuill hils, which after it hath run a good distance from the head Eskill. receiueth first the Eskle, and passeth by Lanihangle and the old Court, Elkon. from northweast, then the Olcon, from southwest, which méeteth withall néere Cledoll or Knedoch, & passing by the old towne, it hasteth to Altrinis, where it becommeth march betwéene Hereford and Monemouth shires, and taketh in a water comming by Trewin, & likewise the Hordwie Hodneie. or Hodneie which riseth in Becknocke, among the Saterelles, & runneth by Capell a fin, Lantonie, Cumroie, Michaell church in Monemouthshire, and ioineth with our Mona at Altrinis, which after this confluence hasteth to Walderstone, Lansillo Langua, betwéene which and Kinechurch it ioineth Doure. with the Doure that riseth about the Bache aboue Dourston, which is six miles aboue Doure abbie, so that it runneth through the Gilden dale, by Peterchurch, Fowchurch, Morehampton, Newcourt, Doure, and beneath Doure Dulesse. taketh in the Dulesse, from southwest and Lanihangle, by Harleswas Wormesbecke. castell on the one side, and yer long the Wormesbecke, descending from aboue Keuernall by Didleie, Deuerox, Workebridge, and Kenderchurch on the other, and so running all in one chanell vnto Mona, that riuer goeth on to Kinech church, Grismond, Cardwaie, Skenfrith, Warnethall, Perthire, and so to Monemouth, where it meeteth with the Wie, ouer each of which riuers Monemuth towne hath his particular bridge.

Mona. The Mona, or Monbecke, rises in the Hene forest, twenty miles west of Monmouth in Eirisland, and passes by Creswell, or Craswall chapel, not far from the borders of Brecknock, and northeast of Hatuill hills. After running a good distance from its source, it first receives the Eskle and flows by Lanihangle and the old Court, Elkon. from the northwest, then the Olcon from the southwest, which meets it near Cledoll or Knedoch. Continuing past the old town, it rushes to Altrinis, where it becomes the boundary between Hereford and Monmouth shires, and takes in a stream coming from Trewin, as well as the Hordwie Hodneie. or Hodneie, which rises in Brecknock among the Saterelles, flowing by Capell a fin, Lantonie, Cumroie, Michael church in Monmouthshire, and joins our Mona at Altrinis. After this confluence, it speeds towards Walderstone, Lansillo Langua, between which and Kinechurch it meets Dour. the Doure that rises about the Bache above Dourston, six miles above Dour abbey. It flows through Gilden dale, by Peterchurch, Fowchurch, Morehampton, Newcourt, Doure, and below Doure Dulce. it takes in the Dulesse from the southwest and Lanihangle, by Harleswas Wormesbecke. castle on one side, and soon the Wormesbecke, descending from above Keuernall by Didleie, Deuerox, Workebridge, and Kenderchurch on the other. So running together in one channel to Mona, the river continues on to Kinech church, Grismond, Cardwaie, Skenfrith, Warnethall, Perthire, and finally to Monmouth, where it meets the Wye. Over each of these rivers, Monmouth town has its own particular bridge.

The Guie or Wie therefore being increased with thus manie brookes and waters, passeth on from hence, and going toward Landogo, it méeteth with Trollie. the Trollie becke, whose head is aboue Lannam ferrie in the north part of Monemouth shire, and goeth from thence by Lhantellio, Lanihangle, Gracedieu, Diggestow, Wonastow, Troie, and so into Wie, that runneth Elwie. also by Wies wood chase, taking in there the Elwie that commeth from aboue Landelwie by Langowen, Lannissen, Penclase, Trilegh, and Langogo, where méeting with the aforesaid streame, the Wie directeth his course from thence by Tinterne abbeie (where it crosseth a rill from Trile grange) Chapell hill, Parcasicke, Penterie chapell, Lancante, Chepstowe, and so into the sea, leauing the Treacle (a chappell standing on a rocke) on the hand betweene it & Sauerne, ouer against the point that lieth south of Betteslie. Next vnto the Wie, I find a rill of no great course, comming downe from Mounton chappell, by a place of the bishops of Landaffe. Thence passing by Charston rocke, and the point whereon Trogie. Trinitie chappell standeth, I come vnto the fall of Trogie, which riseth short of Trogie castell, and runneth toward the sea, by Landuair, Dewston, Calicot, and so into the Ocean, ouer against the Charston rocke. The next fall is of a water that commeth from aboue Penho by saint Dennie Iland in the middest of the Sauerne, and likewise another litle one called Beuerage. Brides, north and by west of Dennie Iland, which lieth midwaie betweene that fall & Porshot point, and before I touch at Goldcliffe point, I crosse another fall of a fresh brooke, whose head is aboue Landueigo in Wencewood, and course by Lhanbed, Langston, Lhanwarme, and through the More to Witston.

The Guie or Wie, having been fed by many streams and waters, continues on from here, heading towards Landogo, where it meets the Trollie beck. The head of the Trollie is above Lannam ferry in the northern part of Monmouthshire, flowing from there by Lhantellio, Lanihangle, Gracedieu, Diggestow, Wonastow, Troie, and into the Wie, which also runs by Wies wood chase. Here, it takes in the Elwie that comes from above Landelwie, passing through Langowen, Lannissen, Penclase, Trilegh, and Langogo. When it meets the mentioned stream, the Wie directs its course from there past Tintern Abbey (where it crosses a stream from Trile Grange), Chapell Hill, Parcasicke, Penterie Chapel, Lancante, Chepstow, and out to the sea, leaving Treacle (a chapel standing on a rock) between it and the Severn, opposite the point south of Betteslie. Next to the Wie, I find a small stream coming down from Mounton Chapel, near a site associated with the bishops of Llandaff. From there, passing by Charston Rock and the point where Trinity Chapel stands, I arrive at the fall of Trogie, which rises just short of Trogie Castle and flows toward the sea, by Landuair, Dewston, Calicot, and into the Ocean, opposite Charston Rock. The next fall is of a water coming from above Penho, near Saint Dennie Island in the middle of the Severn, and also another small one called Beuerage. Brides, located north and northwest of Dennie Island, lies midway between that fall and Porshot Point. Before I reach Goldcliffe Point, I cross another fall of a freshwater stream, which originates above Landueigo in Wencewood, flowing through Lhanbed, Langston, Lhanwarme, and through the Moor to Witston.

Wiske. Next vnto this is the Aberwish, or Wiske, in Latine Osca, whereon Caerleon standeth, sometime called Chester and Ciuitas legionum, bicause the Romans soiourned there, as did afterward Arthur the great, who also held a noble parlement in the same, whereof Galfride maketh mention Lib. 7. cap. 4. affirming thereto, that in those daies the maiestie thereof was such, as that all the forefronts of their houses were in maner laid [Page 126] ouer with gold, according to the Romane vsage. There was in the same in like sort a famous vniuersitie, wherein were 200 philosophers; also two goodlie churches erected in the remembrance of Iulius and Aaron, two Brittish martyrs, whereby it might well be reputed for the third metropoliticall sée in Britaine. But to our water, whereof I read that it is furthermore one of the greatest in Southwales, and huge ships might well come to the towne of Caerleon, as they did in the time of the Romans, if Newport bridge were not a let vnto them; neuerthelesse, big botes come thereto. It is eight Welsh or twelue English miles from Chepstow or Strigull, and of some thought to be in base Wenceland, though other be of the contrarie opinion. But howsoeuer the matter standeth, this riuer is taken to be the bounds of Brechnockshire, as Renni is middle to Wenceland & Glamorganshire. But to leaue these by-matters, and come to the description of the water.

Wiske. Next to this is the Aberwish, or Wiske, in Latin Osca, where Caerleon is located, once called Chester and Ciuitas legionum, because the Romans stayed there, just like Arthur the Great did later, who also held a notable parliament there, mentioned by Geoffrey in Book 7, Chapter 4. He confirms that in those days its majesty was such that all the fronts of their houses were nearly covered with gold, following the Roman custom. There was also a famous university there, which had 200 philosophers; in addition, two impressive churches were built in memory of Julius and Aaron, two British martyrs, making it well-regarded as the third metropolitan see in Britain. But back to our river, which I've read is one of the largest in South Wales, and large ships could easily reach the town of Caerleon, as they did during Roman times, if Newport bridge weren't a hindrance; however, big boats can still navigate there. It's about eight Welsh or twelve English miles from Chepstow or Strigull, and some believe it to be in low Wenceland, although others disagree. Regardless, this river is considered the boundary of Brecknockshire, just as the Renni is central to Wenceland and Glamorganshire. But let's set aside these side matters and focus on the description of the water.

Vske. You shall vnderstand that the Vske or Wiske, in Latin Osca riseth in the blacke mounteins ten miles aboue Brechnocke toward Carmardine, the hill being properlie called Yminidh Duy out of which it falleth, and situate in the verie confines betwéene Brechnocke and Carmardine shires, from whence winding into the northeast, it commeth to Trecastle, and in the Craie. waie betwéene it and Capell Ridburne, it taketh in the Craie brooke, on the right hand before it come to Ridburne chappell. Going also from Sennie. thence toward Deuinocke, it crosseth the Senneie on the same side (which Camblas.
Brane.
riseth aboue Capell Senneie) next of all the Camblas, & at Aberbraine, the Brane, or the Bremich, whose head is thrée miles from Brechnocke, and running by Lanihangle, it méeteth I saie with the Vske, about master Yster. Awbries manor. Beneath Aber Yster, it receiueth the Yster, which riseth northwest aboue Martyr Kinoch, and commeth by Battell chappell, and going from thence by Lanspithed and Newton, it runneth in the end to Hodneie. Brechnocke, where it taketh in the Hodneie or Honthie on the one side, whose head is in Blaine Hodneie, and comming downe from thence by Defrune chappell, Lanihangle and Landiuilog, it méeteth with the Vske or Brechnocke townes end, which of the fall of this water was sometime called Aberhodni, as I haue beene informed: on the other halfe likewise Tertarith. it receiueth the Tertarith that riseth among the Bane hils, fiue miles from Brechnocke, and commeth likewise into the verie suburbs of the towne, beneath Trenewith, or new Troie, whereby it taketh the course.

Vske. You should know that the Vske or Wiske, in Latin Osca, rises in the Black Mountains, about ten miles above Brecon towards Carmarthen. The hill it comes from is called Yminidh Duy, located right on the border between Brecon and Carmarthen shires. From there, it winds northeast to Trecastle, and on the way, between it and Capel Ridburne, it takes in the Crai brook on the right before reaching Ridburne Chapel. Continuing from there toward Dinas, it crosses the Senni on the same side (which rises above Capel Senni), then follows the Camblas, and at Aberbrin, it meets the Brane, or Bremich, which starts three miles from Brecon, running by Llangynidr before coming together with the Vske near Mr. Awbrie's manor. Below Aber Yster, it receives the Yster, which rises northwest above Martyr Kinnock, passing by Battle Chapel, and then flowing past Llangattock and Newton, ultimately leading into Brecon. There, it takes in the Hodneie or Honthie on one side, which originates in Blaen Hodneie, coming down from there past Defynnog Chapel, Llangynidr, and Llandewy, where it meets the Vske at the edge of Brecon town, which was once called Aberhodni because of the flow of this water, as I've been informed. On the other side, it also receives the Tertarith, which rises among the Bane hills, five miles from Brecon, and flows into the very outskirts of the town, below Trenewith, or New Troy, following that route.

Kinuricke. After these confluences, the Vske procéedeth on toward Aberkinurike, or the fall of a water whose head is in the roots of Menuchdennie hill, and passage by Cantreffe. Thence it goeth by Lanhamlaghe, Penkethleie castell, Lansanfreid, Landettie, Langonider, and soone after receiuing Riangall. the Riangall (which riseth about the hill whereon Dinas castell standeth, and runneth by Lanihangle and Tretoure) it passeth betwéene Laugattocke and Cerigkhowell, to Langroinie, and there about crosseth Groini. the Groinie brooke, that descendeth from Monegather, Arthur hill, by Peter church, as I find. When the Vske is past this brooke, it taketh in thrée other short rils, from by south within a little distance, whereof Cledoch Vaur.
Fidan.
Cledochvehā.
the first hight Cledoch Vaur, the second Fidan, and the third Cledochvehan. Of these also the last falleth in néere to Lanwenarth. From hence the Vske runneth to Abergeuenni towne, where it méeteth
Kebbie.
with the Kebbie water from by north, that riseth short of Bettus
Geuenni.
chappell aboue the towne, and the Geuennie that descendeth from aboue Landilobartholl beneath not farre from Colbroke, and so goeth on to Hardwijc, beneath which it crosseth thrée namelesse rilles, on the right hand or southwest side before it come at Lanihangle vpon Vske, of whose courses I know not anie more than that they are not of anie length, nor the chanell of sufficient greatnesse seuerallie to intreat of. Betwéene Birthin. Kemmeis and Trostreie it meeteth with such an other rill that commeth Caer Vske standeth on one side of Vske, and Caerleon on the other, but Caer Vske by diuerse miles further into the land. downe by Bettus Newith. Thence it goeth to Caer Vske or Brenbigeie (whose bridge, I mene that of Vske, was ouerthrowne by rage of this riuer, in the six and twentith yeare of king Henrie the eight, vpon saint Hughes daie after a great snow) but yer it come there, it receiueth the Birthin on the right hand, which is a pretie water, descending from two heads, whereof the first is northwest of Manihilot, as the other is of Lanihangle and Pentmorell.

Kinuricke. After these junctions, the Vske flows on towards Aberkinurike, or the point where a waterfall begins from the roots of Menuchdennie hill, passing by Cantreffe. Next, it goes by Lanhamlaghe, Penkethleie castle, Lansanfreid, Landettie, Langonider, and shortly after receiving the Riangall. the Riangall (which rises near the hill where Dinas castle is located, and flows by Lanihangle and Tretoure) passes between Laugattocke and Cerigkhowell, reaching Langroinie, where it crosses Groin. the Groinie brook, which flows down from Monegather, Arthur hill, near Peter church, as I have found. Once the Vske is past this brook, it takes in three other short streams from the south, all close together, of which Cledoch Vaur.
Fidan.
Cledochvehā.
the first is called Cledoch Vaur, the second Fidan, and the third Cledochvehan. Of these, the last one flows near Lanwenarth. From here the Vske continues to Abergeuenni town, where it meets Kebbie. the Kebbie water coming from the north, which rises just short of Bettus Geuenni. chapel above the town, and the Geuennie that flows down from above Landilobartholl, not far from Colbroke, and then moves on to Hardwijc, where it crosses three unnamed streams on the right or southwest side before reaching Lanihangle upon Vske, about whose paths I do not know anything more than that they are short, nor is the channel wide enough to discuss individually. Between Birthing. Kemmeis and Trostreie, it meets another stream coming Caer Vske is on one side of Vske, while Caerleon is on the other, but Caer Vske is several miles farther inland. down by Bettus Newith. Then it proceeds to Caer Vske or Brenbigeie (where the Vske bridge was destroyed by the raging river in the twenty-sixth year of King Henry the Eighth, on St. Hugh's Day following heavy snowfall) but before it arrives there, it receives the Birthin on the right, which is a lovely water originating from two sources; one is northwest of Manihilot, and the other is near Lanihangle and Pentmorell.

Elwie. Next vnto this it ioineth with the Elwie aboue Lanbadocke, whose head is [Page 127] east of Penclase, and running westwards by Penclase, Lanislen, Langowen (and beneath Landewie taking in a brooket from Ragland castell, that commeth downe thither by Ragland parke) it bendeth southwest, vntill it come at the Vske, which crinkling towards the south, and going by Lanhowell, méeteth with three rilles before it come to Marthenie chappell, whereof the first lieth on the right hand, and the other on the left: the midlemost falling into the same, not farre from Lantressen, as I haue béene informed. From the mouth of the Romeneie to the mouth of the Taffe are two miles. Certes the Taffe is the greatest riuer in all Glamorganshire, (called by Ptolomie Rhatostathybius, as I gesse) and the citie Taffe it selfe of good countenance, sith it is indued with the cathedrall see of a bishop. The course of the water in like maner is verie swift, and bringeth oft such logs and bodies of trées withall from the wooddie hilles, that they doo not seldome crush the bridge in péeces, but for so much as it is made with timber it is repaired with lighter cost, wheras if it were of hard stone, all the countrie about would hardlie be able to amend it. It riseth in Brechnockshire among the woodie hilles, from two heads, whereof one is in Monuchdenie, the other west of that mounteine, of which the first called Taffe vaure, goeth by Capell lan vehan, Vainor, and Morlais, the other by Capell Nantie, and ioining at southwest beneath Morlais castle, they go to Martyr Tiduill, and toward Lannabor, but by the waie it taketh in from northwest a brooke called Cunnon, which commeth out of Brechnockshire by Abardare, and afterward the Rodneie comming out of the same quarter (but not out of the same shire) which runneth by Estridinodoch, a crotched brooke, & therefore diuided into Rodneie vaure, & Rodneie vehan, that being ioined with the Taffe, doth run on withall to Eglefilian, castle Coch, Whitchurch, Landaffe, Cardiffe, and so into the sea, not far from Pennarth point, where also the Laie dooth bid him welcome vnto his chanell or streame. Furthermore, from Marthellie it hasteth to Kemmeis, and yer it come at Caerleon or Chester in the south, taketh in two waters on the right hand, of which the first commeth downe from the north betweene Landgwie, Landgweth, and by Lhan Henoch, without anie further increase: but the other is a more beautifull streame, called Auon, and thus described as I find it among Auon. my pamphlets. The Auon riseth in the hilles that séeme to part Monemouth and Brechenocke shires in sunder, and after a rill receiued from Blorench hill on the northside of the same, running downe from thence by Capell Newith and Triuethin, it receiueth a water from by south almost of equall course, and from that quarter of the countrie, and in processe of time another little one from the same side, yer it come to Lanurgwaie and Lanihangle, from whence it goeth to Guennocke and Penrose, & so in Vske before it go by Caerleon. But here you must note, that the course of this streame ioining beneath Quenocke chappell, with the other which descendeth (as I said) from the hilles about foure miles aboue Landgwaie and Langweth, dooth make an Iland aboue Caerleon, where Penrose standeth, & much Romane coine is found of all sorts, so that the influence of the one into the other séemeth to me to be but a draine deuised by man, to kéepe the citie from the violence of such water as otherwise would oft annoie the same.

Elwie. Next to this, it joins with the Elwie above Lanbadocke, whose source is [Page 127] east of Penclase, and runs westward past Penclase, Lanislen, Langowen (and beneath Landewie, it takes in a small stream from Ragland Castle that flows down through Ragland Park) it bends southwest until it reaches the Vske, which winds towards the south and passes by Lanhowell, meeting three small streams before it gets to Marthenie Chapel, where the first lies on the right, and the other on the left: the middle one joins the same stream not far from Lantressen, as I have been informed. From the mouth of the Romeneie to the mouth of the Taffe is two miles. Certainly, the Taffe is the largest river in all Glamorganshire, (called Rhatostathybius by Ptolemy, I guess) and the city of Taffe itself is quite impressive, as it has a cathedral bishopric. The water flows very quickly and often brings logs and tree trunks from the wooded hills that sometimes crush the bridge into pieces; since it is made of timber, it is cheaper to repair, whereas if it were made of hard stone, the surrounding area would hardly be able to fix it. It rises in Brechnockshire among the wooded hills, from two sources, one in Monuchdenie, the other west of that mountain, with the first called Taffe Vaure, flowing by Capell Lan Vehan, Vainor, and Morlais, the other by Capell Nantie, and joining at the southwest beneath Morlais Castle, they flow toward Martyr Tiduill and heading towards Lannabor, but on the way it takes in from the northwest a stream called Cunnon, which comes from Brechnockshire by Abardare, and afterward the Rodneie coming from the same area (but not from the same shire) which runs by Estridinodoch, a winding stream, and thus divided into Rodneie Vaure and Rodneie Vehan, that joined with the Taffe, continues on to Eglefilian, Castle Coch, Whitchurch, Landaffe, Cardiff, and into the sea not far from Pennarth Point, where the Laie also welcomes it into its channel or stream. Furthermore, from Marthellie, it rushes to Kemmeis, and before it reaches Caerleon or Chester in the south, it takes in two streams on the right, the first coming down from the north between Landgwie, Landgweth, and near Lhan Henoch, without any further additions: but the other is a prettier stream, called Auon, which I have described as I find it among my notes. The Auon rises in the hills that seem to separate Monmouth and Breckenock shires, and after receiving a stream from Blorench Hill on the north side, flowing down from there by Capell Newith and Triuethin, it takes in a stream from the south almost of equal size, and in the course of time another smaller one from the same side before it reaches Lanurgwaie and Lanihangle, from where it goes to Guennocke and Penrose, and then into Vske before passing by Caerleon. But here you must note that the course of this stream, joining beneath Quenocke Chapel with the other which descends (as I said) from the hills about four miles above Landgwaie and Langweth, creates an island above Caerleon, where Penrose stands, and many Roman coins are found of all kinds, so that the connection of one to the other seems to be merely a drainage system devised by humans to keep the city safe from the flooding that would otherwise frequently disturb it.

Being past Caerleon it runneth to Crindie, where maister Harbert dwelleth, and there carieng another brooke withall, that riseth north of Tomberlow hill, and descendeth by Henlis and Bettus chappell, it runneth forth to Newport (in Welch castle Newith) and from thence vnder a bridge, Ebowith. after thrée or foure miles course to the sea, taking the Ebowith water withall, which méeteth with the same almost in the verie mouth or fall, and riseth in the edge of Brecknoch shire, or (as Leland saith) high Winceland, from two heads of which one is called Eberith Vehan, the other Eberith Mawr, as I haue beene informed. The course of the first head is by Blamgrent, and after the confluence they passe togither by Lanhileth, and comming by west of Tomberlow hill (crossing a rill, from Serowie. north east by the waie) it taketh in thereabout the Serowie, that runneth by Trestrent, & is of lesse race hitherto than the Ebowith, and from that same quarter. After this confluence it goeth to Risleie, Rocheston castell, next of all thorough a parke, and so by Greenefield castell, and is not long yer it fall into the sea, being the last issue that I doo find in the countie, [Page 128] which beareth the name of Monemouth, and was in old time a part of the region of the Silures.

Beyond Caerleon, it flows to Crindie, where Mr. Harbert lives. It also carries another stream that rises north of Tomberlow Hill and flows down by Henlis and Bettus Chapel, eventually reaching Newport (in Welsh, Newith). From there, it goes under a bridge, Ebowith. After a journey of three or four miles to the sea, it meets the Ebowith water at its mouth, which comes from the edge of Brecknockshire, or (as Leland puts it) high Winceland. One source is called Eberith Vehan, and the other Eberith Mawr, as I’ve learned. The course of the first head goes by Blamgrent, and after they merge, they flow together past Lanhileth, coming from the west of Tomberlow Hill (crossing a stream from Serow. northeast along the way). It picks up the Serowie there, which flows by Trestrent, and is smaller at this point than the Ebowith, coming from the same region. After this joining, it continues to Risleie, Rocheston Castle, then through a park, and finally by Greenefield Castle. It isn’t long before it reaches the sea, marking the final outlet I can find in the county, [Page 128] which is called Monmouth and was once part of the territory of the Silures.

Romeneie. The Romenie or (as some corruptlie call it) the Nonneie, is a goodlie water, and from the head a march betwéene Monemouth & Glamorgan shires. The head hereof is aboue Egglins Tider vap Hoell otherwise called Fanum Theodori, or the church of Theodorus, whence commeth manie springs, & taking one bottome, the water is called Canoch and not Romeneie till it be come to Romeneie. It receiueth no water on the east side, but on the west diuerse small beckes, whereof three (and one of them called Ifra) are betwéene the rising and Brathetere chappell, the fourth cōmeth in by Capell Gledis, and Kethligaire, the fift from betwéene the Faldraie and Lanuabor, the sixt & seuenth before it come to Bedwas, and the eight ouer against Bedwas it selfe from chappell Martin, Cairfillie castell, and Thauan, after which confluences it runneth on by Maghan, Keuen, Mableie and Romeneie, & yer long crossing a becke at north west that commeth from aboue Lisuan, Lamssen and Roch, it falleth into the sea, about six miles from the Wisbe, and albeit the mouth therof be nothing profitable for ships, yet is it also a march betwéene the Silures and Glamorganshire.

Romeneie. The Romenie, or as some mistakenly call it, the Nonneie, is a beautiful river, forming a boundary between Monemouth and Glamorgan shires. The source is above Egglins Tider vap Hoell, also known as Fanum Theodori, or the Church of Theodorus, from which many springs emerge. Once it picks up a bottom, the water is referred to as Canoch and is not called Romeneie until it reaches Romeneie. It receives no water on the east side, but on the west, it takes in various small streams, three of which (one named Ifra) are located between the rising and the Brathetere chapel. The fourth flows in by Capell Gledis, the fifth comes from between the Faldraie and Lanuabor, the sixth and seventh join before it reaches Bedwas, and the eighth, directly opposite Bedwas, comes from chapel Martin, Cairfillie castle, and Thauan. After these confluences, it flows past Maghan, Keuen, Mableie, and Romeneie and soon crosses a stream from above Lisuan, Lamssen, and Roch, before emptying into the sea about six miles from the Wisbe. Although the mouth isn’t useful for ships, it still serves as a boundary between the Silures and Glamorganshire.

Laie. The Laie falleth into the sea a mile almost from the Taffe, and riseth in the hilles aboue Lantrissent (for all the region is verie hillie.) From whence comming by Lantrissent and Auercastell, it runneth by Coit Marchan parke, Lambedder, S. Brides, Lhannihangle, saint Fagans and Elaie, Leckwith, Landowgh, Cogampill, and so into the sea, without anie Dunelais. maner increase by anie rils at all sauing the Dunelais, which riseth foure miles from his fall, east northeast, and meeteth withall a little more than a quarter of a mile from Pont Velim Vaur, and likewise by west, Methcoid. the Methcoid that commeth from Glinne Rodeneie, and wherein to the Pedware. Pedware dischargeth that small water gathered in his chanell. Here will I staie a little and breake off into a discourse, which Leland left also as parcell of this coast who toucheth it after this maner.

Laie. The Laie flows into the sea about a mile from the Taffe and rises in the hills above Lantrissent (since the whole area is very hilly). Coming from Lantrissent and Auercastell, it runs by Coit Marchan Park, Lambedder, St. Brides, Lhannihangle, St. Fagans, Elaie, Leckwith, Landowgh, Cogampill, and then into the sea, without any increase from other streams except for the Dunelais, which rises four miles from where it falls, to the east northeast, and meets with it just over a quarter of a mile from Pont Velim Vaur, and also from the west, Methcoid. the Methcoid that comes from Glinne Rodeneie, where the Pedware. Pedware discharges that small water collected in its channel. Here I will pause for a moment and break off into a discussion that Leland also mentioned as part of this coast, which he touches upon in this manner.

Laie. From Taffe to Laie mouth or Ele riuer a mile, from Laie mouth (or rather Thawan. Penarth, that standeth on the west point of it) to the mouth of Thawan riuer (from whence is a common passage ouer vnto Mineheued in Summersetshire of 17 miles) are about seuen Welsh miles, which are Scilleie. counted after this maner. A mile and a halfe aboue Thawan is Scilleie hauenet (a pretie succour for ships) whose head is in Wenno paroch two Barrie. miles and a halfe from the shore. From Scilleie mouth to Aber Barrie a mile, and thither commeth a little rill of fresh water into Sauerne, whose head is scant a mile off in plaine ground by northeast, and right This Ile went fiftie yeares agone for x. pounds. against the fall of this becke lieth Barrie Iland a flight shot from the shore at the full sea. Halfe a mile aboue Aber Barrie is the mouth of Come kidie. Come kidie, which riseth flat north from the place where it goeth into the Sauerne, and serueth oft for harbour vnto sea-farers. Thence to the mouth of Thawan are thrée miles, wherevnto ships may come at will.

Laie. From Taffe to Laie mouth or Ele river is a mile, and from Laie mouth (or rather Thawan. Penarth, which is at its western point) to the mouth of Thawan river (which has a common crossing to Minehead in Somerset, 17 miles away) is about seven Welsh miles, calculated like this. A mile and a half above Thawan is Scilleie haven (a nice safe spot for ships) whose entrance is in Wenno parish, two Barrie. miles and a half from the shore. From Scilleie mouth to Aber Barrie is a mile, and a small stream of fresh water flows into the Severn here, coming from just under a mile away on flat land to the northeast, right This island sold for £10 fifty years ago. across from the mouth of this stream lies Barry Island, a short distance from the shore at high tide. Half a mile above Aber Barrie is the mouth of Come here, kid. Come kidie, which rises flat from where it enters the Severn and often serves as a harbor for sailors. From there to the mouth of Thawan is three miles where ships can come easily.

Colhow. Two miles aboue Thawan is Colhow, whither a little rill resorteth from Lau Iltuit, thence to the mouth of Alen foure miles, that is a mile to
Alen.
saint Dinothes castell, and thrée miles further. The Alen riseth by northeast vp into the land at a place called Lhes Broimith, or Skirpton, about foure miles aboue the plot where it commeth by it selfe into Ogur. Sauerne. From thence to the mouth of Ogur aliàs Gur thrée miles. Then
Kensike.
Auon.
come they in processe of time vnto the Kensike or Colbrooke riuer, which is no great thing, sith it riseth not aboue three miles from the shore. From Kensike to Aber Auon two miles, and herein doo ships molested with weather oftentimes séeke harborough. It commeth of two armes, wherof that which lieth northeast is called Auon Vaur, the other that lieth northwest Auon Vehan. They meet togither at Lhanuoie Hengle, about two miles aboue Aber Auon village, which is two miles also from the sea.

Colhow. Two miles above Thawan is Colhow, where a small stream comes from Lau Iltuit, then flows to the mouth of Alen four miles away, which is one mile from Alen. Saint Dinothes' castle, and three miles further. The Alen rises in the northeast and runs inland at a place called Lhes Broimith, or Skirpton, about four miles above where it flows into Ogur. Sauerne. From there to the mouth of Ogur, also known as Gur, is three miles. Then Kensike. Auon. over time they reach the Kensike or Colbrooke river, which isn't very significant since it rises no more than three miles from the shore. From Kensike to Aber Auon is two miles, and ships troubled by bad weather often seek refuge here. It comes from two branches, one that flows northeast called Auon Vaur, and the other flowing northwest called Auon Vehan. They meet at Lhanuoie Hengle, about two miles above Aber Auon village, which is also two miles from the sea.

Neth. From hence to the Neth is about two miles and a halfe, thereon come shiplets almost to the towne of Neth from the Sauerne. From the mouth of Neth vnto the mouth of Crimline becke is two miles, and being passed the Tauie. same we come vnto the Tauie, which descendeth from the aforesaid hilles and falleth into the sea by east of Swanseie. Being past this we come Lochar. vnto the Lichwr, or Lochar mouth, and then gliding by the Wormes head, [Page 129]
Wandres.
we passed to the Wandresmouth, wherof I find this description following Vendraith Vaur, Vendraith Vehan. in Leland. Both Vendraith Vaur and Vendraith Vehan rise in a péece of Carmardineshire, called Issekenen, that is to saie, the low quarter about Kennen riuer, and betwixt the heads of these two hils is another hill, wherein be stones of a gréenish colour, whereof the inhabitants make their lime. The name of the hill that Vendraith Vaur riseth in, is called Mennith Vaur, and therein is a poole as in a moorish ground, named Lhintegowen, where the principall spring is, and this hill is eight or nine miles from Kidwellie: the hill that Vendraith Vehan springeth out of, is called Mennith Vehan, and this water commeth by Kidwellie towne.

Netherlands. The distance to the Neth is about two and a half miles, and small boats can reach the town of Neth from the Sauerne. From the mouth of the Neth to the mouth of Crimline Beck is two miles, and after passing that, we reach the Tauie. Tauie, which flows down from the aforementioned hills and empties into the sea east of Swansea. After that, we come to the Loch. Lichwr, or Lochar mouth, and then glide past the Worm's Head, [Page 129] Wandres. and proceed to the Wandresmouth, where I found the following description Vendraith Vaur, Vendraith Vehan. in Leland. Both Vendraith Vaur and Vendraith Vehan originate from a part of Carmarthen-shire called Issekenen, which means the low quarter around the Kennen river. Between the heads of these two hills is another hill that has stones of a greenish color, which the locals use to make lime. The hill where Vendraith Vaur rises is called Mennith Vaur, and it has a pool like a marshy area named Lhintegowen, which is the main spring, and this hill is eight or nine miles from Kidwelly. The hill that Vendraith Vehan springs from is called Mennith Vehan, and this water flows by the town of Kidwelly.

But about thrée or foure miles yer it come thither, it receiueth a brooke called Tresgirth, the course whereof is little aboue a mile from the place where it goeth into Vendraith, and yet it hath foure or fiue tucking milles and thrée corne milles vpon it. At the head of this brooke is an hole in the hilles side, where men often enter and walke in a large space. And as for the brooke it selfe, it is one of the most plentifull and commodious that is to be found in Wales. All along the sides also of Vendraith Vaur, you shall find great plentie of sea-coles. There is a great hole by head of Vendraith Vehan, where men vse to enter into vaults of great compasse, and it is said, that they maie go one waie vnder the ground to Wormes head, and another waie to Cairkemen castell, which is three miles or more into the land. But how true these things are, it is not in me to determine; yet this is certeine, that there is verie good hawking at the Heron in Vendraith Vehan. There are diuerse prints of the passage of certeine worms also in the caue, at the head of Vendraith Vehan, as the inhabitants doo fable: but I neuer heard of anie man that saw anie worme there, and yet it is beléeued that manie wormes are there. Hitherto out of Leland. But now to returne to mine owne course.

But about three or four miles before it reaches there, it receives a stream called Tresgirth, which flows just over a mile from where it enters Vendraith, and yet it has four or five tucking mills and three corn mills along it. At the source of this stream, there's a hole in the hillside where people often enter and walk in a large space. As for the stream itself, it is one of the most plentiful and accessible in Wales. Along the sides of Vendraith Vaur, you'll find a great abundance of sea coal. There’s a large hole at the head of Vendraith Vehan, where people typically enter vaults of considerable size, and it is said that they can go one way underground to Worms Head and another way to Caerkemen Castle, which is three miles or more inland. But how true these claims are, I can't say; what I do know for sure is that there's excellent hawking for herons in Vendraith Vehan. There are also various prints of certain worms in the cave at the head of Vendraith Vehan, according to local legends, but I've never heard of anyone actually seeing a worm there, yet it's believed that many worms exist. Up to this point, it's from Leland. But now, back to my own course.

Laie. Leauing the Laie, which some call Elaie, and passing the Pennarth baie, that lieth betwéene the Pennarth and the Lauerocke points, we left Scillie Ilet (which lieth on the mouth of Scillie hauen before Barrie. described) and came vnto the Barrie, whose head is aboue Wrinston castell, and from whence he runneth by Deinspowis, Cadoxton, Barrie, and so into the sea.

Laie. Leaving the Laie, also known as Elaie, and passing through the Pennarth bay, which lies between the Pennarth and Lauerocke points, we left Scillie Island (located at the entrance of Scillie harbor as previously described) and arrived at the Barrie, whose source is above Wrinston castle, flowing past Deinspowis, Cadoxton, Barrie, and then out to sea.

Aberthaw. Being past the Barrie water, we come to a fall called Aberthaw, which riseth two or thrée miles aboue Lansanor, and going by Welch Newton, it commeth at length to Cowbridge, and from thence goeth to Lanblethian, Landoch, Beanpéere, Flimston, Gilston, and betweene the east and the west Aberthaw, & into the Sauerne sea. But yer it come all there it receiueth a brooke called Kensan, or Karnsan, or Kensech, on the east side, whose head is east of Bolston, & comming by Charnelhoid, Lhancaruan, & Lancadle, it falleth into the former aboue either of the Kensan. Thawans. Leland saith, that Kensan hath two heads, whereof the more northerlie called Brane, lieth in Luenlithan, and runneth seauen miles before it méet with the other. Leauing this water we sailed on, casting about the Nash point, omitting two or thrée small waters (whereof Leland hath alreadie as ye see made mention) because I haue nothing more to add vnto their descriptions, except it be, that the Colhow taketh in a rill from Lan Iltruit, of whose course (to saie the truth) I haue no manner of knowledge.

Aberthaw. After passing the Barrie water, we reach a waterfall called Aberthaw, which is located two or three miles above Lansanor. It flows past Welch Newton, eventually reaching Cowbridge, and then continues on to Lanblethian, Landoch, Beanpéere, Flimston, Gilston, and between East and West Aberthaw, finally into the Severn Sea. But before it gets there, it receives a stream called Kensan, or Karnsan, or Kensech, on the east side, which originates east of Bolston. Flowing past Charnelhoid, Lhancaruan, and Lancadle, it falls into the main water above either of the Kensan. Thawans. Leland says that Kensan has two sources, the more northern one called Brane, which is located in Luenlithan and runs seven miles before it meets the other. Leaving this water, we continued sailing, rounding Nash point and skipping over two or three small streams (of which Leland has already mentioned, as you can see), because I have nothing more to add to their descriptions, except that the Colhow takes in a stream from Lan Iltruit, of whose course (to be honest) I have no knowledge at all.

Ogur. The Ogur or Gur, which some call the Ogmur, is a well faire streame (as we were woont to saie in our old English) whose head is in the same hilles, where the Rodeneies are to be found, but much more westerlie, and running a long course yer it come to anie village, it goeth at the length beneath Languineuere or Langouodoch, to S. Brides vpon Ogur, then Wennie. to Newcastell, and Marthermaure, beneath which it méeteth the Wennie, halfe a mile from Ogur or Ogmur castell on the east side of the banke. It riseth fiue or six miles from this place, among the hilles, and comming downe at last by Lanharne, it crosseth a rill yer long from northeast, and the confluence passeth foorth by Coitchurch, Ogur castell, & so into the Ogur. Leland writing of the waters that fall into Garrow. this Ogur saith thus. Into the Ogur also resorteth the Garrow two miles aboue Lansanfride bridge, descending from Blaingarow. It taketh
Leuennie.
Corug.
furthermore (saith he) another called Leuennie rising in the parish of [Page 130] Glin Corug, at northwest, and then running two miles lower, vniteth it selfe with the Corug brooke, a little short thing, and worthie no longer speach. From this confluence the Leuennie goeth seauen miles further yer it meete with the Ogur on the west side, at Lansanfride, two miles aboue Penbowt. And so far Leland. But I wot not what he meaneth by it.

Ogre. The Ogur, also known as the Gur or sometimes the Ogmur, is a lovely stream (as we used to say in old English) that originates in the same hills where the Rodeneies are found, but much further west. It runs a long way before reaching any village, flowing eventually beneath Languineuere or Langouodoch, to St. Brides on Ogur, then Wennie. to Newcastle and Marthermaure, beneath which it meets the Wennie, half a mile from Ogur or Ogmur castle on the east bank. It rises five or six miles from this location, among the hills, and after flowing down by Lanharne, it crosses a stream not long after from the northeast, and the junction flows on by Coitchurch, Ogur castle, and into the Ogur. Leland, writing about the waters that flow into Garrow. this Ogur, says this: the Garrow also joins the Ogur two miles above Lansanfride bridge, flowing down from Blaingarow. It also takes Leuennie. Corug. another stream called Leuennie, which rises in the parish of Glin Corug to the northwest, and runs two miles downstream before merging with the Corug brook, a small stream not worthy of much mention. From this junction, the Leuennie flows another seven miles before it meets the Ogur on the west side at Lansanfride, two miles above Penbowt. And that's as far as Leland goes. But I'm not sure what he means by it.

Kensig. Next vnto the Ogur is the Kensig water, that commeth downe by the Pile Margan. and Kensig castell, and being past the same we crosse the Margan rill,
Auon.
where sir Edward Manxell dwelt, and so vnto Auon, which hauing two heads (as is said) the more easterlie of them commeth downe by Hauodaport chappell, the other by Glin Corug, Michaell church, Aber Auon, and so into the sea, yéelding also in time of néed a good harbour for ships to lodge and ride in. From hence we went along by the Cole pits to the Neth.
Nethuehan.
mouth of the Neth. The Neth is a faire water, rising of diuerse heads, whereof the more easterlie named Nethuehan riseth not farre from the head of the Kennon, and comming downe by Penedorin to Aberpirgwin it Nethuaur. receiueth Nethuaur, a little aboue the towne, which rising not farre southeast of the head of Tauie in Brecknoch shire (as all the rest doo) Trangarth.
Meltaie.
Hepsaie.
receiueth the Trangarth, the Meltaie and the Hepsaie, all which are accounted as members of his head in one chanell, about a mile or more before it ioine with Nethuehan. For as Trangarth riseth east of Nethuaur, so the Melta riseth by east of Trangarth, and ioineth with the same aboue Istrad wealthie, and a little beneath the same towne taketh in the Hepsaie. So that albeit their seuerall risings be half or a whole mile in sunder, yet haue they (in a maner) like distance from Aberpirgwin, and their finall confluence in the edge of Glamorganshire, which they directlie doo crosse. After these confluences, the maine streame runneth in and out by sundrie miles, and through the wooddie soiles, till it meet with Cledaugh, which ioineth with the same beneath the Resonlaie, and goeth withall to Lanisted, where it taketh in the Dulesse. Dulesse, whose head is aboue Chappell Krenaunt, in the marches of Brecknoch. Thence it goeth to Cador towne, or betwéene it and Lannistide, then to Neth towne, whither small vessels often come: and Cledoch. beneath the same receiuing the Cledoch that runneth by Kelebebilch (and also Neth abbeie where maister Crumwell dwelleth) it goeth on by Coitfranke forrest, Nethwood, Briton ferrie, and so into the sea.

Kensington. Next to the Ogur is the Kensig water, which flows down by the Pile Margan. and Kensig Castle. After passing it, we cross the Margan rill, Auon. where Sir Edward Manxell lived, and continue on to Auon, which has two sources (as they say); the more easterly one flows down by Hauodaport chapel, the other by Glin Corug, Michaell church, Aber Auon, and then into the sea, providing a good harbor for ships when needed. From here, we traveled along by the coal pits to the Neth.
Nethuehan.
mouth of the Neth. The Neth is a beautiful river, arising from various sources, with the more easterly one called Nethuehan, which emerges not far from the head of the Kennon, flowing down by Penedorin to Aberpirgwin, where it Nethuaur. receives Nethuaur, just above the town, which rises not far southeast of the head of Tauie in Brecknoch shire (like all the others do). It also takes in the Trangarth, the Meltaie, and the Hepsaie, all of which are considered as parts of its head in a single channel, about a mile or more before it merges with Nethuehan. For while Trangarth rises to the east of Nethuaur, the Melta flows by the east of Trangarth and merges with it above Istrad wealthie, and just below the same town, it incorporates the Hepsaie. So, although their individual sources are half a mile or a mile apart, they have (in a way) a similar distance from Aberpirgwin and their final merging at the edge of Glamorganshire, which they cross directly. After these joinings, the main stream travels in and out for several miles through the wooded terrain until it meets Cledaugh, which merges with it below the Resonlaie, and continues on to Lanisted, where it takes in the Dulles. Dulesse, whose source is above Chappell Krenaunt, in the borders of Brecknoch. From there, it goes to Cador town, or between it and Lannistide, then to Neth town, where small ships often arrive; and Cledoch. below that, it receives the Cledoch that flows by Kelebebilch (and also Neth Abbey where Master Crumwell lives) and continues on past Coitfranke forest, Nethwood, Briton ferry, and then into the sea.

Tauie. The Tauie riseth in the thickest of the blacke mounteines in Brecknochshire west of Nethnaur, and comming downe west of Calwen
Coilus.
chappell, it receiueth on the east banke a rill named Coiell that runneth thither by Coielburne chappell: and being thus vnited, the
Torch.
chanell passeth foorth by Istradgunles, and then méeting with the Turch or Torch water that cōmeth from the foot of the blacke mounteines, and is march to parcell of Caermardinshire, it runneth to Langoge, Lansamled, saint Iohns, Swanseie, and so into the Baie. Being past this, we come by another little fall, whose water runneth thrée or foure miles yer it come into Swanseie baie, but without name. Thence we go to the Crimline becke, whose description I neither haue, nor find anie great want therof. Wherfore going about by Oistermont castell, and Mumbles point, we passe foorth toward the southwest, by Penmarch point, til we Ilston. come to Ilston water, whose head is not farre within the land; and yet as it commeth thorough the woodland, and downe by Penmarch castell, a rill or two dooth fall into the same. Then casting about by Oxwich point, we go onward there by, and sailing flat north by the Holme (hauing passed the Wormeshead and S. Kennets chappell) and then Lochar. northeast by Whitford point, we went at length to the Lochar or Loghor, or as Lhoyd nameth it, the Lichwr, whose indraught for a certene space is march betwéene Caermardine and Glamorgan shires. It riseth aboue Gwenwie chappell, from whence it goeth Landbea, to and aboue Bettus Amond. receiueth a rill named Amond that entreth thereinto from northeast. Being past Bettus, it passeth by Laneddie, Arthelas bridge and ouer Combwilie. against Landilo Talabout, it crosseth from by west, the Combwilie by Morlais. west of Parkreame, and afterward the Morlais aboue Langnarch on the same side. Then comming to Loghor castell, it taketh in on the east side, the Lhu. Lhu, whose course is not aboue fiue miles, and thence loosing the name Burraie. of Lochar, it is called Burraie, as some gesse, vntill it come to the sea, where it parteth it selfe going on each side (of Bachannie Iland, a [Page 131] small thing) and not worthie for anie thing I read thereof, as yet to be particularlie described. From this water we passed (I saie) by Bachannies Ile, to the Aberlheddie water, whose head being in the hilles aboue Prenacrois, it passeth by Lhaneltheie, and thence into the sea. Dulesse. Then went we to the Dulesse a little rill, whose head is not farre from Trinsaren: thence by the Pembraie and Calicoit points, till we came Wandres. about to the Wandres or Vendraith mouth, whose description is partlie touched alreadie; but bicause it is not such as I would wish it to be, I will here after my owne maner deale somewhat further withall. Gwendrath or Vendraith vaur riseth in the lower ground, or not far from the hill Renneth Vaur, whereon castell Careg standeth, and descending by a pretie long course vnder sundrie bridges, commeth at the last to Glin, then to Capull Lanberie, and so vnto the sea, being little augmented with influences by the waie. Vendraith Vehan riseth a mile higher towards the north than Vendraith Vaur, but out of the same soile, & thence directing his course toward the southwest, it goeth by Lancharog, Langendarne, Capull Langell, Bithon, Leighdenie, Kidwillie, and so into the sea, about one mile from the fall of Vendraith Vaur.

Tauie. The Tauie rises in the heart of the black mountains in Brecknockshire, west of Nethnaur, and flows down west of Calwen Coilus. Chapel, where it receives a stream called Coiell that runs there by Coielburne Chapel. Once united, the Flashlight. waterway flows past Istradgunles. It then meets the Turch or Torch water, which comes from the base of the black mountains and marks part of the border between Caermardine and Glamorgan, flowing to Langoge, Lansamled, Saint John's, Swansea, and into the Bay. After this, there's another small fall, whose water travels three or four miles before it reaches Swansea Bay, but it doesn't have a name. From there, we move to the Crimline Beck, which I neither have details about nor find particularly necessary to describe. So, we continue around Oystermouth Castle and Mumbles Point, heading southwest past Penmarch Point until we Ilston. reach Ilston Water, which rises not far inland; as it flows through the woodland and down by Penmarch Castle, a stream or two joins it. Then, moving around Oxwich Point, we carry on and sail straight north by the Holme (after passing the Wormshead and St. Kennet's Chapel) and then northeast by Whitford Point, eventually reaching the Lochar or Loghor, or as Lhoyd calls it, the Lichwr, whose flow for a certain stretch marks the boundary between Caermardine and Glamorgan shires. It rises above Gwenwie Chapel, from where it flows to Landbea and above Bettus Almond. where it receives a stream named Amond that enters from the northeast. After passing Bettus, it flows by Laneddie, Arthelas Bridge, and over Combwilie. against Landilo Talabout, crossing from the west, the Combwilie by Morlais. west of Parkreame, and later the Morlais above Langnarch on the same side. Then, arriving at Loghor Castle, it takes in the Lhu. Lhu from the east, whose length is not more than five miles, and from there losing the name Burraie. of Lochar, it is called Burraie, as some suggest, until it reaches the sea, where it splits flow on both sides of Bachannie Island, a small piece of land not worthy of a detailed account. From this water, we passed (I say) by Bachannie Isle to Aberlheddie Water, which rises in the hills above Prenacrois, flowing past Lhaneltheie and then into the sea. Dulce. Then we visited the Dulesse, a small stream, which rises not far from Trinsaren; then by Pembraie and Calicoit Points, until we approached Wandres. the mouth of Wandres or Vendraith, whose description has been partly covered already; but because it isn't as thorough as I would like, I will delve into it more later. Gwendrath or Vendraith Vaur rises in the lower area, not far from the hill Renneth Vaur, where Castle Careg stands, and after a long journey under various bridges, it eventually reaches Glin, then Capull Lanberie, and so to the sea, with little increase along the way. Vendraith Vehan rises a mile farther north than Vendraith Vaur, but from the same terrain, and then flowing southwest, it passes through Lancharog, Langendarne, Capull Langell, Bithon, Leighdenie, Kidwillie, and so into the sea, about a mile from where Vendraith Vaur falls.

Towie. The Towie riseth in the mounteines of Elennith foure miles by southeast from Lintiue, and two from Lingonon, in a moorish ground foure & twentie miles from Caermardine, and in a forrest called Bishops forrest, midwaie betwixt Landwibreuie & Landanuerie castell. For fish, in my opinion, this is much better than the Taw or Taffe, whose head breedeth no fish, but if it be cast into it, they turne vp their bellies flote aloft and die out of hand. It parteth Brecknoch from Cardigonshire also for a Trausnant. certeine season, till it come by the water of Trausnant, that falleth thereinto from by east out of the confins of Brecknoch, vnto Pilin Tothée. capell, and so to Istrodefine, where it méeteth with the Tothee that commeth thither from Lhinuerwin where it riseth, and so through Rescoth Pescotter. forrest, vniting it selfe by the waie with the Pescotter, which mounting out of the ground in the edge of Cardigonshire, runneth along as a limit and march vnto the same, till it ioine with the Tothée, and both come togither beneath Istrodefine into Towie, which we haue now in hand. After this confluence it commeth to Lhanuair Awbreie, Lanihowell, and Lanimphfrie, and here it receiueth two waters in one chanell, whereof
Brane.
Gutherijc.
the first is called Brane, the other Gutherijc (which lieth more southerlie of the two) and fall (as I said) into Towie beneath
Dulesse.
Morlais.
Landonuereie, which runneth on till it méet with the first Dulesse that goeth by Lenurdie, then with the Morlais, and these on the northwest. Certes the Brane is a pretie brooke rising two or thrée miles aboue Capell Newith, and descending by Lanbrane and Vstradwalter, it méeteth (I saie) with the Gutherijc, whose head is west of Tridcastell in Brecknochshire, and thereby it is not a little increased. But to proceed with the Towie, which being past Lanimphfrie and a rill that méeteth with the same, descending from northwest of Lanurdan, it taketh in the influences of diuerse waters in one chanell, of which the greatest is called Modewie, and thereof I find this description.

TOWIE. The Towie rises in the mountains of Elennith, four miles southeast of Lintiue, and two miles from Lingonon, in a marshy area twenty-four miles from Caermardine, and in a forest called Bishop's Forest, situated between Landwibreuie and Landanuerie Castle. In my opinion, it's much better for fishing than the Taw or Taffe, whose source produces no fish. If any are thrown in, they float belly-up and die immediately. It also separates Brecknoch from Cardigonshire for a certain period until it reaches the water of Trausnant, which flows into it from the east, coming from the borders of Brecknoch, down to Pilin Trausnant. capell, and then to Istrodefine, where it meets the Tothee, which comes from Lhinuerwin where it rises. It then flows through the Rescoth Pescotter. forest, merging along the way with the Pescotter, which springs up at the edge of Cardigonshire and runs along as a boundary until it joins the Tothee, and both come together beneath Istrodefine into Towie, which we are discussing now. After this junction, it flows to Lhanuair Awbreie, Lanihowell, and Lanimphfrie, where it collects two rivers in one channel, which are called Brane. Gutherijc. The first is called Brane, and the second is Gutherijc (which lies further south of the two), and they flow (as I mentioned) into Towie below Dulesse.
Morlais.
Landonuereie, continuing on until they meet the first Dulesse flowing by Lenurdie, and then with the Morlais to the northwest. The Brane is a lovely brook that rises two or three miles above Capell Newith, flowing down through Lanbrane and Ustradwalter, where it meets (as I said) the Gutherijc, whose source is west of Tridcastell in Brecknochshire, thereby significantly increasing its flow. But to continue with the Towie, which, past Lanimphfrie, collects a stream that flows into it from the northwest of Lanurdan, taking in various waters in one channel, the largest of which is called Modewie, and I have this description of it.

Modewie. The Modewie, or (as some pronounce it) Motheuie, riseth of two heads, which ioining aboue Lanihangle, the streame runneth on till it méet with
Cledoch.
the Cledoch on the left hand, procéeding also further toward Langadocke, Sawtheie. it receiueth not far from thence the Sawtheie, whose two heads descend from the blacke mounteines or east edge of Carmardineshire (as mine Dulesse. 2. information leadeth me.) After this confluence the second Dulesse dooth méet with the Towie, whose head is in the hilles aboue Talthogaie abbeie, northwest from Langadocke full fiue miles: then comming downe by Landilovaur, Newton, Dinefar castell, and Golden groue, it receiueth the Dulesse. 3. third Dulesse from by north that commeth in by Lanihangle and Drislan
Cothie.
castell, and after that the Cothie, whose race is somewhat long, and therefore his description not vtterlie to be passed ouer.

Modewie. The Modewie, or (as some say) Motheuie, comes from two sources, which join above Lanihangle, and then the stream flows on until it meets with Cledoch. the Cledoch on the left side, continuing further toward Langadocke. Sawtheie. It picks up the Sawtheie not far from there, whose two sources come from the Black Mountains or the eastern edge of Carmarthenshire (as my Dulesse. 2. sources inform me). After this junction, the second Dulesse meets with the Towie, whose source is in the hills above Talthogaie Abbey, northwest from Langadocke, about five miles away. It then flows down by Landilovaur, Newton, Dinefar Castle, and Golden Grove, where it receives the Dulles. 3. third Dulesse from the north that comes in by Lanihangle and Drislan Cothie. Castle, and after that, the Cothie, which has quite a long course, so its description shouldn’t be completely overlooked.

Not farre from the head (which is three miles from Landanbreuie, vnder the hulke of Blame Icorne, a narrow passage, and therein manie heaps of stones) and somewhat beneath Lana Pinsent chappell, it taketh in the Turche. Turche becke that runneth thither from aboue Lanacroies: thence it goeth to Lansawell, Abergorlech, Breghuangothie, Lannigood, and so into Towie, Rauelthie. which hasting forward by chappell Dewie, receiueth the Rauelthie from by [Page 132]
Gwilie.
north, then the Gwilie from northwest, whose head is aboue Lanie Pinsent, and race by Canwell, Eluert, Comewilie, and Merling hill as I haue often heard. After this confluence with the Gwilie, the Towie goeth to Caermardine, then to Lanigang, then to Lanstephan, S. Ismaels, and so into the sea.

Not far from the head (which is three miles from Landanbreuie, under the bulk of Blame Icorne, a narrow passage, and there are many piles of stones) and just below Lana Pinsent chapel, it takes in the Turkey. The Turche creek flows down from above Lanacroies; from there it goes to Lansawell, Abergorlech, Breghuangothie, Lannigood, and then into Towie, Rauelthie. which quickly moves past chapel Dewie, receiving the Rauelthie from the [Page 132] Gwilie. from the north, then the Gwilie from the northwest, whose source is above Lanie Pinsent, flowing by Canwell, Eluert, Comewilie, and Merling hill as I have often heard. After this confluence with the Gwilie, the Towie goes to Caermardine, then to Lanigang, then to Lanstephan, S. Ismaels, and finally into the sea.

Taue. Next vnto the Towie is the Taue, whose head is in the blacke mounteines, as at the roots of Wrenni vaur hill in Pembrookeshire, from whence it
Dudderie.
runneth by Lanuurnach, Langludien, Lanualteg, and taking in the Dudderie from southwest, out of the same countie by Lanbederuelfraie, and Lindwie, Marlais. it goeth to Eglesware chappell, beneath which it crosseth the Marlais by north that runneth by Lanbedie and Whitland. Thence meeting with one Vennie. rill called Venni, as I take it, that commeth through Cardith forrest on Caire. the one side, and the Caire on the other that runneth into it west of
Carthkinnie.
Landowror, it hasteth to S. Clares, where it taketh in the Carthkinnie, Gow. or Barthkinnie (as Leland calleth it) and the Gow or Tow both in one chanell, of which the first riseth aboue Capell Bettus, from whence it runneth by Talacouthe, Kilsant, and Langinnin, the other issueth out of the ground aboue Trologh Bettus, by Midrun, & ioining with the former a little aboue S. Clares, they run into the Taue, and from thence to
Gowen.
Lanihangle, and betwéene it and Abercowen, admitteth finallie the Gowen or Gow streame, which comming likewise from the blacke mounteines, goeth by Ebbernant, & so into the Taue, who directeth his course by Lancharne castell, and then into the sea.

Taue. Next to the Towie is the Taue, whose source is in the black mountains, at the base of Wrenni Vaur hill in Pembrokeshire, from where it flows by Lanuurnach, Langludien, and Lanualteg, and takes in the Dudderie from the southwest, coming out of the same county near Lanbederuelfraie and Lindwie. It moves towards Eglesware chapel, beneath which it meets the Marlais from the north, which flows near Lanbedie and Whitland. Then it encounters a stream called Venni, I believe, flowing through Cardiff Forest on one side, and the Caire on the other that flows into it west of Landowror. It rushes to S. Clares, where it receives the Carthkinnie, or Barthkinnie (as Leland calls it) and the Gow or Tow both in one channel, with the first originating above Capell Bettus, flowing through Talacouthe, Kilsant, and Langinnin, while the other emerges from the ground above Trologh Bettus, by Midrun, and joins the former just above S. Clares. They flow into the Taue, which continues toward Lanihangle, and between it and Abercowen, it ultimately accepts the Gowen or Gow stream, which also comes from the black mountains, flowing by Ebbernant, and then into the Taue, which directs its course by Lancharne castle, and finally into the sea.

Gwair. The next water that we come to is the Gwair, which is but a small thing rising aboue Lambeder Velfraie, and going from thence by east of castell Merhie hill, Crumuier and Argwaire, it is not long yer it fall into the sea, and so we leaue Cairdinshire, and go ouer into Penbrooke. Then passed we by an other comming out of Rathe forrest called Coit Rathe, the water it selfe rising about Templeton. Thence leauing the Monkeston rocke, we came to Tenbie or Dinbechie Piscood, and passing into the port Brechnocke. betwéene the castell and S. Katharines rocke, we found it serued with two little backe waters, of so small countenance, that they are not worthie of anie further talke to be spent in their descriptions: yet the one séemeth to be called Florence brooke, the other Fresto, Gunfreston standing betwéene them both, when by their sight cannot perish. After From Londie to Caldie thirtie miles. this we passed betwéene Londie and an other Ilet or rocke lieng by northwest of the same, to Ludsop point, & so to Abertrewent, where I Trewent. found a sillie fresh water named Trewend that riseth a mile or thereabout within the land. From thence we went southwards by Brode hauen, till we came to S. Gowans point. Then gathering west and by north before we came at Shepe Iland, we found another fresh water, that riseth short of Kiriog Maharen, and running south of Vggarston, Windmill hill, or betwéene it and Castell Norton and Gupton, it holdeth on flat west all the waie till it come to the Ocean.

Gwair. The next river we encounter is the Gwair, which is a small stream that rises above Lambeder Velfraie and flows east of Castell Merhie hill, Crumuier, and Argwaire. It doesn’t take long before it empties into the sea, marking our exit from Cairdinshire and entrance into Penbrooke. We then passed another river coming out of Rathe forest called Coit Rathe, which originates near Templeton. After leaving Monkeston rock, we arrived at Tenbie or Dinbechie Piscood, and as we entered the harbor Brechnocke. between the castle and St. Katharine's rock, we found it served by two small backwaters that are so insignificant they aren’t really worth describing further. However, one seems to be called Florence brook, and the other Fresto, with Gunfreston situated between them, since it can’t be missed by sight. After It's thirty miles from Londie to Caldie. this, we passed between Londie and another islet or rock lying northwest of it, heading to Ludsop point, and then to Abertrewent, where I Trewent. found a small freshwater river named Trewend that rises about a mile inland. From there, we traveled southward past Brode haven until we reached St. Gowan's point. Then, turning west and slightly north before arriving at Sheep Island, we discovered another freshwater stream that rises just short of Kiriog Maharen, running south of Vggarston, Windmill hill, or between it and Castell Norton and Gupton, and it continues flat west all the way until it meets the ocean.

Pennar. Being passed this water, we cast about toward the northwest, by the Poptons and Pennar, till we came to the Pennar mouth, out of which the salt water issueth that in manor inuironneth Penbroke. From this (omitting sundrie salt créekes on both sides of the hauen, not appertinent to our purpose) we came to the fall of two waters in one chanell, aboue whose confluence Williamston parke standeth, and whereof one (a méere salt course) incloseth thrée parts of Carew castell. The other rising néere to Coit Rath forrest is a fresh, & going by Geffraiston, Creswell & Lawrenie, it leaueth the parke on the south side, & goeth into the hauen after confluence with the former.

Pennar. After passing this water, we headed northwest, by the Poptons and Pennar, until we reached the mouth of the Pennar, where salt water flows out, surrounding Pembroke. From here (skipping various salt creeks on both sides of the harbor, which aren't relevant to our discussion), we arrived at the junction of two rivers in one channel, above which Williamston Park is located. One of the rivers (a purely salt water flow) surrounds three sides of Carew Castle. The other, starting near Coit Rath Forest, is fresh water, and passing through Geffraiston, Creswell, and Lawrenie, it leaves the park on the south side and flows into the harbor after merging with the first river.

Now come I to the two swords, or hauen of Milford, whereinto two riuers Dugledu. direct their course from the northeast called Dugledu or the two swords,
Cultlell.
and betwéene them both is a rill which they call also Cultlell (that is to saie) the knife. Hereof riseth a merrie tale of a Welshman, that lieng in this place abroad all night in the cold weather, and peraduenture not verie well occupied, was demanded of his hostesse (where he did breake his fast the next morrow) at what inne he laie in the night precedent, bicause he came so soone to hir house yer anie of hir maids were vp? Oh good hostesse (quoth he) be contented, I laie to night in a dangerous estate, for I slept betweene two swords with a long knife at my heart; meaning indéed that he laie betwéene these two riuers, and his brest towards the south neere to the head of Cultlell. [Page 133] But to passe ouer these iests. Here Leland speaketh of a riuer called
Gwilie.
Gwilie, but where it riseth or falleth, he maketh no certeine report: wherefore it is requisit that I proceed according to my purpose.

Now I come to the two rivers at Milford, known as Dugledu or the two swords, which flow from the northeast, and between them is a stream they also call Cultlell (meaning "the knife"). This brings to mind a funny story about a Welshman who spent the night here in the cold and, perhaps, not in the best company. The next morning, when he was having breakfast at his hostess's place, she asked where he had stayed the previous night, since he had arrived so early before any of her maids were up. "Oh, good hostess," he replied, "be patient, I spent the night in a perilous situation, for I slept between two swords with a long knife at my heart," meaning he actually lay between the two rivers, facing south near the head of Cultlell. [Page 133] But let’s move past these jokes. Here Leland mentions a river called Gwilie, but he doesn’t specify where it rises or falls; therefore, I need to continue as planned.

The one of these swords is called Clotheie or Clothie, of which I find Clotheie. this short and breefe description. The Clothie riseth at the foot of Wrennie vaure hill and comming downe to Monachlodge, Langelman, Lannakeuen, and Egremond, it receiueth a rill from by northwest before it come at Lanhaddon castell, which commeth from aboue the moore by Clarbaston and Bletherston, his head arising in the hill west of Mancloghaie, as Leland dooth informe me. Yer long also and beneath Lanhaddon it taketh in another on the east side from Narbarth castell, comming by Robeston, then going by Cunaston, Slebach, Picton castell, Sister houses, Minware & Martheltwie, at Rise castell point west of Coit Dugledie. Kenles (as I haue béene informed) it taketh in the other sword, named Dugledie, wherof I read as followeth. The head of the Dugledie is somwhere at northwest, betwixt S. Laurences & S. Dugwels, from whence it runneth to Trauegarne, Redbaxton, & taking in a rill by the waie from Camrose at the west, it goeth to Hauerford or Hereford west, and there vniteth it selfe with a water, which peraduenture is the same that Gwilie. Leland called Gwilie. Certes it riseth short of Walton, and comming by S. Leonards chappell and Pendergest, it falleth I saie into the Dugledie, ouer against the towne of Hauerford or Herford west, but in Welsh Hufford; as Lhoid dooth set it downe. Beneath Herford it taketh in another water from south west, whose head is short of S. Margarets chappell, and enterance betweene Harraldston and Herford, which Harraldstone receiueth the name of Harrald the successour of Edward the confessour as some call him, who was a gréeuous mall vnto the Britons that remained in the time of the said Edward; as I haue noted elsewhere. Then the Dugledie still descending taketh in the Frese frō Fresethorpe, a rill of no great accompt, and therefore I go from it making hast vnto Culthell, & omitting two rils betwéene it and the Clotheie on the southside, of no great weight and moment. The Cultlhell commeth into the Dugledie beneath Bolston, with a streight course from by north, of three or foure miles, rising by west of Slebach, and comming by Bowlston, after whose vnition with the aforesaid water they run on as one till they méet with the Clothie, casting out by the waie sundrie salt créekes, as the maine chanell dooth from thence foorth vntill it passe the Sandie hauen, the Dale rode (whither a sillie fresh rill commeth of small value) & be come about againe to the large Ocean.

One of these rivers is called Clotheie or Clothie, which I have a short and brief description of. The Clothie rises at the foot of Wrennie Vaure Hill and flows down to Monachlodge, Langelman, Lannakeuen, and Egremond. It receives a stream from the northwest before reaching Lanhaddon Castle, which comes from above the moor at Clarbaston and Bletherston, its source located in the hill west of Mancloghaie, as Leland informs me. Not long after and below Lanhaddon, it takes in another stream on the east from Narbarth Castle, flowing by Robeston, then passing through Cunaston, Slebach, Picton Castle, Sister Houses, Minware & Martheltwie, at Rise Castle point west of Coit Kenles (as I have been told). Here it merges with another river called Dugledie, of which I read the following. The source of the Dugledie is located somewhere in the northwest, between St. Laurence's and St. Dugwel's, from where it flows to Trauegarne, Redbaxton, and takes in a stream from Camrose to the west, going towards Hauerford or Hereford west, where it unites with a river, which might be the same one that Leland referred to as Gwilie. Indeed, it rises just below Walton, and flowing by St. Leonard's chapel and Pendergest, it falls into the Dugledie, opposite the town of Hauerford or Hereford west, but in Welsh, it's Hufford; as Lhoid records it. Below Hereford, it takes in another stream from the southwest, whose source is just below St. Margaret's chapel, entering between Harraldston and Hereford, which Harraldstone is named after Harrald, the successor of Edward the Confessor, as some refer to him, who was a significant troublemaker for the Britons remaining during Edward's reign; as I have noted elsewhere. Then the Dugledie, continuing downstream, takes in the Frese from Fresethorpe, a stream of little importance, and so I will move on to Culthell, skipping over two minor streams between it and the Clothie on the south side, which are of no great significance. The Culthell enters the Dugledie below Bolston, straight from the north over a distance of about three or four miles, rising to the west of Slebach and flowing through Bowlston. After their joining, they flow together until they meet with the Clothie, while discarding several salt creeks along the way, as the main channel continues until it passes the Sandy Haven, with the Dale Road (where a small freshwater stream of little value comes in) and heads back out into the vast Ocean.

Having thus shewed the courses of those few fresh waters that come to Milford hauen, we cast about by the Blockehouse and S. Annes chappell Gateholme Ile. to Gateholme Ile, that lieth betwéene S. Annes and the Wilocke point, Stockholme Ile. directlie ouer against Stockeholme Iland that is situat further off into the sea, toward the southwest, and is full halfe so great as the Scalmeie that I elsewhere described. Betweene the Willocke point also Midland Ile. and the Scalmeie, directlie west is the Midland Ile, full so great as the Gateholme. As for the two rocks that lie by north and south of the Scalmeie, of which the one is called the Yardland stone, the other Mewstone, it shall not be greatlie requisit to stand on their discourses, sith they are such as may hardlie be taken for Ilands, and euen in like sort we may iudge of S. Brides Ile, which is southwest of Gresholme. Calthrop rode, & likewise of the Gresholme, whereof I find this short description. The Gresholme lieth directlie west of Scalmeie, from whence if you saile thither on the south side, you must néeds passe by the Mewstone rocke: if on the north of Scalmeie, you must leaue the Yarland stone on your left hand. Wherto if you note well the situation of these Ilands alreadie named, and confer them with the Ramseie and S. Dauids land, you shall find them to produce as it were two dangerous points, including the Bridbaie, wherein (notwithstanding the greatnesse) are 1000 perils, and no fresh brookes for me to deale withall. Finallie, hauing doubled the Willocke point, we thought it not good altogether to leaue that baie vnsearched, at lestwise to sée what Ilands might there be found, & long entred into the same, we beheld one which the men of S. Brides Iland. the countrie call S. Brides Iland, a verie little place and situate néere the land, before I came at Galtroie rode. From thence we went [Page 134] about by the little hauen, Doluach hauen, Caruaie hauen, Shirelace rocke, Carnbuddie, and Carnaie baies, Portelais, and so into the sound betwéene Ramseie and the point. In this sound likewise is a little Ile, almost annexed to the maine: but in the middest thereof, I meane of the sound, is a rocke called the horsse (a mile and more by north of Ribbie rocke, that lieth south east of Ramseie) and more infortunate than ten A sort of dangerous rocks lieng on a row upon the west end of South-wales called the Bishop & his clerkes. of Seians colts, but thanked be God I neuer came on his backe. Thence passing by S. Stephans, and Whitesand baies, we saluted the Bishop and his clerks, as they went on procession on our left side (being loth to take anie salted holie water at their hands) and came at last to the point called S. Dauids head, which Ptolomie calleth Octapitanum promontorium, except I be deceiued. But here gentle reader giue me leaue to staie a while, and insert the words of Leland touching the land called S. Dewies or S. Dauids land, whereof some men may peraduenture haue vse, his words are these. Being therefore past this hauen and point S. Dewie or Dauid all one. of Demetia, in casting about the coast we come to S. Dewies or S. Dauids land, which Ptolomie calleth Octapitanum promontorium, I read to be separated from the rest of the countrie much after this maner, although I grant that there may be and are diuerse other little creekes betwixt Newgale and S. Dauids head, and betwixt S. Dauids and Fischard, beside those that are héere mentioned out of a register of that house.

Having shown the paths of the few freshwaters that flow into Milford Haven, we turned towards the Blockhouse and St. Anne's Chapel Gateholme Island. to Gateholme Isle, which lies between St. Anne's and Willocke Point, Stockholm Island. directly across from Stockeholme Island, situated further out to sea, towards the southwest, and is about half the size of Scalmeie that I described elsewhere. Between Willocke Point Midland Island. and Scalmeie, directly west, is Midland Isle, which is about the same size as Gateholme. As for the two rocks located north and south of Scalmeie, one called Yardland Stone and the other Mewstone, it wouldn't be very necessary to elaborate on them since they can hardly be considered islands, and we can judge the same about St. Brides Isle, which is southwest of Gresholme. Calthrop rode, and likewise about Gresholme, of which I find this brief description. Gresholme lies directly west of Scalmeie; if you sail there on the south side, you'll have to pass by Mewstone rock; if on the north of Scalmeie, you must leave Yardland Stone on your left. If you pay attention to the location of these named islands and compare them with Ramseie and St. David's Land, you'll find they create two dangerous points surrounding Bridbaie, which, despite its size, holds 1,000 perils and no fresh streams for me to deal with. Finally, after rounding Willocke Point, we didn’t think it wise to leave that bay unsurveyed, at least to see what islands we could find there, and after entering it for a while, we saw one that the locals call St. Brides Island, a very small place situated near the land, before I reached Galtroie rode. From there, we moved around the little haven, Doluach Haven, Caruaie Haven, Shirelace Rock, Carnbuddie, and Carnaie Bays, Portelais, and then into the sound between Ramseie and the point. In this sound, there’s also a small island, almost connected to the mainland: but in the middle of it, I mean of the sound, is a rock called the Horse (a mile or more north of Ribbie Rock, which lies southeast of Ramseie) and it’s more unfortunate than ten A set of hazardous rocks lined up at the west end of South Wales known as the Bishop & his clerks. Seian's colts, but thank God I never encountered it. From there, passing by St. Stephen’s and Whitesand Bays, we greeted the Bishop and his clerks as they went in procession on our left side (being reluctant to take any blessed holy water from them) and finally arrived at the point called St. David’s Head, which Ptolemy calls Octapitanum Promontorium, unless I’m mistaken. But here, dear reader, allow me to pause for a moment and include the words of Leland regarding the land known as St. Dewies or St. David’s Land, which some may find useful; his words are these. Therefore, after passing this haven and the point of Demetia, as we circled around the coast, we come to St. Dewies or St. David’s Land, which Ptolemy calls Octapitanum Promontorium. I read that it is separated from the rest of the country in a manner quite like this, although I acknowledge that there are various other little creeks between Newgale and St. David’s Head, and between St. David’s and Fischard, besides those mentioned here from a register of that house.

As we turne therefore from Milford, S. Dauids land beginneth at Newgale, a créeke serued with a backe fresh water. Howbeit there is a baie before this creeke betwixt it and Milford. From hence about foure miles is Saluach. Saluach creeke, otherwise called Sauerach, whither some fresh water resorteth: the mouth also thereof is a good rescue for balingers, as it Portelais. (I meane the register) saith. Thence go we to Portelais three miles, Alen. where is a little portlet, whither the Alen that commeth through saint Dewies close dooth run. It lieth a mile south-west from S. Dewies, Portmaw. saint Stinans Chappell also is betwéene Portelais, and Portmaw. The next
Maw.
Pendwie.
Lanuehan.
is Port Maw, where I found a great estuarie into the land. The Pendwie halfe a mile from that: Lhand Vehan is thrée miles from Pendwie, where Tredine. is a salt créeke, then to Tredine three miles, where is another creeke
Langunda.
to Langunda, foure miles, and another créeke is there in like sort where fishermen catch herrings. Héere also the Gwerne riuer diuideth
Fischard.
Gwerne.
Penbidiane from Fischerdine Kemmeis land. From Langunda to Fischard at the Gwerne mouth foure miles, and here is a portlet or hauenet also for ships. And thus much of S. Dauids land.

As we leave Milford, St. David's land starts at Newgale, a creek fed by a fresh water stream. However, there is a bay in front of this creek, between it and Milford. From here, it’s about four miles to Saluach. Saluach creek, also known as Sauerach, where some fresh water flows in: its mouth is a good refuge for small boats, as Portela. (I mean the register) says. From there, we travel to Portelais, three miles, Alen. where there's a small port where the Alen from St. David’s Close runs. It lies a mile southwest from St. David’s, Portmaw. and St. Stinian's Chapel is also between Portelais and Portmaw. The next Maw. Pendwie. Lanuehan. is Port Maw, where I found a large estuary leading inland. Pendwie is half a mile from there; Lhand Vehan is three miles from Pendwie, where Tredine. there’s a salt creek, then it’s three miles to Tredine, where there’s another creek Langunda. to Langunda, four miles, and there’s another creek there where fishermen catch herring. Here, the Gwerne River divides Fischard. Gwerne. Penbidiane from Fischerdine Kemmeis land. From Langunda to Fischard at the mouth of the Gwerne is four miles, and there’s also a small port or haven for ships. And that’s all about St. David's land.

Besides this also, Leland in a third booke talketh of lhinnes and pooles, but for as much as my purpose is not to speake of lakes and lhinnes, I passe them ouer as hasting to Teifie, in Latine Tibius, and after Ptolomie Tuerobius or Tiuirobius, which is the next riuer that serueth for my purpose. And yet not forgetting to touch the Gwerne, for after we came from saint Dauids head, we coasted along toward the southeast, till wée came ouer against saint Catharins, where going northwards by the broad hauen, and the Strombles head, we sailed thence northeast, and by north, to Langlas head, then flat south by the Cow and Calfe (two cruell rockes) which we left on the left hand, & so coasted ouer to Abergwin or Fischard where we found a fresh water named Guin, or Gwerne. Gwerne, whose course is in manner directlie out of the east into the west, from Vremie hils by pont Vaunt and Lanichair, vntill it come within a mile of the foresaid towne. It riseth flat north of the Perselie hill, from whence it goeth by Pont vaine, Lauerillidoch, Lanchar, Landilouair, & so to Abergwine, or Abergwerne, for I read both. Neuerne. From Abergwine, we cast about by Dinas head, till we come to the fall of Neuerne, where Newport standeth. The head of this riuer is aboue Capell Nantgwin, from whence it runneth by Whitchurch, but yer it come at Kilgwin, it taketh in a little water that riseth short of Wrenie vaure, and thence go foorth as one vntill they come to Newport. Cardigan hauen is the next fall that I did stumble on, wherein lieth a little Iland Teifie or Tine. ouer against the north point. Hereinto also commeth the Teifie, a noble riuer which riseth in Lintiuie, and is fraught with delicate samons, and herein and not else where in all the riuers of Britaine, is the Castor or Beuer to be found. But to procéed. The verie hed thereof (I saie) is foure miles aboue Stradflore in Luitie, and after it hath run from thence a little space, it receiueth a brooke from southeast that commeth [Page 135] out of Lin Legnant, and then after the confluence runneth on to Miricke. Stradflore abbeie, beneth which it méeteth with the Miricke water (that
Landurch.
riseth aboue Stradmirich) and soone after with the Landurch (both from the northwest) and finallie the Bremich aboue Tregaron, that commeth in by the east; as Leland hath set downe.

Besides this, Leland in a third book talks about lakes and ponds, but since my intention is not to discuss lakes and ponds, I will skip over them as I hurry to the Teifi, in Latin Tibius, and after Ptolemy Tuerobius or Tiuirobius, which is the next river relevant to my purpose. However, I won't forget to mention the Gwerne. After we left Saint David's head, we sailed southeast until we reached Saint Catharins, where we went north through the broad haven and past Strombles head. From there, we sailed northeast by north to Langlas head, then directly south by the Cow and Calf (two sharp rocks) which we kept to our left, and continued over to Abergwin or Fischard, where we found a freshwater stream called Guin or Gwerne. Gwerne, which flows almost directly from the east to the west, starting in the Vremie hills by Pont Vaunt and Lanichair, until it comes within a mile of the aforementioned town. It rises just north of the Perselie hill, flowing past Pont Vaine, Lauerillidoch, Lanchar, Landilouair, and then to Abergwine or Abergwerne, as I have read both names. Neat. From Abergwine, we turned around by Dinas head until we reached the mouth of Neuerne, where Newport stands. The source of this river is above Capell Nantgwin, from which it runs by Whitchurch, but before it reaches Kilgwin, it gathers a small stream that rises just short of Wrenie Vaure, and then continues as one until they arrive at Newport. Cardigan haven is the next falls I encountered, which has a small island Teifie or Tine. across from the north point. The Teifie, a notable river that rises in Lintiuie, flows here, rich with delicious salmon, and here, unlike any other river in Britain, you can find the Castor or Beaver. But to continue, the very source of it (I say) is four miles above Stradflore in Luitie, and after it flows a short distance, it receives a brook from the southeast that comes [Page 135] out of Lin Legnant, and then after this confluence, it continues on to Miricke. Stradflore abbey, below which it meets the Miricke water (which rises above Stradmirich) and soon after the Landurch (both from the northwest), and finally the Bremich above Tregaron, which flows in from the east, as Leland has recorded.

Bromis. Néere to Landwibreuie also it crosseth the Bromis by east northeast, and
Matherne.
then goeth to Landuair, Cledogh, Kellan, and soone after taking in the Matherne from by east, that parteth Cardigan partlie from Carmardine Dulas. shire, and likewise that Dulas aboue Lanbedder (which riseth aboue Langibbie, and goeth thence to Bettus) on the northwest, it goeth next of all to Lanbedder towne, then to Laniuair, beneath which it crosseth Grauelth. the Grauelth, thence to Pencarocke, Lanibether, Lanlonie, Lanihangle, Clethor. and Sandissell, and there it vniteth it selfe with the Clethor or Dettor, which commeth downe thither by Lantisilued chappell, Lanfraine, and finallie Landissell from by north, as I doo here affirme. After this confluence it procéedeth on to Landuaie, Alloine, Bangor, Langeler, Kerie. Landeureog and Newcastell, yer long taking in the Kerie from by north, whose head is not farre from that of Clethor, and whose course is somewhat inlarged by such rilles as descend into the same. For west of Kenwith two becks in one chanell doo fall into it, which be namelesse, and but of a little length.

Bromis. It flows towards Landwibreuie, crossing the Bromis from the east-northeast, and then goes on to Landuair, Cledogh, Kellan. Soon after, it takes in the Matherne from the east, which separates Cardigan partly from Carmardine Dulas. shire. It also includes Dulas above Lanbedder (which rises above Langibbie and flows to Bettus) on the northwest. Next, it heads to Lanbedder town, then to Laniuair, where it crosses Grauelth. the Grauelth. From there, it continues to Pencarocke, Lanibether, Lanlonie, Lanihangle, Clethor. and Sandissell, where it merges with the Clethor or Dettor, which comes down from Lantisilued chapel, Lanfraine, and finally Landissell from the north, as I affirm here. After this joining, it continues on to Landuaie, Alloine, Bangor, Langeler, Kerie. Landeureog, and Newcastell, soon taking in the Kerie from the north, whose source is not far from that of Clethor, and whose flow is somewhat expanded by the streams that feed into it. To the west of Kenwith, two small unnamed streams flow into it in one channel, but they are short.

Beneath Tredwair also it crosseth another from by west, that runneth along by Bettus, Euan, and finallie méeting with the Teifie, they run as one by Kennarth (still parting Cardigon shire from Carmardin, as it hath doone sith it met with the Matherne) and so forth on till they ioine Cheach. with the Cheach, which rising southeast aboue chappell Euan, dooth part Carmardine and Brechnocke shire in sunder, till it come vnto the Teifie. From this confluence, and being still a limit vnto Cardigon shire, it goeth by Marierdine, and so to Cardigon, taking in one rill from by north descending by Penneralt, by north of Monardiue or Marierdine, and two other from by southwest, of which the one commeth in beneath Kilgaron castell, the other from Lantwood north west of Oscoid Mortemer, which lieth southeast of Cardigan, and then going forward betwéene S. Dogmaile, & Langordmere, it is not long yer it fall into the Irish sea, flat west and by north from his vprise, and sending vs forth from Penlooke into Cardigon shire, wherevnto it hath become march euer sithence it came from Kellam, or confluence with the Matherne.

Beneath Tredwair, another river flows from the west, running alongside Bettus and Euan, and finally merging with the Teifi. They continue as one near Kennarth, separating Cardigon shire from Carmardin, just as they have since meeting the Matherne, and they keep going until they join the Check. The Cheach, which rises to the southeast above Chapel Euan, divides Carmardine from Brechnocke shire until it reaches the Teifi. From this junction, still marking the boundary of Cardigon shire, it flows past Marierdine and on to Cardigon, incorporating a stream from the north that descends from Penneralt, north of Monardiue or Marierdine, along with two others from the southwest. One of these joins from beneath Kilgaron Castle, and the other comes from Lantwood northwest of Oscoid Mortemer, which lies southeast of Cardigan. Then, as it moves between S. Dogmaile and Langordmere, it soon falls into the Irish Sea, directly west and slightly north of its source, sending us out from Penlooke into Cardigon shire, which has been the boundary ever since it left Kellam or merged with the Matherne.

Being come into Cardigon shire, and hauing passed the Cardigon point, an Iland of the same denomination lieng by west thereof, we came vnto the Airon. fall of Airon thrée miles beneath Lancleere, it riseth in the mounteines by a chappell called Blam Peniall belonging to Landwie breuie about thrée or foure miles from Tiue banks, & runneth on by Lamberwooddie, Langitho, Tregrigaron hill, Treuilian, Talaferne, and soone after taking in a rill from by south from Siliam by Lanleir it runneth by Istrade, Kilkennen, Lanicharin, and finallie into the sea, crossing by the waie Bidder. the Bidder brooke, which comming from Dehewide, dooth fall into the same, Arth. betwéene Lanchairin, and Henuenneie. The Arth which is the next fall is no great thing, neither of anie long course, yet somewhat crotched, and it riseth three or foure miles or more within the land slopewise, and comming by Lambaderne, and Treueglois, it falleth into the sea, northeast of Aberarth.

After arriving in Cardigon shire and passing Cardigon point, an island with the same name lying to the west, we reached the Airon. The fall of Airon is three miles below Lancleere; it rises in the mountains near a chapel called Blam Peniall, belonging to Landwie breuie, about three or four miles from the banks of the river. It flows past Lamberwooddie, Langitho, Tregrigaron hill, Treuilian, and Talaferne, and shortly afterward takes in a stream from the south near Siliam by Lanleir. It continues past Istrade, Kilkennen, Lanicharin, and finally into the sea, crossing the Bidder. The Bidder brook, which comes from Dehewide, falls into the river Joint pain. The Arth, which is the next fall, isn’t very significant, nor does it have a long course, but it does have a somewhat winding path. It rises three or four miles or more inland and flows past Lambaderne and Treueglois before falling into the sea, northeast of Aberarth.

Being past the Arth, & hauing staied there a while bicause we found some Ris aliàs Wereie. harborough, we came next of all vnto the Wereie, which riseth of two heads, aboue whose confluence standeth a towne, named Lanihangle, Redrod, and from whence it goeth by Lanigruthen to Laristed, & so into the Ocean. Then went we to the Ystwith, which riseth in the blacke mounteins aboue Comerstwith, from whence it runneth certeine miles, Istwith. vntill it come vnto Ispittie, Istwith, Lananon, Laniler, Lan Nachairne, Redholl. and so into the sea, taking withall first the Meleuen, then the Ridall or Redholl not farre from the shore, whereof I haue this description. The Ridall riseth in the top of Plimlimmon hill out of a lake named Lin Ridall, from whence going toward Spittie Kinwen, it crosseth one water on the north, and another beneth it on the southeast, and so goeth on by Lanbeder vaure, till it come to Aberistwith, the Istwith, and so into the Ocean. Hauing thus viewed the Istwith, and taken our selues againe Salique. to the sea, we crossed the Salke or Salique brooke, whereof I find this memoriall.

After passing the Arth and staying there for a while because we found some Ris aliàs Wereie. harbor, we next arrived at the Wereie, which rises from two sources. Above where they meet is a town called Lanihangle, Redrod, and from there it flows by Lanigruthen to Laristed and then into the ocean. We then went to the Ystwith, which rises in the black mountains above Comerstwith. From there, it runs several miles Is with. until it reaches Ispittie, Istwith, Lananon, Laniler, Lan Nachairne, Redholl. and then into the sea, picking up the Meleuen first, then the Ridall or Redholl not far from the shore, which I describe here. The Ridall rises at the top of Plimlimmon hill from a lake called Lin Ridall. It flows towards Spittie Kinwen, crossing one stream to the north and another beneath it to the southeast, and continues by Lanbeder vaure until it reaches Aberistwith, then the Istwith, and finally into the ocean. After viewing the Istwith and returning Salic. to the sea, we crossed the Salke or Salique brook, of which I have this record.

[Page 136]

[Page 136]

The Salique brooke descendeth in like sort from the blacke mounteins, & going from Vmmaboue, toward Gogarth, or Gogirthar, it receiueth the Massalique, and from thence goeth into the sea, southwest from his Massalique. Lerie. originall. From hence we went to the Lerie, an indraught of no great quantitie, neither commodious as I gesse (yet I may be deceiued) for anie ship to harborough in. It riseth toward the lower ground of the blacke hils, and going by Lanihangle castell Gwalter, it runneth from thence northeast into the Ocean, receiuing a rill by the waie from the hilles which lie by northeast of his course. But what stand I vpon trifles?

The Salique brook flows down from the black mountains, and as it moves from Ummaboue toward Gogarth, or Gogirthar, it picks up the Massalique and then continues into the sea, heading southwest from its origin at the Massalique. From there, we went to the Lerie, a small inlet that doesn’t seem very convenient (though I could be wrong) for any ship to dock in. It rises toward the lower land of the black hills, and passing by Lanihangle Castle Gwalter, it runs northeast into the ocean, taking in a stream along the way from the hills to the northeast of its course. But why dwell on minor details?

Wie. Thus haue I brought my selfe out of Caerdigan shire vnto the Wie, which is limit betwéene it and Merioneth for a certeine space, & being entred in the mouth thereof we gat vp to the head, minding in the description of the same to come downeward as in the rest, which we will doo in such good manner as for the time and want of some information is possible to be performed. It ariseth in the south part of Snowdonie and goeth on foorth right to Lammothwie, by Mowdhewie, Mathan laith, and comming downe to Dinas Mathew, it receiueth two rilles from northwest, and the third comming by Mailroid called Cludoch from northeast, & so holdeth on crossing the Angell water at the west, which boundeth Mongomerie shire Remis. in part, till it come to Romis, beneath which water it taketh in the Towin that passeth by Lambrin mawr from Talgarth, and then goeth to Mathrauerne, crossing another from by north and so foorth to Lanworing, where it méeteth with the Kerig on the one side, and the Gwidall which commeth from Dorowen on the other.

How. I've traveled from Caerdigan Shire to the Wie, which serves as the boundary between it and Merioneth for a certain distance. After entering its mouth, we made our way to the source, intending to describe it as we move downstream like we did with the others. We'll do this as well as possible given the time and some missing information. It originates in the southern part of Snowdonia and flows directly to Lammothwie, passing through Mowdhewie and Mathan Laith. As it descends to Dinas Mathew, it receives two streams from the northwest, with a third stream called Cludoch coming in from the northeast. It continues on, crossing the Angell water to the west, which partially marks the boundary of Montgomeryshire until it reaches Romis. Below this water, it takes in the Towin that flows by Lambrin Mawr from Talgarth, then moves on to Mathrauerne, crossing another stream from the north and continues to Lanworing. There, it meets the Kerig on one side and the Gwidall coming from Dorowen on the other.

After this, our maine riuer goeth by Pengos, and beneath the same taketh in an influence from southeast, called the Dulas, and another from the northwest: from thence it hasteth on to Magenillet, or Machenlet, first crossing the Leuennie from southeast, secondlie the Peniall from northwest, thirdlie the Einon, fourthlie the Kinar, fiftlie the Cleidor, these thrée last rehearsed falling into it from southeast, & the last hauing his course by Langwinhelin and so into the sea, as mine instruction vpholdeth. It séemeth in some mens iudgements to part Northwales and Westwales in sunder, and the same which in Latine hight Deuus, in Welsh or British Difi or Dewie, whereof the Latine doth séeme to fetch his sound. But to procéed with the rest of such falles and waters as are to be found in this countie. Going therfore northwestward we come to a fall frō the north called Towen Merionneth which is the mouth of the Difonnie streame, a pretie riuer rising in the hilles aboue Lanihangle, and west of castell Traherne receiueth the Ridrijc, which commeth from Chadridrijc hill, by Tallillin castell, Treherie, and so into the Difonnie from southeast, fetching his course by Lanegrin, and so into the sea within fiue miles thereof.

After this, our main river flows by Pengos, and below it, it takes in a tributary from the southeast called the Dulas, and another from the northwest. It then hurries on to Magenillet, or Machenlet, first crossing the Leuennie from the southeast, then the Peniall from the northwest, followed by the Einon, the Kinar, and finally the Cleidor. The last three flow into it from the southeast, with the last having its course by Langwinhelin and into the sea, as my sources indicate. It seems in some people’s opinions to separate North Wales from West Wales, and the one that is known in Latin as Deuus, in Welsh or British as Difi or Dewie, from which the Latin seems to derive its sound. But let’s continue with the other falls and waters found in this county. Heading northwest, we come to a fall from the north called Towen Merionneth, which is the mouth of the Difonnie stream, a pretty river that rises in the hills above Lanihangle. To the west of Castell Traherne, it receives the Ridrijc, which comes from Chadridrijc hill, by Tallillin castle, Treherie, and flows into the Difonnie from the southeast, making its way by Lanegrin and into the sea within five miles of it.

Being past this we did cast about by the Sarnabigh point, till we came to the Lingouen becke, and so to the Barre, which is a faire water, and therefore worthie to be with diligence described, yet it is not called Bar from the head, but rather Moth or Derie, for so are the two chiefe heads called out of which this riuer descendeth, and are about six miles west of the Lin, out of which the Dée hath his issue, and betwéene which the Raran vaure hilles are situat and haue their being. After the ioining of the two heds of this Barre, as I name it from the originall, it receiueth a rill from northeast called Cain, & another beneath the same, comming from Beurose wood, and so holdeth on towards the south betwéene Laniltid and Kemmor abbaie, till it meet a little by west of Dolgelth with the Auon vaure, which comming also out of the Woodland soile, & taking in a rill from Gwannas, hasteth northwestward (by Dolgelth) to ioine with the Barre, and being met they receiue the Kessilgunt, then the Hirgun, & after a course of foure to fiue miles it falleth into the sea, hauing watered the verie hart & inward parts of this shire. From hence we crosse the Skethie which runneth by Corsogdale and Lanthwie, aliàs Lanthonie, then the Lambader which receiuing the Artro aboue Lambader, doth fall into the sea, southeast of the point, and flat south of Landango, which is a towne situat on the other side of the turning.

Once we passed this point, we navigated around Sarnabigh until we reached Lingouen Beck, and then to the Barre, which is a fine body of water and deserves careful description. However, it’s not named after the head, but rather Moth or Derie, as those are the names of the two main heads from which this river flows, located about six miles west of the Lin, where the Dee originates, and situated between the Raran Vaure hills. After the joining of the two heads of this Barre, as I call it from the original source, it gets a stream from the northeast called Cain, and another from below that coming from Beurose Wood, and it continues south between Laniltid and Kemmor Abbey until it meets the Avon Vaure a little west of Dolgelth. The Avon, which also comes from the woodland area and takes in a stream from Gwannas, rushes northwest (by Dolgelth) to join the Barre, and once they meet, they receive the Kessilgunt and then the Hirgun. After flowing for about four to five miles, it empties into the sea, having watered the very heart and inner parts of this county. From there, we cross the Skethie, which runs by Corsogdale and Lanthwie, also known as Lanthonie, then the Lambader, which receives the Artro above Lambader and flows into the sea, southeast of the point and directly south of Landango, a town situated on the opposite side of the bend.

Ho. After this we passed by Aberho, so named of the riuer Ho, that falleth there into the sea, and commeth thither from the Alpes or hils of Snowdonie, mounteins, no lesse fertile for grasse, wood, cattell, fish [Page 137] and foule, than the famous Alpes beyond the seas, whereof all the writers doo make so honorable report. From hence we sailed by Abermawr Mawr. or mouth of Mawr, which commeth in like sort from Snowdonie, and taketh
Artro.
diuerse riuers with him whose names I doo not know. Then vnto the Artro a brooke, whose head commeth from by north east, and in his course receiueth the Gedar on the north side, and so holdeth on till it fall into the sea, after a few windlesses which it maketh as it passeth. After this we come to Traith vehan, which is the fall of the Drurid, a pretie riuer comming from the marches of Caernaruonshire, which passing by Festimog, soone after taketh in the Cunwell, then the Velenrid; and so holdeth on to Deckoin, where it falleth into the said Traith. For of the other two rilles that lie by south hereof, and haue their issue also into the same, I make but small accompt, bicause their quantitie is not great. Next vnto this we haue Traith mawr, Farles. whereinto the Farles hath his issue, a riuer proceeding from Snowdonie or the Snowdon hils, descending by Bethkelerke and Lanwrothen, without mixture of anie other water in all his course and passage. It is parcell of the march also betwéene Merioneth and Caernaruon shires. From Traith mawr we passe by the Krekith, and come to another water descending from the north by Lanstidwie, and after that to the Moie, whose mouthes are so néere togither, that no more than halfe a mile of the land dooth seeme to kéepe them in sunder.

Hello. After this, we passed by Aberho, named after the river Ho, which flows into the sea and comes from the Alps or the hills of Snowdonia, mountains that are just as fertile for grass, wood, cattle, fish [Page 137] and fowl, as the famous Alps across the seas, which all the writers praise so highly. From here, we sailed by Abermawr Great. or the mouth of Mawr, which similarly originates from Snowdonia and collects Artro. various rivers along the way whose names I don’t know. Then we reached the Artro, a stream that starts from the northeast and receives the Gedar on its north side, continuing on until it empties into the sea, after making a few bends as it flows. After this, we arrived at Traith vehan, where the Druid River flows, a lovely river coming from the borders of Caernarfonshire, which passes by Festiniog and soon collects the Cunwell, then the Velenrid; and so it continues to Deckoin, where it enters the aforementioned Traith. As for the other two streams to the south that also flow into it, I pay little attention to them because they aren't very large. Next to this, we have Traith mawr, Farles. into which the Farles flows, a river originating from Snowdon or the Snowdon hills, flowing down by Bethkelerke and Lanwrothen, without mixing with any other water along its entire course. It is also part of the boundary between Merioneth and Caernarfon shires. From Traith mawr, we pass by the Krekith and come to another water descending from the north by Lanstidwie, and then to the Moie, whose mouths are so close together that only half a mile of land seems to separate them.

Erke. Then come we vnto the Erke, a pretie brooke descending from Madrijn hils, into whose mouth two other of no lesse quantitie than it selfe doo séeme to haue their confluence, and whose courses doo come along from the west and northwest; the most southerlie being called Girch, and the other the Hellie: except my memorie doo faile me. Then casting about toward the south (as the coast lieth) we saw the Abersoch or mouth of Soch. the Soch riuer vpon our right hand, in the mouth whereof, or not farre by south thereof lie two Ilands, of which the more northerlie is called Tudfall, and the other Penrijn: as Leland did obserue. I would set downe the British names of such townes and villages as these waters passe by; but the writing of them (for want of the language) is so hard to me, that I choose rather to shew their falles and risings, than to corrupt their denominations in the writing: and yet now and then I vse such words as our Englishmen doo giue vnto some of them, but that is not often, where the British name is easie to be found out and sounded.

Erk. Then we come to the Erke, a pretty brook flowing down from the hills of Madrid, into whose mouth two other streams of equal size seem to join, coming from the west and northwest. The southern one is called Girch, and the other is the Hellie, unless my memory fails me. Then, turning south (as the coast lies), we saw the Abersoch, or mouth of the Sigh. Soch river on our right. At its mouth, or not far to the south, there are two islands: the more northern one is called Tudfall, and the other Penrijn, as Leland noted. I would mention the British names of the towns and villages along these waters, but writing them down is so difficult for me due to the language that I prefer to describe their features rather than misrepresent their names in writing. Still, occasionally I use the names that our English speakers give to some of them, but that's not often, where the British name is easy to find and pronounce.

After this, going about by the point, and leauing Gwelin Ile on the Daron. right hand, we come to Daron riuer, wherevpon standeth Aberdaron a quarter of a mile from the shore betwixt Aberdaron and Vortigernes vale, where the compasse of the sea gathereth in a head, and entereth at both Edarne beck. ends. Then come we about the point to Edarne becke, a mile and more south of Newin. And ten or twelue miles from hence is the Vennie brooke, whose course is little aboue so manie miles; and not farre from it is the Liuan, a farre lesse water, comming also from the east: and next vnto that another, wherinto the Willie by south and the Carrog by north after their coniunction doo make their common influence. Hauing passed this riuer, we cast about toward the north east, and enter at Abermenaie ferrie, into the streicts or streame called Menaie, betweene Angleseie and the maine, méeting first of all with the Gornaie, which commeth from the Snowdonie out of the Treuennian lake, and passeth by Lanunda into the sea or Menaie streame at Southcrocke. Next of all we meet with the Saint, which commeth from Lin Lanbereie, passeth by Lanihangle, and so falleth into the Menaie at Abersaint, which is on the southwest side of Caernaruon: on the other side also of the said towne is the Skeuernocke, whereby it standeth betweene two riuers, of which this hath his head not farre from Dinas Orueg.

After this, going around the point and leaving Gwelin Isle on the right, we reach the Daron River, where Aberdaron stands a quarter of a mile from the shore, situated between Aberdaron and Vortigernes Vale, where the sea gathers into a head and enters at both ends. Then we navigate around the point to Edarne Beck, a mile or more south of Newin. About ten or twelve miles from here is the Vennie Brook, which runs just above that distance, and not far from it is the Liuan, a much smaller stream that also comes from the east. Next to that, there's another river, into which the Willie from the south and the Carrog from the north join together. After passing this river, we turn northeast and enter Abermenaie Ferry into the straits or stream called Menaie, between Anglesey and the mainland, first coming across the Gornaie, which flows from Snowdonia out of the Treuennian Lake and passes by Lanunda into the sea or Menaie stream at Southcrocke. Next, we encounter the Saint, which comes from Lin Lanbereie, flows by Lanihangle, and then falls into the Menaie at Abersaint, located on the southwest side of Caernarfon. On the other side of the town is the Skeuernocke, placing it between two rivers, the source of which is not far from Dinas Orueg.

Then come we (saith Leland) to Gwiniwith mirith (or Horsse brooke) two miles from Moilethon, and it riseth at a Well so called full a mile from thence. Moilethon is a bowe shot from Aberpowle, from whence ferrie Conte. botes go to the Termone or Angleseie. Aberpowle runneth thrée miles into the land, and hath his head foure miles beyond Bangor in Meneie shore: and here is a little comming in for botes bending into the Meneie. Aber Gegeine. Gegeine commeth out of a mounteine a mile aboue, and Bangor (thorough Torronnen. which a rill called Torronnen hath his course) almost a mile aboue it. [Page 138]
Ogwine.
Aber Ogwine is two miles aboue that; it riseth at Tale linne, Ogwine poole, fiue miles aboue Bangor in the east side of Withow. Aber Auon is Auon.
Lannar Vehan.
Duegeuelth.
two miles aboue Aberogwene, and it riseth in a poole called Lin man Auon, thrée miles off. Auon lan var Vehan riseth in a mounteine therby, and goeth into the sea, two miles aboue Duegeuelth. Auon Duegeuelth is three miles aboue Conweie, which rising in the mounteins a mile off, goeth by it selfe into Meneie salt arme. On the said shore also lieth Conweie, and this riuer dooth run betwixt Penmaine Maur, and Penmaine Vehan. It riseth about three miles from Penmaclon hils which lie about sixtie miles from Conweie abbeie, now dissolued out of a lake called Lin Conweie, and on the north and west of this riuer standeth the towne of Conweie, which taketh his name thereof.

Then we come to Gwiniwith mirith (or Horse Brook), which is two miles from Moilethon, and it rises at a well of the same name, about a mile away. Moilethon is a short bowshot from Aberpowle, where ferries take boats to Termone or Anglesey. Aberpowle stretches three miles inland and has its source four miles beyond Bangor on the Meneie shore. There's also a small entrance for boats coming into Meneie. Aber Gegeine flows down from a mountain a mile above, and Bangor (which is fed by a stream called Torronnen) is almost a mile upstream from it. Aber Ogwine is two miles above that; it rises at Talelinne, Ogwine Pool, five miles above Bangor on the east side of Withow. Aber Avon is two miles above Aberogwene and it rises in a pool called Lin man Avon, three miles away. Avon Lan Var Vehan rises in a nearby mountain and flows into the sea, two miles above Duegeuelth. Avon Duegeuelth is three miles above Conweie, originating from the mountains a mile away, and it flows into the Meneie salt arm. On this shore also lies Conweie, and this river runs between Penmaine Maur and Penmaine Vehan. It rises about three miles from the Penmaclon hills, which are about sixty miles from the former Conweie Abbey, now dissolved, and it starts from a lake called Lin Conweie. To the north and west of this river stands the town of Conweie, which takes its name from it.

Téec. This riuer (which Ptolomie calleth Toesobius, as I take it) after the deriuation thereof from the head, passeth on the west side by Spittieuan and Tiherio, beneath which it taketh in a streame comming from the east out of Denbighshire, deriued from thrée heads, and of the greatest called Nag. Soone after also another, and then the third, which commeth in from the west by Lanpen Mawr: next of all the Leder on the same side, which commeth by Dolathelan castell: and aboue that from a Lin of the Ligow. same denomination. Beneath this and selfe hand lieth likewise the Ligow or Ligwie, procéeding from two lakes, that is, the Mumber and the Ligow. On the right hand as we still descend, is the Coid, then the Glin, & a little lower we méet with the Lin Gerioneth: and after we be past another on the right side, we come to the Perloid, which commeth out of Lin Cowlid, to the Ygan, to the Idulin, to the castell Water on the left, & then to the Melandider on the right, without the sight of anie other, till we come almost to Conweie, where we find a notched streame comming from by west, and called Guffen or Gyffin into the same by one chanell on the northeast side of the towne, beneath Guffin or Gyffin, and ouer against Lansanfraid in Denbighshire; so farre as I now remember. Some part of Carnaruonshire stretcheth also beyond Aber Ormeshed. Conweie, or the fall of Conweie, & it is called Ormeshed point, wherein also is a rill, whose fall into the sea is betwéene Penrin and Landright. And thus we haue made an end of the chéefe waters which are to be found in this countie.

Téec. This river (which Ptolemy calls Toesobius, as I understand it) flows on the west side past Spittieuan and Tiherio. Below that, it takes in a stream coming from the east out of Denbighshire, originating from three sources, the largest of which is called Nag. Soon after, another stream joins, and then the third comes in from the west by Lanpen Mawr. Next, there's the Leder on the same side, which flows by Dolathelan Castle, and above that from a lake of the same name. Below this point lies the Ligow or Ligwie, which comes from two lakes, the Mumber and the Ligow. To the right as we continue down, there's the Coid, then the Glin, and a bit farther, we encounter the Lin Gerioneth. After passing another stream on the right, we reach the Perloid, which comes out of Lin Cowlid, then flows to the Ygan, to the Idulin, to Castell Water on the left, and then to the Melandider on the right, without encountering any others until we almost reach Conweie, where we find a notched stream coming from the west, called Guffen or Gyffin, flowing into the same river by one channel on the northeast side of the town, below Guffin or Gyffin, and opposite Lansanfraid in Denbighshire; as far as I can recall. A portion of Carnarvonshire also extends beyond Aber Ormeshed. Conweie, or the fall of Conweie, known as Ormeshed Point, where there’s also a stream whose fall into the sea is located between Penrin and Landright. And thus, we have covered the main waterways found in this county.

The next is a corner of Denbigh, by which we doo as it were step ouer into Flintshire, and whose first water is not great, yet it commeth from southwest, and falleth into the north or Irish sea called Virginium, beneath Landilas; as the next that commeth south from Bettas dooth the Gele. like thrée miles beneath Abergele, and is not onelie called Gele (as the name it selfe importeth) but also noted to take his course through the Canges. Hauing thus gone ouer the angle of Denbighshire, that lieth betwéene those of Carnaruon and Flint, we come next of all vnto Aber Cluide, or the fall of Clotha or Glota, which is a streame not to be shortlie intreated of. It riseth among certeine hilles, which lie not far distant from the confines of Merioneth and Denbighshires. Southeast from his fall, and hauing run foure or fiue miles from the head, it Maniton. commeth about to Darwen, taking in the Maniton on the left hand, and the Mespin on the right: and soone after the third from bywest, whose head is not farre from Gloucanocke. Beneath Ruthen also it taketh in the Leueneie: and after that another, and the third, all on the right hand, Cluedoch. and so holdeth on till it méet with the Cluedoch, then with the Ystrade, which passeth by Whitchurch on the left hand. After which we come to the Whéeler on the right, and so to his ioining with the Elwie, which is Elwie. beneath S. Asaphes, a bishops sée that is inuironed with them both. This Elwie riseth aboue Gwitherne, & beneath Lanuair taketh in the Alode, which commeth from lin Alode, by Lansannan, and ioineth with him fiue miles beneath Langrenew. The Cluda therefore and the Elwie being met, the confluence passeth on to the sea by Rutland castell, where it taketh in the Sarne, which commeth from by east, and hath a course almost of sixteene miles. From hence we tooke sea toward the Dée mouth: and as we passed by the rest of the shore, we saw the fall of a little brooke néere Basing Werke, of another néere to Flint, of the third at Yowleie castell, which with his two armes in maner includeth it; and the fourth beneath Hawarden hold, which in like sort goeth round about the same, & from whence we came to the Dée, where we landed and tooke vp our lodging [Page 139] in Chester. In this place also it was no hard matter to deliuer & set downe the names of such riuers and streames as are also to be found in Angleseie, finding my selfe to haue some leasure and fit opportunitie for the same: and imagining a iourneie thither also, as vnto the other places mentioned in this description, whither as yet it hath not béene my hap to trauell: I thought it not amisse to take it also in hand, and performe it after this maner.

The next area is a corner of Denbigh, where we sort of step over into Flintshire. Its first stream isn’t large, but it flows from the southwest and empties into the north or Irish Sea called Virginium, below Landilas; similarly, the one coming south from Bettas does the same with the Gele. about three miles below Abergele. It’s not only called Gele (as the name itself suggests) but is also noted to flow through the Canges. After crossing the angle of Denbighshire, which lies between those of Carnarvon and Flint, we next come to Aber Cluide, or the fall of Clotha or Glota, which is a stream that deserves detailed attention. It rises among certain hills that are not far from the borders of Merioneth and Denbighshire. Southeast from its fall, after running four or five miles from the source, it Maniton. approaches Darwen, taking in the Maniton on the left and the Mespin on the right; shortly after, it gathers another stream from the west, whose source is not far from Gloucanocke. Below Ruthen, it also includes the Leueneie and then another, and a third, all on the right Cluedoch. and continues until it meets the Cluedoch, then the Ystrade, which flows by Whitchurch on the left. After that, we reach the Whéeler on the right, followed by its joining with the Elwie, which is Elwie. below St. Asaph, a bishop’s seat surrounded by both rivers. The Elwie rises above Gwitherne and below Lanuair takes in the Alode, which comes from Lin Alode, by Lansannan, and merges with it five miles below Langrenew. Therefore, when the Cluda and the Elwie meet, the confluence flows to the sea by Rutland castle, where it takes in the Sarne, which comes from the east and has a course of almost sixteen miles. From here, we set sail toward the mouth of the Dee; as we passed by the rest of the shoreline, we saw the mouth of a small brook near Basing Werke, another close to Flint, and the third at Yowleie castle, which with its two arms practically encircles it; the fourth below Hawarden hold also wraps around the same area, and from there we made our way to the Dee, where we landed and settled in [Page 139] Chester. Here, it wasn't hard to record the names of rivers and streams also found in Anglesey, as I had some leisure and opportunity for it. I thought about taking a journey there, as I had to other places mentioned in this description, where I had not yet traveled. I decided it would be good to tackle it and carry it out in this manner.

Ferrieng therefore ouer out of Carnaruonshire to Beaumarise, I went by land without crossing of anie riuer or streame worthie memorie, till I came to the Brant, which hath his fall not farre from the southest point of that Iland. This Brant riseth farre vp in the land, not farre from Lauredenell, and holding on his course southward to Lanthoniell Vaall, it goeth on to Bodoweruch, Langainwen, and so into the sea.

Ferrieng, therefore, traveled from Carnarvonshire to Beaumaris. I went overland without crossing any noteworthy river or stream until I reached the Brant, which falls not far from the southernmost point of that island. This Brant rises far inland, not far from Laurel Denell, and continues its course southward to Llantheoniell Vale, then flows on to Bodoweruch, Langainwen, and finally into the sea.

The next fall we came vnto was called Maltrath, and it is producted by the confluence of two riuers, the Geuennie and the Gint, who ioine not farre from Langrestoll. This also last rehearsed hath his head neere to Penmoneth, the other being forked riseth in the hillie soile aboue Tregaion and Langwithlog: so that part of the Iland obteineth no small commoditie and benefit by their passage. Next vnto this we came vnto the Fraw. Fraw, whose head is neere to Langinewen, and passage by Cap Maer; after which it falleth into a lake, from whence it goeth east of Aberfraw, and so into the sea. The next riuer hath no name to my knowledge: yet hath it a longer course than that which I last described. For it riseth two or thrée miles aboue Haneglosse: and passing from thence to Treualghmaie, after the descent of foure miles, it falleth into the sea. After this we came to an other, which riseth more to Cap legan ferwie, and falleth into the sea; southeast of the little Iland, which is called Ynis Wealt, it is namelesse also as the other was: and therefore hauing small delight to write thereof, we passed ouer the salt créeke by a bridge into Cair Kibie, which by the same, is as it were cut from the maine Iland, and in some respect not vnworthie to be taken for an Ile. In the north side therefore of Cair Kibie is a little rill or créeke: but whether the water thereof be fresh or salt, as yet I doo not remember.

The next inlet we reached was called Maltrath, created by the meeting of two rivers, the Geuennie and the Gint, which join not far from Langrestoll. The first river has its source near Penmoneth, while the other, which is forked, rises in the hilly terrain above Tregaion and Langwithlog, providing a good benefit to that part of the island from their flow. After that, we arrived at the Frawl. Fraw, which starts near Langinewen and flows past Cap Maer; it then empties into a lake, from where it continues east of Aberfraw, eventually reaching the sea. The next river doesn’t have a name as far as I know, but it runs a longer course than the one I just mentioned. It rises two or three miles above Haneglosse and, after flowing four miles to Treualghmaie, it empties into the sea. After that, we came across another river, which rises near Cap legan ferwie and flows into the sea, southeast of the small island called Ynis Wealt. This river, like the previous one, is also nameless; therefore, having little interest in detailing it, we crossed the salt creek by a bridge into Cair Kibie, which is almost separated from the mainland and could somewhat be considered an island. On the north side of Cair Kibie, there is a small stream or creek, but I can’t recall whether the water is fresh or salty.

This place being viewed, I came backe againe by the aforesaid bridge, into the maine of Angleseie, and going northwards I find a fall inforced by thrée riuerets, each one hauing his course almost south from other; and the last falling into the confluence of the two first, not halfe a mile from the west, where I first espied the streame: the name of the Linon.
Allo.
most northerlie is Linon, of the second Allo; but the third is altogither namelesse for aught that I can learne, wherefore it shall not be necessarie to spend anie time in the further searching of his course. Being past this, we went northwards till we came to the point, and then going eastward, we butted vpon the fall of a certeine confluence growing by the ioining of the Nathanon and the Geger, which méet beneath and néere to the Langechell. And after the same we passed on somewhat declining southward by the Hillarie point, toward the southeast, till we came to the Dulesse: and from thence to Pentraeth water: after which we turned northward, then eastward; and finallie southward, till we came to Langurdin; from whence vnto Beaumarise (where began our voiage) we find not anie water worthie to be remembred. And thence I go forward with the description of the Dee.

This place being viewed, I returned again by the aforementioned bridge into the main part of Anglesey, and heading northward I discovered a waterfall created by three small streams, each flowing almost south from the others; and the last one merges with the first two, not half a mile from the west, where I first spotted the stream: the name of the Linon.
Hello.
northernmost is Linon, the second is Allo, but the third is completely unnamed as far as I can tell, so it isn't necessary to spend any time further investigating its course. After this, we continued north until we reached the point, then heading east, we came across the confluence of the Nathanon and the Geger, which meet beneath and near Langechell. After that, we moved on slightly declining southward by Hillarie point, toward the southeast, until we reached the Dulesse; and from there to Pentraeth water: after which we turned northward, then eastward; and finally southward, until we arrived at Langurdin; from where to Beaumaris (where our journey began) we found no water worth mentioning. And from there I proceed with the description of the Dee.

Dée or Deua. The Dee or Deua (as Ptolomie calleth it) is a noble riuer, & breeder of the best trout, whose head is in Merioneth shire, about thrée miles aboue the lake, situate in the countie of Penthlin, and called Lin Tegnis, whose streame yet verie small, by reason of the shortnesse of his course, falleth into the said lake, not far from Lanullin. There are sundrie other waters which come also into the said lake, which is foure or five miles in length, and about two miles ouer; as one from by south, whose fall is east, and not manie furlongs from the Dee: another hath his issue into the same by Langower: the third on the north side of Lanullin, named Leie: the fourth at Glanlintegid called Jauerne, the lake it selfe ending about Bala, and from thence running into the Trowerin. Trowerin, a pretie streame, and not a little augmented by the Kelme and Monach which fall by north into the same, and ioineth with the Dée south of Lanuair; from whence forth it looseth the name, and is afterward Ruddoch. called Dée. East of Bala in like sort it receiueth the Ruddoch, then the
Cleton.
[Page 140] Cleton, and so passing on by Landright to Langar, it méeteth with a confluence procéeding from the Alwen and the Giron, of which this riseth in the hils aboue Langham, the other in the mounteines about fiue or six miles by northwest of Lanihangle in Denbighshire, where (as I gesse) it falleth into the ground; and afterward rising againe betwéene Lanihangle and Bettus, it holdeth on about two miles, and then ioineth with the Giron, full six miles aboue Dole, and before it come to the Dee. From hence the Dee goeth by Lansanfraid, and the marches of Merioneth into Denbighshire, and so to Langellon, Dinas, Bren, &c: kéeping his course Gristioneth. by certeine windlesses, till he receiue the Gristioneth, descending by Ruabon, then another est of the same; the third from by west called Keriog. Keriog (whose head is not farre from the bounds of Merioneth and course by Lanarmon, Lansanfraid, and Chirke) the fourth from south east out of Shropshire, called Morlais, and so passeth as bounds betwéene Denbighshire, and the Outliggand of Flintshire, to wit by Bistocke on the one side and Bangor on the other, till it come to Worthenburie: whereabout it receiueth a chanell descending from foure influences, of which one commeth by Penlie chappell, the second from Hamnere, which goeth downe by Emberhall, and falleth in a little by east of the other; the third from Blackmere (by Whitchurch) &c: and the fourth from betwéene Chad and Worsall. These two later méeting aboue nether Durtwich, doo hold on to Talerne, as mine information instructeth me.

Dée or Deua. The Dee or Deua (as Ptolemy called it) is a magnificent river, known for producing the best trout. Its source is in Merionethshire, about three miles above the lake called Lin Tegnis in the county of Penthlin. The stream starts small due to its short course and flows into the lake near Lanullin. Several other rivers also feed into this lake, which is about four or five miles long and around two miles wide. One river comes from the south, flowing east, not far from the Dee; another feeds into it by Langower; the third, on the north side of Lanullin, is named Leie; and the fourth flows at Glanlintegid and is called Jauerne. The lake itself ends near Bala and continues into the Trowel. Trowerin, a lovely stream, is further increased by the Kelme and Monach rivers, which flow in from the north, joining the Dee south of Lanuair; from that point, it loses its name and is afterward Ruddoch. referred to as Dee. East of Bala, it likewise receives the Ruddoch and then the Cleton. [Page 140] Cleton, and as it continues past Landright to Langar, it meets another stream from the Alwen and the Giron. The Alwen rises in the hills above Langham, while the Giron originates in the mountains about five or six miles northwest of Lanihangle in Denbighshire, where, as I believe, it disappears underground; it later re-emerges between Lanihangle and Bettus, flowing for about two miles before joining the Giron, six miles above Dole, just before it reaches the Dee. From there, the Dee flows past Lansanfraid and the borders of Merioneth into Denbighshire, and on to Langellon, Dinas, Bren, etc., maintaining its course Gristioneth. through various bends, until it collects the Gristioneth coming down from Ruabon. Then, another stream from the same area; the third from the west is called Keriog. Keriog (whose source is not far from the borders of Merioneth and flows past Lanarmon, Lansanfraid, and Chirke); the fourth comes from the southeast out of Shropshire, known as Morlais, and continues as a boundary between Denbighshire and the outskirts of Flintshire, specifically passing by Bistocke on one side and Bangor on the other, until it reaches Worthenbury. Here, it receives a channel fed by four sources, one coming from Penlie Chapel, the second from Hamnere, flowing down near Emberhall and falling in a little east of the others; the third from Blackmere (by Whitchurch), and the fourth from the area between Chad and Worsall. These last two meet above Nether Durtwich and continue on to Talerne, as my information indicates.

From Wrothenburie the Dee goeth northwestwards toward Shocklige, méeting Cluedoch. by the waie with the confluence of the Cluedoch (or Dedoch originall mother to those trouts for which the Dée is commended) and descendeth Gwinrogh. from Capell Moinglath) and the Gwinrogh, that runneth through Wrexham, both ioining a mile and more beneath Wrexham, not far from Hantwerne. Soone after also our maine riuer receiueth another becke from by east, which is bound on the northwest side to the Outliggand of Flintshire, and so passeth on betwéene Holt castell and Ferneton, Almere and Pulton, as march betwéene Denbighshire and Cheshire, and then taketh in the Alannus. Alannus or Alen; a pretie riuer and worthie to be described. The head of this Alen therefore is in Denbighshire, and so disposed that it riseth in two seuerall places, ech being two miles from other, the one called Alen Mawr, the other Alen Vehan, as I doo find reported. They méet also beneath Landegleie, and run northwards till they come beyond Lanuerres, where meeting with a rill comming from by west, it runneth on to the Mold to Horsheth, and so in and out to Greseford, taking the Cagidog from southwest with it by the waie; then to Traue Alen, and so into the Dée, a mile and more aboue the fall of Powton becke, which also descendeth from southwest out of Flintshire, and is march vnto the same, euen from the verie head. After which confluence the Dée hauing Chestershire on both sides, goeth to Aldford with a swift course, where it méeteth with the Beston brooke, whereof I doo find this description following.

From Wrothenburie, the Dee flows northwest towards Shocklige, meeting Cluedoch. along the way with the confluence of the Cluedoch (or Dedoch, the original source of the trout for which the Dee is praised) and it descends Gwinrogh. from Capell Moinglath. The Gwinrogh flows through Wrexham, and both rivers join about a mile or more below Wrexham, not far from Hantwerne. Shortly after, our main river receives another stream from the east, which is bounded on the northwest side by the Outliggand of Flintshire, passing between Holt Castle and Ferneton, Almere, and Pulton, marking the boundary between Denbighshire and Cheshire, before it takes in the Alannus. Alannus or Alen; a lovely river that's worth describing. The source of this Alen is in Denbighshire, arising from two separate locations, each two miles apart: one is called Alen Mawr, and the other Alen Vehan, as I have found reported. They meet below Landegleie and flow north until they pass beyond Lanuerres, where they converge with a stream coming from the west. This water then flows to Mold to Horsheth, moving in and out to Greseford, picking up the Cagidog from the southwest along the way; then to Traue Alen, and finally into the Dee, a mile or more above the fall of Powton Beck, which also descends from the southwest out of Flintshire, serving as a boundary from the very source. After this confluence, the Dee, having Cheshire on both sides, flows swiftly to Aldford, where it meets the Beston Brook, and I have found the following description of it.

Beston. "The Beston water riseth in the wooddie soile betwéene Spruston and Beston castell with a forked head, and leauing Beston towne on the northeast, it goeth to Tarneton, and to Hakesleie, where it diuideth it selfe in such wise, that one branch thereof runneth by Totnall, Goldburne, and Léehall, to Alford, and so into the Dée, the other by Stapleford, Terwine, Barrow, Picton, and Therton, where it brancheth againe, sending foorth one arme by Stanneie poole, and the parke side into Merseie arme, toward the northwest, and another by southwest, which commeth as it were backe againe, by Stoke, Croughton, Backeford, Charleton, Vpton, the Baites, and so vnder a bridge to Chester ward, where it falleth into the Dée arme at Flockes brooke, excluding Wirall on the northwest as an Iland, which lieth out like a leg betwéene the Merseie and the Dée armes, and including and making another fresh Iland within the same, whose limits by northwest are betwéene Thorneton, Chester, & Aldford, on the northeast Thorneton and Hakesleie, and on the southeast Hakesleie and Aldford, whereby the forme thereof dooth in part resemble a triangle." And thus much of the Dée, which is a troublesome streame when the wind is at southwest, and verie dangerous, in so much that few dare passe thereon. Sometimes also in haruest time it sendeth downe such store of water, when the wind bloweth in the same quarter, [Page 141] that it drowneth all their grasse and corne that groweth in the lower grounds néere vnto the bankes thereof. Certes it is about thrée hundred foot, at his departure from the Tignie, and worthilie called a litigious streame; because that by often alteration of chanell, it inforceth men to séeke new bounds vnto their lands, for here it laieth new ground, and there translateth and taketh awaie the old, so that there is nothing more vnconstant than the course of the said water. Of the monasterie Bangor also, by which it passeth after it hath left Orton bridge, I find this note, which I will not omit, because of the slaughter of monks made sometime néere vnto the same. For although the place require it not, yet I am not willing altogither to omit it.

Beston. "The Beston river starts in the wooded area between Spruston and Beston Castle with a forked source. Leaving Beston town to the northeast, it flows towards Tarneton and Hakesleie, where it splits in such a way that one branch goes by Totnall, Goldburne, and Léehall to Alford, and then into the Dee. The other branch goes by Stapleford, Terwine, Barrow, Picton, and Therton, where it forks again, sending one arm toward Stanneie Pool and the park side into the Mersey arm, moving northwest, and another to the southwest, which circles back by Stoke, Croughton, Backeford, Charleton, Upton, the Baites, and then under a bridge to Chester ward, where it enters the Dee arm at Flockes Brook, leaving Wirral to the northwest as an island, which protrudes like a leg between the Mersey and Dee arms, while also creating another small island within, whose boundaries to the northwest are between Thorneton, Chester, and Aldford, to the northeast Thorneton and Hakesleie, and to the southeast Hakesleie and Aldford, resulting in a shape that somewhat resembles a triangle." And that is a brief description of the Dee, which can be a troublesome river when the wind blows from the southwest, and very dangerous, so much so that few dare to cross it. Sometimes during harvest time, it brings down so much water when the wind blows in the same direction, [Page 141] that it floods all the grass and crops growing in the lower lands near its banks. Truly, it is about three hundred feet wide at its departure from the Tignie and is rightly called a litigious stream because, due to its frequent changes in course, it forces people to seek new boundaries for their lands; for here it creates new ground and there shifts and takes away the old, making its course more unpredictable than anything else. Regarding the monastery of Bangor, which it passes after leaving Orton Bridge, I find this note worth mentioning due to the massacre of monks that once occurred nearby. Although the place may not necessarily require it, I do not wish to completely disregard it.

The situation of the monasterie of Bangor. This abbeie of Bangor stood sometime in English Mailor, by hither and south of the riuer Dée. It is now ploughed ground where that house stood, by the space of a Welsh mile (which reacheth vnto a mile and an halfe English) and to this day the tillers of the soile there doo plow vp bones (as they saie) of those monks that were slaine in the quarrell of Augustine, and within the memorie of man some of them were taken vp in their rotten weeds, which were much like vnto those of our late blacke monks, as Leland set it downe: yet Erasmus is of the opinion, that the apparell of the Benedictine monks was such as most men did weare generallie at their first institution. But to proceed. This abbeie stood in a valleie, and in those times the riuer ran hard by it. The compasse thereof likewise was as the circuit of a walled towne, and to this daie two of the gates may easilie be discerned, of which the one is named Port Hogan lieng by north, the other Port Clais situat vpon the south. But the Dée hauing now changed his chanell, runneth through the verie middest of the house betwixt those two gates, the one being at the left a full halfe mile from the other. As for the squared stone that is found hereabout, and the Romane coine, there is no such necessitie of the rehersall therof, but that I may passe it ouer well inough without anie further mention.

The status of the Bangor monastery. This abbey of Bangor used to be in English Mailor, near the south side of the River Dee. It's now farmland where the monastery once stood, covering about a Welsh mile (which is about a mile and a half in English). To this day, farmers in the area claim they plow up bones of the monks who were killed in the conflict involving Augustine, and within living memory, some of these remains were found in decayed clothing, similar to what our recent black monks wore, as noted by Leland. However, Erasmus believes that the clothing of the Benedictine monks was more like what most people wore when the order was first established. But I digress. This abbey was located in a valley, with the river flowing nearby at that time. Its boundaries were similar to those of a walled town, and to this day, two gates can still be easily identified: one called Port Hogan, located to the north, and the other Port Clais, situated to the south. However, the Dee has since changed its course, now running right through the middle of the site between those two gates, which are half a mile apart. As for the squared stones and Roman coins found in the area, it's not necessary to mention them in detail, so I will skip over that.

Being past the Dée we sailed about Wirall, passing by Hibrie or Hilbrée Iland, and Leuerpole, Nasse, making our entrie into Merseie arme by Leuerpole hauen, where we find a water falling out betwéene Seacombe and the Ferie, which dooth in maner cut off the point from the maine of Wirall. For rising néere to the northwest shore, it holdeth a course directlie toward the southeast by Wallaseie and Poton, and so leaueth all the north part beyond that water a peninsula, the same being three square, inuironed on two sides with the Ocean, & on the third with the aforesaid brooke, whose course is well néere three miles except I be deceiued. Frō hence entring further into the hauen, we find another fall betwéene Bebington and Brombro chappell, descending from the hilles, which are seene to lie not farre from the shore, and thence crossing the fall of the Beston water, we come next of all vnto the Wiuer. Wiuer, than the which I read of no riuer in England that fetcheth more or halfe so many windlesses and crinklings, before it come at the sea. It riseth at Buckle hilles, which lie betwéene Ridleie and Buckle townes, and soone after making a lake of a mile & more in length called Ridleie poole, it runneth by Ridleie to Chalmondlie.

After passing the Dee, we sailed around Wirral, going by Hibrie or Hilbrée Island and Liverpool, making our way into the Mersey arm near Liverpool harbor. There, we found a stream flowing between Seacombe and the Ferry, which essentially cuts off the point from the main part of Wirral. It rises close to the northwest shore and flows directly southeast by Wallasey and Porton, leaving all the northern part beyond that water as a peninsula, roughly three square miles in size, surrounded on two sides by the ocean and on the third side by the aforementioned stream, which runs nearly three miles, unless I’m mistaken. From here, as we continue further into the harbor, we find another stream between Bebington and Bromborough chapel, descending from the hills that are visible not far from the shore. Crossing the flow of the Beston water, we next reach the Wirral. The Wirral is, as far as I know, the river in England with the most twists and turns before it reaches the sea. It rises at Buckle Hills, located between Ridley and Buckle towns, and soon after forms a mile-long lake called Ridley Pool, flowing by Ridley to Chalmondley.

Thence it goeth to Wrenburie, where it taketh in a water out of a moore Combrus. that commeth from Marburie: and beneth Sandford bridge the Combrus from Combermer or Comber lake: and finallie the third that commeth from about Moneton, and runneth by Langerslaw, then betweene Shenton and Atherlie parkes, and so into the Wiuer, which watereth all the west part of England, and is no lesse notable than the fift Auon or third Ouze, whereof I haue spoken alreadie. After these confluences it hasteth also Betleie. to Audlem, Hawklow, and at Barderton crosseth the Betleie water, that runneth by Duddington, Widdenberie, and so by Barderton into the aforesaid streame. Thence it goeth to Nantwich, but yer it come at Salop. Marchford bridge, it meeteth with a rill called Salopbrooke (as I gesse) comming from Caluerleie ward, and likewise beneath the said bridge, with Lée and Wuluarne. the Lée and the Wuluarne both in one chanell, wherof the first riseth at Weston, the ether goeth by Copnall. From hence the Wiuer runneth on to Minchion and Cardeswijc, and the next water that falleth into it is the Ashe. Ashe (which passeth by Darnall Grange) and afterward going to Warke, the vale Roiall, and Eaton, it commeth finallie to Northwich where it [Page 142]
Dane.
receiueth the Dane, to be described as followeth. The Dane riseth in the verie edges of Chester, Darbishire, & Staffordshire, and comming by Warneford, Swithamleie and Bosleie, is a limit betwéene Stafford and Darbie shires, almost euen from the verie head, which is in Maxwell forrest.

Then it goes to Wrenburie, where it takes in water from a bog Combro. that comes from Marburie: and below Sandford bridge, the Combrus from Combermer or Comber lake: and finally the third one that comes from around Moneton, and runs by Langerslaw, then between Shenton and Atherlie parks, and so into the Wiuer, which waters all of western England, and is just as notable as the fifth Avon or third Ouze, which I have already mentioned. After these confluences, it also quickly Betley. flows to Audlem, Hawklow, and at Barderton crosses the Betleie water, that runs by Duddington, Widdenberie, and so by Barderton into the aforementioned stream. From there, it goes to Nantwich, but before it reaches Salop. Marchford bridge, it meets a stream called Salopbrooke (as I guess) coming from Caluerleie ward, and also below the said bridge, with Lée and Wuluarne. the Lée and Wuluarne both in one channel, where the first rises at Weston, the other goes by Copnall. From here, the Wiuer runs on to Minchion and Cardeswijc, and the next water that falls into it is the Ashe. Ashe (which passes by Darnall Grange) and afterward going to Warke, the Vale Roiall, and Eaton, it finally comes to Northwich where it [Page 142] Danish. receives the Dane, which will be described next. The Dane rises at the very edges of Chester, Darbishire, and Staffordshire, and coming by Warneford, Swithamleie, and Bosleie, serves as a boundary between Stafford and Derbyshire, almost all the way from the very source, which is in Maxwell forest.

Bidle. It is not long also yer it doo méet with the Bidle water, that commeth by Congerton, and after the confluence goeth vnto Swetham, the Heremitage, Cotton and Croxton, there taking in two great waters, Whelocke. whereof the one is called Whelocke, which comming from the edge of the countie by Morton to Sandbach, crosseth another that descended from church Cawlhton, and after the confluence goeth to Warmingham, ioining also beneath Midlewish with the Croco or Croxston, the second great water, whose head commeth out of a lake aboue Bruerton (as I heare) and Croco. thence both the Whelocke and the Croco go as one vnto the Dane, at Croxton, as the Dane dooth from thence to Bostocke, Dauenham, Shebruch, Shurlach, and at Northwich into the foresaid Wiuer. After this confluence the Wiuer runneth on to Barneton, and there in like sort receiueth two brookes in one chanell, whereof one commeth from aboue Allostocke, by Holme & Lastocke, the other from beyond Birtles mill, by Piuereie. Chelford (where it taketh in a rill called Piuereie) thence to ouer Waterlesse. Peuer, Holford, and there crossing the Waterlesse brooke (growing of two becks and ioining at nether Tableie) it goeth foorth to Winshambridge, and then méeting with the other, after this confluence they procéed till they come almost at Barneton, where the said chanell ioineth with a pretie water running thorough two lakes, whereof the greatest lieth betwéene Comberbach, Rudworth and Marburie. But to go forward with the course of the maine riuer. After these confluences our Wiuer goeth to Warham, Actonbridge, and Dutton, ouer against which towne, on the other side it méeteth with a rill, comming from Cuddington: also the second going by Norleie, and Gritton, finallie the third soone after from Kimsleie, and then procéedeth on in his passage by Asheton chappell, Frodesham, Rockesauage, and so into the sea: and this is all that I doo find of the Wiuer, whose influences might haue beene more largelie set downe, if mine iniunctions had béene amplie deliuered, yet this I hope may suffice for his description, and knowledge of his course.

Boodle. It isn't long before it meets the Bidle water, which comes by Congerton, and after their confluence continues on to Swetham, the Hermitage, Cotton, and Croxton, picking up two major streams along the way. Whelocke. One of these is called Whelocke, which flows from the edge of the county by Morton to Sandbach, crossing another stream that comes down from Church Cawlhton. After their confluence, it heads to Warmingham, also joining below Midlewish with the Croco or Croxston, the second major stream, which originates from a lake above Bruerton (as I've heard), and Crocodile. from there, both the Whelocke and the Croco flow together to the Dane at Croxton, as the Dane flows from there to Bostock, Davenham, Shebruch, Shurlach, and into the previously mentioned Wiuer at Northwich. After this confluence, the Wiuer continues on to Barneton, where it similarly receives two brooks into one channel, one coming from above Allostock, through Holme and Lastock, the other from beyond Birtles Mill, through Piuereie. Chelford (where it also collects a stream called Piuereie), then to Peuer, Holford, and there crossing the Waterless brook (which is formed from two streams that join at Nether Tabley), it goes onward to Winshambridge, and then, upon meeting the other, they proceed until they are almost at Barneton, where the channel merges with a lovely stream running through two lakes, the largest of which lies between Comberbach, Rudworth, and Marburie. But let's continue with the main river's course. After these confluences, our Wiuer heads to Warham, Actonbridge, and Dutton, opposite which town, on the other side, it meets a stream coming from Cuddington; also a second one flowing by Norleie and Gritton, and finally, the third shortly after from Kimsleie, and then it continues on its path by Asheton Chapel, Frodesham, Rockesauage, and into the sea. And that's all I've found about the Wiuer, which could have been described in more detail if my instructions had been more thoroughly given, yet I hope this will suffice for its description and understanding of its course.

Merseie. The Merseie riseth among the Peke hils, and from thence going downe to the Woodhouse, and taking sundrie rilles withall by the waie, it becommeth the confines betwéene Chester and Darbishires. Going also toward Goitehall, it méeteth with a faire brooke increased by sundrie Goite. waters called Goite, whereof I find this short and briefe description. The Goite riseth not far from the Shire méere hill (wherein the Doue and the Dane haue their originall) that parteth Darbishire and Chestershire in sunder, and thence commeth downe to Goite houses, Ouerton, Taxhall, Frith. Shawcrosse, and at Weibridge taketh in the Frith, and beneath Berdhall, Set. the Set that riseth aboue Thersethall and runneth by Ouerset. After this confluence also the Merseie goeth to Goite hall, & at Stockford or Tame. Stopford towne méeteth with the Tame, which diuideth Chestershire and Lancastershire in sunder, and whose head is in the verie edge of Yorkeshire, from whence it goeth southward to Sadleworth Firth, then to Mukelhirst, Stalie hall, Ashdon Vnderline, Dunkenfield, Denton, Reddish, and so at Stockford into the Merseie streame, which passeth foorth in like sort to Diddesbirie, receiuing a brooke by the waie that commeth from Lime parke, by Brumhall parke and Chedle.

Mersey. The Merseie rises among the Peke hills, then flows down to the Woodhouse, picking up various streams along the way, becoming the border between Chester and Derbyshire. Heading toward Goitehall, it encounters a pretty brook fed by several streams known as Goite, which I’ll briefly describe. The Goite springs not far from the Shire Mere hill (where the Dove and the Dane originate), separating Derbyshire and Cheshire, and then flows down to Goite houses, Ouerton, Taxhall, Frith. Shawcrosse, and at Weibridge, it joins the Frith, and below Berdhall, Set. the Set springs above Thersethall and flows by Ouerset. After this confluence, the Merseie continues to Goitehall, and at Stockford or Domesticated. Stopford town, it meets the Tame, which divides Cheshire and Lancashire, with its source at the very edge of Yorkshire, flowing south to Saddleworth Firth, then to Mukelhirst, Stalie Hall, Ashdon Underline, Dunkinfield, Denton, Reddish, and finally at Stockford into the Merseie stream, which continues on to Diddesbirie, receiving a brook along the way from Lime Park, by Brumhall Park and Cheadle.

Irwell. From Diddesbirie it procéedeth to Norden, Ashton, Aiston, Flixston, where it receiueth the Irwell a notable water, and therefore his description is not to be omitted before I doo go forward anie further with the Merseie, although it be not nauigable by reason of sundrie rockes and shalowes that lie dispersed in the same. It riseth aboue Bacop, and goeth thence to Rosendale, and in the waie to Aitenfield it taketh in a water from Haselden. After this confluence it goeth to Ræus, or Rache. Newhall, Brandlesham, Brurie, and aboue Ratcliffe ioineth with the Rache Leland speaketh of the Corue water about Manchester; but I know nothing of his course. water, a faire streame and to be described when I haue finished the Irwell, as also the next vnto it beneath Ratcliffe, bicause I would not haue so manie ends at once in hand wherewith to trouble my readers. Being therfore past these two, our Irwell goeth on to Clifton, Hollond, Edgecroft, Strengwaies, and to Manchester, where it vniteth it selfe Yrke. with the Yrke, that runneth thereinto by Roiton Midleton, Heaton hill, [Page 143] Medlockte. and Blackeleie. Beneath Manchester also it méeteth with the Medlocke that commeth thither from the northeast side of Oldham, and betwéene, Claiton and Garret Halles, and so betwéene two parkes, falling into it about Holne. Thence our Irwell going forward to Woodsall, Whicleswijc, Ecles, Barton, and Deuelhom, it falleth néere vnto Flixton, into the water of Merseie, where I will staie a while withall, till I haue brought the other vnto some passe, of which I spake before.

Irwell River. From Diddesbirie, it flows to Norden, Ashton, Aiston, and Flixston, where it receives the Irwell, a notable river, so I need to describe it before moving on to the Mersey, even though it’s not navigable due to various rocks and shallows scattered throughout. It rises above Bacop, then goes to Rosendale, and on the way to Aitenfield, it takes in a stream from Haselden. After this confluence, it heads toward Ræus, or Rache. Newhall, Brandlesham, Brurie, and above Ratcliffe join the Rache Leland talks about the Corve water near Manchester, but I don't know much about its course. water, a charming stream that I will describe once I finish with the Irwell, as well as the next one below Ratcliffe, because I don't want to overwhelm my readers with too many topics at once. So, after passing these two, our Irwell continues to Clifton, Hollond, Edgecroft, Strengwaies, and Manchester, where it merges Job. with the Yrke, which flows in from Roiton, Middleton, Heaton Hill, [Page 143] Medlock. and Blackeleie. Below Manchester, it also meets the Medlock, which comes from the northeast side of Oldham, between Claiton and Garrett Halles, and falls into it near Holne. From there, our Irwell moves on to Woodsall, Whicleswijc, Eccles, Barton, and Develhom, and it flows close to Flixton, into the water of Mersey, where I will pause for a while until I bring the other one to a point that I mentioned earlier.

Rache. The Rache, Rech or Rish consisteth of sundrie waters, whereof ech one in maner hath a proper name, but the greatest of all is Rache it selfe, which riseth among the blacke stonie hils, from whence it goeth to Beile. Littlebrough, and being past Clegge, receiueth the Beile, that commeth thither by Milneraw chappell. After this confluence also, it méeteth Sprotton. with a rill néere vnto Rachedale, and soone after with the Sprotton Sudleie. water, and then the Sudleie brooke, whereby his chanell is not a little increased, which goeth from thence to Grisehirst and so into the Irwell,
Bradsha.
before it come at Ratcliffe. The second streame is called Bradsha. It riseth of two heds, aboue Tureton church, whence it runneth to Bradsha, Walmesleie. and yer long taking in the Walmesleie becke, they go in one chanell till they come beneath Bolton in the More. From hence (receiuing a water that commeth from the roots of Rauenpike hill by the way) it goeth by Deane and Bolton in the More, and so into Bradsha water, which taketh his waie to Leuermore, Farnworth, Leuerlesse, and finallie into the Irwell, which I before described, and whereof I find these two verses to be added at the last:

Revenge. The Rache, Rech, or Rish consists of various streams, each having its own name, but the most significant is Rache itself, which originates among the dark, rocky hills, then flows to Be careful. Littlebrough, and after passing Clegge, it receives the Beile that comes from Milneraw chapel. After this merging, it meets Sprocket. with a stream near Rachedale, and shortly after it connects with the Sprotton Suddenly. water, and then the Sudleie brook, which significantly increases its flow, as it continues to Grisehirst and then into the Irwell, Bradshaw. before reaching Ratcliffe. The second stream is called Bradsha. It rises from two heads, above Tureton church, then flows to Bradsha, Walmesley. and shortly afterward, it takes in the Walmesleie beck, creating a single channel until they reach below Bolton in the More. From there (receiving a stream that comes from the roots of Rauenpike hill along the way), it passes by Deane and Bolton in the More, finally flowing into Bradsha water, which makes its way to Leuermore, Farnworth, Leuerlesse, and ultimately into the Irwell, which I previously described, where I find these two verses added at the end:

Irke, Irwell, Medlocke, and Tame,

Irke, Irwell, Medlock, and Tame,

When they meet with the Merseie, do loose their name.

When they meet with the Merseie, they lose their name.

Now therefore to resume our Merseie, you shall vnderstand that after his confluence with the Irwell, he runneth to Partington, and not farre from Gles. thence interteineth the Gles, or Glesbrooke water, increased with sundrie armes, wherof one commeth from Lodward, another from aboue Houghton, the third from Hulton parke, and the fourth from Shakerleie: and being all vnited néere vnto Leigh, the confluence goeth to Holcroft, and aboue Holling gréene into the swift Merseie. After this increase the said streame in like sort runneth to Rigston, & there admitteth the Bollein brooke. Bollein or Bolling brooke water into his societie, which rising néere the Chamber in Maxwell forrest goeth to Ridge, Sutton, Bollington, Prestbirie, and Newton, where it taketh in a water comming from about Pot Chappell, which runneth from thence by Adlington, Woodford, Birkin. Wimesleie, Ringeie, and Ashleie, there receiuing the Birkin brooke that commeth from betwéene Allerton and Marchall, by Mawberleie, and soone Mar. after the Marus or Mar, that commeth thereinto from Mar towne, by Rawstorne, and after these confluences goeth on to Downham, and ouer against Rixton beneath Crosford bridge into the Merseie water, which procéeding on, admitteth not another that méeteth with all néere Lim before it go to Thelwall. Thence also it goeth by Bruche and so to Warrington, a little beneath crossing a brooke that commeth from Par by Browseie, Bradleie, and Saukeie on the one side, and another on the other that commeth thither from Gropenhall, and with these it runneth on to nether Walton, Acton grange, and so to Penkith, where it interteineth Bold.
Grundich.
the Bold, and soone after the Grundich water on the other side, that passeth by Preston, and Daresbirie. Finallie our Merseie going by Moulton, it falleth into Lirepoole, or as it was called of old Liuerpoole hauen, when it is past Runcorne. And thus much of the Merseie, comparable vnto the Wiuer, and of no lesse fame than most riuers of this Iland.

Now, to continue with our discussion about the Mersey, you should know that after it merges with the Irwell, it flows toward Partington and not far from Gles. From there, it takes in the Gles, or Glesbrooke water, which is fed by several branches. One comes from Lodward, another from above Houghton, a third from Hulton Park, and the fourth from Shakerley. After all these streams combine near Leigh, the flow continues to Holcroft and above Holling Green into the swift Mersey. Following this increase, the stream flows to Rigston, where it welcomes the Bollein Brook. The Bollein or Bolling brook, which rises near the Chamber in Maxwell Forest, flows through Ridge, Sutton, Bollington, Prestbury, and Newton, where it picks up a stream coming from around Pot Chapel, which flows through Adlington, Woodford, Birkin bag. Wimsley, Ringeley, and Ashleie, where it receives the Birkin brook coming from between Allerton and Marshall, by Mawberley, and soon after, March. the Marus or Mar, which comes in from Mar town, by Rawstorne. After these mergers, it continues to Downham, and opposite Rixton beneath Crosford Bridge into the Mersey water, which then moves on without any other merging stream until it reaches Lim before going to Thelwall. From there, it flows by Bruche and then to Warrington, just below where it crosses a stream coming from Par through Browseie, Bradleie, and Saukeie on one side, and another from Gropenhall on the other. It continues on to Nether Walton, Acton Grange, and then to Penkith, where it takes in the Bold. Grundich. Bold, and soon after the Grundich water on the other side, which flows past Preston and Daresbury. Finally, our Mersey, flowing by Moulton, empties into Liverpool, or as it was once known, Liiverpool Haven, after passing Runcorn. And that's about the Mersey, which is comparable to the Weaver and is just as famous as most rivers in this island.

Tarbocke. Being past these two, we come next of all to the Tarbocke water, that falleth into the sea at Harbocke, without finding anie mo till we be past all Wirall, out of Lirepoole hauen, and from the blacke rockes that lie vpon the north point of the aforesaid Iland. Then come we to the Alt or Ast. Altmouth, whose fresh rising not far into the land, commeth to Feston, and soone after receiuing another on the right hand, that passeth into it by Aughton, it is increased no more before it come at the sea. Neither find I anie other falles till I méet with the mouth of the Duglesse or Dulesse. Yarrow and Duglesse, which haue their recourse to the sea in one chanell as I take it. The Duglesse commeth from by west of Rauenspike hill, and yer long runneth by Andertonford to Worthington, and so (taking in two or thrée rilles by the waie) to Wigen, where it receiueth two waters in [Page 144] one chanell, of which one commeth in south from Brin parke, the other from northeast. Being past this, it receiueth one on the north side from Standish, and another by south from Hollond, and then goeth on toward Taud or Skelmere. Rufford chappell taking the Taud withall, that descendeth from aboue Skelmersdale towne, and goeth through Lathan parke, belonging (as I heare) vnto the earle of Derbie. It méeteth also on the same side, Merton. with Merton méere water, in which méere is one Iland called Netholme beside other, and when it is past the hanging bridge, it is not long yer it fall into the Yarrow.

Tarbocke. After passing these two, we arrive at the Tarbocke water, which flows into the sea at Harbocke, with no other rivers until we get past all of Wirall, out of Liverpool harbor, and beyond the black rocks at the northern point of the aforementioned island. Next, we encounter the Alt or Ast. Altmouth, whose fresh waters rise not far inland, reaching Feston, and soon after receiving another stream on the right that flows into it from Aughton, it doesn’t gain any more water before it reaches the sea. I don't find any other rivers until I meet the mouth of the Duglesse or Dulesse. Yarrow and Duglesse, which I believe flow into the sea through a single channel. The Duglesse originates to the west of Rauenspike Hill, and shortly runs past Andertonford to Worthington, collecting two or three smaller streams along the way, before reaching Wigan, where it merges with two waters in [Page 144] one channel; one comes in from the south near Brin Park and the other from the northeast. After this, it takes in a northern tributary from Standish and another from the south near Hollond, then continues toward Taud or Skelmere. Rufford Chapel also connects with the Taud, which flows down from above Skelmersdale town and passes through Lathan Park, reportedly owned by the Earl of Derby. On the same side, it also meets with Merton Mere water, in which there is an island called Netholme among others, and after passing the hanging bridge, it’s not long before it flows into the Yarrow.

Yarrow. Bagen. The Yarrow riseth of two heads, whereof the second is called Bagen brooke, and making a confluence beneath Helbie wood, it goeth on to Burgh, Eglestan, Crofton, and then ioineth next of all with the Dugglesse, after which confluence, the maine streame goeth foorth to Bankehall, Charleton, How, Hesket, and so into the sea. Leland writing of the Yarrow, saith thus of the same, so fare as I now remember. Into the Dugglesse also runneth the Yarrow, which commeth within a mile or thereabout of Chorleton towne, that parteth Lelandshire from Derbieshire. Vnder the foot of Chorle also I find a rill named Ceorle, and about a mile and a halfe from thence a notable quarreie of stones, whereof the inhabitants doo make a great boast and price. And hitherto to Leland.

Yarrow. Bagen. The Yarrow has two sources, the second of which is called Bagen Brook. Flowing together beneath Helbie Wood, it continues on to Burgh, Eglestan, Crofton, and then merges with the Dugglesse. After this confluence, the main stream flows onward to Bankehall, Charleton, How, Hesket, and eventually into the sea. Leland, writing about the Yarrow, says this to the best of my recollection. The Yarrow also flows into the Dugglesse, which is located about a mile from Chorleton town, marking the boundary between Lelandshire and Derbyshire. At the foot of Chorle, I also find a stream called Ceorle, and about a mile and a half from there is a notable quarry of stones, which the locals take great pride in. And that’s what Leland has to say.

Ribble. The Ribble, a riuer verie rich of salmon, and lampreie, dooth in manner inuiron Preston in Andernesse, and it riseth neere to Kibbesdale aboue Gisborne, from whence it goeth to Sawleie or Salleie, Chathburne, Odder. Woodington, Clithero castell, and beneath Mitton méeteth the Odder at north west, which riseth not farre from the crosse of Gréet in Yorkeshire, and going thence to Shilburne, Newton, Radholme parke, and Stonie hirst, it falleth yer long into the Ribble water. From hence the Calder. Ribble water hath not gone farre, but it méeteth with the Calder from southeast. This brooke riseth aboue Holme church in Yorkeshire, which lieth by east of Lancastershire, and going by Towleie and Burneleie, where it receiueth a trifling rill, thence to Higham, and yer long crossing one water that commeth from Wicoler by Colne, and another by Pidle. and by named Pidle brooke, that runneth by New church in the Pidle, it méeteth with the Calder, which passeth foorth to Paniam; and thence receiuing a becke on the other side, it runneth on to Altham, and so to Henburne. Martholme, where the Henburne brooke dooth ioine withall, that goeth by Akington chappell, Dunkinhalgh, Rishton, and so into the Calder, as I haue said before. The Calder therefore being thus inlarged, runneth foorth to Reade, where maister Nowell dwelleth, to Whallie, and soone after into Ribble, that goeth from this confluence to Salisburie hall, Ribchester, Osbastin, Samburie, Keuerden, Law, Ribbles bridge, & then Darwent. taketh in the Darwent, before it goeth by Pontwarth or Pentwarth into the maine sea. The Darwent diuideth Lelandshire from Andernesse, and it riseth by east aboue Darwent chappell; and soone after vniting it selfe Blackeburne.
Rodlesworth.
with the Blackeburne, and Rodlesworth water, it goeth through Houghton parke, by Houghton towne, to Walton hall, and so into the Ribble. As for Sannocke. the Sannocke brooke, it riseth somewhat aboue Longridge chappell, goeth to Broughton towne, Cotham, Lée hall, and so into Ribble. And here is all that I haue to saie of this riuer.

Ribble. The Ribble, a river very rich in salmon and lamprey, pretty much surrounds Preston in Andernesse. It rises near Kibbesdale above Gisborne, flowing to Sawley, Chathburne, Odder. Woodington, Clitheroe Castle, and below Mitton, it meets the Odder from the northwest, which rises not far from the cross at Greete in Yorkshire. From there, it goes on to Shilburne, Newton, Radholme Park, and Stonie Hirst, eventually flowing into the Ribble. After that, the Calder. Ribble hasn't traveled far before it meets the Calder from the southeast. This stream rises above Holme Church in Yorkshire, east of Lancashire, and flows through Towleie and Burneleie, where it takes in a small stream. It continues to Higham and soon crosses another water coming from Wicoler by Colne and another called Pidle, which runs by New Church in Pidle, meeting up with the Calder. The Calder then flows onward to Paniam and, after taking in a brook from the other side, continues to Altham, and then to Henburne. Martholme, where the Henburne brook joins it, flowing past Akington Chapel, Dunkinhalgh, Rishton, and into the Calder, as I mentioned earlier. Thus, the Calder, now expanded, flows on to Reade, where Mr. Nowell lives, to Whallie, and shortly after into the Ribble, which flows from this confluence to Salisbury Hall, Ribchester, Osbaldeston, Samlesbury, Kebberden, Law, Ribble Bridge, and then Darwent. takes in the Darwent before it passes by Pontwarth or Pentwarth into the main sea. The Darwent separates Lelandshire from Andernesse and rises from the east above Darwent Chapel; soon after it unites with the Blackeburne and Rodlesworth waters, flowing through Houghton Park, past Houghton Town, to Walton Hall, and into the Ribble. As for Sannocke. the Sannocke brook, it rises a bit above Longridge Chapel, flows to Broughton Town, Cotham, Lee Hall, and into the Ribble. And that's all I have to say about this river.

Wire. The Wire riseth eight or ten miles from Garstan, out of an hill in Wiresdale forrest, from whence it runneth by Shireshed chappell, and then going by Wadland, or Waddiler, Grenelaw castell (which belongeth to the erle of Darbie) Garstan, and Kirkland hall, it first receiueth the Calder. 2. second Calder, that commeth downe by Edmerseie chappell, then another chanell increased with sundrie waters, which I will here describe before I procéed anie further with the Wire. I suppose that the first water is Plimpton. called Plimpton brooke, it riseth south of Gosner, and commeth by Barton. Cawford hall, and yer long receiuing the Barton becke, it procéedeth Brooke. forward till it ioineth with the Brooke rill that commeth from Bowland forrest, by Claughton hall, where master Brookehales dooth lie, & so through Mersco forrest. After this confluence the Plime or Plimpton water méeteth with the Calder, and then with the Wire, which passeth Skipton. foorth to Michaell church, and the Raw cliffes, and aboue Thorneton crosseth the Skipton that goeth by Potton, then into the Wire rode, and [Page 145] finallie through the sands into the sea, according to his nature. When we were past the fall of the Wire, we coasted vp by the salt cotes, to Coker. Coker mouth, whose head, though it be in Weresdale forrest, not far from that of the Wire, yet the shortnesse of course deserueth no description. Cowdar. The next is Cowdar, which is comming out of Wire dale, as I take it, is not increased with anie other waters more than Coker, and therefore I will rid my hands thereof so much the sooner.

Wired. The Wire rises about eight or ten miles from Garstan, out of a hill in Wiresdale forest. It flows past Shireshed chapel, then continues by Wadland, or Waddiler, Grenelaw castle (which belongs to the Earl of Derby), Garstan, and Kirkland Hall. It first receives the Calder 2. second Calder, which comes down by Edmerseie chapel, and then another stream fed by various waters, which I will describe before I continue with the Wire. I believe the first water is Plimpton. called Plimpton brook; it rises south of Gosner and flows past Barton. Cawford Hall, and shortly after receiving the Barton beck, it continues Brooke. until it joins the Brooke rill that comes from Bowland forest, by Claughton Hall, where Master Brookehales lives, and so through Mersco forest. After this confluence, the Plime or Plimpton water meets with the Calder, and then with the Wire, which flows Skipton. on to Michael church, and the Raw cliffs, and above Thornton crosses the Skipton that goes by Potton, then into the Wire rode, and [Page 145] finally through the sands into the sea, as is its nature. After we passed the fall of the Wire, we coasted up by the salt works, to Coker. Coker mouth, whose source, although it is in Wiresdale forest not far from the Wire, is so short in course that it doesn’t merit much description. Cowdar. Next is Cowdar, which comes out of Wire dale; as far as I know, it is not fed by any other waters more than Coker, so I will quickly move on from that.

Lune. Being past these two, I came to a notable riuer called the Lune or Loine, or (as the booke of statutes hath) Lonwire Anno 13 Ric. 2. cap. 19, and giueth name to Lancaster, Lonecaster, or Lunecaster, where much Romane monie is found, and that of diuerse stamps, whose course dooth rest to be described as followeth; and whereof I haue two descriptions. The first being set downe by Leland, as master Moore of Catharine hall in Cambridge deliuered it vnto him. The next I exhibit as it was giuen vnto me, by one that hath taken paines (as he saith) to search out and view the same, but verie latelie to speake of. The Lune (saith master Moore) of some commonlie called the Loine, riseth at Crosseho, in Dent dale, in the edge of Richmondshire out of thrée heads. North also from Dent dale is Garsdale, an vplandish towne, wherein are séene manie times great store of red déere that come downe to feed from the mounteins into the vallies, and thereby runneth a water, which afterward commeth to Sebbar vale, where likewise is a brooke méeting with Garsdale water, so that a little lower they go as one into Dent dale becke, which is the riuer that afterward is called Lune, or Lane, as I haue verie often noted it. Beside these waters also before mentioned, it receiueth at the foot of Sebbar vale, a great brooke, which commeth out of the Worth, betwéene Westmerland and Richmondshire, which taking with him the aforesaid chanels, dooth run seauen miles yer it come to Dent dale foot. From hence it entreth into Lansdale, corruptlie so called, peraduenture for Lunesdale, & runneth therein eight or nine miles southward, and in this dale is Kirbie. Hitherto master Moore, as Leland hath exemplified that parcell of his letters. But mine other note writeth hereof in this Burbecke. manner. Burbecke water riseth at Wustall head, by west, and going by Wustall foot to Skaleg, it admitteth the Breder that descendeth thither Breder. from Breder dale. From hence our Burbecke goeth to Breder dale foot, & so to Tibarie, where it méeteth with foure rilles in one bottome, of which one commeth from besides Orton, another from betwéene Rasebecke and Sunbiggin, the third and fourth from each side of Langdale: and after the generall confluence made, goeth toward Roundswath, aboue which Barrow. it vniteth it selfe with the Barrow. Thence it runneth to Howgill, Delaker, Firrebanke, and Killington, beneath which it meeteth with a Dent. water comming from the Moruill hilles, and afterward crossing the Dent brooke, that runneth thither from Dent towne, beneath Sebbar, they continue their course as one into the Burbecke, from whence it is called Lune. From hence it goeth to Burbon chappell, where it taketh in another rill comming from by east, then to Kirbie, Lansbele, and aboue Whittenton crosseth a brooke comming from the countie stone by Burros, Greteie. and soone after beneath Tunstall and Greteie, which descending from about Ingelborow hill, passeth by Twiselton, Ingleton, Thorneton, Burton, Wratton, and néere Thurland castell, toucheth finallie with the Lune, which brancheth, and soone after vniteth it selfe againe. After Wennie. this also it goeth on toward New parke, and receiueth the Wennie, and Hinburne. the Hinburne both in one chanell, of which this riseth north of the crosse of Greteie, and going by Benthams and Roberts hill, aboue Wraie Rheburne. taketh in the Rheburne that riseth north of Wulfecrag. After this confluence also aboue New parke, it maketh his gate by Aughton, Laughton, Skirton, Lancaster, Excliffe, Awcliffe, Soddaie, Orton, and so into the sea. Thus haue you both the descriptions of Lune, make your conference or election at your pleasure, for I am sworne to neither of them both.

Moon. After passing these two, I came to a well-known river called the Lune or Loine, or as the statute book names it, Lonwire Anno 13 Ric. 2. cap. 19, which gives its name to Lancaster, Lonecaster, or Lunecaster, where a lot of Roman coins are found, of various types, which I'll describe shortly. I have two accounts of it. The first is from Leland, as noted by Master Moore from Catherine Hall in Cambridge. The second I share as it was provided to me by someone who claims to have recently explored it. Master Moore says that the Lune, sometimes commonly referred to as the Loine, rises at Crosseho in Dentdale, at the edge of Richmondshire, from three sources. North of Dentdale is Garsdale, an upland town, where many times you can see a large number of red deer coming down from the mountains to feed in the valleys. A stream flows through there, which then leads to Sebbar Vale, where it meets another brook coming from Garsdale water, so that a little further down they combine into Dentdale Beck, which is the river that is later called Lune, or Lane, as I have often noted. Besides the waters previously mentioned, it takes in a large brook at the foot of Sebbar Vale, which flows from the Worth, between Westmorland and Richmondshire, running seven miles before it reaches Dentdale foot. From here it enters Lansdale, perhaps mistakenly called that, possibly for Lunesdale, and runs eight or nine miles southward, where Kirbie is located. Up to this point, Master Moore has illustrated that part of his letters as Leland described. But my other note presents this information in this Burbecke. way. Burbecke water rises at Wustall head, from the west, flows by Wustall foot to Skaleg, where it takes in the Breder that comes down from Brederdale. From there, our Burbecke goes to Brederdale foot and then to Tibarie, where it meets four streams in one place, of which one comes from near Orton, another from between Rasebecke and Sunbiggin, the third and fourth from either side of Langdale: and after they flow together, it heads toward Roundswath, above which Barrow. it joins with the Barrow. Then it flows to Howgill, Delaker, Firrebanke, and Killington, below which it meets a Ding. stream coming from the Moruill hills, and then crossing the Dent brook that flows from Dent town, below Sebbar, they continue together into the Burbecke, from where it’s called Lune. From here it goes to Burbon chapel, where it takes in another stream coming from the east, then to Kirbie, Lansbele, and above Whittenton crosses a brook coming from the county stone by Burros, Greta. and soon after, below Tunstall and Greteie, which flows from around Ingelborow hill, passes by Twiselton, Ingleton, Thornton, Burton, Wratton, and near Thurland castle, finally touches the Lune, which splits off and soon merges back together. After Wennie. this, it continues towards New Park, receiving the Wennie and Hinburne. the Hinburne both into one channel, with this one rising north of the cross of Greteie, and flowing by Benthams and Roberts hill, above Wraie Rheburne. takes in the Rheburne that rises north of Wulfecrag. After this confluence, also above New Park, it continues through Aughton, Laughton, Skirton, Lancaster, Excliffe, Awcliffe, Soddaie, Orton, and out to the sea. Thus you have both descriptions of Lune; feel free to compare or choose whichever you prefer, as I am sworn to neither.

Docker. The next fall is called Docker, and peraduenture the same that Leland Kerie. dooth call the Kerie, which is not farre from Wharton, where the rich Kitson was borne, it riseth north of Docker towne, and going by Barwijc hall, it is not increased before it come at the sea, where it falleth into the Lune water at Lunesands. Next of all we come to Bitham beck, [Page 146] which riseth not far from Bitham towne and parke, in the hilles, where about are great numbers of goates kept and mainteined, and by all likelihood resorteth in the end to Linsands.

Docker. The next stream is called Docker, which may be the same one that Leland Kerie. refers to as the Kerie, not far from Wharton, where the wealthy Kitson was born. It rises north of Docker town and passes by Barwijc hall, not gaining much in size until it reaches the sea, where it flows into the Lune water at Lunesands. After that, we come to Bitham beck, [Page 146] which rises not far from Bitham town and park, in the hills, where many goats are kept and maintained, and it likely flows into Linsands in the end.

Being past this, we find a forked arme of the sea called Kensands: into the first of which diuerse waters doo run in one chanell, as it were from foure principall heads, one of them comming from Grarrig hall, another frō by west of Whinfield, & ioining with the first on the east Sprota. side of Skelmere parke. The third called Sprot or Sprota riseth at Sloddale, & commeth downe by west of Skelmer parke, so that these two brookes haue the aforesaid parke betwéene them, & fall into the fourth east of Barneside, not verie farre in sunder. The fourth or last called Ken. Ken, commeth from Kentmers side, out of Ken moore, in a poole of a mile compasse, verie well stored with fish, the head whereof, as of all the baronie of Kendall is in Westmerland, & going to Stauelope, it taketh in a rill from Chappleton Inges. Then leauing Colnehead parke by east, it passeth by Barneside, to Kendall, Helston, Sigath, Siggeswijc, Leuenbridge, Milnethorpe, and so into the sea. Certes this Ken is a pretie déepe riuer, and yet not safelie to be aduentured vpon, with boates and balingers, by reason of rolling stones, & other huge substances that oft annoie & trouble the middest of the chanell there. Winstar. The other péece of the forked arme, is called Winstar, the hed wherof is aboue Winstar chappell, & going downe almost by Carpmaunsell, & Netherslake, it is not long yer it fall into the sea, or sands, for all this coast, & a gulfe from the Ramside point to the Mealenasse, is so pestered with sands, that it is almost incredible to sée how they increase. Those also which inuiron the Kenmouth, are named Kensands: but such as receiue the descent from the Fosse, Winander, and Sparke, are called Leuesands, as I find by sufficient testimonie. The mouth or fall of the Dodon also is not farre from this impechment: wherefore it is to be thought, that these issues will yer long become verie noisome, if not Winander. choked vp altogither. The Winander water riseth about Cunbalrasestones, from whence it goeth to Cangridge, where it maketh a méere: then to Ambleside, and taking in yer it come there, two rilles on the left hand, and one on the right that commeth by Clapergate, it maketh (as I take it) the greatest méere, or fresh water in England; for I read it is ten miles in length. Finallie, comming to one small chanell aboue Newbridge, it reacheth not aboue six miles yer it fall into the sea. There is in Fosse. like sort a water, called the Fosse that riseth néere vnto Arneside, and Tillerthwates, and goeth foorth by Grisdale, Satrethwate, Rusland, Powbridge, Bowth, and so falleth with the Winander water into the maine sea. On the west side of the Fosse also commeth another through Furnesse felles, and from the hilles by north thereof, which yer long making the Thurstan lake not far from Hollinhow, and going by Bridge end, in a narrow channell, passeth foorth by Nibthwaits, Blareth, Cowlton, & Sparke. Sparke bridge, and so into the sea. Hauing passed the Leuen or Conisands, or Conistonesands, or Winander fall (for all is one) I come Lew. to the Lew, which riseth at Cewike chappell, and falleth into the sea Rawther. beside Plumpton. The Rawther descending out of low Furnesse, hath two heads, whereof one commeth from Penniton, the other by Vlmerstone abbeie, and ioining both in one chanell, they hasten into the sea, whither all waters direct their voiage. Then come we to another rill southwest of Aldingham, descending by Glaiston castell; and likewise the fourth that riseth néere Lindell, and running by Dawlton castell and Furnesse abbeie, not farre from the Barrow head, it falleth into the sea ouer against Waueie and Waueie chappell, except mine aduertisements misleade me.

Having passed this, we come to a fork in the sea called Kensands: into the first of which several streams flow together from four main sources, one of them coming from Grarrig hall, another from the west side of Whinfield, joining with the first on the east side of Skelmere park. The third, called Sprot or Sprota, rises at Sloddale and flows down on the west side of Skelmer park, so that these two streams have the aforementioned park between them and meet the fourth east of Barneside, not very far apart. The fourth or last, called Ken, comes from Kentmers side, out of Ken moore, in a pool about a mile wide, well stocked with fish. The source, as with all of the barony of Kendall, is in Westmerland, and as it approaches Stauelope, it takes in a stream from Chappleton Inges. Then, leaving Colnehead park to the east, it passes by Barneside, heading to Kendall, Helston, Sigath, Siggeswijc, Leuenbridge, Milnethorpe, and so into the sea. Indeed, this Ken is a pretty deep river, yet not safe for boats and small crafts due to rolling stones and other large obstacles that often annoy and disrupt the middle of the channel there. The other part of the fork is called Winstar, which begins above Winstar chapel, and flows down nearly by Carpmaunsell and Netherslake, before it soon empties into the sea or sands, as the entire coast from Ramside point to Mealenasse is so cluttered with sand that it's almost unbelievable how it keeps increasing. Those that surround the Kenmouth are named Kensands; those that drain from the Fosse, Winander, and Sparke are referred to as Leuesands, according to reliable accounts. The mouth or outlet of the Dodon is also not far from this issue; therefore, it is likely that these outlets will soon become very troublesome if not entirely choked up. The Winander water rises around Cunbalrasestones, from where it goes to Cangridge, creating a mere; then it flows to Ambleside, taking in two streams on the left and one on the right that comes by Clapergate, forming what I believe to be the largest mere or freshwater lake in England, as I read it is ten miles long. Finally, coming to a narrow channel above Newbridge, it stretches for about six miles before emptying into the sea. There is also a stream called the Fosse that rises near Arneside and Tillerthwates, flowing out through Grisdale, Satrethwate, Rusland, Powbridge, Bowth, and then merges with the Winander water into the main sea. On the west side of the Fosse, another stream comes through Furnesse fells and from the hills to the north, soon creating the Thurstan lake not far from Hollinhow. It continues by Bridge end in a narrow channel, passing through Nibthwaits, Blareth, Cowlton, and Sparke bridge, before flowing into the sea. After passing the Leuen or Conisands, or Conistonesands, or Winander fall (for they are all the same), I arrive at the Lew, which rises at Cewike chapel and falls into the sea beside Plumpton. The Rawther, descending from low Furnesse, has two sources: one comes from Penniton, and the other from the Ulmerstone abbey. Joining together in one channel, they flow swiftly into the sea, where all waters head. Next, we come to another stream southwest of Aldingham, flowing down by Glaiston castle; and similarly, the fourth rises near Lindell, running by Dawlton castle and Furnesse abbey, not far from the Barrow head, emptying into the sea opposite Waueie and Waueie chapel, unless my recollections mislead me.

Dodon. The Dodon, which from the head is bound vnto Cumberland and Westmerland, commeth from the Shire stone hill bottome, and going by Blackehill, Southwake, S. Iohns, Vffaie parke, & Broughton, it falleth into the orltwater, betwéene Kirbie, and Mallum castell. And thus are we now come vnto the Rauenglasse point, and well entred into the Cumberland countie.

Dodon. The Dodon, which from the source is connected to Cumberland and Westmorland, comes from the Shire Stone Hill bottom, and flows by Black Hill, Southwaite, St. John's, Uffaie Park, and Broughton, before it empties into the Orltwater, between Kirby and Malham Castle. And now we have reached the Ravensglass point and are well into Cumberland county.

Comming to Rauenglasse, I find hard by the towne a water comming from two heads, and both of them in lakes or pooles, whereof one issueth out Denocke. of Denocke or Deuenocke méere, and is called Denocke water, the other [Page 147]
Eske.
named Eske from Eske poole which runneth by Eskedale, Dalegarth, and soone after meeting with the Denocke, betwéene Mawburthwate and Rauenglasse, falleth into the sea. On the other side of Rauenglasse also Mite. commeth the Mite brooke, from Miterdale as I read. Then find we another which commeth from the hils, and at the first is forked, but soone after making a lake, they gather againe into a smaller chanell: finallie Brenge. meeting with the Brenge, they fall into the sea at Carleton southeast, as Cander. I wéene of Drig. The Cander, or (as Leland nameth it) the Calder, commeth out of Copeland forrest, by Cander, Sellefield, and so into the sea. Then come we to Euer water, descending out of a poole aboue Coswaldhow, and thence going by Euerdale, it crosseth a water from Arladon, and after procéedeth to Egremond, S. Iohns, and taking in another rill from Hide, it is not long yer it méeteth with the sea.

Arriving at Rauenglasse, I find close to the town a stream coming from two sources, both of which are in lakes or pools. One flows from the Denocke or Deuenocke mere and is called Denocke water. The other, named Eske, comes from Eske pool, which runs by Eskedale and Dalegarth, and soon after meeting with the Denocke, between Mawburthwate and Rauenglasse, flows into the sea. On the other side of Rauenglasse, the Mite brook comes from Miterdale, as I've read. Then there's another stream that comes from the hills, initially forked, but soon after forming a lake, it merges back into a smaller channel. Finally, meeting with the Brenge, they flow into the sea at Carleton southeast, I believe near Drig. The Cander, or as Leland calls it, the Calder, flows out of Copeland forest, passing by Cander, Sellefield, and then into the sea. Next, we reach Euer water, which comes down from a pool above Coswaldhow, and then flows through Euerdale, where it crosses a stream from Arladon, before proceeding to Egremond, S. John's, and not long after taking in another rill from Hide, it meets the sea.

The next fall is at Moresbie, whereof I haue no skill. From thence therefore we cast about by saint Bees to Derwentset hauen, whose water Dargwent. is truelie written Dargwent or Deruent. It riseth in the hils about Borrodale, from whence it goeth vnto the Grange, thence into a lake, in which are certeine Ilands, and so vnto Keswijc, where it falleth into Burthméere. the Bure, whereof the said lake is called Bursemere, or the Burthmere poole. In like sort the Bure or Burthmere water, rising among the hils goeth to Tegburthesworth, Forneside, S. Iohns, and Threlcote: and there Grise. méeting with a water from Grisdale, by Wakethwate, called Grise, it runneth to Burnesse, Keswijc, and there receiueth the Darwent. From Keswijc in like sort it goeth to Thorneswate (and there making a plash) to Armanswate, Isell, Huthwate and Cokermouth, and here it receiueth the Cokar. Cokar, which rising among the hils commeth by Lowsewater, Brakenthwate, Lorton, and so to Cokarmouth towne, from whence it hasteth to Bridgeham, and receiuing a rill called the Wire, on the south side that runneth by Dein, it leaueth Samburne and Wirketon behind it, and entereth into the sea.

The next river is at Moresbie, which I don’t know much about. From there, we head around by Saint Bees to Derwenthaven, whose water is correctly called Dargwent or Derwent. It rises in the hills near Borrodale, from where it flows to the Grange, then into a lake that has certain islands, and then to Keswick, where it empties into the Bure, which is why the lake is called Bursemere or Burthmere Pool. Similarly, the Bure or Burthmere water, rising among the hills, goes to Tegburthesworth, Forneside, St. John's, and Threlkeld: and there, meeting a stream from Grisdale, called Grise by Wakethwaite, it flows to Burness, Keswick, and there it receives the Derwent. From Keswick, it similarly goes to Thornthwaite (making a marsh there) to Armaswaite, Isell, Huthwaite, and Cockermouth, where it receives the Cocker, which rises among the hills and comes down by Loweswater, Brakenthwaite, and Lorton, before reaching the town of Cockermouth, from where it rushes to Bridgeham, picking up a stream called the Wire on the south side that runs past Dean, leaving Samburne and Wirketon behind as it enters the sea.

Wire. Leland saith that the Wire is a créeke where ships lie off at rode, and that Wirketon or Wirkington towne dooth take his name thereof. He addeth also that there is iron and coles, beside lead ore in Wiredale. Neuerthelesse the water of this riuer is for the most part sore troubled, as comming thorough a suddie or soddie more, so that little Elmus. good fish is said to liue therein. But to proceed. The Elme riseth in the mines aboue Amautrée, and from Amautre goeth to Yeresbie, Harbie, Brow, and there taking in a rill on the left hand comming by Torpennie, it goeth to Hatton castell, Alwarbie, Birthie, Dereham, and so into the sea. Thence we go about by the chappell at the point, and come to a baie serued with two fresh waters, whereof one rising westward goeth by Warton, Rabbie, Cotes, and so into the maine, taking in a rill withall Croco. from by south, called Croco, that commeth from Crockdale, by Bromefield. Vamus. The second is named Wampoole broocke, & this riseth of two heads, whereof one is about Cardew. Thence in like sort it goeth to Thuresbie, Croston, Owton, Gamlesbie, Wampall, the Larth, and betwéene Whiteridge and Kirbie into the saltwater. From hence we double the Bowlnesse, and come to an estuarie, whither thrée notable riuers doo resort, and this is named the Solueie mouth. But of all, the first excéedeth, which is called Eden, and whose description dooth follow here at hand.

Wire. Leland says that the Wire is a creek where ships anchor, and that the town of Wirketon or Wirkington gets its name from it. He also adds that there is iron and coal, in addition to lead ore in Wiredale. However, the water of this river is mostly quite disturbed, as it comes through a muddy area, so not much good fish is said to live there. But to continue. The Elme rises in the mines above Amautrée, and from Amautre, it flows to Yeresbie, Harbie, Brow, and there it takes in a stream on the left from Torpennie. It then goes to Hatton Castle, Alwarbie, Birthie, Dereham, and out to sea. From there, we go around by the chapel at the point and come to a bay served by two freshwater streams, one of which rises westward and flows by Warton, Rabbie, Cotes, and out into the main body of water, taking in a stream from the south called Croco, which comes from Crockdale by Bromefield. Let's go. The second is called Wampoole Brook, which has two sources, one near Cardew. From there, it flows similarly to Thuresbie, Croston, Owton, Gamlesbie, Wampall, the Larth, and between Whiteridge and Kirbie into the saltwater. From here, we round the Bowlnesse and come to an estuary, where three notable rivers converge, and this is called the Solueie mouth. But of all of them, the first is the most significant, called Eden, and its description follows shortly.

Eden. The Eden well fraught with samon, descendeth (as I heare) from the hils in Athelstane moore at the foot of Hussiat Moruell hil, where Swale also riseth, and southeast of Mallerstang forrest. From thence in like maner it goeth to Mallerstang towne, Pendragon castell, Wharton hall, Netbie, Hartleie castell, Kirkebie Stephan, and yer it come at great Musgrane, Helbecke. it receiueth thrée waters, whereof one is called Helbecke, bicause it commeth from the Derne and Elinge mounteins by a towne of the same Bellow. denomination. The other is named Bellow, and descendeth from the east mounteins by Sowarsbie, & these two on the northeast: the third falleth from Rauenstandale, by Newbiggin, Smardale, Soulbie, Blaterne, and so Orne. into Eden, that goeth from thence by Warcop; and taking in the Orne Moreton.
Dribecke.
about Burelles on the one side, and the Morton becke on the other, it hasteth to Applebie, thence to Cowlbie, where it crosseth the Dribecke, [Page 148]
Trowt becke.


Liuenet.
thence to Bolton, and Kirbie, and there méeting with the Trowt becke, and beneath the same with the Liuenet (whereinto falleth an other water from Thurenlie méeting withall beneath Clebron) it runneth finallie into Eden. After the confluences also the Eden passeth to Temple, and soone
Milburne.
Blincorne.
after meeting with the Milburne and Blincorne waters, in one chanell, it runneth to Winderwarth and Hornebie, where we will staie till I haue described the water that meeteth withall néere the aforesaid place Vlse. called the Vlse.

Eden. The Eden, rich in salmon, flows down (as I've heard) from the hills in Athelstane Moor at the base of Hussiat Moruell Hill, where the Swale also originates, and southeast of Mallerstang Forest. From there, it goes to Mallerstang town, Pendragon Castle, Wharton Hall, Netbie, Hartleie Castle, Kirkebie Stephan, and before it reaches Great Musgrane, Helbecke. it collects three streams, one of which is called Helbecke because it comes from the Derne and Elinge mountains by a town of the same name. The second is named Bellow, and flows down from the eastern mountains near Sowarsbie, and these two come from the northeast. The third flows from Rauenstandale, through Newbiggin, Smardale, Soulbie, Blaterne, and Orne. into Eden, which flows from there past Warcop; and taking in the Orne Moreton.
Dribecke.
around Burelles on one side, and the Morton Beck on the other, it rushes to Applebie, then to Cowlbie, where it crosses Dribecke, [Page 148] Trout creek. Liuenet. then to Bolton and Kirbie, where it meets the Trowt Beck, and below that with the Liuenet (which has another stream from Thurenlie joining it below Clebron), it finally flows into Eden. After these confluences, the Eden continues to Temple, and soon Milburne. Blincorne. after meeting with the Milburne and Blincorne waters, in one channel, it flows to Winderwarth and Hornebie, where we will pause until I have described the stream that meets it near the aforementioned place Vlogs.

This water commeth out of a lake, which is fed with six rils, whereof Marke. one is called the Marke, and néere the fall thereof into the plash is a towne of the same name; the second hight Harteshop, & runneth from Harteshop. Harteshop hall by Depedale; the third is Paterdale rill; the fourth Paterdale.
Roden.
Glent Roden, the fift Glenkguin, but the sixt runneth into the said Glenkguin. lake, south of Towthwate. Afterward when this lake commeth toward Pole towne, it runneth into a small chanell, & going by Barton, Dalumaine, it taketh in a rill by the waie from Daker castell. Thence it goeth to Stockebridge, Yoneworth, and soone after méeteth with a pretie brooke Loder. called Loder, comming from Thornethwate by Bauton, and héere a rill; then by Helton, and there another; thence to Askham, Clifton, and so ioining with the other called Vlse, they go to Brougham castell, Nine churches, Hornebie, and so into Eden, taking in a rill (as it goeth) that commeth downe from Pencath. Being past Hornebie, our Eden runneth to Langunbie, and soone after receiuing a rill that commeth from two heads, and ioining beneath Wingsell, it hasteth to Lasenbie, then to Kirke Oswald (on ech side whereof commeth in a rill from by east) thence to Nonneie, and there a rill, Anstable, Cotehill, Corbie castell, Wetherall, Newbie: where I will staie, till I haue described the Irding, and such waters as fall into the same before I go to Carleill.

This water comes from a lake, which is fed by six streams, one of which is called the Marke, and near where it flows into the marsh is a town with the same name; the second is called Harteshop and runs from Harteshop Hall by Depedale; the third is Paterdale stream; the fourth is Glent Roden, the fifth is Glenkguin, but the sixth flows into the lake, south of Towthwate. Afterward, as this lake moves toward Pole Town, it narrows into a small channel, passing by Barton and Dalumaine, taking in a stream along the way from Daker Castle. From there, it flows to Stockebridge, Yoneworth, and shortly after meets a pretty brook called Loder, coming from Thornethwate by Bauton, and here flows a stream; then it goes by Helton, where there is another; from there to Askham, Clifton, and joining with another called Vlse, they flow to Brougham Castle, Nine Churches, Hornebie, and into the Eden, taking in a stream that comes down from Pencath as it goes. After passing Hornebie, our Eden flows towards Langunbie, and shortly after receives a stream that comes from two heads, joining beneath Wingsell, it hurries to Lasenbie, then to Kirk Oswald (on either side of which another stream comes in from the east), then to Nonneie, and there a stream, Anstable, Cotehill, Corbie Castle, Wetherall, Newbie: where I will pause, until I have described the Irthing and the waters that flow into it before I go to Carlisle.

Irding. The Irding ariseth in a moore in the borders of Tindale, néere vnto Terne. Horsse head crag, where it is called Terne becke; vntill it come to Spicrag hill, that diuideth Northumberland and Gillesland in sunder, from whence it is named Irding. Being therfore come to Ouerhall, it Pultrose. receiueth the Pultrose becke, by east, and thence goeth on to Ouerdenton, Netherdenton, Leuercost, and Castelstead, where it taketh in Cambocke. the Cambocke, that runneth by Kirke Cambocke, Askerton castell, Walton, and so into Irding, which goeth from thence to Irdington, Newbie, & so into Eden. But a little before it come there, it crosseth with the Gillie. Gillie that commeth by Tankin, and soone after falleth into it. After these confluences, our Eden goeth to Linstocke castell, (and here it interteineth a brooke, comming from Cotehill ward by Aglionbie) and then vnto Carleill, which is now almost inuironed with foure waters.

Irding. The Irding starts in a moor on the borders of Tindale, near Tin. Horsse Head Crag, where it's called Terne Beck; until it reaches Spicrag Hill, which separates Northumberland and Gillesland, from where it's named Irding. Once it gets to Ouerhall, it Pultrose. takes in the Pultrose Beck from the east, and then continues on to Ouerdenton, Netherdenton, Leuercost, and Castelstead, where it absorbs Cambocke. the Cambocke, which flows by Kirke Cambocke, Askerton Castle, Walton, and then into Irding, which flows from there to Irdington, Newbie, and then into Eden. Just before it reaches there, it intersects with the Gillie. Gillie, which comes from Tankin, and shortly after joins it. After these confluences, our Eden flows to Linstock Castle, (and here it picks up a brook that comes from Cotehill Ward by Aglionbie) and then to Carlisle, which is now almost surrounded by four waters.

Pedar aliàs Logus. For beside the Eden it receiueth the Peder, which Leland calleth Logus from southeast. This Peder riseth in the hils southwest of Penruddocke, from whence it goeth to Penruddocke, then to Grastocke castell, Cateleie, and Kenderside hall, and then taking in a water from Vnthanke, it goeth to Cathwade, Pettrelwaie, Newbiggin, Carleton, and so into Bruferth. Eden, northeast of Carleill. But on the north side the Bruferth brooke dooth swiftlie make his entrance, running by Leuerdale, Scalbie castell, and Housedon; as I am informed. The third is named Candan (if not Deua after Leland) which rising about the Skidlow hils, runneth to Mosedale, Caldbecke, Warnell, Saberham, Rose castell, Dawston, Brounston, Harrington, and west of Carleill falleth into Eden, which going from thence by Grimsdale, Kirke Andros, Beaumont, falleth into the sea beneath the Rowcliffe castell. And thus much of the Eden, which Leland neuerthelesse describeth after another sort, whose words I will not let to set downe here in this place, as I find them in his commentaries.

Pedar, also known as Logus. To the southeast, right next to the Eden, is the Peder, which Leland refers to as Logus. This Peder originates in the hills southwest of Penruddock, then flows to Penruddock, onward to Grastocke Castle, Cateleie, and Kenderside Hall. It takes in a stream from Vnthanke before continuing to Cathwade, Pettrelwaie, Newbiggin, Carleton, and finally into Bruferth. Eden, northeast of Carlisle. On the north side, the Bruferth brook quickly enters, flowing by Leverdale, Scalbie Castle, and Housedon, or so I've been told. The third is called Candan (or possibly Deva, according to Leland), which rises in the Skidlow hills and runs to Mosedale, Caldbecke, Warnell, Saberham, Rose Castle, Dawston, Brounston, and Harrington, flowing west of Carlisle into the Eden. From there, the Eden continues through Grimsdale, Kirk Andros, and Beaumont before emptying into the sea beneath Rowcliffe Castle. And that's the extent of the Eden, which Leland, however, describes differently, and I won’t hesitate to set down his words here in this place as I find them in his commentaries.

Vlse after Leland. The Eden, after it hath run a pretie space from his head, méeteth in time with the Vlse water, which is a great brooke in Westmerland, and rising aboue Maredale, a mile west of Loder, it commeth by the late Loder. dissolued house of Shappe priorie, thrée miles from Shappe, and by Brampton village into Loder or Lodon. Certes this streame within halfe a mile of the head, becommeth a great lake for two miles course, and afterward waxing narrow againe, it runneth foorth in a meane and Aimote. indifferent bottome. The said Eden in like sort receiueth the Aimote about thrée miles beneath Brougham castell, and into the same Aimote [Page 149] Dacor. falleth Dacor becke (alreadie touched) which riseth by northwest in Materdale hils, foure miles aboue Dacor castell, and then going through Dacor parke, it runneth by east a good mile lower into Eimote, a little beneath Delamaine, which standeth on the left side of Dacor. In one of his bookes also he saith, how Carleill standeth betwéene two streames, Deua. that is to saie the Deua, which commeth thither from by southwest, and also the Logus that descendeth from the southeast. He addeth moreouer Vala. how the Deua in times past was named Vala or Bala, and that of the names of these two, Lugibala for Caerleill hath beene deriued, &c. And thus much out of Leland. But where he had the cause of this his coniecture as yet I haue not read. Of this am I certeine, that I vse the names of most riuers here and else-where described, accordinglie as they are called in my time, although I omit not to speake here and there of such as are more ancient, where iust occasion mooueth me to remember them, for the better vnderstanding of our histories, as they doo come to hand.

Vlse after Leland. The Eden, after it has traveled a nice distance from its source, meets the Vlse water, which is a large brook in Westmerland. Rising above Maredale, a mile west of Loder, it passes by the recently dissolved house of Shappe Priory, three miles from Shappe, and through the village of Brampton into Loder or Lodon. Indeed, this stream within half a mile from its source becomes a large lake for about two miles, and then narrowing again, it continues on through a moderate and even bottom. The Eden also receives the Aimote about three miles below Brougham Castle, and into the same Aimote flows Dacor Beck (already mentioned), which rises to the northwest in the Materdale hills, four miles above Dacor Castle. It then runs through Dacor Park and flows east for a good mile lower into Eimote, just below Delamaine, which is located on the left side of Dacor. In one of his books, he also mentions how Carlisle sits between two streams, Deua. namely the Deva, which comes in from the southwest, and the Logus that descends from the southeast. He additionally states Vala. that the Deva used to be called Vala or Bala, and from the names of these two, Lugibala has been derived for Caerleill, etc. And thus much from Leland. But where he got the basis for this conjecture, I have not yet read. I am certain that I use the names of most rivers described here and elsewhere as they are called in my time, though I do not hesitate to mention here and there those that are more ancient when a just occasion prompts me to recall them, for the better understanding of our histories as they arise.

Leuen. Blacke Leuen and white Leuen waters, fall into the sea in one chanell, Lamford.
Eske.
and with them the Lamford and the Eske, the last confluence being not a full mile from the maine sea. The white and blacke Leuen ioining Tomunt. therfore aboue Bucknesse, the confluence goeth to Bracken hill, Kirkleuenton, and at Tomunt water meeteth with the Eske. In like sort Kirsop.
Lidde.
the Kirsop ioining with the Lidde out of Scotland at Kirsop foot, running by Stangerdike side, Harlow, Hathwater, and taking in the Eske aboue the Mote, it looseth the former name, and is called Eske, vntill it come to the sea.

Leuen. The Black Leuen and White Leuen waters flow into the sea together in one channel, Lamford.
Eske.
and along with them, the Lamford and the Eske, with the last confluence being just under a mile from the main sea. The White and Black Leuen join together above Bucknesse, and the confluence continues to Bracken Hill, Kirkleuenton, and at Tomunt, the water meets the Eske. Similarly, Kirsop.
Lidde.
the Kirsop joins with the Lidde from Scotland at Kirsop foot, running along Stangerdike side, Harlow, Hathwater, and taking in the Eske above the Mote, it loses its previous name and is called Eske until it reaches the sea.

Hauing thus gone thorough the riuers of England, now it resteth that we procéed with those which are to be found vpon the Scotish shore, in such order as we best may, vntill we haue fetched a compasse about the same, and come vnto Barwike, whence afterward it shall be easie for vs to make repaire vnto the Thames, from which we did set forward in the beginning of our voiage. The first riuer that I met withall on the Eske. Scotish coast, is the Eske, after I came past the Solueie, which hath his head in the Cheuiot hilles, runneth by Kirkinton, and falleth into the sea at Borow on the sands. This Eske hauing receiued the Ewis falleth into the Solueie first at Atterith. After this I passed ouer a little créeke from Kirthell, and so to Anand, whereof the vallie Anandale dooth séeme to take the name. There is also the Nide, whereof commeth Nidsdale, the Ken, the Dée, the Crale, and the Bladnecke, and all these (besides diuerse other small rilles of lesse name) doo lie vpon the south of Gallowaie.

Having gone through the rivers of England, we now need to continue with those found along the Scottish shore, in whatever order we can, until we've circled around and reached Berwick, from where it will be easy for us to return to the Thames, the starting point of our journey. The first river I encountered on the Scottish coast is the Esk, after passing the Solway, which begins in the Cheviot hills, flows by Kirkintilloch, and empties into the sea at Borrow on the sands. This Esk, having received the Ewes, first falls into the Solway at Atterith. After this, I crossed a small creek from Kirthell and arrived at Annan, which seems to give its name to the valley of Annandale. There's also the Nith, which leads to Nithsdale, the Ken, the Dee, the Kreal, and the Bladnoch, along with several other smaller streams of lesser names, all located south of Galloway.

On the north side also we haue the Ruan, the Arde, the Cassile Dune, the Burwin, the Cluide (wherevpon sometime stood the famous citie of Alcluide, and whereinto runneth the Carath) the Hamell, the Dourglesse, and the Lame. From hence in like maner we came vnto the Leuind mouth, wherevnto the Blake on the southwest and the Lomund Lake, with his fléeting Iles and fish without finnes (yet verie holesome) dooth séeme to make his issue. This lake of Lomund in calme weather ariseth sometimes so high, and swelleth with such terrible billowes, that it causeth the best marriners of Scotland to abide the leisure of this water, before they dare aduenture to hoise vp sailes on hie. The like is seene in windie weather, but much more perillous. There are certeine Iles also in the same, which mooue and remooue, oftentimes by force of the water, but one of them especiallie, which otherwise is verie fruitfull for pasturage of cattell.

On the north side, we have the Ruan, the Arde, the Cassile Dune, the Burwin, the Cluide (where the famous city of Alcluide once stood, and into which the Carath flows), the Hamell, the Dourglesse, and the Lame. From there, we also reached the Leuind mouth, where the Blake is located to the southwest, and Lomund Lake, with its floating islands and fish without fins (which are still very healthy), seems to flow out. This Lake of Lomund can sometimes rise incredibly high in calm weather, swelling with such huge waves that even the best sailors in Scotland prefer to wait for the water to calm down before daring to raise their sails. The same can be seen in windy weather, but it’s much more dangerous. There are certain islands in it that move and shift, often due to the force of the water, but one of them in particular is very fertile for grazing cattle.

Leue. Long. Goile.
Heke. Robinseie.
Forelan. Tarbat. Lean.
Abir. Arke. Zefe. Sell.
Zord. Owin. Nowisse.
Orne. Lang. Drun.
Hew. Brun. Kile.
Dowr. Faro. Nesse.
Herre. Con. Glasse.
Maur. Vrdall.
Fesse. Calder.
Next vnto this is the Leue, the Rage, the Long, the Goile, & the Heke, which for the excéeding greatnesse of their heads, are called lakes. Then haue we the Robinseie, the Foreland, the Tarbat, the Lean, and the Abir, wherevnto the Spanseie, the Loine, the Louth, the Arke, and the Zefe doo fall, there is also the Sell, the Zord, the Owin, the Newisse, the Orne, the Lang, the Drun, the Hew, the Brun, the Kell, the Dowr, the Faro, the Nesse, the Herre, the Con, the Glasse, the Maur, the Vrdall, the Fers (that commeth out of the Caldell) the Fairsoke, which two latter lie a little by west of the Orchades, and are properlie called riuers, bicause they issue onelie from springs; but most of the other lakes, bicause they come from linnes and huge pooles, or such low bottomes, [Page 150] fed with springs, as séeme to haue no accesse, but onelie recesse of waters, whereof there be manie in Scotland.

Leue. Long. Goile.
Heke. Robinseie.
Forelan. Tarbat. Lean.
Abir. Arke. Zefe. Sell.
Zord. Owin. Nowisse.
Orne. Lang. Drun.
Hew. Brun. Kile.
Dowr. Faro. Nesse.
Herre. Con. Glasse.
Maur. Vrdall.
Fesse. Calder.
Next to this is the Leue, the Rage, the Long, the Goile, and the Heke, which are called lakes due to the size of their heads. Then we have the Robinseie, the Foreland, the Tarbat, the Lean, and the Abir, to which the Spanseie, the Loine, the Louth, the Arke, and the Zefe flow. There are also the Sell, the Zord, the Owin, the Newisse, the Orne, the Lang, the Drun, the Hew, the Brun, the Kell, the Dowr, the Faro, the Nesse, the Herre, the Con, the Glasse, the Maur, the Vrdall, and the Fers (which comes from the Caldell), the Fairsoke, which are both located a little west of the Orchades, and are properly called rivers because they flow only from springs; however, most of the other lakes are fed by streams and large pools or low-lying areas, fed with springs, that seem to have no outlet, only a receding of water, of which there are many in Scotland. [Page 150]

But to proceed. Hauing once past Dungisbie head in Cathnesse, we shall yer long come to the mouth of the Wifle, a prettie streame, comming by Wifle. Browre.
Clin. Twin. Shin.
Sillan. Carew.
Nesse. Narding.
Spaie. Downe.
Dée. Eske.
south of the mounteins called the Maidens pappes. Then to the Browre, the Clin, the Twin (whereinto runneth three riuers, the Shin, the Sillan, and Carew) the Nesse, which beside the plentie of samon found therein is neuer frosen, nor suffereth yee to remaine there, that is cast into the poole. From thence we come vnto the Narding, the Finderne, the Spaie (which receiues the Vine) the Fitch, the Bulich, the Arrian, the Leuin, and the Bogh, from whence we saile vntill we come about the Buquhan head, and so to the Downe, and Dee: which two streames bring forth the greatest samons that are to be had in Scotland, and most plentie of the same. Then to the north Eske, whereinto the Esmond runneth aboue Brechin, the south Eske, then the Louen and the Taw, which is the finest riuer for water that is in all Scotland, and wherevnto most riuers and lakes doo run. As Farlake, Yrth, Goure, Loich, Cannach, Linell, Loion, Irewer, Erne, and diuerse other besides small rillets which I did neuer looke vpon.

But to continue. After passing Dungisbie Head in Caithness, we will soon reach the mouth of the Wifle, a lovely stream that flows by Wifle. Browre.
Clin. Twin. Shin.
Sillan. Carew.
Nesse. Narding.
Spaie. Downe.
Dée. Eske.
to the south of the mountains known as the Maidens' Breasts. Then to the Browre, the Clin, the Twin (where three rivers flow in: the Shin, the Sillan, and Carew), and the Nesse, which, besides the abundance of salmon found there, never freezes and doesn’t allow anything thrown into the pool to remain there. From there, we arrive at the Narding, the Finderne, the Spaie (which receives the Vine), the Fitch, the Bulich, the Arrian, the Leuin, and the Bogh, from where we sail until we reach Buquhan Head, and then to the Downe and Dee: these two streams produce the largest salmon available in Scotland, and the most plentiful as well. Next is the North Eske, into which the Esmond flows above Brechin, followed by the South Eske, then the Louen and the Taw, which is the finest river for water in all of Scotland, and into which most rivers and lakes flow. Such as Farlake, Yrth, Goure, Loich, Cannach, Linell, Loion, Irewer, Erne, and several others, including small streams I have never seen.

Then is there the lake Londors, vpon whose mouth saint Andrewes dooth stand, the lake Lewin vnto whose streame two other lakes haue recourse in Fifland, and then the Firth or Fortha, which some doo call the Pictish and Scotish sea, whither the kingdome of the Northumbers was sometime extended, and with the riuer last mentioned (I meane that commeth from Londors) includeth all Fife, the said Fortha being full of oisters and all kinds of huge fish that vse to lie in the déepe. How manie waters run into the Firth, called by Ptolomie Lora, it is not in my power iustlie to declare: yet are there both riuers, rills, & lakes Clacke. Alon. Dune.
Kerie. Cambell. Cumer.
Tere. Man. Torkesan.
Rosham. Mushell. Blene.
that fall into the same, as Clacke, Alon, Dune, Kerie, Cambell, Cumer, Tere, Man, Torkeson, Rosham, Mushell, Blene, and diuerse other which I call by these names, partlie after information, and partlie of such townes as are neere vnto their heads. Finallie, when we are past the Haie, then are we come vnto the Twede, whereinto we entred, leauing Twede. Barwike on the right hand and his appurtenances, wherein Halidon hill standeth, and conteineth a triangle of so much ground beyond the said riuer, as is well néere foure miles in length, and thrée miles in bredth in the broad end: except mine information doo faile me.

Then there's Lake Londors, where St. Andrews stands at the mouth, and Lake Lewin, into which two other lakes flow in Fife, and then the Firth or Forth, which some call the Pictish and Scottish sea. This area used to be part of the kingdom of the Northumbrians and, along with the river I just mentioned (the one that comes from Londors), includes all of Fife. The Forth is teeming with oysters and all sorts of large fish that tend to stay in the deep water. I can't accurately say how many waters flow into the Firth, called Lora by Ptolemy; however, there are both rivers, streams, and lakes Clacke. Alon. Dune.
Kerie. Cambell. Cumer.
Tere. Man. Torkesan.
Rosham. Mushell. Blene.
that flow into it, such as Clacke, Alon, Dune, Kerie, Cambell, Cumer, Tere, Man, Torkeson, Rosham, Mushell, Blene, and several others that I named partly from information and partly from towns near their sources. Finally, when we pass the Haie, we reach the Tweed, into which we enter, leaving Twede. Berwick on our right, along with its extensions, where Halidon Hill is located. This covers a triangle of land beyond the river that is nearly four miles long and three miles wide at its broad end, unless my information is mistaken.

The Twede (which Ptolomie nameth Toualsis or Toesis, & betwéene which and the Tine the countie of Northumberland is in maner inclosed, and watred with sundrie noble riuers) is a noble streame and the limes or bound betwéene England & Scotland, wherby those two kingdomes are now diuided in sunder. It riseth about Drimlar in Eusbale (or rather out of a faire well (as Leland saith) standing in the mosse of an hill called Airstane, or Harestan in Twede dale ten miles from Pibble) and so comming by Pibble, Lander, Dribiwgh, Lelse, Warke, Norham and Hagarstone, it falleth into the sea beneath Barwike, as I heare. Thus saith Leland. But I not contented with this so short a discourse of so long a riuer & briefe description of so faire a streame, will ad somewhat more of the same concerning his race on the English side, and rehearsall of such riuers as fall into it. Comming therefore to Ridam, it receiueth betwéene that and Carham a becke, which descendeth from the hilles that lie by west of Windram. Going also from Ridam by Longbridgham (on the Scotish side) and to Carham, it hasteth immediatlie to Warke castell on the English, and by Spilaw on the other side, then to Cornewall, Cald streame, and Tilmouth, where it receiueth sundrie waters in one botome which is called the Till, and whose description insueth here at hand.

The Tweed (which Ptolemy called Toualsis or Toesis, and between which and the Tyne the county of Northumberland is almost enclosed and watered by various noble rivers) is a remarkable river and the boundary between England and Scotland, separating the two kingdoms. It rises near Drimlar in Eusbale (or rather from a beautiful spring, as Leland mentions, located in the moss of a hill called Airstane, or Harestan in Tweedale, ten miles from Pibble) and flows past Pibble, Lander, Dribygh, Lelse, Warke, Norham, and Hagerstone, eventually flowing into the sea below Berwick, as I’ve heard. That’s what Leland says. However, not satisfied with this brief overview of such a long river and short description of such a beautiful stream, I’ll add some more about its journey on the English side and mention the rivers that flow into it. Coming to Ridam, it receives a small stream between there and Carham, which comes down from the hills to the west of Windram. Continuing from Ridam by Longbridgham (on the Scottish side) toward Carham, it quickly reaches Warke Castle on the English side and Spilaw on the other side, then moves to Cornhill, the Cold Stream, and Tilmouth, where it gathers various waters in one area called the Till, which I will describe next.

Till. Certes there is no head of anie riuer that is named Till, but the issue of the furthest water that commeth hereinto, riseth not farre from the head of Vswaie in the Cheuiot hilles, where it is called Brennich, whereof the kingdome of Brennicia did sometime take the name. From thence it goeth to Hartside, Ingram, Branton, Crawleie, Hedgeleie, Beueleie, and Bewijc, beneath which it receiueth one water comming from Rodham by west, and soone after a second descending from the Middletons, Bromis. and so they go as one with the Bromish, by Chatton to Fowbreie (where they crosse the third water falling downe by north from Howborne by [Page 151] Heselbridge) thence to Woller, there also taking in a rill that riseth about Middleton hall, and runneth by Hardleie, Whereleie, and the rest afore remembred, wherby the water of Bromis is not a little increased, and after this latter confluence beneath Woller, no more called Bromis but the Till, vntill it come at the Twede. The Till passing therefore by Weteland and Dedington, méeteth soone after with a faire streame comming Bowbent. from by southwest, which most men call the Bowbent or Bobent.

Cash register. There isn't a river head named Till, but the source of the farthest water that flows into it starts not far from the head of Usway in the Cheviot Hills, where it’s called Brennich, which is where the kingdom of Brennicia once got its name. From there it flows to Hartside, Ingram, Branton, Crawley, Hedgeley, Beuelie, and Bewick, below which it picks up a stream coming from Rodham to the west, and soon after a second one coming down from the Middletons, Bromis. They then join as one with the Bromish, flowing through Chatton to Fowberry (where they cross another stream coming down from the north at Howborne by [Page 151] Heselbridge). From there it continues to Woller, also taking in a brook that rises near Middleton Hall and runs through Hardley, Worley, and the previously mentioned places, which significantly increases the water flow of Bromis. After this confluence below Woller, it is no longer called Bromis but the Till until it reaches the Tweed. The Till then flows by Weteland and Dedington, soon meeting a beautiful stream coming Bowbent. from the southwest, which most people call the Bowbent or Bobent.

It riseth on the west side of the Cocklaw hill, and from thence hasteth to Hattons, beneath the which it ioineth from by southeast with the Hellerborne, and then goeth to Pudston, Downeham, Kilham, and a little by north of Newton Kirke, and betweene it and west Newton, it taketh in another water called Glin, comming from the Cheuiot hilles by Heth poole, and from thenseforth runneth on without anie further increase, by Copland Euart, and so in the Till. The Till for his part in like sort after this confluence goeth to Broneridge, Fodcastell, Eatall castell, Heaton, & north of Tilmouth into the Twede, or by west of Wesell, except my memorie dooth faile me. After this also our aforesaid water of Twede descendeth to Grotehugh, the Newbiggins, Norham castell, Foord, Whitaker. Lungridge, & crossing the Whitaker on the other side from Scotland beneath Cawmill, it runneth to Ordo, to Barwike, and so into the Ocean, leauing (as I said) so much English ground on the northwest ripe, as lieth in manner of a triangle betwéene Cawmils, Barwike, and Lammeton, which (as one noteth) is no more but two miles and an halfe euerie waie, or not much more; except he be deceiued.

It rises on the west side of Cocklaw Hill, and from there it flows quickly to Hattons, where it joins from the southeast with the Hellerborne. Then it goes to Pudston, Downeham, Kilham, and a bit north of Newton Kirke. Between it and West Newton, it takes in another stream called Glin, which comes from the Cheviot Hills by Heth Poole, and from then on it continues without any further additions, by Copland Euart, and into the Till. After this confluence, the Till also flows to Broneridge, Fodcastell, Eatall Castle, Heaton, and north of Tilmouth into the Tweed, or to the west of Wesell, unless I'm mistaken. After this, the aforementioned Tweed descends to Grotehugh, the Newbiggins, Norham Castle, Ford, Whitaker. Lungridge, and crossing the Whitaker on the other side from Scotland below Cawmill, it flows to Ordo, to Berwick, and then into the Ocean, leaving (as I mentioned) a piece of English land on the northwest side, shaped like a triangle between Cawmils, Berwick, and Lammeton, which is noted to be no more than two and a half miles in every direction, or not much more, unless I'm mistaken.

Being past this noble streame, we came by a rill that descendeth from Bowsden by Barington. Then by the second which ariseth betwéene Middleton and Detcham or Dereham, and runneth by Eskill and the Rosse, next of all to Warnemouth, of whose backe water I read as followeth. The Warne. Warne or Gwerne riseth southwest of Crokelaw, and going by Warneford, Bradford, Spindlestone, and Budill, it leaueth Newton on the right hand, and so falleth into the Ocean, after it hath run almost nine miles from the head within the land, and receiued a rill beneath Yessington, which commeth downe betweene Newland and Olchester, and hath a bridge beneath the confluence, which leadeth ouer the same. From Warnemouth we sailed by Bamborow castell, and came at last to a fall betweene Bedwell and Newton. The maine water that serueth this issue, riseth aboue Carleton from the foot of an hill, which séemeth to part the head of this and that of Warne in sunder. It runneth also by Carleton, Tonleie, Doxford, Brunton, and Tuggell, and finallie into the sea, as to his course apperteineth.

After passing this noble stream, we reached a small stream that flows down from Bowsden by Barington. Then we came to the second one that springs up between Middleton and Detcham or Dereham, flowing past Eskill and the Rosse, and next to Warnemouth, about which I read the following. The Warner. Warne, or Gwerne, rises southwest of Crokelaw and flows by Warneford, Bradford, Spindlestone, and Budill, leaving Newton to the right, and eventually empties into the ocean after traveling nearly nine miles inland. It collects a stream beneath Yessington, which comes down between Newland and Olchester, and has a bridge under the confluence that crosses it. From Warnemouth, we sailed by Bamburgh Castle and finally reached a fall between Bedwell and Newton. The main water that feeds this area rises above Carleton from the foot of a hill that seems to separate the heads of this and the Warne. It also flows by Carleton, Tonleie, Doxford, Brunton, and Tuggell, and finally into the sea, as is its natural course.

Aile, or Alne, aliàs Chalne. From this water we went by Dunstanbugh castell, vnto the Chalne or Alnemouth, which is serued with a pretie riueret called Alne, the head whereof riseth in the hils west of Alnham towne, and called by Ptolomie, Celnius. From thense also it runneth by Rile, Kile, Eslington, and Whittingham, where it crosseth a rill comming from by south, and beneath the same, the second that descendeth from Eirchild at Brone, & likewise the third that riseth at Newton, and runneth by Edlingham castell and Lemmaton (all on the southeast side or right hand) and so passeth on further, till it meet with the fourth, comming from aboue Shipleie from by north, after which confluence it goeth to Alnewijc, & then to Dennijc, receiuing there a rillet from by south and a rill from by north, and thence going on to Bilton, betweene Ailmouth towne and Wooddon, it sweepeth into the Ocean.

Aile, or Alne, also referred to as Chalne. From this water, we traveled by Dunstanburgh Castle to Alnmouth, which is served by a pretty little river called Alne. Its source is in the hills west of Alnham town, known by Ptolemy as Celnius. From there, it flows past Rile, Kile, Eslington, and Whittingham, where it intersects with a stream coming from the south. Below that, it meets another stream that flows down from Eirchild at Brone, and the third that rises at Newton, flowing by Edlingham Castle and Lemmaton (all on the southeast side or right-hand side). It continues on further until it joins with the fourth stream coming from above Shilbottle from the north. After this confluence, it goes to Alnwick, then to Denwick, receiving a small stream from the south and another from the north. It then moves on to Bilton, between Alnmouth town and Woodhorn, where it flows into the ocean.

Cocket. The Cocket is a goodlie riuer, the head also thereof is in the roots of Kemblespeth hils, from whence it goeth to Whiteside, and there meeting
Vswaie.
with the Vswaie (which descendeth from the north) it goeth a little Ridleie.] further to Linbridge, and there receiueth the Ridleie by southwest, and after that with another, called (as I thinke) the Hoc, which commeth from the Woodland and hillie soile by Allington, & falleth into the same, west of Parke head. It ioineth also yer long with the Ridland, which commeth in north by Bilstone, and then hieth to Sharpton, to Yardop. Harbotle, where it crosseth the Yardop water by south, then to Woodhouse, and swallowing in a little becke by the waie from southwest, to Bickerton, to Tossons, Newton, and running apace toward Whitton towre, it taketh a brooke withall that commeth in northwest of Alnham, [Page 152] néere Elihaw, and goeth by Skarnewood, ouer nether Trewhet, Snitter, and Throxton, and soone after vniteth it selfe with the Cocket, from whence It may be Leland mistaketh Tickington water for one of these. they go together to Rethburie, or Whitton towre, to Halie, to Brinkehorne, Welden, taking withall soone after the Tod or burne called Tod, which falleth in from by south, then to Elihaw, Felton (receiuing thereabout the Fareslie brooke, that goeth by Wintring by south east, and Sheldike water, that goeth by Hason, to Brainsaugh by north) and from thence to Morricke, Warkworth castell, and so into the sea.

Cocket. The Cocket is a pretty river, originating in the roots of Kemblespeth hills. From there, it flows to Whiteside, where it meets the Vswaie (which comes down from the north). It then goes a bit further to Linbridge, where it receives the Ridleie from the southwest. After that, it also takes in another stream, called (if I'm not mistaken) the Hoc, which comes from the woods and hilly areas around Allington and flows in from the west of Parke head. It also connects throughout the year with the Ridland, which flows in from the north by Bilstone, before heading to Sharpton, to Yardop. Harbotle, where it crosses the Yardop water from the south. Then it continues to Woodhouse, swallowing a small brook along the way from the southwest, passing through Bickerton, Tossons, Newton, and rushing toward Whitton tower, where it takes in a brook coming in from the northwest of Alnham, [Page 152] near Elihaw, and flows by Skarnewood, over lower Trewhet, Snitter, and Throxton, soon after joining the Cocket. From there, Leland might be confusing Tickington water with one of these. they flow together to Rethburie or Whitton tower, to Halie, to Brinkehorne, Welden, soon taking in the Tod or stream called Tod, which flows in from the south, then on to Elihaw, Felton (receiving around there the Fareslie brook that flows from the southeast by Wintring, and Sheldike water that comes from Hason, heading to Brainsaugh from the north) and then moves on to Morricke, Warkworth castle, and finally into the sea.

There is furthermore a little fall, betwéene Hawkeslaw and Drurith, which riseth about Stokes wood, goeth by east Cheuington, and Lune. Whittington castell, and afterward into the Ocean. The Lune is a pretie brooke rising west of Espleie, from whence it goeth to Tritlington, Wansbecke. Vgham, Linton, and yer long in the sea. Wansbecke (in old time Diua) is far greater than the Lune. It issueth vp west and by north of west Whelpington, thence it runneth to Kirke Whelpington, Wallington, Middleton, and Angerton. Heere it méeteth with a water running from about Farnelaw by the grange, and Hartburne on the north, and then going from Angerton, it runneth by Moseden to Mitforth, and there in like Font. maner crosseth the Font, which issuing out of the ground about Newbiggin, goeth by Nonneie Kirke, Witton castell, Stanton, Nunriding, Newton, and so into the Wansbecke, which runneth in like maner from Mitford to Morpheth castell (within two miles whereof it ebbeth and floweth) the new Chappell, Bottle castell, Shepwash, and so into the sea, thrée miles from the next hauen which is called Blithe.

There’s also a small river between Hawkeslaw and Drurith that starts near Stokes Wood, flows past East Cheuington, and Whittington Castle, eventually reaching the Ocean. The Lune is a nice brook that originates west of Espleie, then goes to Tritlington, Wansbecke. It runs through Vgham, Linton, and soon empties into the sea. Wansbecke (which was known as Diua in the past) is much larger than the Lune. It flows out west and a bit north of Whelpington, then continues on to Kirke Whelpington, Wallington, Middleton, and Angerton. Here, it meets another stream coming from around Farnelaw near the grange and Hartburne to the north. From Angerton, it flows by Moseden to Mitforth, and there it crosses the Font, which rises around Newbiggin, flows past Nonneie Kirke, Witton Castle, Stanton, Nunriding, and Newton, finally joining the Wansbecke. The Wansbecke flows similarly from Mitford to Morpheth Castle (about two miles from where it ebbs and flows) passing by the new Chapel, Bottle Castle, Shepwash, and then into the sea, three miles from the nearest harbor known as Blithe.

Blithe. Blithe water riseth about kirke Heaton, and goeth by Belfe, Ogle, and (receiuing the Port aliàs the Brocket, that springeth east of S. Oswolds) passeth by Portgate, Whittington, Fennike hall, Madfennes, Hawkewell, the Grange, & Dissingtons. After it hath taken in the Pont Hartleie. from the east (whose head is not farre from that of Hartleie streame) and is past Barwijc on the hill, it runneth by Harford, Bedlington, Cowpon, and at Blithes nuke, into the deepe Ocean. Hartleie streamelet riseth in Wéeteslade parioch, goeth by Haliwell, and at Hartleie towne yeeldeth to the sea.

Carefree. The cheerful water rises around Kirke Heaton, flowing by Belfe, Ogle, and (taking in the Port, also known as the Brocket, which springs east of St. Oswald's) passes by Portgate, Whittington, Fennike Hall, Madfennes, Hawkewell, the Grange, and Dissingtons. After it collects the Hartleie stream from the east (whose source is not far from that of the Hartleie stream) and passes Barwijc on the hill, it runs by Harford, Bedlington, Cowpon, and then into the deep ocean at Blithe's nook. The Hartleie streamlet rises in Wéeteslade parish, flows by Haliwell, and at Hartleie town, it drains into the sea.

The Tine or Tinna, a riuer notablie stored with samon, and other good fish, and in old time called Alan, riseth of two heads, whereof that North Tine. called north Tine, is the first that followeth to be described. It springeth vp aboue Belkirke in the hils, & thence goeth to Butterhawgh Shele. (where it receiueth a confluence of Kirsop and the Shele) thence to Cragsheles, Leapelish (receiuing on the south a rill out of Tindale) then to Shilburne, against which it taketh in a becke that commeth out of Tindale called Shill, also two other on the same side, betweene Yarro and Fawston hall, and the third at Thorneburne, and so goeth on to Grenested, and there carrieth withall a fall, from by north also made by the confluence of one rill comming by Thecam, and another that passeth by Holinhead, and likewise another on the south comming from Tindale, by Chuden, Dalacastell, and Brokes: after which our north Tine goeth by Hellaside, to Billingham, and at Rhedes mouth méeteth with the Ridde, a verie prettie water, whose description is giuen me after this maner.

The Tine or Tinna, a river notably filled with salmon and other good fish, and in the past called Alan, rises from two sources, with the northern source, called North Tine, being the first to be described. It springs up above Belkirke in the hills, then flows to Butterhawgh, where it receives tributaries from Kirsop and the Shele. From there, it continues to Cragsheles, Leapelish (receiving a stream from Tindale on the south), then to Shilburne, where it takes in a brook from Tindale called Shill, as well as two other streams on the same side between Yarro and Fawston Hall, with the third at Thorneburn. It then moves on to Grenested, where it carries with it a fall from the north, formed by the confluence of one stream coming from Thecam and another flowing by Holinhead, along with another from the south coming from Tindale, passing through Chuden, Dalacastell, and Brokes. After that, our North Tine flows by Hellaside, reaching Billingham, and at Rhedes mouth, it meets the Ridde, a very pretty water, which I will describe next.

Ridde. The Ridde therefore riseth within thrée miles of the Scotish march, as Leland saith, & commeth through Riddesdale, wherevnto it giueth the name. Another writeth how it riseth in the roots of the Carter, and Redsquibe hilles, and yer it hath gone farre from the head, beside a few Shelhop. little rilles it taketh in the Spelhop or Petop from the north and the Cheslop. Cheslop on the south, beside sundrie other wild rils nameless and obscure, as one on the north side next vnto the Petop or Spelhop; another by south out of Riddesdale, the third west of Burdop, the fourth runneth by Wullaw to Rochester, then two from southwest, another from by north which goeth by Durtburne, and is called Durt or Durth, then the Smalburne from the west. Next to the same is the Otter or Otterburne on the north side also the Ouereie, and finallie the last which descendeth from Ellesdon hilles, by Munkrige and ioineth with our Ridde, northwest of Nudhowgh, after which the said Ridde goeth by Woodburne, Risingham, Leame, and so into the Tine, a mile lower than Belingham or Bilingham, which standeth somewhat aloofe from north Tine and is (as I take it) ten [Page 153] miles at the least aboue the towne of Hexham. After this confluence it 3. Burnes.
Shitlington.
passeth to Léehall, to Carehouse (crossing Shitlington becke by west which also receiueth the Yare on the south side of Shitlington) another also beneath this on the same side, made by the confluence of Workesburne, and Middleburne, at Roseburne, beside the third called Morleis or Morelée aboue, and Simons burne beneath Shepechase, and likewise the Swine from by north that runneth by Swinburne castell, next of all the Riall from the northeast, which commeth by Erington, & so holding his course directlie southwards, it goeth by S. Oswolds through the Pictishwall, to Wall, and so into south Tine, beneath Accam, and northwest (as I doo wéene) of Hexham.

Ridded. The Ridde rises within three miles of the Scottish border, as Leland mentions, and flows through Riddesdale, which is where it gets its name. Another source claims it originates in the foothills of the Carter and Redsquibe hills, and before it travels far from its source, it gathers a few small streams: the Spelhop or Petop from the north and the Cheslop from the south, along with various other unnamed and obscure streams, including one on the north side next to the Petop or Spelhop; another to the south from Riddesdale; a third west of Burdop; and a fourth running by Wullaw to Rochester. Then there are two from the southwest, and another from the north that flows by Durtburne, called Durt or Durth, along with the Smalburne from the west. Next is the Otter or Otterburne on the north side, the Ouereie, and finally the last stream descending from the Ellesdon hills, passing by Munkrige and joining our Ridde northwest of Nudhowgh. After that, the Ridde moves past Woodburne, Risingham, Leame, and flows into the Tine, a mile downstream from Belingham or Bilingham, which is somewhat set apart from the north Tine and is, I believe, at least ten miles above the town of Hexham. After merging, it flows to Léehall, then to Carehouse (crossing Shitlington beck to the west, which also receives the Yare on the south side of Shitlington) and another stream beneath this on the same side, formed by the merging of Workesburne and Middleburne at Roseburne, along with a third called Morleis or Morelée upstream, and Simons burne downstream of Shepechase, plus the Swine from the north that flows by Swinburne castle. Next is the Riall from the northeast, which comes by Erington, heading directly south through S. Oswald's to Pictishwall, then to Wall, and finally into the south Tine, below Accam and northwest (as I assume) of Hexham.

Tine. S. The south Tine ariseth in the Cheuiot hils, and yer it hath gone farre from the head, it méeteth with Esgill on the east, and another rill on Esgill. the west, and so going by the houses toward Awsten moore, it ioineth with Schud from by west, and soone after with the Vent from by east Vent. aboue Lowbier. From Lowbier it goeth to Whitehalton, to Kirke Haugh Gilders beck. (crossing the Gilders becke on the one side, and the Alne on the other) to Thornehope, where it is inlarged with a water on each side, to Knare. Williamstone, and almost at Knaresdale, taketh in the Knare, and then runneth withall to Fetherstone angle. At Fetherstone angle likewise it méeteth with Hartleie water, by southwest comming from Sibins or Sibbenes, another a little beneath from southeast, and thence when it commeth to Billester castell, it carieth another withall from by west, Thirlewall called Rippall which riseth in the forrest of Lowes, and goeth by the Waltowne, Blinkinsop, & Widon, and after which confluence it taketh in another from by north rising west of Swinsheld, which goeth by Grenelegh to Haltwestell: thence going by Vnthanke, it crosseth another rill from by south, descending from the hilles that lie north of Todlewood, and then proceeding vnto Wilmotteswijc, it admitteth the Wilmots becke from the south, and another running by Bradleie hall on the north side of Beltingham; after which it méeteth with the Alen a proper water, and described after this maner.

Tine S. The South Tine rises in the Cheviot Hills, and before it travels far from its source, it meets Esgill to the east and another stream to the west. As it flows past the houses towards Austin Moor, it joins with Schud from the west, and soon after, it connects with the Vent from the east Esgill. above Lowbie. From Lowbie, it flows to Whitehalton, to Kirke Haugh Gilders invites. (crossing Gilders Beck on one side and the Alne on the other) to Thornehope, where it expands with a stream on each side, to Williamstone, and just before Knaresdale, it takes in the Knare, then continues to Fetherstone Angle. At Fetherstone Angle, it also meets Hartley Water, coming from the southwest, which flows from Sibins or Sibbenes, and another comes from the southeast. After reaching Billester Castle, it carries another stream from the west, called Rippall, which rises in the Forest of Lowes and flows by Waltown, Blinkinsop, and Widon. After this confluence, it takes in another stream from the north that rises west of Swinsheld and flows by Grenelegh to Haltwestell. Then, passing by Unthank, it crosses another stream from the south that flows down from the hills north of Todlewood. Afterward, as it moves towards Wilmotteswijc, it accepts the Wilmots Beck from the south, along with another stream running by Bradleie Hall on the northern side of Beltingham. It then meets the Alen, a distinct water, described as follows.

East Alen. The Alen or Alon hath two heads, whereof one is called east Alen, the other west Alen. The first of them riseth southeast of Sibton Sheles, & going by Sundorp, it taketh in a rill withall from by est; after which confluence it runneth to Newshele, Allington, Caddon, Old towne, & in West Alen. the course to Stauertpele, méeteth with the west Alen. The west Alen riseth in Killop low hilles aboue Wheteleie sheles, from whence it goeth to Spartwell, Hawcopole, Owston, and taking in a rill thereabouts, it procéedeth on to Permandbie, and crossing there another rill in like maner from by west, it goeth by Whitefield, and ioining soone after with the est Alen, they run as one to Stauert poole, Plankford, and so into the Tine betweene Beltingham and Lées, from whence the Tine runneth on by Lees Haddon, Woodhall, Owmers, Whernebie, Costleie, & so by Warden, till it crosse the north Tine, and come to Hexham, from whence it goeth to Dilstan, crossing two waters by the waie, whereof one commeth from by south, and is called the Wolsh, which holdeth his course by Stelehall, and Newbiggin receiueth another comming from Grimbridge: the other called Dill somewhat lower descending from Hedleie, and running by Rising, till it fall into the south side of our streame from Dilstan, it goeth to Bywell castell, ouer against which it receiueth a rill that runneth by Hindleie, thence it hasteth to Eltingham, Pruddo, Willam, (and there it meeteth with another becke) then to Reton, Blaidon, and Darwent.] next of all ioineth with the Darwent, from by south.

East Alen. The Alen or Alon has two branches: one is called East Alen and the other West Alen. The East Alen starts southeast of Sibton Sheles and flows past Sundorp, taking in a stream from the east. After this confluence, it travels to Newshele, Allington, Caddon, Old Town, and towards Stauert Pele, where it meets the West Alen. The West Alen rises in the low hills of Killop above Wheteleie Sheles. From there, it flows to Spartwell, Hawcopole, Owston, and collects another stream nearby before continuing to Permandbie. It then crosses another stream coming from the west, flows past Whitefield, and soon merges with the East Alen. Together, they flow as one to Stauert Poole, Plankford, and into the Tine between Beltingham and Lees. From there, the Tine continues past Lees Haddon, Woodhall, Owmers, Whernebie, Costleie, and Warden, until it crosses the North Tine and reaches Hexham. From Hexham, it heads towards Dilstan, crossing two streams along the way. One stream comes from the south and is called the Wolsh, which flows past Stelehall, while Newbiggin receives another stream from Grimbridge. The second stream, called Dill, comes from Hedleie and flows by Rising, eventually joining the south side of our stream from Dilstan. It continues to Bywell Castle, across from which it receives a stream flowing by Hindleie. Afterwards, it rushes to Eltingham, Pruddo, Willam (where it meets another beck), then on to Reton, Blaidon, and finally, it joins with the Darwent from the south. Darwent.

This riuer riseth aboue Knewdon, and Rudlamhope in Northumberland, from two heads: the northerlie being called Dere, and the southerlie the Guent: and ioining so well yer long in chanell as in name, they runne on to Humsterworth, new Biggin, Blankeland, Acton, Aspersheles, Blackheadlie, Brentfield side, Pansheles, Ebchester, and there taking in a water from Hedleie in Northumberland, néere to Blacke hall in the bishoprike, it goeth on to Spen, Hollinside, Wickham, Swalwell, and so into Tine, which passeth from thence by Elswijc, and méeting with another water comming from Shildraw, by Rauensworth castell to Redhugh, it goeth on to Newcastell, Fellin, Netherheworth, Walker, Waswon, [Page 154] Hedburne, and next to Jerro or Girwie, where Beda dwelled in an abbeie; now a gentlemans place (although the church be made a parish church, wherevnto diuerse townes resort, as moonke Eaton where Beda was borne, which is a mile from thence, Southsheles, Harton, Westhow, Hebburne, Hedworth, Wardleie, Fellin, Follinsbie, the Heworthes) and from thence to the south and Northsheles, and so into the sea, fiue miles by northwest of Weremouth, and (as I gesse) somewhat more.

This river rises above Knewdon and Rudlamhope in Northumberland, from two sources: the northern one called Dere and the southern one the Guent. They join together in both channel and name, flowing on to Humsterworth, New Biggin, Blankeland, Acton, Aspersheles, Blackheadlie, Brentfield side, Pansheles, and Ebchester. There, it collects water from Hedleie in Northumberland, near Blacke Hall in the bishopric, and continues on to Spen, Hollinside, Wickham, Swalwell, and eventually into the Tyne. This river flows from there by Elswijc and meets another stream coming from Shildraw, passing by Ravensworth Castle to Redhugh, and then goes on to Newcastle, Fellin, Netherheworth, Walker, Waswon, [Page 154] Hedburne, and next to Jerro or Girwie, where Bede lived in an abbey; now a gentleman's residence (though the church has become a parish church for various towns, such as Monk Eaton, where Bede was born, which is a mile away, Southsheles, Harton, Westhow, Hebburn, Hedworth, Wardleie, Fellin, Follinsbie, and the Heworthes). From there, it flows south and Northsheles and finally into the sea, about five miles northwest of Wearmouth, and, I guess, slightly more.

Beneath the confluence in like sort of both the Tines, standeth Corbridge, a towne sometime inhabited by the Romans, and about twelue miles from Newcastell, and hereby dooth the Corue run, that meeteth yer long with the Tine. Not farre off also is a place called Colchester, wherby Leland gesseth that the name of the brooke should rather be Cole Corue. than Corue, and in my iudgement his coniecture is verie likelie; for in the life of S. Oswijn (otherwise a féeble authoritie) the word Colbridge is alwaies vsed for Corbridge, whereof I thought good to leaue this short aduertisement. In this countrie also are the thrée vales or dales, whereof men haue doubted whether théeues or true men doo most abound in them, that is to saie, Riddesdale, Tuidale, and Liddesdale: this last being for the most part Scotish, and without the marches of England. Neuerthelesse, sithens that by the diligence cheefelie of maister Gilpin, and finallie of other learned preachers, the grace of God working with them, they haue béene called to some obedience and zeale vnto the word, it is found that they haue so well profited by the same, that at this present their former sauage demeanour is verie much abated, and their barbarous wildnesse and fiercenesse so qualified, that there is great hope left of their reduction vnto ciuilitie, and better order of behauiour than hitherto they haue béene acquainted withall. But to procéed with the rest.

Beneath the convergence of both the Tines stands Corbridge, a town once inhabited by the Romans, about twelve miles from Newcastle, and nearby runs the River Cor, which eventually joins the Tine. Not far off is a place called Colchester, where Leland suggests that the brook should be named Cole Corue. instead of Cor. In my opinion, his theory is quite likely because in the life of St. Oswijn (though it's based on somewhat weak authority), the term Colbridge is consistently used for Corbridge, which I thought was worth mentioning. In this region, there are also three dales, where people have wondered whether thieves or honest men are more prevalent—namely, Riddesdale, Tuidale, and Liddesdale: the latter being mostly Scottish and outside the borders of England. Nevertheless, since, thanks largely to Master Gilpin's efforts and ultimately other learned preachers, the grace of God working with them, they have been led to some level of obedience and dedication to the word, it appears that they have benefited so much from this that their former savage behavior has significantly decreased, and their barbarous wildness and fierceness have been so reduced that there is great hope for their return to civility and a better standard of behavior than they have known before. But let's continue with the rest.

Were. Ptolomie, writing of the Were, calleth it Vedra, a riuer well knowne vnto Beda the famous préest, who was brought vp in a monasterie that stood vpon the bankes thereof. It riseth of thrée heads in Kelloppeslaw Burdop. hill, whereof the most southerlie is called Burdop, the middlemost Wallop.
Kellop.
Wallop, and the northerliest Kellop, which vniting themselues about S. Iohns chappell, or a little by west thereof, their confluence runneth through Stanhope parke, by east Yare, and so to Frosterleie. But yer it come there, it receiueth thrée rilles from the north in Weredale, whereof one commeth in by Stanhope, another west of Woodcroft hall, and the third at Frosterleie afore mentioned. And a little beneath these, I find yet a fourth on the south side, which descendeth from southwest by Bolliop, Bishopsleie, Milhouses, and Landew, as I haue béene informed. Being therefore vnited all with the Were, this streame goeth on to Wascrop. Walsingham, there taking in the Wascropburne, beside another at Bradleie, the third at Harpleie hall (and these on the north side) and Bedburne. the fourth betwéene Witton and Witton castell called Bedburne, comming by Hamsterleie, whereby this riuer dooth now wax verie great. Going therefore from hence, it hasteth to Bishops Akeland, and beneath it receiueth the Garondlesse, which (as Leland saith) riseth six miles by west of Akeland castell, and running south thereof, passeth by west Akeland, S. Helens Akeland, S. Andrewes Akeland, and bishops Akeland, and then into the Were which goeth to Newfield, and Willington. Neere vnto this place also and somewhat beneath Sunderland, the Were, crosseth one brooke from southest by Het, Croxseie, Cronefurth, Tursdale, and Cordale, and two other from by northwest in one botome, whereof the first commeth from aboue Ash by Langleie: the other called Coue, from aboue Kinchleie by Newbiggin, Lanchester, north Langlie, and through Beare parke, & so méeting beneath Kelleie or Hedleie with the other, they fall both as one into the Were, betweene south Sunderland and Burnall. From hence our riuer goeth on to Howghwell, Shirkeleie, old Pidding brooke. Duresme (and there taking in the Pidding brooke by northeast) it goeth to Duresme, Finkeleie, Harbarhouse, Lumleie castell (where it méeteth Pilis. with the Pilis, whose heads are vnited betweene Pelton and Whitwell (and after called Hedleie) and from thence to Lampton, Harroton, the Bedikes, Vfferton, Hilton parke, Bishops Weremouth, and so into the sea, betweene north Sunderland and north Weremouth towne, which now is called moonke Weremouth of the monasterie sometime standing there, wherin Beda read & [Page 155] wrote manie of his bookes, as to the world appeareth. This mouth of Were is eight miles from Durham, and six from Newcastell. Being thus passed the Were, & entered into the Bishoprijc, yer we come at the mouth of the These, almost by two miles, ouer passing a rill that runneth by castell Eden, and Hardwijc, and likewise Hartlepoole towne, which lieth ouer into the sea in maner of a byland or peninsula, we meet with a prettie fall, which groweth by a riuer that is increased with two waters, whereof one riseth by northwest about Moretons, and goeth by Stotfeld and Claxton, the other at Dawlton, going by Breerton, Owtham, and Grettam, finallie ioining within two miles of the sea, they make a prettie portlet: but I know not of what securitie.

Were. Ptolemy, writing about the Were, calls it Vedra, a river well known to Bede the famous priest, who grew up in a monastery located on its banks. It rises from three sources in Kelloppeslaw Burdop. hill, the southernmost called Burdop, the middle one Wallop.
Kellop.
Wallop, and the northernmost Kellop. These streams meet near St. John's chapel or just a bit west of it, and their confluence flows through Stanhope park, east of Yare, and then to Frosterleie. Before reaching there, it receives three small streams from the north in Weredale, one coming in by Stanhope, another west of Woodcroft hall, and the third at the previously mentioned Frosterleie. A little below these, I also find a fourth on the south side, flowing down from the southwest by Bolliop, Bishopsleie, Milhouses, and Landew, as I've been informed. Therefore, united with the Were, this stream continues on to Wascrop. Walsingham, where it takes in the Wascropburne, along with another at Bradleie, a third at Harpleie hall (all on the north side), and Bedburne. the fourth one between Witton and Witton castle called Bedburne, coming by Hamsterleie, making this river quite large now. From here, it rushes to Bishops Akeland, where it takes in the Garondlesse below it, which (as Leland says) rises six miles west of Akeland castle, running to the south and passing west of Akeland, St. Helens Akeland, St. Andrew's Akeland, and Bishops Akeland before joining the Were, which continues on to Newfield and Willington. Near this location, and just below Sunderland, the Were crosses a brook from the southeast by Het, Croxseie, Cronefurth, Tursdale, and Cordale, as well as two others from the northwest in one lowland, the first coming from above Ash by Langleie: the other called Coue, from above Kinchleie by Newbiggin, Lanchester, north Langlie, through Beare park, and meeting beneath Kelleie or Hedleie with the other, they both flow together into the Were, between south Sunderland and Burnall. From here, our river continues on to Howghwell, Shirkeleie, old Pidding Brooke. Duresme (taking in the Pidding brooke from the northeast), it flows to Duresme, Finkeleie, Harbarhouse, Lumleie castle (where it meets Pilis. the Pilis, whose sources unite between Pelton and Whitwell (and are afterward called Hedleie), and then to Lampton, Harroton, the Bedikes, Ufferton, Hilton park, Bishops Weremouth, and into the sea, between north Sunderland and north Weremouth town, which is now called monk Weremouth due to the monastery that once stood there, where Bede studied and [Page 155] wrote many of his books, as the world can see. The mouth of the Were is eight miles from Durham and six from Newcastle. After passing the Were and entering the Bishopric, before reaching the mouth of the These, almost two miles in, we cross a small stream that runs by castle Eden and Hardwijc, as well as Hartlepoole town, which juts out into the sea like a byland or peninsula. We encounter a charming waterfall, which is fed by a river that gathers water from two sources, one rising in the northwest around Moretons and flowing by Stotfeld and Claxton, the other at Dawlton, passing by Breerton, Owtham, and Grettam, finally joining within two miles of the sea to make a lovely little port: though I'm not sure how secure it is.

Thesis. The These, a riuer that beareth and féedeth an excellent samon, riseth in the Blacke lowes, aboue two miles flat west of the southerlie head of Were called Burdop, and south of the head of west Alen, and thence runneth through Tildale forrest: and taking in the Langdon water from northwest it runneth to Durtpit chappell, to Newbiggin, and so to Middleton, receiuing by west of each of these a rill comming from by Hude. north (of which the last is called Hude) and likewise the Lune afterward by southwest that riseth at thrée seuerall places, whereof the first is in the borders of Westmerland and there called Arnegill becke, the Lune. second more southerlie, named Lunebecke, and the third by south at
Arnegill.
Bandor Skarth hill, and méeting all aboue Arnegill house, they run togither in one bottome to Lathekirke bridge, and then into the These. Hauing therefore met with these, it runneth to Mickelton (& there taking
Skirkewith.
in the Skirkwith water) it goeth to Rombald kirke (crossing there also Bander. one rill and the Bander brooke by south west) and then going to Morewood hag, and Morewood parke, till it come to Bernards castell.

Thesis. The These, a river that supports and nurtures excellent salmon, rises in the Black Lowes, just over two miles flat west of the southern head of a place called Burdop, and south of the head of West Alen. It then flows through Tildale Forest, collecting the Langdon water from the northwest as it heads to Durtpit Chapel, Newbiggin, and then Middleton. It receives a stream from the west of each of these points, coming from the north (the last of which is called Hude), and later it takes in the Lune from the southwest, which springs from three different locations. The first is on the border of Westmorland and is called Arnegill Beck, the second is farther south and known as Lunebecke, and the third is to the south at Arnegill. All three meet above Arnegill House, merging into one stream that flows to Lathekirke Bridge and then into the These. After joining with these, it continues to Mickelton (where it also takes in the Skirkwith water), flows to Rombald Church (crossing one stream and the Bander Brook from the southwest), and then proceeds to Morewood Hag and Morewood Park until it reaches Bernard's Castle.

Rere crosse. Here also it receiueth the Thuresgill water, comming east of Rere crosse in Yorkeshire, from the spittle in Stanmore by Crag almost southwest, and being vnited with the These, it goeth by Stratford, Eglesdon, Rokesbie, Thorpe, Wickliffe, Ouington, Winston, and betweene Barfurth and Gainfurth méeteth with another rill, that commeth from Langleie forest, betwéene Rabie castell and Standorpe, of whose name I haue no knowledge. But to procéed. The These being past Ramforth, runneth betwéene Persore and Cliffe, and in the waie to Crofts bridge taketh in Skerne. the Skerne a pretie water, which riseth about Trimdon, and goeth by Fishburne, Bradburie, Preston, Braforton, Skirmingham, the Burdens, Haughton and Darlington, & there finallie meeting with the Cocke becke or Dare, it falleth in the These beneath Stapleton, before it come at Crofts bridge, and (as it should séeme) is the same which Leland calleth Gretteie or Grettie. From thence it runneth to Sockburne, nether Dunsleie, Middleton row, Newsham, Yarne (crossing a brooke from Leuen bridge) called Leuen or Leuinus in Latine, whose crinkling course is notable, and the streame of some called Thorpe, which I find described in this maner.

Reroute cross. Here, it also receives the Thuresgill water, coming from the east of Rere crosse in Yorkshire, from the spittle in Stanmore by Crag almost southwest. When it joins with the These, it flows past Stratford, Eglesdon, Rokesbie, Thorpe, Wickliffe, Ouington, Winston, and between Barfurth and Gainfurth, it meets another stream that comes from Langleie forest, between Rabie castle and Standorpe, whose name I don’t know. But moving on. After passing Ramforth, the These runs between Persore and Cliffe, and on the way to Crofts bridge, it takes in the Skerne, a lovely stream that rises near Trimdon and flows by Fishburne, Bradburie, Preston, Braforton, Skirmingham, the Burdens, Haughton, and Darlington. There, it finally meets the Cocke beck or Dare, flowing into the These below Stapleton, before reaching Crofts bridge, and it seems to be the same one that Leland calls Gretteie or Grettie. From there, it runs to Sockburne, Nether Dunsleie, Middleton row, Newsham, Yarne (crossing a brook from Leuen bridge) called Leuen or Leuinus in Latin, whose winding path is notable, and the stream of some called Thorpe, which I find described like this.

Thorpe aliàs Leuand. The Thorpe riseth of sundrie heads, whereof one is aboue Pinching Thorpe, from whence it goeth to Nonnethorpe, and so to Stokesleie. The second hath two branches, and so placed, that Kildale standeth betweene them both: finallie, méeting beneath Easbie they go by Eaton, and likewise vnto Stokesleie. The last hath also two branches, whereof one commeth from Inglesbie, and méeteth with the second beneath Broughton; & going from thence to Stokesleie, they méet with the Thorpe aboue the towne, as the other fall into it somewhat beneath the same. From hence it goeth to Ridleie, and there taketh in another rill comming Crawthorne. from Potto, thence to Crawthorne brooke, Leuanton, Milton, Hilton, Inglesbie, and so into the These, betwéene Yarne and Barwijc, whereof I made mention before. After this confluence our These hasteth on to Barwijc, Preston, Thorne abbeie, and Arsham, which standeth on the southeast side of the riuer almost betweene the falles of two waters, whereof one descendeth from west Hartburne by long Newton, Elton, & Stockton; the other from Stillington, or Shillington, by Whitton, Thorpe, Blackestone, Billingham, and Norton. From Arsham finallie it goeth to Bellasis, Middleburgh, and so into the sea. Leland describing this riuer speaketh of the Wiske, which should come thereinto from by [Page 156] south vnder Wiske bridge, by Danbie, and Northalarton, and should ioine with a greater streame: but as yet I find no certeine place where to bestow the same.

Thorpe, also known as Leuand. The Thorpe originates from several sources, one of which is above Pinching Thorpe. From there, it flows to Nonnethorpe and then to Stokesley. The second source has two branches, positioned so that Kildale sits between them. Eventually, they converge beneath Easby and flow through Eaton, continuing on to Stokesley. The last source also has two branches; one comes from Inglesby and meets the second branch beneath Broughton. From there, they travel to Stokesley, where they join with the Thorpe above the town, while the other merges slightly below it. From here, it continues to Ridley, where it collects another stream coming from Potto, then flows into Crawthorne brook, Leavanton, Milton, Hilton, Inglesby, and finally into the Tees, between Yarm and Barwick, which I mentioned earlier. After this confluence, our Tees rushes on to Barwick, Preston, Thorn Abbey, and Arsham, which is on the southeast side of the river, almost positioned between the outflows of two streams. One descends from West Hartburn via Long Newton, Elton, and Stockton; the other comes from Stillington, or Shillington, passing through Whitton, Thorpe, Blackstone, Billingham, and Norton. Finally, from Arsham, it flows to Bellasis, Middleborough, and into the sea. Leland, while describing this river, mentions the Wiske, which is supposed to flow in from the south, beneath Wiske Bridge, near Danby and Northallerton, and is expected to join a larger stream; however, I have yet to find a specific location for it.

Next of all we come vnto the high Cliffe water, which rising aboue Hutton, goeth by Gisborow, and there receiueth another streame comming from by southeast, and then continuing on his course, it is not long yer it fall into the sea. The next is the Scaling water, which descendeth from Scaling towne, from whence we come to the Molemouth, not farre from whose head standeth Molgraue castell: then to Sandford creeke, and next Eske. of all to Eske mouth, which riseth aboue Danbie wood, and so goeth to Castelton, there méeting by the waie with another rill comming from about Westerdale by Danbie, and so they go on togither by Armar and Thwate castell, till they ioine with another water aboue Glasdule chappell, thence to new Biggin, taking yet another brooke with them, Ibur. running from Goodland ward, and likewise the Ibur, and so go on without anie further increase by Busworth, yer long into the sea.

Next, we come to the High Cliffe water, which rises above Hutton, flows by Gisborough, and there receives another stream coming from the southeast. It doesn't take long for it to reach the sea. Next is the Scaling water, which descends from Scaling town, leading us to Molemouth, not far from whose head stands Moldgrave Castle. Then we go to Sandford Creek and next to Eske. Finally, we arrive at Eske mouth, which rises above Danbie Wood and flows to Castleton, where it meets another small stream coming from around Westerdale by Danbie. They continue together by Armar and Thwate Castle until they join another water above Glasdule Chapel, then move on to New Biggin, picking up another brook along the way, Ibur. This stream runs from Goodland Ward, along with the Ibur, and continues on without any further increase through Busworth until eventually reaching the sea.

There is also a créeke on each side of Robin Whoodes baie, of whose names and courses I haue no skill, sauing that Fillingale the towne dooth stand betwéene them both. There is another not far from Scarborow, on the north side called the Harwood brooke. It runneth through Harwood dale by Cloughton, Buniston, and soone after méeting with another rill on the southwest, they run as one into the ocean sea. From Scarborow to Bridlington, by Flamborow head, we met with no more falles. This water therefore that we saw at Bridlington, riseth at Dugglebie, from whence it goeth to Kirbie, Helperthorpe, Butterwijc, Boithorpe, Foxhole, (where it falleth into the ground, and riseth vp againe at Rudston) Thorpe, Cathorpe, Bridlington, and so into the Ocean.

There’s also a creek on each side of Robin Hood’s Bay, but I don’t know their names or where they lead, except that the town of Fillingale sits between them. There’s another creek not far from Scarborough, on the north side, called the Harwood Brook. It flows through Harwood Dale by Cloughton, Buniston, and soon after it meets another stream on the southwest, and they flow together into the sea. From Scarborough to Bridlington, by Flamborough Head, we didn’t come across any more waterfalls. So, the water we saw at Bridlington originates at Duggleby, from where it goes to Kirbie, Helperthorpe, Butterwick, Boithorpe, Foxhole (where it goes underground and then rises again at Rudston), Thorpe, Cathorpe, Bridlington, and then into the ocean.

Being come about the Spurne head, I meete yer long with a riuer that riseth short of Withersie, and goeth by Fodringham and Wisted, from thence to another that commeth by Rosse, Halsham, Carmingham: then to the third, which riseth aboue Humbleton, and goeth to Esterwijc, Heddon, and so into the Humber. The fourth springeth short of Sprotleie, goeth by Witton, and falleth into the water of Humber at Merflete, as I heare.

After reaching Spurne head, I soon came across a river that flows just south of Withersie and passes by Fodringham and Wisted. From there, it joins another river that comes from Rosse, Halsham, and Carmingham. Then there's a third river that rises above Humbleton and flows to Esterwijc, Heddon, and eventually into the Humber. The fourth river begins just short of Sprotleie, flows past Witton, and empties into the Humber at Merflete, or so I've heard.

Hull. The next of all is the Hull water, which I will describe also here, and then crosse ouer vnto the southerlie shore. The furthest head of Hull water riseth at Kilham, from whence it goeth to Lewthorpe créeke, and so to Fodringham, a little beneath which it meeteth with sundrie waters, whereof one falleth in on the northest side, comming from about Lisset; the second on the northwest banke from Nafferton; the third from Emmeswell and Kirkeburne: for it hath two heads which ioined beneth little Drifield, and the fourth which falleth into the same: so that these two latter run vnto the maine riuer both in one chanell, as experience hath confirmed. From hence then our Hull goeth to Ratseie, to Goodalehouse, and then taking in a water from Hornesie mere, it goeth on through Beuerleie medowes, by Warron, Stoneferrie, Hull, and finallie into the Humber. Of the rill that falleth into this water from south Netherwijc, by Skirlow, and the two rilles that come from Cottingham and Woluerton, I saie no more, sith it is enough to name them in their order.

Hull. Next is the Hull water, which I'll describe here, and then I'll cross over to the southern shore. The furthest source of Hull water begins at Kilham, from where it flows to Lewthorpe Creek, and then to Fodringham. Just below Fodringham, it meets several streams, with one coming in from the north side near Lisset; another from the northwest bank near Nafferton; the third from Emmeswell and Kirkeburne. This water has two heads that join below Little Driffield, along with a fourth that flows into the same. These last two streams run into the main river together in one channel, as experience has shown. From there, our Hull flows to Ratseie, then to Goodalehouse, and taking in a stream from Hornesie Mere, continues through Beverley Meadows, passing by Warron, Stoneferry, Hull, and finally into the Humber. I won't say more about the stream that flows into this water from South Netherwick, near Skirlow, and the two streams that come from Cottingham and Wolverson, since it's sufficient to mention them in order.

THE DESCRIPTION OF THE HUMBER OR ISIS, AND SUCH WATER-COURSES AS DOO
INCREASE HIR CHANELL.

CHAP. XV.

Humber. There is no riuer called Humber from the hed. Wherfore that which we now call Humber, Ptolomie Abie, Leland Aber, as he gesseth, hath the same denomination no higher than the confluence of Trent with the Ouze, as beside Leland sundrie ancient writers haue noted before vs both. Certes it is a noble arme of the sea, and although it be properlie to be called Ouze or Ocellus euen to the Nuke beneath Ancolme, yet are we contented [Page 157] to call it Humber of Humbrus or Vmar, a king of the Scithians, who inuaded this Ile in the time of Locrinus, thinking to make himselfe monarch of the same. But as God hath from time to time singularlie prouided for the benefit of Britaine, so in this businesse it came to passe, that Humber was put to flight, his men slaine: and furthermore, whilest he attempted to saue himselfe by hasting to his ships (such was the prease of his nobilitie that followed him into his owne vessell, and the rage of weather which hastened on his fatall daie) that both he and they were drowned togither in that arme. And this is the onelie cause wherefore it hath béene called Humber, as our writers saie; and wherof I find these verses:

Humber River. There is no river named Humber from its source. So, what we now call Humber, which Ptolemy referred to as Abie and Leland guessed might be Aber, only gets that name as far up as the place where the Trent meets the Ouze, as various ancient writers noted before us. It is definitely a significant arm of the sea, and even though it should properly be called Ouze or Ocellus all the way up to the Nook below Ancolme, we are fine with referring to it as Humber, after Humbrus or Vmar, a king of the Scythians who invaded this island during Locrinus's time, hoping to make himself its ruler. But just as God has continually provided for Britain, it happened that Humber was defeated, his men were killed: and while he tried to save himself by rushing to his ships (such was the rush of his nobles following him onto his own vessel, along with the violent weather that hastened his end), both he and they drowned together in that arm. And that is the sole reason why it has been called Humber, as our writers say; and of this, I find these verses:

Dum fugit obstat ei flumen submergitur illic,

Dum fugit obstat ei flumen submergitur illic,

Déque suo tribuit nomine nomen aquæ.

Déque suo tribuit nomine nomen aquæ.

This riuer in old time parted Lhoegres or England from Albania, which was the portion of Albanactus, the yongest sonne of Brute. But since that time the limits of Lhoegres haue béene so inlarged, first by the prowesse of the Romans, then by the conquests of the English, that at this present daie, the Twede on the one side, & the Solue on the other, be taken for the principall bounds betweene vs and those of Scotland. In describing therefore the Humber, I must néeds begin with the Ouze, whose water bringeth foorth a verie sweet, fat and delicat samon, as I haue béene informed, beside sundrie other kinds of fish, which we want here on the south and southwest coasts & riuers of our land, whereof I may take occasion to speake more at large heerafter.

This river in ancient times separated Lhoegres or England from Albania, which was the territory of Albanactus, the youngest son of Brute. However, since then, the boundaries of Lhoegres have expanded significantly, first due to the strength of the Romans and then through the conquests of the English, so that today, the Tweed on one side and the Solway on the other are considered the main borders between us and Scotland. So, when describing the Humber, I must start with the Ouse, whose waters produce a very sweet, rich, and delicate salmon, as I have been told, along with various other types of fish that we lack here on the southern and southwestern coasts and rivers of our land, which I may have the opportunity to discuss in more detail later.

Vre aliàs Ouze, or Isis. The Vre therfore riseth in the furthest parts of all Richmondshire, among the Coterine hilles, in a mosse, toward the west fourtéene miles beyond Midleham. Being therefore issued out of the ground, it goeth to Holbecke, Hardraw, Hawshouse, Butterside, Askebridge (which Leland calleth the Askaran, and saith thereof and the Bainham, that they are but obscure bridges) then to Askarth, through Wanlesse parke, Wenseleie bridge (made two hundred yeares since, by Alwin, parson of Winslaw) New parke, Spennithorne, Danbie, Geruise abbeie, Clifton and Masham. When it Burne. is come to Masham, it receiueth the Burne, by south west (as it did the Wile. Wile, from verie déepe scarrie rockes, before at Askaran) and diuerse other wild rilles not worthie to be remembred. From Masham, it hasteth vnto Tanfield (taking in by the waie a rill by southwest) then to another Tanfield, to Newton hall, and Northbridge, at the hither end of Rippon, and so to Huickes bridge. But yer it come there it méeteth with Skell. the Skell, which being incorporat with the same, they run as one to Thorpe, then to Alborow, and soone after receiue the Swale.

Vre, also known as Ouze or Isis. The Vre rises in the farthest parts of Richmondshire, among the Coterine hills, in a bog, about fourteen miles west of Middleham. After emerging from the ground, it flows toward Holbecke, Hardraw, Hawshouse, Butterside, Askebridge (which Leland calls Askaran, noting that both it and Bainham are just inconspicuous bridges), then to Askarth, through Wanlesse Park, Wensleydale Bridge (built two hundred years ago by Alwin, the vicar of Winslaw), New Park, Spennithorne, Danbie, Geruise Abbey, Clifton, and Masham. When it reaches Masham, it collects the Burne from the southwest (just as it did the Wile from very deep rocky gorges earlier at Askaran) and various other small streams not worth mentioning. From Masham, it rushes to Tanfield (picking up a stream from the southwest along the way), then to another Tanfield, to Newton Hall, and Northbridge, at the northern end of Ripon, and then to Huickes Bridge. But before it gets there, it meets the Skell, which, when combined with it, flows together as one to Thorpe, then to Alborow, and shortly after merges with the Swale.

Swale. Here (saith Leland) I am brought into no little streict, what to coniecture of the méeting of Isis and Vre, for some saie that the Isis and the Vre doo méet at Borowbridge, which to me dooth séeme to be verie vnlikelie, sith Isurium taketh his denomination of Isis and Vro, for it is often séene that the lesse riuers doo mingle their names with the greater, as in the Thamesis and other is easie to be found. Neither is there any more mention of the Vre after his passage vnder Borowbridge, but onelie of Isis or the Ouze in these daies, although in old time it held vnto Yorke it selfe, which of the Vre is truelie called Vrewijc (or Yorke short) or else my persuasion dooth faile me. I haue red also Ewerwijc and Yorwijc. But to procéed, and leaue this superfluous discourse.

Swale. Here (says Leland) I find myself in a bit of a bind when trying to figure out the connection between Isis and Vre. Some say that Isis and Vre meet at Borrowbridge, but that seems very unlikely to me since Isurium gets its name from Isis and Vro. It’s often observed that smaller rivers mix their names with larger ones, as seen with the Thames and others. There’s no further mention of Vre after it passes under Borrowbridge, only of Isis or the Ouze these days, even though in the past it reached all the way to York, which is truly referred to as Vrewijc (or just York) unless I’m mistaken. I’ve also read it as Ewerwijc and Yorwijc. But let's move on and leave this unnecessary discussion.

From Borowbridge, the Ouze goeth to Aldborough, and (receiuing the Swale by the waie) to Aldworke, taking in Vsburne water, from the southwest, then to Linton vpon Ouze, to Newton vpon Ouze, and to Munketun, méeting with the Nid yer long, and so going withall to the Redhouses, to Fosse. Popleton, Clifton, Yorke (where it crosseth the Fosse) to Foulfoorth, Middlethorpe, Acaster, & Acaster, Kelfléet, Welehall, Barelebie, Selbie, Turmonhall, Skurthall, Hokelath, Hoke, Sandhall, Rednesse, Whitegift, Vslet, Blacketoft, Foxfléet, Brownfléet, and so into Humber.

From Borowbridge, the Ouze flows to Aldborough, and (picking up the Swale along the way) to Aldworke, taking in Ubsurne water from the southwest, then to Linton on Ouze, to Newton on Ouze, and to Munketun, where it meets the Nid along the way, and continues on to the Redhouses, to Fosse. Popleton, Clifton, York (where it crosses the Fosse) to Foulfoorth, Middlethorpe, Acaster, & Acaster, Kelfleet, Welehall, Barelebie, Selbie, Turmonhall, Skurthall, Hokelath, Hoke, Sandhall, Rednesse, Whitegift, Uslet, Blacketoft, Foxfleet, Brownfleet, and finally into the Humber.

Ouze. The course of the Ouze being thus described, and as it were simplie without his influences, now will I touch such riuers as fall into the same also by themselues, contrarie to my former proceeding, imagining a voiage from the Rauenspurne, vntill I come néere to the head of These, & [Page 158] so southwards about againe by the bottome of the hillie soile vntill I get to Buxston, Sheffeld, Scrobie, & the verie south point of Humber mouth, whereby I shall crosse them all that are to be found in this walke, & leaue (I doubt) some especiall notice of their seuerall heads Hull or Hulne. and courses. The course of the Hull, a streame abounding with sturgeon and lampreie, as also the riuers which haue their issue into the same, being (as I say) alreadie described, I thinke it not amisse, as by the waie to set downe what Leland saith thereof, to the end that his trauell shall not altogither be lost in this behalfe; and for that it is short, and hath one or two things worthie to be remembred conteined in the same.

Ouzo. Now that we've covered the Ouze, I'll discuss the rivers that flow into it on their own, unlike what I did before. I imagine a journey starting from the Raven's Spurn and traveling toward the head of These, and then going south along the hilly terrain until I reach Buxston, Sheffield, Scrooby, and the very southern tip of the Humber mouth. This way, I'll cover all the rivers I encounter along the way, and I might leave some special notes about their various sources and paths. Hull or Hulne. The Hull, which is a river rich in sturgeon and lamprey, as well as the rivers flowing into it, have already been described. I think it’s worth mentioning what Leland has to say about it, so his observations aren’t completely overlooked. It’s brief and contains one or two noteworthy details.

The Hulne (saith he) riseth of thrée seuerall heads, whereof the greatest is not far from Driefield, now a small village sixtéene miles from Hull. Certes it hath beene a goodlie towne, and therein was the palace of Egbright king of the Northumbers, and place of sepulture of Alfred the noble king sometime of that nation, who died there 727, the ninetéene Cal. of Julie, the twentith of his reigne, and whose toombe or monument dooth yet remaine (for ought that I doo know to the contrarie) with an inscription vpon the same written in Latine letters. Néere vnto this towne also is the Danefield, wherein great numbers of Danes were slaine, and buried in those hils, which yet remaine there to be séene ouer their bones and carcasses. The second head (saith he) is at Estburne, and the third at Emmeswell, and méeting all togither not farre from Drifield, the water there beginneth to be called Hulne, as I haue said alreadie.

The Hulne, he says, originates from three different sources, the largest of which is not far from Driefield, a small village sixteen miles from Hull. It used to be a significant town and was home to the palace of Egbright, king of the Northumbers, and the burial place of Alfred, the noble king of that region, who died there in 727, on the nineteenth of July, during his twentieth year of reign. His tomb or monument still exists (as far as I know) with an inscription in Latin. Close to this town is the Danefield, where many Danes were killed and buried in the hills, which are still visible over their bones and remains. The second source, he says, is at Estburne, and the third at Emmeswell. Where they all meet not far from Driefield, the water begins to be called Hulne, as I mentioned before.

From hence also it goeth through Beuerleie medowes, and comming at the last not farre from an arme led from the Hulne by mans hand (and able to beare great vessels) almost to Beuerleie towne, which in old time either hight or stood in Deirwald, vntill John of Beuerleie (whom Leland nameth out of an old author to be the first doctor or teacher of diuinitie that euer was in Oxford, and (as it should séeme also by an ancient monument yet remaining) to be of an hostell where the vniuersitie college now standeth; & therfore they write him, Somtime fellow of that house) began to be of fame, of whom it is called Beuerleie (as some affirme) to this daie. Indéed all the countrie betwéene the Deirwent & the Humber was sometime called Deira, and the lower part Caua Deira in respect of the higher soile, but now it is named the east Riding. But what is this to my purpose? The Hulne therefore being come almost to Beuerleie towne, & Cottingham. méeting thereabout also with the Cottingham becke comming from Westwood by the waie, it hasteth to Kingston vpon Hulne or Hull, and so into the Humber without anie maner impeachment.

From here, it also goes through Beverley meadows, and eventually comes close to an arm fed by the Hull River, which has been created by human hands and can carry large vessels, nearly reaching Beverley town, which in ancient times was either called or located in Deira. John of Beverley (whom Leland cites from an old source as the first doctor or teacher of divinity ever in Oxford, and according to an ancient monument that still exists, was associated with a hostel where the university college now stands; therefore, they refer to him as a former fellow of that house) began to gain recognition, and some say that the town is named Beverley after him. Indeed, the entire region between the Derwent and the Humber was once known as Deira, and the lower part was called Cauda Deira in relation to the higher ground, but now it is called the East Riding. But what does this have to do with my point? So, as the Hull River approaches Beverley town, and meets the Cottingham Beck coming from Westwood along the way, it rushes to Kingston upon Hull and flows into the Humber without any obstruction.

Fowlneie. The Fowlneie riseth about Godmanham, from whence it goeth by Wighton, Hareswell, Seton, Williams bridge, and soone after spreading it selfe,
Skelfléet.
one arme called Skelfleet goeth by Cane Cawseie to Brownefléet and so into the Ouze. The other passeth by Sandholme, Gilberts dike, Scalbie chappell, Blacketoft, and so into the aforesaid Ouze, leauing a verie pretie Iland, which is a parcell (as I heare) of Walding fen more, though otherwise obscure to vs that dwell here in the south.

Fowlneie. The Fowlneie rises near Godmanham, from where it flows past Wighton, Hareswell, Seton, Williams Bridge, and soon after spreads out. Skelfleet. One branch called Skelfleet goes by Cane Cawsey to Brownefleet and then into the Ouze. The other passes by Sandholme, Gilbert's Dike, Scalbie Chapel, Blacketoft, and then into the aforementioned Ouze, leaving a very pretty island, which I’ve heard is part of Walding Fen, but otherwise obscure to those of us living here in the south.

Darwent. The Darwent riseth in the hilles that lie west of Robin Whoodes baie, or two miles aboue Aiton bridge, west from Scarborow as Leland saith: and yer it hath run farre from the head, it receiueth two rilles in one bottome from by west, which ioine withall about Longdale end. Thence they go togither to Broxeie, and at Hacknesse take in another water comming from about Silseie. Afterward it commeth to Aiton, then to Kenford. Haibridge, and there crosseth the Kenford that descendeth from Roberteston. After this also it goeth on to Potersbrumton where it taketh in one rill, as it dooth another beneath running from Shirburne, and the third yet lower on the further banke, that descendeth from Brumton. From these confluences it runneth to Fowlbridge, Axbridge, Yeldingham bridge, & so to Cotehouse, receiuing by the waie manie waters, & yéelding great plentie of delicate samons to such as fish vpon the same. Leland reckoning vp the names of the seuerall brookes, numbreth them confusedlie after his accustomed order. The Darwent (saith Shirihutton. he) receiueth diuerse streames, as the Shirihutton. The second is the Crambecke.
Rie.
Ricoll.
Seuen.
Costeie.
Pickering.
Crambecke, descending from Hunderskell castell (so called Tanquam à centum fontibus, or multitude of springs that rise about the same) and [Page 159] goeth to Rie, which comming out of the Blackemore, passeth by Riuers abbeie, taking in the Ricoll on the left hand, then the Seuen, the Costeie, and Pickering brooke.

Darwent. The Darwent rises in the hills west of Robin Hood's Bay, about two miles above Aiton Bridge, west from Scarborough, according to Leland. Before it flows far from its source, it receives two streams from the west that merge near Longdale End. From there, they flow together to Broxie, and at Hackness, they take in another stream coming from around Silseie. After that, it heads to Aiton, then to Kenford. Haibridge, where it crosses the Kenford that flows down from Roberteston. It then continues to Pottersbrumton, where it joins one stream, and it collects another further down from Shirburne, along with a third one even lower on the opposite bank, coming from Brumton. From these merging points, it flows to Foulbridge, Axbridge, Yeldingham Bridge, and then to Cotehouse, collecting many waters along the way and providing plenty of delicious salmon for those who fish there. Leland lists the names of the various brooks, but he numbers them confusingly in his usual style. The Darwent (he states) receives several streams, such as the Shirihutton. The second is the Crambecke.
Rie.
Ricoll.
Seven.
Costie.
Pickering.
Crambecke, flowing from Hunderskell Castle (named for its hundred springs that rise around it), goes to Rie, which comes out of Blackemore, passes by Rivers Abbey, and takes in the Ricoll on the left, then the Seuen, the Costeie, and the Pickering brook.

The Seuin also (saith he) riseth in the side of Blackemoore, and thence goeth by Sinnington foure miles from Pickering, and about a mile aboue a certeine bridge ouer Rie goeth into the streame. The Costeie in like sort springeth in the verie edge of Pickering towne, at a place called Keld head, and goeth into the Rie two miles beneath Pickering, about Kirbie minster. Finallie, Pickering water ariseth in Blackemoore, and halfe a mile beneath Pickering falleth into Costeie, meeting by the way Pocklington. with the Pocklington becke, and an other small rill or two, of whose names I haue no knowledge. Hitherto Leland. But in mine opinion, it had béene far better to haue described them thus. Of those waters that fall into the Darwent beneath Cotehouse, the first commeth from Swenton, the second from Ebberston, the third from Ollerston, the fourth from Thorneton & Pickering, and the fift on the other side that commeth thither from Wintringham. For so should he haue dealt in better order, and rid his hands of them with more expedition, referring the rest also vnto their proper places.

The Seuin, he says, rises on the side of Blackemoore, then flows past Sinnington, four miles from Pickering, and about a mile above a certain bridge over the Rie, it enters the stream. The Costeie also springs right at the edge of Pickering town, at a place called Keld head, and flows into the Rie two miles below Pickering, around Kirbie Minster. Lastly, Pickering water arises in Blackemoore and falls into Costeie half a mile below Pickering, meeting along the way with the Pocklington beck and a couple of other small streams whose names I don’t know. This is Leland's account. However, I think it would have been much better if he had described them this way. Of the waters that flow into the Darwent below Cotehouse, the first comes from Swenton, the second from Ebberston, the third from Ollerston, the fourth from Thornton and Pickering, and the fifth from the other side that comes from Wintringham. This way, he could have organized the information better and dealt with them more efficiently, referring the rest to their proper places.

But to procéed after mine owne maner. Being past Cotehouse, & yer the Rie. Darwent come at Wickham, it crosseth the Rie, which riseth of two heads, and ioining west of Locton they run through Glansbie parke. Finallie, Costeie. receiuing the Costeie, it méeteth at the last with an other streame increased by the fals of six waters and more yer it come into the Darwent.

But to continue in my own way. After passing Cotehouse, and before reaching the Rie. Darwent at Wickham, it crosses the Rie, which has two sources, and joining west of Locton they flow through Glansbie Park. Finally, Cost. receiving the Costeie, it meets at last with another stream fed by the falls of six or more waters before it joins the Darwent.

Seuen. The most easterlie of these is called Seuen, and riseth (as is aforesaid) in Blackemoore, from whence it goeth by Sinnington, Murton,
Don or Done.
Normanbie, Newsound, How, and so into the Rie. The second named Don hath his originall likewise in Blackemoore, and descending by Rasmore, Keldon
Hodgebecke.
and Edston (where it receiueth the Hodgebecke, that commeth by Bernesdale, Kirkedale, & Welburne) it goeth to Sawlton, and there taketh in first the
Ricoll.
Ricoll, that goeth by Careton, and whereof Ridall (as some think, but Fesse. falslie) doth séeme to take the name. Then Fesse, which riseth aboue Bilisdale chappell, and méeteth with the Rie at the Shaking bridge, from whence they go togither vnder the Rie bridge, to Riuis abbeie, and thence (after it hath crossed a becke from the west) through a parke of the earle of Rutlands to Newton, Muniton, and so to Sawton or Sawlton,
Holbecke.
as I doo find it written. Here also it taketh in the Holbecke brooke, that commeth thither from by west by Gilling castell, and Stangraue, from whence it goeth on to Brabie, next into the Seuen, then into the Rie, and so into the Darwent, which from thence dooth run to Wickham.

Seven. The most eastern of these is called Seven, and it originates (as mentioned before) in Blackemoore, from where it flows by Sinnington, Murton, Don or Done. Normanbie, Newsound, How, and into the Rie. The second river, Don, also starts in Blackemoore and flows down through Rasmore, Keldon Hodgebecke. and Edston (where it receives the Hodgebecke, which comes from Bernesdale, Kirkedale, & Welburne), it heads to Sawlton, and there it first collects the Ricoll. Ricoll, which flows by Careton, and some believe that Ridall (though incorrectly) seems to take its name from this. Then there’s Fesse, which rises above Bilisdale chapel and meets the Rie at the Shaking bridge. From there, they flow together under the Rie bridge to Riuis abbey, and then (after it crosses a stream from the west) through a park belonging to the Earl of Rutland to Newton, Muniton, and so to Sawton or Sawlton, Holbecke. Here, it also collects the Holbecke brook, which comes from the west by Gilling castle and Stangraue, from where it continues on to Brabie, then into the Seven, then into the Rie, and finally into the Darwent, which then flows to Wickham.

Being past Wickham, it méeteth with a water that commeth thereinto from Grinston to Setterington at southeast, and thence it goeth on to Malton and Malton (where the prouerbe saith that a bushell of rie and an other of malt is woorth but sixpence, carie awaie whilest you may, so as you can kéepe them from running through the sackes) Sutton, Wellam, Furbie, and Kirkeham, receiuing by the waie one rill on the one side and an other on the other, whereof this commeth from Burdfall, that other from Conisthorpe. From Kirkeham it goeth to Cramburne and Owsham bridge (crossing by the waie an other brooke comming from saint Edwards gore, by Faston) then to Aldbie, Buttercram (aliàs Butterham) bridge, Stamford bridge, Kerbie bridge, Sutton, Ellerton, Aughton, Bubwith, Wresill, Babthorpe, and so into the Ouze, wherewith I finish the description of Darwent: sauing that I haue to let you vnderstand how Leland heard that an arme ran some time from the head of Darwent also to Scarborow, till such time as two hils betwixt which it ran, did shalder and so choke vp his course.

After passing Wickham, it meets a stream that flows in from Grinston to Setterington in the southeast, and then it continues on to Malton (where the saying goes that a bushel of rye and another of malt is worth only sixpence, so take them while you can, as long as you can keep them from spilling out of the sacks). From there, it goes to Sutton, Wellam, Furbie, and Kirkeham, picking up a small stream on one side and another on the other side, with one coming from Burdfall and the other from Conisthorpe. From Kirkeham, it continues to Cramburne and Owsham Bridge (crossing another brook that originates from Saint Edward's Gore, near Faston), then to Aldbie, Buttercram (also known as Butterham) Bridge, Stamford Bridge, Kerbie Bridge, Sutton, Ellerton, Aughton, Bubwith, Wresill, Babthorpe, and finally into the Ouze. This concludes the description of Darwent, except I should mention that Leland once heard that a branch flowed from the head of Darwent all the way to Scarborough, until two hills between which it ran blocked and choked its course.

Fosse. The Fosse (a slow streame yet able to beare a good vessell) riseth in Nemore Calaterio, that is, Galters wood or Cawood, among the wooddie hilles, and in his descent from the higher ground, he leaueth Crake castell, on his west side: thence he goeth by Marton abbeie, Marton, Stillington, Farlington, Towthorpe, Erswijc, Huntington, & at Yorke into Kile. the Ouze. The Kile riseth flat north at Newborow, from whence it goeth by Thorneton on the hill, Ruskell parke, Awne, Tollerton, and so into Swale. the Ouze about Newton vpon Ouze. The Swale is a right noble riuer, & march in some places betwéene Richmondshire and Westmerland, it riseth [Page 160] not far from Pendragon castell in the hilles aboue Kirkedale, and from this towne it goeth to Kelde chappell, Carret house, Crackepot, Barneie. Whiteside, and neere vnto Yalen taketh in the Barneie water, which commeth from the north east. Thence it goeth by Harcaside to Reth (where Arcleie. it méeteth with the Arcleie) and so to Flemington, Grinton, Marrike Holgate. (taking in the Holgate that commeth from by south: and in the waie to Mariske becke. Thorpe, the Mariske becke, or peraduenture Applegarth water, as Leland calleth it, that descendeth from the north) then to Thorpe, Applegarth, Richmond, Easbie and Brunton.

Fosse. The Fosse (a slow stream that can support a good vessel) rises in Nemore Calaterio, which is Galters Wood or Cawood, among the wooded hills. As it flows down from the higher ground, it passes to the west of Crake Castle. From there, it runs by Marton Abbey, Marton, Stillington, Farlington, Towthorpe, Erswijc, Huntington, and at York, it joins the Kyl. Ouze. The Kile rises flat to the north at Newborow, from where it flows by Thornton on the hill, Ruskell Park, Awne, Tollerton, and then into Wetland. the Ouze near Newton upon Ouze. The Swale is a truly noble river, and in some places it marks the boundary between Richmondshire and Westmerland. It rises not far from Pendragon Castle in the hills above Kirkedale, and from this town, it goes to Kelde Chapel, Carret House, Crackepot, Barney. Whiteside, and near Yalen, it takes in the Barneie water, which comes from the northeast. From there, it flows by Harcaside to Reth (where it meets the Arcleie) and then on to Flemington, Grinton, Marrike Holgate. (taking in the Holgate that comes from the south; and on the way to Mariske returns. Thorpe, it also collects the Mariske Beck, or perhaps Applegarth Water, as Leland calls it, that flows down from the north), then to Thorpe, Applegarth, Richmond, Easbie, and Brunton.

Here by north it interteineth two or thrée waters in one chanell, called Rauenswath. Rauenswath water, whereof the two furthest doo ioine not farre from the Dawltons, and so go by Rauenswath, Hartfoorth, Gilling, and at Skebie méet with the third, comming from Richmond beaconward. By west also of Rhe. Brunton, the Swale méeteth with the Rhe, running from Resdale, and being past Brunton, it goeth to Caterijc bridge beneath Brunton, then to Ellerton, Kirkebie, Langton parua, Thirtoft, Anderbie stéeple: and Bedall aliàs Leming. before it come vnto Gatenbie, it meeteth with the Bedall brooke, aliàs Lemings becke, that commeth west of Kellirbie, by Cunstable, Burton, Langthorpe, Bedall, and Leming chappell. From Gattenbie likewise it Wiske. goeth to Mawbie, & at Brakenbirie receiueth the Wiske, which is a great water, rising betwéene two parkes aboue Swanbie in one place, and southeast of Mountgrace abbeie in another; and after the confluence which is about Siddlebridge, goeth on betwéene the Rughtons to Appleton, the Smetons, Birtbie, Hutton Coniers, Danbie, Wijc, Yafford, Warlabie, and taking in there a rill from Brunton Aluerton, it procéedeth to Otterington, Newlie, Kirbie Wiske, Newson, and Blackenburie, there méeting (as I said) with the Swale, that runneth frō thence by Skipton bridge, Catton, Topcliffe, and Raniton, and aboue Eldmire méeteth with sundrie other rilles in one bottome, whereof the Cawdebec.
Kebecke.
northwesterlie is called Cawdebec: the south easterlie Kebecke, which ioine est of Thorneton moore, and so go to Thorneton in the stréet, Kiluington, Thruske, Sowerbie, Grastwijc, and soone after crossing another growing of the mixture of the Willow, and likewise of the Cuckwolds becke. Cuckewold beckes, which ioine aboue Bridforth, and running on till it come almost at Dawlton, it maketh confluence with the Swale, and go thence as one with all their samons by Thorneton bridge, Mitton vpon Swale, and so into the Ouze.

Here in the north, two or three rivers meet in one channel, called Ravenswood. Rauenswath water, where the two furthest rivers join not far from the Dawltons, flows by Rauenswath, Hartforth, Gilling, and at Skebie, it meets the third river coming from Richmond direction. To the west of Rhe. Brunton, the Swale joins the Rhe, flowing from Resdale. After passing Brunton, it continues to Caterijc bridge below Brunton, then to Ellerton, Kirkebie, Langton parva, Thirtoft, Anderbie steeple: and Bedall aka Leming. before it reaches Gatenbie, it meets the Bedall brook, also known as Lemings beck, which comes from the west of Kellirbie, passing through Cunstable, Burton, Langthorpe, Bedall, and Leming chapel. From Gatenbie, it Wiske. goes to Mawbie, and at Brakenbirie, it receives the Wiske, which is a large river, rising between two parks above Swanbie in one spot and southeast of Mountgrace abbey in another; after their meeting around Siddlebridge, it flows between the Rughtons to Appleton, the Smetons, Birtbie, Hutton Coniers, Danbie, Wijc, Yafford, Warlabie, and taking in a stream from Brunton Aluerton, it continues to Otterington, Newlie, Kirbie Wiske, Newson, and Blackenburie, where it meets (as I mentioned) the Swale, which runs from there by Skipton bridge, Catton, Topcliffe, and Raniton, and above Eldmire, it joins several other streams in one valley, with the Cawdebec.
Kebecke.
northwesterly named Cawdebec, and the southeasterly called Kebecke, which join east of Thorneton moor, and flow to Thorneton in the street, Kiluington, Thruske, Sowerbie, Grastwijc, and soon after crossing another stream combining from the Willow, and also from the Cuckolds be gone. Cuckewold beck, which joins above Bridforth, and flows on until it comes close to Dawlton, it merges with the Swale, and then continues as one with all their salmon by Thorneton bridge, Mitton upon Swale, and into the Ouze.

Skell. The Skell riseth out of the west two miles from Founteines abbeie, and commeth (as Leland saith) with a faire course by the one side of Rippon, as the Vre dooth on the other. And on the bankes hereof stood the famous abbeie called Founteines or Adfontes, so much renowmed for the lustie monks that sometimes dwelled in the same. It receiueth also the Lauer Lauer. water (which riseth thrée miles from Kirbie, and meeteth withall néere vnto Rippon) and finallie falleth into the Vre, a quarter of a mile beneath Rippon towne, & almost midwaie betwéene the North and Huicke bridges.

Skelly. The Skell rises up from the west two miles away from Fountains Abbey, and, as Leland says, flows gracefully along one side of Ripon, just like the Ure does on the other side. On its banks stood the famous abbey called Fountains or Adfontes, well-known for the lively monks who once lived there. It also receives the LaverNori. water (which rises three miles from Kirby and joins here near Ripon) and finally merges into the Ure, a quarter of a mile below Ripon town, and almost halfway between the North and Huick bridges.

Nidde. The Nidde, which the booke of statutes called Nidor (anno 13. Edw. 1.) and thereto noteth it to be inriched with store of samon, as are also the Wheof and Aire, riseth among those hilles that lie by west northwest of Gnarresborow, fiue miles aboue Pakeleie bridge, and going in short processe of time by Westhouses, Lodgehouses, Woodhall, Newhouses, Midlesmore, Raunsgill, Cowthouse, Gowthwall, Bureleie, Brimham, Killingale. Hampeswale, and soone after méeting with the Killingale becke, it goeth after the confluence by Bilton parke, Gnaresbridge, Washford, Cathall, Willesthorpe, Munketon, or Nonmocke, and so into the Ouze, fouretéene miles beneath Gnaresborow, being increased by the waie with verie few or no waters of anie countenance. Leland hauing said thus much of the Nidde, addeth herevnto the names of two other waters, that is to saie, Couer.
Burne.
the Couer and the Burne, which doo fall likewise into the Vre or Ouze. But as he saith little of the same, so among all my pamphlets, I can gather no more of them, than that the first riseth six miles aboue Couerham by west, and falleth into the Vre, a little beneath Middleham bridge, which is two miles beneath the towne of Couerham. As for the Burne, it riseth at More hilles, and falleth into the said riuer a little beneath Massham bridge. And so much of these two.

Nidde. The Nidde, which the statute book calls Nidor (in the year 13 of Edw. 1), is noted to be rich in salmon, just like the Wheof and Aire. It rises among the hills located northwest of Gnarresborow, five miles above Pakeleie bridge. As it flows by Westhouses, Lodgehouses, Woodhall, Newhouses, Midlesmore, Raunsgill, Cowthouse, Gowthwall, Bureleie, and Brimham, it soon meets the Killingale beck. After the confluence, it continues by Bilton park, Gnaresbridge, Washford, Cathall, Willesthorpe, Munketon, or Nonmocke, and eventually into the Ouze, fourteen miles below Gnaresborow, gaining very little or no additional water along the way. Leland mentions the Nidde and adds the names of two other rivers, namely, Heart.
Burn.
the Couer and the Burne, which also flow into the Vre or Ouze. However, he says little about them, and from all my notes, I can gather no more than that the first rises six miles above Couerham to the west and flows into the Vre just below Middleham bridge, which is two miles below the town of Couerham. The Burne rises at More hills and flows into the same river just below Massham bridge. And that’s all I have about these two.

Wharfe aliàs Gwerfe. The Wharffe or Gwerfe ariseth aboue Vghtershaw, from whence it runneth [Page 161] to Beggermons, Rosemill, Hubberham, Backden, Starbotton, Kettlewell, Cunniston in Kettlewell, and here it meeteth with a rill comming from Haltongill chappell, by Arnecliffe, and ioining withall northeast of Kilneseie crag, it passeth ouer by the lower grounds to Girsington, and receiuing a rill there also from Tresfeld parke, it proceedeth on to Brunsall bridge. Furthermore at Appletréewijc, it méeteth with a rill from by north, and thence goeth to Barden towre, Bolton, Beth and Misleie hall, where it crosseth a rill comming from by west, thence to Addingham, taking in there also another from by west, and so to Ikeleie, and receiuing yer long another by north from Denton hall, it hasteth to Weston Vauasour, Oteleie, and Letheleie, where it taketh in the Padside, & the Washburne (both in one streame from Lindleie ward) and thence to Casleie chappell, and there it crosseth one from by north, and another yer long from by south, and so to Yardwood castell, Kerebie, Woodhall, Collingham, Linton, Wetherbie, Thorpatch, Newton, Tadcaster, and when it Cockebecke. hath receiued the Cockebecke from southwest, that goeth by Barwie, Aberfoorth, Leadhall, and Grimston, it runneth to Exton, Kirbie Wharfe, Vskell, Rither, Nunapleton, & so into the Ouze beneath Cawood, a castell belonging to the archbishop of Yorke, where he vseth oft to lie when he refresheth himselfe with change of aire and shift of habitation, for the auoiding of such infection as may otherwise ingender by his long abode in one place, for want of due purgation and airing of his house.

Wharfe, also called Gwerfe. The Wharfe or Gwerfe rises above Ughtershaw, from where it flows [Page 161] to Beggermons, Rosemill, Hubberham, Backden, Starbotton, Kettlewell, Cunniston in Kettlewell, and here it meets a stream coming from Haltongill chapel, near Arnecliffe. After joining with it northeast of Kilneseie crag, it flows over the lower grounds to Girsington, and receiving another stream there from Tresfeld park, it continues on to Brunsall bridge. Furthermore, at Appletreewick, it meets a stream from the north, and then goes to Barden Tower, Bolton, Beth, and Mislieve Hall, where it crosses a stream coming from the west, then to Addingham, picking up another from the west, and continues to Ikeleie. After receiving another from the north from Denton Hall, it hastens to Weston Vausour, Oteleie, and Letheleie, where it takes in the Padside and the Washburn (both combined from Lindleie ward) and then to Casleie chapel. There it crosses one from the north and another soon after from the south, and flows on to Yardwood Castle, Kerebie, Woodhall, Collingham, Linton, Wetherby, Thorpatch, Newton, Tadcaster, and when it has received the Cockebecke from the southwest, which flows by Barwie, Aberfoorth, Leadhall, and Grimston, it runs to Exton, Kirbie Wharfe, Vskell, Rither, Nunapleton, and finally into the Ouse below Cawood, a castle belonging to the Archbishop of York, where he often stays when he refreshes himself with a change of air and scenery to avoid possible infections that may arise from staying in one place too long without proper cleaning and airing of his home.

Air. The Air or Arre riseth out of a lake or tarne south of Darnbrooke, wherein (as I heare) is none other fish but red trowt, and perch. Leland saith it riseth néere vnto Orton in Crauen, wherfore the ods is but little. It goeth therefore from thence to Mawlam, Hamlith, Kirbie, Moldale, Calton hall, Areton, and so foorth till it come almost to Otterburne. Gargraue, there crossing the Otterburne water on the west, and the Winterburne. Winterburne on the north, which at Flasbie receiueth a rill from Helton, as I heare. Being past Gargraue, our Air goeth on to Eshton, Elswood, and so foorth on, first receiuing a brooke from southwest (whereof one branch commeth by Marton, the other by Thorneton, which meete about Broughton) then another from northeast, that runneth by Skipton castell. After this confluence it hasteth by manifold windlesses, which caused thirteene bridges at the last to be ouer the same within a little space, to Newbiggin, Bradleie, and Kildwijc, by south east whereof it méeteth Glike. with one water from Mawsis, and Glusburne or Glukesburne, called Glike; another likewise a little beneath from Seton, beside two rilles from by north, after which confluence it runneth by Reddlesden, and ouer against Lacocke.
Woorth.
this towne the Lacocke and the Woorth doo meet withall in one chanell, Moreton. as the Moreton water dooth on the north, although it be somewhat lower. Thence it goeth to Rishfoorth hall, and so to Bungleie, where it taketh a rill from Denholme parke to Shipeleie, and there crossing another from Thorneton, Leuenthorpe, and Bradleie, it goeth to Caluerleie, to Christall, and so to Léedes, where one water runneth thereinto by north from Wettlewood, & two other from by south in one chanell, wherof the first hath two armes, of which the one commeth from Pudseie chappell, the other from Adwalton, their confluence being made aboue Farnesleie hall. The other likewise hath two heads, whereof one is aboue Morleie, the other commeth from Domingleie, and méeting with the first not far southwest of Leedes, they fall both into the Air, and so run with the Rodwell. same to Swillington, and there taking in the Rodwell becke south of the bridge, it proceedeth to Ollerton, Castleford, Brotherton & Ferribridge, Went. there receiuing the Went, a becke from Pontefract or Pomfret, which riseth of diuerse heads, wherof one is among the cole pits. Thence to Beall, Berkin, Kellington, middle Hodleseie, Templehirst, Gowldall, Snath, Rawcliffe, Newland, Armie, and so into the Ouze with an indifferent course. Of all the riuers in the north, Leland (in so manie of his bookes as I haue séene) saith least of this. Mine annotations also are verie slender in the particular waters wherbie it is increased: wherfore I was compelled of necessitie to conclude euen thus with the description of the same, and had so left it in déed, if I had not receiued one other note more to ad vnto it (euen when the leafe was at the presse) which saith as followeth in maner word for word.

Air. The Air or Arre starts from a lake or tarn south of Darnbrooke, where, as I hear, there are only red trout and perch. Leland says it rises near Orton in Craven, so the difference isn't much. It then flows from there to Mawlam, Hamlith, Kirby, Moldale, Calton Hall, Areton, and so on until it almost reaches Otterburne. Gargraue, where it crosses the Otterburne water on the west and the Winterburn. Winterburne on the north, which at Flasbie receives a stream from Helton, or so I've heard. After passing Gargraue, our Air moves on to Eshton, Elswood, and continues, first taking in a brook from the southwest (one branch comes from Marton, the other from Thornton, which meet near Broughton), then another from the northeast, which flows by Skipton Castle. After this confluence, it speeds through many bends, leading to thirteen bridges in a short stretch, going towards Newbiggin, Bradleie, and Kildwijc, where it meets Glike. a stream from Mawsis and Glusburne or Glukesburne, called Glike; another stream a little further down from Seton, along with two smaller streams from the north. After their confluence, it flows past Reddlesden, and just across from Lacock.
Worth.
in this town, the Lacocke and the Woorth meet in one channel, Moreton. as does the Moreton water to the north, though it's a bit lower. From there, it continues to Rishfoorth Hall, and then to Bungleie, where it takes in a stream from Denholme Park to Shipeleie, and there crosses another from Thornton, Leventhorpe, and Bradleie, then goes to Caluerleie, to Christall, and finally to Leeds, where one stream flows in from the north from Wettlewood, and two others from the south in one channel, the first having two arms, one coming from Pudseie Chapel, the other from Adwalton, meeting above Farnesleie Hall. The other also has two heads, one above Morleie, the other coming from Domingleie, and meeting with the first not far southwest of Leeds, they both flow into the Air, continuing with the Rodwell. to Swillington, and there taking in the Rodwell beck south of the bridge, it moves on to Ollerton, Castleford, Brotherton & Ferribridge, Went. there receiving the Went, a beck from Pontefract or Pomfret, which rises from various sources, one being among the coal pits. From there it goes to Beall, Berkin, Kellington, Middle Hodleseie, Templehirst, Gowldall, Snath, Rawcliffe, Newland, Armie, and flows into the Ouze in a steady course. Of all the rivers in the north, Leland (in many of his books I've seen) speaks the least about this one. My notes are also very sparse regarding the specific waters that contribute to it: thus I felt compelled to wrap up the description here and would have left it at that if I hadn't received one more note to add (just as the page was going to press), which states as follows almost word for word.

[Page 162]

[Page 162]

There is a noble water that falleth into Air, whose head (as I take it) is about Stanford. From whence it goeth to Creston chappell, to Lingfield, and there about receiuing one rill néere Elfrabright bridge, Hebden. and also the Hebden by northwest, it goeth to Brearleie hall, and so taking in the third by north, it procéedeth on eastward by Sorsbie bridge chappell (and there a rill from southwest) and so to Coppeleie hall. Beneath this place I find also that it receiueth one rill from Hallifax, which riseth from two heads, and two other from southwest, of which one commeth by Baresland, and Staneland in one chanell, as I read. So that after this confluence the aforesaid water goeth on toward Cowford bridge, and as it taketh in two rilles aboue the same on the north side, so beneath that bridge there falleth into it a pretie arme increased by sundrie waters cōming from by south, as from Marsheden chappell, from Holmesworth chappell, and Kirke Heton, each one growing of sundrie heads; whereof I would saie more, if I had more intelligence of their seuerall gates and passages.

There’s a beautiful stream that flows into the air, which I believe starts near Stanford. From there, it goes to Creston Chapel, then to Lingfield, receiving a small stream near Elfrabright Bridge, Hebden. It also collects Hebden from the northwest, continuing to Brearleie Hall, and then takes in a third stream from the north, moving eastward by Sorsbie Bridge Chapel (where it also gets a stream from the southwest) and on to Coppeleie Hall. Below this spot, I find that it receives another stream from Halifax, which has two sources, along with two more from the southwest, one flowing from Baresland and Staneland in one channel, as I've read. So, after this mixing, the water continues toward Cowford Bridge, and as it takes in two streams above the bridge on the north side, below that bridge, a nice little arm flows into it, fed by various waters coming from the south, including Marsheden Chapel, Holmesworth Chapel, and Kirke Heton, each one originating from different sources; I would say more if I knew more about their specific entry points and paths.

But to procéed. From Cowford bridge it runneth to Munfeld, and receiuing yer long one rill from Leuersage hall, and another from Burshall by Dewesburie, it goeth on northeast of Thornehull, south of Horbirie thornes, and thereabout crossing one rill from by south from Woller by new Milner Dam, and soone after another from northwest, called Chald, Chald. rising in the Peke hils, whereon Wakefield standeth, and likewise the third from southeast, and Waterton hall, it goeth by Warmefield, Newland, Altoftes, and finallie into the Aire, west of Castelworth, as I learne. What the name of this riuer should be as yet I heare not, and therefore no maruell that I doo not set it downe, yet is it certeine that it is called Chald, after his cōfluence with the Chald, and finallie Chaldair or Chaldar after it hath ioined with the Air or Ar. But what is this for his denominations from the head? It shall suffice therefore thus farre to haue shewed the course thereof: and as for the name I passe it ouer vntill another time.

But to continue. From Cowford Bridge, it flows to Munfeld, receiving a long stream from Leversage Hall and another from Burshall near Dewesburie. It moves on northeast of Thornehull, south of Horbirie thornes, and there it crosses a stream from the south near Woller by New Milner Dam. Soon after, it meets another stream from the northwest, called Chald, rising in the Peke Hills, where Wakefield is located, as well as a third from the southeast near Waterton Hall. It flows by Warmefield, Newland, Altoftes, and finally into the Aire, west of Castelworth, as I have learned. I haven't yet heard what this river is called, so it's no wonder I haven't written it down, but it is certain that it is named Chald after it joins with the Chald and finally Chaldair or Chaldar after it merges with the Aire or Ar. But what does this tell us about its name from the source? Therefore, it’s enough to have shown its course up to this point: and as for the name, I’ll leave that for another time.

Trent. The Trent is one of the most excellent riuers in the land, not onelie for store of samon, sturgeon, and sundrie other kinds of delicate fish wherewith it dooth abound, but also for that it is increased with so manie waters, as for that onelie cause it may be compared either with the Ouze or Sauerne, I meane the second Ouze, whose course I haue latelie described. It riseth of two heads which ioine beneath Norton in the moore, and from thence goeth to Hilton abbeie, Bucknell church, and Foulebrooke. aboue Stoke receiueth in the Foulebrooke water, which commeth thither from Tunstall, by Shelton, and finallie making a confluence they go to Hanfleet, where they méet with another on the same side, that descendeth from Newcastell vnder Line, which Leland taketh to be the verie Trent it selfe, saieng: that it riseth in the hils aboue Newcastell, as may be séene by his commentaries.

Trent. The Trent is one of the best rivers in the country, not just for the abundance of salmon, sturgeon, and various other types of delicious fish it has, but also because it’s fed by so many streams. For that reason, it can be compared to the Ouse or the Severn, specifically the second Ouse, which I recently described. It begins from two sources that join together below Norton in the moors, and then flows to Hilton Abbey, Bucknell Church, and Foulebrooke. Above Stoke, it receives water from the Foulebrooke, which comes from Tunstall, by Shelton, and eventually merges as they flow toward Hanfleet, where they meet another stream coming from Newcastle under Lyme. Leland claims this stream is the true Trent itself, stating that it rises in the hills above Newcastle, as noted in his writings.

But to proceed. At Trentham, or not farre from thence, it crosseth a riueret from northeast, whose name I know not, & thence going to Stone Aston, Stoke Burston, the Sandons and Weston, a little aboue Shubburne & Hawood, it receiueth the Sow, a great chanell increased with sundrie waters, which I will here describe, leauing the Trent at Shubburne, Sow. till I come backe againe. The Sow descendeth from the hilles, aboue Whitemoore chappell, and goeth by Charleton, and Stawne, and beneath Shalford ioineth with another by northeast that commeth from bishops Offeleie, Egleshall, Chesbie, Raunton. After this confluence also it runneth by Bridgeford, Tillington, & Stafford, beneath which towne Penke. it crosseth the Penke becke, that riseth aboue Nigleton, & Berwood, & aboue Penke bridge vniteth it selfe with another comming from Knightleie ward, by Gnashall church, Eaton: and so going foorth as one, it is not long yer they fall into Sow, after they haue passed Draiton, Dunstan, Acton, and Banswich, where loosing their names, they with the Sow & the Sow with them doo ioine with the Trent, at Shubburne, vpon the southerlie banke.

But to continue. At Trentham, or not far from there, it crosses a small river coming from the northeast, which I don’t know the name of, and then heads towards Stone Aston, Stoke Burston, the Sandons, and Weston, just above Shubburne and Hawood, where it receives the Sow, a large channel fed by various waters, which I will describe here, leaving the Trent at Shubburne until I come back again. The Sow flows down from the hills above Whitemoore chapel, passes by Charleton and Stawne, and below Shalford joins with another stream coming from the northeast that flows from Bishop's Offley, Egleshall, Chesbie, and Raunton. After this confluence, it continues by Bridgeford, Tillington, and Stafford, below which town it crosses the Penke beck, which rises above Nigleton and Berwood, and above Penke bridge merges with another coming from Knightley, by Gnashall church and Eaton. As it moves forward as one stream, it isn't long before they flow into the Sow, after passing Draiton, Dunstan, Acton, and Banswich, where losing their names, they join with the Sow, and the Sow joins with the Trent at Shubburne on the southern bank.

From Shubburne the Trent goeth on to little Harwood (meeting by the waie one rill at Ousleie bridge, and another south of Riddlesleie) thence by Hawksberie, Mauestane, Ridware, and so toward Yoxhall; where I must staie a while to consider of other waters, wherewith I méet in this [Page 163] voiage. Of these therefore the lesser commeth in by south from Farwall, the other from by west, a faire streame, and increased with two brooks, whereof the first riseth in Nedewood forrest, northeast of Haggersleie Blith. parke, whereinto falleth another west of Hamsteed Ridware, called Blith, which riseth among the hilles in Whateleie moore, aboue Weston Conie, and thence going to the same towne, it commeth to Druicote, aliàs Dracote, Painsleie, Gratwitch, Grimleie, Aldmaston, Hamstéed, Ridware, and finallie into the Trent, directlie west of Yoxhall, which runneth also from thence, & leauing kings Bromleie in a parke (as I take it) on the left hand, and the Blacke water comming from Southton and Lichfield on the right, goeth streightwaie to Catton, where it méeteth with the Tame. Tame, whose course I describe as followeth.

From Shubburne, the Trent continues on to little Harwood, passing by a stream at Ousleie bridge and another south of Riddlesleie. It then goes through Hawksberie, Mauestane, Ridware, and toward Yoxhall, where I need to pause for a moment to think about other waters I encounter during this journey. Among these, the smaller one flows in from the south near Farwall, while the other comes in from the west, a beautiful stream that is fed by two brooks. The first rises in Nedewood forest, located northeast of Haggersleie park, where another brook from the west of Hamsteed Ridware, called Blith, also joins. Blith rises among the hills in Whateleie moor, above Weston Conie, and then flows to the same town, reaching Druicote, also known as Dracote, Painsleie, Gratwitch, Grimleie, Aldmaston, Hamstéed, Ridware, and finally into the Trent, directly west of Yoxhall. From there, it continues on, passing Kings Bromleie in a park (as I understand it) on the left side, with the Black water coming from Southton and Lichfield on the right, heading straight to Catton, where it meets the Tame. I will describe the Tame’s course next.

It riseth in Staffordshire (as I remember) not farre from Petteshall, and goeth foorth by Hamsted, toward Pirihall and Brimichams Aston, taking in by the waie a rill on each side, whereof the first groweth through a confluence of two waters, the one of them comming from Tipton, the other from Aldburie, and so running as one by Wedburie till they fall into the same. The latter commeth from Woolfhall, and ioineth with it on the left hand. After this, and when it is past the aforesaid places, it crosseth in like sort a rill from Smethike ward: thence it Rhée. goeth to Yarneton hall, beneath which it méeteth with the Rhée, and thence through the parke, at Parke hall by Watercote, crossing finallie Cole. the Cole, whose head is in the forrest by Kingesnorton wood, and hath this course, whereof I now giue notice. It riseth (as I said) in the forrest by Kingesnorton wood, and going by Yareleie and Kingeshirst, it méeteth betwéene that and the parke, with a water running betwéene Helmedon and Sheldon.

It rises in Staffordshire (as I remember) not far from Petteshall and goes on by Hamsted, towards Pirihall and Brimichams Aston, picking up a stream on each side along the way. The first stream is formed from the merging of two waters, one coming from Tipton and the other from Aldburie, which then flow together as one by Wedburie until they join. The second stream comes from Woolfhall and meets it on the left side. After this, once it has passed the mentioned places, it crosses another stream coming from Smethike. From there, it heads to Yarneton hall, where it meets the Rhée, and then flows through the park at Parke hall by Watercote, finally crossing the Cole, whose source is in the forest by Kingesnorton wood. This is the path I am describing. It rises (as I said) in the forest by Kingesnorton wood and flows by Yareleie and Kingeshirst, meeting a stream running between Helmedon and Sheldon along the way.

Thence it passeth on to Coleshull, by east whereof it ioineth with a Blith. brooke, mounting southwest of Golihull called Blith, which going by Henwood and Barston, crosseth on ech side of Temple Balshall, a rill, whereof one commeth through the Quéenes parke or chase that lieth by west of Kenelworth, & the other by Kenelworth castell it selfe, from about Haselie parke. After which confluences it procéedeth in like maner to Hampton in Arden, and the Packingtons, and so to Coleshull, where it méeteth with the Cole, that going a little further, vniteth it selfe Burne. with the Burne on the one side (whereinto runneth a water comming from Ansleie on the east) and soone after on the other dooth fall into the Rhée. Tame, that which some call the Rhée, a common name to all waters that mooue and run from their head. For ῥεω in Gréeke is to flow and run, although in truth it is proper to the sea onelie to flow. Leland nameth the Brimicham water, whose head (as I heare) is aboue Norffield, so that his course shuld be by Kingesnorton, Bremicham, Budston hall, till it fall beneath Yarneton into the Tame it selfe, that runneth after these confluences on by Lée, Kingesbirie parke, and going by east of Draiton, Basset parke, to Falkesleie bridge, it méeteth with another water called Burne, also comming from Hammerwich church, by Chesterford, Shenton, Thickebrowne, and the north side of Draiton, Basset parke, wherof I spake before. From hence our Tame runneth on to Tamworth, there taking in the Anchor by east, whose description I had in this maner deliuered vnto me.

Then it continues on to Coleshull, to the east of which it connects with a Blissful. brook, rising southwest of Golihull, called Blith. This brook flows by Henwood and Barston, crossing on each side of Temple Balshall, with one branch passing through the Queen's park or chase located west of Kenilworth, and the other flowing by Kenilworth Castle itself from around Haselie park. After these joinings, it proceeds in the same way to Hampton in Arden, and the Packingtons, and then to Coleshull, where it meets the Cole, which, a little further on, merges Burne. with the Burne on one side (where a stream flows from Ansleie on the east) and soon after falls into the Rhee. Tame, which some refer to as the Rhée, a common name for all waters that flow and run from their source. For ῥεω in Greek means to flow and run, although it is primarily used for the sea. Leland mentions the Brimicham water, whose source (as I’ve heard) is above Norfield, so its course should be through Kingsnorton, Birmingham, Budston Hall, until it flows beneath Yarneton into the Tame itself. After these confluences, it continues on past Lee, Kingsbury Park, and going east of Draiton, Basset Park, to Falkesleie bridge, where it meets another water called Burne, also coming from Hammerwich church, through Chesterford, Shenton, Thickebrowne, and the north side of Draiton, Basset Park, which I mentioned earlier. From here, our Tame flows on to Tamworth, where it takes in the Anchor from the east, whose description I received as follows.

It riseth aboue Burton, from whence it goeth by Nonneaton, Witherleie and Atherstone. Yer long also it taketh in a water from northeast, which commeth by Huglescote, Shapton, Cunston, Twicrosse (vniting it selfe Anchor. with a water from Bosworth) Ratcliffe, & so to the Anchor, which after this confluence passeth by Whittendon, Crindon, Pollesworth, Armington, Tamworth, & so into Tame, that hasteth to Hopwash, Comberford hall, Telford, and soone after crossing a rill that riseth short of Swinfield hall, and commeth by Festirike, it runneth not farre from Croxhall, and so to Catton, thereabout receiuing his last increase not worthie to be Mese. omitted. This brooke is named Mese, and it riseth in the great parke that lieth betwéene Worthington, and Smethike, from whence also it goeth by Ashbie de la Souche, Packington, Mesham, and Stretton, and therabout crossing a rill about Nethersale grange, from Ouersale by east, it proceedeth by Chilcote, Clifton, Croxall, into the Thame, and both out of hand into the maine riuer a mile aboue Repton. Leland writing of this [Page 164] riuer (as I earst noted) saith thereof in this wise. Into the Thame also runneth the Bremicham brooke, which riseth foure or fiue miles about Bremicham in the Blacke hils in Worcestershire, and goeth into the aforesaid water a mile aboue Crudworth bridge. Certes (saith he) this Bremicham is a towne mainteined chieflie by smiths, nailers, cutlers, edgetoole forgers, lorimers or bitmakers, which haue their iron out of Stafford and Warwijc shires, and coles also out of the first countie. Hitherto Leland. Now to resume the Trent, which being growen to some greatnesse, goeth on to Walton, Drakelow, and there crossing a water that commeth by Newbold hall, it runneth to Stapenell, Winshull, Wightmere, and Newton Souch, where it receiueth two chanels within a short space, to be described apart.

It rises above Burton, then flows past Nuneaton, Witherley, and Atherstone. Not long after, it also takes in a stream from the northeast, which comes by Huglescote, Shapton, Cunston, and Twycross (merging with another stream from Bosworth), then Ratcliffe, and continues to the Anchor. After this conflux, it passes by Whittington, Crendon, Polesworth, Armitage, Tamworth, and into the Tame, which rushes to Hopwash, Comberford Hall, Telford, and soon after crosses a stream that rises just short of Swinfield Hall and comes by Fazeley. It runs not far from Croxall and then to Catton, where it receives its last increase, which is worth mentioning. This brook is called Mese, and it rises in the large park between Worthington and Smethwick, then flows by Ashby-de-la-Zouch, Packington, Measham, and Stretton. Near there, it crosses a stream at Nethersale Grange, from Overseal to the east, and continues by Chilcote, Clifton, Croxall, into the Thame, and quickly into the main river a mile above Repton. Leland, writing about this river (as I noted earlier), says this: The Birmingham brook also flows into the Thame, rising four or five miles around Birmingham in the Black Hills in Worcestershire, and merges into the aforementioned water a mile above Crudworth bridge. Indeed, he mentions that Birmingham is a town primarily supported by blacksmiths, nailers, cutlers, edge-tool forgers, lorimers, or bitmakers, who source their iron from Stafford and Warwickshire and coal from the first county. Thus far Leland. Now to return to the Trent, which, having grown to a considerable size, continues on to Walton, Drakelow, and there crosses a stream that comes by Newbold Hall, then flows to Stapenhill, Winshull, Wightmere, and Newton Solney, where it receives two channels in quick succession, to be described separately.

Dou. The first of these is called the Dou or Doue, it riseth about the thrée shires méere, and is as it were limes betweene Stafford and Darbishires, vntill it come at the Trent. Descending therefore from the head, it goeth by Earlesbooth, Pilsburie grange, Hartington, Wolscot, Eaton, Manifold. Hunsington grange, and aboue Thorpe receiueth the Manifold water, so called, bicause of the sundrie crinckling rills that it receiueth, and turnagaines that it selfe sheweth before it come at the Dou. Rising therefore not farre from Axe edge crosse (in the bottome thereby) it runneth from thence to Longmore, Shéene, Warslow chappell, and Welton.

Dou. The first of these is called the Dou or Doue; it rises around the three counties border, serving as a boundary between Staffordshire and Derbyshire until it reaches the Trent. As it flows from its source, it passes through Earlesbooth, Pilsbury Grange, Hartington, Wolscot, Eaton, Diverse. Hunsington Grange, and above Thorpe, it receives the Manifold River, named for the various twisting streams that flow into it, and the loops it creates before merging with the Dou. It originates not far from Axe Edge Cross (in the valley nearby) and runs from there to Longmore, Sheene, Warslow Chapel, and Welton.

Hansleie. Beneath Welton also it taketh in the Hansleie water, that commeth out of Blackemoore hilles to Watersall, where it falleth into the ground: and afterward mounting againe is receiued into the Manifold, north of Throwleie (as I heare) which goeth from thence to Ilam, and aboue Thorpe dooth cast it selfe into Dou. Hauing therefore met togither after this maner, the Dou procéedeth on to Maplington, beneath which it crosseth one water descending from Brassington by Fennie Bentleie, and another somewhat lower that commeth from Hocston hall by Hognaston and Ashburne, and then going to Matterfield, Narburie, Ellaston, Rawston Rowcester, it Churne. meeteth with the Churne, euen here to be described before I go anie further. It riseth a good waie aboue Delacrasse abbie, and comming Dunsmere. thither by Hellesbie wood, it taketh in the Dunsmere, betwéene Harracrasse and Leike.

Renting. Beneath Welton, it also includes the Hansleie water, which comes from Blackemoore hills to Watersall, where it sinks into the ground. Afterward, it rises again and is collected into the Manifold, north of Throwleie (as I’ve heard), which flows from there to Ilam, and above Thorpe, it merges into the Dou. After meeting in this way, the Dou continues on to Maplington, where it crosses one stream flowing down from Brassington by Fennie Bentley, and another a bit lower that comes from Hocston Hall by Hognaston and Ashbourne. Then it moves on to Matterfield, Narburie, Ellaston, Rawston Rowcester, where it meets the Churne, which I will describe before going any further. It rises a good distance above Delacrasse Abbey, and coming there by Hellesbie Wood, it takes in the Dunsmere, between Harracrasse and Leike.

Yendor. Thence it goeth to the Walgrange, and a little beneath receiueth the Yendor that commeth from aboue Harton, thence to Cheddleton, and hauing
Aula Canuti.
Ashenhirst.
crossed the Ashenhirst brooke aboue Cnutes hall, it runneth by Ypston, Froghall, Below hill, Alton castell, Préestwood, and at Rowcester falleth into the Dou, which yer long also receiueth a rill from Crowsden, Teine. and then going to Eton méeteth first with the Teine that commeth thither from each side of Chedleie by Teinetowne, Bramhirst and Stranehill. Vttoxeter or Vncester. Secondlie with the Vncester or Vttoxeter water, and then going on to Merchington, Sidberie, Cawlton, it crosseth a brooke from Sidmister college, by Saperton. From this confluence in like sort it passeth foorth to Tilberie castell, Marston, and at Edgerton méeteth with the water that commeth from Yeldersleie by Longford (whereinto runneth another that commeth from Hollington) and so to Hilton. These waters being thus ioined, and manie ends brought into one, the Dou it selfe falleth yer long likewise into the Trent, aboue Newton Souch. So that the maine riuer being thus inlarged, goeth onwards with his course, and betwéene Willington and Repton meeteth with two waters on sundrie sides, whereof that which falleth in by Willington, riseth néere Dawberie Lies, and runneth by Trusselie and Ashe: the other that entereth aboue Repton, descendeth from Hartesburne, so that the Trent being past these, hasteth to Twiford, Inglebie, Staunton, Weston, Newton, and Aston, yer long also Darwent. méeting with the Darwent; next of all to be dispatched. The Darwent, or (to vse the verie British word) Dowr gwine (but in Latine Fluuius Dereuantanus) riseth plaine west, néere vnto the edge of Darbishire, aboue Blackwell a market towne, and from the head runneth to the New chappell, within a few miles after it be risen. From hence moreouer it goeth by Howden house, Darwent chappell, Yorkeshire bridge, and at Neue. Witham bridge dooth crosse the Neue or Nouius that commeth from Newstole hill, by Netherburgh, Hope (crossing there one rill from Castelton, another from Bradwell, and the third at Hathersage, from Stonie ridge hill) and so goeth on to Padleie, Stockehall, receiuing a rill by the [Page 165] waie from by west, to Stonie Middleton, and Baslow, and hauing here Burbroke. taken in the Burbrooke on the one side, and another from Halsop on the other, it goeth to Chatworth and to Rowseleie, where it is increased with the Wie comming from by west, and also a rill on the east, a little higher. But I will describe the Wie before I go anie further.

Yendor. From there, it flows to the Walgrange, and just below, it receives the Yendor that comes from above Harton. Then it goes on to Cheddleton, and after crossing the Ashenhirst brook above Cnute's hall, it runs by Ypston, Froghall, Below Hill, Alton Castle, Préestwood, and at Rowcester, it falls into the Dou, which soon also receives a stream from Crowsden. Teine. Then, moving toward Eton, it first meets the Teine that comes from both sides of Chedleie by Teinetowne, Bramhirst, and Stranehill. Vttoxeter or Vncester. Secondly, it connects with the Vncester or Vttoxeter water, and then continues on to Merchington, Sidberie, and Cawlton, where it crosses a brook from Sidmister College, by Saperton. From this junction, it flows to Tilberie Castle, Marston, and at Edgerton, it meets with the water from Yeldersleie by Longford (which has another stream from Hollington) and continues to Hilton. With these waters combined, the Dou itself soon flows into the Trent, above Newton Souch. Thus, the main river, now expanded, continues its course and, between Willington and Repton, meets two waters from different sides. The one that enters near Willington rises close to Dawberie Lies and runs past Trusselie and Ashe; the other that flows in above Repton comes from Hartesburne. So, as the Trent passes these, it moves on to Twiford, Inglebie, Staunton, Weston, Newton, and Aston, and soon Darwent. encounters the Darwent, which needs to be addressed next. The Darwent, or (to use the very British word) Dowr gwine (but in Latin, Fluvius Dereuantanus), rises in the plain west, near the edge of Derbyshire, above Blackwell, a market town, and flows from its head to the New Chapel, just a few miles away. From there, it continues past Howden House, Darwent Chapel, Yorkeshire Bridge, and at New. Witham Bridge, it crosses the Neue or Nouius, which comes from Newstole Hill, by Netherburgh, Hope (crossing there one stream from Castleton, another from Bradwell, and a third at Hathersage, from Stonie Ridge Hill) and moves on to Padleie, Stockehall, receiving a stream by the way from the west, to Stonie Middleton, and Baslow. After taking in the Burbrooke on one side and another from Halsop on the other, it heads to Chatworth and Rowseleie, where it is further increased by the Wie coming from the west, along with a stream on the east, a little higher up. But I will describe the Wie before proceeding any further.

Wie. The Wie riseth aboue Buxston well, and there is increased with the Hawkeshow.
Wile.
Hawkeshow, and the Wile brooke, whose heads are also further distant from the edge of Darbishire than that of Wie, and races somwhat longer, though neither of them be worthie to be accompted long. For the Wile, hauing two heads, the one of them is not farre aboue the place where Wilebecke abbeie stood, the other is further off by west, about Wilebecke towne: and finallie ioining in one they runne to Cuckneie village, where receiuing a becke that commeth downe from by west, it holdeth on two miles further, there taking in the second rill, and so Rufford aliàs Manbecke. resort to Rufford, or the Manbecke. Vnto this also doo other two rills repaire, wherof the one goeth through and the other hard by Maunsfield, of which two also this latter riseth west about foure miles, and runneth foorth to Clipston (three miles lower) and so likewise to Rufford, whereof I will speake hereafter. In the meane time to returne againe to the Wie. From Buxston well, it runneth to Staddon, Cowdale, Cowlow, New medow, Milhouses, Bankewell, and Haddon hall, beneath which it receiueth Lathkell.
Bradford.
the Lath kell, that runneth by Ouerhaddon, and the Bradford, both in one bottome after they be ioined in one at Alport. And this is the first great water that our Darwent dooth méet withall. Being therefore past the Rowsleies, the said Darwent goeth to Stancliffe, Darleie in the peake, Wensleie, Smitterton hall, and at Matlocke taketh in a rill by northeast, as it dooth another at Crumford that goeth by Boteshall.

How. The Wie rises above Buxston well, and there it merges with the Hawk Show.
Wile.
Hawkeshow and the Wile brook, which both start slightly farther from the edge of Darbishire than the Wie, and flow a bit longer, although neither of them is long enough to be considered significant. The Wile has two sources; one is not far from where Wilebecke Abbey used to stand, while the other is further west, around Wilebecke town. Eventually, they join together and flow to Cuckneie village, where they receive a stream coming down from the west. They continue for two miles further, where they take in another stream, and then they Rufford aka Manbecke. flow to Rufford, or the Manbecke. Two other small streams also feed into this, one flowing through and the other close by Maunsfield. The latter rises about four miles to the west and flows towards Clipston (three miles down), then also to Rufford, which I will discuss later. In the meantime, returning to the Wie, it flows from Buxston well to Staddon, Cowdale, Cowlow, New Meadow, Milhouses, Bankewell, and Haddon Hall, just below which it receives Lathkell, Bradford. the Lathkell, which runs by Ouerhaddon, and the Bradford, both in the same valley after they merge at Alport. This is the first major waterway that the Darwent encounters. After passing the Rowsleies, the Darwent continues to Stancliffe, Darleie in the peak, Wensleie, Smitterton Hall, and at Matlock, it takes in a stream from the northeast, as it does another at Crumford that flows by Boteshall.

From Mattocke, it procéedeth to Watston, or Watsond, Well bridge, Amber. Alderwash, and ioineth with another streame called Amber comming in from by north by Amber bridge, whose description shall insue in this wise, as I find it. The head of Amber is aboue Edleston hall, or (as Leland saith) est of Chesterfield, and comming from thence by Middleton to Ogston hall, it taketh withall another brooke, descending from Hardwijc wood, by Alton and Streton. Thence it goeth to Higham, Brackenfield, and aboue Dale bridge meeteth with a brooke running from Hucknalward to Moreton. Shireland parke side, there crossing the Moreton becke, and so to Alferton, except I name it wrong. From Dale bridge it goeth by Wingfeld, to Hedge, Fritchlin, and so into Darwent, taking the water withall that descendeth from Swanswijc by Pentridge, as Leland doth remember. From this confluence likewise it runneth to Belper, where it méeteth with a rill comming from Morleie parke: thence to Makenie, and at Duffeld, Eglesburne. receiueth the Eglesburne, which ariseth about Wirkesworth or Oresworth, but in the same parish out of a rocke, and commeth in by Turnedich. From Duffeld, it passeth to Bradsall, Darleie abbeie, and at Darbie taketh in a rill comming from Mirkaston by Weston vnderwood, Kidleston and Merton. If a man should say that Darwent riuer giueth name to Darbie towne, he should not well know how euerie one would take it, and peraduenture therby he might happen to offend some. In the meane time I beleeue it, let other iudge as pleaseth them, sith my coniecture can preiudice none. To proceed therefore. From Darbie it runneth on by Aluaston, Ambaston, the Welles, and so into Trent, which goeth from hence to Sawleie, and Sora, or Surus. north of Thrumpton taketh in the Sore, a faire streame, and not worthie to be ouerpassed.

From Mattocke, it flows to Watston, or Watsond, Well bridge, Amber. Alderwash, and joins with another stream called Amber coming in from the north by Amber bridge, whose description will follow as I find it. The source of Amber is above Edleston hall, or (as Leland says) east of Chesterfield, and coming from there by Middleton to Ogston hall, it also collects another brook, flowing down from Hardwijc wood, by Alton and Streton. From there it goes to Higham, Brackenfield, and above Dale bridge meets with a brook running from Hucknalward to Moreton. Shireland park side, crossing the Moreton brook, and so to Alferton, unless I misspeak. From Dale bridge it goes by Wingfeld, to Hedge, Fritchlin, and into Darwent, taking in the water that flows from Swanswijc by Pentridge, as Leland mentions. From this junction, it also flows to Belper, where it meets a small stream from Morleie park: then to Makenie, and at Duffeld, Eaglesburn. receives the Eglesburne, which arises around Wirkesworth or Oresworth, but in the same parish from a rock, and comes in by Turnedich. From Duffeld, it passes to Bradsall, Darleie abbey, and at Darbie takes in a stream coming from Mirkaston by Weston underwood, Kidleston, and Merton. If someone should say that the Darwent river gives its name to Darbie town, they might not understand how everyone would take it, and perhaps it could offend some. In the meantime, I believe it, let others judge as they please, since my conjecture can harm no one. To continue then. From Darbie it flows on by Aluaston, Ambaston, the Welles, and so into Trent, which goes from here to Sawleie, and Sora or Surus. north of Thrumpton takes in the Sore, a beautiful stream, and certainly one not to be overlooked.

It riseth in Leicestershire aboue Wigton, and thence goeth to Sharneford, Sapcote, and beneath Staunton taketh in a rill that commeth by Dounton and Broughton Astleie. Thence to Marleborow, and before it come to Eston, crosseth another on the same side (descending by Burton, Glen, Winstow, Kilbie and Blabie) then to Leircester towne, Belgraue, Burstall, Wanlip; and yer it come at Cussington or Cositon, crosseth the Eie. Eie, which riseth néere Occam aboue Bramston, going by Knawstow, Somerbie, Pickwell, Leland calleth one of these rilles Croco. Whitesonden; and beneath (a litle) receiueth a rill on the right hand, from Coldnorton. Thence to Stapleford, & soone after crossing a brooke from aboue Sproxton, Coson, Garthorpe and Sarbie, it runneth to Wiuerbie, Brentingbie; and yer it come at Milton, meeteth with two other [Page 166] small rilles, from the right hand whereof one commeth from about Caldwell by Thorpe Arnold, and Waltham in the Would; the other from Skaleford ward, and from Melton goeth by Sisonbie, there méeting with another from northeast ouer against Kirbie Hellars, after which time the Warke, Vrke, or Wreke. name of Eie is changed into Warke or Vrke, and so continueth vntill it come at the Soure. From hence also it goeth to Asterbie, Radgale, Habie, Trussington, Ratcliffe; and soone after crosseth sundrie waters not verie farre in sunder, whereof one commeth from Oueston, by Twiford, Ashbie, and Gadesbie; another from Losebie, by Baggraue, and Crawston, and ioining with the first at Ouennihow, it is not long yer they fall into the Warke. The second runneth from Engarsbie, by Barkeleie, and Sison. But the third and greatest of the thrée, is a chanell increased with thrée waters, whereof one commeth from Norton by Burton, Kilbie, Foston and Blabie, the other from Dounton by Broughton and Astleie, and méeting with the third from Sapcoth, and stonie Staunton, they run togither by Narborow, and soone after ioining aboue Elston, with the first of the thrée, they go as one by Elston to Leircester, Belgraue, Wanlip, and aboue Cussington doo fall into the Warke, and soone after into the Soure. The Soure in like sort going from thence to mount Sorrell, & taking in another brooke southwest from Leircester forrest, by Glenfield, Austie, Thurcaston and Rodelie, ioineth with the Soure, which goeth from thence to mount Sorrell, and Quarendon (where it taketh in a water comming from Charnewood forrest, and goeth by Bradegate and Swithland) and then procéedeth to Cotes, Lughborow and Stanford, there also taking in one rill out of Nottinghamshire by northeast; and soone after another from southwest, comming from Braceden to Shepesheued, Garrington, & Dighlie grange, and likewise the third from Worthington, by Disworth, long Whitton, and Wathorne. Finallie, after these confluences, it hasteth to Sutton, Kingston, and Ratcliffe, and so into the Trent.

It rises in Leicestershire above Wigton, then flows to Sharneford, Sapcote, and below Staunton, it receives a stream that comes from Dounton and Broughton Astley. From there it goes to Marleborow, and before it reaches Eston, it crosses another stream on the same side (flowing down from Burton, Glen, Winstow, Kilbie, and Blabie) then to Leicester town, Belgrave, Burstall, Wanlip; and before it arrives at Cussington or Cositon, it crosses the Ew. Eie, which rises near Occam above Bramston, flowing through Knawstow, Somerbie, Pickwell, Whitesonden; and just below that, it receives a stream on the right side from Coldnorton. From there to Stapleford, and shortly after crossing a brook from above Sproxton, Coson, Garthorpe, and Sarbie, it runs to Wiuerbie, Brentingbie; and before it reaches Milton, it meets two other [Page 166] small streams, one coming from near Caldwell by Thorpe Arnold and Waltham in the Would; the other from Skaleford ward, and from Melton running past Sisonbie, where it meets another from the northeast across from Kirbie Hellars, after which the Warke, Vrke, or Wreke. name Eie changes to Warke or Vrke, and continues like this until it reaches the Soure. From here it also runs to Asterbie, Radgale, Habie, Trussington, Ratcliffe; and soon after crosses several waters not too far apart, one coming from Oueston, through Twiford, Ashbie, and Gadesbie; another from Losebie, through Baggraue and Crawston, and joining with the first at Ouennihow, it doesn’t take long before they flow into the Warke. The second flows from Engarsbie, through Barkeleie, and Sison. But the third and largest of the three is a channel fed by three waterways, one coming from Norton through Burton, Kilbie, Foston, and Blabie, the other from Dounton through Broughton and Astleie, and meeting with the third from Sapcote and stony Staunton, they run together by Narborow, and shortly after joining above Elston, with the first of the three, they flow as one by Elston to Leicester, Belgrave, Wanlip, and above Cussington they flow into the Warke, and soon after into the Soure. The Soure likewise flows from there to Mount Sorrell, and taking in another brook southwest from Leicester forest, by Glenfield, Austie, Thurcaston, and Rodelie, it joins with the Soure, which goes from there to Mount Sorrell and Quarendon (where it receives a water coming from Charnewood forest and flows through Bradgate and Swithland) and then proceeds to Cotes, Lughborow, and Stanford, also taking in one stream out of Nottinghamshire from the northeast; and soon after another from the southwest, coming from Braceden to Shepesheued, Garrington, and Dighlie Grange, as well as the third from Worthington, through Disworth, Long Whitton, and Wathorne. Finally, after these confluences, it rushes to Sutton, Kingston, and Ratcliffe, and then into the Trent.

These things being thus brought togither, and we now resuming the discourse of the same riuer, it dooth after his méeting with the Soure, Erwash. procéed withall to Barton, where it taketh in the Erwash, which riseth about Kirbie, and thence goeth to Selston, Wansbie, Codnor castell, Estwood, and crossing a water from Beuall, runneth to Coshall, Trowell (and there taking in another rill comming from Henor by Shipleie) it proceedeth on to Stapleford, long Eaton, and so into the Trent. This being doone it goeth to Clifton, and yer it come at Wilford, it méeteth with a brooke that passeth from Staunton by Bonnie and Rodington, and thence to Notingham, where it crosseth the Line, which riseth aboue Newsted; and passing by Papplewijc, Hucknall, Bafford, Radford and Linton, next of all to Thorpe & Farmdon, where it brancheth and maketh an Iland, and into the smaller of them goeth a brooke from Beuer castell, which rising betweene east Well and Eaton in Leircester is Dene. called the Dene, and from thence runneth by Bramston to Knipton, & beneath Knipton méeteth with a brooke that commeth by west of Croxston, and thence holdeth on with his course, betwéene Willesthorpe and Beuer castell aforesaid, and so to Bottesworth, Normanton, Killington, Snite. Shilton, there receiuing the Snite from by south (whose head is néere Clauston, & course from thence by Hickling, Langer, Whalton, Orston, and Flareborow) and yer long another comming from Bingham, and Sibthorpe. Thence our Trent runneth to Coxam, Hawton, Newarke castell, and so to Winthorpe, where the branches are reunited, and thence going on by Holme to Cromwell (and soone after taking in a brooke comming from Bilsthorpe, by Kersall, Cawnton, Norwell and Willowbie) to Carlton, and to Sutton, there making a litle Ile, then to Grinton, where it toucheth a streame on ech side, whereof one commeth from Morehouse by Weston & Gresthorpe, another from Langthorpe, by Collingham, and Bosthorpe. From hence likewise it passeth to Clifton, Newton, Kettlethorpe, Torkeseie, Knash, Gainsborow, Waltrith, Stockwith; and leauing Axholme on the left hand, it taketh withall Hogdike water out of the Ile, and so goeth foorth to Wildsworth, Eastferrie, Frusworth, Burringham, Gummeis, Hixburgh, Burton, Walcote, and at Ankerburie into the Humber, receiuing the swift Doue by the waie, which for his noblenesse is not to be ouerpassed, especiallie for that Anno 1536 Hen. 8, 28, it was (by Gods prouidence) a [Page 167] staie of great bloudshed like to haue fallen out betwéene the kings side and the rebelles of the north, in a quarrell about religion. For the A miracle. night before the battle should haue béene stricken, and without anie apparent cause (a little showre of raine excepted farre vnpossible vpon such a sudden to haue made so great a water) the said riuer arose so high, & ran with such vehemencie, that on the morow the armies could not ioine to trie & fight it out: after which a pacification insued, and those countries were left in quiet. Secondlie, the description hereof is not to be ouerpassed, bicause of the fine grasse which groweth vpon the banks thereof, which is so fine and batable, that there goeth a prouerbe vpon the same; so oft as a man will commend his pasture, to say that there is no better féed on Doue banke: that maketh it also the more famous.

These things being combined, and now returning to the discussion of the same river, it flows after meeting with the Sour, Erwash. continuing to Barton, where it joins the Erwash, which rises near Kirbie, and then flows to Selston, Wansbie, Codnor Castle, Estwood, and crossing a stream from Beuall, it runs to Coshall, Trowell (where it takes in another stream coming from Henor by Shipleie) and continues on to Stapleford, Long Eaton, and then into the Trent. After this, it goes to Clifton, and before it reaches Wilford, it meets a brook that flows from Staunton by Bonnie and Rodington, and then to Nottingham, where it crosses the Line, which rises above Newsted; passing by Papplewijc, Hucknall, Bafford, Radford, and Linton, next it goes to Thorpe & Farmdon, where it branches out and creates an island, into the smaller of which flows a brook from Beuer Castle, which rises between East Well and Eaton in Leicester called the Dene, Dene. and from there it runs by Bramston to Knipton, and below Knipton it meets a brook that comes from the west of Croxston, and then continues its course between Willesthorpe and Beuer Castle, and goes to Bottesworth, Normanton, Killington, Snite. Shilton, receiving the Snite from the south (whose source is near Clauston, and flows from there by Hickling, Langer, Whalton, Orston, and Flareborow) and soon after another stream comes from Bingham and Sibthorpe. From there, our Trent runs to Coxam, Hawton, Newark Castle, and then to Winthorpe, where the branches come back together, and continues on by Holme to Cromwell (shortly after taking in a brook coming from Bilsthorpe, by Kersall, Cawnton, Norwell, and Willowbie) to Carlton, and to Sutton, creating a small island, then to Grinton, where it touches a stream on each side, one coming from Morehouse by Weston & Gresthorpe, another from Langthorpe, by Collingham, and Bosthorpe. From here, it also passes to Clifton, Newton, Kettlethorpe, Torkeseie, Knash, Gainsborough, Waltrith, Stockwith; and leaving Axholme on the left, it takes the Hogdike water out of the Isle, and goes forth to Wildsworth, Eastferrie, Frusworth, Burringham, Gummeis, Hixburgh, Burton, Walcote, and at Ankerburie into the Humber, receiving the swift Dove along the way, which for its nobility should not be overlooked, especially because in 1536 during the reign of Henry VIII, it was (by God's providence) a [Page 167] stay of great bloodshed that nearly occurred between the king's side and the rebels of the north, in a dispute over religion. For the A miracle. night before the battle was supposed to take place, and without any apparent reason (except for a brief shower of rain which was highly unlikely to cause such a significant rise), the river rose so high and ran with such force that the armies could not join together to fight; after which a peace was made, and those regions were left in tranquility. Secondly, this description should not be overlooked because of the fine grass that grows along its banks, which is so rich and lush that there is a proverb about it; whenever someone wants to praise their pasture, they say there is no better feed than on Dove bank, which also makes it more famous.

Doue. The Doue therefore riseth in Yorkeshire among the Peke hilles, and hauing receiued a water comming by Ingbirchworth (where the colour thereof is verie blacke) it goeth to Pennistone, which is foure miles from the head: then by Oxspring to Thurgoland, and soone after (ioining by the waie with the Midhop water, that runneth by Midhop chappell, and Hondshelfe) it méeteth with another comming from Bowsterston chappell. Then goeth it by Waddesleie wood to Waddesleie bridge, and at Aluerton receiueth the Bradfeld water. Then passeth it to Crokes, and so to Sheffeld castell (by east whereof it receiueth a brooke from by south that commeth through Sheffeld parke.) Thence it procéedeth to Westford Cowleie. bridge, Briksie bridge; and southwest of Timsleie receiueth the Cowleie streame that runneth by Ecclefield. Next of all it goeth to Rotheram, Rother. where it méeteth with the Rother, a goodlie water, whose head is in Darbieshire about Pilsleie, from whence it goeth vnder the name of Doleie, till it come at Rotheram, by north Winfield church, Wingerworth, and Foreland hall, twelue miles from Rotheram, to Chesterford, where it Iber.
Brampton.
méeteth with the Iber, and Brampton water that commeth by Holme hall, both in one chanell. Thence it runneth to Topton castell, and yer long crossing one water comming from Dronefeld by Whittington on the one side, and the second from aboue Birmington on the other, it goeth through Stalie parke, and soone after méeteth with the Crawleie becke, whereof I find this note.

Doue. The Dove rises in Yorkshire among the Peak hills, and after receiving a stream from Ingbirchworth (which is very dark in color), it flows to Penistone, four miles from its source. From there, it goes by Oxspring to Thurgoland, and shortly after (joining the Midhope stream that runs near Midhope Chapel and Hondshelf) it meets another stream coming from Bowsterston Chapel. Next, it passes through Wadsley Wood to Wadsley Bridge, and at Alverton, it picks up the Bradfield water. It then continues to Crookes and onward to Sheffield Castle (where it receives a brook from the south that flows through Sheffield Park). From there, it heads to Westford Cowleie. Bridge, Briksie Bridge; and southwest of Timsley it receives the Cowley stream that runs by Ecclesfield. Next, it flows to Rotherham, Rother. where it meets the Rother, a beautiful stream whose source is in Derbyshire near Pilsley. From there, it flows under the name Dole until it reaches Rotherham, passing by North Winefield Church, Wingerworth, and Foreland Hall, twelve miles from Rotherham, to Chesterford, where it Iber.
Brampton.
meets with the Iber and Brampton water that comes from Holme Hall, both in a single channel. From there, it flows to Topton Castle, and shortly after crossing a stream coming from Dronefield by Whittington on one side and another from above Birmingham on the other, it passes through Stalie Park, and soon after meets the Crawley Beck, of which I find this note.

Crawleie. The Crawleie riseth not farre from Hardwijc, and going by Stanesbie and Woodhouse, it receiueth aboue Netherthorpe, one water on the one side comming from the Old parke, and another from Barlborow hill on the other, that runneth not farre from Woodthorpe. After this confluence likewise they run as one into the Rother, which hasteth from thence to Eckington (there crossing a rill that runneth by Birleie hill) and so to Gunno. Kilmarsh, in the confines of Darbieshire, where it taketh in the Gunno from by east. Thence to Boughton, vniting it selfe therabout with Mesebrooke. another by west from Gledles, called Mesebrooke, which diuideth Yorkeshire from Darbieshire, and so runneth to Treton, Whiston, there taking in a rill from Aston, and so to Rotheram, where it méeteth with the Doue, and from whence our Doue (yéelding plentie of samon all the waie as it passeth) hasteth to Aldwarke, Swaiton, Mexburge, there taking in the Darne, which I will next describe, and staie with the Doue, vntill I haue finished the same. It riseth at Combworth, and so commeth about by Bretton hall, to Darton ward, where it crosseth a water that runneth from Gonthwake hall, by Cawthorne vnited of two heads. From hence it goeth to Burton grange, then to Drax, where it toucheth with a water from southwest, & then goeth to Derfield and Goldthorpe: but yer it come to Sprotborow, it vniteth it selfe with a faire riuer, increased by diuerse waters, before it come at the Doue, & whereinto it falleth (as I heare) northeast of Mexburgh. After this confluence likewise the Doue goeth by Sprotborow, to Warnesworth, Doncaster, Wheatleie, (there Hampall. méeting with the Hampall créeke on the northeast side, which riseth east of Kirbie) thence to Sandall, Kirke Sandall, Branwith ferrie, Stanford, Fishlake, and so to Thuorne or Thurne, where it crosseth the Idle (whose description followeth) and finallie into Trent, and so into the Humber.

Crawlie. The Crawleie rises not far from Hardwijc, and flows by Stanesbie and Woodhouse. Above Netherthorpe, it receives one stream from the Old Park on one side and another from Barlborow Hill on the other, which runs not far from Woodthorpe. After this junction, they continue as one into the Rother, which rushes from there to Eckington (crossing a stream that flows by Birleie Hill) and then to Gunno. Kilmarsh, on the border of Derbyshire, where it takes in the Gunno from the east. From there, it flows to Boughton, merging with Mesebrooke. another stream coming from the west near Gledles, called Mesebrooke, which separates Yorkshire from Derbyshire, and continues to Treton, Whiston, where it collects another stream from Aston, before reaching Rotheram, where it meets the Dove. From here, our Dove (offering plenty of salmon along its course) rushes to Aldwarke, Swaiton, Mexburge, where it takes in the Darne, which I will describe next, and will stay with the Dove until I finish. The Darne rises at Combworth, flowing around Bretton Hall to Darton Ward, where it crosses a stream from Gonthwake Hall, near Cawthorne, merging from two sources. From there, it goes to Burton Grange, then to Drax, where it meets a stream from the southwest, and then it moves on to Derfield and Goldthorpe. But before it arrives at Sprotborow, it merges with a nice river, fed by various streams, before it reaches the Dove, and into which it falls (as I hear) northeast of Mexburgh. After this junction, the Dove continues to Sprotborow, then to Warnesworth, Doncaster, Wheatleie, (there Hampall. meeting Hampall Creek on the northeast side, which rises east of Kirbie) then to Sandall, Kirke Sandall, Branwith Ferry, Stanford, Fishlake, and finally to Thuorne or Thurne, where it crosses the Idle (whose description will follow) and ultimately flows into the Trent, and then into the Humber.

But before I deale with the description of the Idle, I will adde somewhat of the Rume, a faire water. For though the description thereof be not so exactlie deliuered me as I looked for; yet such as it is I will [Page 168] set downe, conferring it with Lelands booke, and helping their defect so much as to me is possible. It riseth by south of Maunsfield, fiue miles from Rumford abbeie, and when the streame commeth neere the abbeie, it casteth it selfe abroad and maketh a faire lake. After this it commeth Budbie. againe into a narrow channell, and so goeth on to Rumford village,
Gerberton.
carrieng the Budbie and the Gerberton waters withall. From thence, and with a méetlie long course, it goeth to Bawtrie or Vautrie, a market towne in Nottinghamshire, fiue miles from Doncaster, and so into the Girt. Trent. Beneath Rumford also commeth in the Girt, which goeth vnto Southwell milles, and so into the Trent. Now as concerning our Idle.

But before I talk about the description of the Idle, I will add a bit about the Rume, a beautiful river. Although the description I received isn't as detailed as I expected, I'll write down what I have, comparing it with Leland's book and filling in the gaps as best as I can. It rises south of Mansfield, five miles from Rumford Abbey, and when the stream gets near the Abbey, it spreads out and creates a lovely lake. After that, it resumes its journey through a narrow channel and continues on to Rumford village, carrying the waters from Budbie and Gerberton along with it. From there, it travels a fairly long distance to Bawtrie or Vautrie, a market town in Nottinghamshire, five miles from Doncaster, and then flows into the Trent. Below Rumford, the Girt also flows in, which goes to Southwell Mills, and then into the Trent. Now, concerning our Idle.

Idle. The Idle, which some call Brier streame, riseth at Sutton in Ashfield, from whence it runneth to Maunsfield, Clipston & Allerton, where it taketh in a water that riseth in the forrest, one mile north of Bledworth, and runneth on by Rughford abbeie, till it come to Allerton. Manbecke. The forresters call this Manbecke, whereof Leland also speaketh, who describeth it in this maner. Manbrooke riseth somewhere about Linthirst wood, from whence it goeth to Blisthorpe, and so to Allerton. But to procéed. The Idle hauing taken in the Manbecke, it runneth to Bothomsall, by Boughton, & Perlethorpe: but yer it come there, it Meding becke. méeteth the Meding Maiden, or Midding brooke, which rising about Teuersall, goeth to Pleasleie, Nettleworth, Sawcan, Warsop, Budleie, Thursbie, Bothomsall, and so into the Idle. After this it proceedeth to Houghton, west Draiton, but yer it touch at Graunston or Gaunston, it Wilie. taketh in the Wilie, which commeth from Clowne, to Creswell, Holbecke, Woodhouse, Wilebecke, Normenton, Elsleie, Graunston, and so into the Idle. Being thus increased, the Idle runneth on to Idleton, Ordsall, Retford, Bollam, Tilneie, Matterseie abbeie, and so to Bawtrie, where it méeteth another from the shire Okes, that riseth aboue Geitford, passeth Blith. on to Worksop (or Radfurth) Osberton, Bilbie, and Blith, there vniting it selfe with thrée rilles in one bottome, whereof one commeth from Waldingwell to Careleton, and so thorough a parke to Blith towne, another from by west Furbecke thrée miles, and so to Blith: but the third out of the White water néere to Blith, and there being vnited they passe on to Scrobie, and so into the Idle.

Inactive. The Idle, which some refer to as Brier Stream, starts at Sutton in Ashfield, from where it flows to Maunsfield, Clipston, and Allerton. It collects a stream that rises in the forest, about a mile north of Bledworth, and continues past Rughford Abbey until it reaches Allerton. Manbecke. The foresters call this Manbecke, which Leland also mentions, describing it this way: Manbrooke rises somewhere near Linthirst Wood and flows to Blisthorpe, and then on to Allerton. Moving on, after the Idle gathers the Manbecke, it flows to Bothomsall, passing Boughton and Perlethorpe; but before it gets there, it Mending beak. meets the Meding Maiden, or Midding Brook, which rises around Teversall and flows to Pleasley, Nettleworth, Sawcan, Warsop, Budley, Thursbie, Bothomsall, and then into the Idle. After this, it proceeds to Houghton, West Drayton, but before it reaches Graunston, it Willie. catches the Wilie, which comes from Clowne, running through Creswell, Holbeck, Woodhouse, Wilebecke, Normanton, Elsleie, Graunston, and then into the Idle. With this addition, the Idle continues to Idleton, Ordsall, Retford, Bollam, Tilney, Mattersey Abbey, and then to Bawtrie, where it meets another stream from the shire Oakes, which rises above Geitford, passing Joyful. on to Worksop (or Radford), Osberton, Bilbie, and Blith, where it merges with three streams in one place: one from Waldingwell to Carleton, passing through a park to Blith town; another from the west, Furbecke, three miles away, and then to Blith; and the third from the White Water near Blith. Once united, they flow on to Scrooby, and then into the Idle.

From hence it runneth on to Missen, to Sadlers bridge, and next of all Sandbecke. to Santoft, where it méeteth with the Sandbecke, which rising not farre from Sandbecke towne, passeth by Tickhill, Rosington bridge, Brampton, Rilholme, Lindholme, and one mile south of Santoft into the Idle water, which runneth from thence to Thorne, where it méeteth with the Doue, and so with it to Crowleie. Finallie, inuironing the Ile of Axeholme, it goeth vnto Garthorpe, Focorbie, & so into the Trent. Leland writing of the Wilie, Wile, or Gwilie (as some write it) saith thus therof. The Wile hath two heads, whereof one is not farre aboue the place where Wilbecke abbeie stood; the other riseth further off by west aboue Welbecke or Wilebecke towne: finallie ioining in one, they runne to Cuckeneie village, where crossing a becke that commeth in from by west, it holdeth on two miles further, there taking in the second rill, and so resort to Rufford. To this riuer likewise (saith he) doo two other waters repaire, whereof the one goeth hard by Maunsfield (rising foure miles from thence by west) and then commeth thrée miles lower to Rufford; the other (so far as I remember) goeth quite through the towne.

From here, it flows on to Missen, then to Sadlers Bridge, and next to Sandbecke. to Santoft, where it meets the Sandbecke, which rises not far from Sandbecke town, passing by Tickhill, Rosington Bridge, Brampton, Rilholme, Lindholme, and one mile south of Santoft into the Idle water, which continues from there to Thorne, where it meets the Dove, and then together they go to Crowle. Finally, surrounding the Isle of Axeholme, it goes to Garthorpe, Focorbie, and then into the Trent. Leland, writing about the Wile, Wile, or Gwilie (as some spell it), says this about it: The Wile has two sources, one not far above the site where Wilbecke Abbey stood; the other rises further west above Welbecke or Wilebecke town. Finally joining together, they flow to Cuckeneie village, where they cross a stream that comes in from the west, continuing on two miles further, where it takes in the second stream, and then heads to Rufford. He also mentions that two other waters join this river, one flowing near Mansfield (rising four miles from there to the west) and then coming three miles lower to Rufford; the other (as far as I remember) flows right through the town.

OF SUCH FALLES OF WATERS AS IOINE WITH THE SEA, BETWEENE HUMBER AND
THE THAMES.

CHAP. XVI.

Hauing in this maner described the Ouze, and such riuers as fall into the same: now it resteth that I procéed in my voiage toward the Thames, according to my former order. Being therefore come againe into the maine sea, I find no water of anie countenance or course (to my remembrance) Ancolme. till I come vnto the Ancolme a goodlie water, which riseth east of [Page 169] Mercate Rasing, and from thence goeth by middle Rasing. Then receiuing a short rill from by south, it runneth on vnder two bridges, by the waie, till it come to Wingall, northeast; where also it méeteth with another brooke, from Vsselbie that commeth thither by Vresbie, goeth by Cadneie (taking in the two rilles in one bottome, that descend from Howsham, and north Leiseie) and thence to Newsted, Glanford, Wardeleie, Thorneham, Applebie, Horslow, north Ferribie, and so into the sea.

Having described the Ouse and the rivers that flow into it, I will now continue my journey toward the Thames, as I planned before. Once back in the main sea, I don't recall any significant water bodies (to my memory) until I reach the Ancolme, a lovely river that rises east of [Page 169] Market Rasing and flows past Middle Rasing. It then receives a small stream from the south and flows under two bridges along the way until it reaches Wingall, northeast, where it meets another brook from Usselbie, which comes through Uresbie, runs past Cadneie (taking in the two streams from Howsham and north Leiseie) and continues to Newsted, Glanford, Wardeleie, Thorneham, Applebie, Horslow, north Ferribie, and ultimately into the sea.

Kilis. Being past Ancolme, we go about the Nesse, and so to the fall of the water which commeth from Kelebie, by Cotham abbeie, Nersham abbeie, Thorneton, and leauing Coxhill by west, it falleth into the Ocean. The next is the fall of another brooke comming from Fleting, all alongst by Stallingburne. Then crossed we Grimsbie gullet, which issuing aboue Erebie commeth to Lasebie, the two Cotes, and then into the sea. After this we passed by another portlet, whose backwater descendeth from Balesbie by Ashbie, Briggesleie, Wath, and Towneie, and finallie to the next issue, before we come at Saltflete, which branching at the last, leaueth a prettie Iland wherein Comsholme village standeth. This water riseth short (as I heare) of Tathewell, from whence it goeth to Rathbie, Hallington, Essington, Lowth, Kidirington, Auingham, and then branching aboue north Somerton, one arme méeteth with the sea, by Grauethorpe, the other by north of Somercote.

Kilis. After passing Ancolme, we navigate around the Nesse and reach the waterfall coming from Kelebie, near Cotham Abbey, Nersham Abbey, Thorneton, and leaving Coxhill to the west, it flows into the ocean. Next, there's another stream coming from Fleting, flowing all the way by Stallingburne. Then we crossed Grimsbie Gullet, which originates above Erebie, passes Lasebie, the two Cotes, and then into the sea. After this, we passed another small port, whose backwater flows from Balesbie by Ashbie, Briggesleie, Wath, and Towneie, eventually leading to the next outlet before we reach Saltflete. This branch finally forms a pretty island where Comsholme village stands. This water reportedly rises not far from Tathewell, from where it flows to Rathbie, Hallington, Essington, Lowth, Kidirington, Auingham, and then, branching above North Somerton, one arm meets the sea at Grauethorpe, while the other goes north of Somercote.

Saltflete. Saltflete water hath but a short course: for rising among the Cockeringtons, it commeth to the sea, at Saltflete hauen: howbeit the next vnto it is of a longer race, for it riseth (as I take it) at Cawthorpe paroch, and descendeth by Legburne, the Carletons, the west middle and east Saltfletes, and so into the Ocean. The water that riseth aboue Ormesbie and Dribie, goeth to Cawsbie, Swabie abbeie, Clathorpe, Belew, Tattle, Witherne, Stane, and northeast of Thetilthorpe into the maine sea.

Saltflete. Saltflete water has a short journey: it starts in the Cockeringtons and flows into the sea at Saltflete harbor. However, the next one has a longer route, as it originates (as I believe) at Cawthorpe parish and travels down through Legburne, the Carletons, the west middle and east Saltfletes, and then into the Ocean. The water that comes from above Ormesbie and Dribie goes to Cawsbie, Swabie Abbey, Clathorpe, Belew, Tattle, Witherne, Stane, and northeast of Thetilthorpe into the open sea.

Maplethorpe Maplethorpe water riseth at Tharesthorpe, and going by Markeleie, Folethorpe, and Truthorpe, it is not long yer it méet with the Germane Ocean. Then come we to the issue that commeth from aboue the Hotoft, and thence to Mumbie chappell, whither the water comming from Claxbie, Willowbie, and Slouthbie (and whereinto another rill falleth) dooth runne, as there to doo homage vnto their lord and souereigne. As for Ingold mill créeke, I passe it ouer, and come straight to another water, descending from Burge by Skegnes. From hence I go to the issue of a faire brooke, which (as I heare) dooth rise at Tetford, and thence goeth by Somerbie, Bagenderbie, Ashwardbie, Sawsthorpe, Partneie, Ashbie, the Stepings, Thorpe croft, and so into the sea. As for Wainflete water, it commeth from the east sea, and goeth betwéene S. Maries & Alhallowes by Wainflete towne, and treading the path of his predecessors, emptieth his chanell to the maintenance of the sea.

Maplethorpe The Maplethorpe water rises at Tharesthorpe, and traveling past Markeleie, Folethorpe, and Truthorpe, it quickly joins the North Sea. Then we come to the outflow from above the Hotoft, and from there to Mumbie Chapel, where the water from Claxbie, Willowbie, and Slouthbie (into which another stream flows) runs, paying homage to their lord and sovereign. As for Ingold Mill Creek, I skip it and head straight to another stream, flowing down from Burge by Skegness. From here I go to the mouth of a nice brook, which (as I hear) rises at Tetford, and then flows by Somerbie, Bagenderbie, Ashwardbie, Sawsthorpe, Partneie, Ashbie, the Stepings, Thorpe Croft, and so into the sea. Wainflete water, on the other hand, comes from the east sea and flows between St. Mary’s and Alhallowes by Wainflete town, following the path of its predecessors, emptying its channel to support the sea.

Now come I to the course of the Witham, a famous riuer, whereof goeth the biword, frequented of old, and also of Ancolme, which I before described:

Now I come to the course of the Witham, a famous river, which has been well-known for a long time, as well as Ancolme, which I described earlier:

Ancolme ele, and Witham pike,

Ancolme them, and Witham pike,

Search all England and find not the like.

Search all of England and you won't find anything like it.

Lindis, Witham, Rhe. Leland calleth it Lindis, diuerse the Rhe, and I haue read all these names my selfe: and thereto that the Lincolneshire men were called in old time Coritani, and their head citie Lindus, Lindon, or Linodunum, in which region also Ptolomie placeth Rage, which some take to be Notingham, except my memorie doo faile me. It riseth among the Wickhams, in the edge of Lincolnshire, and (as I take it) in south-Wickham paroch, from whence it goeth to Colsterworth, Easton, Kirkestoke Paunton, and Paunton Houghton, and at Grantham taketh in a rill from by southwest, as I heare. From Grantham it runneth to Man, Thorpe, Bolton, and Barneston, where crossing a becke from northeast, it procéedeth further southwest ward by Mereston, toward Faston (there also taking in a brooke that riseth about Denton, and goeth by Sidbrooke) it hasteth to Dodington, Clapale, Barmebie, Beckingham, Stapleford, Bassingham, Thursbie, and beneath Amburgh crosseth a water that commeth from Stogilthorpe by Somerton castell.

Lindis, Witham, Rhe. Leland calls it Lindis, while others refer to it as Rhe, and I have personally come across all these names. Additionally, the people of Lincolnshire were known in ancient times as Coritani, and their main city was Lindus, Lindon, or Linodunum. In this area, Ptolemy also mentions Rage, which some believe is Nottingham, unless I'm mistaken. It starts among the Wickhams, at the edge of Lincolnshire, in what I assume is the South-Wickham parish, from where it flows to Colsterworth, Easton, Kirkestoke, Paunton, and Paunton Houghton. At Grantham, it picks up a stream from the southwest, as I've heard. From Grantham, it continues to Man, Thorpe, Bolton, and Barneston, where it crosses a stream coming from the northeast and then moves further southwest by Mereston, heading toward Faston (also taking in a brook that rises near Denton and flows by Sidbrooke). It rushes on to Dodington, Clapale, Barmebie, Beckingham, Stapleford, Bassingham, Thursbie, and under Amburgh, it crosses a waterway that comes from Stogilthorpe near Somerton castle.

After this confluence also, our Witham goeth still foorth on his waie to [Page 170] the Hickhams, Boltham, Bracebridge, and Lincolne it selfe, for which the Normans write Nicholl by transposition of the letters, or (as I may better saie) corruption of the word. But yer it come there, it maketh certeine pooles (whereof one is called Swan poole) and soone after diuiding it selfe into armes, they run both thorough the lower part of Lincolne, each of them hauing a bridge of stone ouer it, thereby to passe through the principall stréet: and as the bigger arme is well able to beare their fisher botes, so the lesser is not without his seuerall Fosse dike. commodities. At Lincolne also this noble riuer méeteth with the Fosse dike, whereby in great floods vessels may come from the Trents side to Lincolne. For betweene Torkseie, where it beginneth, and Lincolne citie, where it endeth, are not aboue seuen miles, as Leland hath remembred. Bishop Atwater began to clense this ditch, thinking to bring great vessels from Trent to Lincolne in his time: but sith he died before it was performed, there hath no man beene since so well minded as to prosecute his purpose. The course moreouer of this our streame following, from Lincolne to Boston is fiftie miles by water: but if you mind to ferrie, you shall haue but 24. For there are foure common places where men are ferried ouer; as Short ferrie, fiue miles from Lincolne, Tatersall ferrie, eight miles from Short ferrie, Dogdike ferrie a mile, Langreth ferrie fiue miles, and so manie finallie to Boston.

After this junction, our Witham continues on its way to [Page 170] the Hickhams, Boltham, Bracebridge, and Lincoln itself, which the Normans referred to as Nicholl due to a mix-up of the letters, or rather, a corruption of the word. But before it gets there, it creates certain pools (one of which is called Swan Pool) and soon after splits into branches that flow through the lower part of Lincoln, each having a stone bridge over it to cross through the main street. While the larger branch can easily handle fishing boats, the smaller one has its own various Fosse ditch. resources. In Lincoln, this beautiful river also meets the Fosse Dike, so that during heavy floods, vessels can come from the Trent side to Lincoln. For the distance between Torksey, where it starts, and Lincoln city, where it ends, is only about seven miles, as Leland noted. Bishop Atwater began to clear this ditch, hoping to bring large vessels from the Trent to Lincoln in his time, but since he died before it was completed, no one since has been quite as eager to continue his work. Moreover, the route of this stream from Lincoln to Boston is fifty miles by water; however, if you choose to ferry, it’s only 24 miles. There are four common spots where people are ferried across: Short Ferry, five miles from Lincoln, Tattesall Ferry, eight miles from Short Ferry, Dogdike Ferry, one mile away, and Langreth Ferry, five miles away, leading finally to Boston.

But to go forward with the course of Lindis (whereof the whole prouince hath béene called Lindeseie) when it is past Lincolne, it goeth by Shepewash, Wassingburg, Fiskerton, and soone after taketh in sundrie riuers in one chanell, whereby his greatnesse is verie much increased. From this confluence it goeth to Bardolfe, and there receíuing a rill (descending from betweene Sotbie and Randbie, and going by Harton) it slideth foorth by Tupham to Tatersall castell, taking vp there in like sort thrée small rills by the waie, whereof I haue small notice as yet: and therefore I referre them vnto a further consideration to be had of them hereafter, if it shall please God that I may liue to haue the filing of these rude pamphlets yet once againe, & somewhat more leasure to peruse them than at this time is granted. Finallie, being past Tatersall, and Dogdike ferrie, the Witham goeth toward Boston, & thence into the sea. Thus haue I brieflie dispatched this noble riuer Witham. But hauing another note deliuered me thereof from a fréend, I will yéeld so farre vnto his gratification, that I will remember his trauell here, and set downe also what he hath written thereof, although the riuer be sufficientlie described alredie.

But to continue along the course of the Lindis (the whole province has been called Lindeseie) after passing Lincoln, it goes by Shepewash, Wassingburg, and Fiskerton, and shortly thereafter it merges with several rivers into one channel, significantly increasing its size. From this junction, it flows to Bardolfe, and there collects a stream (coming from between Sotbie and Randbie, and passing by Harton) as it glides by Tupham to Tatersall Castle, picking up three small streams along the way, which I don’t have much information about yet: therefore, I’ll leave them for further consideration later if it pleases God that I get to revisit these rough notes again and have a bit more time to review them than is currently available. Finally, after passing Tatersall and Dogdike Ferry, the Witham heads toward Boston, and from there into the sea. I've briefly covered this noble river Witham. However, since another note on it was shared with me by a friend, I'll acknowledge his effort here and also write down what he has noted about it, even though the river has been adequately described already.

Witham. Into Witham therefore from by north, and seuen miles beneath Lincolne, Hake. there falleth a faire water, the head whereof is at Hakethorne, from whence it goeth by Hanworth, Snarford, Resbie, Stainton, and at Bullington méeteth with a water on ech side, whereof one commeth from Haiton and Turrington, the other from Sudbrooke, and likewise beneath Birlings with the third comming from Barkeworth by Stansted, and ioining all in one, soone after it is not long yer it fall into the chanell of Witham, and so are neuer more heard of. There is also a brooke by southwest, that commeth from Kirbie to Cateleie, Billingams, and the Bane. Ferrie. At Tatersall it méeteth with the Bane, which riseth aboue Burgh, and néere vnto Ludford goeth downe to Dunnington, Stanigod, Hemmingsbie, Bamburgh, Fillington, Horne castell, (where it crosseth a rill from Belchworth) Thornton, Marton, Halton, Kirkebie, Comsbie, Tatersall, and so to Dogdike ferrie.

Witham. From the north, you come into Witham, and seven miles below Lincoln, Hake fish. there's a beautiful stream that starts at Hakethorne. It flows through Hanworth, Snarford, Resbie, Stainton, and at Bullington, it meets another stream on each side; one comes from Haiton and Turrington, and the other from Sudbrooke. Also, below Birlings, a third stream comes from Barkeworth by Stansted, and they all join together. Soon after, they flow into the channel of Witham and are never heard from again. There's also a brook to the southwest that flows from Kirbie to Cateleie, Billingams, and the Bane. Ferry. At Tatersall, it meets the Bane, which rises above Burgh and flows down near Ludford to Dunnington, Stanigod, Hemmingsbie, Bamburgh, Fillington, Horne Castle (where it crosses a stream from Belchworth), Thornton, Marton, Halton, Kirkebie, Comsbie, Tatersall, and then goes to Dogdike ferry.

Aboue Boston likewise it taketh in a water comming from Lusebie by Bolingbrooke, Stickeford, Stickneie, Sibbeseie and Hildrike. And to Boston towne it selfe doo finallie come sundrie brookes in one chanell, called Hammond becke, which rising at Donesbie, runneth on to Wrightbold, where it casteth one arme into Holiwell water. Thence it hasteth toward Dunnington, receiuing four brookes by the waie, whereof the first commeth from Milthorpe, the second from Fokingham, called Bollingborow.
Sempringham.
Bollingborow, or (after some, I wote not vpon what occasion) Sempringham water, the third from Bridge end, the fourth from Sempringham, and afterwards the maine streame is found to run by Kirton holme, and so into the Witham. Into the Wiland likewise falleth the Holiwell, which riseth of a spring that runneth toward the east from Haliwell to Onebie, Esonden, Gretford, and so to Catbridge, where it receiueth another rising at Witham and west of Manthorpe, and the second comming from Laund, [Page 171] and so run from thence togither to Willesthorpe and Catbridge, and then into the Haliwell, which after these confluences goeth to Tetford and Eastcote, where it meeteth with a draine, comming from Bourne, and so through the fennes to Pinchbecke, Surfleet, and Fosdike, where it méeteth with the Welland, in the mouth of the Wash, as I haue noted vnto you.

Above Boston, it also includes a stream coming from Lusebie, passing through Bolingbrooke, Stickeford, Stickneie, Sibbeseie, and Hildrike. Various brooks flow into the town of Boston itself, all forming one channel called Hammond Beck, which rises at Donesbie and flows toward Wrightbold, where it branches off into Holiwell Water. From there, it heads toward Dunnington, collecting four brooks along the way: the first from Milthorpe, the second from Fokingham, known as Bollingborow (or, according to some for reasons I'm not sure of, Sempringham Water), the third from Bridge End, and the fourth from Sempringham. After this, the main stream runs by Kirton Holme and then into the Witham. Holiwell also flows into the Welland, which originates from a spring that flows east from Haliwell to Onebie, Esonden, Gretford, and then to Catbridge. At Catbridge, it receives another stream that rises at Witham, west of Manthorpe, and another coming from Laund, and together they flow to Willesthorpe and Catbridge before merging into Holiwell. After these confluences, it proceeds to Tetford and Eastcote, where it meets a drain coming from Bourne, continuing through the fens to Pinchbecke, Surfleet, and Fosdike, where it joins the Welland at the mouth of the Wash, as I have noted to you.

Wiland. Hauing thus set foorth the riuers that fall into the Witham, now come we to the Wiland or Welland, wherevnto we repaire after we be past Boston, as drawing by litle and litle toward the Girwies, which inhabit in the fennes (for Gir in the old Saxon speach dooth signifie déepe fennes and marishes) and these beginning at Peterborow eastward, extend themselues by the space of thrée score miles & more, as Hugh of Peterborow writeth. This streame riseth about Sibbertoft, and running betwéene Bosworth and Howthorpe, it goeth to Féedingworth, Merson, Bubberham, Trussell, Braie. Herborow (receiuing there the Braie, which commeth from Braiebrooke castell) to Bowton, Weston, Wiland, Ashleie, Medburne, Rokingham, and Cawcot, where a riueret called little Eie méeteth withall, comming from east Norton by Alexstone, Stocke, Fasten, and Drie stocke. From Cawcot it goeth to Gritto, Harringworth, Seton, Wauerlie, Duddington, Collie Warke. Weston, Eston, and there ioineth with the third called Warke, not far from Ketton, which commeth from Lie by Preston, Wing, Lindon, Luffenham, Brooke water. &c. Thence it goeth on by Tinwell, to Stanford (crossing the Brooke Whitnell. water, and Whitnelbecke, both in one bottome) and from Stanford by Talington, Mareie, to Mercate Deeping, Crowland (where it almost meeteth with the Auon) then to Spalding, Whapland, and so into the sea.

Wiland. Having laid out the rivers that flow into the Witham, we now turn to the Wiland or Welland, which we reach after passing Boston, gradually moving towards the Girwies, who live in the fens (as 'Gir' in old Saxon means deep fens and marshes). Starting at Peterborough in the east, these extend for over sixty miles, as Hugh of Peterborough writes. This river rises near Sibbertoft and flows between Bosworth and Howthorpe, passing through Féedingworth, Merson, Bubberham, Trussell, Bra. Herborow (where it collects the Braie from Braiebrooke Castle) to Bowton, Weston, Wiland, Ashleie, Medburne, Rokingham, and Cawcot, where a small river called Little Eie joins it, coming from East Norton by Alexstone, Stocke, Fasten, and Drie stocke. From Cawcot, it continues to Gritto, Harringworth, Seton, Wauerlie, Duddington, Collie Work. Weston, Eston, and there it meets a third river called Warke, not far from Ketton, which comes from Lie by Preston, Wing, Lindon, Luffenham, Brooke spring water. and so on. From there it flows by Tinwell to Stanford (crossing the Brook Whitnell. water and Whitnelbecke, both in one area) and from Stanford through Talington, Mareie, to Mercate Deeping, Crowland (where it nearly meets the Avon), then to Spalding, Whapland, and finally into the sea.

Leland writing of this Wiland, addeth these words which I will not omit, sith in mine opinion they are worthie to be noted, for better consideration to be had in the said water and his course. The Wiland (saith he) going by Crowland, at Newdrene diuideth it selfe into two Newdrene. branches, of which one goeth vp to Spalding called Newdrene, and so into South. the sea at Fossedike Stow: the other named the South into Wisbech. This latter also parteth it selfe two miles from Crowland, & sendeth a rill Writhlake. called Writhlake by Thorneie, where it méeteth with an arme of the Nene, that commeth from Peterborow, and holdeth course with the broad streame, till it be come to Murho, six miles from Wisbech, where it falleth into the South.

Leland writing about this Wiland adds these words that I won't skip because in my opinion they are worth noting for a better understanding of the water and its flow. The Wiland, he says, flows by Crowland, and at Newdrene, it splits into two branches. One goes up to Spalding, called Newdrene, and flows into the sea at Fossedike Stow; the other, called the South, goes to Wisbech. This latter branch also splits two miles from Crowland and sends a stream called Writhlake by Thorneie, where it meets with an arm of the Nene that comes from Peterborough, and continues alongside the broad stream until it reaches Murho, six miles from Wisbech, where it flows into the South.

Shéepees eie. Out of the South in like sort falleth another arme called Sheepes eie and at Hopelode (which is fouretéene miles from Lin) did fall into the sea. But now the course of that streame is ceased, wherevpon the inhabitants susteine manie grieuous flouds, bicause the mouth is stanched, by which it had accesse before into the sea. Hitherto Leland. Of the course of this riuer also from Stanford, I note this furthermore out of another writing in my time. Being past Stanton (saith he) it goeth by Burghleie, Vffington, Tallington, Mareie, Déeping, east Deeping, and comming to Waldram hall, it brancheth into two armes, whereof that which goeth to Singlesole, receiueth the Nene out of Cambridgeshire, and then going by Dowesdale, Trekenhole, and winding at last to Wisbech, it goeth by Liuerington, saint Maries, and so into the sea. The other arme hasteth to Crowland, Clowthouse, Bretherhouse, Pikale, Cowbecke and Spalding. Here also it receiueth the Baston dreane, Longtoft dreane, Déeping dreane, and thence goeth by Wickham into the sea, taking withall on the right hand sundrie other dreanes. And thus farre he.

Shépées eie. Another branch called Sheepes Eye flows out of the South and fell into the sea at Hopelode (which is fourteen miles from Lincoln). But now the flow of that stream has stopped, which causes the locals to suffer from many severe floods because the mouth is blocked, preventing it from reaching the sea as it used to. This is according to Leland. About the path of this river from Stamford, I also note this from another writing from my time. After passing Stanton, he says it goes by Burghley, Uffington, Tallington, Marham, Deeping, East Deeping, and arriving at Waldram Hall, it splits into two branches. The one that heads to Singlesole receives the Nene from Cambridgeshire, and then flows by Dowesdale, Trekenhole, and finally winding up at Wisbech, it passes through Leverington, St. Mary’s, and then into the sea. The other branch rushes to Crowland, Cowhouse, Bretherhouse, Pikel, Cowbecke, and Spalding. Here, it also receives the Baston drain, Longtoft drain, Deeping drain, and then flows by Wickham into the sea, taking along various other drains on the right side. And that’s as far as he goes.

Next of all, when we are past these, we come to another fall of water into the Wash, which descendeth directlie from Whaplade dreane to Whaplade towne in Holland: but bicause it is a water of small importance, I passe from thence, as hasting to the Nene, of both the more noble riuer: and about the middest thereof in place is a certeine swallow, so déepe and so cold in the middest of summer, that no man dare diue to the bottome thereof for coldnesse, and yet for all that in winter neuer found to haue béene touched with frost, much lesse to be Auon. couered with ise. The next therefore to be described is the Auon, Nene. otherwise called Nene, which the said author describeth after this maner. The Nene beginneth foure miles aboue Northampton in Nene méere, where it riseth out of two heads, which ioine about Northampton. Of this [Page 172] riuer the citie and countrie beareth the name, although we now pronounce Hampton for Auondune, which errour is committed also in south Auondune, as we may easilie see. In another place Leland describeth the said riuer after this maner. The Auon riseth in Nene méere field, and going by Oundale and Peterborow, it diuideth it selfe into thrée armes, whereof one goeth to Horneie, another to Wisbech, the third to Ramseie: and afterward being vnited againe, they fall into the sea not verie farre from Lin. Finallie, the descent of these waters leaue here a great sort of Ilands, wherof Elie, Crowland, and Mersland, are the chiefe. Hitherto Leland.

Next, after we move past these, we come to another waterfall into the Wash, which flows directly from Whaplade drain to Whaplade town in Holland. However, since this water is not very significant, I move on, eager to reach the Nene, the more prominent river. About halfway along its course, there is a certain pool that is so deep and so cold in the middle of summer that no one dares to dive to the bottom due to the coldness, and yet in winter, it is never found to have been touched by frost, much less covered with ice. The next to be mentioned is the Avon, also known as Nene, which the aforementioned author describes like this: The Nene starts four miles above Northampton in Nene Mere, where it rises from two sources that join near Northampton. This river gives its name to the city and countryside, although we now pronounce Hampton for Auondune, which is also a mistake made in South Auondune, as we can easily see. In another section, Leland describes the river like this: The Avon rises in Nene Mere field, and flowing by Oundle and Peterborough, it splits into three branches, one going to Horneie, another to Wisbech, and the third to Ramsey. Afterward, these branches come together again and flow into the sea not far from Lynn. Finally, the flow of these waters leaves behind many islands, of which Ely, Crowland, and Mersland are the main ones. Thus far, Leland.

Howbeit, because neither of these descriptions touch the course of this riuer at the full, I will set downe the third, which shall supplie whatsoeuer the other doo want. The Auon therefore arising in Nenemere field, is increased with manie rilles, before it come at Northampton, & one aboue Kings thorpe, from whence it goeth to Dallington, and so to Northhampton, where it receiueth the Wedon. And here I will staie, till Vedunus. I haue described this riuer. The Wedon therefore riseth at Faulesse in master Knightlies pooles, and in Badbie plashes also are certeine springs that resort vnto this streame. Faulesse pooles are a mile from Chareton, where the head of Chare riuer is, that runneth to Banberie. There is but an hill called Alberie hill betwéene the heads of these two riuers.

However, since neither of these descriptions fully captures the course of this river, I will provide a third that will cover whatever the others lack. The Avon, which starts in Nenemere field, is fed by many streams before it reaches Northampton, including one above Kings Thorpe, from where it flows to Dallington and then to Northampton, where it receives the Wedon. I will pause here until I have described this river. The Wedon starts at Faulesse in Master Knightly’s pools, and there are also certain springs in Badbie marshes that contribute to this stream. Faulesse pools are a mile from Chareton, where the source of the Chare River is located, which flows to Banbury. There is only a hill, known as Alberie hill, between the heads of these two rivers.

From the said hill therefore the Wedon directeth his course to Badbie, Newenham, Euerton, Wedon, betwixt which and Floretowne, it receiueth the Florus. Florus (a pretie water rising of foure heads, whereof the one is at Dauentrie, another at Watford, the third at long Bucke, the fourth aboue Whilton) and then passeth on to Heiford, Kislingberie, Vpton, and so to Northhampton, where it falleth into the Auon, receiuing finallie by the Bugius. waie the Bugbrooke water at Heiford, Patshall water néere Kislingberie, and finallie Preston water beneath Vpton, which running from Preston by Wootton, méeteth at the last with Milton rill, and so fall into Auon. Now to resume the tractation of our Auon. From Northhampton therefore it runneth by Houghton, great Billing, Whitstone, Dodington, and Willingborow, where we must staie a while: for betweene Willingborow and Kilis. Higham ferries, it receiueth a pretie water comming from about Kilmarsh, which going by Ardingworth, Daisborow, Rusheton, Newton, Gaddington, Boughton, Warketon, Kettering, Berton, and Burton, méeteth there with Rother. Rothwell water, which runneth west of Kettering to Hisham, the greater Haridon, and then into the Auon.

From the hill, the Wedon flows toward Badbie, Newenham, Euerton, and Wedon, where it picks up the Florus. The Florus (a lovely stream with four sources: one at Daventry, another at Watford, the third at Long Buckby, and the fourth above Whilton) continues on to Heiford, Kislingbury, Upton, and finally to Northampton, where it joins the Avon after collecting the Bugius. Along the way, it gathers the Bugbrooke stream at Heiford, Patshall stream near Kislingbury, and finally Preston stream below Upton. This Preston stream flows from Preston by Wootton and eventually joins the Milton brook before flowing into the Avon. Now, to continue our discussion about the Avon: from Northampton, it runs past Houghton, Great Billing, Whitstone, Dodington, and Willingborough, where we'll pause for a moment. Between Willingborough and Kilis. Higham Ferries, it collects a nice stream that comes from around Kilmarsh, which flows by Ardingworth, Daisborough, Rushton, Newton, Gaddington, Boughton, Warkton, Kettering, Berkley, and Burton, eventually merging there with the Rother. Rothwell stream, which flows west of Kettering to Hisham, Great Harrowden, and then into the Avon.

Being therfore past Burton, our maine streame goeth to Higham Ferries, Artleborow, Ringsted, Woodford, and (méeting thereby with Cranford rill) Ocleie. to Thraxton, north whereof it ioineth also with the Ocleie water, that commeth from Sudborow and Lowicke, to old Vmkles, Waden ho, Pilketon, Toke (where it taketh in the Liueden becke) and so to Oundell, Cotterstocke, Tansoner, and betweene Tothering and Warmington receiueth Corbie. the Corbie water, which rising at Corbie, goeth by Weldon, Denethap, Bulwich, Bletherwijc, Fineshed, Axthorpe, Newton, Tothering, and so into the Auon. After this, the said Auon goeth to Elton, Massittgton, Yerwell, Sutton, Castor, Allerton, and so to Peterborow, where it diuideth it selfe into sundrie armes, and those into seuerall branches and draines, among the fennes and medowes, not possible almost to be numbred, before it méet with the sea on the one side of the countrie, and fall into the Ouze on the other.

Being past Burton, our main stream flows to Higham Ferries, Artleborow, Ringsted, Woodford, and (meeting Cranford Rill along the way) Ocleie. then to Thraxton, north of which it also joins with the Ocleie water, which comes from Sudborow and Lowicke, to old Vmkles, Waden Ho, Pilketon, Toke (where it takes in the Liueden Beck) and then to Oundell, Cotterstocke, Tansoner, and between Tothering and Warmington, it receives Corby. the Corbie water, which rises at Corbie, flows by Weldon, Denethap, Bulwich, Bletherwijc, Fineshed, Axthorpe, Newton, Tothering, and then into the Auon. After this, the Auon continues to Elton, Massittgton, Yerwell, Sutton, Castor, Allerton, and then to Peterborow, where it splits into several arms, which further branch out into various channels and drains, almost impossible to count, before it meets the sea on one side of the country and flows into the Ouze on the other.

Isis 3. The Ouze, which Leland calleth the third Isis, falleth into the sea betwéene Mersland & Downeham. The chiefe head of this riuer ariseth néere to Stanes, from whence it commeth to Brackleie (sometime a noble towne in Northampton shire, but now scarselie a good village) and there taking in on the left hand one water comming from the parke betwéene Sisa. Sisam and Astwell (which runneth by Whitfield and Tinweston) and another Imelus. on the right from Imleie, it goeth on by Westbirie, Fulwell, water Stretford, Buckingham, and Berton, beneath which towne the Erin falleth into it, whereof I find this short description to be inserted here. The Erin. Erin riseth not farre from Hardwijc in Northamptonshire, from hence it goeth by Heth, Erinford, Godderington, Twiford, Steeple Cladon, & yer it Garan. come at Padbirie, méeteth with the Garan brooke descending from Garanburge, and so they go togither by Padbirie, till they fall into the [Page 173] Ouze, which carieth them after the confluence to Thorneton bridge (where they crosse another fall of water comming from Whitlewood forrest by Luffeld, Lecamsted and Foscot) and so to Beachampton, Culuerton, Stonie Stratford, and Woluerton.

Isis 3. The Ouze, which Leland calls the third Isis, flows into the sea between Mersland and Downham. The main source of this river rises near Stanes, from where it flows to Brackleie (once a notable town in Northamptonshire, but now hardly more than a village) and there, on the left side, it takes in one stream coming from the park between Sisa. Sisam and Astwell (which runs by Whitfield and Tinweston) and another Imelus. on the right from Imleie. It continues by Westbirie, Fulwell, Water Stretford, Buckingham, and Berton, beneath which town the Erin flows into it, of which I include this brief description here. The Erin. Erin rises not far from Hardwijc in Northamptonshire, from there it goes by Heth, Erinford, Godderington, Twiford, Steeple Cladon, and before it Garan. reaches Padbirie, it meets the Garan brook coming down from Garanburge, and together they flow by Padbirie until they merge into the [Page 173] Ouze, which carries them after the confluence to Thornton bridge (where they cross another stream coming from Whitlewood forest by Luffeld, Lecamsted, and Foscot) then on to Beachampton, Culuerton, Stonie Stratford, and Woluerton.

Verus. Here the Ouze méeteth with a water (called, as Leland coniectureth, the Vere or Were) on the left hand, as you go downewards, that commeth betwéene Wedon and Wexenham in Northamptonshire, and goeth by Towcester, and Alderton, and not farre from Woluerton and Hauersham into the foresaid Ouze, which goeth also from hence to Newportpaganell, where in like sort I must staie a while till I haue described another water, Cle aliàs Claius. named the Clée, by whose issue the said streame is not a little increased. This riuer riseth in the verie confines betwéene Buckingham and Bedfordshires, not farre from Whippesnade, and going on toward the northwest, by Eaton and Laiton, it commeth to Linchlade, where it entreth whollie into Buckinghamshire, and so goeth on by Hammond, Brickle, Fennie Stratford, Simpson, Walton and Middleton, beneath which Saw. it receiueth the Saw from aboue Halcot, and so goeth on till it meet with the Ouze néere vnto Newport, as I haue said. Being vnited therefore, we set forward from the said towne, and follow this noble riuer, to Lathbirie, Thuringham, Filgrane, Lawndon, Newington, Bradfield on the one side, and Turueie on the other, till it come at length to Bedford after manie windlesses, and then méeteth with another streame, which is increased with so manie waters, that I was inforced to make an imagined staie here also, and view their seuerall courses, supposing my selfe to looke downe from the highest steeple in Bedford, whence (as best meane to view anie countrie wheresoeuer) I note the same as followeth.

True. Here the Ouze meets a stream (which Leland speculates might be the Vere or Were) on the left as you head downstream. This stream flows between Wedon and Wexenham in Northamptonshire, passing through Towcester and Alderton, and not far from Wolvarton and Hauersham into the aforementioned Ouze, which continues from here to Newportpaganell. I need to pause for a moment until I've described another stream, Cle alias Claius. called the Clée, which significantly adds to the volume of this river. This river originates right on the border between Buckinghamshire and Bedfordshire, not far from Whippesnade, and flows northwestward past Eaton and Laiton before reaching Linchlade, where it fully enters Buckinghamshire. It continues past Hammond, Brickle, Fennie Stratford, Simpson, Walton, and Middleton, where it receives the Saw from above Halcot, and continues until it joins the Ouze near Newport, as I mentioned. Once joined, we move forward from that town, following this magnificent river to Lathbirie, Thuringham, Filgrane, Lawndon, Newington, Bradfield on one side and Turvey on the other, until it eventually reaches Bedford after many twists and turns. There, it meets another stream that has been fed by so many waters that I felt compelled to pause here as well and observe their various courses, imagining myself looking down from the tallest steeple in Bedford, where (as the best way to view any area) I take note of the following.

Certes on the east side, where I began this speculation, I saw one that came from Potton, and met withall néere Becliswade: another that grew of two waters, wherof one descended from Baldocke, the other from Hitchin, which ioined beneth Arleseie, and thence went to Langford and Edworth. These rise not far from Michelborow & one of them in Higham parke. The third which I beheld had in like sort two heads, wherof one is not farre from Wood end, the other from Wooburne (or Howburne), and ioining about Flitwijc, they go to Flitton (where they receiue Antill brooke) and so by Chiphill, and Chicksand, they come to Shafford, from whence taking the aforsaid Langford water with them, they go foorth by Becliswade, Sandie, Blumham, and neere vnto Themisford are vnited with the Ouze. And now to our purpose againe.

Sure, on the east side, where I started this observation, I saw one river that came from Potton and met another near Becliswade. Another river originated from two streams, one flowing from Baldock and the other from Hitchin, which joined below Arlesey and then flowed to Langford and Edworth. These are located not far from Michelborough, with one of them in Higham Park. The third river I noticed also had two sources, one near Wood End and the other near Wooburn (or Howburn), and joining around Flitwick, they flow to Flitton (where they receive Antill Brook) and then through Chiphill and Chicksand, they reach Shafford. From there, combining with the previously mentioned Langford water, they continue past Becliswade, Sandy, Blunham, and near Themisford they merge with the Ouse. Now, back to our main topic.

Verus or the Were. After this the Ouze goeth by Berkeford, to Winteringham (méeting there with the Wareslie becke) and so runneth to S. Neotes (or saint Nedes, in Stoueus. old time Goluesburg, as Capgraue saith In vita Neoti) to Paxston, Offordes, and so to Godmanchester, in old time called Gumicester, which (as it should séeme) hath béene a towne of farre greater countenance than at this present it is; for out of the ruines thereof much Romane coine is found, and sometimes with the image of C. Antius which hath long haire, as the Romans had before they receiued barbars into their citie, and therevnto the bones of diuerse men of farre greater stature than is credible to be spoken of in these daies. But what stand I vpon these things? From hence therfore our water goeth on to Huntingdon, Wilton, saint Iues, Holiwell, and Erith, receiueth in the meane time the Stoueus.
Helenus.
Elmerus.
Stow (néere vnto little Paxton) and likewise the Ellen, and the Emmer, in one chanell a little by west of Huntingdon.

Verus or the Werewolf. After this, the Ouze flows by Berkeford, reaching Winteringham (where it meets the Wareslie brook) and continues on to St. Neotes (or Saint Nedes, in old times known as Goluesburg, as Capgrave mentions in the life of Neoti) to Paxston, Offord, and then to Godmanchester, which used to be called Gumicester. It seems that this town was once much more significant than it is now; many Roman coins are found among its ruins, sometimes featuring the image of C. Antius with long hair, the way Romans had before they let barbarians into their city, along with the bones of various men who were much taller than is believable today. But why dwell on these things? From here, our river goes on to Huntingdon, Wilton, Saint Ives, Holiwell, and Erith, while in the meantime it collects the Stoueus.
Helenus.
Elmerus.
Stow (near little Paxton) and also the Ellen, and the Emmer, all flowing together a little west of Huntingdon.

Finallie, the maine streame spreading abroad into the Fennes, I cannot tell into how manie branches, neither how manie Ilets are inforced by the same; although of Iles, Marshland, Ancarig or Ancarie be the chiefe, and of which this later is called Crowland (as Crowland also hight thornie A cruda terra, or store of bushes saith Hugo le Blanc) sometime growing in the same, and Ancarijc because sundrie Ancres haue liued & borne great swaie therein. But howsoeuer this case standeth, this is certeine, that after it hath thus delited it selfe with ranging a while about the pleasant bottoms & lower grounds, it méeteth with the Granta, from whence it goeth with a swift course vnto Downeham. Betwéene it also and the Auon, are sundrie large meeres or plashes, by southwest of Peterborow full of powts and carpes, whereof Whittleseie méere, and Riuelus. Ramseie méere (whereinto the Riuall falleth), that commeth from aboue [Page 174] Broughton, Wiston, and great Riuelleie) are said to be greatest. Of all
Granta.
the riuers that run into this streame, that called Granta (whereof the whole countie in old time was called Grantabrycshire, as appéereth by the register of Henrie prior of Canturburie) is the most noble and excellent, which I will describe euen in this place, notwithstanding that I had earst appointed it vnto my second booke. But for somuch as a description of Ouze and Granta were deliuered me togither, I will for his sake that gaue them me, not separate them now in sunder.

Finally, the main stream spreads out into the Fens, and I can’t say how many branches it has or how many islands are formed by it. Although the main ones are the Isle, Marshland, and Ancarig or Ancarie, the latter is known as Crowland (as Crowland is also referred to as thorny a cruda terra, or a place full of bushes, according to Hugo le Blanc), sometimes growing within, and Ancarijc because various anchors have lived and thrived there. However, whatever the situation may be, it’s certain that after enjoying its time meandering around the pleasant lowlands and softer grounds, it meets the Granta, and from there, it flows quickly to Downham. Between it and the Avon, there are several large lakes or marshes, southwest of Peterborough, full of pouts and carps, with Whittlesea Mere and Ramseyside Mere (where the Riuall falls in), coming from above Broughton, Wiston, and great Riuelleie, said to be the largest. Of all the rivers that feed into this stream, the one called Granta (from which the whole county used to be called Grantabrycshire, as appears in the register of Henry prior of Canterbury) is the most notable and excellent, which I will describe right here, even though I had originally planned to include it in my second book. But since I was given a description of Ouze and Granta together, for the sake of the person who provided them to me, I will not separate them now.

The verie furthest head and originall of this riuer is in Henham, a large parke belonging to the earle of Sussex, wherein (as the townesmen saie) are foure springs that run foure sundrie waies into the maine sea. Leland sought not the course of this water aboue Newport pond, and therefore in his commentaries vpon the song of the swan, he writeth thereof after this maner insuing. Although doctor Iohn Caius the learned physician, and some other are of the opinion, that this riuer comming from Newport, is properlie to be called the Rhée: but I may not so easilie dissent from Leland, whose iudgement in my mind is by a great deale the more likelie. Harken therefore what he saith.

The furthest source and beginning of this river is in Henham, a large park owned by the Earl of Sussex, where (according to the townspeople) there are four springs that flow in four different directions into the sea. Leland didn’t trace this water’s path beyond Newport pond, and so in his writings on the song of the swan, he discusses it in the following way. Although Dr. John Caius, the knowledgeable physician, and some others believe that this river, coming from Newport, should be called the Rhée, I find it hard to disagree with Leland, whose judgment seems much more likely to me. So listen to what he says.

The head of Grantha or Granta, is in the pond at Newport, a towne of the east Saxons, which going in a bottome beside the same, receiueth a pretie rill, which in the middest thereof dooth driue a mill, and descendeth from Wickin Bonhant, that standeth not farre from thence. Being past Newport, it goeth alongst in the lower ground, vntill it come to Broke Walden, west of Chipping Walden (now Saffron Walden) hard by the lord Awdleis place, where the right honorable Thomas Howard with his houshold doo soiourne, and sometime stood an abbeie of Benedictine moonks, before their generall suppression. From Awdleie end it goeth to Littleburie, the lesse and greater Chesterfords, Yealdune, Hincstone, Babren. Seoston or Sawson, and néere vnto Shaleford receiueth the Babren that commeth by Linton, Abbington, Babrenham, and Stapleford: and so going forward it commeth at the last to Trompington, which is a mile from Cambridge. But yer it come altogither to Trompington, it méeteth with Rhée. the Barrington water, as Leland calleth it, but some other the Rhee (a common name to all waters in the Saxon speech) whereof I find this description, to be touched by the waie. The Rhée riseth short of Ashwell in Hertfordshire, and passing under the bridge betweene Gilden Mordon and Downton, and leauing Tadlow on the west side (as I remember) it goeth toward Crawden, Malton, Barrington, Haselingfield, and so into Granta, taking sundrie rills with him from south and southwest, as Wendie water southwest of Crawden, Whaddon brooke southwest of Orwell, Mildred becke southwest of Malton, and finallie the Orme which commeth out of Armington or Ormendum well, and goeth by Fulmere and Foxton, and falleth into the same betweene Barrington and Harleston, or Harston; as they call it.

The head of the Grantha or Granta is in the pond at Newport, a town of the East Saxons. A small stream flows beside it, powering a mill in the middle, and it descends from Wickin Bonhant, which is not far from there. After leaving Newport, it continues through the lower ground until it reaches Broke Walden, west of Chipping Walden (now Saffron Walden), close to the lord Awdle's estate, where the honorable Thomas Howard and his household stay, and where there used to be a Benedictine abbey before the general suppression. From Awdle's end, it flows to Littlebury, the lesser and greater Chesterfords, Yealdune, Hincstone, Babren. Seoston or Sawson, and near Shaleford, it receives the Babren that comes from Linton, Abbington, Babrenham, and Stapleford. Continuing on, it finally arrives at Trompington, which is a mile from Cambridge. But before it reaches Trompington, it meets with Rhee. the Barrington water, as Leland calls it, though others refer to it as the Rhee (a common name for all waters in the Saxon language). I found this description mentioned along the way. The Rhee rises just short of Ashwell in Hertfordshire, passes under the bridge between Gilden Mordon and Downton, and leaves Tadlow to the west (if I remember correctly). It goes towards Crawden, Malton, Barrington, Haselingfield, and then into Granta, taking various small streams from the south and southwest, like Wendie water southwest of Crawden, Whaddon brook southwest of Orwell, Mildred beck southwest of Malton, and finally the Orme, which comes from Armington or Ormendum well, flows by Fulmere and Foxton, and falls into the Granta between Barrington and Harleston, or Harston, as they call it.

Now to procéed with our Granta. From Trompington on the one side, and Grantcester, on the other, it hasteth to Cambridge ward, taking the Burne with it by the waie, which descendeth from a castell of the same denomination, wherein the Picotes and Peuerels sometime did inhabit. Thence it goeth by sundrie colleges in Cambridge, as the queenes college, the kings college, Clare hall, Trinitie college, S. Johns, &c: vnto the high bridge of Cambridge, and betwéene the towne and the Sturus. castell to Chesterton, and receiuing by and by the Stoure, or Sture (at whose bridge the most famous mart in England is yearlie holden and kept) from Chesterton it goeth to Ditton, Milton, and yer long méeting with two rilles (from Bottesham and Wilberham, in one bottome) it runneth to Bulbecke. Horningseie, & Water Bech: and finallie here ioining with the Bulbecke water, it goeth by Dennie, and so forth into the Ouze, fiftéene miles from Cambridge, as Leland hath set downe. And thus much of the third Isis or Ouze, out of the aforesaid author: wherevnto I haue not onelie added somewhat of mine owne experience, but also of other mens notes, whose diligent obseruation of the course of this riuer hath not a little helped me in the description of the same. Now it resteth that we come neerer to the coast of Northfolke, and set foorth such waters as we passe by vpon the same, wherein I will deale so preciselie as I may: and so farre will I trauell therein, as I hope shall content euen the curious [Page 175] reader: or if anie fault be made, it shall not be so great, but that after some trauell in the finding, it shall with ease be corrected.

Now to continue with our Granta. From Trompington on one side and Grantcester on the other, it flows towards Cambridge, taking the Burne with it along the way, which comes from a castle of the same name, where the Picotes and Peuerels once lived. Then it passes by various colleges in Cambridge, such as Queen's College, King's College, Clare Hall, Trinity College, St. John's, etc., to the high bridge of Cambridge, and between the town and the castell to Chesterton, receiving the Stoure, or Sture (at whose bridge the most famous market in England is held annually) shortly thereafter. From Chesterton, it flows to Ditton, Milton, and soon meets two streams (from Bottesham and Wilberham, in one valley), running to Bulbecke, Horningseie, and Water Bech. Finally, merging with the Bulbecke water, it continues by Dennie, and then into the Ouze, fifteen miles from Cambridge, as Leland noted. This is a bit about the third Isis or Ouze from the aforementioned author, to which I have not only added some of my own experiences but also insights from others, whose careful observation of this river’s course has greatly helped me in its description. Now, we must get closer to the coast of Norfolk and discuss the waters we cross, where I will be as precise as possible; I will travel as far as I hope will satisfy even the most curious reader. If there are any mistakes, they shouldn't be so significant that, after some effort in finding, they can't be easily corrected.

The first riuer that therefore we come vnto, after we be past the confluence of Granta, and the Ouze, and within the iurisdiction of Burne. Northfolke, is called the Burne. This streame riseth not verie farre from Burne Bradfield, aboue the greater Wheltham, and from thence it goeth on to Nawnton, Burie, Farneham Martin, Farneham Alhallowes, Farneham Genouefa, Hengraue, Flemton, Lackeford, Icklingham, and to Dale. Milden hall: a little beneath which, it meeteth with the Dale water, that springeth not farre from Catilege, and going by Asheleie, Moulton (a benefice as the report goeth not verie well prouided for) to Kenford, Kenet, Bradingham, Frekenham, it falleth at the last not farre from Iselham into the Burne, from whence they go togither as one into the Ouze. With the Burne also there ioineth a water comming from about Lidgate, a little beneath Iselham, and not verie far from Mildenhall.

The first river we come to, after passing the junction of the Granta and the Ouze, and entering the area of Burn. Northfolk is called the Burne. This stream rises not far from Burne Bradfield, above the larger Wheltham, and then flows on to Nawnton, Burie, Farneham Martin, Farneham Alhallowes, Farneham Genouefa, Hengraue, Flemton, Lackeford, Icklingham, and to Dale. Mildenhall. A little downstream, it meets the Dale water, which springs not far from Catilege, passing by Asheleie, Moulton (a benefice that, as the story goes, is not very well provided for) to Kenford, Kenet, Bradingham, and Frekenham, finally flowing into the Burne not far from Iselham, from where they merge as one into the Ouze. The Burne also joins a stream coming from around Lidgate, just below Iselham, and not very far from Mildenhall.

Dunus. The Dune head, and rising of Wauenheie, are not much in sunder: for as it is supposed, they are both not farre distant from the bridge betwéene Lophām and Ford, wherby the one runneth east and the other west, as I haue béene informed. The Dune goeth first of all by Feltham, then to Hopton, & to Kinets hall, where it meeteth with a water cōming out of a lake short of Banham (going, by Quiddenham, Herling, Gasthorpe) and so on, both in one chanell, they run to Ewston. Here they méet in like sort, with another descending from two heads, wherof the one is néere vnto Pakenham, the other to Tauestocke, as I heare. Certes these heads ioine aboue Ilesworth, not farre from Stow Langtoft, from whence they go to Yxworth, Thorpe, Berdwell, Hunnington, Fakenham, and so into the Dune at Ewston; as I said. From hence also they hasten to Downeham, which of this riuer dooth séeme to borow his name. South Rée rill I passe ouer as not worthie the description, because it is so small.

Dunus. The Dune head and the rising of Wauenheie are not very far apart, as it’s believed they are both close to the bridge between Lophām and Ford, where one flows east and the other west, according to what I've been told. The Dune first passes by Feltham, then continues to Hopton and to Kinets Hall, where it meets a stream coming from a lake just south of Banham (passing through Quiddenham, Herling, Gasthorpe) and they both flow together to Ewston. Here, they also connect with another waterway that comes from two sources, one near Pakenham and the other near Tauestocke, as I’ve heard. Indeed, these sources join above Ilesworth, not far from Stow Langtoft, from where they flow to Yxworth, Thorpe, Berdwell, Hunnington, Fakenham, and then into the Dune at Ewston, as I mentioned. From there, they quickly move to Downeham, which seems to take its name from this river. I’ll skip over South Rée rill as it seems unworthy of description since it's so small.

Bradunus fortè. Next vnto this riuer on the south side is the Braden, or Bradunus, which riseth at Bradenham, and goeth by Necton, north Peckenham, south Peckenham, Kirsingham, Bedneie, Langford, Igbor, Munford, North Old, Stockebridge, Ferdham, Helgie, and so into the Ouze. The néerest vnto Linus. this is another which riseth about Lukeham, and from thence commeth to Lexham, Massingham, Newton, the castell Acre, Acres, Nerboe, Pentneie, Wrongeie, Rounghton (which at one time might haue béene my liuing if I would haue giuen sir Thomas Rugband money inough, but now it belongeth to Gundeuill and Caius college in Cambridge) Westchurch, and so to Linne. As so dooth also another by north of this, which commeth from the Congunus. east hilles by Congenham, Grimston, Bawseie, Gaiwood, whereof let this suffice. And now giue eare to the rest sith I am past the Ouze. Being Rising. past the mouth or fall of the Ouze, we méet next of all with the Rising chase water, which Ptolomie (as some thinke) doth call Metaris, and Ingell. descendeth from two heads, and also the Ingell that commeth from about Snetsham. From hence we go by the point of saint Edmund, and so hold on our course till we come vnto the Burne, which falleth into the sea by south from Waterden, and going betwéene the Crakes to Burnham Thorpe, and Burnham Norton, it striketh at the last into the sea; east of Burnham Norton a mile at the least, except my coniecture doo faile me. Glouius. The Glow or Glowie riseth not far from Baconsthorpe, in the hundred of Tunsted; & going by and by into Holt hundred, it passeth by Hunworth, Thornage, Glawnsford, Blackneie, Clare, and so into the sea, receiuing there at hand also a rill by east, which descendeth from the hilles lieng betwéene Killing towne and Waiburne.

Bradunus maybe. Next to this river on the south side is the Braden, or Bradunus, which starts at Bradenham and flows through Necton, North Peckenham, South Peckenham, Kirsingham, Bedneie, Langford, Igbor, Munford, North Old, Stockebridge, Ferdham, Helgie, and into the Ouze. The nearest to Linus. this is another river that rises near Lukeham and then passes through Lexham, Massingham, Newton, Castle Acre, Acres, Nerboe, Pentneie, Wrongeie, Rounghton (which could have been my living if I had given Sir Thomas Rugband enough money, but now it belongs to Gundeuill and Caius College in Cambridge), Westchurch, and then to Linne. Similarly, another river from the Congunus. north flows from the eastern hills near Congenham, Grimston, Bawseie, and Gaiwood, of which this will suffice. Now listen to the rest since I have passed the Ouze. After passing the mouth or fall of the Ouze, we next encounter the Rising chase water, which Ptolemy (as some believe) called Metaris, and Ingell. it flows from two sources as well as the Ingell that comes from around Snetsham. From here, we go by the point of Saint Edmund and continue until we reach the Burne, which flows into the sea south of Waterden, navigating between the Crakes to Burnham Thorpe and Burnham Norton, finally entering the sea at least a mile east of Burnham Norton, unless my estimate is incorrect. Glouius. The Glow or Glowie rises not far from Baconsthorpe in the hundred of Tunsted; and it quickly enters Holt hundred, passing through Hunworth, Thornage, Glawnsford, Blackneie, Clare, and then into the sea, also receiving a stream from the east that flows down from the hills between Killing Towne and Waiburne.

Wantsume. The Wantsume riseth in Northfolke at Galesend in Holt hundred, from whence it goeth to Watersend, Townton, Skelthorpe, Farneham, Pensthorpe, Rieburg, Ellingham, and Billingsford. And here it receiueth two waters in one bottome, of which the first goeth by Stanfield and Beteleie, the other by Wandling and Gressonhall, and so run on ech his owne waie, till they méet at Houndlington, southwest of Billingsford with the Wantsume. From hence they go all togither to Below, Ieng, Weston, and Moreton; but Yocus. yer it come to Moreton, it méeteth with the Yowke, which (issuing about Yexham) goeth by Matteshall and Barrow. After this the said Wantsume goeth on by Ringland, and so to Norwich the pontificall sée of the bishop, [Page 176] to whome that iurisdiction apperteineth, which seemeth by this memoriall yet remaining in the corrupted name of the water, to be called in old time Venta, or (as Leland addeth) Venta Icenorum. But to procéed. Beneath Norwich also it receiueth two waters in one chanell, which I will seuerallie describe, according to their courses, noting their confluence to be at Bixleie, within two miles of Norwich, except my annotation deceiue me. The first of these hath two heads wherof one mounteth vp southwest of Whinborow, goeth by Gerneston, and is the verie Hierus.
Gerus.
Hiere or Yare that drowneth the name of Wantsume, so soone as he meeteth withall. The other head riseth at Wood in Mitford hundred, and after confluence with the Hiere at Caston, going by Brandon, Bixton, Berford, Erleham, Cringlefield (not farre from Bixleie as I said) doth méet with his companion, which is the second to be described as followeth. It hath two heads also that méet northwest of Therstane; and hereof the one commeth from Findon hall, by Wrenningham from about Wotton, by Hemnall, Fretton, Stretton, and Tasborow, till they ioine at Therston, as I gaue notice aforehand. From Therston therefore they go togither in one to Newton, Shotesham, Dunston, Castor, Arminghale, Bixleie, Lakenham, and Trowse, and then fall into the Wantsume beneath Norwich, which hereafter is named Hiere. The Hiere, Yare, or Gare therefore proceeding in his voiage, as it were to salute his grandame the Ocean, goeth from thence by Paswijc, Surlingham, Claxton, and Yardleie; and here it meeteth againe with another riueret descending from about Shotesham to Therstane, Shedgraue, Hockingham, and so into Gare or Yare, whereof Yardleie the towne receiueth denomination. After this it goeth to Wauen. Frethorpe, and aboue Burgh castell meeteth with the Waueneie, and so into the sea.

Wantsome. The Wantsume River starts in Northfolk at Galesend in Holt Hundred, from where it flows to Watersend, Townton, Skelthorpe, Farneham, Pensthorpe, Rieburg, Ellingham, and Billingsford. Here, it receives two streams joining at one point; the first one flows by Stanfield and Beteleie, and the other by Wandling and Gressonhall, and they continue on their own paths until they meet at Houndlington, southwest of Billingsford near the Wantsume. From there, they travel together to Below, Ieng, Weston, and Moreton; but Yocus. before reaching Moreton, it encounters the Yowke, which originates near Yexham and flows past Matteshall and Barrow. After this, the Wantsume continues by Ringland, and then to Norwich, the important seat of the bishop, [Page 176] to whom the jurisdiction belongs, which seems to have been referred to in the past by the name Venta, or (as Leland adds) Venta Icenorum. But to continue. Below Norwich, it receives two streams at one point, which I will describe separately according to their paths, noting their meeting point to be at Bixleie, within two miles of Norwich, unless my notes are mistaken. The first of these has two sources, one rising southwest of Whinborow, flowing through Gerneston, and is the very Hierus.
Gerus.
Hiere or Yare that overwhelms the name of Wantsume as soon as they converge. The other source begins at Wood in Mitford Hundred and, after joining the Hiere at Caston, flows by Brandon, Bixton, Berford, Erleham, Cringlefield (not far from Bixleie as mentioned) meets with its counterpart, which is the second to be described as follows. It also has two sources that meet northwest of Therstane; one coming from Findon Hall, by Wrenningham around Wotton, through Hemnall, Fretton, Stretton, and Tasborow, until they join at Therston, as I mentioned earlier. From Therston, they travel together to Newton, Shotesham, Dunston, Castor, Arminghale, Bixleie, Lakenham, and Trowse, and then flow into the Wantsume below Norwich, which is later referred to as Hiere. The Hiere, Yare, or Gare then continues on its journey, as if to greet its grandmother, the Ocean, traveling from there through Paswijc, Surlingham, Claxton, and Yardleie; here it meets another small river flowing down from Shotesham to Therstane, Shedgraue, Hockingham, and then joins with Gare or Yare, from which the town of Yardleie gets its name. After this, it flows to Wauen. Frethorpe, and above Burgh Castle meets the Waueneie, and flows into the sea.

Bure. Into this riuer also falleth the Bure, which rising at a towne of the same name, passeth by Milton, Buresdune, Corpesteie, Marington, Blekeling, Bure, Alesham, Brampton, Buxton, Horsted, Werxham bridge, Thurinus. Horning, Raneworth; and beneath Bastewijc receiueth the Thurine which riseth aboue Rolesbie; then to Obie, Clipsbie (there also receiuing another from Filbie) Rimham, Castor, and by Yarmouth into the Ocean. The Waueneie afore mentioned, riseth on the south side of Brisingham, and is a limit betweene Northfolke and Suffolke. Going therefore by Dis, Starton, not farre from Octe, it méeteth with the Eie, which riseth néere Ockold, or betwéene it and Braisworth, & goeth on by Brome, Octe, Wauen. and so into the Waueneie. From thence our Waueneie runneth by Silam, Brodish, Nedam, Harleston, Rednam, Alborow, Flixton, Bungeie, Sheepemedow, Barsham, Beckles, Albie, & at Whiteacre (as I heare) parteth in twaine, or receiuing Milford water (which is most likelie) it Einus. goeth along by Somerleie, Hormingfléet, S. Olaues, (there receiuing the Fritha. Frithstane or Fristan brooke, out of low or litle England) Fristan & Burgh castell, where it méeteth with the Hiere, & from thencefoorth accompanieth it (as I said) vnto the sea. Willingham water commeth by Hensted, Einsted, or Enistate, and falleth into the sea by south of Kesland.

Bureau. The Bure river also flows into this one. It rises at a town of the same name and passes by Milton, Buresdune, Corpesteie, Marington, Blekeling, Bure, Alesham, Brampton, Buxton, Horsted, Werxham bridge, Thurinus. Horning, Raneworth; and below Bastewijc, it receives the Thurine, which rises above Rolesbie. Then it continues to Obie, Clipsbie (where it also receives another stream from Filbie), Rimham, Castor, and flows into the ocean at Yarmouth. The Waueneie mentioned earlier rises on the south side of Brisingham and serves as a boundary between Norfolk and Suffolk. Traveling through Dis and Starton, not far from Octe, it meets the Eie, which rises near Ockold, or between it and Braisworth, and continues on by Brome, Octe, Woven. and into the Waueneie. From there, our Waueneie runs by Silam, Brodish, Nedam, Harleston, Rednam, Alborow, Flixton, Bungeie, Sheepemedow, Barsham, Beckles, Albie, and at Whiteacre (as I’ve heard), it splits in two, or possibly receives Milford water (which seems most likely). It then continues along by Somerleie, Hormingfléet, S. Olaues, (there receiving the Fritha. Frithstane or Fristan brook, from low or little England) Fristan and Burgh castle, where it meets the Hiere, and from there onward accompanies it (as I said) to the sea. Willingham water comes by Hensted, Einsted, or Enistate and flows into the sea south of Kesland.

Cokelus. The Cokell riseth south southwest of Cokeleie towne in Blithe hundred, and neere vnto Hastelworth it meeteth with the rill that commeth from Wisset, and so going on togither by Wenhaston, and Bliborow, it falleth into the sea at an hauen betwéene Roidon and Walderswicke. A little rill runneth also thereinto from Eston by Sowold, and another from Dunwich, by Walderswijke: and hereby it wanteth little that Eston Nesse is not cut off and made a pretie Iland.

Cokelus. The Cokell flows south-southwest of Cokeleie town in Blithe hundred, and near Hastelworth, it meets the stream coming from Wisset. Continuing together past Wenhaston and Bliborow, it empties into the sea at a harbor between Roidon and Walderswick. A small stream also joins it from Eston by Sowold, and another from Dunwich, by Walderswick; this makes it almost possible for Eston Nesse to be cut off and turned into a nice little island.

Ford. The Ford riseth at Poxford, and going by Forderleie, and Theberton, it Orus. falleth at last into Mismere créeke. Into the Oreford hauen runneth one water comming from Aldborow ward, by a narrow passage from the north Fromus. into the south. By west wherof (when we are past a little Ile) it receiueth the second, descending from betwéene Talingston and Framingham in Plomes hundred; which cōming at last to Marleford, meeteth with a Glema. rill southwest of Farnham called the Gleme (that commeth by Rendlesham, the Gleinhams) and so passing foorth, it taketh another at Snapesbridge, comming from Carleton by Saxmundham, Sternefield & Snape. Then going to Iken, or Ike. Iken (where it méeteth with the third rill at the west side) it fetcheth [Page 177] a compasse by Sudburne east of Orford, and so into the hauen. Next vnto this by west of Orford, there runneth vp another créeke by Butleie, whereinto the waters comming from Cellesford, and from the Ike, doo run both in one bottome. And thus much of Orford hauen.

Ford. The Ford rises at Poxford, flows by Forderleie and Theberton, and Orus. eventually falls into Mismere creek. A stream runs into Oreford harbor, coming from Aldborow ward, entering through a narrow passage from the north From us. to the south. To the west of that (after we pass a small island) it receives a second stream, flowing down from between Talingston and Framingham in Plomes hundred; which, reaching Marleford, meets with a Glema. stream southwest of Farnham called the Gleme (which comes by Rendlesham, the Gleinhams) and continues on, picking up another one at Snapesbridge, coming from Carleton by Saxmundham, Sternefield, and Snape. Then, heading to Iken, or Ike. Iken (where it meets the third stream on the west side), it takes a detour by Sudburne east of Orford, and then into the harbor. Next to this, to the west of Orford, another creek runs up by Butleie, where the waters from Cellesford and from the Ike both flow together in one channel. And that’s the overview of Orford harbor.

Deua. The Deue riseth in Debenham, in the hundred of Hertesméere, and from thence goeth to Mickford, Winston, Cretingham, Lethringham, Wickham, hitherto still creeping toward the south: but then going in maner full south, it runneth neere vnto Ash, Rendlesham, Vfford, Melton, and Woodbridge, beneath which it receiueth on the west side, a water comming of two heads, wherof one is by north from Oteleie, and the other by south from Henleie, which ioining west of Mertelsham, go vnto the said towne and so into the Deue, east of Mertelsham abouesaid. From thence the Deue goeth by Waldringfield and Henleie, and méeting soone after Clarus fons. with Brightwell brooke, it hasteth into the maine sea, leauing Bawdseie on the east, where the fall therof is called Bawdseie hauen.

Deity. The Deua river starts in Debenham, in the hundred of Hertesméere, and from there it flows to Mickford, Winston, Cretingham, Lethringham, and Wickham, still making its way south. Then it heads almost directly south, running close to Ash, Rendlesham, Vfford, Melton, and Woodbridge. Under Woodbridge, it receives a stream from the west, which comes from two sources: one to the north from Oteleie, and the other to the south from Henleie. These two streams join west of Mertelsham, flow into the town, and then continue into the Deue, east of Mertelsham as mentioned. From there, the Deue flows past Waldringfield and Henleie, and soon after, it meets with Brightwell brook before rushing into the North Sea, leaving Bawdseie to the east, where its mouth is called Bawdseie haven.

Vrus. Vre riseth not farre from Bacton, in Hertesmeere hundred, and thense descendeth into Stow hundred by Gipping Newton, Dagworth, Stow (beneath which it méeteth with a water comming from Rattlesden, by one house) and so going on to Nedeham (through Bosméere and Claidon hundreds) to Blakenham, Bramford, Ypswich, receiuing beneath Stoke, which lieth ouer against Ypswich, the Chatsham water, that goeth by Belsted, and so into the Vre, at the mouth whereof is a maruellous deepe and large pit, whereof some marriners saie that they could neuer find the bottome, and therefore calling it a well, and ioining the name of the riuer withall, it commeth to passe that the hauen there is called Vrewell, for which in these daies we doo pronounce it Orwell. Into this hauen also the Sture or Stoure hath readie passage, which remaineth in this treatise next of all to be described.

Virus. The Vre rises not far from Bacton, in Hertesmeere hundred, and then flows into Stow hundred by Gipping Newton, Dagworth, and Stow (where it meets a stream coming from Rattlesden, near one house) and continues on to Nedeham (through Bosméere and Claidon hundreds) to Blakenham, Bramford, and Ipswich, receiving the Chatsham water beneath Stoke, which lies opposite Ipswich, flowing from Belsted, and then into the Vre. At the mouth of the river, there is a remarkably deep and large pit, where some mariners say they can never find the bottom, which is why they call it a well. Combining the name of the river, the harbor there is referred to as Vrewell, which we now pronounce as Orwell. This harbor also has direct access to the Sture or Stoure, which will be described next in this treatise.

Sturus. The Sture or Stoure parteth Essex from Suffolke, as Houeden saith, and experience confirmeth. It ariseth in Suffolke, out of a lake neere vnto a towne called Stourméere. For although there come two rilles vnto the same, whereof the one descendeth from Thirlo, the Wratings and Ketton, the other from Horshed parke, by Hauerill, &c: yet in summer time they are often drie, so that they cannot be said to be perpetuall heads vnto the aforesaid riuer. The Stoure therefore (being, as I take it, called by Ptolomie, Edomania, for thereon toward the mouth standeth a prettie towne named Manitrée, which carieth some shadow of that ancient name thereof vnto this daie, if my coniecture be any thing) ariseth at Stouremeere, which is a poole conteining twentie acres of ground at the least, the one side whereof is full of alders, the other of réeds, wherin the great store of fish there bred, is not a little succoured. From this méere also it goeth to Bathorne bridge, to Stocke clare, Cawndish, Pentlo, Paules Beauchampe, Milford, Foxerth, Buresleie, Sudburie, Bures, Boxsted, Stoke, Nailand, Lanham, Dedham, Strotford, east Barfold, Brampton, Manitree, Catwade bridge, and so into the sea, where in the verie fall also it ioineth with Orwell hauen, so néere that of manie they are reputed as one, and parted but by a shingle that dooth run along betwéene them: neither dooth it passe cléere in this voiage, but as it were often occupied by the waie, in receiuing sundrie brookes and rilles not héere to be omitted.

Stir. The Sture or Stoure separates Essex from Suffolk, as Houeden says and experience confirms. It begins in Suffolk, coming from a lake near a town called Stourméere. Although two streams flow into it, one from Thirlo, Wratings, and Ketton, and the other from Horshed Park by Haverhill, they often run dry in the summer, so they can’t really be called the permanent sources of the river. The Stoure (which I believe is referred to by Ptolemy as Edomania, since there’s a nice town named Manitrée near its mouth that still carries a hint of that ancient name today, if my guess is worth anything) rises at Stouremeere, a pool covering at least twenty acres. One side is filled with alders, while the other is lined with reeds, providing a habitat for a large number of fish. From this mere, it flows to Bathorne Bridge, Stocke Clare, Cawndish, Pentlo, Paules Beauchampe, Milford, Foxerth, Buresleie, Sudburie, Bures, Boxsted, Stoke, Nailand, Lanham, Dedham, Strotford, East Barfold, Brampton, Manitree, Catwade Bridge, and into the sea, where it joins Orwell Haven so closely that many consider them one, separated only by a strip of shingle running between them. It doesn’t flow smoothly on this journey, frequently interrupted by receiving various brooks and streams that aren’t mentioned here.

For on Essex side it hath one from Hemsted, which goeth by Bumsted, and Birdbrooke: another rising short of Foxerth, that runneth by water Beauchampe, Brundon, and falleth into the same at Badlington, west of Sudburie: and the third that glideth by Horkesleie, and méeteth withall west of Boxsted. On the north, or vpon Suffolke side, it receiueth one descending from Catiledge, by Bradleie, Thurlow, Wratting, Kiddington, and at Hauerell falleth into this Sture. The second descendeth northward from Posling field, and ioineth therewith east of Clare. It was in old time called Cicux or Ceuxis, and it méeteth with the Stoure in such wise that they séeme to make a right angle, in the point almost wherof standeth a ruinous castell. Howbeit as sithence which time this water (in some mens iudgement) hath béene named Clarus (not so much for the greatnesse as clearnesse of the streame) even so the Stoure it selfe was also called Ens as they say, and after their confluence the whole Clarens, which giueth denomination to a duchie of this Iland of no small [Page 178] fame and honour. But these are but méere fables, sith the word Clare is deriued from the towne, wherein was an house of religion erected to one Clara, and Clarens brought from the same, because of an honour the prince had in those parties: which may suffice to know from whence the name proceedeth. The third ariseth of two heads, whereof one commeth from Wickham brooke, the other from Chedbar in Risbie hundred, and ioining about Stanfield, it goeth by Hawton, Somerton, Boxsted, Stansted, and north of Foxerth falleth into Stoure. The fourth issueth from betwéene the Waldingfields, and goeth by Edwardstone, Boxsted, Alington, Polsted, Stoke, and so at south Boxsted falleth into the same. The fift riseth northwest of Cockefield, and goeth to Cockefield, Kettle baston. Laneham, Brimsleie, Midling, and receiuing Kettle Baston water southwest of Chelsworth (and likewise the Breton that commeth from Bretenham, by Hitcheham, and Bisseton stréet on the south east of the same towne) it goeth in by Nedging, Aldham, Hadleie, Lainham, Shellie, Higham, and so into the Stoure. The sixt is a little rill descending southwest from Chappell. The seuenth riseth betweene Chappell and Bentleie, and going betwéene Tatingston, and Whetsted, Holbrooke, and Sutton, it falleth at length into Stoure, and from thence is neuer heard of.

On the Essex side, there's one river that starts from Hemsted, flowing past Bumsted and Birdbrooke. Another river begins just short of Foxerth, running by water Beauchampe, Brundon, and merging into the same at Badlington, west of Sudbury. The third flows past Horkesley and joins the others west of Boxsted. On the north, or Suffolk side, it picks up a river coming down from Catiledge, passing through Bradleie, Thurlow, Wratting, Kiddington, and at Haverell, it merges into this Stour. The second river flows northward from Posling field, connecting east of Clare. It was once called Cicux or Ceuxis, and it meets the Stour in such a way that they seem to form a right angle, almost at the point where a crumbling castle stands. However, since that time, this water has been named Clarus in some people's opinion (not so much for its size but for the clarity of the stream). The Stour itself was also called Ens, they say, and after their confluence, the whole area became Clarens, which names a duchy in this island known for its fame and honor. But these are merely fables, as the name Clare comes from the town that had a religious house established for one Clara, and Clarens is derived from the same because of an honor the prince held in those parts. This should be enough to know the origin of the name. The third river has two sources, one coming from Wickham brook and the other from Chedbar in Risbie hundred. They meet around Stanfield and flow past Hawton, Somerton, Boxsted, Stansted, and to the north of Foxerth, it enters the Stour. The fourth comes from between the Waldingfields and flows past Edwardstone, Boxsted, Alington, Polsted, Stoke, and then at south Boxsted, it merges into the Stour. The fifth rises to the northwest of Cockefield and flows towards Cockefield, Laneham, Brimsleie, Midling, and receiving Kettle Baston water southwest of Chelsworth (along with the Breton that comes from Bretenham, passing through Hitcheham and Bisseton Street on the southeast of the same town), it flows in by Nedging, Aldham, Hadleie, Lainham, Shellie, Higham, and then into the Stour. The sixth is a small stream flowing southwest from Chappell. The seventh rises between Chappell and Bentley, and flows between Tatingston and Whetsted, Holbrooke, and Sutton, eventually flowing into the Stour, and then it’s never heard from again.

Ocleie. As for Ocleie Drill, that riseth betweene Ocleie, and Wikes parkes, and so goeth into the Stoure, on Essex side, west of Harwich, and east of Rée Ile; I passe it ouer, because it is of it selfe but a rill, and not of anie greatnesse, till it come to the mill aboue Ramseie bridge, where I was once almost drowned (by reason of the ruinous bridge which leadeth ouer the streame being there verie great) as an arme of the sea that continuallie ebbeth & floweth. Next vnto this, we came to another that Mosa. runneth south of Beaumont by Mosse, and falleth into the sea about the middest of the Baie, betwixt Harwich and the Naze. Betwixt the Naze also and the mouth of Colne, is another rill, which riseth at little Bentleie, Claco. and thence goeth to Tendring thorpe, through Clacton parke by great Holland, and east of little Holland, into the déepe sea.

Ocleie. As for Ocleie Drill, it rises between Ocleie and Wikes parks, and then flows into the Stoure, on the Essex side, west of Harwich and east of Rée Isle. I’ll skip over it because it’s just a stream and not very significant until it reaches the mill above Ramseie bridge, where I nearly drowned once due to the dilapidated bridge that crosses over the stream being very large, like an arm of the sea that continually ebbs and flows. Next to this, we came to another stream that Mosaic. flows south of Beaumont by Mosse and empties into the sea near the middle of the Bay, between Harwich and the Naze. Also, between the Naze and the mouth of the Colne, there’s another stream that rises at Little Bentley, Claco. then goes to Tendring Thorpe, through Clacton Park by Great Holland, and east of Little Holland, into the deep sea.

Colunus. The Colne hath three heads, whereof one is at Ouington that goeth by Tilberie, and east of Yeldam falleth into the chiefe head which riseth about Redgewell in Essex, from whence also it goeth to Yeldam and Hedingham, otherwise called Yngham: also Hedningham or Heuedingham, * * Sic. or Heuedingham of the superioritie which accrued therevnto, because the chiefe lords of the same from time to time kept residence in the towne. For Heued or Hed signifieth The chiefe, in the old English language, which in the name of this and manie other townes and villages yet standing in England cannot easilie be forgotten. The third falleth in south of Yeldam, and being once met all in one chanell, and called the Colne, it goeth (as I said) to Hedningham, Hawsted, Erles Colne, Wakes Colne, Fordon, Bardfold, Colchester, in old time Camalodunum, and so into the sea at Brickleseie. Some thinke that Colchester and Camalodunum are sundrie cities and situat in diuerse places, whereby Maldon (or Ithancester out of whose ruines the said towne of Maldon was erected) should rather be Camalodunum than Colchester, but hereof I cannot iudge. Indeed if (as Leland saith) Maldon should be written Malodunum, it were a likelihood that there assertions should be probable. Some reason also may be gathered for the same out of Dion, and such as make the Thames mouth to take his beginning at Colchester water. But I dare not presume to conclude any thing hereof, least I should séeme rashlie to take hold of euerie coniecture. This I relie vpon rather as a more certeintie, that in the first edition of this treatise I was persuaded, that the sea entring by the Colne made thrée seuerall passages frō thence into the land: but now I vnderstand that these are seuerall entrances and streames, of which the Colne is one, another is the Salcote water, which commeth in beneath the Stroud (a causeie that leadeth vnto Merseie Ile, ouer which the sea méeteth with a contrarie course) and the third the faire arme that floweth vnto Maldon, and all these thrée haue their falles either ouer against or néere vnto the aforesaid Ile, which at a low water is not halfe a mile from the shore. Into the Colne or Colunus also (whereof Leland thinketh Colchester to take his name, and not A colonia Romanorum, although I may not consent to him herein) doo run manie salt creekes beneath Fingering ho, of whose names sith I doo not [Page 179] know, nor whether they be serued with anie backewaters or not, I giue ouer to intreat anie further & likewise of their positions. Into that of Maldon runneth manie faire waters, whereof I will saie so much as I know to be true in maner by experience.

Colonus. The Colne has three sources, one of which is at Ouington that flows by Tilberie, and east of Yeldam joins the main source that rises about Redgewell in Essex. From there, it flows to Yeldam and Hedingham, also known as Yngham; it's also referred to as Hedningham or Heuedingham, * * Sic. or Heuedingham because the main lords there have always maintained a residence in the town. "Heued" or "Hed" means "the chief" in Old English, a fact not easily forgotten in the names of this and many other towns and villages still standing in England. The third source flows in the south of Yeldam, and once it all meets in one channel, called the Colne, it goes (as I mentioned) to Hedningham, Hawsted, Erles Colne, Wakes Colne, Fordon, Bardfold, Colchester, which in ancient times was known as Camalodunum, and then into the sea at Brickleseie. Some believe that Colchester and Camalodunum are different cities located in separate places, suggesting that Maldon (or Ithancester, from whose ruins the town of Maldon was built) should be considered Camalodunum rather than Colchester, but I cannot judge. Indeed, if (as Leland says) Maldon were written Malodunum, it would make their assertions more plausible. There’s also reasoning for this from Dion, as those who consider the Thames mouth to begin at the waters of Colchester. However, I dare not presume to conclude anything on this, lest I seem to rashly accept every theory. I rely instead on a more certain understanding that in the first edition of this treatise, I was led to believe that the sea entering through the Colne created three different passages into the land. Now I understand that these are separate entrances and streams, with the Colne being one. The second is the Salcote water, which comes in beneath the Stroud (a causeway leading to Merseie Isle, where the sea meets in a contrary direction), and the third is the lovely arm that flows to Maldon. All three of these have their outlets either directly across from or near the aforementioned Isle, which at low tide is not half a mile from the shore. The Colne or Colunus (which Leland thinks Colchester derives its name from, and not from A colonia Romanorum, although I do not agree with him on this) also receives many salt creeks beneath Fingering Ho, but since I do not know their names, nor whether they have any backwaters or not, I will refrain from discussing them further and their locations. The water flowing into Maldon includes many beautiful streams, of which I will share as much as I know to be true based on experience. [Page 179]

Gwin or Pant. There is a pretie water that beginneth néere vnto Gwinbach or Winbeche church in Essex, a towne of old, and yet belonging to the Fitzwaters, taking name of Gwin, which is beautifull or faire, & Bache that signifieth a wood: and not without cause, sith not onelie the hilles on ech side of the said rillet, but all the whole paroch hath sometime abounded in woods; but now in manner they are vtterlie decaied, as the like commoditie is euerie where, not onelie thorough excessiue building for pleasure more than profit, which is contrarie to the ancient end of building; but also for more increase of pasture & commoditie to the lords of the soile, through their sales of that emolument, whereby the poore tenants are inforced to buie their fewell, and yet haue their rents in triple maner inhanced.) This said brooke runneth directlie from thence vnto Radwinter, now a parcell of your lordships possessions in those parts, descended from the Chamberleins, who were sometime chéefe owners of the same. By the waie also it is increased with sundrie pretie springs, of which Pantwell is the chéefe (whereof some thinke the whole brooke to be named Pant) and which (to saie the truth) hath manie a leasing fathered on the same. Certes by the report of common fame it hath béene a pretie water, and of such quantitie, that botes haue come in time past from Bilie abbeie beside Maldon vnto the moores in Radwinter for corne. I haue heard also that an anchor was found there neere to a red willow, when the water-courses by act of parlement were surueied and reformed throughout England, which maketh not a little with the aforesaid relation. But this is strangest of all, that a lord sometime of Winbech (surnamed the great eater, because he would breake his fast with a whole calfe, and find no bones therein as the fable goeth) falling at contention with the lord Iohn of Radwinter, could worke him none other iniurie, but by stopping vp the head of Pantwell, to put by the vse of a mill which stood by the church of Radwinter, and was serued by that brooke abundantlie. Certes I know the place where the mill stood, and some posts thereof doo yet remaine. But sée the malice of mankind, whereby one becommeth a woolfe vnto the other in their mischeeuous moodes. For when the lord saw his mill to be so spoiled, he in reuenge of his losse, brake the necke of his aduersarie, when he was going to horsebacke, as the constant report affirmeth. For the lord of Radwinter holding a parcell of his manour of Radwinter hall of the Fitzwaters, his sonne was to hold his stirrop at certeine times when he should demand the same. Shewing himselfe therefore prest on a time to doo his said seruice, as the Fitzwater was readie to lift his leg ouer the saddle, he by putting backe his foot, gaue him such a thrust that he fell backward, and brake his necke: wherevpon insued great trouble, till the matter was taken vp by publike authoritie; and that seruile office conuerted into a pound of pepper, which is trulie paid to this daie. But to leaue these impertinent discourses, and returne againe to the springs whereby our Pant or Gwin is increased. There is likewise another in a pasture belonging to the Grange, now in possession of William Bird esquier, who holdeth the same in the right of his wife, but in time past belonging to Tilteie abbeie. The third commeth out of the yard of one of your lordships manors there called Radwinter hall. The fourth from Iohn Cockswets house, named the Rotherwell, which running vnder Rothers bridge, méeteth with the Gwin or Pant on the northwest end of Ferrants meade, southeast of Radwinter church, whereof I haue the charge by your honours fauourable preferment.

Gwin or Pants. There’s a pretty stream that starts near Gwinbach or Winbeche church in Essex, an old town still linked to the Fitzwaters, named after Gwin, which means beautiful or fair, and Bache, which means a wood. This is fitting since the hills on either side of the stream, along with the whole parish, used to be full of woods. However, they have mostly faded away now, just like many other places, due to excessive building meant more for pleasure than for profit, which goes against the original purpose of construction. Additionally, there’s been a push for more pasture and profit for the landowners through the sale of that resource, forcing poor tenants to buy their fuel while their rents have increased threefold. This brook flows directly from there to Radwinter, now part of your lordship's properties, which came from the Chamberleins, the former main owners. Along the way, it’s fed by several lovely springs, with Pantwell being the main one (some believe the whole brook is named Pant) and, to be frank, many tales have been linked to it. According to common gossip, it used to be a nice stream with such a flow that boats came in the past from Bilie Abbey near Maldon to the moors in Radwinter for grain. I’ve also heard that an anchor was found near a red willow when the watercourses were surveyed and reformed by act of parliament across England, which adds to the previously mentioned account. But what’s strange above all else is that a lord of Winbech (nicknamed the great eater, because he would start his day with a whole calf, leaving no bones behind, as the tale goes) had a dispute with Lord John of Radwinter and sought to harm him by blocking the head of Pantwell, which supplied a mill by the Radwinter church with plenty of water. I do know where the mill used to stand, and some of its posts still remain. But see how cruel people can be, turning one into a wolf for another in their wicked moods. When the lord realized his mill had been spoiled, he, seeking revenge for his loss, broke the neck of his adversary as he was getting on his horse, or so the story goes. Since the lord of Radwinter held part of his manor of Radwinter Hall from the Fitzwaters, his son had to hold his stirrup at certain times when requested. Therefore, when he showed up ready to provide that service, and as the Fitzwater was about to swing his leg over the saddle, he accidentally thrust his foot back, causing him to fall backward and break his neck. This led to a lot of trouble until the matter was resolved by public authority, and that service was converted into a payment of a pound of pepper, which is still paid to this day. But to set aside these irrelevant tales and return to the springs that feed our Pant or Gwin. There’s another spring in a pasture belonging to the Grange, currently owned by William Bird Esq., who holds it through his wife, previously belonging to Tilteie Abbey. The third comes from the yard of one of your lordship's manors called Radwinter Hall. The fourth is from John Cockswet's house, called the Rotherwell, which runs beneath Rothers Bridge and meets the Gwin or Pant at the northwest end of Ferrants Mead, southeast of Radwinter church, which I oversee thanks to your honorable support.

I might take occasion to speake of another rill which falleth into the Rother from Bendish hall: but bicause it is for the most part drie in summer I passe it ouer. Yet I will not omit to speake also of the manor which was the chiefe lordship sometime of a parish or hamlet called Bendishes, now worne out of knowledge, and vnited partlie to Radwinter, and partlie to Ashdon. It belonged first to the Bendishes gentlemen of a verie ancient house yet extant, of which one laieng the said manour to morgage to the moonks of Feuersham, at such time as K. Edward the third went to the siege of Calis, thereby to furnish himselfe the better toward [Page 180] the seruice of his prince, it came to passe that he staied longer beyond the sea than he supposed. Wherevpon he came before his daie to confer with his creditors, who commending his care to come out of debt, willed him in friendlie maner not to suspect anie hard dealing on their behalfes, considering his businesse in seruice of the king was of it selfe cause sufficient, to excuse his delaie of paiment vpon the daie assigned. Herevpon he went ouer againe vnto the siege of Calis. But when the daie came, the moonks for all this made seisure of the manour, and held it continuallie without anie further recompense, maugre all the friendship that the aforesaid Bendish could make. The said gentleman also tooke this cousening part in such choler, that he wrote a note yet to be séene among his euidences, whereby he admonisheth his posteritie to beware how they trust either knaue moonke or knaue frier, as one of the name and descended from him by lineall descent hath more than once informed me. Now to resume our springs that méet and ioine with our Pant.

I might take a moment to mention another stream that flows into the Rother from Bendish Hall, but since it’s mostly dry in summer, I’ll skip it. However, I won't forget to talk about the manor that was once the main lordship of a parish or hamlet called Bendishes, which is now forgotten and partly merged into Radwinter and partly into Ashdon. It originally belonged to the Bendish family, who are from a very old line still in existence. One of them mortgaged the manor to the monks of Faversham while King Edward III was laying siege to Calais, to better fund his service to the king. He ended up staying longer than expected. When he returned early to settle his debts, his creditors praised him for being responsible and assured him he shouldn’t worry, as his commitment to the king's service was a valid reason to postpone repayment. He then went back to the siege of Calais. But when the repayment date arrived, the monks seized the manor regardless and kept it without any further compensation, despite all the efforts of the aforementioned Bendish to resolve the matter amicably. This gentleman was so angered by the deceit that he wrote a note, still among his records, warning his descendants to be careful about trusting either a deceitful monk or a deceitful friar, as one of his direct descendants has informed me more than once. Now, let's return to our springs that meet and join with our Pant.

Froshwell. The next is named Froshwell. And of this spring dooth the whole hundred beare the name, & after this confluence the riuer it selfe whervnto it falleth (from by north) so farre as I remember. Certes, all these, sauing the first and second, are within your lordships towne aforesaid. The streame therefore running from hence (& now, as I said, called Froshwell, of Frosh, which signifieth a frog) hasteth immediatlie vnto old Sandford, then through new Sandford parke, and afterward with full streame (receiuing by the waie, the Finch brooke that commeth thorough Finchingfield) to Shalford, Bocking, Stifted, Paswijc, and so to Blackewater, where the name of Froshwell ceaseth, the water being from hencefoorth (as I heare) commonlie called Blackwater, vntill it come to Maldon, where it falleth into the salt arme of the sea that beateth vpon the towne; and which of some (except I be deceiued) is called also Pant: and so much the rather I make this conjecture, for that Ithancester stood somewhere vpon the banks thereof, & in the hundred of Danseie, whose ruines (as they saie) also are swalowed vp by the said streame, which can not be verified in our riuer that runneth from Pantwell, which at the mouth and fall into the great current, excéedeth not (to my coniecture) aboue one hundred foot. But to returne to our Pant, alias the Gwin. From Blackwater it goeth to Coxall, Easterford, Braxsted and Barus. Wickham, where it méeteth with the Barus, and so going togither as one, they descend to Heiebridge, and finallie into the salt water aboue Maldon, and at hand as is aforesaid. As for the Barus, it riseth in a statelie parke of Essex called Bardfield, belonging to sir Thomas Wroth whilest he liued, who hath it to him and his heires males for euer, from the crowne. Being risen, it hasteth directlie to old Saling Brainetrée, crossing a rillet by the waie comming from Raine, blacke Norleie, white Norleie, Falkeburne, Wittham, and falleth into the Blackewater beneath Braxsted on the south.

Froshwell. Next is Froshwell. This spring gives its name to the entire hundred, and after this confluence, the river it flows into (from the north, as far as I remember). Indeed, all of these, except the first and second, are within your lordship's town mentioned earlier. The stream running from here (now called Froshwell, referring to “Frosh,” which means frog) rushes directly to old Sandford, then through the new Sandford park, and afterwards flows briskly (collecting the Finch brook that comes from Finchingfield along the way) to Shalford, Bocking, Stifted, Paswijc, and finally to Blackewater, where the name Froshwell disappears, and the water from there on is commonly called Blackwater, until it reaches Maldon, where it flows into the salt arms of the sea that beat upon the town; and which, as I've heard, is also called Pant by some (unless I’m mistaken). I think this because Ithancester was located somewhere along its banks, in the hundred of Danseie, whose ruins (or so they say) are also swallowed up by the said stream, which cannot be verified in our river that runs from Pantwell, that at the mouth and fall into the main current, does not exceed (to my estimate) more than one hundred feet. But to return to our Pant, also known as the Gwin. From Blackwater, it flows to Coxall, Easterford, Braxsted, and Barus. Wickham, where it meets with the Barus, and then they flow together as one, descending to Heiebridge, and finally into the salt water above Maldon, as mentioned earlier. As for the Barus, it rises in a stately park in Essex called Bardfield, belonging to Sir Thomas Wroth while he lived, who has it for himself and his male heirs forever, from the crown. Once it rises, it heads straight to old Saling Brainetrée, crossing a stream along the way coming from Raine, black Norleie, white Norleie, Falkeburne, Wittham, and falls into the Blackewater south of Braxsted.

Chelmer. Beside this, the said Pant or Gwin receiueth the Chelme or Chelmer, which ariseth also in Wimbech aforesaid, where it hath two heads: of which the one is not farre from Brodockes (where master Thomas Wiseman esquier dwelleth) the other nigh vnto a farme called Highams in the same paroch, and ioining yer long in one chanell, they hie them toward Thacsted vnder Prowds bridge, méeting in the waie with a rill comming from Boiton end, whereby it is somewhat increased. Being past Thacsted, it goeth by Tilteie, and soone after receiueth one rill which riseth on Lindis. the north side of Lindsell, & falleth into the Chelmer by northeast at Tilteie aforesaid, & another cōming from southwest, rising southeast from Lindsell at much Eiston. From thence then holding on still with the course, it goeth to Candfield the more, Dunmow, litle Dunmow, Falsted, Lies, both Walthams, Springfield, and so to Chelmeresford. Here vpon the south side I find the issue of a water that riseth fiue miles (or thereabouts) south and by west of the said towne, from whence it goeth to Munasing, Buttesburie (there receiuing a rill from by west, to Ingatstone, Marget Inge, Widford bridge, Writtle bridge, and so to Chelmeresford (crossing also the second water that descendeth from Roxford. Roxford southwest of Writtle by the waie) whereof let this suffice.

Chelmer. In addition to this, the Pant or Gwin receives the Chelme or Chelmer, which also rises in Wimbech, where it has two sources: one is located not far from Brodockes (where Master Thomas Wiseman lives), and the other is near a farm called Highams in the same parish. Eventually, they merge into one channel and flow towards Thacsted under Prowds bridge, meeting along the way with a stream coming from Boiton end, which increases its flow. After passing Thacsted, it goes by Tilteie, and shortly after, it receives another stream that rises on the north side of Lindsell and falls into the Chelmer from the northeast at Tilteie, along with another stream coming from the southwest, rising southeast from Lindsell at Much Eiston. From there, it continues its course to Candfield the More, Dunmow, Little Dunmow, Falsted, Lies, both Walthams, Springfield, and then to Chelmeresford. Here, on the south side, I notice the source of a water that rises about five miles south and west of the town. From there, it flows to Munasing, Buttesburie (where it receives a stream from the west), to Ingatstone, Marget Inge, Widford bridge, Writtle bridge, and then to Chelmeresford (also crossing the second stream that comes down from Roxford. Roxford, southwest of Writtle along the way), and that's enough about that.

From hence the Chelmer goeth directlie toward Maldon by Badow, Owting, Woodham water, Bilie, and so to Blackwater northwest of Maldon, receiuing neuerthelesse yer it come fullie thither, a becke also that [Page 181] Lée. goeth from Lée parke, to little Lées, great Lées, Hatfield, Peuerell, Owting, and so into Blackwater (whereof I spake before) as Maldon streame dooth a rill from by south ouer against saint Osithes, and also another by Bradwell. After which the said streame growing also to be verie great, passeth by the Tolshunts, Tollesbie, and so foorth into the maine sea neere vnto Marseie: betwéene which fall and the place where Salute water entreth into the land, Plautus abode the comming of Claudius sometime into Britaine, when he being hardlie beeset, did send vnto him for aid and spéedie succour, who also being come did not onelie rescue his legat, but in like manner wan Colchester, and put it to the spoile, if it be Camalodunum.

From here, the Chelmer flows directly toward Maldon through Badow, Owting, Woodham Water, Bilie, and then to Blackwater, which is northwest of Maldon. However, before it reaches there completely, it also takes in a stream that comes from Lée Park, passing through Little Lées, Great Lées, Hatfield, Peuverell, Owting, and then into Blackwater (which I mentioned earlier), similar to how the Maldon stream flows from the south side near Saint Osithes, along with another one by Bradwell. After that, the stream, growing quite large, flows by the Tolshunts, Tollesbie, and continues on into the main sea near Marseie. Between this point and where Salute Water enters the land, Plautus waited for Claudius's arrival in Britain, and when he was under great pressure, he sent for help and swift assistance. When Claudius arrived, he not only rescued his legate but also captured Colchester and devastated it, if that's indeed Camalodunum.

Burne. The Burne riseth somewhere about Ronwell, and thence goeth to Hull bridge, south Fambridge, Kirkeshot ferrie, and so to Foulnesse. And as this is the short course of that riuer, so it brancheth, and the south arme thereof receiueth a water comming from Haukewell, to great Stanbridge, and beneath Pakesham dooth méet by south with the said arme, and so finish vp his course, as we doo our voiage also about the coast of England.

Burn. The Burne rises somewhere near Ronwell, then flows to Hull Bridge, South Fambridge, Kirkeshot Ferry, and on to Foulnesse. While this is the short route of that river, it branches out, and the southern arm takes in water coming from Haukewell, flowing to Great Stanbridge, and below Pakesham, it meets from the south with the mentioned arm, completing its course, just as we complete our journey along the coast of England.

Thus haue I finished the description of such riuers and streames as fall into the Ocean, according to my purpose, although not in so precise an order and manner of handling as I might, if information promised had been accordinglie performed; or others would, if they had taken the like in hand. But this will I saie of that which is here done, that from the Solueie by west, which parteth England & Scotland on that side; to the Twede, which separateth the said kingdoms on the east: if you go backeward, contrarie to the course of my description, you shall find it so exact, as beside a verie few by-riuers, you shall not need to vse anie further aduise for the finding and falles of the aforesaid streames. For such hath beene my helpe of maister Sackfords cardes, and conference with other men about these, that I dare pronounce them to be perfect and exact. Furthermore, this I haue also to remember, that in the courses of our streames, I regard not so much to name the verie towne or church, as the limits of the paroch. And therefore if I saie it goeth by such a towne, I thinke my dutie discharged, if I hit vpon anie part or parcell of the paroch. This also hath not a little troubled me, I meane the euill writing of the names of manie townes and villages: of which I haue noted some one man, in the description of a riuer, to write one towne two or thrée manner of waies, whereby I was inforced to choose one (at aduenture most commonlie) that séemed the likeliest to be sound in mine opinion and iudgement.

I have completed the description of the rivers and streams that flow into the ocean, as I intended, though not in the most precise order or manner as I could have if the promised information had been provided or if others had taken on this task. However, I will say about what has been done here that from the Solway in the west, which separates England and Scotland on that side, to the Tweed, which separates the two kingdoms on the east: if you go back contrary to the order of my description, you will find it so accurate that apart from a very few minor rivers, you won’t need any further advice for locating and tracing the mentioned streams. For this has been my benefit from Master Sackford's maps and discussions with others about these, that I confidently declare them to be perfect and precise. Furthermore, I also want to note that in detailing our streams, I do not focus on naming the exact town or church, but rather the boundaries of the parish. Therefore, if I say it passes by a particular town, I consider my duty fulfilled if I touch upon any part of the parish. This has also troubled me somewhat, namely the poor spelling of many town and village names: I have noticed that one person, in describing a river, spelled one town in two or three different ways, which forced me to choose one (usually the most common) that seemed the most likely to be correct in my opinion and judgment.

Finallie, whereas I minded to set downe an especiall chapter of ports and créeks, lieng on ech coast of the English part of this Ile; and had prouided the same in such wise as I iudged most conuenient: it came to passe, that the greater part of my labour was taken from me by stealth, and therefore as discouraged to meddle with that argument, I would haue giuen ouer to set downe anie thing therefore at all: and so much the rather, for that I sée it may prooue a spurre vnto further mischéefe, as things come to passe in these daies. Neuerthelesse, because a little thereof is passed in the beginning of the booke, I will set downe that parcell thereof which remaineth, leauing the supplie of the rest either to my selfe hereafter, (if I may come by it) or to some other that can better performe the same.

Finally, while I intended to include a special chapter about the ports and creeks along each coast of the English part of this island, and had arranged it in a way I thought most suitable, much of my work was taken from me unexpectedly. This left me feeling discouraged about tackling that topic, and I almost decided not to write anything about it at all, especially since I see it might lead to more trouble, given how things are these days. Nevertheless, since part of it has already been mentioned at the start of the book, I will include the remaining portion, leaving the rest to either myself later (if I can manage to get it) or to someone else who can do a better job.

OF SUCH PORTS AND CREEKS AS OUR SEAFARING-MEN DOO NOTE FOR THEIR BENEFIT
UPON THE COASTS OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. XVII.

It maie be that I haue in these former chapters omitted sundrie hauens to be found vpon the shore of England, and some of them serued with backe waters, through want of sound and sufficient information from such as haue written vnto me of the same. In recompense whereof I haue thought good to adde this chapter of ports and creekes, whereby (so farre as to me is possible) I shall make satisfaction of mine ouersights. And albeit I cannot (being too too much abused by some that [Page 182] haue béereft me of my notes in this behalfe) bring my purpose to passe for all the whole coast of England round about, from Berwike to the Solue: yet I will not let to set downe so much as by good hap remaineth, whereby my countriemen shall not altogither want that benefit, hoping in time to recouer also the rest, if God grant life and good successe thereto.

It may be that I have in these earlier chapters missed several places along the coast of England, some of which are served by backwaters, due to a lack of accurate and sufficient information from those who have written to me about them. To make up for this, I've decided to add this chapter on ports and creeks, so that (as far as I can) I can address my oversights. And although I cannot cover the entire coast of England from Berwick to the Solent (having been poorly served by some who have taken my notes on this subject), I will still include whatever remains by good fortune, so my fellow countrymen won't miss out completely, hoping that in time I can also recover the rest if God allows it and grants me success.

Northumberland. In Northumberland therefore we haue Berwike, Holie Iland, Bamborow, Bedwell, Donstanborow, Cocket Iland, Warkeworth, Newbiggin, Almow, Blithes nuke, and Tinmouth hauen.

Northumberland. In Northumberland, we have Berwick, Holy Island, Bamburgh, Bedwell, Dunstanburgh, Coquet Island, Warkworth, Newbiggin, Alnmouth, Blyth’s nook, and Tynemouth harbor.

Durham. In the bishoprijc, Sonderland, Stocketon, Hartlepoole, These.

Durham. In the bishopric, Sunderland, Stockton, Hartlepool, These.

Yorkeshire. In Yorkeshire, Dapnam sands, Steningreene, Staies, Runswike, Robinhoods baie, Whitbie, Scarborow, Fileie, Flamborow, Bricklington, Horneseie becke, Sister kirke, Kelseie, Cliffe, Pattenton, Holmes, Kenningham, Pall, Hidon, Hulbrige, Beuerlie, Hull, Hasell, Northferebie, Bucke créeke, Blacke cost, Wrethell, Howden.

Yorkshire. In Yorkshire, Dapnam sands, Steningreen, Staithes, Runswick, Robin Hood's Bay, Whitby, Scarborough, Filey, Flamborough, Bridlington, Hornsea Beck, Sister Church, Kelsey, Cliff, Pattenton, Holmes, Kenningham, Palling, Hidon, Hulbridge, Beverley, Hull, Hasle, North Ferriby, Buck Creek, Black Coast, Wretham, Howden.

Lincolneshire. In Lincolneshire, Selbie, Snepe, Turnebrige, Rodiffe, Catebie, Stockwith, Torkeseie, Gainsborow, Southferebie, Barton a good point, Barrow a good hauen, Skatermill a good port, Penningham, Stalingborow a good hauen, Guimsbie a good port, Clie, March chappell, Saltfléete, Wilgripe, Mapleford, saint Clements, Wenfléete, Friscon, Toft, Skerbike, Boston, Frompton, Woluerton, Fossedike a good hauen.

Lincolnshire. In Lincolnshire, Selby, Sneap, Turner Bridge, Rodif, Catby, Stockwith, Torksey, Gainsborough, SouthFerriby, Barton, Barrow, Skatermill, Penningham, Stallingborough, Guimsby, Clay, March Chapel, Saltfleet, Wilgrip, Mapleford, St. Clements, Wainfleet, Friskney, Toft, Skirbeck, Boston, Frompton, and Worleston, all of which feature good harbors.

Northfolke. In Northfolke, Linne a good hauen, Snatchham, Hitchham, Desingham good, Thunstone, Thorneham good, Brankester good, Burnham good, with diuers townes and villages thereto belonging, Welles good, Strikeie, Marston, Blakeleie towne, Withon Claie, Blakelie hauen good, Salthouse créeke, Sheringham hith, Roughton, Cromer, Beston, Trinningham, Mounsleie, Bromwall, Haseborow, Wakesham, Eckelles, Winterton, Custer, Helmesleie, Okell, Vpton, Waibridge, Yarmouth, good all the waie to Norwich, with diuerse villages on the riuer side.

Northerners. In Northfolk, there are good ports like Linne, Snatchham, Hitchham, Desingham, Thunstone, Thorneham, Brankester, and Burnham, along with various towns and villages nearby. There's also Welles, Strikeie, Marston, Blakeleie town, Withon Claie, the good port of Blakelie, Salthouse creek, Sheringham beach, Roughton, Cromer, Beston, Trinningham, Mounsleie, Bromwall, Haseborow, Wakesham, Eckelles, Winterton, Custer, Helmesleie, Okell, Upton, Waibridge, and Yarmouth, all the way to Norwich, with numerous villages along the riverside.

Suffolke. In Suffolke, Becles, Bongeie, Southton, Corton, Gorton, Laistow a good port, Kirtill, Pakefield, Kasseldon, Bliborow, Coffe hith, Eston, Walderswijc, Donewich, Swold hauen, Sisewell, Thorpe, Alborow, Orford a good hauen, Balseie good, Felixstow, Colneie, Sproten, Ypswich, Downambridge good, Pinnemill, Shoteleie, Cataweie, Barfold.

Suffolk. In Suffolk, Beccles, Bungay, Southwold, Corton, Gorton, Lowestoft a good port, Kirtling, Pakefield, Cassington, Blythburgh, Covehithe, Easton, Walberswick, Dunwich, Southwold Haven, Sizewell, Thorpe, Aldeburgh, Orford a good harbor, Bawdsey good, Felixstowe, Colneis, Sproughton, Ipswich, Downham Bridge good, Pin Mill, Shotley, Catweasel, Barfold.

Essex. In Essex we haue Dedham, Maning trée, Thorne, Wrabbesnes, Ramseie, Harwich, Douercourt, Handford, Okeleie, Kirbie, Thorpe, Brichwill, Walton mill, Walton hall, Ganfléete, Newhauen good, S. Osithes, Bentleie good, Bricleseie, Thorlington (where good ships of a hundred tun or more be made) Alsford, Wiuenhall, Colchester, Cold hith, Rough hedge, Fingering ho, east Merseie, west Merseie, Salcot, Goldanger, Borow, Maldon, Stanesgate, Sudmester, S. Peters, Burnham, Crixseie, Aldon, Clements gréene, Hulbridge, Pacleston, Barling, litle Wakering, much Wakering, south Sudburie, Wakeringham, Melton, Papper hill, or Lee, Beamfléete, Pidseie range, Fobbing, Hadleie good, Mucking, Stanford, and Tilberie ferrie.

Essex. In Essex, we have Dedham, Manningtree, Thorn, Wrabness, Ramsey, Harwich, Dovercourt, Hanford, Oakley, Kirby, Thorpe, Brichell, Walton Mill, Walton Hall, Ganfield, Newhaven, St. Osyth, Bentley, Bricelsy, Thorlington (where good ships of a hundred tons or more are made), Alsford, Wivenhall, Colchester, Coldhithe, Rough Hedge, Fingeringhoe, East Mersea, West Mersea, Salcot, Goldhanger, Borow, Maldon, Stanesgate, Sudbury St. Peter, Burnham, Crixey, Aldham, Clements Green, Hullbridge, Paglesham, Barling, Little Wakering, Great Wakering, South Sudbury, Wakeringham, Melton, Paper Hill, or Lee, Beamfleete, Fobbing, Hadleigh, Mucking, Stanford, and Tilbury Ferry.

Kent. In Kent, Harling, Cliffe, Tanfleete, Stokehow, Snodlond, Melhall, Maidston, Ailesford, New hith, Rochester, Gelingham, Reinham, Vpchurch, Halsted, Quinborow, Milton, Feuersham, Whitstaple, Herne, Margate, Brodestaier, Ramsgate; and manie of these good créekes: also Sandwich, Douer, Hide, reasonable ports, although none of the best.

Kent. In Kent, Harling, Cliffe, Tanfleete, Stokehow, Snodlond, Melhall, Maidstone, Aylesford, New Hythe, Rochester, Gillingham, Rainham, Upchurch, Halsted, Quinborough, Milton, Feversham, Whitstable, Herne, Margate, Broadstairs, Ramsgate; and many of these good creeks: also Sandwich, Dover, Hythe, decent ports, although none of the best.

Sussex. In Sussex we haue Smalade with the créekes adioining to the same, Ridon, Appledoure, Rie a good hauen, and Winchelseie nothing at all inferiour to the same, and so manie shires onelie are left vnto me at this time, wherefore of force I must abruptlie leaue off to deale anie further with the rest, whose knowledge I am right sure would haue been profitable: and for the which I hoped to haue reaped great thankes at the hands of such sea-faring men, as should haue had vse hereof.

Sussex. In Sussex, we have Smalade and the nearby creeks, Ridon, Appledore, Rye, a good harbor, and Winchelsea, which is just as good. There are only a few more counties left for me to cover at this moment, so I have to abruptly stop discussing the rest, whose insights I’m sure would have been useful, and for which I hoped to earn great appreciation from the sailors who would have benefited from this information.

Desunt cætera.

Missing other things.

[Page 183]

[Page 183]

OF THE AIRE, SOILE, AND COMMODITIES OF THIS ILAND.
CAP. XVIII.

The aire of Britaine. The aire (for the most part) throughout the Iland is such, as by reason in maner of continuall clouds, is reputed to be grosse, and nothing so pleasant as that is of the maine. Howbeit, as they which affirme these things, haue onelie respect to the impediment or hinderance of the sunne beames, by the interposition of the clouds and oft ingrossed aire: so experience teacheth vs, that it is no lesse pure, wholesome, and commodious, than is that of other countries, and (as Cæsar himselfe hereto addeth) much more temperate in summer than that of the Galles, from whom he aduentured hither. Neither is there anie thing found in the aire of our region, that is not vsuallie séene amongst other nations lieng beyond the seas. Wherefore, we must néeds confesse, that the situation of our Iland (for benefit of the heauens) is nothing inferiour to that of anie countrie of the maine, where so euer it lie vnder the open firmament. And this Plutarch knew full well, who affirmeth a part of the Elisian fields to be found in Britaine, and the Iles that are situate about it in the Ocean.

Britain's atmosphere. The air throughout the island is often considered thick and not as pleasant as that of the mainland, mainly because of the nearly constant clouds. However, those who say this are only looking at how the clouds and heavy air block the sun’s rays. Experience shows us that it is just as pure, healthy, and pleasant as that of other countries, and as Caesar himself adds, it is much more temperate in the summer than that of the Gauls, from whom he ventured here. There’s nothing in the air of our region that isn’t usually found among other nations across the sea. Therefore, we must admit that the position of our island, in terms of the heavens, is not inferior to that of any mainland country, wherever it lies under the open sky. And Plutarch knew this very well, claiming that part of the Elysian Fields can be found in Britain and the islands that lie around it in the ocean.

The soile. The soile of Britaine is such, as by the testimonies and reports both of the old and new writers, and experience also of such as now inhabit the same, is verie fruitfull; and such in deed as bringeth foorth manie commodities, whereof other countries haue néed, and yet it selfe (if fond nicenesse were abolished) néedlesse of those that are dailie brought from other places. Neuerthelesse it is more inclined to féeding and grasing, than profitable for tillage, and bearing of corne; by reason whereof the countrie is wonderfullie replenished with neat, and all kind of cattell: and such store is there also of the same in euerie place, that the fourth part of the land is scarselie manured for the prouision and maintenance of graine. Certes this fruitfulnesse was not vnknowne vnto the Britons long before Cæsars time, which was the cause wherefore our predecessors liuing in those daies in maner neglected tillage, and liued by féeding and grasing onelie. The grasiers themselues also then dwelled in mooueable villages by companies, whose custome was to diuide the ground amongst them, and each one not to depart from the place where his lot Criacht. laie (a thing much like to the Irish Criacht) till by eating vp of the countrie about him, he was inforced to remooue further, and séeke for better pasture. And this was the British custome (as I learne) at first. It hath béene commonlie reported, that the ground of Wales is neither so fruitfull as that of England, neither the soile of Scotland so bountifull as that of Wales: which is true, for corne and for the most part: otherwise, there is so good ground in some parts of Wales, as is in England, albeit the best of Scotland be scarselie comparable to the meane of either of both. Howbeit, as the bountie of the Scotish dooth faile in some respect, so dooth it surmount in other; God and nature hauing not appointed all countries to yéeld foorth like commodities.

The dirt. The soil of Britain is known, through the testimonies and reports from both ancient and modern writers, as well as the experience of those who currently live there, to be very fertile. It produces many goods that other countries need, and yet it doesn’t really need those imports (if only unnecessary pretensions were set aside). However, it is more suited to grazing and feeding livestock than for farming and growing grain. Because of this, the countryside is wonderfully stocked with cattle and all kinds of livestock; there is also such an abundance of these in every area that barely a quarter of the land is cultivated for grain production. Certainly, this fertility was known to the Britons long before Caesar’s time, which is why our ancestors then largely disregarded farming and lived solely on grazing and feeding. The grazers themselves lived in moving villages in groups, and their custom was to divide the land among themselves, with each person staying where their lot was located (similar to the Irish system of Criacht) until, after exhausting the local resources, they had to move further in search of better pasture. This was the original British custom, as I understand it. It has generally been said that the soil of Wales is not as fertile as that of England, nor is the soil of Scotland as abundant as that of Wales, which is true when it comes to grain for the most part. However, there are parts of Wales with soil as good as that found in England, although the best of Scotland barely compares to the average of either. Nevertheless, while Scottish fertility may be lacking in some respects, it excels in others; God and nature have not designated all lands to produce the same goods.

But where our ground is not so good as we would wish, we haue (if néed be) sufficient help to cherish our ground withall, and to make it more fruitfull. For beside the compest that is carried out of the husbandmens yards, ditches, ponds, doouehouses, or cities and great townes: we haue with vs a kind of white marle, which is of so great force, that if it be cast ouer a péece of land but once in thrée score years, it shall not need of anie further compesting. Hereof also dooth Plinie speake, lib. Marle. 17, cap. 6, 7, 8, where he affirmeth that our marle indureth vpon the earth by the space of fourescore yeares: insomuch that it is laid vpon the same but once in a mans life, whereby the owner shall not need to trauell twise in procuring to commend and better his soile. He calleth it Marga, and making diuerse kinds thereof, he finallie commendeth ours, and that of France, aboue all other, which lieth sometime a hundred foot déepe, and farre better than the scattering of chalke vpon the same, as the Hedni and Pictones did in his time, or as some of our daies also doo practise: albeit diuerse doo like better to cast on lime, but it will not so long indure, as I haue heard reported.

But where our soil isn't as good as we'd like, we have plenty of ways to enhance it and make it more productive if needed. In addition to the compost that comes from farmers' yards, ditches, ponds, chicken coops, or cities and large towns, we have a type of white marl that is so effective that if it's applied to a piece of land just once every sixty years, there's no need for any further fertilizing. Pliny also mentions this in Book 17, Chapter 6, 7, 8, where he states that our marl lasts on the earth for about eighty years; thus, it can be applied only once in a person's lifetime, allowing the owner not to have to work twice to improve his soil. He calls it Marga, and after discussing different types, he ultimately praises ours and that of France above all others, which can sometimes be a hundred feet deep and is much better than scattering chalk on it, as the Hedni and Pictones did in his time, or as some people do today; although some prefer to use lime, I have heard it doesn't last as long.

[Page 184]

[Page 184]

Plentie of riuers. There are also in this Iland great plentie of fresh riuers and streams, as you haue heard alreadie, and these throughlie fraught with all kinds of delicate fish accustomed to be found in riuers. The whole Ile Hilles. likewise is verie full of hilles, of which some (though not verie manie) are of exceeding heigth, and diuerse extending themselues verie far from the beginning; as we may see by Shooters hill, which rising east of London, and not farre from the Thames, runneth along the south side of the Iland westward, vntill it come to Cornewall. Like vnto these also are the Crowdon hils, which though vnder diuers names (as also the other from the Peke) doo run into the borders of Scotland. What should I speake of the Cheuiot hilles, which reach twentie miles in length? of (*) Here lacks. the blacke mounteines in Wales, which go from (*) to (*) miles at the least in length? of the Cle hilles in Shropshire, which come within foure miles of Ludlow, and are diuided from some part of Worcester by the Teme? of the Grames in Scotland, and of our Chiltren, which are eightéene miles at the least from one end of them, which reach from Henlie in Oxfordshire to Dunstable in Bedfordshire, and are verie well replenished with wood and corne? notwithstanding that the most part yéeld a sweet short grasse, profitable for shéepe. Wherein albeit they of Scotland doo somewhat come behind vs, yet their outward defect is inwardlie recompensed, not onelie with plentie of quarries (and those of sundrie kinds of marble, hard stone, and fine alabaster) but also rich mines of mettall, as shall be shewed hereafter.

Many rivers. This island also has a lot of fresh rivers and streams, as you’ve already heard, filled with all kinds of delicate fish typically found in rivers. The entire island Hills. is also very hilly, with some (though not many) being quite tall, and several stretching far from their starting points; for example, we can see this with Shooter’s Hill, which rises east of London, not far from the Thames, and runs along the southern side of the island westward until it reaches Cornwall. The Crowdon hills are similar, although they go by different names (as do the others from the Peak) and extend into the borders of Scotland. What about the Cheviot Hills, which stretch twenty miles in length? Or the black mountains in Wales, which extend at least (*) to (*) miles in length? Then there are the Cle hills in Shropshire, which come within four miles of Ludlow and are separated from some parts of Worcester by the Teme, and the Grames in Scotland, along with our Chilterns, which are at least eighteen miles long, stretching from Henley in Oxfordshire to Dunstable in Bedfordshire, and are well-covered with woods and crops? Even though those in Scotland might fall a bit short compared to us, their external shortcomings are offset internally, not only by plenty of quarries (of various kinds of marble, hard stone, and fine alabaster) but also rich metal mines, which will be detailed later.

Winds. In this Iland likewise the winds are commonlie more strong and fierce, than in anie other places of the maine, which Cardane also espied: and that is often séene vpon the naked hilles, not garded with trées to beare and kéepe it off. That grieuous inconuenience also inforceth our Building. nobilitie, gentrie, and communaltie, to build their houses in the vallies, leauing the high grounds vnto their corne and cattell, least the cold and stormie blasts of winter should bréed them greater annoiance: whereas in other regions each one desireth to set his house aloft on the hill, not onlie to be seene a farre off, and cast forth his beames of statelie and curious workemanship into euerie quarter of the countrie; but also (in hot habitations) for coldnesse sake of the aire, sith the heat is neuer so vehement on the hill top as in the vallie, because the reuerberation of the sunne beames either reacheth not so farre as the highest, or else becommeth not so strong as when it is reflected upon the lower soile.

Winds. In this island, the winds are usually stronger and more fierce than in any other places on the mainland, which Cardane also noticed. This is often evident on the bare hills, unprotected by trees to shield against them. This serious issue forces our Construction. nobility, gentry, and common people to build their houses in the valleys, leaving the higher grounds for their crops and livestock, to avoid the cold and stormy winds of winter that could cause them more trouble. In contrast, in other regions, people want to build their homes high up on the hills, not only to be seen from a distance, showcasing their impressive and detailed craftsmanship throughout the countryside, but also (in warmer climates) because it's cooler up there; heat is never as intense on the hillside as it is in the valley, as the reflection of the sun’s rays either doesn’t reach as high or isn’t as strong when reflected off the lower land.

Husbandrie amended. But to leaue our buildings vnto the purposed place (which notwithstanding haue verie much increased, I meane for curiositie and cost, in England, Wales, and Scotland, within these few yeares) and to returne to the soile againe. Certeinelie it is euen now in these our daies growne to be much more fruitfull, than it hath béene in times past. The cause is for that our countriemen are growne to be more painefull, skilfull, and carefull through recompense of gaine, than heretofore they haue béene: insomuch that my Synchroni or time fellows can reape at this present great commoditie in a little roome; whereas of late yeares, a great compasse hath yéelded but small profit, and this onelie through the idle and negligent occupation of such, as dailie manured and had the same in occupieng. I might set downe examples of these things out of all the parts of this Iland, that is to saie, manie of England, more out of Scotland, but most of all out of Wales: in which two last rehearsed, verie little other food and liuelihood was wont to be looked for (beside flesh) more than the soile of it selfe, and the cow gaue; the people in the meane time liuing idelie, dissolutelie, and by picking and stealing one from another. All which vices are now (for the most part) relinquished, so that each nation manureth hir owne with triple commoditie, to that it was before time.

Farming got better. But let's leave our buildings aside and focus on the intended topic (which has significantly increased, in terms of curiosity and expense, in England, Wales, and Scotland over the past few years) and return to the land again. It is certainly true that nowadays, it has become much more fruitful than it used to be in the past. The reason is that our fellow countrymen have become more hardworking, skilled, and diligent because of the potential for profit, more than they have in the past: so much so that my contemporaries can now reap great rewards from a small area; whereas in recent years, large areas yielded only a small profit, mainly due to the laziness and negligence of those who daily worked the land. I could provide examples of this from all over this island, particularly many from England, but especially from Scotland, and mostly from Wales: in these last two areas, people used to rely very little on other sources of food and livelihood (aside from meat) more than what the land itself produced and what the cow provided; the people, in the meantime, lived idly, recklessly, and would steal from one another. Most of these vices are now mostly abandoned, so that each nation cultivates its own land with three times the benefit compared to before.

Pasture. The pasture of this Iland is according to the nature and bountie of the soile, whereby in most places it is plentifull, verie fine, batable, and such as either fatteth our cattell with speed, or yéeldeth great abundance of milke and creame: whereof the yellowest butter and finest chéese are made. But where the blue claie aboundeth (which hardlie drinketh vp the winters water in long season) there the grasse is spearie, rough, and verie apt for brushes: by which occasion it commeth nothing so profitable vnto the owner as the other. The best pasture ground of all England is in Wales, & of all the pasture in Wales that of Cardigan is the cheefe. I speake of the same which is to be found in the [Page 185] mounteines there, where the hundred part of the grasse growing is not eaten, but suffered to rot on the ground, whereby the soile becommeth matted, and diuerse bogges and quicke moores made withall in long continuance: because all the cattell in the countrie are not able to eat it downe. If it be to be accompted good soile, on which a man may laie a wand ouer night, and on the morrow find it hidden and ouergrowen with grasse: it is not hard to find plentie thereof in manie places of this land. Neuertheless, such is the fruitfulnes of the aforsaid countie that it farre surmounteth this proportion, whereby it may be compared for batablenesse with Italie, which in my time is called the paradise of the world, although by reason of the wickednesse of such as dwell therein it may be called the sinke and draine of hell: so that whereas they were woont to saie of vs that our land is good but our people euill, they did but onlie speake it; whereas we know by experience that the soile of Italie is a noble soile, but the dwellers therein farre off from anie vertue or goodnesse.

Field. The pasture in this land is abundant and rich due to the quality of the soil, providing lush grazing grounds that quickly fatten our cattle and produce plenty of milk and cream. This results in the best butter and cheese. However, where the blue clay is prevalent—which struggles to retain winter water for long periods—the grass tends to be sparse, coarse, and prone to brambles, making it less profitable for the owner compared to other areas. The finest pasture land in all of England is in Wales, and within Wales, Cardigan has the best pastures. I refer specifically to the mountains there, where a significant portion of the grass isn’t eaten but left to decay on the ground, leading to a matted soil and various bogs and soft marshes over time, since the local cattle can't graze it all down. If good soil can be defined as land where one can lay a stick overnight and find it covered in grass by morning, then it's easy to find plenty of that in many parts of this country. Nevertheless, the productivity of the aforementioned county far exceeds this standard, making it comparable in fertility to Italy, which in my time is known as the paradise of the world, although due to the wickedness of its inhabitants, it could just as easily be considered the sink and drain of hell. They used to say that our land is good but our people are bad, which was only a half-truth; we know from experience that Italy has noble soil, but its residents are far removed from any virtue or goodness.

Medowes. Our medowes, are either bottomes (whereof we haue great store, and those verie large, bicause our soile is hillie) or else such as we call land meads, and borowed from the best & fattest pasturages. The first of them are yearelie & often ouerflowen by the rising of such streames as passe through the same, or violent falles of land-waters, that descend from the hils about them. The other are seldome or neuer ouerflowen, and that is the cause wherefore their grasse is shorter than that of the bottomes, and yet is it farre more fine, wholesome, and batable, sith the haie of our low medowes is not onelie full of sandie cinder, which breedeth sundrie diseases in our cattell, but also more rowtie, foggie, and full of flags, and therefore not so profitable for stouer and forrage as the higher meads be. The difference furthermore in their commodities is great, for whereas in our land meadowes we haue not often aboue one good load of haie, or peraduenture a little more in an acre of ground (I vse the word Carrucata or Carruca which is a waine load, and, as I remember, vsed by Plinie lib. 33. cap. 11.) in low meadowes we haue sometimes thrée, but commonlie two or vpward, as experience hath oft confirmed.

Fields. Our meadows are either bottomlands (of which we have a lot, and they're quite large because our soil is hilly) or what we call land meadows, borrowed from the best and richest pastures. The first type is regularly and often flooded by the rising streams that flow through them or by heavy rainfall that comes down from the surrounding hills. The second type rarely, if ever, gets flooded, which is why their grass is shorter than that of the bottomlands, yet it’s much finer, healthier, and more palatable, since the hay from our low meadows is not only full of sandy debris, which causes various diseases in our cattle, but it's also more muddy, boggy, and filled with reeds, making it less beneficial for feed and forage compared to the higher meadows. The difference in their yields is also significant, as in our land meadows we usually get no more than one good load of hay, or maybe a bit more, per acre (I use the term Carrucata or Carruca, which means a wagon load, as I recall it being used by Pliny in Book 33, Chapter 11), while in low meadows we sometimes have three, but usually two or more, as experience has often proven.

Of such as are twise mowed I speake not, sith their later math is not so wholesome for cattell as the first; although in the mouth more pleasant for the time: for thereby they become oftentimes to be rotten, or to increase so fast in bloud, that the garget and other diseases doo consume manie of them before the owners can séeke out any remedie, by Phlebotomie or otherwise. Some superstitious fooles suppose that they which die of the garget are ridden with the night mare, and therefore they hang vp stones which naturallie haue holes in them, and must be found vnlooked for; as if such a stone were an apt cockeshot for the diuell to run through and solace himselfe withall, whilest the cattell go scot free and are not molested by him. But if I should set downe but halfe the toies that superstition hath brought into our husbandmens heads in this and other behalfes, it would aske a greater volume than is conuenient for such a purpose, wherefore it shall suffice to haue said thus much of these things.

I won't talk about the ones that are cut twice since their later growth isn't as good for cattle as the first cut, even though it tastes better for a while. This is because they can often go bad or cause problems like bloating, leading to diseases that can take out many before the owners can find a remedy through bloodletting or other methods. Some gullible people believe that those who die from bloat are cursed by nightmares, so they hang up stones that naturally have holes in them, which must be found unexpectedly, as if such a stone would be a perfect way for the devil to slip through and enjoy himself while the cattle stay safe and unharmed. But if I were to list even half of the nonsense that superstition has put into farmers' minds regarding this and other matters, it would take a much larger volume than is practical for this topic, so it’s enough to have said this much.

Corne. The yéeld of our corne-ground is also much after this rate folowing. Through out the land (if you please to make an estimat thereof by the acre) in meane and indifferent yeares, wherein each acre of rie or wheat, well tilled and dressed, will yeeld commonlie sixtéene or twentie bushels, an acre of barlie six and thirtie bushels, of otes and such like foure or fiue quarters, which proportion is notwithstanding oft abated toward the north, as it is oftentimes surmounted in the south. Of mixed corne, as peason and beanes, sowen togither, tares and otes (which they call bulmong) rie and wheat named miscelin here is no place to speake, yet their yéeld is neuerthelesse much after this proportion, as I haue often marked. And yet is not this our great foison comparable to that of hoter countries of the maine. But of all that euer I read, the increase which Eldred Danus writeth of in his De imperio Iudæorum in Aethiopia surmounteth, where he saith that in the field néere to the Sabbatike riuer, called in old time Gosan, the ground is so fertile, that euerie graine of barleie growing dooth yéeld an hundred kernels at the least vnto the owner.

Corn. The yield of our cornfields is also generally along these lines. Across the land (if you'd like to estimate by the acre), in average years, each acre of rye or wheat, properly managed and tended, typically produces around sixteen to twenty bushels, an acre of barley thirty-six bushels, and for oats and similar crops, about four or five quarters. This ratio, however, often decreases in the north and can sometimes be exceeded in the south. As for mixed crops like peas and beans sown together, tares and oats (which they call bulmong), as well as rye and wheat known as miscelin, there's not much to say here, yet their yields are still quite similar to what I've often observed. Still, our significant abundance isn’t comparable to that of warmer regions on the mainland. But of all that I've ever read, the increase that Eldred Danus mentions in his De imperio Iudæorum about Ethiopia surpasses everything, where he states that in the fields near the Sabbath River, formerly known as Gosan, the soil is so fertile that every barley grain produces at least a hundred kernels for the owner.

Of late yeares also we haue found and taken vp a great trade in planting [Page 186] of hops, whereof our moorie hitherto and vnprofitable grounds doo yeeld such plentie & increase, that their are few farmers or occupiers in the countrie, which haue not gardens and hops growing of their owne, and those farre better than doo come from Flanders vnto us. Certes the corruptions vsed by the Flemings, and forgerie dailie practised in this kind of ware, gaue vs occasion to plant them here at home: so that now we may spare and send manie ouer vnto them. And this I know by experience, that some one man by conuersion of his moorie grounds into hopyards, wherof before he had no commoditie, dooth raise yearelie by so little as twelue acres in compasse two hundred markes; all charges borne toward the maintenance of his familie. Which industrie God continue! though some secret fréends of Flemings let not to exclaime against this commoditie, as a spoile of wood, by reason of the poles, which neuerthelesse after three yeares doo also come to the fire, and spare their other fewell.

In recent years, we've discovered and developed a significant business in growing hops, which our previously unproductive marshy lands now yield in such abundance that few farmers in the country don't have their own gardens with hops, often better than what we import from Flanders. The deceit practiced by the Flemings and the daily forging of these goods inspired us to cultivate them locally, allowing us to send a lot back to them. From experience, I know one person who turned his marshy land into hop fields, which previously had no value, and now makes around two hundred marks annually from just twelve acres, covering all expenses for his family. May God continue this effort! Although some hidden friends of the Flemings frequently criticize this industry as a waste of wood because of the poles, those poles can also be used for firewood after three years and help save on other fuel.

Cattell. The cattell which we breed are commonlie such, as for greatnesse of bone, swéetnesse of flesh, and other benefits to be reaped by the same, giue place vnto none other: as may appeare first by our oxen, whose largenesse, height, weight, tallow, hides, and hornes are such, as none of anie other nation doo commonlie or may easilie excéed them. Our shéepe likewise for good tast of flesh, quantitie of lims, finesse of fléece caused by their hardnesse of pasturage, and abundance of increase (for in manie places they bring foorth two or thrée at an eaning) giue no place vnto anie, more than doo our goates, who in like sort doo follow the same order, and our déere come not behind. As for our conies, Meall and Disnege. I haue séene them so fat in some soiles, especiallie about Meall and Disnege, that the grease of one being weighed, hath peised verie néere six or seuen ounces. All which benefits we first refer to the grace and goodnesse of God, and next of all vnto the bountie of our soile, which he hath indued with so notable and commodious fruitfulnesse.

Cattell. The cattle we raise are generally unmatched in size, meat quality, and other advantages. This is evident first in our oxen, which are superior in size, height, weight, fat, hides, and horns compared to any from other nations. Our sheep also have great-tasting meat, solid limbs, fine fleece due to tough grazing conditions, and high productivity (in many areas, they often give birth to two or three at a time), putting them ahead of all others, just like our goats, which follow the same pattern, and our deer are equally impressive. As for our rabbits, Meall and Disnege. I've seen them so fat in some areas, especially around Meall and Disnege, that the fat from one weighed nearly six or seven ounces. We attribute all these benefits first to God's grace and goodness, and secondly to the abundance of our land, which He has blessed with remarkable fertility.

But as I meane to intreat of these things more largelie hereafter, so will I touch in this place one benefit which our nation wanteth, and Wine. that is wine; the fault whereof is not in our soile, but the negligence of our countriemen (especiallie of the south partes) who doo not inure the same to this commoditie, and which by reason of long discontinuance, is now become vnapt to beare anie grapes almost for pleasure & shadow, much lesse then the plaine fields or seuerall vineyards for aduantage and commoditie. Yet of late time some haue assaied to deale for wine, as to your lordship also is right well knowen. But sith that liquor when it commeth to the drinking hath bin found more hard, than that which is brought from beyond the sea, and the cost of planting and keeping thereof so chargeable, that they may buie it far better cheape from other countries: they haue giuen ouer their enterprises without anie consideration, that as in all other things, so neither the ground it selfe in the beginning, nor successe of their trauell can answer their expectation at the first, vntill such time as the soile be brought as it were into acquaintance with this commoditie, and that prouision may be made for the more easinesse of charge, to be imploied vpon the same.

But since I plan to discuss these matters in more detail later, I'll mention one benefit our nation lacks here: Wine. That is wine; the issue isn't our soil, but the negligence of our countrymen (especially in the southern parts) who don’t cultivate it for this commodity. Because of long neglect, it has become almost unsuitable to grow any grapes for enjoyment or shade, let alone flat fields or separate vineyards for profit and usefulness. Recently, some people have tried to get into the wine business, as your lordship well knows. However, when that drink was tested, it turned out to be harder to enjoy than what’s imported from overseas, and the cost of planting and maintaining it is so high that they can buy it much cheaper from other countries. They have abandoned their efforts without considering that, as with all things, neither the ground itself at first nor the success of their labor can meet their expectations right away, until the soil becomes familiar with this commodity, and arrangements can be made to reduce the costs involved.

If it be true, that where wine dooth last and indure well, there it will grow no worse: I muse not a little wherefore the planting of vines should be neglected in England. That this liquor might haue growne in this Iland heretofore, first the charter that Probus the emperour gaue equallie to vs, the Galles, and Spaniards, is one sufficient testimonie. And that it did grow here, beside the testimonie of Beda lib. 1. cap. 1. the old notes of tithes for wine that yet remaine in the accompts of some parsons and vicars in Kent, & elsewhere, besides the records of sundrie sutes, commensed in diuerse ecclesiasticall courts, both in Kent, Surrie, &c: also the inclosed parcels almost in euerie abbeie yet called the vineyardes, may be a notable witnesse, as also the plot which we now call east Smithfield in London giuen by Canutus sometime king of this land, with other soile there about vnto certeine of his knights, with the libertie of a Guild which therof was called Knighten Guild. The truth is (saith Iohn Stow our countrie man, and diligent traueller in the old estate of this my natiue citie) that it is now named Port soken ward, and giuen in time past to the religious house within Algate. Howbeit first Otwell, the Archouell, Otto, & finallie Geffrie erle of Essex constables of the Tower of London, withheld that portion frō the said house, vntill the reigne of king Stephan, and thereof made a [Page 187] vineyard to their great commoditie and lucre. The Ile of Elie also was in the first times of the Normans called Le Ile des vignes. And good record appéereth, that the bishop there had yearelie thrée or foure tunne at the least giuen him Nomine decimæ, beside whatsoeuer ouer-summe of the liquor did accrue to him by leases and other excheats, whereof also I haue seene mention. Wherefore our soile is not to be blamed, as though our nights were so exceeding short, that in August and September the moone which is ladie of moisture, & chiefe ripener of this liquor, cannot in anie wise shine long inough vpon the same: a verie méere toie and fable right worthie to be suppressed, because experience conuinceth the vpholders thereof euen in the Rhenish wines.

If it's true that where wine lasts and endures well, it won't get worse, then I can't help but wonder why the planting of vines is overlooked in England. There’s evidence that this drink could have grown in this land before, starting with the charter that Emperor Probus gave equally to us, the Gauls, and the Spaniards, which is a strong piece of evidence. Additionally, besides Bede’s writings, there are historical records of wine tithes that still exist in the accounts of several parsons and vicars in Kent and elsewhere, as well as records of various lawsuits that were launched in different ecclesiastical courts in Kent, Surrey, and so on. Also, the enclosed areas that are almost in every abbey still referred to as vineyards are notable witnesses, along with the area we now call East Smithfield in London, which was granted by Canute, former king of this land, to certain knights, along with the right to a guild that was called the Knighten Guild. The truth is (as John Stow, our countryman and careful observer of the history of this native city, noted) that it is now named Port Soken Ward, having been given in the past to the religious house within Aldgate. However, initially, Otwell the Archdeacon, Otto, and finally Geoffrey, the Earl of Essex, constables of the Tower of London, kept that land from said house until the reign of King Stephen, and they turned it into a vineyard for their own profit. The Isle of Ely was also called Le Ile des Vignes in the early Norman times. There’s good evidence that the bishop there received at least three or four tuns annually in tithes, besides whatever additional income came to him from leases and other sources, which I have also seen references to. Therefore, our soil shouldn't be blamed, as if our nights are so short that in August and September the moon, which governs moisture and is the main ripener of this drink, can’t shine long enough on the vines: that’s just a ridiculous myth worth dismissing since experience proves otherwise, even with the Rhenish wines.

Wad. The time hath béene also that wad, wherwith our countrie men died their faces (as Cæsar saith) that they might séeme terrible to their enimies in the field, and also women & their daughters in law did staine their bodies & go naked, in that pickle to the sacrifices of their gods, coueting to resemble therin the Ethiopians, as Plinie saith li. 22. cap. Madder. 1. and also madder haue béene (next vnto our tin and woolles) the chiefe Rape.] commodities, and merchandize of this realme. I find also that rape oile hath beene made within this land. But now our soile either will not or at the leastwise may not beare either wad or madder: I saie not that the ground is not able so to doo, but that we are negligent, afraid of the pilling of our grounds, and carelesse of our owne profit, as men rather willing to buie the same of others than take anie paine to plant them Flax. here at home. The like I may saie of flax, which by law ought to be sowen in euerie countrie-towne in England, more or lesse: but I sée no successe of that good and wholesome law, sith it is rather contemptuouslie reiected than otherwise dutifullie kept in anie place of England.

Wad. There was a time when wad, used by our countrymen to dye their faces (as Caesar said) to appear intimidating to their enemies in battle, and women and their daughters-in-law would stain their bodies and go naked in that state to sacrifice to their gods, wanting to resemble the Ethiopians, as Pliny says in Book 22, Chapter 1. Additionally, wad and madder were, alongside our tin and wool, the main commodities and merchandise of this realm. I also find that rape oil has been produced in this land. But now our soil either cannot or at least will not produce wad or madder. I’m not saying the ground isn't capable of it, but that we are negligent, afraid of exhausting our land, and careless about our own profit, preferring to buy these things from others rather than taking the effort to cultivate them Flaxseed. here at home. The same goes for flax, which by law should be sown in every county town in England, to a greater or lesser extent. Yet I see no success from that good and beneficial law, as it is rather contemptuously rejected than dutifully upheld anywhere in England.

Some saie that our great number of lawes doo bréed a generall negligence and contempt of all good order; bicause we haue so manie, that no subiect can liue without the transgression of some of them, and that the often alteration of our ordinances dooth much harme in this respect, which (after Aristotle) doth séeme to carie some reason withall, for (as Cornelius Gallus hath:)

Some say that our many laws create a general negligence and disregard for proper order because we have so many that no one can live without breaking some of them. The frequent changes to our rules also harm this situation, which, according to Aristotle, seems to carry some weight, as Cornelius Gallus pointed out:

Eleg. 2.

Eleg. 2.

Euentus varios res noua semper habet.

Euentus always has various new things.

But verie manie let not to affirme, that the gréedie corruption of the promoters on the one side, facilitie in dispensing with good lawes, and first breach of the same in the lawmakers & superiors, & priuat respects of their establishment on the other, are the greatest causes whie the inferiours regard no good order, being alwaies so redie to offend without anie facultie one waie, as they are otherwise to presume, vpon Principis longè magis exemplo quion culpa peccare solent. the examples of their betters when anie hold is to be taken. But as in these things I haue no skill, so I wish that fewer licences for the priuat commoditie but of a few were granted (not that thereby I denie the maintenance of the prerogatiue roiall, but rather would with all my hart that it might be yet more honorablie increased) & that euerie one which by féeed friendship (or otherwise) dooth attempt to procure oughts from the prince, that may profit but few and proue hurtfull to manie, might be at open assizes and sessions denounced enimie to his countrie and commonwealth of the land.

But many people insist that the greedy corruption of those in power, along with the ease of bypassing good laws and the initial violations of these laws by lawmakers and superiors, and personal interests in their own positions, are the biggest reasons why the lower ranks disregard proper order. They are always so quick to offend without any help on one side, just as they are to rely on the examples of their superiors when they can take advantage. But since I have no expertise in these matters, I hope that fewer licenses for the personal benefit of a select few are granted—not that I deny the importance of royal prerogative, but I genuinely wish it could be even more honorably enhanced. Furthermore, anyone who attempts to gain anything from the prince through favored connections (or otherwise) that benefits only a few and harms many should be openly declared an enemy of their country and community at public trials and sessions.

Glasse also hath beene made here in great plentie before, and in the time of the Romans; and the said stuffe also, beside fine scissers, shéeres, collars of gold and siluer for womens necks, cruses and cups of amber, were a parcell of the tribute which Augustus in his daies laid vpon this Iland. In like sort he charged the Britons with certeine implements and vessels of iuorie (as Strabo saith.) Wherby it appéereth that in old time our countriemen were farre more industrious and painefull in the vse and application of the benefits of their countrie, than either after the comming of the Saxons or Normans, in which they gaue themselues more to idlenesse and following of the warres.

Glass has also been made here in great quantities before, and during the time of the Romans; and this material, along with fine scissors, shears, gold and silver collars for women's necks, and cups made of amber, were part of the tribute that Augustus imposed on this island in his day. Similarly, he required the Britons to provide certain tools and vessels made of ivory (as Strabo says). This shows that in ancient times, our countrymen were far more industrious and dedicated to making use of their country's resources than they were after the arrival of the Saxons or Normans, during which time they became more focused on idleness and warfare.

Earth. If it were requisit that I should speake of the sundrie kinds of moold, as the cledgie or claie, whereof are diuerse sorts (red, blue, blacke and white) also the red or white sandie, the lomie, rosellie, grauellie, chalkie or blacke, I could saie that there are so manie diuerse veines in Britaine, as else where in anie quarter of like quantitie in the [Page 188] world. Howbeit this I must néeds confesse, that the sandie and cledgie doo beare great swaie: but the claie most of all, as hath beene, and yet is alwaies séene & felt through plentie and dearth of corne. For if this latter (I meane the claie) doo yeeld hir full increase (which it dooth commonlie in drie yeares for wheat) then is there generall plentie: wheras if it faile, then haue we scarsitie, according to the old rude verse set downe of England, but to be vnderstood of the whole Iland, as experience dooth confirme:

Planet Earth. If I had to talk about the different types of soil, like clay, which has various kinds (red, blue, black, and white), as well as red or white sand, loamy soil, reddish soil, gravelly soil, chalky soil, or black soil, I could say that there are as many different veins in Britain as in any other place of similar size in the [Page 188] world. However, I must admit that sandy and clay soils dominate, but clay is the most important, as has always been seen and felt through the abundance and scarcity of grain. If the clay yields its full harvest (which it usually does in dry years for wheat), then there is general abundance; whereas if it fails, we experience scarcity, as the old crude verse about England suggests, but it applies to the entire island, as experience confirms:

When the sand dooth serue the claie,

When the sand does serve the clay,

Then may we sing well awaie,

Then let us sing well away,

But when the claie dooth serue the sand,

But when the clay does serve the sand,

Then is it merie with England.

Then it's lively in England.

Vallies. I might here intreat of the famous vallies in England, of which one is called the vale of White horsse, another of Eouesham, commonlie taken for the granarie of Worcestershire, the third of Ailesbirie that goeth by Tame, the rootes of Chilterne hils, to Donstable, Newport panell, Stonie Stratford, Buckhingham, Birstane parke, &c. Likewise of the fourth of Whitehart or Blackemoore in Dorsetshire. The fift of Ringdale or Renidale, corruptlie called Ringtaile, that lieth (as mine author saith) vpon the edge of Essex and Cambridgeshire, and also the Marshwood vale: but for somuch as I know not well their seuerall limits, I giue ouer to go anie further in their description. In like sort it should not Fennes. be amisse to speake of our fennes, although our countrie be not so full of this kind of soile as the parties beyond the seas, to wit, Narbon, &c: and thereto of other pleasant botoms, the which are not onelie indued with excellent riuers and great store of corne and fine fodder for neat and horsses in time of the yeare (whereby they are excéeding beneficiall vnto their owners) but also of no small compasse and quantitie in ground. For some of our fens are well knowen to be either of ten, twelue, sixtéene, twentie, or thirtie miles in length, that of the Girwies yet passing all the rest, which is full 60 (as I haue often read.) Wherein also Elie the famous Ile standeth, which is seuen miles euerie waie, and wherevnto there is no accesse but by thrée causies, whose inhabitants in like sort by an old priuilege may take wood, sedge, turfe, &c; to burne: likewise haie for their cattell, and thatch for their houses of custome, and each occupier in his appointed quantitie through out the Ile; albeit that couetousnesse hath now begun somewhat to abridge this large beneuolence and commoditie, aswell in the said Ile as most other places of this land.

Valleys. Here, I’d like to mention the famous valleys in England, one of which is called the Vale of White Horse, another is Evesham, commonly considered the granary of Worcestershire, the third is Ailesbury that runs by Tame, the roots of the Chiltern Hills, to Dunstable, Newport Pagnell, Stony Stratford, Buckingham, Birstane Park, etc. There's also the fourth, known as White Hart or Blackmoor in Dorsetshire. The fifth is Ringdale or Renidale, incorrectly called Ringtail, which lies, as my source says, on the border of Essex and Cambridgeshire, along with the Marshwood Vale; but since I'm not familiar with their exact boundaries, I’ll stop here with the description. Similarly, it wouldn’t hurt to mention our fens, although our country isn't as full of this type of soil as places across the sea, like Narbon, etc.: and also other pleasant lowlands, which are not only rich with excellent rivers and plenty of grain and good fodder for cattle and horses during the year (which makes them extremely beneficial to their owners), but also cover a significant area of land. Some of our fens are well-known to be ten, twelve, sixteen, twenty, or thirty miles long, with the Girwies fen surpassing all the rest at a full 60 miles (as I have often read). In this fen, the famous Isle of Ely also stands, measuring seven miles in every direction, and access to it is only possible via three causeways. The residents there, under an old privilege, can take wood, reeds, turf, etc. for fuel; as well as hay for their livestock and thatch for their houses, each landholder receiving their allotted amount throughout the Isle; although greed has started to reduce this generous allowance and benefit, both in the Isle and most other areas of this country.

Commons. Finallie, I might discourse in like order of the large commons, laid out heretofore by the lords of the soiles for the benefit of such poore, as inhabit within the compasse of their manors. But as the true intent of the giuers is now in most places defrauded, in so much that not the poore tenants inhabiting vpon the same, but their landlords haue all the commoditie and gaine, so the tractation of them belongeth rather to the second booke. Wherfore I meane not at this present to deale withall, but reserue the same wholie vnto the due place whilest I go forward with the rest; setting downe neuerthelesse by the waie a generall commendation of the whole Iland, which I find in an ancient monument, much vnto this effect.

Community. Finally, I could talk about the large commons that were established by the landowners for the benefit of the poor living within their estates. However, the original intent of the donors is now often undermined, as it is not the poor tenants who benefit from these lands, but their landlords who take all the advantage and profit. Thus, a discussion about them is more appropriate for the second book. Therefore, I won't address it right now, but I will save it for the proper place while I continue with the rest. Nonetheless, I will include a general praise of the entire island, which I found in an ancient document, which conveys much of the same sentiment.

Illa quidem longè celebris splendore, beata,

Illa quidem longè celebris splendore, beata,

Glebis, lacte, fauis, supereminet insula cunctis,

Glebis, with milk, a sweet aroma, stands out above all,

Quas regit ille Deus, spumanti cuius ab ore

Quas that God governs, from whose foaming mouth

Profluit oceanus, &c.

Profluit oceanus, &c.

And a little after: Testis Lundonia ratibus, Wintonia Baccho,

And a little after: Witness from London rats, to Bacchus in Winchester,

Herefordia grege, Worcestria fruge redundans,

Hereford sheep, Worcestershire produce abundant,

Batha lacu, Salabyra feris, Cantuaria pisce,

Batha lacu, Salabyra feris, Cantuaria pisce,

Eboraca syluis, Excestria clara metallis,

Eboraca syluis, Excestria clara metals,

Norwicum Dacis hybernis, Cestria Gallis,

Norwicum in winter, Cestria in Gaul,

Cicestrum Norwagenis, Dunelmia præpinguis,

Cicestrum Norwagenis, Dunelmia super rich,

Testis Lincolnia gens infinita decore,

Test Lincoln's infinite clan charm,

Testis Eli formosa situ, Doncastria visu, &c.

Testis Eli, located beautifully in Doncaster, etc.

[Page 189]

[Page 189]

OF THE FOURE HIGH WAIES SOMETIME MADE IN BRITAINE BY THE PRINCES OF
THIS ILAND.

CAP. XIX.

There are, which indeuoring to bring all things to their Saxon originall, doo affirme, that this diuision of waies, (whereof we now intreat) should apperteine vnto such princes of that nation as reigned here, since the Romanes gaue vs ouer: and herevpon they inferre, that Wattling street was builded by one Wattle from the east vnto the west. But how weake their coniectures are in this behalfe, the antiquitie of these streets it selfe shall easilie declare, whereof some parcelles, after a sort, are also set downe by Antoninus; and those that haue written of the seuerall iournies from hence to Rome: although peraduenture not in so direct an order as they were at the first established. For my part, if it were not that I desire to be short in this behalfe, I could with such notes as I haue alreadie collected for that purpose, make a large confutation of diuerse of their opinions concerning these passages, and thereby rather ascribe the originall of these waies to the Romans than either the British or Saxon princes. But sith I haue spent more time in the tractation of the riuers than was allotted vnto me, and that I sée great cause (notwithstanding my late alledged scruple) wherfore I should hold with our Galfride before anie other; I will omit at this time to discourse of these things as I would, and saie what I maie for the better knowledge of their courses, procéeding therein as followeth.

There are those who, trying to trace everything back to its Saxon roots, claim that this division of roads, which we are discussing now, should belong to the princes of that nation who ruled here after the Romans abandoned us. From this, they suggest that Watling Street was built by a man named Wattle from the east to the west. However, how weak their arguments are in this regard will be easily proven by the ancient history of these streets themselves, some portions of which are also noted by Antoninus, as well as by those who have documented the various journeys from here to Rome, even though perhaps not in the exact order they were originally established. For my part, if it weren’t for my desire to keep this brief, I could use the notes I have already gathered for that purpose to thoroughly refute many of their opinions about these routes, thus attributing the origin of these roads more to the Romans than to either the British or Saxon princes. But since I have spent more time discussing the rivers than I was meant to, and I see good reason (despite my previous hesitation) to side with our Geoffrey over anyone else, I will choose not to delve into these matters as I would wish, and will say what I can for a better understanding of their paths, proceeding as follows.

First of all I find, that Dunwallon king of Britaine, about 483 yeares before the birth of our sauiour Iesus Christ, séeing the subiects of his realme to be in sundrie wise oppressed by théeues and robbers as they trauelled to and fro; and being willing (so much as in him laie) to redresse these inconueniences, caused his whole kingdome to be surueied; and then commanding foure principall waies to be made, which should leade such as trauelled into all parts thereof, from sea to sea, he gaue sundrie large priuileges vnto the same, whereby they became safe, and verie much frequented. And as he had regard herein to the securitie of his subiects, so he made sharpe lawes grounded vpon iustice, for the suppression of such wicked members as did offer violence to anie traueler that should be met withall or found within the limits of those passages. How and by what parts of this Iland these waies were conueied at the first, it is not so wholie left in memorie: but that some question is mooued among the learned, concerning their ancient courses. Howbeit such is the shadow remaining hitherto of their extensions, that if not at this present perfectlie, yet hereafter it is not vnpossible, but that they may be found out, & left certeine vnto posteritie. It seemeth by Galfride, that the said Dunwallon did limit out those waies by dooles and markes, which being in short time altered by the auarice of such irreligious persons as dwelt néere, and incroched vpon the same (a fault yet iustlie to be found almost in euerie place, euen in the time of our most gratious and souereigne Ladie Elizabeth, wherein the lords of the soiles doo vnite their small occupieng, onelie to increase a greater proportion of rent; and therefore they either remooue, or giue licence to erect small tenements vpon the high waies sides and commons; wherevnto, in truth, they haue no right: and yet out of them also doo raise a new commoditie) and question mooued for their bounds before Belinus his sonne, he to auoid all further controuersie that might from thencefoorth insue, caused the same to be paued with hard stone of eightéene foot in breadth, ten foot in depth, and in the bottome thereof huge flint stones also to be pitched, least the earth in time should swallow vp his workemanship, and the higher ground ouer-grow their rising crests. He indued them also with larger priuileges than before, protesting that if anie man whosoeuer should presume to infringe his peace, and violate the lawes of his kingdome in anie maner of wise, neere vnto or vpon those waies, he should suffer such punishment without all hope to escape (by freendship or mercie) as by the statutes of this realme latelie prouided in those cases were due vnto the offendors. The [Page 190] names of these foure waies are the Fosse, the Gwethelin or Watling, the Erming, and the Ikenild.

First of all, I find that Dunwallon, king of Britain, around 483 years before the birth of our savior Jesus Christ, saw that the subjects of his kingdom were being oppressed in various ways by thieves and robbers as they traveled to and fro. Wanting to address these issues as much as he could, he had his entire kingdom surveyed. He then ordered the construction of four main roads that would lead travelers to all parts of the kingdom, from sea to sea. He granted several significant privileges regarding these roads, making them safe and highly frequented. As he was focused on the safety of his subjects, he established strict laws based on justice to suppress the wicked individuals who would commit violence against any traveler encountered on those roads. The specifics of how these roads were initially laid out are not entirely remembered, but there is some debate among scholars about their ancient routes. However, remnants of their extensions still exist, so it is not impossible that they might be rediscovered in the future and become certain for posterity. According to Geoffrey, Dunwallon marked out these roads with stakes and signs, which were soon altered by the greed of irreligious people living nearby who encroached upon them. This issue remains prevalent even in the time of our most gracious sovereign Lady Elizabeth, where landowners combine their smaller holdings purely to increase their rental income. Consequently, they either remove or permit the construction of small buildings along the sides of the highways and commons, to which they have no rightful claim, yet they derive new profit from them. When there was a dispute about their boundaries before the son of Belinus, Dunwallon sought to prevent any further controversies that might arise from then on. He ordered the roads to be paved with hard stone, eighteen feet wide and ten feet deep, with large flint stones at the bottom to prevent the earth from swallowing his work over time and to keep the higher ground from overtaking their raised surfaces. He also granted them greater privileges than before, declaring that if anyone dared to violate his peace and break the laws of his kingdom in any way near or on those roads, they would face severe punishment with no hope of escape (through friendship or mercy) as dictated by the kingdom's statutes recently established for such offenses. The names of these four roads are the Fosse, the Gwethelin or Watling, the Erming, and the Ikenild.

Fosse. The Fosse goeth not directlie but slopewise ouer the greatest part of this Iland, beginning at Dotnesse or Totnesse in Deuonshire, where Brute somtime landed, or (as Ranulphus saith, which is more likelie) at the point of Cornwall, though the eldest writers doo séeme to note the contrarie. From hence it goeth thorough the middle of Deuonshire & Summersetshire, and commeth to Bristow, from whence it runneth manifestlie to Sudberie market, Tetburie, and so foorth holdeth on as you go almost to the midde waie betweene Glocester and Cirnecester, (where the wood faileth, and the champeigne countrie appeareth toward Cotteswald) streight as a line vntill you come to Cirnecester it selfe. Some hold opinion that the waie, which lieth from Cirnecester to Bath, should be the verie Fosse; and that betwixt Cirnecester and Glocester to be another of the foure waies, made by the Britons. But ancient report grounded vpon great likelihood, and confirmed also by some experience, iudgeth that most of the waies crossed ech other in this part of the realme. And of this mind is Leland also, who learned it of an abbat of Cirnecester that shewed great likelihood by some records thereof. But to procéed. From Cirnecester, it goeth by Chepingnorton to Couentrie, Leircester, Newarke, and so to Lincolne ouerthwart the Watlingstreet: where, by generall consent of all the writers (except Alfred of Beuerleie, who extendeth it vnto Cathnesse in Scotland) it is said to haue an end.

Fosse. The Fosse doesn't go straight but rather slopes across most of this island, starting at Totnes in Devonshire, where Brute is said to have landed, or (as Ranulphus suggests, which seems more likely) at the point of Cornwall, although the earliest writers appear to indicate otherwise. From there, it runs through the middle of Devonshire and Somerset, reaching Bristol, and then clearly goes to Sudbury market, Tetbury, and continues on almost to the halfway point between Gloucester and Cirencester, where the woods give way to open fields towards Cotswold, running straight as a line until you arrive at Cirencester itself. Some believe that the road from Cirencester to Bath is the actual Fosse, and that the route between Cirencester and Gloucester is another of the four roads made by the Britons. However, ancient accounts, based on strong evidence and also confirmed by some experience, suggest that most of the roads intersect in this part of the kingdom. Leland also agrees with this, having learned it from an abbot of Cirencester who demonstrated strong evidence through some records. But to continue. From Cirencester, it goes by Chipping Norton to Coventry, Leicester, Newark, and then to Lincoln across Watling Street: where, by general agreement of all the writers (except Alfred of Beverley, who extends it to Caithness in Scotland), it is said to end.

Watling stréet. The Watlingstréete begun (as I said) by Dunwallo, but finished by Gutheline, of whome it is directlie to be called Gutheline stréet, though now corrupted into Watlingstréet, beginneth at Douer in Kent, and so stretcheth through the middest of Kent vnto London, and so foorth (peraduenture by the middest of the citie) vnto Verolamium or Verlamcester, now saint Albons, where, in the yeare of grace, one thousand fiue hundred thirtie & one, the course thereof was found by a man that digged for grauell wherwith to mend the high waie. It was in this place eighteene foot broad, and about ten foot déepe, and stoned in the bottome in such wise as I haue noted afore, and peraduenture also on the top: but these are gone, and the rest remaine equall in most places, and leuell with the fields. The yelow grauell also that was brought thither in carts two thousand yéeres passed, remained there so fresh and so strong, as if it had béene digged out of the naturall place where it grew not manie yéeres before. From hence it goeth hard by Margate, leauing it on the west side. And a little by south of this place, where the priorie stood, is a long thorough fare vpon the said street, méetly well builded (for low housing) on both sides. After this it procéedeth (as the chronicle of Barnwell saith) to Caxton, and so to Huntingdon, & then forward, still winding in and out till it not onelie becommeth a bound vnto Leicestershire toward Lugbie, but also passeth from Castleford to Stamford, and so foorth by west of Marton, which is but a mile from Torkeseie.

Watling Street. Watling Street was started (as I mentioned) by Dunwallo, but completed by Gutheline, from whom it gets its original name, Gutheline Street. However, it has now been corrupted to Watling Street. It begins at Dover in Kent and stretches through the center of Kent to London, possibly passing through the middle of the city, and continues on to Verolamium or Verlamcester, now St. Albans. In the year 1531, the path was discovered by someone digging for gravel to repair the highway. At this location, it was eighteen feet wide and about ten feet deep, with stones at the bottom as I previously noted, and possibly on top as well; those have now disappeared, and the rest remains level with the fields in most areas. The yellow gravel brought there in carts over two thousand years ago remains so fresh and strong that it seems like it was just dug up from its original place not many years ago. From there, it passes close to Margate, leaving it on the west side. A little south of this location, where the priory once stood, is a long thoroughfare on the same street, reasonably well built (with low housing) on both sides. After this, it continues (as the chronicle of Barnwell states) to Caxton, then to Huntingdon, and further on, winding in and out until it not only forms a boundary for Leicestershire toward Lugbie but also passes from Castleford to Stamford, continuing west of Marton, which is just a mile from Torksey.

Here by the waie I must touch the opinion of a traueller of my time, who noteth the said stréet to go another waie, insomuch that he would haue it to crosse the third Auon, betwixt Newton and Dowbridge, and so go on to Binford bridge, Wibtoft, the High crosse, and thence to Atherston vpon Ancre. Certes it may be, that the Fosse had his course by the countrie in such sort as he describeth; but that the Watlingstréet should passe by Atherston, I cannot as yet be persuaded. Neuerthelesse his coniecture is not to be misliked, sith it is not vnlikelie that thrée seuerall waies might méet at Alderwaie (a towne vpon Tame, beneath Salters bridge) for I doo not doubt that the said towne did take his name of all three waies, as Aldermarie church in London did of all thrée Maries, vnto whom it hath béene dedicated: but that the Watlingstréet should be one of them, the compasse of his passage will in no wise permit. And thus much haue I thought good to note by the waie. Now to returne againe to Leland, and other mens collections.

Here on this road, I need to mention the viewpoint of a traveler from my time, who notes that the aforementioned street goes another way, insisting that it would cross the third Avon, between Newton and Dowbridge, and then continue to Binford Bridge, Wibtoft, the High Cross, and from there to Atherstone upon Ancre. It's possible that the Fosse had its course through the countryside as he describes; however, I'm not yet convinced that the Watling Street passed by Atherstone. Nevertheless, his speculation isn't to be dismissed, as it seems plausible that three different roads could converge at Alderwaie (a town on the Tame, below Salters Bridge), for I have no doubt that this town got its name from all three roads, just as Aldermary Church in London was named after all three Maries to whom it is dedicated. But the route of the Watling Street cannot possibly allow for that. So, I thought it was worth mentioning. Now, to return to Leland and other people's collections.

The next tidings that we heare of the Watlingstréet, are that it goeth thorough or neere by the parke at Pomfret, as the common voice also of the countrie confirmeth. Thence it passeth hastilie ouer Castelford bridge to Aberford, which is fiue miles from thence, and where are most [Page 191] manifest tokens of this stréet and his broad crest by a great waie togither, also to Yorke, to Witherbie, and then to Borowbridge, where on the left hand thereof stood certeine monuments, or pyramides of stone, sometimes placed there by the ancient Romanes. These stones (saith Leland) stand eight miles west from Bowis, and almost west from Richmond is a little thorough fare called Maiden castell, situate apparantlie vpon the side of this stréet. And here is one of those pyramides or great round heapes, which is three score foot compasse in the bottome. There are other also of lesse quantities, and on the verie top of ech of them are sharpe stones of a yard in length; but the greatest of all is eighteene foot high at the least, from the ground to the verie head. He addeth moreouer, how they stand on an hill in the edge of Stanes moore, and are as bounds betwéene Richmondshire, and Westmerland. But to procéed. This stréet lieng a mile from Gilling, and two miles from Richmond commeth on from Borowbridge to Catericke, eightéene miles; that is, twelue to Leuing, & six to Catericke; then eleuen miles to Greteie or Gritto, fiue miles to Bottles, eight miles to Burgh on Stanes moore, foure miles from Applebie, and fiue to Browham, where the said stréet commeth thorough Winfoll parke, and ouer the bridge on Eiemouth and Loder, and leauing Perith a quarter of a mile or more on the west side of it, goeth to Carleill seuenteene miles from Browham, which hath béene some notable thing. Hitherto it appeareth euidentlie, but going from hence into Scotland, I heare no more of it, vntill I come to Cathnesse, which is two hundred and thirtie miles or thereabouts out of England.

The next updates we hear about Watling Street are that it goes through or near the park at Pomfret, which is also confirmed by the local community. From there, it quickly crosses over Castelford Bridge to Aberford, which is five miles away, and where there are clear signs of this street and its wide path, leading to York, Witherbie, and then to Borowbridge. On the left side, there were some monuments or stone pyramids once placed there by the ancient Romans. These stones (as Leland says) are eight miles west of Bowis, and nearly west of Richmond is a small road called Maiden Castle, apparently situated along this street. Here is one of those pyramids or large round heaps, which is sixty feet in circumference at the base. There are others that are smaller, and at the very top of each of them are sharp stones a yard in length. However, the largest one is at least eighteen feet high from the ground to the very top. He adds that they stand on a hill at the edge of Stanes Moor, and serve as boundaries between Richmondshire and Westmerland. But moving on, this street lies a mile from Gilling and two miles from Richmond, heading from Borowbridge to Caterick, a total of eighteen miles; that is, twelve to Leving, and six to Caterick; then eleven miles to Greteie or Gritto, five miles to Bottles, eight miles to Burgh on Stanes Moor, four miles from Appleby, and five to Browham, which is where the street goes through Winfoll Park, and over the bridge on Eiemouth and Loder, leaving Perith a quarter of a mile or more to its west, heading towards Carlisle, seventeen miles from Browham, which has been quite significant. Up to this point, it is clearly evident, but moving onward into Scotland, I don’t hear more about it until I reach Caithness, which is about two hundred and thirty miles from England.

Erming stréet. The Erming stréet, which some call the Lelme, stretcheth out of the east, as they saie, into the southeast, that is, from Meneuia or S. Dauids in Wales vnto Southampton, whereby it is somewhat likelie indeed that these two waies, I meane the Fosse and the Erming, should méet about Cirnecester, as it commeth from Glocester, according to the opinion conceiued of them in that countrie. Of this waie I find no more written, and therefore I can saie no more of it, except I should indeuor to driue awaie the time, in alleging what other men say thereof, whose minds doo so farre disagrée one from another, as they doo all from a truth, and therefore I giue them ouer as not delighting in such dealing.

Erming Street. The Erming street, which some call the Lelme, stretches from the east into the southeast, that is, from Meneuia or St. David’s in Wales to Southampton. It's quite likely that these two routes, meaning the Fosse and the Erming, meet around Cirencester, as it comes from Gloucester, according to the local opinion. I don’t find any more written about this road, so I can’t say much else about it, unless I try to pass the time by repeating what others say about it, whose opinions vary so widely that they all stray from the truth—which I’d rather avoid.

Ikenild. The Ikenild or Rikenild began somewhere in the south, and so held on toward Cirnecester, then to Worcester, Wicombe, Brimcham, Lichfield, Darbie, Chesterfield; and crossing the Watlingstréet somewhere in Yorkeshire, stretched foorth in the end vnto the mouth of the Tine, where it ended at the maine sea, as most men doo confesse. I take it to be called the Ikenild, because it passed thorough the kingdome of the Icenes. For albeit that Leland & other following him doo séeme to place the Icenes in Norffolke and Suffolke; yet in mine opinion that can not well be doone, sith it is manifest by Tacitus, that they laie néere vnto the Silures, and (as I gesse) either in Stafford and Worcester shires, or in both, except my coniecture doo faile me. The author of the booke, intituled Eulogium historiarum, doth call this stréet the Lelme. But as herein he is deceiued, so haue I dealt withall so faithfullie as I may among such diuersitie of opinions; yet not denieng but that there is much confusion in the names and courses of these two latter, the discussing whereof I must leaue to other men that are better learned than I.

Ikenild. The Ikenild, or Rikenild, started somewhere in the south and extended toward Cirencester, then to Worcester, Wicombe, Brimcham, Lichfield, Derby, Chesterfield; crossing Watling Street somewhere in Yorkshire, it ultimately reached the mouth of the Tyne, where it met the sea, as most people agree. I believe it's called the Ikenild because it went through the territory of the Iceni. Although Leland and others following him seem to place the Iceni in Norfolk and Suffolk, in my opinion, that's not accurate, since it's clear from Tacitus that they were located near the Silures, and I guess either in Staffordshire and Worcestershire, or both, unless I’m mistaken. The author of the book titled Eulogium Historiarum refers to this street as the Lelme. However, while he is wrong about this, I have tried to address it as accurately as I can amidst such a variety of opinions; yet I acknowledge that there is considerable confusion regarding the names and routes of these two latter ones, and I must leave the discussion of those to others who are more knowledgeable than I.

Now to speake generallie of our common high waies through the English part of the Ile (for of the rest I can saie nothing) you shall vnderstand that in the claie or cledgie soile they are often verie déepe and troublesome in the winter halfe. Wherfore by authoritie of parlement an order is taken for their yearelie amendment, whereby all sorts of the common people doo imploie their trauell for six daies in summer vpon the same. And albeit that the intent of the statute is verie profitable for the reparations of the decaied places, yet the rich doo so cancell their portions, and the poore so loiter in their labours, that of all the six, scarcelie two good days works are well performed and accomplished in a parish on these so necessarie affaires. Besides this, such as haue land lieng vpon the sides of the waies, doo vtterlie neglect to dich and scowre their draines and watercourses, for better auoidance of the winter waters (except it may be set off or cut from the meaning of the [Page 192] statute) whereby the stréets doo grow to be much more gulled than before, and thereby verie noisome for such as trauell by the same. Sometimes also, and that verie often, these daies works are not imploied vpon those waies that lead from market to market, but ech surueior amendeth such by-plots & lanes as séeme best for his owne commoditie, and more easie passage vnto his fields and pastures. And whereas in some places there is such want of stones, as thereby the inhabitants are driuen to seeke them farre off in other soiles: the owners of the lands wherein those stones are to be had, and which hitherto haue giuen monie to haue them borne awaie, doo now reape no small commoditie by raising the same to excessiue prices, whereby their neighbours are driuen to grieuous charges, which is another cause wherefore the meaning of that good law is verie much defrauded. Finallie, this is another thing likewise to be considered of, that the trées and bushes growing by the stréets sides; doo not a little keepe off the force of the sunne in summer for drieng vp of the lanes. Wherefore if order were taken that their boughs should continuallie be kept short, and the bushes not suffered to spread so far into the narrow paths, that inconuenience would also be remedied, and manie a slough proue hard ground that yet is déepe and hollow. Of the dailie incroaching of the couetous vpon the hie waies I speake not. But this I know by experience, that wheras some stréets within these fiue and twentie yeares haue béene in most places fiftie foot broad according to the law, whereby the traueller might either escape the théefe or shift the mier, or passe by the loaden cart without danger of himselfe and his horsse; now they are brought vnto twelue, or twentie, or six and twentie at the most, which is another cause also whereby the waies be the worse, and manie an honest man encombred in his iourneie. But what speake I of these things whereof I doo not thinke to heare a iust redresse, because the error is so common, and the benefit thereby so swéet and profitable to manie, by such houses and cotages as are raised vpon the same.

Now to speak generally about our common highways through the English part of the island (since I can't comment on the rest), you should know that in the clay or muddy soil, they are often very deep and troublesome during the winter. Therefore, by parliamentary authority, there's an order for their annual maintenance, where all types of common people engage their labor for six days in the summer on this work. And although the intent of the statute is very beneficial for repairing the damaged areas, the wealthy cancel their portion of work, and the poor slack off in their efforts, so that out of the six days, hardly two good days' worth of work is properly done in a parish on these necessary matters. Moreover, those who have land next to the roads completely neglect to clear and maintain their ditches and watercourses, to better manage the winter waters (unless it's excluded or cut off by the intention of the statute), which makes the streets much worse than before, creating an unpleasant environment for those traveling through. Sometimes, and often enough, these workdays are not spent on the roads leading from market to market, but each supervisor works on the by-ways and lanes that seem best for their own benefit and easier access to their fields and pastures. In some places, there's such a shortage of stones that inhabitants are forced to look for them far away in other areas: the landowners where these stones can be found, who previously paid to have them taken away, now profit significantly by raising prices excessively, which drives their neighbors into serious costs, further undermining the good purpose of that law. Finally, it's also important to consider that the trees and bushes growing along the sides of the streets somewhat block the sun’s heat in summer, preventing the drying out of the lanes. Thus, if measures were taken to keep their branches trimmed and prevent the bushes from encroaching too much into the narrow pathways, that issue could also be resolved, turning many muddy spots into firm ground. I won't even mention the daily encroachment of the greedy on the highways. But I know from experience that whereas some streets have been fifty feet wide according to the law in the last twenty-five years, allowing travelers to avoid thieves or navigate around the mud, or pass by loaded carts without danger to themselves or their horses, now they’ve shrunk to twelve, twenty, or at most twenty-six feet wide. This is another reason why the roads are in worse shape, making it difficult for many honest people during their journeys. But what can I say about these issues where I don’t expect a fair resolution, since the error is so widespread and the benefits so sweet and profitable to many, through the houses and cottages that are built upon them.

OF THE GENERALL CONSTITUTION OF THE BODIES OF THE BRITONS.
CHAP. XX.

Such as are bred in this Iland are men for the most part of a good complexion, tall of stature, strong in bodie, white of colour, and thereto of great boldnesse and courage in the warres. As for their generall comelinesse of person, the testimonie of Gregorie the great, at such time as he saw English capteins sold at Rome, shall easilie confirme what it is, which yet dooth differ in sundrie shires and soiles, as also their proportion of members, as we may perceiue betwéene Herefordshire and Essex men, or Cambridgeshire and the Londoners for the one, and Pokington and Sedberrie for the other; these latter being distinguished by their noses and heads, which commonlie are greater there than in other places of the land. As concerning the stomachs also of our nation in the field, they haue alwaies beene in souereigne admiration among forren princes: for such hath béene the estimation of our souldiers from time to time, since our Ile hath béene knowne vnto the Romans, that wheresoeuer they haue serued in forren countries, the cheefe brunts of seruice haue beene reserued vnto them. Of their conquests and bloudie battels woone in France, Germanie, and Scotland, our histories are full: & where they haue beene ouercome, the victorers themselues confessed their victories to haue béene so déerelie bought, that they would not gladlie couet to ouercome often, after such difficult maner. In martiall prowesse, there is little or no difference betwéene Englishmen and Scots: for albeit that the Scots haue beene often and verie gréeuouslie ouercome by the force of our nation, it hath not béene for want of manhood on their parts, but through the mercie of God shewed on vs, and his iustice vpon them, sith they alwaies haue begun the quarels, and offered vs méere iniurie with great despite and crueltie.

The people from this island are mostly good-looking, tall, strong, and fair-skinned, and they possess great boldness and courage in battle. As for their general attractiveness, the testimony of Gregory the Great, when he saw English captains sold in Rome, easily confirms this, although it varies across different counties and regions. You can see differences, for example, between men from Herefordshire and Essex, or Cambridge and London, as well as between Pocklington and Sedberrie; the latter tend to have larger noses and heads than in other parts of the country. Regarding our soldiers’ stamina in the field, they have always been highly regarded by foreign leaders: since our island has been known to the Romans, our soldiers have been assigned the toughest duties whenever they've served abroad. Our histories are filled with accounts of their conquests and bloody battles won in France, Germany, and Scotland; and where they have been defeated, the victors themselves admitted that their wins were dearly bought and they wouldn't desire to overcome us too often after such difficult fights. In terms of martial skill, there is little difference between the English and the Scots: although the Scots have often been severely defeated by our forces, it hasn’t been due to a lack of courage on their part but rather because of the mercy of God shown to us and His justice upon them, as they have always started the conflicts and given us pure injury with great spite and cruelty.

Leland noting somewhat of the constitution of our bodies, saith these [Page 193] words grounding (I thinke vpon Aristotle, who writeth that such as dwell neere the north, are of more courage and strength of bodie than skilfulnesse or wisdome.) The Britons are white in colour, strong of bodie, and full of bloud, as people inhabiting neere the north, and farre from the equinoctiall line, where the soile is not so fruitfull, and therefore the people not so feeble: whereas contrariwise such as dwell toward the course of the sunne, are lesse of stature, weaker of bodie, more nice, delicate, fearefull by nature, blacker in colour, & some so blacke in déed as anie crow or rauen. Thus saith he. Howbeit, as those which are bred in sundrie places of the maine, doo come behind vs in constitution of bodie, so I grant, that in pregnancie of wit, nimblenesse of limmes, and politike inuentions, they generallie exceed vs: notwithstanding that otherwise these gifts of theirs doo often degenerate into méere subtiltie, instabilitie, vnfaithfulnesse, & crueltie. Yet Alexander ab Alexandro is of the opinion, that the fertilest region dooth bring foorth the dullest wits, and contrariwise the harder soile the finest heads. But in mine opinion, the most fertile soile dooth bring foorth the proudest nature, as we may see by the Campanians, who (as Cicero also saith) had "Penes eos ipsum domicilium superbiæ." But nether of these opinions do iustlie take hold of vs, yet hath it pleased the writers to saie their pleasures of vs. And for that we dwell northward, we are commonlie taken by the forren historiographers, to be men of great strength and little policie, much courage and small shift, bicause of the weake abode of the sunne with vs, whereby our braines are not made hot and warmed, as Pachymerus noteth lib. 3: affirming further, that the people inhabiting in the north parts are white of colour, blockish, vnciuill, fierce and warlike, which qualities increase, as they come neerer vnto the pole; whereas the contrarie pole giueth contrarie gifts, blacknesse, wisdome, ciuilitie, weakenesse, and cowardise, thus saith he. But alas, how farre from probabilitie or as if there were not one and the same conclusion to be made of the constitutions of their bodies, which dwell vnder both the poles. For in truth his assertion holdeth onelie in their persons that inhabit néere vnto and vnder the equinoctiall. As for the small tariance of the sunne with vs, it is also confuted by the length of our daies. Non vi sed virtute, non armis sed ingenio vincuntur Angli. Wherefore his reason seemeth better to vphold that of Alexander ab Alexandro afore alledged, than to prooue that we want wit, bicause our brains are not warmed by the tariance of the sunne. And thus also dooth Comineus burden vs after a sort in his historie, and after him, Bodinus. But thanked be God, that all the wit of his countriemen, if it may be called wit, could neuer compasse to doo so much in Britaine, as the strength and courage of our Englishmen (not without great wisedome and forecast) haue brought to passe in France. The Galles in time past contemned the Romans (saith Cæsar) bicause of the smalnesse of their stature: howbeit, for all their greatnesse (saith he) and at the first brunt in the warres, they shew themselues to be but féeble, neither is their courage of any force to stand in great calamities. Certes in accusing our wisedome in this sort, he dooth (in mine opinion) increase our commendation. For if it be a vertue to deale vprightlie with singlenesse of mind, sincerelie and plainlie, without anie such suspicious fetches in all our dealing, as they commonlie practise in their affaires, then are our countrimen to be accompted wise and vertuous. But if it be a vice to colour craftinesse, subtile practises, doublenesse, and hollow behauiour, with a cloake of policie, amitie and wisedome: then are Comineus and his countrimen to be reputed vicious, of whome this prouerbe hath of old time beene vsed as an eare marke of their dissimulation,

Leland, observing something about the nature of our bodies, says these [Page 193] words based on Aristotle, who wrote that those living near the north are more courageous and physically strong than they are skilled or wise. The Britons are light-skinned, strong-bodied, and full-blooded, as people living near the north and far from the equator, where the land is less fertile, and thus the people are not as weak. Conversely, those who live towards the direction of the sun are generally shorter, weaker, more delicate, fearful by nature, darker-skinned, with some so dark they resemble a crow or raven. So he says. However, while those who are raised in various regions of the mainland may be behind us in body constitution, I admit that they generally surpass us in intellect, agility, and political cleverness; although these gifts of theirs often degenerate into mere cunning, instability, untrustworthiness, and cruelty. Still, Alexander ab Alexandro believes that the most fertile regions produce the dullest minds, while harsher soils yield the brightest intellects. In my view, the most fertile lands breed the proudest natures, as we can see with the Campanians, who, as Cicero notes, had "Penes eos ipsum domicilium superbiae." However, neither of these opinions quite capture us, yet writers have chosen to share their views about us. Because we live in the north, foreign historians commonly perceive us as strong but lacking in shrewdness, very brave but not very resourceful, due to the weak presence of the sun with us, which, as Pachymerus notes in book 3, results in our brains not being heated and stimulated. He further states that those living in the northern regions are light-skinned, dull, uncivilized, fierce, and warlike, with these qualities increasing as they move closer to the pole; whereas the opposite pole provides opposite traits: darkness, wisdom, civility, weakness, and cowardice, so he claims. But truly, this is far from logical or as if there was not one and the same conclusion to be drawn about the physical constitutions of those living under both poles. In reality, his assertion applies only to those who inhabit near and under the equator. As for the infrequent presence of the sun with us, this is also contradicted by the length of our days. They are not defeated by force, but by virtue; not by arms, but by ingenuity, the English are conquered. Therefore, his reasoning seems to better support what Alexander ab Alexandro said rather than prove that we lack intelligence simply because our brains are not warmed by the sun’s presence. Comineus also somewhat criticizes us in his history, and Bodinus follows suit. But thank God that all the intelligence of his countrymen, if it can be called intelligence, could never achieve as much in Britain as the strength and bravery of our Englishmen (not without great wisdom and foresight) have accomplished in France. In the past, the Gauls looked down on the Romans (says Caesar) because of their small stature; however, despite their size (he states) and at the onset of wars, they showed themselves to be weak, and their courage was not sufficient to endure in great hardships. Indeed, in criticizing our wisdom in this manner, he, in my opinion, only enhances our praise. For if it is a virtue to act honestly with straightforwardness, sincerity, and openness, without any suspicious tricks in all our dealings, as they commonly practice in their affairs, then our countrymen should be regarded as wise and virtuous. But if it is a vice to disguise cunning, subtle tactics, duplicity, and deceitful behavior with a facade of strategy, friendship, and wisdom, then Comineus and his countrymen should be considered vicious, of whom this proverb has been used for a long time as a mark of their dissimulation.

Galli ridendo fidem frangunt. &c.

They break faith while laughing. &c.

How these latter points take hold in Italie, I meane not to discusse. How they are dailie practised in manie places of the maine, & he accompted most wise and politike, that can most of all dissemble; here is no place iustlie to determine (neither would I wish my countrimen to learne anie such wisedome) but that a king of France could saie; "Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare, or viuere," their owne histories are testimonies sufficient. Galen, the noble physician, transferring the forces of our naturall humors from the bodie to the mind, attributeth to the yellow colour, prudence; to the blacke, constancie; to bloud, mirth; [Page 194] to phlegme, courtesie: which being mixed more or lesse among themselues, doo yéeld an infinit varietie. By this meanes therefore it commeth to passe, that he whose nature inclineth generallie to phlegme, cannot but be courteous: which joined with strength of bodie, and sinceritie of behauiour (qualities vniuersallie granted to remaine so well in our nation, as other inhabitants of the north) I cannot see what may be an hinderance whie I should not rather conclude, that the Britons doo excell such as dwell in the hoter countries, than for want of craft and subtilties to come anie whit behind them. It is but vanitie also for some to note vs (as I haue often heard in common table talke) as barbarous, bicause we so little regard the shedding of our bloud, and rather tremble not when we sée the liquor of life to go from vs (I vse their owne words.) Certes if we be barbarous in their eies, bicause we be rather inflamed than appalled at our wounds, then are those obiectors flat cowards in our iudgement: sith we thinke it a great péece of manhood to stand to our tackling, vntill the last drop, as men that may spare much bicause we haue much: whereas they hauing lesse are afraid to lose that little which they haue: as Frontinus also noteth. As for that which the French write of their owne manhood in their histories, I make little accompt of it: for I am of the opinion, that as an Italian writing of his credit; A papist intreating of religion, a Spaniard of his méekenesse, or a Scot of his manhood, is not to be builded on; no more is a Frenchman to be trusted in the report of his owne affaires, wherein he dooth either dissemble or excéed, which is a foule vice in such as professe to deale vprightlie. Neither are we so hard to strangers as Horace wold séeme to make vs, sith we loue them so long as they abuse vs not, & make accompt of them so far foorth as they despise vs not. And this is generallie to be verified, in that they vse our priuileges and commodities for diet, apparell and trade of gaine, in so ample manner as we our selues enioy them: which is not lawfull for vs to doo in their countries, where no stranger is suffered to haue worke, if an home-borne be without. But to procéed with our purpose.

How these latter points catch on in Italy, I don't intend to discuss. How they're practiced daily in many parts of the mainland, and how the most regarded as wise and cunning are those who can hide their true intentions; this is not the right place to argue (nor would I want my countrymen to learn any such wisdom). But a king of France could say, "Who cannot dissimulate, cannot rule, or live," and their own histories provide enough proof. Galen, the renowned physician, transferring the qualities of our natural humors from the body to the mind, attributes prudence to the yellow, constancy to the black, cheerfulness to blood, and courtesy to phlegm. When these are mixed more or less among themselves, they yield an infinite variety. Therefore, it follows that someone whose nature generally leans towards phlegm cannot help but be courteous. Coupled with physical strength and sincerity of behavior (qualities generally acknowledged to be as prevalent in our nation as in other inhabitants of the North), I can't see why I shouldn't conclude that the Britons excel those who reside in hotter countries, rather than lacking craft and cunning to be any less than them. It is also vain for some to label us (as I've often heard in casual conversation) as barbaric because we are so little concerned about shedding our blood and instead tremble not when we see the life force leaving us (I use their own words). Certainly, if we are barbaric in their eyes because we are more stirred than frightened by our wounds, then those critics are simply cowards in our view: since we consider it a great act of manhood to stand our ground until the last drop, as we can afford to lose much because we have much, while they, having less, fear to lose the little they have, as Frontinus also notes. As for what the French write about their own bravery in their histories, I think little of it: for I believe that just as it's unwise to trust an Italian writing about his reputation, or a Papist discussing religion, a Spaniard claiming humility, or a Scot boasting of bravery, the same applies to a Frenchman regarding his own affairs, in which he either dissimulates or exaggerates, both of which are shameful traits for those who profess to be honest. And we are not as harsh towards strangers as Horace would have us appear; we like them as long as they don't take advantage of us, and we regard them as long as they don't look down on us. This can generally be seen in that they enjoy our privileges and benefits for food, clothing, and trade as much as we do; which is not allowed for us in their countries, where no foreigner is permitted to work if a local is available. But to continue with our purpose.

With vs (although our good men care not to liue long, but to liue well) some doo liue an hundred yéers, verie manie vnto foure score: as for thrée score, it is taken but for our entrance into age, so that in Britaine no man is said to wax old till he draw vnto thrée score, at which time God spéed you well commeth in place; as Epaminondas sometime Salutations according to our ages. said in mirth, affirming that vntill thirtie yeares of age, You are welcome is the best salutation; and from thence to thréescore, God kéepe you; but after thréescore, it is best to saie, God spéed you well: for at that time we begin to grow toward our iournies end, whereon manie a one haue verie good leaue to go. These two are also noted in vs (as things apperteining to the firme constitutions of our bodies) that there hath not béene séene in anie region so manie carcasses of the dead to remaine from time to time without corruption as in Britaine: and that after death by slaughter or otherwise, such as remaine vnburied by foure or fiue daies togither, are easie to be knowne and discerned by their fréends and kindred; whereas Tacitus and other complaine of sundrie nations, saieng, that their bodies are "Tam fluidae substantiæ," that within certeine houres the wife shall hardlie know hir husband, the mother hir sonne, or one fréend another after their liues be ended. In like sort the comelinesse of our liuing bodies doo continue from midle age (for the most) euen to the last gaspe, speciallie in mankind. And albeit that our women through bearing of children doo after fortie begin to wrinkle apace, yet are they not commonlie so wretched and hard fauoured to looke vpon in their age, as the French women, and diuerse of other countries with whom their men also doo much participate; and thereto be so often waiward and peeuish, that nothing in maner may content them.

With vs (even though our good men don’t care to live long, but to live well) some live for a hundred years, many up to eighty; as for sixty, that’s just seen as the beginning of old age. In Britain, no one is said to grow old until they reach sixty, at which point “God speed you well” becomes appropriate. Epaminondas once humorously claimed that until the age of thirty, “You are welcome” is the best greeting; from thirty to sixty, it’s “God keep you”; but after sixty, it’s best to say “God speed you well,” because that’s when we start nearing the end of our journey, and many have a good reason to depart. These two points also highlight things relevant to the sturdy nature of our bodies: there haven’t been many regions that have seen so many dead bodies remain uncorrupted over time as in Britain. Furthermore, those that stay unburied for four or five days can still be easily recognized by their friends and relatives. In contrast, Tacitus and others complain about various nations, saying their bodies are "so fluid in substance" that after a certain number of hours, a wife can hardly recognize her husband, a mother her son, or a friend another after their lives have ended. Similarly, the attractiveness of our living bodies tends to last from middle age (for the most part) until the very end, especially in men. Although our women begin to show wrinkles after forty due to childbirth, they are generally not as unfortunate and unappealing in their old age as French women and many from other countries, whose men also participate heavily in this. They can often be so temperamental and irritable that nothing seems to please them.

I might here adde somewhat also of the meane stature generallie of our women, whose beautie commonlie excéedeth the fairest of those of the maine, their comlinesse of person and good proportion of limmes, most of theirs that come ouer vnto vs from beyond the seas. This neuerthelesse I vtterlie mislike in the poorer sort of them, for the wealthier doo sildome offend herein: that being of themselues without gouernement, they are so carelesse in the education of their children (wherein their husbands are also to be blamed) by means whereof verie manie of them [Page 195] neither fearing God, neither regarding either maners or obedience, doo oftentimes come to confusion, which (if anie correction or discipline had béene vsed toward them in youth) might haue prooued good members of their common-wealth & countrie, by their good seruice and industrie. I could make report likewise of the naturall vices and vertues of all those that are borne within this Iland, but as the full tractation herof craueth a better head than mine to set foorth the same, so will I giue place to other men that list to take it in hand. Thus much therefore of the constitutions of our bodies: and so much may suffice.

I’d like to add something about the average height of our women, whose beauty generally surpasses even the fairest from the mainland. Their physical appearance, including the good proportions of their limbs, is appealing, especially among those who come to us from overseas. That said, I strongly disapprove of the poorer ones because the wealthier seldom have this issue: they lack proper guidance, leading to careless parenting (and their husbands share some of the blame). As a result, many of their children, lacking fear of God and ignoring manners or obedience, often end up in ruin. If they had received some correction or guidance in their youth, they could have become valuable members of society and contributed positively through their hard work. I could also discuss the natural vices and virtues of all those born on this island, but as doing so requires a better person than I to express it, I will leave that to others who wish to tackle it. So, this is all I’ll say about the state of our bodies, and it should be enough. [Page 195]

HOW BRITAINE AT THE FIRST GREW TO BE DIUIDED INTO THREE PORTIONS.
CAP. XXI.

After the comming of Brutus into this Iland (which was, as you haue read in the foresaid treatise, about the yeare of the world, 2850, or 1217 before the incarnation of Christ, although Goropius after his maner doo vtterlie denie our historie in this behalfe) he made a generall surueie of the whole Iland from side to side, by such means to view and search out not onelie the limits and bounds of his dominions, but also what commodities this new atchiued conquest might yéeld vnto his people. Furthermore, finding out at the last also a conuenable place wherin to erect a citie, he began there euen the verie same which at this daie is called London, naming it Trenouanton, in remembrance of old Troie, from whence his ancestors proceeded, and for which the Romans pronounced afterward Trinobantum, although the Welshmen doo call it still Trenewith. This citie was builded (as some write) much about the tenth yeare of his reigne, so that he liued not aboue fiftéene yeares after he had finished the same. But of the rest of his other acts attempted and doone, before or after the erection of this citie, I find no certeine report, more than that when he had reigned in this Iland after his arriuall by the space of foure and twentie yeares, he finished his daies at Trenouanton aforesaid, being in his yoong and florishing age, where his carcase was honourablie interred. As for the maner of his death, I find as yet no mention thereof among such writers as are extant; I meane whether it grew vnto him by defect of nature, or force of gréeuous wounds receiued in his warres against such as withstood him from time to time in this Iland, and therefore I can saie nothing of that matter. Herein onelie all agree, that during the time of his languishing paines, he made a disposition of his whole kingdome, diuiding it into three parts or portions, according to the number of his sonnes then liuing, whereof the eldest excéeded not eight and twentie yeares of age, as my coniecture giueth me.

After Brutus arrived on this island (which was, as you've read in the aforementioned treatise, around the year 2850 of the world, or 1217 before Christ's incarnation, although Goropius, as usual, completely denies our history on this matter), he took a general survey of the entire island from one side to the other. His aim was to explore and discover not only the limits and boundaries of his dominions but also what resources this newly achieved conquest could provide for his people. Furthermore, after finding a suitable place to build a city, he began what is now known as London, naming it Trenouanton in memory of old Troy, from where his ancestors came. The Romans later referred to it as Trinobantum, although the Welsh still call it Trenewith. This city was supposedly built around the tenth year of his reign, so he lived no more than fifteen years after completing it. As for the details of his other actions, both before and after the establishment of this city, I find no concrete reports, other than that after ruling this island for twenty-four years following his arrival, he passed away in Trenouanton at a young and flourishing age, where his body was honorably buried. As for the circumstances of his death, I find no mention among the writers that remain; I mean whether it was due to a natural cause or the result of severe wounds sustained in battles against those who opposed him during his time on this island, so I can't say anything about that. Everyone agrees, however, that during his painful decline, he arranged his entire kingdom, dividing it into three parts based on the number of his living sons, the eldest of whom was no more than twenty-eight years old, as I suppose.

Locrine. To the eldest therefore, whose name was Locrine, he gaue the greatest and best region of all the rest, which of him to this daie is called Lhoegria. Lhoegres among the Britons, but in our language England: of such English Saxons as made conquest of the same. This portion also is included on the south with the British sea, on the est with the Germane Ocean, on the north with the Humber, and on the west with the Irish sea, and the riuers Dee and Sauerne, whereof in the generall description of this Camber.
Cambri.
Iland I haue spoken more at large. To Camber his second sonne he assigned all that lieth beyond the Sauerne and Dée, toward the west (which parcell in these daies conteineth Southwales and Northwales) with sundrie Ilands adiacent to the same, the whole being in maner cut off and separated from England or Lhoegria by the said streams, wherby it séemeth also a peninsula or by-land, if you respect the small hillie portion of ground that lieth indifferentlie betwéene their maine courses, or such branches (at the least) as run and fall into them. The Welshmen or Britons call it by the ancient name still vnto this day, but we Englishmen terme it Wales: which denomination we haue from the Saxons, who in time past did vse the word Walsh in such sort as we doo Strange: for as we call all those strangers that are not of our nation, so did they name them Walsh which were not of their countrie.

Locrine. To the eldest, whose name was Locrine, he gave the largest and best region of all, which is still known today as Lhoegria. Lhoegres among the Britons, but in our language, England: from the English Saxons who conquered it. This area is bordered on the south by the British Sea, on the east by the German Ocean, on the north by the Humber, and on the west by the Irish Sea, as well as the rivers Dee and Severn, which I've described in more detail in the general overview of this Camber.
Cambri.
island. To Camber, his second son, he assigned all the land that lies beyond the Severn and Dee to the west (which in these days includes South Wales and North Wales) along with several nearby islands, all being somewhat cut off and separated from England or Lhoegria by those rivers. This gives it the appearance of a peninsula or landlocked area, considering the small hilly section of ground that sits in between their main courses or at least the branches that flow into them. The Welsh or Britons still call it by the ancient name to this day, but we English call it Wales: a name we took from the Saxons, who used the word Walsh to refer to those who were not from their country, just as we refer to all foreigners who are not part of our nation.

[Page 196]

[Page 196]

Albanact. The third and last part of the Iland he allotted vnto Albanact his youngest sonne (for he had but three in all, as I haue said before) whose portion séemed for circuit to be more large than that of Camber, and in maner equall in greatnesse with the dominions of Locrinus. But if you haue regard to the seuerall commodities that are to be reaped by each, you shall find them to be not much discrepant or differing one from another: for whatsoeuer the first & second haue in plentie of corne, fine grasse, and large cattell, this latter wanteth not in excéeding store of fish, rich mettall, quarries of stone, and abundance of wild foule: so that in mine opinion, there could not be a more equall partition than this made by Brute, and after the aforesaid maner. This later parcell at the first, tooke the name of Albanactus, who called it Albania. But now a small portion onelie of the region (being vnder the regiment of a duke) reteineth the said denomination, the rest being called Scotland, of certeine Scots that came ouer from Ireland to inhabit in those quarters. It is diuided from Lhoegres also by the Solue Albania. and the Firth, yet some doo note the Humber; so that Albania (as Brute left it) conteined all the north part of the Iland that is to be found beyond the aforesaid streame, vnto the point of Cathnesse.

Albanact. The third and final part of the island he gave to Albanact, his youngest son (he only had three, as I mentioned before). The area he received seemed larger in size than Camber’s, and roughly equal to the lands of Locrinus. However, if you consider the various resources each area has, they aren't much different from one another: whatever the first and second have in abundance, like grain, fine grass, and large livestock, this last region excels in fish, valuable metals, stone quarries, and plenty of wildfowl. In my opinion, there couldn't have been a fairer division made by Brute than this one. This area was initially named Albanactus, which he called Albania. Nowadays, only a small part of the region (under a duke’s rule) still keeps that name, while the rest is known as Scotland, named after some Scots who came over from Ireland to settle there. It is also separated from Lloegres by the Solway Albania. and the Firth, though some mention the Humber; so Albania (as Brute left it) included all the northern part of the island that lies beyond the mentioned river, up to the point of Caithness.

To conclude, Brute hauing diuided his kingdome after this maner, and therein contenting himselfe as it were with the generall title of the whole, it was not long after yer he ended his life; and being solemnelie interred at his new citie by his thrée children, they parted each from other, and tooke possession of their prouinces. But Scotland after two Locrine king also of Scotland. yeares fell againe into the hands of Locrinus as to the chiefe lord, by the death of his brother Albanact, who was slaine by Humber king of the Scithians, and left none issue behind him to succéed him in that kingdome.

To wrap up, Brute divided his kingdom like this, and while he was content with the general title of the whole, it wasn’t long before he passed away. He was formally buried in his new city by his three children, after which they separated and took control of their provinces. However, Scotland returned to Locrinus as the main lord after two years due to the death of his brother Albanact, who was killed by Humber, the king of the Scythians, and he didn’t leave any heirs to succeed him in that kingdom.

AFTER WHAT MANER THE SOUEREIGNTIE OF THIS ILE DOOTH REMAINE TO THE
PRINCES OF LHOEGRES OR KINGS OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. XXII.

The Scots alwaies desirous to shake off the English subiection, have often made cruell & odious attempts so to doo, but in vaine. It is possible that some of the Scotish nation, reading the former chapter, will take offence with me for meaning that the principalitie of the north parts of this Ile hath alwais belonged to the kings of Lhoegres. For whose more ample satisfaction in this behalfe, I will here set downe a discourse thereof at large, written by diuerse, and now finallie brought into one treatise, sufficient (as I thinke) to satisfie the reasonable, although not halfe enough peraduenture to content a wrangling mind, sith there is (or at the leastwise hath beene) nothing more odious among some, than to heare that the king of England hath ought to doo in Scotland.

The Scots, always eager to gain independence from English rule, have frequently made harsh and aggressive attempts to do so, but have been unsuccessful. It's possible that some people in Scotland, reading the previous chapter, will be offended by my suggestion that the northern regions of this island have always belonged to the kings of England. To better address this concern, I will present a detailed discussion on the matter, compiled from various sources and now finally put together in one treatise. I believe it will be sufficient to satisfy reasonable individuals, although it may not fully appease those who enjoy arguing, as there's historically been nothing more irritating to some than the idea that the king of England has any authority in Scotland.

How their historiographers haue attempted to shape manie coloured excuses to auoid so manifest a title, all men may see that read their bookes indifferentlie, wherevnto I referre them. For my part there is little or nothing of mine herein, more than onelie the collection and abridgement of a number of fragments togither, wherein chéeflie I haue vsed the helpe of Nicholas Adams a lawier, who wrote thereof (of set purpose) to king Edward the sixt, as Leland did the like to king Henrie the eight, Iohn Harding vnto Edward the fourth; beside thrée other, whereof the first dedicated his treatise to Henrie the fourth, the second to Edward the third, and the third to Edward the first, as their writings yet extant doo abundantlie beare witnesse. The title also that Leland giueth his booke, which I haue had written with his owne hand, beginneth in this maner: "These remembrances following are found in chronicles authorised, remaining in diuerse monasteries both in England and Scotland, by which it is euidentlie knowne and shewed, that the kings of England haue had, and now ought to haue the souereigntie ouer all Scotland, with the homage and fealtie of the kings there reigning from time to time, &c." Herevnto you haue heard alreadie, what diuision Brute made of this Iland not long before his death, wherof ech of his [Page 197] children, so soone as he was interred, tooke seisure and possession. Howbeit, after two yeares it happened that Albanact was slaine, wherevpon Locrinus and Camber raising their powers, reuenged his death: and finallie the said Locrinus made an entrance vpon Albania, seized it into his owne hands (as excheated wholie vnto himselfe) without yéelding anie part thereof vnto his brother Camber, who made no claime nor title vnto anie portion of the same. Hereby then (saith Adams) it euidentlie appeareth, that the entire seigniorie ouer Albania consisted in Locrinus, according to which example like law among brethren euer since hath continued, in preferring the eldest brother to the onelie benefit of the collaterall ascension from the yongest, as well in Scotland as in England vnto this daie.

How their historians have tried to create many excuses to avoid such a clear title, anyone who reads their books fairly can see, and I refer them to those writings. For my part, there is little of my own here, more than just the collection and summary of several fragments, mainly with the help of Nicholas Adams, a lawyer, who wrote about this (on purpose) to King Edward the Sixth, just as Leland did the same for King Henry the Eighth, and John Harding for Edward the Fourth; besides three others, the first of whom dedicated his treatise to Henry the Fourth, the second to Edward the Third, and the third to Edward the First, as their existing writings abundantly confirm. The title that Leland gives his book, which I have had written in his own hand, begins like this: "These following remembrances are found in authorized chronicles, remaining in various monasteries in both England and Scotland, by which it is clearly known and shown that the kings of England have had, and should now have, sovereignty over all of Scotland, along with the homage and fealty of the reigning kings there, from time to time, etc." You have already heard what division Brute made of this island not long before his death, from which each of his children seized and took possession as soon as he was buried. However, after two years, Albanact was killed, upon which Locrinus and Camber raised their forces and avenged his death: and finally, Locrinus made an incursion into Albania, took it into his own hands (as if it were entirely his own) without yielding any part of it to his brother Camber, who made no claim nor had any title to any portion of it. Therefore, Adams says, it is evident that the entire lordship over Albania belonged to Locrinus, according to which example a similar law among brothers has continued ever since, favoring the eldest brother with the sole benefit of the collateral inheritance from the youngest, both in Scotland and England to this day.

Ebranke the lineall heire from the bodie of this Locrine, that is to saie, the sonne of Mempris, sonne of Madan, sonne of the same Locrine builded in Albania the castell of Maidens, now called Edenborough (so called of Aidan somtime king of Scotland, but at the first named Cair Minid Agnes. 1. the castell on mount Agnes, and the castell of virgins) and the castell of Alcluith or Alclude, now called Dunbriton, as the Scotish Hector Boetius confesseth: whereby it most euidentlie appeareth, that our Ebranke was then thereof seized. This Ebranke reigned in the said state ouer them a long time; after whose death Albania (as annexed to the empire of Britaine) descended to the onelie king of Britons, vntill the time of the two sisters sonnes, Morgan and Conedage, lineall heires from the said Ebranke, who brotherlie at the first diuided the realme betwéen them; so that Morgan had Lhoegres, and Conedage had Albania. But shortlie after Morgan the elder brother, pondering in his head the loue of his brother with the affection to a kingdome, excluded nature, and gaue place to ambition, and therevpon denouncing warre, death miserablie ended his life (as the reward of his vntruth) whereby Conedage obteined the whole empire of all Britaine: in which state he remained during his naturall life.

Ebranke, the direct heir from Locrine, who was the son of Mempris, the son of Madan, and the same Locrine, built the castle of Maidens in Albania, now called Edinburgh (named after Aidan, who was once king of Scotland, but originally known as Cair Minid Agnes, the castle on Mount Agnes, and the castle of virgins) and the castle of Alcluith or Alclude, now known as Dunbriton, as Scottish historian Hector Boetius confirms. This clearly shows that Ebranke was in control of that territory. Ebranke ruled over them for a long time; after his death, Albania, being part of the British Empire, passed to the sole king of Britain until the time of his two sisters' sons, Morgan and Conedage, direct heirs of Ebranke, who initially divided the kingdom between them, with Morgan taking Lhoegres and Conedage taking Albania. However, not long after, Morgan, the elder brother, distracted by his brotherly love and ambition for the throne, disregarded family ties and declared war, which led to his miserable death as a result of his betrayal, allowing Conedage to gain complete control over all of Britain, where he remained throughout his life.

From him the same lineallie descended to the onelie king of Britons, vntill (and after) the reigne of Gorbodian, who had issue two sonnes, Ferrex, and Porrex. This Porrex, requiring like diuision of the land, affirming the former partitions to be rather of law than fauor, was by the hands of his elder brother (best loued of queene mother) both of his life and hoped kingdome béereaued at once. Wherevpon their vnnaturall mother, vsing hir naturall malice for the death of hir one sonne (without regard of the loosing of both) miserablie slue the other in his bed mistrusting no such treason.

From him, the same lineage descended to the only king of Britain, until (and after) the reign of Gorboduc, who had two sons, Ferrex and Porrex. Porrex, wanting an equal division of the land and claiming that the previous divisions were based more on law than favoritism, was killed by his older brother (the one favored by their mother) at once, losing both his life and his hoped-for kingdom. In response, their unnatural mother, driven by her natural malice for the death of one son (without caring about losing both), tragically killed the other while he was unaware of such treachery in his bed.

Cloten, by all writers, as well Scotish as other, was the next inheritour to the whole empire: but lacking power (the onelie meane in those daies to obteine right) he was contented to diuide the same among foure of his kinsmen; so that Scater had Albania. But after the death of this Cloten, his sonne Dunwallo Mulmutius made warre vpon these foure kings, and at last ouercame them, and so recouered the whole dominion. In token of which victorie, he caused himselfe to be crowned with a crowne of gold, the verie first of that mettall (if anie at all were before in vse) that was worne among the kings of this nation. This Dunwallo erected temples, wherein the people should assemble for praier; to which temples he gaue benefit of sanctuarie. He made the law for wager of battell, in cases of murder and felonie, whereby a théefe that liued and made his art of fighting, should for his purgation fight with the true man whom he had robbed, beléeuing assuredlie, that the gods (for then they supposed manie) would by miracle assigne victorie to none but the innocent partie. Certes the priuileges of this law, and benefit of the latter, as well in Scotland as in England, be inioied to this daie, few causes by late positiue laws among vs excepted, wherin the benefit of wager of battell is restreined. By which obedience to his lawes, it dooth manifestlie appéere, that this Dunwallo was then seized of Albania, now called Scotland. This Dunwallo reigned in this estate ouer them manie yeares.

Cloten, according to all historians, both Scottish and others, was the next heir to the entire empire. However, lacking power—the only way to claim rights back then—he chose to divide it among four of his relatives, so Scater received Albania. After Cloten's death, his son Dunwallo Mulmutius waged war against these four kings, ultimately defeating them and reclaiming the whole territory. To celebrate this victory, he had himself crowned with a gold crown, the very first of its kind (if any had been used before) to be worn by the kings of this nation. Dunwallo built temples where people could gather to pray; these temples were granted the right of sanctuary. He established the law for trial by combat in cases of murder and felony, allowing a thief who made a living by fighting to prove his innocence in battle against the person he had robbed, believing firmly that the gods (who they thought there were many back then) would, through a miracle, grant victory only to the innocent party. Indeed, the privileges of this law and the benefits of the latter still exist today in both Scotland and England, with few cases limited by recent laws in which the right to trial by combat is restricted. This adherence to his laws clearly indicates that Dunwallo had control over Albania, now known as Scotland. Dunwallo reigned over them in this position for many years.

Beline and Brenne the sonnes also of Dunwallo, did after their fathers death fauourablie diuide the land betweene them; so that Beline had Lhoegres, & Brenne had Albania: but for that this Brenne (a subiect) without the consent of his elder brother and lord, aduentured to marrie with the daughter of the king of Denmarke; Beline seized Albania into his owne hands, and thervpon caused the notable waies priuileged by [Page 198] Dunwallons lawes to be newlie wrought by mens hands, which for the length extended from the further part of Cornewall, vnto the sea by north Cathnesse in Scotland. In like sort to and for the better maintenance of religion in those daies, he constituted ministers called archflamines, in sundrie places of this Iland (who in their seuerall functions resembled the bishops of our times) the one of which remained at Ebranke now called Yorke, and the whole region Caerbrantonica (whereof Ptolomie also speaketh but not without wresting of the name) whose power extended to the vttermost bounds of Albania, wherby likewise appeareth that it was then within his owne dominion. After his death the whole Ile was inioied by the onelie kings of Britaine, vntill the time of Vigenius & Peridurus lineall heires from the said Beline, who fauourablie made partition, so that Vigenius had all the land from Humber by south, and Peridurus from thence northwards all Albania, &c. This Vigenius died, and Peridurus suruiued, and thereby obteined the whole, from whom the same quietlie descended, and was by his posteritie accordinglie inioied, vntill the reigne of Coell the first of that name. In his time an obscure nation (by most writers supposed Scithians) passed by seas from Ireland, and arriued in that part of Britaine called Albania: against whome this Coell assembled his power, and being entred Albania to expell them, one Fergus in the night disguised, entered the tent of this Coell, and in his bed traitorouslie slue him.

Beline and Brenne, the sons of Dunwallo, favorably divided the land between them after their father's death. Beline took Lhoegres, while Brenne got Albania. However, Brenne, a subject, decided to marry the daughter of the king of Denmark without his older brother and lord's consent. In response, Beline seized Albania for himself and had the major roads, established by Dunwallo's laws, newly constructed. These roads stretched from the far part of Cornwall to the ocean near north Caithness in Scotland. To better support religion at that time, he appointed ministers called archflamines in various places on the island, who, in their different roles, were similar to today’s bishops. One of them resided in Ebranke, now known as York, in the whole region of Caerbrantonica (which Ptolemy also mentioned, but not without distorting the name), whose influence reached the farthest edges of Albania, showing it was part of his domain. After his death, the entire island was ruled solely by the kings of Britain until the time of Vigenius and Peridurus, direct descendants of Beline, who fairly divided the land. Vigenius took the territory from Humber southward, while Peridurus claimed everything north of that, including Albania. Vigenius died, leaving Peridurus to inherit everything, which then peacefully passed down to his descendants until the reign of Coell, the first of that name. During his time, an obscure group (mostly thought to be Scythians) crossed the seas from Ireland and landed in the part of Britain called Albania. Coell gathered his forces to drive them out, but one night, a man named Fergus sneaked into his tent and treacherously killed him in his sleep.

This Fergus was therfore, in reward of his great prowesse, made there king, whervpon they sat downe in that part, with their wiues and children, and called it Scotland, and themselues Scots: from the beginning of the world, foure thousand six hundred and seauentéene yeares after the Scotish accompt, which by iust computation and confession of all their owne writers, is six hundred yeares lacking ten, after that Brutus had reigned ouer the whole Iland, the same land being inioied by him and his posteritie before their comming, during two and fiftie descents of the kings of Britaine, which is a large prescription. Certes this intrusion into a land so manie hundred yeares before inhabited, and by so manie descents of kings quietlie inioied, is the best title that all their owne writers can alledge for them. But to proceed. Fergus herevpon immediatlie did diuide Albania also among his capteins and their souldiers: whereby it most euidentlie appeareth, that there were no people of that nation inhabiting there before, in proofe whereof the same partition shall follow.

This Fergus was therefore, as a reward for his great bravery, made king there, after which they settled in that area with their wives and children, calling it Scotland and themselves Scots. From the beginning of the world, four thousand six hundred and seventeen years according to the Scottish count, which by accurate calculation and the acknowledgment of all their own writers, is six hundred years minus ten after Brutus had ruled over the entire island. The same land had been enjoyed by him and his descendants before their arrival, during fifty-two generations of the kings of Britain, which is a long-standing claim. Certainly, this intrusion into a land already inhabited for so many hundreds of years, and quietly enjoyed by so many generations of kings, is the best title that all their own writers can present for them. But to continue, Fergus immediately divided Albania among his captains and their soldiers, which clearly shows that there were no people of that nation living there before; the following partition will serve as proof.

The lands of Cathnes lieng against Orkneie, betwéene Dummesbeie and the Out of Hector Boecius lib. 1. water of Thane, was giuen vnto one Cornath, a capteine and his people. The lands betwéene the water of Thane & Nes, now called Rosse, being in bredth from Cromart to the mouth of the water of Locht, were giuen to Lutorke, another capteine and his people. The lands betweene Spaie and Nes, from the Almane seas to the Ireland seas, now called Murraie land, were giuen to one Warroch and his people. The land of Thalia, now called Boin Ainze, Bogewall, Gariot, Formartine, and Bowguhan, were giuen to one Thalis and his people. The lands of Mar Badezenoch, and Lochquhaber, were giuen to Martach and his people. The lands of Lorne and Kintier, with the hilles and mounteins thereof, lieng from Mar to the Ireland seas, were giuen to capteine Nanance and his people. The lands of Athole were giuen to Atholus, another capteine and his people. The lands of Strabraun, & Brawdawane lieng west from Dunkell, were giuen to Creones & Epidithes two capteins. The lands of Argile, were giuen to Argathelus a capteine. The lands of Linnox & Clidisdale were allotted to Lolgona a capteine. The lands of Siluria now called Kile, Carrike & Cuningham, were giuen to Silurth another capteine. The lands of Brigance now called Gallowaie, were giuen to the companie called Brigandes, which (as their best men) were appointed to dwell next the Britons, who afterward expelled the Britons from Annandale in Albania, whereby it is confessed to be before inhabited by Britons. The residue of the land now called Scotland, that is to saie: Meirnis, Angus, Steremond, Gowrie, Strahern, Pirth, Fiffe, Striueling, Callender, Calderwood, Lougthian, Mers, Teuedale, with other the Rement Dales, & the Sherifdome, of Berwicke, were then enioied by a nation mingled in marriage with the Britons, and Berouicum potiùs à Berubio promontorio. in their obedience, whose capteine called Beringer builded the castell and towne of Berwicke vpon Twede, & these people were called Picts, vpon whome by the death of this Coell, these Scots had opportunitie to vse [Page 199] wars, whereof they ceased not, vntill such time as it pleased God to appoint another Coell king of Britons, against whose name, albeit they hoped for a like victorie to the first, yet he preuailed and ceased not his warre, vntill these Scots were vtterlie expelled out of all the bounds of Britaine, in which they neuer dared to reenter, vntill the troublesome reigne of Sisilt king of Britons, which was the twelft king after this Coell. During all which time the countrie was reinhabited by the Britons. But then the Scots turning the ciuill discord of this realme, betweene this Sisilt and his brother Blede to their best aduantage, arriued againe in Albania, & there made one Reuther their king.

The lands of Cathness lie against Orkney, between Dumnesby and the water of Thane, and were given to a captain named Cornath and his people. The lands between the water of Thane and Nes, now called Rosse, stretched from Cromart to the mouth of the water of Locht, and were given to Lutorke, another captain and his people. The lands between Spaie and Nes, from the Almain seas to the Irish seas, now known as Morayland, were given to a man named Warroch and his people. The land of Thalia, now called Boin Ainze, Bogewall, Gariot, Formartine, and Bowguhan, were given to a captain named Thalis and his people. The lands of Mar Badezenoch and Lochquhaber were given to Martach and his people. The lands of Lorne and Kintyre, with the hills and mountains in between, stretching from Mar to the Irish seas, were given to Captain Nanance and his people. The lands of Athole were given to Atholus, another captain and his people. The lands of Strabraun and Brawdawane, located west of Dunkeld, were given to two captains, Creones and Epidithes. The lands of Argyle were given to Argathelus, a captain. The lands of Lennox and Clidisdale were allotted to Captain Lolgona. The lands of Siluria, now called Kile, Carrick, and Cunningham, were given to Silurth, another captain. The lands of Brigance, now known as Galloway, were given to the group called Brigandes, who, as their strongest members, were assigned to live next to the Britons. Later, they expelled the Britons from Annandale in Albania, which was acknowledged to have been inhabited by Britons before. The remaining land now called Scotland, including: Moray, Angus, Steremond, Gowrie, Strathearn, Perth, Fife, Stirling, Callendar, Calderwood, Lothian, Merse, Teviotdale, along with other remaining dales and the sheriffdom of Berwick, was then enjoyed by a nation mixed through marriage with the Britons, under the leadership of their captain named Beringer, who built the castle and town of Berwick on Tweed. These people were called Picts, and after the death of Coell, these Scots took the opportunity to engage in wars, which they continued until God appointed another Coell as king of the Britons. Although they hoped for a similar victory as the first, he prevailed and did not stop his war until these Scots were completely expelled from all the bounds of Britain, where they never dared to return until the troubled reign of Sisilt, king of the Britons, who was the twelfth king after Coell. During all that time, the country was reinhabited by the Britons. But then, the Scots seized the civil discord of the realm between Sisilt and his brother Blede to their advantage and returned to Albania, where they made one Reuther their king.

Vpon this their new arriuall, new warre was made vpon them by this Sisilt king of Britons, in which warre Reuther their new king died, and Thereus succéeded, against whome the warre of Britons ceased not, vntill he freelie submitted himselfe to the said Sicill king of Britons at Ebranke, that is Yorke, where shortlie after the tenth yeare of his reigne he died. Finnane brother of Josine succeeded by their election to the kingdome of Scots, who shortlie after (compelled by the warres of the same Sicill) declared himselfe subiect, and for the better assurance of his faith and obeisance to the king of Britons, deliuered his sonne Durstus into the hands of this Sicill: who fantasieng the child, and hoping by his owne succession to alter their subtiltie (I will not saie duplicitie saith Adams) married him in the end to Agasia his owne daughter.

Upon their arrival, the Sicilian king of the Britons waged new war against them, resulting in the death of Reuther, their new king. That’s when Thereus took over, but the war with the Britons continued until he willingly submitted to the Sicilian king at Ebranke, which is York. Shortly after, in the tenth year of his reign, he died. Finnane, the brother of Josine, was elected as the new king of the Scots. Not long after, pressured by the same Sicilian wars, he declared himself a subject, and to assure his loyalty to the king of the Britons, handed over his son Durstus to the Sicilian. The Sicilian, fond of the child and hoping to change their deceitful ways—though I won’t say duplicity, as Adams would—eventually married him to his own daughter, Agasia.

Durstus. This Durstus was their next king; but for that he had married a Briton woman, (though indeed she was a kings daughter) the Scots hated him for the same cause, for which they ought rather to haue liked him the better, and therefore not onelie traitorouslie slue him; but further to declare the end of their malice, disinherited (as much as in them was) the issues of the same Durstus and Agasia. Herevpon new warre sproong betwéene them and vs, which ceased not vntill they were contented to receiue Edeir to their king, the next in bloud then liuing, descended from Durstus and Agasia, and thereby the bloud of the Britons, of the part of the mother, was restored to the crowne of Albania: so that nature, whose law is immutable, caused this bond of loue to hold. For shortlie after this Edeir attended vpon Cassibelane king of Britons, for the repulse of Iulius Cæsar, as their owne author Boetius confesseth, who commanded the same as his subiect. But Iulius Cæsar, after his second arriuall, by treason of Androgeus preuailed against the Britons, and therevpon pursued this Edeir into Scotland; and (as himselfe saith in his commentaries) subdued all the Ile of Britaine. Which though the liuing Scots denie it, their dead writers confesse that he came beyond Calender wood, and cast downe Camelon, the principall citie of the Picts. And in token of this victorie, not farre from Carron, builded a round temple of stone, which remained in some perfection vntill the reigne of our king Edward called the first after the conquest, by whome it was subuerted: but the monument thereof remaineth to this daie.

Durstus. Durstus was their next king; but because he married a British woman (who was indeed a king’s daughter), the Scots hated him for the very thing that should have made them appreciate him more. So, they not only traitorously killed him, but to further express their malice, they disinherited his children with Agasia as much as they could. This sparked a new war between them and us, which didn’t stop until they agreed to accept Edeir as their king, the next in line related to Durstus and Agasia, thus restoring the British blood from the mother’s side to the crown of Albania. Nature, whose laws cannot be changed, ensured that this bond of love persisted. Shortly after, Edeir served under Cassibelane, the king of the Britons, in resisting Julius Caesar, as their own author Boetius notes, who commanded this as his subject. However, Julius Caesar, after his second arrival, prevailed against the Britons through the treachery of Androgeus and then pursued Edeir into Scotland. As he himself states in his writings, he conquered all of Britain. Although the living Scots deny it, their deceased writers admit that he came beyond Calender Wood and took down Camelon, the principal city of the Picts. As a sign of this victory, not far from Carron, he built a round stone temple, which remained relatively intact until the reign of our King Edward, known as the First after the conquest, who destroyed it. However, the monument of that temple still remains to this day.

Marius. Marius the sonne of Aruiragus, being king of all Britaine, in his time one Roderike a Scithian, with a great rabble of néedie souldiours, came to the water of Frith in Scotland, which is an arme of the sea, diuiding Pentland from Fiffe: against whome this Marius assembled a power, by which he slue this Rodericke, and discomfited his people in Westmerland: but to those that remained aliue, he gaue the countrie of Cathnesse in Scotland, which prooueth it to be within his owne dominion.

Marius. Marius, the son of Aruiragus, was the king of all Britain. During his reign, a Scythian named Roderick, along with a large group of desperate soldiers, came to the Frith in Scotland, which is a body of water separating Pentland from Fife. Marius gathered an army and defeated Roderick, killing him and scattering his troops in Westmerland. To those who survived, he granted the land of Caithness in Scotland, proving that it was under his control.

Coelus. Coell the sonne of this Marius had issue Lucius, counted the first Christian king of this nation: he conuerted the three archflamines of this land into bishopriks, and ordeined bishops vnto ech of them. The first remained at London, and his power extended from the furthest part of Cornewall to Humber water. The second dwelled at Yorke, and his power stretched from Humber to the furthest part of all Scotland. The third aboded at Caerleon vpon the riuer of Wiske in Glamorgan in Wales, & his power extended from Seuerne through all Wales. Some write that he made but two, and turned their names to archbishops, the one to remaine at Canturburie, the other at Yorke: yet they confesse that he of Yorke had iurisdiction through all Scotland: either of which is sufficient to prooue Scotland to be then vnder his dominion.

Sky. Coell, the son of Marius, had a son named Lucius, who is recognized as the first Christian king of this nation. He converted the three high priest positions in this land into bishoprics and appointed bishops for each of them. The first one stayed in London, and his authority extended from the farthest part of Cornwall to the Humber River. The second lived in York, and his authority stretched from the Humber to the northernmost part of Scotland. The third resided at Caerleon on the River Wiske in Glamorgan, Wales, and his authority extended from the Severn River throughout all of Wales. Some say he created only two and gave them the title of archbishops, one to stay in Canterbury and the other in York; however, they admit that the archbishop of York had jurisdiction over all of Scotland, which is enough to prove that Scotland was under his control at that time.

[Page 200]

[Page 200]

Seuerus. Seuerus, by birth a Romane, but in bloud a Briton (as some thinke) and the lineall heire of the bodie of Androgeus sonne of Lud, & nephue of Cassibelane, was shortlie after emperour & king of Britons, in whose time the people to whom his ancestor Marius gaue the land of Cathnesse in Scotland, conspired with the Scots, & receiued them from the Iles into Scotland. But herevpon this Seuerus came into Scotland, and méeting with their faith and false harts togither, droue them all out of the maine land into Iles, the vttermost bounds of all great Britaine. But notwithstanding this glorious victorie, the Britons considering their seruitude to the Romans, imposed by treason of Androgeus, ancestor to this Seuerus, began to hate him, whome yet they had no time to loue, and who in their defense and suertie had slaine of the Scots and their confederats in one battell thirtie thousand: but such was the consideration of the common sort in those daies, whose malice no time could diminish, nor iust desert appease.

Severus. Severus, born a Roman but believed to be of Briton descent, and the direct heir of Androgeus, son of Lud, and nephew of Cassibelane, soon became emperor and king of the Britons. During his reign, the people to whom his ancestor Marius had granted the land of Caithness in Scotland conspired with the Scots and welcomed them from the Isles into Scotland. In response, Severus invaded Scotland and, confronting their loyalty and deceit, drove them all out of the mainland and into the Isles, the farthest reaches of Great Britain. Despite this impressive victory, the Britons began to resent him for their servitude to the Romans, brought about by the treachery of Androgeus, Severus’s ancestor. They had no time to love him, even though he had killed thirty thousand Scots and their allies in a single battle for their defense and safety. Such was the mentality of the common people in those days, whose bitterness could not be lessened by time or appeased by rightful deeds.

Bassianus. Antoninus Bassianus borne of a Briton woman, and Geta borne by a Romane woman, were the sonnes of this Seuerus, who after the death of their father, by the contrarie voices of their people, contended for the crowne. Few Britons held with Bassianus, fewer Romans with Geta: but the greater number with neither of both. In the end Geta was slaine, and Bassianus remained emperour, against whom Carautius rebelled, who gaue vnto the Scots, Picts, and Scithians, the countrie of Cathnesse in Scotland, which they afterward inhabited, whereby his seison thereof appeareth.

Bassianus. Antoninus Bassianus, born of a British woman, and Geta, born of a Roman woman, were the sons of Severus. After their father's death, they contested for the crown, with conflicting support from their people. A few Britons supported Bassianus, even fewer Romans backed Geta, but the majority sided with neither. In the end, Geta was killed, and Bassianus became emperor. Carautius rebelled against him and granted the region of Caithness in Scotland to the Scots, Picts, and Scythians, who later settled there, indicating his ownership of the land.

Coill. Coill, descended of the bloud of the ancient kings of this land, was shortlie after king of the Britons, whose onelie daughter and heire called Helen, was married vnto Constantius a Romane, who daunted the rebellion of all parts of great Britaine; and after the death of this Coill was in the right of his wife king thereof, and reigned in his state ouer them thirtéene or fourtéene yeares.

Coil. Coill, a descendant of the bloodline of the ancient kings of this land, soon became king of the Britons. His only daughter and heir, named Helen, married Constantius, a Roman, who quelled the rebellions throughout Great Britain. After Coill's death, Constantius became king by right of his wife and ruled over them for thirteen or fourteen years.

Constantine. Constantine the sonne of this Constance, and Helen, was next king of Britons, by the right of his mother, who passing to Rome to receiue the empire thereof, deputed one Octauius king of Wales, and duke of the Gewisses (which some expound to be afterward called west Saxons) to haue the gouernment of this dominion. But abusing the kings innocent goodnesse, this Octauius defrauded this trust, and tooke vpon him the crowne. For which traitorie albeit he was once vanquished by Leonine Traheron, great vncle to Constantine: yet after the death of this Traheron, he preuailed againe, and vsurped ouer all Britaine. Constantine being now emperor sent Maximius his kinsman hither (in processe of time) to destroie the same Octauius, who in singular battell discomfited him. Wherevpon this Maximius, as well by the consent of great Constantine, as by the election of all the Britons, for that he was a Briton in bloud, was made king or rather vicegerent of Britaine. This Maximius made warre vpon the Scots and Scithians within Britaine, and ceassed not vntill he had slaine Eugenius their king, and expelled and driuen them out of the whole limits and bounds of Britaine. Finallie he inhabited all Scotland with Britons, no man, woman, nor child of the Scotish nation suffered to remaine within it, which (as their Hector Boetius saith) was for their rebellion; and rebellion properlie could it not be, except they had béene subiects. He suffered the Picts also to remaine his subiects, who made solemne othes to him, neuer after to erect anie peculiar king of their owne nation, but to remaine vnder the old empire of the onelie king of Britaine. I had once an epistle by Leland exemplified (as he saith) out of a verie ancient record which beareth title of Helena vnto hir sonne Constantine, and entreth after this manner; "Domino semper Augusto filio Constantino, mater Helena semper Augusta, &c." And now it repenteth me that I did not exemplifie and conueigh it into this treatise whilest I had his books. For thereby I might haue had great light for the estate of this present discourse: but as then I had no mind to haue trauelled in this matter; neuerthelesse, if hereafter it come againe to light I would wish it were reserued. It followeth on also in this maner (as it is translated out of the Gréeke) "Veritatem sapientis animus non recusat, nec fides recta aliquando patitur quamcunque iacturam, &c."

Constantine. Constantine, the son of this Constance and Helen, was the next king of the Britons, through his mother's lineage. When she went to Rome to claim the empire, she appointed a man named Octavius as king of Wales and duke of the Gewisses (which some say later became known as the West Saxons) to govern this territory. However, abusing the king's innocent good nature, Octavius betrayed that trust and took the crown for himself. Although he was initially defeated by Leonine Traheron, Constantine’s great-uncle, after Traheron’s death, Octavius regained power and took control over all of Britain. In time, Constantine, now an emperor, sent his kinsman Maximius to eliminate Octavius, who defeated him in single combat. Following that, Maximius, with the support of the great Constantine and the election of all the Britons, became king—or rather, vicegerent—of Britain since he was of British blood. Maximius waged war against the Scots and Scythians in Britain and did not stop until he killed Eugenius, their king, and expelled them from all territories of Britain. Eventually, he populated all of Scotland with Britons, allowing no man, woman, or child of the Scottish nation to remain, which, as their historian Hector Boetius states, was due to their rebellion; and it couldn't truly be considered rebellion unless they had been subjects. He allowed the Picts to remain his subjects, who swore oaths to him that they would never again establish a king of their own but remain under the rule of the singular king of Britain. I once had a letter referenced by Leland, which he said was taken from a very ancient record titled Helena to her son Constantine, starting like this: "To my lord and always august son Constantine, mother Helena, always august, etc." Now I regret not copying it into this treatise while I had the chance. It would have provided great insight into the current discussion; however, at that time, I wasn't inclined to pursue the matter. Nonetheless, if it surfaces again in the future, I hope it is preserved. It continues like this (as translated from Greek): "The wise mind does not reject the truth, nor does steadfast faith ever suffer any loss, etc."

[Page 201]

[Page 201]

About fiue and fourtie yeares after this (which was long time after the death of this Maximius) with the helpe of Gouan or Gonan and Melga, the Scots newlie arriued in Albania, and there created one Fergus the second of that name to be there king. But bicause they were before banished the continent land, they crowned him king on their aduenture in Argile, in the fatall chaire of marble, the yéere of our Lord, foure hundred and two and twentie, as they themselues doo write.

About forty-five years later (which was long after the death of Maximius), with the help of Gouan or Gonan and Melga, the Scots newly arrived in Albania and chose one Fergus, the second of that name, to be their king. However, because they had previously been banished from the mainland, they crowned him king on their adventure in Argyle, in the fateful marble chair, in the year of our Lord, four hundred and twenty-two, as they themselves write.

Maximian. Maximian sonne of Leonine Traheron, brother to king Coill, and vncle to Helene, was by lineall succession next king of Britons: but to appease the malice of Dionothus king of Wales, who also claimed the kingdome, he married Othilia eldest daughter of Dionothus, and afterwards assembled a great power of Britons, and entered Albania, inuading Gallowaie, Mers, Annandale, Pentland, Carrike, Kill, and Cuningham, and in battell slue both this Fergus then king of Scots, and Durstus the king of Picts, and exiled all their people out of the continent land: wherevpon the few number of Scots then remaining a liue, went to Argile, and there made Eugenius their king. When this Maximian had thus obteined quietnesse in Britaine, he departed with his cousine Conan Meridocke into Armorica, where they subdued the king, and depopulated the countrie, which he gaue to Conan his cousine, to be afterward inhabited by Britons, by the name of Britaine the lesse: and hereof this realme tooke name of Britaine the great, which name by consent of forren writers it keepeth vnto this daie.

Maximian. Maximian, son of Leonine Traheron, brother of King Coill, and uncle to Helene, was the next in line to be king of the Britons. However, to calm the anger of Dionothus, the king of Wales, who also claimed the throne, he married Othilia, the eldest daughter of Dionothus. After that, he gathered a large army of Britons and invaded Albania, attacking Galloway, Mers, Annandale, Pentland, Carrick, Kilmarnock, and Cunningham. In battle, he killed Fergus, the then-king of Scots, and Durstus, the king of Picts, exiling all their people from the mainland. As a result, the few Scots who remained fled to Argyll and elected Eugenius as their king. Once Maximian secured peace in Britain, he left with his cousin Conan Meridock to Armorica, where they defeated the king and depopulated the area, which he gave to Conan for future settlement by Britons, naming it Brittany. This is how the realm earned the name Britain, which continues to be recognized by foreign writers to this day.

After the death of Maximian, dissention being mooued betweene the nobles of Britaine, the Scots swarmed togither againe, and came to the wall of Adrian, where (this realme being diuided in manie factions) they ouercame one. And herevpon their Hector Boetius (as an hen that for laieng of one eg, will make a great cakeling) solemnlie triumphing for a conquest before the victorie, alledgeth that hereby the Britons were made tributaries to the Scots, and yet he confesseth that they won no more land, by that supposed conquest, but the same portion betwéene them and Humber, which in the old partitions before was annexed to Albania. It is hard to be beléeued, that such a broken nation as the Scots at that time were, returning from banishment within foure yeares before, and since in battell loosing both their kings, and the great number of their best men, to be thus able to make a conquest of great Britaine; and verie vnlikelie if they had conquered it, they would haue left the hot sunne of the south parts, to dwell in the cold snow in Scotland. Incredible it is, that if they had conquered it, they would not haue deputed officers in it, as in cases of conquest behooueth. And it is beyond all beliefe, that great Britaine, or any other countrie, should be woon without the comming of anie enimie into it: as they did not, but taried finallie at the same wall of Adrian, whereof I spake before.

After Maximian's death, conflict arose among the nobles of Britain, and the Scots gathered again, marching to Hadrian's Wall. In this kingdom divided into many factions, they managed to conquer one. Following this, their Hector Boetius, much like a hen that makes a fuss after laying just one egg, celebrated a victory before it had even happened, claiming that the Britons were made tributaries to the Scots. Yet, he admits they gained no more land from this supposed conquest than the same territory between them and the Humber that had previously been annexed to Albania. It's hard to believe that such a fractured nation as the Scots, who returned from exile only four years earlier and had lost both their kings along with many of their best warriors in battle, could conquer Great Britain so easily. It seems very unlikely that if they had conquered it, they would have left the warm southern areas to live in the cold, snowy climate of Scotland. It's unbelievable that if they had truly conquered the land, they wouldn't have appointed officials to govern it, as one typically does after a conquest. Moreover, it's simply beyond belief that Great Britain, or any other country, could be taken without the arrival of any enemy forces; instead, they lingered at Hadrian's Wall, which I mentioned earlier.

But what need I speake of these defenses, when the same Boecius scantlie trusteth his owne beliefe in this tale. For he saieth that Galfride, and sundrie other authentike writers, diuerslie varie from this part of his storie, wherein his owne thought accuseth his conscience of vntruth: herein also he further forgetting how it behooueth a lier to be mindfull of his assertion, in the fourth chapter next following, wholie bewraieth himselfe, saieng that the confederat kings of Scots and Picts, vpon ciuill warres betwéene the Britons (which then followed) hoped shortlie to inioie all the land of great Britaine, from beyond Humber vnto the fresh sea, which hope had bene vaine, and not lesse than void, if it had béene their owne by anie conquest before.

But why should I talk about these defenses when Boethius himself barely trusts his own belief in this story? He says that Geoffrey and several other credible writers differ from this part of his account, which makes him question his own honesty. Also, he forgets how important it is for a liar to remember their claims, because in the next chapter he completely reveals himself by saying that the allied kings of Scots and Picts, during the civil wars between the Britons that followed, hoped to soon take all of Great Britain, from beyond the Humber to the North Sea. That hope would have been pointless and empty if they hadn't gained any of that land through conquest beforehand.

Constantine of Britaine, descended from Conan king thereof, cousine of Brutes bloud to this Maximian, and his neerest heire was next king of Britaine; he immediatlie pursued the Scots with wars, and shortlie in battell slue their king Dongard, in the first yeare of his reigne, whereby he recouered Scotland out of their hands, and tooke all the holdes thereof into his owne possessions. Vortiger shortlie after obteined the crowne of Britaine, against whom the Scots newlie rebelled: for the repressing whereof (mistrusting the Britons to hate him for sundrie causes, as one that to auoid the smoke dooth oft fall into the fire) receiued Hengest a Saxon, and a great number of his countriemen, [Page 202] with whom and a few Britons he entred Scotland & ouercame them, wherevpon they tooke the Iles, which are their common refuge. He gaue also much of Scotland, as Gallowaie, Pentland, Mers and Annandale, with sundrie other lands to this Hengest and his people to inhabit, which they did accordinglie inioie. But when this Hengest in processe of time thirsted after the whole kingdome of the south, he was banished, and yet afterward being restored, he conspired with the Scots against Aurilambrose the sonne of Constantine, the iust inheritor of this whole dominion. But his vntruth and theirs were both recompensed togither, for Some thinke the Seimors to come from this man by lineall descent and I suppose no lesse. he was taken prisoner by Eldulph de Samor a noble man of Britaine, and his head for his traitorie striken off at the commandement of Aurilambrose. In the field the Scots were vanquished: but Octa the sonne of Hengest was receiued to mercie, to whome and his people this Aurilambrose gaue the countrie of Gallowaie in Scotland, for which they became his subiects. And hereby appeareth that Scotland was then againe reduced into his hands.

Constantine of Britain, a descendant of King Conan, and related to Brutus, was the closest heir to Maximian and became the next king of Britain. He immediately engaged in wars against the Scots and soon killed their king, Dongard, in the first year of his reign, which allowed him to reclaim Scotland from their control and take all its strongholds for himself. Shortly after, Vortigern obtained the crown of Britain, against whom the Scots rebelled anew. To handle this (distrusting that the Britons would resent him for various reasons, as one often escapes smoke only to fall into fire), he enlisted Hengest, a Saxon, along with a large number of his countrymen. With a few Britons, he entered Scotland and defeated them, prompting the Scots to retreat to the islands, which were their common refuge. He also granted significant portions of Scotland—like Galloway, Pentland, Mers, and Annandale, along with various other lands—to Hengest and his people to live in, which they did accordingly. But as time went on, Hengest, seeking the entire southern kingdom, was banished. However, after being restored, he conspired with the Scots against Aurilambrose, the rightful heir of this entire realm. Both his treachery and that of the Scots were eventually punished, for he was captured by Eldulph de Samor, a nobleman of Britain, and had his head cut off at the command of Aurilambrose. The Scots were defeated in battle, but Octa, the son of Hengest, was granted mercy. To him and his people, Aurilambrose gave the territory of Galloway in Scotland, which led them to become his subjects. Thus, it is evident that Scotland was again brought under his control.

Vter called also Pendragon, brother to Aurilambrose was next king of the Britons, against whome, these sworne Saxons now foresworne subiects (confederate with the Scots) newlie rebelled: but by his power assembled against them in Gallowaie in Scotland, they were discomfited, & Albania againe recouered vnto his subiection. Arthur the sonne of this Vter, begotten before the mariage, but lawfullie borne in matrimonie, succéeded next to the crowne of great Britaine; whose noble acts, though manie vulgar fables haue rather stained than commended: yet all the Scotish writers confesse, that he subdued great Britaine, and made it tributarie to him, and ouercame the Saxons then scattered as far as Cathnesse in Scotland: and in all these wars against them, he had the seruice and obeisance of Scots and Picts. But at the last setting their féet in the guilefull paths of their predecessors, they rebelled and besieged the citie of Yorke, Howell king of the lesse Britaine cousine to king Arthur being therein. But he with an host came thither and discomfited the Scots, chased them into a marsh, and besieged them there so long, that they were almost famished: vntill the bishops, abbats, and men of religion (for as much as they were christened people) besought him to take them to his mercie and grace, and to grant them a portion of the same countrie to dwell in vnder euerlasting subiection. Vpon this he tooke them to his grace, homage and fealtie: and when they were sworne his subiects and liegemen, he ordeined his kinsman Anguisan to be their king and gouernour, Vrian king of Iland, and Murefrence king of Orkeneie. He made an archbishop of Yorke also, whose authoritie extended through all Scotland.

Uther, also known as Pendragon, brother to Aurilambrose, was the next king of the Britons. He faced the sworn Saxons, who had now rebelled alongside the Scots. However, he gathered his power and confronted them in Galloway, Scotland, defeating them and bringing Albania back under his control. Arthur, the son of Uther—conceived before marriage but born legally within it—succeeded him as the king of Great Britain. Although many tales have distorted his noble deeds more than praised them, all Scottish writers agree that he conquered Great Britain and made it tributary to him. He also defeated the Saxons, who were scattered as far north as Caithness in Scotland. During these wars, he earned the service and loyalty of both Scots and Picts. Eventually, however, the Scots turned against him and besieged the city of York, where Howell, king of Lesser Britain and cousin to Arthur, was present. Arthur came with an army, defeated the Scots, and drove them into a marsh, laying siege to them until they were almost starved. At that point, bishops, abbots, and religious leaders—being Christians—pleaded with him for mercy and asked to be granted a portion of land to live in under perpetual subjection. He accepted their plea, and after they swore allegiance as his subjects and vassals, he appointed his relative Anguish to be their king and governor, along with Urian, king of the Isles, and Murefrence, king of Orkney. He also established an archbishop of York, whose authority extended throughout all of Scotland.

Finallie, the said Arthur holding his roiall feast at Cairleon, had there all the kings that were subiects vnto him, among which, Angusian the said king of Scots did his due seruice and homage, so long as he was with him for the realme of Scotland, & bare king Arthurs sword afore him. Malgo shortlie after succéeded in the whole kingdome of great Britaine, who vpon new resistance made, subdued Ireland, Iland, the Orchads, Norwaie and Denmarke, and made Ethelfred a Saxon king of Bernicia, that is, Northumberland, Louthian, and much other land of Scotland, which Ethelfred by the sword obteined at the hands of the wilfull inhabitants, and continued true subiect to this Malgo.

Finally, Arthur held his royal feast at Caerleon, where all the kings who were his subjects gathered. Among them, Angus, the king of Scots, paid his respects and allegiance as long as he was with Arthur for the kingdom of Scotland, carrying King Arthur's sword before him. Shortly after, Malgo became the ruler of all of Great Britain. Facing new resistance, he conquered Ireland, the Isles, the Orchards, Norway, and Denmark, and made Ethelfred, a Saxon, the king of Bernicia, which is Northumberland, Lothian, and much of Scotland. Ethelfred obtained these lands by force from the unwilling inhabitants and remained loyal to Malgo.

Cadwan succéeded in the kingdome of great Britaine, who in defense of his subiects the Scots, made warre vpon this Ethelfred, but at the last they agréed, and Cadwan vpon their rebellion gaue all Scotland vnto this Ethelfred, which he therevpon subdued and inioied: but afterward in the reigne of Cadwallo that next succeeded in great Britaine, he rebelled. Whervpon the same Cadwallo came into Scotland, and vpon his treason reseised the countrie into his owne hands, and hauing with him all the vicerois of the Saxons, which then inhabited here as his subiects, in singular battell he slue the same Ethelfred with his owne hands.

Cadwan succeeded in the kingdom of Great Britain, who, to defend his subjects the Scots, went to war against Ethelfred. Eventually, they reached an agreement, and Cadwan, after their rebellion, gave all of Scotland to Ethelfred, who then conquered and enjoyed it. However, later during the reign of Cadwallo, who succeeded in Great Britain, Ethelfred rebelled. As a result, Cadwallo came into Scotland, reclaimed the country for himself, and with all the viceroys of the Saxons living there as his subjects, he personally killed Ethelfred in a decisive battle.

Oswald was shortlie after by Cadwallos gift made king of Bernicia, and he as subiect to Cadwallo, and by his commandement discomfited the Scots and Picts, and subdued all Scotland. Oswie the brother of this Oswald, was by the like gift of Cadwallo, made next king of Bernicia, and he by like commandement newlie subdued the Scots and Picts, and held them in that obeisance to this Cadwallow, during eight and twentie yeares. Thus Cadwallo reigned in the whole monarchie of great Britaine, hauing all [Page 203] the seuen kings thereof, as well Saxons as others his subiects: for albeit the number of Saxons from time to time greatlie increased, yet were they alwaies either at the first expelled, or else made tributarie to the onelie kings of Britons for the time being, as all their owne writers doo confesse.

Oswald was shortly made king of Bernicia by Cadwallo's gift, and he served under Cadwallo, defeating the Scots and Picts, and conquering all of Scotland. Oswie, Oswald's brother, was also made king of Bernicia by a similar gift from Cadwallo, and he similarly subdued the Scots and Picts, keeping them under Cadwallo's control for twenty-eight years. Thus, Cadwallo ruled over the entire kingdom of Great Britain, having all seven kings, both Saxons and others, as his subjects. Although the number of Saxons greatly increased over time, they were either initially driven out or made to pay tribute to the reigning kings of the Britons, as acknowledged by all their own writers.

Cadwallader was next king of the whole great Britaine, he reigned twelue yeares ouer all the kings thereof, in great peace and tranquillitie: and then vpon the lamentable death of his subiects, which died of sundrie diseases innumerablie, he departed into little Britaine. His sonne and cousine Iuor and Iue, being expelled out of England also by the Saxons, went into Wales, where among the Britons they and their posteritie remained princes. Vpon this great alteration, and warres being through the whole dominion betwéene the Britons and Saxons, the Scots thought time to slip the collar of obedience, and therevpon entred in league with Charles then king of France, establishing it in this wise.

Cadwallader then became king of all Great Britain, ruling for twelve years over all the kings in peace and tranquility. However, after his subjects suffered a tragic death from various diseases, he left for Little Britain. His son and cousin, Iuor and Iue, were also driven out of England by the Saxons, so they went to Wales, where they remained princes among the Britons along with their descendants. With this significant change and wars raging throughout the realm between the Britons and Saxons, the Scots felt it was time to break free from obedience. They then formed an alliance with Charles, the king of France, establishing it in this way.

1 "The iniurie of Englishmen doone to anie of these people, shall be perpetuallie holden common to them both.

1 "The wrongdoing of Englishmen done to any of these people shall be permanently regarded as common to them both."

2 "When Frenchmen be inuaded by Englishmen, the Scots shall send their armie in defense of France, so that they be supported with monie and vittels by the French.

2 "When the French are invaded by the English, the Scots will send their army to defend France, so they will be supported with money and supplies by the French.

3 "When Scots be inuaded by Englishmen, the Frenchmen shall come vpon their owne expenses, to their support and succour.

3 "When the Scots are invaded by the English, the French will come at their own expense to support and help them.

4 "None of the people shall take peace or truce with Englishmen, without the aduise of other, &c."

4 "None of the people shall make peace or a truce with the English, without the advice of others, etc."

Nicholas Adams. Manie disputable opinions may be had of warre without the praising of it, as onelie admittable by inforced necessitie, and to be vsed for peace sake onelie, where here the Scots sought warre for the loue of warre onelie. For their league giueth no benefit to themselues, either in frée traffike of their owne commodities, or benefit of the French, or other priuilege to the people of both. What discommoditie riseth by loosing the intercourse and exchange of our commodities (being in necessaries more aboundant than France) the Scots féele, and we perfectlie know. What ruine of their townes, destruction of countries, slaughter of both peoples, haue by reason of this bloudie league chanced, the histories be lamentable to read, and horrible among Christian men to be remembred: but God gaue the increase according to their séed, for as they did hereby sowe dissention, so did they shortlie after reape a bloudie slaughter and confusion. For Alpine their king, possessing a light mind that would be lost with a little wind, hoped by this league shortlie to subdue all great Britaine, and to that end not onelie rebelled in his owne kingdome, but also vsurped vpon the kingdome of Picts. Whervpon Edwine king of England, made one Brudeus king of Picts, whom he sent into Scotland with a great power, where in battell he tooke this Alpine king of Scots prisoner, and discomfited his people. And this Alpine being their king found subiect and rebell, his head was striken off at a place in Scotland, which thereof is to this daie called Pasalpine, that is to saie, the head of Alpine. And this was the first effect of their French league.

Nicholas Adams. Many debatable opinions exist about war without praising it, as it is only justifiable out of necessity and should be pursued solely for the sake of peace. However, the Scots sought war just for the sake of war. Their alliance does not benefit them in terms of freely trading their own goods, gaining advantages from the French, or providing any privileges for both peoples. The Scots experience the disadvantages of losing trade and the exchange of goods (which are far more plentiful than in France), and we fully understand this. The destruction of their towns, devastation of their land, and the slaughter of both peoples due to this bloody alliance make for lamentable reading in the histories and are horrific to remember among Christians. But God provided the outcome based on their actions; just as they sowed discord, they soon reaped bloody slaughter and chaos. Alpine, their king, who had a fickle mind easily swayed, hoped to conquer all of Great Britain through this alliance. To that end, he not only rebelled in his own kingdom but also encroached upon the kingdom of the Picts. In response, Edwine, the king of England, appointed a man named Brudeus as king of the Picts and sent him into Scotland with a large force, where he defeated this Alpine king of Scots in battle and captured him. With Alpine being both their king and a traitor, his head was cut off at a location in Scotland that is still called Pasalpine, which means the head of Alpine. This was the first consequence of their French alliance.

Osbright king of England, with Ella his subiect, and a great number of Britons and Saxons shortlie after, for that the Scots had of themselues elected a new king, entered Scotland, and ceassed not his war against them, vntill their king and people fled into the Iles, with whome at the last vpon their submission, peace was made in this wise.

Osbright, king of England, along with his subject Ella and a large number of Britons and Saxons, soon after that, because the Scots had chosen a new king for themselves, invaded Scotland. He did not stop his war against them until their king and people fled to the Isles. In the end, peace was established with them upon their submission.

The water of Frith shall be march betwéene Scots and Englishmen in the east parts, and shall be named the Scotish sea.

The water of Frith will be the boundary between the Scots and Englishmen in the eastern regions and will be called the Scottish Sea.

The water of Cluide to Dunbriton, shall be march in the west parts betwéene the Scots and Britons. This castell was before called Alcluide, but now Dunbriton, that is to say, the castle of Britons, and sometimes it was destroied by the Danes. So the Britons had all the lands from Sterling to the Ireland seas, and from the water of Frith & Cluide to Cumber, with all the strengths and commodities thereof: and the Englishmen had the lands betwéene Sterling and Northumberland. Thus was Cluide march betwéene the Scots and the Britons on the one side, and the water of Frith named the Scotish sea, march betwéene them and Englishmen on the other side, and Sterling common march to thrée people, Britons, Englishmen, and Scots, howbeit king Osbright had the castle of Stirling, [Page 204] where first he caused to be coined Sterling monie. The Englishmen also builded a bridge of stone, for passage ouer the water of Frith, in the middest whereof they made a crosse, vnder which were written these verses:

The river Cluide to Dunbriton will mark the western boundary between the Scots and Britons. This castle was previously called Alcluide, but now it's known as Dunbriton, which means the castle of Britons, and at times it was destroyed by the Danes. So the Britons controlled all the lands from Sterling to the Irish Sea, and from the Frith and Cluide rivers to Cumber, along with all their resources and advantages. The English held the lands between Sterling and Northumberland. Thus, Cluide was the boundary between the Scots and the Britons on one side, and the Frith river, referred to as the Scottish sea, served as the boundary between them and the English on the other side, while Sterling was a common boundary for the three groups: Britons, English, and Scots, although King Osbright had the castle of Stirling, where he first had Sterling coinage minted. The English also built a stone bridge for crossing the Frith river, in the center of which they erected a cross with these verses inscribed underneath:

I am free march, as passengers may ken,

I am free to march, as passengers may know,

To Scots, to Britons, and Englishmen.

To Scots, to Britons, and to Englishmen.

Not manie yeares after this, Hinguar and Hubba, two Danes, with a great number of people, arriued in Scotland, and slue Constantine, whom Osbright had before made king: wherevpon Edulfe or Ethelwulfe, then king of England, assembled his power against Hinguar and Hubba, and in one battell slue them both; but such of their people as would remaine and become christians, he suffered to tarie: the rest he banished or put to death, &c.

Not many years later, Hinguar and Hubba, two Danes, arrived in Scotland with a large group of people and killed Constantine, who Osbright had previously made king. In response, Edulfe, or Ethelwulfe, who was then king of England, gathered his forces against Hinguar and Hubba and killed both of them in a single battle. However, he allowed those of their people who wanted to stay and convert to Christianity to remain. The rest he banished or executed, etc.

This Ethelwulfe granted the Peter pence, of which albeit Peter & Paule had little need and lesse right: yet the paiment thereof continued in this realme euer after vntill now of late yeares. But the Scots euer since vnto this daie haue, and yet doo paie it, by reason of that grant, which prooueth them to be then vnder his obeisance.

This Ethelwulfe granted the Peter pence, which although Peter and Paul had little need for and less right to, the payment of it continued in this realm ever since until just a few recent years. However, the Scots have continued to pay it to this day because of that grant, which proves they were then under his authority.

Alured or Alfred succéeded in the kingdome of England, and reigned noblie ouer the whole monarchie of great Britaine: he made lawes, that persons excommunicated should be disabled to sue or claime anie propertie; which law Gregour, whome this Alured had made king of Scots, obeied; and the same law as well in Scotland as in England is holden to this daie, which also prooueth him to be high lord of Scotland.

Alured or Alfred succeeded in the kingdom of England and ruled nobly over the entire monarchy of Great Britain. He enacted laws stating that people who were excommunicated would be unable to sue or claim any property; this law was obeyed by Gregor, whom Alured had made king of Scots. This law, upheld in both Scotland and England, still stands today, which also proves him to be the high lord of Scotland.

This Alured constreined Gregour king of Scots also to breake the league with France, for generallie he concluded with him, and serued him in all his warres, as well against Danes as others, not reseruing or making anie exception of the former league with France.

This Alured forced Gregour, king of Scots, to break the alliance with France, as he generally made agreements with him and served him in all his wars, both against the Danes and others, without reserving or making any exception of the previous alliance with France.

The said Alured, after the death of Gregour, had the like seruice and obeisance of Donald king of Scots with fiue thousand horssemen, against one Gurmond a Dane that then infested the realme, and this Donald died in this faith and obeisance with Alured.

The mentioned Alured, after the death of Gregour, received the same service and loyalty from Donald, king of Scots, along with five thousand horsemen, against a Dane named Gurmond who was troubling the realm at that time, and this Donald died in this loyalty and service to Alured.

Edward the first of that name called Chifod sonne of this Alured succéeded his father, and was the next king of England: against whome Sithrijc a Dane and the Scots conspired; but they were subdued, and Constantine their king brought to obeisance. He held the realme of Scotland also of king Edward, and this dooth Marian their owne countrieman a Scot confesse: beside Roger Houeden, and William of Malmesberie.

Edward, the first of that name, called Chifod, son of Alured, succeeded his father and became the next king of England. Against him, Sithrijc, a Dane, and the Scots conspired, but they were defeated, and their king, Constantine, was brought to submission. He also held the kingdom of Scotland under King Edward, which is confirmed by Marian, a fellow countryman and Scot, as well as by Roger Houeden and William of Malmesbury.

In the yeare of our Lord 923, the same king Edward was president and gouernour of all the people of England, Cumberland, Scots, Danes, and Britons.

In the year 923, King Edward was the leader and governor of all the people in England, including those from Cumberland, the Scots, the Danes, and the Britons.

King Athelstane in like sort conquered Scotland, and as he laie in his tents beside Yorke, whilest the warres lasted, the king of Scots feined himselfe to be a minstrell, and harped before him onelie to espie his ordinance and his people. But being (as their writers confesse) corrupted with monie, he sold his faith and false heart together to the Danes, and aided them against king Athelstane at sundrie times. Howbeit he met with all their vntruthes at Broningfield in the west countrie, as is mentioned in the ninth chapter of the first booke of this description, where he discomfited the Danes, and slue Malcolme deputie in that behalfe to the king of Scots: in which battell the Scots confesse themselues to haue lost more people than were remembred in anie age before. Then Athelstane following his good lucke, went throughout all Scotland and wholie subdued it, and being in possession thereof, gaue land there lieng in Annandale by his deed, the copie wherof dooth follow:

King Athelstane similarly conquered Scotland, and while he was camped near York during the war, the king of Scots disguised himself as a minstrel and played the harp before Athelstane only to spy on his troops and strategy. However, as their historians admit, he was bribed and betrayed, selling out his loyalty to the Danes, assisting them against King Athelstane multiple times. Nevertheless, he faced their treachery at Broningfield in the west, as mentioned in the ninth chapter of the first book of this account, where he defeated the Danes and killed Malcolm, who was sent by the king of Scots. In that battle, the Scots acknowledged they lost more men than had been recorded in any previous conflict. Following this victory, Athelstane took advantage of his good fortune, traversed all of Scotland, completely conquering it. After gaining control, he granted land in Annandale through a deed, a copy of which follows:

"I king Athelstane, giues vnto Paulam, Oddam and Roddam, als good and als faire, as euer they mine were, and thereto witnesse Mauld my wife."

"I King Athelstane, give to Paulam, Oddam, and Roddam, as good and as fair as they ever were mine, and my wife Mauld is a witness to this."

By which course words, not onelie appeareth the plaine simplicitie of mens dooings in those daies: but also a full proofe that he was then seized of Scotland. At the last also he receiued homage of Malcolme king of Scots: but for that he could not be restored to his whole kingdome, he entered into religion, and there shortlie after died.

By these words, it is clear not only the straightforward simplicity of people's actions in those days, but also solid proof that he was in control of Scotland. In the end, he also received the loyalty of Malcolm, king of Scots; however, since he could not be restored to his entire kingdom, he entered the church and shortly thereafter died.

Then Athelstane, for his better assurance of that countrie there after, thought it best to haue two stringes to the bowe of their obedience, and therefore not onelie constituted one Malcolme to be their king, but also [Page 205] appointed one Indulph sonne of Constantine the third, to be called prince of Scotland, to whome he gaue much of Scotland: and for this Malcolme did homage to Athelstane.

Then Athelstane, to ensure better control over the region, decided to have two strings to the bow of their loyalty. So, he not only appointed Malcolm to be their king, but also named Indulph, the son of Constantine the third, as the prince of Scotland, to whom he granted a large portion of Scotland. In return, Malcolm pledged his loyalty to Athelstane. [Page 205]

Edmund brother of Athelstane succéeded next king of England, to whome this Indulph then king of Scots not onelie did homage, but also serued him with ten thousand Scots, for the expulsion of the Danes out of the realme of England.

Edmund, brother of Athelstane, became the next king of England. To him, Indulph, then king of Scots, not only paid homage but also served him with ten thousand Scots to help drive the Danes out of England.

Some referre this to an Edward. Edred or Eldred brother to this Edmund succéeded next king of England: he not onelie receiued the homage of Irise then king of Scots, but also the homage of all the barons of Scotland.

Some people call this an Edward. Edred or Eldred, brother to this Edmund, succeeded as the next king of England; he not only received the loyalty of Iris, then king of Scots, but also the loyalty of all the barons of Scotland.

Edgar the sonne of Edmund, brother of Athelstane, being now of full age, was next king of England: he reigned onelie ouer the whole monarchie of Britaine, and receiued homage of Keneth king of Scots for the kingdome of Scotland, and made Malcolme prince thereof.

Edgar, the son of Edmund, brother of Athelstane, now of full age, became the next king of England. He ruled over the entire kingdom of Britain and received loyalty from Kenneth, king of Scots, for the kingdom of Scotland, making Malcolm its prince.

This Edgar gaue vnto the same Keneth the countrie of Louthian in Scotland, which was before seized into the hands of Osbright king of England for their rebellion, as is before declared. He inioined Keneth their said king also once in euerie yéere at certeine principall feasts (whereat the king did vse to weare his crowne) to repaire vnto him into England for the making of lawes: which in those daies was doone by the noble men or péeres according to the order of France at this daie. He allowed also sundrie lodgings in England, to him and his successours, whereat to lie, and refresh themselues in their iourneies, whensoeuer they should come vp to doo their homages: and finallie a péece of ground lieng beside the new palace of Westminster, vpon which this Keneth builded a house, that by him and his posteritie was inioied vntill the reigne of king Henrie the second. In whose time, vpon the rebellion of William king of Scots, it was resumed into the king of Englands hand. The house is decaied, but the ground where it stood is called Scotland to this daie.

This Edgar gave the same Kenneth the region of Lothian in Scotland, which had previously been taken into the possession of Osbright, king of England, due to their rebellion, as mentioned earlier. He also instructed Kenneth, their king, to come to England once a year during certain major feasts (when the king used to wear his crown) for lawmaking purposes: a process that was carried out by the noblemen or peers, similar to the way it's done in France today. He also granted various accommodations in England for him and his successors to stay and rest during their journeys whenever they came to pay their respects. Finally, a piece of land next to the new palace of Westminster was given to Kenneth, upon which he built a house that was occupied by him and his descendants until the reign of King Henry II. During his time, due to the rebellion of William, king of Scots, it was taken back into the king of England's control. The house has since fallen into ruin, but the land where it once stood is still referred to as Scotland to this day.

Lawfull age and wardship of heires. Moreouer, Edgar made this law, that no man should succéed to his patrimonie or inheritance holden by knights seruice, vntill he accomplished the age of one and twentie yéeres: because by intendment vnder that age, he should not be able in person to serue his king and countrie according to the tenor of his deed, and the condition of his purchase. This law was receiued by the same Keneth in Scotland; and as well there as in England is obserued to this daie: which prooueth also that Scotland was then vnder his obeisance.

Legal age and guardianship of heirs. Furthermore, Edgar established the law that no one could inherit property held by knight service until they turned twenty-one. This was because, in theory, someone younger than that wouldn't be able to serve their king and country personally according to the terms of their agreement and the conditions of their inheritance. This law was accepted by Kenneth in Scotland, and it is still observed there as well as in England today, which also shows that Scotland was under his authority at that time.

In the yeere of our Lord 974, Kinald king of Scots, and Malcolme king of Cumberland, Macon king of Man and the Iles, Duuenall king of Southwales, Siferth and Howell kings of the rest of Wales, Jacob or James of Gallowaie, & Jukill of Westmerland did homage to king Edgar at Chester. And on the morrow going by water to the monasterie of saint Iohns to seruice, and returning home againe: the said Edgar sitting in a barge, and stirring the same vpon the water of Dée, made the said kings to row the barge, saieng that his successors might well be ioifull to haue the prerogatiue of so great honour, and the superioritie of so manie mightie princes to be subiect vnto their monarchie.

In the year 974, King Kinald of Scots, King Malcolme of Cumberland, King Macon of Man and the Isles, King Duuenall of South Wales, Kings Siferth and Howell of the rest of Wales, Jacob or James of Galloway, and Jukill of Westmoreland pledged their loyalty to King Edgar at Chester. The next day, while traveling by boat to St. John's monastery for service and returning home, Edgar sat in a barge on the River Dee and had the kings row the boat. He said that his successors would surely be delighted to have the privilege of such great honor and the subjugation of so many powerful princes to their monarchy.

Edward, the sonne of this Edgar, was next king of England, in whose time this Keneth king of Scots caused Malcolme king of Scotland to be poisoned. Wherevpon king Edward made warre against him, which ceased not vntill this Keneth submitted himselfe, and offered to receiue him for prince of Scotland, whome king Edward would appoint. Herevpon king Edward proclamed one Malcolme to be prince of Scotland, who immediatlie came into England, and there did homage vnto the same king Edward.

Edward, the son of Edgar, was the next king of England. During his reign, Kenneth, the king of Scots, had Malcolm, the king of Scotland, poisoned. Because of this, King Edward waged war against him, which continued until Kenneth surrendered and agreed to accept whoever King Edward appointed as the prince of Scotland. As a result, King Edward declared one Malcolm to be the prince of Scotland, who then came to England and pledged his loyalty to King Edward.

Etheldred, brother of this Edward succeeded next ouer England, against whome Swaine king of Denmarke conspired with this last Malcolme then king of Scots. But shortlie after, this Malcolme sorrowfullie submitted himselfe into the defense of Etheldred: who considering how that which could not be amended, must onelie be repented, benignlie receiued him. By helpe of whose seruice at last Etheldred recouered his realme againe out of the hands of Swaine, and reigned ouer the whole monarchie eight and thirtie yéeres.

Etheldred, brother of Edward, succeeded to the throne of England next. He faced a conspiracy from Swaine, the king of Denmark, in alliance with Malcolme, the king of Scots. However, not long after, Malcolme sadly submitted himself to Etheldred's defense, who, recognizing that what couldn't be changed must only be regretted, kindly accepted him. With Malcolme's help, Etheldred eventually reclaimed his kingdom from Swaine and ruled over the entire monarchy for thirty-eight years.

Edmund surnamed Ironside, sonne of this Etheldred, was next king of [Page 206] England, in whose time Canutus a Dane inuaded the realme with much crueltie. But at the last he married with Emme sometime wife vnto Etheldred and mother of this Edmund. Which Emme, as arbitratrix betweene hir naturall loue to the one, and matrimoniall dutie to the other, procured such amitie betwéene them in the end, that Edmund was contented to diuide the realme with Canutus: and keeping to himselfe all England on this side Humber, gaue all the rest beyond Humber, with the seigniorie of Scotland to this Canutus. Wherevpon Malcolme then king of Scots (after a little accustomable resistance) did homage to the same Canutus for the kingdome of Scotland. Thus the said Canutus held the same ouer of this Edmund king of England by the like seruices, so long as they liued togither. This Canutus in memorie of this victorie, and glorie of his seigniorie ouer the Scots, commanded Malcolme their king to build a church in Buchquhan in Scotland, (where a field betweene him and them was fought) to be dedicated to Olauus patrone of Norwaie and Denmarke, which church was by the same Malcolme accordinglie performed.

Edmund, nicknamed Ironside, the son of Etheldred, became the next king of [Page 206] England. During his reign, a Dane named Canute invaded the kingdom with great cruelty. Eventually, he married Emma, who was once Etheldred's wife and the mother of Edmund. Emma, balancing her natural affection for one and her marital duty to the other, managed to foster such friendship between them that Edmund agreed to share the kingdom with Canute. He kept all of England this side of the Humber and gave Canute the rest beyond the Humber, along with control over Scotland. Consequently, Malcolm, the then king of Scots, after a bit of usual resistance, pledged allegiance to Canute for the Scottish kingdom. Thus, Canute held power over Edmund, king of England, through similar services for as long as they lived together. In memory of this victory and to honor his lordship over the Scots, Canute ordered Malcolm, their king, to build a church in Buchquhan, Scotland, (where a battle was fought between him and them) dedicated to Olav, the patron saint of Norway and Denmark, which church was accordingly built by Malcolm.

Edward called the Confessour, sonne of Etheldred, and brother to Edmund Ironside, was afterward king of England: he tooke from Malcolme king of Scots his life and his kingdome, and made Malcolme sonne to the king of Cumberland and Northumberland king of Scots, who did him homage and fealtie.

Edward, the Confessor, son of Etheldred and brother to Edmund Ironside, later became king of England. He took both the life and kingdom from Malcolm, the king of Scots, and made Malcolm, son of the king of Cumberland and Northumberland, the king of Scots, who swore him loyalty and fealty.

This Edward perused the old lawes of the realme, and somewhat added to some of them: as to the law of Edgar for the wardship of the lands vntill the heire should accomplish the age of one and twentie yeeres. He added, that the marriage of such heire should also belong to the lord of To whome the marriage of the ward perteineth. whom the same land was holden. Also, that euerie woman marrieng a freeman, should (notwithstanding she had no children by that husband) enioie the third part of his inheritance during hir life: with manie other lawes which the same Malcolme king of Scots obeied, and which as well by them in Scotland, as by vs in England be obserued to this day, and directlie prooueth the whole to be then vnder his obeisance.

This Edward reviewed the old laws of the realm and made some additions to them, such as the law of Edgar regarding the guardianship of lands until the heir reached the age of twenty-one. He added that the marriage of such an heir should also belong to the lord of To whom the marriage of the ward concerns. who held the land. Additionally, he stated that any woman marrying a freeman should, even if she had no children with that husband, enjoy one-third of his inheritance for the rest of her life, along with many other laws that the same Malcolm King of Scots followed, which are still observed both in Scotland and in England today. This clearly proves that the whole matter was under his authority at that time.

By reason of this law, Malcolme the sonne of Duncane next inheritor to the crowne of Scotland, being within age, was by the nobles of Scotland deliuered as ward to the custodie also of king Edward. During whose minoritie, one Makebeth a Scot traitorouslie vsurped the crowne of Scotland. Against whome the said Edward made warre, in which the said Mackbeth was ouercome and slaine. Wherevpon the said Malcolme was crowned king of Scots at Scone, in the eight yeere of the reigne of king Edward aforesaid. This Malcolme also by tenor of the said new law of wardship, was married vnto Margaret the daughter of Edward sonne of Edmund Ironside and Agatha, by the disposition of the same king Edward, and at his full age did homage to this king Edward the Confessour for the kingdome of Scotland.

Because of this law, Malcolm, the son of Duncan, the next heir to the crown of Scotland, was handed over to King Edward by the Scottish nobles as a ward since he was still a minor. During his childhood, a Scot named Macbeth treacherously seized the crown of Scotland. In response, King Edward declared war, and Macbeth was defeated and killed. Following that, Malcolm was crowned King of Scots at Scone in the eighth year of King Edward’s reign. Additionally, under the provisions of the new law of wardship, Malcolm was married to Margaret, the daughter of Edward, son of Edmund Ironside and Agatha, arranged by King Edward himself. When he came of age, he paid homage to King Edward the Confessor for the kingdom of Scotland.

Edward the Confessour. Moreouer, Edward of England, hauing no issue of his bodie, and mistrusting that Harald the son of Goodwine, descended of the daughter of Harald Harefoot the Dane, would vsurpe the crowne, if he should leaue it to his cousine Edgar Eatling (being then within age) and partlie by the petition of his subiects, who before had sworne neuer to receiue anie kings ouer them of the Danish nation, did by his substantiall will in writing (as all our clergie writers affirme) demise the crowne of great Britaine vnto William Bastard, then duke of Normandie, and to his heires, constituting him his heire testamentarie. Also there was proximitie in bloud betwéene them: for Emme daughter of Richard duke of Normandie was wife vnto Etheldred, on whom he begat Alured and this Edward: and this William was son of Robert sonne of Richard, brother of the whole bloud to the same Emme. Whereby appeareth that this William was heire by title, and not by conquest, albeit that partlie to extinguish the mistrust of other titles, and partlie for the glorie of his victorie, he chalenged in the end, the name of a conquerour, and hath béene so written euer since the time of his arriuall.

Edward the Confessor. Furthermore, Edward of England, having no children and fearing that Harald, the son of Goodwin, who was a descendant of the daughter of Harald Harefoot the Dane, would seize the crown if he left it to his cousin Edgar Atheling (who was still a minor at the time), and partly due to the request of his subjects, who had previously sworn never to accept another king from the Danish line, decided in a formal written statement (as all our clerical writers affirm) to pass the crown of Great Britain to William the Bastard, who was then the Duke of Normandy, and to his heirs, naming him as his testamentary heir. There was also a blood relationship between them: for Emma, daughter of Richard, Duke of Normandy, was married to Ethelred, and they had Alfred and this Edward; and William was the son of Robert, the son of Richard, who was the brother of Emma. This shows that William had a claim as an heir and not through conquest, although partly to dispel doubts about other claims and partly for the glory of his victory, he ultimately claimed the title of conqueror and has been referred to that way ever since he arrived.

William Bastard. Furthermore, this William, called the Bastard and the Conquerour, supposed not his conquest perfect till he had likewise subdued the Scots. Wherfore to bring the Scots to iust obeisance after his coronation, as heire testamentarie to Edward the Confessour; he entred Scotland, where after a little resistance made by the inhabitants, the [Page 207] said Malcolme then their king did homage to him at Abirnethie in Scotland for the kingdome of Scotland, as to his superiour also by meane of his late conquest.

William the Bastard. Additionally, this William, known as the Bastard and the Conqueror, believed his conquest wasn't complete until he had also defeated the Scots. Therefore, to bring the Scots into proper submission after his coronation as the rightful heir to Edward the Confessor, he entered Scotland. Following some brief resistance from the locals, the king at that time, Malcolm, paid homage to him at Abernethy in Scotland for the kingdom of Scotland, recognizing him as his superior due to his recent conquest.

William Rufus. William surnamed Rufus, sonne to this William called the Conquerour, succéeded next in the throne of England, to whome the said Malcolme king of Scots did like homage for the whole kingdome of Scotland. But afterward he rebelled, and was by this William Rufus slaine in plaine field. Wherevpon the Scotishmen did choose one Donald or Dunwall to be their king. But this William Rufus deposed him, and created Dunkane sonne of Malcolme to be their king, who did like homage to him. Finallie, this Dunkane was slaine by the Scots, and Dunwall restored, who once againe by this William Rufus was deposed; and Edgar son of Malcolme, and brother to the last Malcolme, was by him made their king, who did like homage for Scotland to this William Rufus.

William II. William, known as Rufus, the son of William the Conqueror, became the next king of England. King Malcolm of Scotland paid him tribute for the entire kingdom of Scotland. However, later on, Malcolm rebelled and was killed in battle by William Rufus. After this, the Scots chose Donald, also known as Dunwall, to be their king. But William Rufus removed him from power and appointed Dunkane, son of Malcolm, as their king, who paid him tribute. Eventually, Dunkane was killed by the Scots, and Dunwall was restored to the throne. Once again, William Rufus deposed Dunwall and made Edgar, son of Malcolm and brother to the previous Malcolm, their king, who also paid tribute for Scotland to William Rufus.

Henrie I. Henrie called Beauclerke the sonne of William called the Conquerour, after the death of his brother William Rufus, succéeded to the crowne of England, to whome the same Edgar king of Scots did homage for Scotland: this Henrie Beauclerke maried Mawd the daughter of Malcolme K. of Scots, and by hir had issue Mawd afterward empresse.

Henry I. Henry, known as Beauclerc, the son of William the Conqueror, succeeded to the throne of England after the death of his brother William Rufus. Edgar, the king of Scots, did homage to him for Scotland. This Henry Beauclerc married Matilda, the daughter of Malcolm, the King of Scots, and they had a daughter, Matilda, who later became empress.

Alexander the sonne of Malcolme brother to this Mawd was next king of Scots, he did like homage for the kingdome of Scotland to this Henrie the first, as Edgar had doone before him.

Alexander, the son of Malcolm, brother to this Mawd, was the next king of Scots. He paid homage for the kingdom of Scotland to this Henry the First, just as Edgar had done before him.

Mawd. Mawd called the empresse, daughter and heire to Henrie Beauclerke and Mawd his wife, receiued homage of Dauid, brother to hir and to this Alexander next king of Scots, before all the temporall men of England for the kingdome of Scotland. This Mawd the empresse gaue vnto Dauid in the marriage, Mawd the daughter and heire of Voldosius earle of Huntingdon & Northumberland. And herein their euasion appeareth, by which they allege that their kings homages were made for the earledome of Huntingdon. For this Dauid was the first that of their kings was earle of Huntingdon, which was since all the homages of their kings before recited, and at the time of this mariage, & long after the said Alexander his brother was king of Scots, doing the homage aforesaid to Henrie Beauclerke son to the aforesaid ladie, of whome I find this epitaph worthie to be remembred:

Maw. Mawd, the empress and daughter and heiress of Henry Beauclerc and Mawd his wife, received the homage of David, her brother, and Alexander, the next king of Scots, in front of all the nobles of England for the kingdom of Scotland. This Mawd the empress gave David in marriage Mawd, the daughter and heiress of Voldosius, Earl of Huntingdon & Northumberland. Their deception is evident here, as they claim that their kings' homage was for the earldom of Huntingdon. David was the first of their kings to be Earl of Huntingdon, which came after all the previous homages of their kings, and at the time of this marriage, and long after, the said Alexander, his brother, was king of Scots, performing the aforementioned homage to Henry Beauclerc, son of the above-mentioned lady, for whom I find this epitaph worthy of remembrance:

Ortu magna, viro maior, sed maxima partu,

Ortu magna, viro maior, sed maxima partu,

Hîc iacet Henrici filia, sponsa, parens.

Hic lies the daughter of Henry, his bride, his kin.

In the yéere of our Lord 1136, and first yéere of the reigne of king Stephan, the said Dauid king of Scots being required to doo his homage, refused it: for so much as he had doone homage to Mawd the empresse before time; notwithstanding the sonne of the said Dauid did homage to king Stephan.

In the year of our Lord 1136, and the first year of King Stephen's reign, King David of Scots was asked to do his homage but refused. He had already paid homage to Empress Matilda previously; however, the son of King David did pay homage to King Stephen.

Henrie 2. Henrie called Fitz empresse, the sonne of Mawd the empresse daughter of Mawd, daughter of Malcolme king of Scots, was next king of England. He receiued homage for Scotland of Malcolme sonne of Henrie, sonne of the said Dauid their last king. Which Malcolme after this homage attended vpon the same king Henrie in his warres against Lewis then king of France. Whereby appeareth that their French league was neuer renewed after the last diuision of their countrie by Osbright king of England. But after these warres finished with the French king, this Malcolme being againe in Scotland rebelled: wherevpon king Henrie immediatlie seized Huntingdon and Northumberland into his owne hands by confiscation, and made warres vpon him in Scotland: during which the same Malcolme died without issue of his bodie.

Henri II. Henrie called Fitz Empresse, the son of Mawd the Empresse, who was the daughter of Mawd, daughter of Malcolme, king of Scots, was the next king of England. He received homage for Scotland from Malcolme, son of Henrie, son of their last king, Dauid. After this homage, Malcolme joined King Henrie in his wars against Lewis, the king of France. This shows that their alliance with France was never renewed after the last division of their country by Osbright, king of England. However, after these wars with the king of France ended, Malcolme rebelled again in Scotland. As a result, King Henrie immediately seized Huntingdon and Northumberland for himself through confiscation and waged war against him in Scotland. During this time, Malcolme died without leaving any children.

William brother of this Malcolme was next king of Scots, he with all the Because they were taken from him before. nobles of Scotland (which could not be now for anie earledome) did homage to the sonne of Henrie the second, his father. Also the earledome of Huntingdon was (as ye haue heard) before this forfeited by Malcolme his brother, and neuer after restored to the crowne of Scotland.

William, the brother of Malcolm, was the next king of Scots. He, along with all the nobles of Scotland (which could not be done for any earldom at that time), pledged allegiance to the son of Henry the Second, his father. Additionally, the earldom of Huntingdon had previously been forfeited by Malcolm, his brother, and was never restored to the crown of Scotland.

This William did afterward attend vpon the same Henrie the second, in his warres in Normandie against the French king (notwithstanding their French league) and then being licenced to depart home in the tenth of this prince, and vpon the fifteenth of Februarie he returned, and vpon the sixtéenth of October did homage to him for the realme of Scotland. [Page 208] In token also of his perpetuall subjection to the crowne of England, he offered vp his cloake, his saddle, and his speare at the high altar in Yorke: wherevpon he was permitted to depart home into Scotland, where immediatlie he mooued cruell warre in Northumberland against the same king Henrie, being as yet in Normandie. But God tooke the defense of king Henries part, and deliuered the same William king of Scots into the hands of a few Englishmen, who brought him prisoner to king Henrie into Normandie in the twentith yeere of his reigne. But at the last, at the sute of Dauid his brother, Richard bishop of saint Andrews, and other bishops and lords, he was put to this fine for the amendment of his trespasse; to wit, to paie ten thousand pounds sterling, and to surrender all his title to the earldome of Huntingdon, Cumberland, & Northumberland into the hands of king Henrie, which he did in all things accordinglie, sealing his charters thereof with the great scale of Scotland, and signets of his nobilitie yet to be seene: wherein it was also comprised, that he and his successours should hold the realme of Scotland of the king of England and his successours for euer. And herevpon he once againe did homage to the same king Henrie, which now could not be for the earledome of Huntingdon, the right whereof was alreadie by him surrendered. And for the better assurance of this faith also, the strengths of Berwike, Edenborough, Roxborough, and Striueling were deliuered into the hands of our king Henrie of England, which their owne writers confesse. But Hector Boetius saith, that this trespasse was amended by fine of twentie thousand pounds sterling, and that the erledome of Huntingdon, Cumberland, and Northumberland were deliuered as morgage into the hands of king Henrie, vntill other ten thousand pounds sterling should be to him paid, which is so farre from truth, as Hector was (while he liued) from well meaning to our countrie. But if we grant that it is true, yet prooueth he not that the monie was paid, nor the land otherwise redéemed, or euer after came to anie Scotish kings hands. And thus it appeareth that the earledome of Huntingdon was neuer occasion of the homages of the Scotish kings to the kings of England, either before this time or after.

William later joined Henry II in his wars in Normandy against the French king, despite their French alliance. He was granted leave to return home in the tenth year of this prince's reign, and on February 15 he came back. On October 16, he did homage to him for the kingdom of Scotland. [Page 208] As a sign of his ongoing loyalty to the crown of England, he presented his cloak, saddle, and spear at the high altar in York. After that, he was allowed to go back to Scotland, where he immediately launched a brutal war in Northumberland against Henry, who was still in Normandy. But God defended King Henry’s side and handed William, King of Scots, over to a few Englishmen, who brought him as a prisoner to King Henry in Normandy in the twentieth year of his reign. Eventually, at the request of his brother David, Richard, Bishop of St. Andrews, and other bishops and lords, he was fined to make amends for his offense. Specifically, he had to pay ten thousand pounds sterling and give up all his claims to the earldom of Huntingdon, Cumberland, and Northumberland to King Henry, which he did, sealing his charters with the Great Seal of Scotland and the seals of his nobility, still visible today. It was also stated that he and his successors would hold the kingdom of Scotland from the king of England and his successors forever. Accordingly, he once again did homage to King Henry, which could no longer include the earldom of Huntingdon, the rights to which he had already surrendered. To further ensure this loyalty, the strongholds of Berwick, Edinburgh, Roxburgh, and Stirling were handed over to King Henry of England, something their own writers acknowledge. However, Hector Boetius claims that this offense was rectified with a fine of twenty thousand pounds sterling, and that the earldoms of Huntingdon, Cumberland, and Northumberland were offered as a mortgage to King Henry until a further ten thousand pounds sterling was paid, which is far from the truth, as Hector was, during his lifetime, not well-intentioned toward our country. Even if we assume this is true, he does not prove that the money was paid, nor that the land was redeemed, or ever returned to any Scottish kings. Thus, it is clear that the earldom of Huntingdon was never a reason for the Scottish kings' homage to the kings of England, either before or after this time.

This was doone 1175. Moreouer I read this note hereof gathered out of Robertus Montanus or Montensis that liued in those daies, and was (as I take it) "confessor to king Henrie. The king of Scots dooth homage to king Henrie for the kingdome of Scotland, and is sent home againe, his bishops also did promise to doo the like to the archbishop of Yorke, and to acknowledge themselues to be of his prouince and iurisdiction. By vertue also of this composition the said Robert saith, that Rex Angliæ dabat honores, episcopatus, abbatias, & alias dignitates in Scotia, vel saltem eius consilio dabantur, that is, The king of England gaue honors, bishopriks, abbatships, and other dignities in Scotland, or at the leastwise they were not giuen without his aduise and counsell."

This was done in 1175. Moreover, I read this note from Robertus Montanus or Montensis, who lived at that time and was (as I understand it) the confessor to King Henry. The King of Scots pays homage to King Henry for the Kingdom of Scotland and is sent home again; his bishops also promised to do the same to the Archbishop of York and to acknowledge themselves as part of his province and jurisdiction. According to this agreement, Robert says that the King of England granted honors, bishoprics, abbacies, and other dignities in Scotland, or at least they were not given without his advice and counsel.

At this time Alexander bishop of Rome (supposed to haue generall iurisdiction ecclesiasticall through christendome) established the whole cleargie of Scotland (according to the old lawes) vnder the iurisdiction of the archbishop of Yorke.

At this time, Alexander, the bishop of Rome (believed to have general ecclesiastical authority throughout Christendom), placed the entire clergy of Scotland (following the old laws) under the jurisdiction of the archbishop of York.

In the yeare of our Lord 1185, in the moneth of August, at Cairleill, Rouland Talmant lord of Galwaie, did homage and fealtie to the said king Henrie with all that held of him.

In the year of our Lord 1185, in the month of August, at Cairleill, Rouland Talmant, lord of Galwaie, pledged loyalty and fealty to King Henrie, alongside everyone else who held land from him.

In the two and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the second, Gilbert sonne of Ferguse prince of Galwaie, did homage and fealtie to the said king Henrie, and left Dunecan his sonne in hostage for conseruation of his peace.

In the twenty-second year of King Henry the Second's reign, Gilbert, son of Fergus, Prince of Galway, pledged loyalty and fealty to King Henry and left his son Dunecan as a hostage for the maintenance of peace.

Richard surnamed Cœur de Lion, because of his stoutnesse, and sonne of this Henrie was next king of England, to whome the same William king of Scots did homage at Canturburie for the whole kingdome of Scotland.

Richard, nicknamed Cœur de Lion for his bravery, was the son of Henry and became the next king of England. He received homage from William, king of Scots, at Canterbury for the entire kingdom of Scotland.

This king Richard was taken prisoner by the duke of Ostrich, for whose redemption the whole realme was taxed at great summes of monie vnto the which this William king of Scots (as a subject) was contributorie, and paied two thousand markes sterling.

This King Richard was captured by the Duke of Ostrich, for whose release the entire realm was taxed at large sums of money, to which this William, King of Scots (as a subject), contributed and paid two thousand marks in sterling.

In the yeare of our Lord 1199, Iohn king of England sent to William king of Scots, to come and doo his homage, which William came to Lincolne in the moneth of December the same yeare, and did his homage vpon an hill in the presence of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, and of all the [Page 209] people there assembled, and therevnto tooke his oth and was sworne vpon the crosse of the said Hubert: also he granted by his charter confirmed, that he should haue the mariage of Alexander his sonne, as his liegeman, alwaies to hold of the king of England: promising moreouer that he the said king William and his sonne Alexander, should keepe and hold faith and allegiance to Henrie sonne of the said king Iohn, as to their chiefe lord against all maner of men that might liue and die.

In the year 1199, John, king of England, sent for William, king of Scots, to come and pay his allegiance. William arrived in Lincoln in December of that same year and performed his homage on a hill in front of Hubert, archbishop of Canterbury, and all the gathered people. He took an oath and was sworn on the cross of Archbishop Hubert. Additionally, he confirmed by his charter that he would have the marriage of his son Alexander, as his vassal, always to hold of the king of England. Furthermore, both King William and his son Alexander promised to keep faith and allegiance to Henry, son of King John, as their chief lord against all men who might live or die.

Also whereas William king of Scots had put Iohn bishop of saint Andrew out of his bishoprike, pope Clement wrote to Henrie king of England, that he should mooue and induce the same William; and if néed required by his roiall power and prerogatiue ouer that nation, to compell him to leaue his rancor against the said bishop, and suffer him to haue and occupie his said bishoprike againe.

Also, since William, the king of Scots, had removed John, the Bishop of Saint Andrews, from his bishopric, Pope Clement wrote to Henry, the king of England, urging him to persuade and urge William. If necessary, using his royal power and authority over that nation, to force him to let go of his anger towards the bishop and allow him to have and reclaim his bishopric again.

In the yeare of our Lord 1216, and fiue & twentith of the reigne of Henrie, sonne to king Iohn, the same Henrie and the quéene were at Yorke at the feast of Christmasse, for the solemnization of a marriage made in the feast of saint Stephan the martyr the same yeare, betwéene Alexander king of Scots, and Margaret the kings daughter, and there the said Alexander did homage to Henrie king of England for all the realme of Scotland.

In the year 1216, during the twenty-fifth year of the reign of Henry, son of King John, Henry and the queen were in York for the Christmas feast, to celebrate a marriage that took place on the feast of Saint Stephen the Martyr that same year, between Alexander, King of Scots, and Margaret, the king's daughter. There, Alexander did homage to Henry, King of England, for all of Scotland.

In buls of diuerse popes were admonitions giuen to the kings of Scots, as appeareth by that of Gregorie the fift and Clement his successor, that they should obserue and trulie kéepe all such appointments, as had béene made betwéene the kings of England and Scotland. And that the kings of Scotland should still hold the realme of Scotland of the kings of England, vpon paine of cursse and interdiction.

In letters from various popes, there were warnings given to the kings of Scotland, as shown by that of Gregory the Fifth and his successor Clement, that they should observe and truly keep all the agreements that had been made between the kings of England and Scotland. And that the kings of Scotland should always hold the kingdom of Scotland from the kings of England, under penalty of curse and excommunication.

After the death of Alexander king of Scots, Alexander his sonne, being nine yeares of age, was by the lawes of Edgar, in ward to king Henrie the third, & by the nobles of Scotland brought to Yorke, and there deliuered vnto him. During whose minoritie king Henrie gouerned Scotland, and to subdue a commotion in this realme, vsed the aid of fiue thousand Scotishmen. But king Henrie died during the nonage of this Alexander, whereby he receiued not his homage, which by reason and law was respited vntill his full age of one and twentie yeares.

After the death of Alexander, the king of Scots, his son Alexander, who was just nine years old, was placed under the guardianship of King Henry the Third according to the laws of Edgar. He was taken to York by the Scottish nobles and handed over to him. During Alexander's childhood, King Henry governed Scotland and called upon five thousand Scots to help suppress a rebellion in the realm. However, King Henry died while Alexander was still underage, so he never received his loyalty, which was postponed by law until he turned twenty-one.

Edward the first after the conquest, sonne of this Henrie was next king of England; immediatlie after whose coronation, Alexander king of Scots, being then of full age, did homage to him for Scotland at Westminster, swearing (as all the rest did) after this maner.

Edward I, the son of Henry, became the next king of England after the conquest. Right after his coronation, Alexander, the king of Scots, who was then of full age, pledged his loyalty to him for Scotland at Westminster, swearing (like everyone else did) in this manner.

"I. D. N. king of Scots shall be true and faithfull vnto you lord E. by the grace of God king of England, the noble and superior lord of the kingdome of Scotland, and vnto you I make my fidelitie for the same kingdome, the which I hold and claime to hold of you. And I shall beare you my faith and fidelitie of life and lim, and worldlie honour against all men, faithfullie I shall knowlege and shall doo you seruice due vnto you of the kingdome of Scotland aforesaid, as God me so helpe and these holie euangelies."

"I, D. N., king of Scots, will be true and loyal to you, Lord E., by the grace of God, king of England, the noble and superior lord of the kingdom of Scotland. I pledge my loyalty to you for that kingdom, which I hold and claim to hold from you. I will bear you my faith and loyalty with all my life and worldly honor against all men. I will faithfully acknowledge you and provide you with the service I owe you from the kingdom of Scotland, so help me God and these holy gospels."

This Alexander king of Scots died, leauing one onelie daughter called Margaret for his heire, who before had maried Hanigo, sonne to Magnus king of Norwaie, which daughter also shortlie after died, leauing one onelie daughter hir heire, of the age of two yeares, whose custodie and mariage by the lawes of king Edgar, and Edward the confessor, belonged to Edward the first: whervpon the nobles of Scotland were commanded by our king Edward to send into Norwaie, to conueie this yoong queene into England to him, whome he intended to haue maried to his sonne Edward: and so to haue made a perfect vnion long wished for betwéene both realmes. Herevpon their nobles at that time considering the same tranquillitie that manie of them haue since refused, stood not vpon shifts and delaies of minoritie nor contempt, but most gladlie consented, and therevpon sent two noble men of Scotland into Norwaie, for hir to be brought to this king Edward, but she died before their comming thither, and therefore they required nothing but to inioie the lawfull liberties that they had quietlie possessed in the last king Alexanders time.

King Alexander of Scotland died, leaving only one daughter named Margaret as his heir. She had previously married Hanigo, the son of Magnus, king of Norway. Unfortunately, this daughter also died shortly afterward, leaving just one daughter, her heir, who was two years old. According to the laws of King Edgar and Edward the Confessor, her custody and marriage belonged to Edward I. As a result, the nobles of Scotland were ordered by King Edward to send someone to Norway to bring this young queen to England. He intended to marry her to his son, Edward, which would create the long-desired union between both kingdoms. At that time, the Scottish nobles, considering the peace that many of them would later reject, were not hesitant about the issues of minority or disdain but gladly agreed. They then sent two noblemen from Scotland to Norway to retrieve her, but she died before they arrived. Therefore, they only requested to enjoy the lawful liberties they had peacefully held during the reign of the last King Alexander.

After the death of this Margaret, the Scots were destitute of anie heire to the crowne from this Alexander their last king, at which time this Edward descended from the bodie of Mawd daughter of Malcolme sometime [Page 210] king of Scots, being then in the greatest broile of his warres with France, minded not to take the possession of that kingdome in his owne right, but was contented to establish Balioll to be king thereof, the weake title betwéene him, Bruse, & Hastings, being by the humble petition of all the realme of Scotland cōmitted to the determination of king Edward, wherein by autentike writing they confessed the superioritie of the realme to remaine in king Edward, sealed with the seales of foure bishops, seuen earles, and twelue barons of Scotland, and which shortlie after was by the whole assent of the three estates of Scotland, in their solemne parlement confessed and enacted accordinglie, as most euidentlie dooth appeare.

After Margaret's death, the Scots were left without an heir to the crown from Alexander, their last king. At that time, Edward, who descended from Mawd, the daughter of Malcolm, who was once king of Scots, was deeply involved in wars with France. He didn't intend to take the kingdom for himself but was willing to support Baliol as king. The weak claims among him, Bruce, and Hastings were submitted to King Edward for resolution through the humble petition of all Scotland. They acknowledged in official documents that the realm's superiority would remain with King Edward, which were sealed by four bishops, seven earls, and twelve barons of Scotland. Shortly after, this was formally recognized and enacted by the full agreement of the three estates of Scotland in their solemn Parliament, as is quite clearly evidenced.

The Balioll in this wise made king of Scotland, did immediatlie make his homage and fealtie at Newcastell vpon saint Stéeuens daie (as did likewise all the lords of Scotland, each one setting his hand to the composition in writing) to king Edward of England for the kingdome of Scotland: but shortlie after defrauding the benigne goodnesse of his superiour, he rebelled, and did verie much hurt in England. Herevpon king Edward inuaded Scotland, seized into his hands the greater part of the countrie, and tooke all the strengths thereof. Whervpon Balioll king of Scots came vnto him to Mauntrosse in Scotland with a white wand in his hand, and there resigned the crowne of Scotland, with all his right, title, and interest to the same, into the hands of king Edward, and thereof made his charter in writing, dated and sealed the fourth yeare of his reigne. All the nobles and gentlemen of Scotland also repaired to Berwike, and did homage and fealtie to king Edward, there becomming his subiects. For the better assurance of whose oths also, king Edward kept all the strengths and holdes of Scotland in his owne hands; and herevpon all their lawes, processes, all iudgements, gifts of assises and others, passed vnder the name and authoritie of king Edward. Leland touching the same rehearsall, writeth thereof in this maner.

The Balioll, having been made king of Scotland, immediately pledged his loyalty and fealty at Newcastle on St. Stephen's Day (as did all the lords of Scotland, each putting their signature to the agreement in writing) to King Edward of England for the kingdom of Scotland. However, shortly after, betraying the kindness of his superior, he rebelled and caused significant damage in England. In response, King Edward invaded Scotland, took control of most of the country, and captured all its strongholds. In this situation, King Balioll went to Montrose in Scotland with a white staff in his hand and there resigned the crown of Scotland, along with all his rights and titles, into the hands of King Edward, creating a written charter dated and sealed in the fourth year of his reign. All the nobles and gentlemen of Scotland also gathered in Berwick and pledged their loyalty and fealty to King Edward, becoming his subjects. To ensure the validity of their oaths, King Edward retained control of all the strongholds of Scotland for himself; thus, all their laws, proceedings, judgments, grants, and others were issued under the name and authority of King Edward. Leland, referring to the same account, writes about it in this way.

"In the yeare of our Lord 1295, the same Iohn king of Scots, contrarie to his faith and allegiance rebelled against king Edward, and came into England, and burnt and slue without all modestie and mercie. Wherevpon king Edward with a great host went to Newcastell vpon Tine, passed the water of Twéed, besieged Berwike, and got it. Also he wan the castell of Dunbar, and there were slaine at this brunt 15700 Scots. Then he proceeded further, and gat the castell of Rokesborow, and the castell of Edenborow, Striuelin and Gedworth, and his people harried all the land. In the meane season, the said king Iohn of Scots, considering that he was not of power to withstand king Edward, sent his letters and besought him of treatie and peace, which our prince benignlie granted, and sent to him againe that he should come to the towre of Brechin, and bring thither the great lords of Scotland with him. The king of England sent thither Antonie Becke bishop of Durham, with his roiall power, to conclude the said treatise. And there it was agreed that the said Iohn and all the Scots should vtterlie submit themselues to the kings will. And to the end the submission should be performed accordinglie, the king of Scots laid his sonne in hostage and pledge vnto him. There also he made his letters sealed with the common seale of Scotland, by the which he knowledging his simplenes and great offense doone to his lord king Edward of England, by his full power and frée will yeelded vp all the land of Scotland, with all the people and homage of the same. Then our king went foorth to sée the mounteins, and vnderstanding that all was in quiet and peace, he turned to the abbeie of Scone, which was The Scots dreame that this was the stone whereon Jacob slept when he fled into Mesopotamia. of chanons regular, where he tooke the stone called the Regall of Scotland, vpon which the kings of that nation were woont to sit, at the time of their coronations for a throne, & sent it to the abbeie of Westminster, commanding to make a chaire therof for the priests that should sing masse at the high altar: which chaire was made, and standeth yet there at this daie to be séene."

"In the year 1295, John, the king of Scots, went against his loyalty and rebelled against King Edward. He came into England, burning and killing without any restraint or mercy. In response, King Edward gathered a large army and went to Newcastle upon Tyne, crossed the River Tweed, laid siege to Berwick, and captured it. He also took the castle of Dunbar, where 15,700 Scots were killed in the fighting. Then he moved on and captured the castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh, Stirling, and Gedworth, and his forces plundered the entire region. Meanwhile, King John of Scots realized he didn't have the strength to fight King Edward, so he sent letters asking for negotiations and peace, which our prince kindly agreed to. He told John to come to the Tower of Brechin and bring the great lords of Scotland with him. The King of England sent Anthony Bek, the Bishop of Durham, with his royal authority to finalize the agreement. It was decided that John and all the Scots would completely submit to the king's will. To ensure this submission was carried out properly, the King of Scots gave his son as a hostage. He also sealed letters with the common seal of Scotland, in which he acknowledged his wrongdoings and offenses against his lord, King Edward of England, and willingly surrendered all the land of Scotland, along with all its people and their loyalty. Afterward, our king went to visit the mountains and, seeing everything was peaceful, he headed to the Abbey of Scone, which was home to regular canons, where he took the stone known as the Stone of Destiny, on which the kings of Scotland used to sit during their coronations as a throne, and sent it to Westminster Abbey, instructing them to make a chair from it for the priests who would sing mass at the high altar. That chair was made and still stands there to this day."

In the yeare of our Lord 1296, the king held his parlement at Berwike: and there he tooke homage singularlie of diuerse of the lords & nobles of Scotland. And for a perpetuall memorie of the same, they made their letters patents sealed with their seales, and then the king of England made William Warreine earle of Surrie and Southsax lord Warden of [Page 211] Scotland, Hugh of Cressingham treasurer, and William Ormesbie iustice of Scotland, and foorthwith sent king Iohn to the Tower of London, and Iohn Comin, and the earle Badenauth, the earle of Bohan and other lords into England to diuerse places on this side of the Trent.

In the year 1296, the king held his parliament at Berwick: and there he received the individual pledges of various lords and nobles of Scotland. To ensure lasting memory of this event, they created their official letters sealed with their seals. Then the king of England appointed William Warren as Earl of Surrey and Sussex, made him the Lord Warden of [Page 211] Scotland, Hugh of Cressingham the treasurer, and William Ormsby the justice of Scotland. He immediately sent King John to the Tower of London, along with John Comyn, Earl of Badenoch, Earl of Bohun, and other lords to various locations in England on this side of the Trent.

And after that, in the yeare of our Lord 1297, at the feast of Christmas, the king called before him the said Iohn king of Scots, although he had committed him to ward: and said that he would burne or destroie their castels, townes, and lands, if he were not recompensed for his costs and damages susteined in the warres; but king Iohn and the other that were in ward, answered that they had nothing, sith their liues, their deaths, and goods were in his hands. The king vpon that answer mooued with pitie, granted them their liues; so that they would doo their homage, and make their oth solenmelie at the high altar (in the church of the abbeie of Westminster) vpon the eucharist, that they and euerie of them should hold and keepe true faith, obedience, and allegiance to the said king Edward and his heires kings of England for euer. And where the said king of Scots saw the kings banner of England displaied, he and all his power should draw therevnto. And that neither he or anie of his from thencefoorth should beare armes against the king of England or anie of his bloud. Finallie, the king rewarding with great gifts the said king Iohn and his lords, suffered them to depart. But they went into Scotland alwaie imagining (notwithstanding this their submission) how they might oppresse king Edward, and disturbe his realme. The Scots sent also to the king of France for succour and helpe, who sent them ships to Berwike furnished with men of armes, the king of England then being in Flanders.

And after that, in the year 1297, at Christmas, the king summoned John, the king of Scots, even though he had imprisoned him. He stated that he would burn or destroy their castles, towns, and lands if he wasn’t compensated for the costs and damages he had suffered in the wars. King John and the others in prison replied that they had nothing, as their lives, deaths, and possessions were in his hands. Moved by their response, the king, feeling pity, granted them their lives on the condition that they would pay him homage and take an oath solemnly at the high altar (in the Westminster Abbey church) over the Eucharist, pledging that they would keep true faith, obedience, and loyalty to King Edward and his heirs, kings of England, forever. Furthermore, when the king of Scots saw the English banner displayed, he and all his forces were to gather there. Neither he nor any of his men would bear arms against the king of England or any of his bloodline from that point forward. Finally, the king generously rewarded King John and his lords with great gifts and allowed them to leave. However, they returned to Scotland, always scheming (despite their submission) on how to undermine King Edward and disrupt his realm. The Scots also reached out to the king of France for assistance, who sent them ships to Berwick filled with armed men while the king of England was in Flanders.

In the yeare of our Lord 1298, the king went into Scotland with a great host, and the Scots also assembled in great number, but the king fought with them at Fawkirke on S. Marie Magdalens daie, where were slaine thréescore thousand Scots, & William Walleis that was their capteine fled, who being taken afterward, was hanged, drawen, & quartered at London, for his trespasses.

In the year 1298, the king went to Scotland with a large army, and the Scots also gathered in great numbers. The king fought against them at Falkirk on St. Mary Magdalene's Day, where sixty thousand Scots were killed, and their leader, William Wallace, fled. He was captured later and was hanged, drawn, and quartered in London for his crimes.

After this the Scots rebelled againe, and all the lords of Scotland This was doone upon the nine & twentith of Ianuarie, 1306. chose Robert Bruse to be king, except onelie Iohn Commin earle of Carrike, who would not consent thereto bicause of his oth made to the king of England. Wherefore Robert Bruse slue him at Dumfrise, and then was crowned at Schone abbeie. Herevpon the king of England assembled a great hoast, and rode through all Scotland, discomfited Robert Bruse, slue eight thousand Scots, & tooke the most part of all the lords of Scotland, putting the temporall lords to deth bicause they were forsworne.

After this, the Scots rebelled again, and all the lords of Scotland This was done on January 29, 1306. chose Robert Bruce to be king, except for John Comyn, Earl of Carrick, who refused to agree because of his oath to the king of England. Because of this, Robert Bruce killed him at Dumfries, and then was crowned at Scone Abbey. Following this, the king of England gathered a great army and marched through all of Scotland, defeated Robert Bruce, killed eight thousand Scots, and captured most of the lords of Scotland, executing the temporal lords because they had broken their oaths.

Edward borne at Carnaruan sonne of this Edward, was next king of England, who from the beginning of his reigne enioied Scotland peaceablie, dooing in all things as is aboue said of king Edward his father, vntill toward the later end of his reigne, about which time this Robert Bruse conspired against him, and with the helpe of a few forsworne Scots, forswore himselfe king of Scots. Herevpon this Edward with Thomas earle of Lancaster and manie other lords made warre vpon him, about the feast of Marie Magdalene, the said Bruse and his partakers being alreadie accurssed by the pope for breaking the truce that he had established betwixt them. But being infortunate in his first warres against him, he suffered Edward the sonne of Balioll to proclame himselfe king of Scots; and neuerthelesse held foorth his warres against Bruse, before the ending of which he died, as I read.

Edward, born at Carnarvon and son of this Edward, became the next king of England. From the start of his reign, he enjoyed peaceful relations with Scotland, acting in all respects as previously mentioned about his father, King Edward, until later in his reign. During this time, Robert Bruce conspired against him, and with the help of a few traitorous Scots, declared himself king of Scots. In response, this Edward, along with Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, and many other lords, waged war against him around the feast of Mary Magdalene, while Bruce and his supporters were already cursed by the pope for breaking the truce he had established with them. However, he was unsuccessful in his initial battles against Bruce and allowed Edward, son of Balliol, to proclaim himself king of Scots. Nevertheless, he continued his campaigns against Bruce, before dying before they concluded, as I read.

Edward borne at Windsore sonne of Edward the second was next king of England, at the age of fifteene yeares, in whose minoritie the Scots practised with Isabell mother to this Edward, and with Roger Mortimer earle of the March to haue their homages released: whose good will therein they obteined, so that for the same release they should paie to this king Edward thirtie thousand pounds starling, in three yeares next following, that is to saie, ten thousand pounds starling yeerelie. But bicause the nobilitie and commons of this realme would not by parlement consent vnto it, their king being within age, the same release procéeded not, albeit the Scots ceased not their practises with this quéene and earle. But before those thrée yeares, in which their monie (if the bargaine had taken place) should haue béene paied, were expired, our king Edward inuaded Scotland, and ceassed not the warre, vntill Dauid [Page 212] the sonne of Robert le Bruse (then by their election king of Scotland) absolutelie submitted himselfe vnto him. But for that the said Dauid Bruse had before by practise of the quéene and the earle of March, married Iane the sister of this king Edward: he mooued by naturall zeale to his sister, was contented to giue the realme of Scotland to this Dauid Bruse, and to the heires that should be begotten of the bodie of the said Iane (sauing the reuersion and meane homages to this king Edward and to his owne children) wherewith the same Dauid Bruse was right well contented, and therevpon immediatlie made his homage for all the realme of Scotland to him.

Edward, born at Windsor and the son of Edward II, became the next king of England at the age of fifteen. During his minority, the Scots conspired with Isabella, Edward's mother, and Roger Mortimer, the Earl of March, to have their loyalties released. They gained his goodwill, agreeing to pay king Edward thirty thousand pounds sterling over the next three years, which means ten thousand pounds each year. However, since the nobility and commons of the realm refused to consent to this agreement in Parliament, given that their king was underage, the release did not happen. Still, the Scots continued their efforts with the queen and the earl. Before those three years, during which their money (if the deal had gone through) would have been paid, our king Edward invaded Scotland and did not stop the war until David, the son of Robert the Bruce (who was then elected king of Scotland), fully submitted to him. However, since David Bruce had previously conspired with the queen and the Earl of March to marry Jane, the sister of this king Edward, he, motivated by natural loyalty to his sister, was willing to grant the kingdom of Scotland to David Bruce and to the heirs born from the body of Jane (while retaining the reversion and minor loyalties to king Edward and his own children). David Bruce was very pleased with this arrangement and immediately made his homage for the entire kingdom of Scotland to him.

Howbeit, shortlie after causelesse conceiuing cause of displeasure, this Dauid procured to dissolue this same estate tailée, and therevpon not onelie rebelled in Scotland, but also inuaded England, whilest king Edward was occupied about his wars in France. But this Dauid was not onelie expelled England in the end, but also thinking no place a sufficient defense to his vntruth, of his owne accord fled out of Scotland: whereby the countries of Annandale, Gallowaie, Mars, Teuidale, Twedale, and Ethrike were seized into the king of Englands hands, and new marches set betwéene England and Scotland at Cockburnes path & Sowtrie hedge. Which when this Dauid went about to recouer againe, his power was discomfited, and himselfe by a few Englishmen taken & brought into England, where he remained prisoner eleuen yeares after his said apprehension.

However, shortly after developing an unfounded sense of anger, this David arranged to dissolve this estate tail. As a result, he not only rebelled in Scotland but also invaded England while King Edward was busy with his wars in France. In the end, David was not only expelled from England, but he also, feeling that no place could adequately defend him from his deceit, fled Scotland on his own. Consequently, the regions of Annandale, Galloway, Moray, Tweeddale, and Ettrick were taken over by the King of England, and new borders were established between England and Scotland at Cockburnspath and Soutrie Hedge. When David attempted to reclaim his territory, his forces were defeated, and he was captured by a small group of Englishmen and brought to England, where he remained a prisoner for eleven years after his capture.

During this time, king Edward enioied Scotland peaceablie, and then at the contemplation and wearie suit of his sorowfull sister, wife of this Dauid, he was contented once againe to restore him to the kingdome of Scotland. Wherevpon it was concluded, that for this rebellion Dauid should paie to king Edward, the summe of one hundred thousand markes starling, and thereto destroie all his holdes and fortresses standing against the English borders, and further assure the crowne of Scotland to the children of this king Edward for lacke of heire of his owne bodie, all which things he did accordinglie. And for the better assurance of his obeisance also, he afterward deliuered into the hands of king Edward sundrie noble men of Scotland in this behalfe as his pledges. This is the effect of the historie of Dauid, touching his delings. Now let vs sée what was doone by Edward Balioll, wherof our chronicles doo report, that in the yéere of our Lord 1326, Edward the third, king of England, was crowned at Westminster, and in the fift yeare of his reigne Edward Balioll right heire to the kingdome of Scotland came in, and claimed it as due to him. Sundrie lords and gentlemen also, which had title to diuerse lands there, either by themselues, or by their wiues, did the like. Wherevpon the said Balioll and they went into Scotland by sea, and landing at Kinghorne with 3000 Englishmen, discomfited 10000 Scots, and slue 1200, and then went foorth to Dunfermeline, where the Scots assembled against them with 40000 men, and in the feast of saint Laurence, at a place called Gastmore (or otherwise Gladmore) were slaine fiue earls, thirtéene barons, a hundred and thrée score knights, two thousand men of armes, and manie other; in all fortie thousand: and there were slaine on the English part but thirtéene persons onelie, if the number be not corrupted.

During this time, King Edward enjoyed a peaceful Scotland, and then, at the pleading and persistent request of his sorrowful sister, the wife of David, he agreed once again to restore him to the kingdom of Scotland. It was decided that, for this rebellion, David would pay King Edward the sum of one hundred thousand marks sterling, destroy all his strongholds and fortresses along the English borders, and further guarantee the crown of Scotland to King Edward's children in the absence of any heirs of his own. David complied with all these demands. To further assure his loyalty, he later provided King Edward with several Scottish nobles as hostages. This summarizes the history of David and his dealings. Now let’s see what happened with Edward Balliol, of which our chronicles report that in the year of our Lord 1326, Edward III, King of England, was crowned at Westminster. In the fifth year of his reign, Edward Balliol, the rightful heir to the kingdom of Scotland, came forward and claimed it as his due. Several lords and gentlemen who had claims to various lands there, either themselves or through their wives, did the same. Consequently, Balliol and these lords sailed to Scotland and landed at Kinghorn with 3,000 Englishmen, defeating 10,000 Scots, killing 1,200. They then advanced to Dunfermline, where the Scots gathered against them with 40,000 men. During the feast of Saint Laurence, at a place called Gastmore (or Gladmore), five earls, thirteen barons, one hundred and three knights, two thousand men-at-arms, and many others were killed, totaling forty thousand. On the English side, only thirteen were reported slain, unless the numbers have been distorted.

In the eight yeare of the reigne of king Edward, he assembled a great hoast, and came to Berwike vpon Twéed, and laid siege therto. To him also came Edward Balioll king of Scots, with a great power to strengthen & aid him against the Scots, who came out of Scotland in foure batels well armed & araied.

In the eighth year of King Edward's reign, he gathered a large army and marched to Berwick upon Tweed, where he laid siege. Edward Balioll, King of Scots, also joined him with a strong force to support him against the Scots, who came out of Scotland in four well-armed and organized battalions.

Edward king of England, and Edward king of Scots, apparrelled their people either of them in foure battels: and vpon Halidon hill, beside Berwike, met these two hoasts, and there were discomfited of the Scots fiue and twentie thousand and seauen hundred, whereof were slaine eight earles, a thousand and thrée hundred knights and gentlemen. This victorie doone, the king returned to Berwike, & then the towne with the castell were yéelded vp vnto him. In the eight yeare of the reigne of king Edward of England, Edward Balioll king of Scots came to Newcastell vpon Tine, and did homage for all the realme of Scotland.

Edward, king of England, and Edward, king of Scots, arranged their people into four battles. On Halidon Hill, near Berwick, these two armies faced off, and the Scots defeated twenty-five thousand seven hundred men, including eight earls and one thousand three hundred knights and gentlemen. After this victory, the king returned to Berwick, and then the town and the castle surrendered to him. In the eighth year of King Edward of England's reign, Edward Baliol, king of Scots, came to Newcastle upon Tyne and pledged his loyalty for all of Scotland.

In the yeare of our Lord 1346, Dauid Bruse by the prouocation of the king of France rebelled, and came into England with a great hoast vnto [Page 213] Neuils crosse: but the archbishop of Yorke, with diuerse temporall men, fought with him; and the said king of Scots was taken, and William earle of Duglas with Morrise earle of Strathorne were brought to London, and manie other lords slaine, which with Dauid did homage to Edward king of England.

In the year 1346, David Bruce, encouraged by the King of France, rebelled and came into England with a large army to [Page 213] Neville's Cross. However, the Archbishop of York, along with various nobles, fought against him; David Bruce was captured, and William Earl of Douglas along with Moray Earl of Strathearn were brought to London, and many other lords who had pledged loyalty to Edward, King of England, were killed in the battle.

And in the thirtith yeare of the kings reigne, and the yeare of our Lord 1355, the Scots woone the towne of Berwicke, but not the castell. Herevpon the king came thither with a great hoast, and anon the towne was yéelded vp without anie resistance.

And in the thirtieth year of the king's reign, and the year of our Lord 1355, the Scots captured the town of Berwick, but not the castle. Following this, the king came there with a large army, and soon the town was surrendered without any resistance.

Edward Balioll, considering that God did so manie maruellous and gratious things for king Edward, at his owne will gaue vp the crowne and the realme of Scotland to king Edward of England at Rokesborough, by his letters patents. And anon after the king of England, in presence of all his lords spirituall and temporall, let crowne himselfe king there of the realme of Scotland, & ordeined all things to his intent, and so came ouer into England.

Edward Balioll, realizing that God had done so many wonderful and gracious things for King Edward, voluntarily gave up the crown and the kingdom of Scotland to King Edward of England at Rokesborough, through his letters patent. Shortly after, the King of England, in front of all his spiritual and temporal lords, crowned himself king of the realm of Scotland and arranged everything according to his plans, and then returned to England.

Richard the sonne of Edward, called the Blacke prince, sonne of this king Edward, was next king of England, who for that the said Iane, the wife of the said king Dauid of Scotland was deceassed without issue, and being informed how the Scots deuised to their vttermost power to breake the limitation of this inheritance touching the crowne of Scotland, made foorthwith war against them, wherein he burnt Edenbrough, spoiled all their countrie, tooke all their holds, & held continuallie war against them vntill his death, which was Anno Dom. 1389.

Richard, the son of Edward known as the Black Prince, was the next king of England. Since Jane, the wife of King David of Scotland, had passed away without any children, and after hearing that the Scots were trying their hardest to break the rules of inheritance regarding the crown of Scotland, he immediately declared war on them. He burned Edinburgh, raided their lands, captured all their strongholds, and waged constant war against them until his death in the year 1389.

Henrie the fourth of that name was next king of England, he continued these warres begun against them by king Richard, and ceassed not vntill Robert king of Scots (the third of that name) resigned his crowne by appointment of this king Henrie, and deliuered his sonne Iames, being then of the age of nine yeares, into his hands to remaine at his custodie, wardship and disposition, as of his superiour lord, according to the old lawes of king Edward the confessor. All this was doone Anno Dom. 1404, which was within fiue yeares after the death of king Richard. This Henrie the fourth reigned in this estate ouer them fouretéene yeares.

Henry IV was the next king of England. He continued the wars started against them by King Richard and didn’t stop until Robert, the King of Scots (the third of that name), gave up his crown as agreed with King Henry and handed over his nine-year-old son, James, to him for custody, wardship, and management, as per the old laws of King Edward the Confessor. All of this happened in the year 1404, which was within five years after King Richard’s death. Henry IV ruled over them in this way for fourteen years.

Henrie the fift of that name, sonne to this king Henrie the fourth, was next king of England. He made warres against the French king, in all which this Iames then king of Scots attended vpon him, as vpon his superiour lord, with a conuenient number of Scots, notwithstanding their league with France. But this Henrie reigned but nine yeares, whereby the homage of this Iames their king (hauing not fullie accomplished the age of one & twentie yeares) was by reason and law respited. Finallie the said Iames with diuerse other lords attended vpon the corps of the said Henrie vnto Westminster, as to his dutie apperteined.

Henri the fifth, the son of King Henri the fourth, was the next king of England. He waged wars against the French king, and during these campaigns, James, the king of Scots, served under him, as a subordinate lord, with a suitable number of Scots, despite their alliance with France. However, this Henri reigned for only nine years, which meant that the homage due from King James (who had not yet reached the age of twenty-one) was legally postponed. Eventually, James and several other lords accompanied the body of Henri to Westminster, as was his duty.

Henrie the sixt, the sonne of this Henrie the fift, was next king of England, to whome the seigniorie of Scotland & custodie of this Iames by right, law, and reason descended, married the same Iames king of Scots to Iane daughter of Iohn earle of Summerset, at saint Marie ouer Ise in Southwarke, and tooke for the value of this mariage, the summe of one hundred thousand markes starling.

Henri VI, the son of Henry V, was the next king of England, to whom the lordship of Scotland and the custody of James descended by right, law, and reason. He married James, king of Scots, to Jane, daughter of John, Earl of Somerset, at St. Mary Overie in Southwark, and received the sum of one hundred thousand marks sterling for the value of this marriage.

This Iames king of Scots at his full age, did homage to the same king Henrie the sixt, for the kingdome of Scotland at Windsore, in the moneth of Ianuarie.

This James, King of Scots, at his full age, did homage to King Henry the Sixth for the kingdom of Scotland at Windsor, in the month of January.

Since which time, vntill the daies of king Henrie the seuenth, grandfather to our souereigne ladie that now is, albeit this realme hath béene molested with diuersitie of titles, in which vnmeet time neither law nor reason admit prescription to the prejudice of anie right: yet did king Edward the fourth next king of England, by preparation of war against the Scots in the latter end of his reigne, sufficientlie by all lawes induce to the continuance of his claime to the same superioritie ouer them.

Since then, up until the days of King Henry the Seventh, the grandfather of our current sovereign lady, although this realm has been troubled by various claims, at a time when neither law nor reason allow for the loss of any right through time, King Edward the Fourth, the next king of England, effectively reaffirmed his claim to the same superiority over the Scots through preparations for war against them in the latter part of his reign.

After whose death, vnto the beginning of the reigne of our souereigne lord king Henrie the eight, excéeded not the number of seauen and twentie yeares, about which time the impediment of our claime of the Scots part, chanced by the nonage of Iames their last king which so continued the space of one and twentie yeares. And like as his minoritie was by all law and reason an impediment to himselfe to make homage; so [Page 214] was the same by like reason an impediment to the king of this realme to demand anie, so that the whole time of intermission of our claime in the time of the said king Henrie the eight, is deduced vnto the number of thirteene yeares. And thus much for this matter.

After his death, the period leading up to the reign of our sovereign lord, King Henry the Eighth, was no more than twenty-seven years. During this time, our claim against the Scots was hindered by the minority of James, their last king, which lasted for twenty-one years. Just as his minority was a legal and rational barrier preventing him from paying homage, it also served as a similar barrier for the king of this realm to make any demands. Therefore, the entire time we couldn't pursue our claim during the reign of King Henry the Eighth amounts to thirteen years. And that’s all there is to say about this matter.

OF THE WALL SOMETIME BUILDED FOR A PARTITION BETWEENE ENGLAND AND THE
PICTS AND SCOTS.

CHAP. XXIII.

Hauing hitherto discoursed vpon the title of the kings of England, vnto the Scotish kingdome: I haue now thought good to adde herevnto the description of two walles that were (in times past) limits vnto both the said regions, and therefore to be touched in this first booke, as generallie appertinent vnto the estate of the whole Iland; and no lesse famous than that which Anastasius Dicorus made afterward from the Euxine vnto the Thracian sea, conteining 420 furlongs in length, and twelue foot in bredth, & distant from Constantinople 280 furlongs, albeit that of Hadrian was made of turffe and timber. The author therefore of the The first beginner of the Picts wall. first wall was Hadrian the emperour, who (as Ælius Spartianus saith) erected the same of foure score miles in length, twelue foot in heigth, and eight in bredth, to diuide the barbarous Britons from the more ciuill sort, which then were generallie called by the name of Romans ouer all.

Having previously discussed the title of the kings of England regarding the Scottish kingdom, I now think it's important to add a description of two walls that once marked the boundaries of both regions. This is relevant to this first book, as it relates to the overall status of the entire island, and is no less famous than the one built by Anastasius Dicorus later from the Black Sea to the Thracian Sea, extending 420 furlongs in length and 12 feet in width, located 280 furlongs from Constantinople, although Hadrian's wall was constructed from turf and timber. The builder of the first wall was Emperor Hadrian, who (as Aelius Spartianus states) constructed one that was eighty miles long, twelve feet high, and eight feet wide, to separate the barbaric Britons from the more civilized group, which was generally referred to as Romans at the time.

The finisher of the wall. After his time Seuerus the emperour comming againe into this Ile (where he had serued before in repression of the tumults here begun, after the death of Lucius) amongst other things he made another wall (but of stone) betwéene eightie and a hundred miles from the first, & of thirtie two miles in length, reaching on both sides also to the sea, of whome the Britons called it S. Murseueri, or Gwall Seueri, that is, The wall of Seuerus, or Seuerus dale, which later indureth vntill these daies in fresh memorie, by reason of the ruines & square stones there oft found, whose inscriptions declare the authors of that worke. It is worthie the noting also, how that in this voiage he lost 50000 men in the Scotish side, by one occasion and other, which hinderance so incensed him, that he determined vtterlie to extinguish their memorie from vnder heauen, and had so doone in déed, if his life had indured but vntill another The wall goeth not streict by a line, but in and out in manie places. yeare. Sextus Aurelius writing of Seuerus, addeth, how that the wall made by this prince conteined two and thirtie miles, whereby the bredth of this Iland there, and length of the wall conteineth onelie so manie miles, as may be gathered by his words. But chéeflie for the length of the wall, Spartianus who touching it among other things saith of Seuerus as followeth: "Britanniam (quod maximum eius imperij decus est) muro per transuersam insulam ducto, vtrinq; ad finem oceani muniuit," that is, He fortified Britaine (which is one of the chéefe acts recorded of his time) with a wall made ouerthwart the Ile, that reached on both sides euen to the verie Ocean.

The wall's finishing touch. After Emperor Severus returned to this island (where he had previously served to put down the unrest after Lucius's death), he built another wall (made of stone) between eighty and one hundred miles from the first, stretching thirty-two miles in length and reaching to the sea on both sides. The Britons called it S. Murseueri, or Gwall Seueri, meaning the Wall of Severus, or Severus' Dale, which still endures today, marked by ruins and square stones often found there, whose inscriptions reveal the builders of that work. It's also notable that during this campaign, he lost 50,000 men on the Scottish side due to various circumstances, which angered him so much that he decided to completely erase their memory from the earth, and he would have done so if he had lived just another year. The wall doesn't follow a straight line; instead, it zigzags in various spots. Sextus Aurelius mentions that this wall built by the emperor was thirty-two miles long, indicating the width of the island there and the length of the wall is only as many miles as can be gathered from his words. But primarily regarding the wall's length, Spartianus, while discussing Severus, notes: "He fortified Britain (which is one of the greatest honors of his reign) with a wall built across the island, reaching both ends even to the ocean."

The stuffe of the wall. That this wall was of stone also, the ruines therof (which haue ministred much matter to such as dwell néere therevnto in their buildings) is triall sufficient. Heereby in like sort it commeth to passe, that where the soile about it is least inhabited, there is most mention of the said wall, which was wrought of squared stone, as vntill this daie maie euidentlie be confirmed. Howbeit, these two walles were not the onelie partitions betwéene these two kingdoms, sith Iulius Two other wals. Capitolinus in vita Antonini Pij dooth write of another that Lollius Vrbicus made beyond the same, of turffe, in the time of the said prince, who (for his victories in Britaine) was also called Britannicus, which neuerthelesse was often throwne downe by the Scots, and eftsoones repared againe, vntill it was giuen ouer and relinquished altogither. It runneth (as I take it) also within the wall about an arrow shot from that of stone: but how farre it went, as yet I cannot find. This onlie remaineth certeine, that the walles made by Hadrian & Seuerus, were A rampire. ditched with notable ditches and rampires made in such wise, that the [Page 215] Scotish aduersarie had much a doo to enter and scale the same in his assaults. And yet for all this, I read that the Scots oftentimes pulled downe great parcels of the same, to make their accesse more easie into the south parts: but as it was eftsoons repared againe, so the last time of all it was amended by the Romane soldiors, which came ouer verie little before the time of Vortiger, at which season the land was in maner left void of soldiors and munition. Betwixt Thirlewall and the north Tine, are also in the waste grounds, manie parcels of that wall of Seuerus yet standing, whereof the common people doo babble manie things.

The wall structure. The fact that this wall was made of stone is clearly shown by its ruins, which have provided plenty of material for those who live nearby in their buildings. Similarly, it turns out that in areas where the surrounding land is least populated, there’s the most mention of the wall, which was built from squared stone, as can still be clearly confirmed today. However, these two walls weren’t the only boundaries separating these two kingdoms, as Julius Two additional walls. Capitolinus writes in the life of Antoninus Pius about another wall made of turf by Lollius Urbicus beyond the previous one during this prince's reign, who was also called Britannicus for his victories in Britain. Nonetheless, this wall was frequently torn down by the Scots and constantly repaired again until it was eventually abandoned. As far as I can tell, it ran about an arrow’s shot distance within the stone wall, but I can’t find how far it extended. What remains certain is that the walls built by Hadrian & Severus were A wall. surrounded by significant ditches and ramparts designed in such a way that the Scottish enemy had a hard time entering and scaling them during their attacks. Yet, despite this, I read that the Scots often brought down large sections of it to make their access into the southern areas easier; but as it was repaired again, the last time it was fixed by the Roman soldiers who came over shortly before the time of Vortigern, when the land was largely left without soldiers and supplies. Between Thirlewall and the north Tyne, there are also many sections of Severus's wall still standing in the wastelands, about which the common people gossip a lot.

The course of the wall from west to east. Beginning therefore with the course thereof, from the west sea, I find that it runneth from Bolnesse to Burgh, about foure miles, and likewise from thence within halfe a mile of Carleill, and lesse on the north side, and beneath the confluence of the Peder and the Eden. From hence it goeth to Terrebie, a village about a mile from Caerleill, then through the baronie of Linstocke, and Gillesland, on the north side of the riuer Irding or Arding, and a quarter of a mile from the abbeie of Leuercost. Thence thrée miles aboue Leuercost, and aboue the confluence of Arding, and the Pultrose becke (which diuideth Gillesland in Cumberland, from south Tindale in Northumberland) it goeth to Thirlwall castell, then to the wall towne, next of all ouer the riuer to Swensheld, Carraw (peraduenture Cairuoren tower) to Walwijc, and so ouer south Tine, to Cockelie tower, Portgate, Halton sheles, Winchester, Rutchester, Heddon, Walhottle, Denton, and to Newcastell, where it is thought that saint Nicholas church standeth on the same. Howbeit Leland saith, that it goeth within a mile of Newcastell, and then crooketh vp toward Tinmouth vnto Wallesend, three miles from the mouth of the said riuer, so called bicause the aforesaid wall did end at the same place. And thus much I read of the Pictish wall. As for the Romane coine that is often found in the course thereof, the curious bricks about the same néere vnto Caerleill, beside the excellent cornellines and other costlie stones alreadie intailed for seales oftentimes taken vp in those quarters, I passe them ouer as not incident to my purpose.

The wall runs from west to east. Starting with its route from the west sea, I observe that it stretches from Bolnesse to Burgh, about four miles, and then from there to within half a mile of Carleill, and even less on the north side, just below where the Peder and the Eden meet. From this point, it continues to Terrebie, a village about a mile from Caerleill, then through the barony of Linstocke and Gillesland, on the north side of the river Irding or Arding, and a quarter of a mile from the abbey of Leuercost. From there, it goes three miles above Leuercost and above the confluence of Arding and the Pultrose beck (which separates Gillesland in Cumberland from south Tindale in Northumberland) to Thirlwall castle, then to the wall town, and finally crosses the river to Swensheld, Carraw (perhaps Cairuoren tower) to Walwijc, and so over to south Tine, reaching Cockelie tower, Portgate, Halton sheles, Winchester, Rutchester, Heddon, Walhottle, Denton, and to Newcastle, where it is believed that Saint Nicholas Church stands. However, Leland claims that it runs within a mile of Newcastle and then curves up toward Tinmouth to Wallesend, three miles from the mouth of the river, named because the aforementioned wall ended at this spot. This is what I found written about the Pictish wall. As for the Roman coins often discovered along its path, the interesting bricks found near Caerleill, along with the excellent carnelian and other valuable stones previously listed for seals that have been frequently unearthed in those areas, I will skip over as they are not relevant to my purpose.

In like maner I would gladlie also haue set downe the course of Offaes ditch, which was march betwéene the Mercian dominions, and the Welshmen in his time: but for so much as the tractation thereof is not to be reférred to this place, bicause it is not a thing generall to the whole Iland, I omit to speake of that also. Yet thus much will I note here, as well by the report of one (who saith how he did tread it out) that he followed it from the Dee to Kirnaburgh hill through Treuelach forrest, by est of Crekith Cauchhill, Montgomerie castell, the New castell and Discoid, and hauing brought it hitherto, either lost it, or sought after it no further: as by the testimonie of another, who writing thereof, saith, that it stretched from the south side by Bristow, along vnder the mounteins of Wales northwards, ouer the riuer of Sauerne, and to the verie mouth also of the Dée, where it falleth into the sea. And so much of such things as concerne the generall estate of the whole Iland, which labour herein I could verie well haue spared, and would, if Quintus had performed the request of Cicero his brother, who promised to send him ouer a sound aduertisement of the condition of Britaine in those daies: as appeareth in the second booke of his familiar epistles, where he saith; "Modò mihi date Britanniam, quam pingam coloribus tuis penicillo meo, &c." But sithence that was not performed, and the treatise of Demetrius and other of the same argument are perished, which were of some value, let this trifle (I beseech you) not be reiected, till some other man of better skill shall haue drawne a more absolute péece of workemanship, wherevnto my vnskilfulnesse (I hope) shall prooue no hinderance.

In the same way, I would have liked to outline the course of Offa’s Ditch, which marked the border between Mercia and the Welsh during his time. However, since discussing it isn’t relevant here because it isn’t a general matter for the whole island, I’ll skip that topic as well. I will note this much, based on one person's account who described how he traced it from the Dee to Kirnaburgh Hill through Trevelach Forest, east of Crekith Cauchhill, Montgomery Castle, the New Castle, and Discoid, and having brought it this far, either lost the trail or didn’t pursue it any further. According to another account, it extended from the south side near Bristol, running northward along the mountains of Wales, over the River Severn, and all the way to the mouth of the Dee, where it flows into the sea. This is about all I can say regarding the general state of the whole island, which I could have easily omitted if Quintus had fulfilled Cicero's request, who promised to send a detailed report about Britain at that time, as mentioned in the second book of his letters, where he says, "Just give me Britain, and I’ll paint it with your colors using my brush, etc." But since that didn’t happen, and the works of Demetrius and others on the same subject have been lost, which were of some significance, please don’t dismiss this small contribution until someone more skilled produces a more complete piece of work, which I hope my lack of skill won’t hinder.

[Page 216]

[Page 216]

OF THE MARUELS OF ENGLAND.
CHAP. XXIV.

Such as haue written of the woonders of our countrie in old time, haue spoken (no doubt) of manie things, which deserue no credit at all: and therefore in séeking thankes of their posteritie by their trauell in this behalfe; they haue reaped the reward of iust reproch, and in stéed of fame purchased vnto themselues nought else but méere discredit in their better and more learned treatises. The like commonlie happeneth also to such, as in respect of lucre doo publish vnprofitable and pernicious volumes, wherby they doo consume their times in vaine, and in manifold wise become preiudiciall vnto their common wealths. For my part I will not touch anie man herein particularlie, no not our Demetrius, of whom Plutarch speaketh in his oracles (if those bookes were written by him, for some thinke that Plutarch neuer wrote them, although Eusebius lib. 4. cap. 8. dooth acknowledge them to be his) which Demetrius left sundrie treatises behind him, conteining woonderfull things collected of our Iland. But sith that in my time they are found to be false, it should be far vnmeet to remember them anie more: for who is he which will beléeue, that infernall spirits can die and giue vp their ghosts like mortall men? though Saxo séeme to consent vnto him in this behalfe. In speaking also of the out Iles, he saith thus: Beyond Britaine are manie desolate Ilands, whereof some are dedicated to the Gods, some to the noble Heroes. I sailed (saith he) by the helpe of the king vnto one that laie néere hand, onelie to see and view the same, in which I found few inhabitants, and yet such as were there, were reputed and taken for men of great pietie and holinesse. During the time also that I remained in the same, it was vexed with great storme and tempest, which caused me not a little to doubt of my safe returne. In the end, demanding of the inhabitants what the cause should be of this so great and sudden mutation of the aire? they answered, that either some of the Gods, or at the least of the Heroes were latelie deceased: for as a candle (said they) hurteth none whilest it burneth, but being slenderlie put out annoieth manie with the filthie sauour: so these Gods, whilest they liued, were either not hurtfull, or verie beneficiall to mankind; but being once deceassed, they so mooue the heauens and aire, that much mischéefe dooth insue eftsoones vpon the same.

Those who have written about the wonders of our country in the past have undoubtedly mentioned many things that deserve no credit at all. Therefore, in seeking recognition from future generations for their efforts in this matter, they have earned the just reproach of being disregarded, and instead of gaining fame, they have brought upon themselves mere discredit in their better and more scholarly works. The same often happens to those who, motivated by profit, publish useless and harmful volumes, wasting their time in vain and in various ways becoming detrimental to their communities. For my part, I won't single out anyone in particular, not even our Demetrius, whom Plutarch mentions in his oracles (if those books were actually written by him, as some believe that Plutarch never authored them, although Eusebius in book 4, chapter 8 acknowledges them as his). This Demetrius left behind several treatises filled with incredible stories collected from our island. But since they are found to be false in my time, it would be very inappropriate to remember them anymore; for who would believe that infernal spirits can die and give up their ghosts like mortal men? Though Saxo seems to agree with this in some respects. Speaking also of the outer islands, he says: Beyond Britain are many desolate islands, some dedicated to the Gods and some to noble Heroes. I sailed, he says, with the help of the king to one that was nearby, just to see and explore it, where I found few inhabitants, and those who were there were regarded as men of great piety and holiness. During my stay there, it was troubled by a great storm and tempest, which greatly made me doubt my safe return. In the end, when I asked the inhabitants about the cause of this sudden and great change in the atmosphere, they answered that either some of the Gods or at least some of the Heroes had recently died; for as a candle, they said, harms no one while it burns, but when it is only slightly extinguished, it offends many with its foul odor: so these Gods, while they lived, were either not harmful or very beneficial to humanity; but once deceased, they disturb the heavens and air so that much mischief soon follows.

Being also inquisitiue of the state of other Iles not farre off, they told him further, how there was one hard by, wherein Saturne being ouertaken with a dead sléepe, was watched by Briareus as he laie, which Saturne also had manie spirits attending vpon him in sundrie functions and offices. By which reports it is easie to conceiue, with what vaine stuffe that volume of Demetrius is interlaced. But of such writers as we haue too too manie, so among the said rable Geruase of Tilberie is not the least famous, a man as it were euen sold to vtter matters of more admiration than credit to the world. For what a tale telleth he in his De otio imperiali, of Wandleburie hilles, that lie within sight & by south of Cambridge (where the Vandals incamped sometime, when they entered into this Iland) and of a spirit that would of custome in a moone shine night (if he were chalenged and called therevnto) run at tilt and turneie in complet armor with anie knight or gentleman whomsoeuer, in that place: and how one Osbert of Barnewell, hearing the report thereof, armed himselfe, and being well mounted, rode thither alone with one esquier, and called for him, who foorthwith appeared in rich armour, and answered his chalenge, so that running togither verie fiercelie, they met with such rigor, that the answerer was ouerthrowne and borne downe to the ground. After this they bickered on foot so long, till Osbert ouercame and draue him to flight, who departed, leauing his horsse behind him, which was of huge stature, blacke (as he saith) of colour, with his furniture of the same hue, and wherevpon he seized, giuing him vnto his page, who caried him home, and there kept him till it was néere daie, during which space he was séene of manie. But when [Page 217] the daie light began to shew it selfe somewhat cléere, the beast stamped and snorted, and foorthwith breaking his raine, he ran awaie, and was no more heard of to his knowledge in that countrie. In the meane season Osbert being verie faint, and waxing wearie (for he was sore wounded in the thigh, which either he knew not of, or at the leastwise dissembled to know it) caused his leg-harnesse or stéele bootes to be pulled off, which his fréends saw to be full of bloud spilled in the voiage. But let who so list beléeue it, sith it is either a fable deuised, or some diuelish illusion, if anie such thing were doone. And on mine owne behalfe, hauing (I hope) the feare of God before my eies, I purpose here to set downe no more than either I know my selfe to be true, or am crediblie informed to be so, by such godly men, as to whom nothing is more deare than to speake the truth, and not anie thing more odious than to discredit themselues by lieng. In writing therefore of the woonders Foure woonders of England. of England, I find that there are foure notable things, which for their rarenesse amongst the common sort, are taken for the foure miracles and woonders of the land.

Being also curious about the state of other nearby islands, they further explained to him that there was one close by where Saturn had been overtaken by a deep sleep, while Briareus kept watch over him as he lay. Saturn had many spirits attending him in various functions and roles. From these reports, it’s easy to see what nonsense that book by Demetrius is filled with. Among the many such writers, Geruase of Tilberie is notably famous, a man who seems almost sold out to share stories that are more astonishing than believable. He tells a tale in his *De otio imperiali* about the Wandlebury hills, which lie within sight to the south of Cambridge (where the Vandals camped at one time when they entered this island), and of a spirit who, on a moonlit night, would customarily run at tilt and joust in full armor with any knight or gentleman who dared challenge him. One Osbert of Barnewell, upon hearing this tale, armed himself and, well-mounted, rode there alone with a squire, calling for the spirit. The spirit then appeared in rich armor and accepted his challenge, so that when they charged at each other fiercely, they collided with such force that the spirit was knocked down to the ground. After this, they fought on foot for a long time until Osbert overcame him and drove him to flee, leaving behind his horse, which was described as massive and black (as he claimed), with similar colored equipment. Osbert seized it and gave it to his page, who took it home and kept it until dawn, during which time many people saw it. But when daylight began to brighten, the beast stamped and snorted, and breaking free from its reins, it ran away, never to be seen again in that area. Meanwhile, Osbert, feeling very faint and growing weary (for he was seriously wounded in the thigh, which either he didn’t know about, or at least pretended not to), had his leg armor or steel boots removed, which his friends noted were soaked in blood from the ordeal. But whoever wants to believe it can do so, whether it is a fable crafted or some devilish illusion, if such an event actually took place. For my part, having (I hope) the fear of God before my eyes, I intend to write down nothing more than what I know to be true or what has been credibly confirmed to me by godly men, for whom nothing is dearer than speaking the truth and nothing is more loathsome than to discredit themselves by lying. Therefore, in writing about the wonders of England, I find there are four notable things, which for their rarity among the common people, are considered the four miracles and wonders of the land.

The first of these is a vehement and strong wind, which issueth out of the hilles called the Peke, so violent and strong, that at certeine times if a man doo cast his cote or cloake into the caue from whence it issueth, it driueth the same backe againe, hoising it aloft into the open aire with great force and vehemencie. Of this also Giraldus speaketh.

The first of these is a fierce and powerful wind that blows out of the hills called the Peke. It’s so violent that at certain times, if someone throws their coat or cloak into the cave from which it comes, it pushes it back out again, lifting it high into the open air with great force and intensity. Giraldus also mentions this.

The second is the miraculous standing or rather hanging of certeine stones vpon the plaine of Salisburie, whereof the place is called Stonehenge. And to saie the truth, they may well be woondered at, not onelie for the manner of position, whereby they become verie difficult to be numbred, but also for their greatnesse & strange maner of lieng of some of them one vpon another, which séemeth to be with so tickle hold, that few men go vnder them without feare of their present ruine. How and when these stones were brought thither, as yet I can not read; howbeit it is most likelie, that they were raised there by the Britons, after the slaughter of their nobilitie at the deadlie banket, which Hengist and his Saxons prouided for them, where they were also buried, and Vortigerne their king apprehended and led awaie as captiue. I haue heard that the like are to be séene in Ireland; but how true it is as yet I can not learne. The report goeth also, that these were broght from thence, but by what ship on the sea, and cariage by land, I thinke few men can safelie imagine.

The second is the amazing sight of certain stones standing, or rather hanging, on the plain of Salisbury, in a place called Stonehenge. To tell the truth, they are definitely worth marveling at, not only because of their unusual positioning, which makes them very hard to count, but also because of their size and the strange way some of them lie on top of each other, seeming to balance so precariously that few people walk underneath them without fearing they could collapse. I can’t read how and when these stones got there; however, it’s most likely they were erected by the Britons after the massacre of their nobility at the deadly feast that Hengist and his Saxons prepared for them, where they were also buried, and Vortigern, their king, was captured and taken away as a prisoner. I've heard that similar structures can be found in Ireland, but I can't verify how true that is. There are also claims that these stones were brought from there, but how they were transported by sea and land is something I think few people can truly understand.

The third is an ample and large hole vnder the ground, which some call Carcer Acoli, but in English Chedderhole, whereinto manie men haue entred & walked verie farre. Howbeit, as the passage is large and nothing noisome: so diuerse that haue aduentured to go into the same, could neuer as yet find the end of that waie, neither sée anie other thing than pretie riuerets and streames, which they often crossed as they went from place to place. This Chedderhole or Chedder rocke is in Summersetshire, and thence the said waters run till they méet with the second Ax that riseth in Owkie hole.

The third is a large, deep hole in the ground, which some call Carcer Acoli, but in English it's known as Cheddar Hole. Many men have entered and walked quite far inside. However, despite the passage being large and not unpleasant, those who have dared to go in have never managed to find the end of the path or see anything other than pretty little rivers and streams, which they often crossed as they moved from place to place. This Cheddar Hole or Cheddar Rock is located in Somerset, and from there, the waters flow until they meet the second Axe that rises in Oukie Hole.

The fourth is no lesse notable than anie of the other. For westward vpon certeine hilles a man shall sée the clouds gather togither in faire weather vnto a certeine thicknesse, and by and by to spread themselues abroad and water their fields about them, as it were vpon the sudden. The causes of which dispersion, as they are utterlie vnknowne: so manie men coniecture great store of water to be in those hilles, & verie néere at hand, if it were néedfull to be sought for.

The fourth is just as remarkable as any of the others. For if you look westward toward certain hills, you can see the clouds gather together in nice weather until they become quite thick, and then suddenly spread out and water the fields around them. The reasons for this scattering are completely unknown, but many people believe there is a lot of water in those hills, quite close, if it needs to be found.

Besides these foure maruelles, there is a little rockie Ile in Aber Barrie (a riueret that falleth into the Sauerne sea) called Barrie, which hath a rift or clift next the first shore; wherevnto if a man doo laie his eare, he shall heare such noises as are commonlie made in smiths forges, to wit, clinking of iron barres, beating with hammers, blowing of bellowses, and such like: whereof the superstitious sort doo gather manie toies, as the gentiles did in old time of their lame god Vulcans pot. The riuer that runneth by Chester changeth hir chanell euerie moneth: the cause whereof as yet I can not learne; neither dooth it swell by force of anie land-floud, but by some vehement wind it oft ouer-runneth hir banks. In Snowdonie are two lakes, whereof one beareth a moouable Iland, which is carried to and fro as the wind bloweth. The [Page 218] other hath thrée kinds of fishes in it, as éeles, trowts, and perches: but herein resteth the woonder, that all those haue but one eie a péece onelie, and the same situate in the right side of their heads. And this I find to be confirmed also by authors: There is a well in the forrest of Gnaresborow, whereof the said forrest dooth take the name; which water, beside that it is cold as Stix, in a certeine period of time knowne, conuerteth wood, flesh, leaues of trées, and mosse into hard stone, without alteration or changing of shape. The like also is séene there in frogs, wormes, and such like liuing creatures as fall into the same, and find no readie issue. Of this spring also Leland writeth thus; A little aboue March (but at the further banke of Nide riuer as I came) I saw a well of wonderfull nature called Dropping well, because the water thereof distilleth out of great rockes hard by into it continuallie, which is so cold, and thereto of such nature, that what thing soeuer falleth out of those rocks into this pit, or groweth néere thereto, or be cast into it by mans hand, it turneth into stone. It may be (saith he) that some sand or other fine ground issueth out with this water from these hard rocks, which cleauing vnto those things, giueth them in time the forme of stones &c. Néere vnto the place where Winburne monasterie sometimes stood, also not farre from Bath there is a faire wood, whereof if you take anie péece, and pitch it into the ground thereabouts, or throw it into the water, within twelue moneths it will turne into hard stone. In part of the hilles east southeast of Alderleie, a mile from Kingswood, are stones dailie found, perfectlie fashioned like cockles and mightie oisters, which some dreame haue lien there euer since the floud. In the clifts betwéene the Blacke head and Trewardeth baie in Cornwall, is a certeine caue, where things appeare like images guilded, on the sides of the same, which I take to be nothing but the shining of the bright ore of coppar and other mettals readie at hand to be found there, if anie diligence were vsed. Howbeit, because it is much maruelled at as a rare thing, I doo not thinke it to be vnméet to be placed amongst our woonders. Maister Guise had of late, and still hath (for aught that I know) a manor in Glocestershire, where certeine okes doo grow, whose rootes are verie hard stone. And beside this, the ground is so fertile there (as they saie) that if a man hew a stake of anie wood, and pitch it into the earth, it will grow and take rooting beyond all expectation. Siluecester towne also is said to conteine fourescore acres of land within the walles, whereof some is corne-ground (as Leland saith) and the graine which is growing therein dooth come to verie good perfection till it be readie to be cut downe: but euen then, or about that time it vanisheth away & becommeth altogither vnprofitable. Is it any woonder (thinke you) to tell of sundrie caues néere to Browham, on the west side of the riuer Aimote, wherein are halles, chambers, and all offices of houshold cut out of the hard rocke? If it be, then may we increase the number of maruels verie much by a rehearsall of other also. For we haue manie of the like, as one néere saint Assaphs vpon the banke of Elwie, and about the head of Vendrath Vehan in Wales, whereinto men haue often entred and walked, and yet found nothing but large roomes, and sandie ground vnder their féet, and other else-where. But sith these things are not strange, I let them alone, and go forward with the rest.

Besides these four marvels, there is a small rocky island in Aber Barrie (a river that flows into the Severn Sea) called Barrie, which has a crack or cleft next to the shore; if someone puts their ear to it, they can hear noises similar to those made in blacksmith forges, like the clinking of iron bars, hammering, blowing of bellows, and such. The superstitious people create many stories around this, just as the ancients did about their lame god Vulcan’s forge. The river near Chester changes its course every month; I still don’t know why that is, as it doesn’t overflow from land floods, but rather often spills over its banks due to strong winds. In Snowdon, there are two lakes, one of which has a movable island that drifts back and forth with the wind. The other lake has three types of fish: eels, trout, and perch, but the strange thing is that all of them have just one eye each, located on the right side of their heads. This has also been confirmed by other authors. There is a well in the Gnaresborough forest, which takes its name from the forest; the water is not only as cold as the River Styx, but at certain times, it turns wood, meat, leaves, and moss into hard stone without altering their shape. This can also be seen in frogs, worms, and other living creatures that fall into it and don’t find an easy way out. Leland wrote about this spring: A little above March (but on the opposite bank of the Nidd River as I came), I saw a well of remarkable nature called Dropping Well, because water continuously drips from the nearby rocks into it, which is so cold and of such nature that anything falling from those rocks into this pit, or growing nearby, or thrown in by hand, turns into stone. It may be, he says, that some sand or other fine material comes out with this water from the hard rocks, which adheres to those objects over time, giving them the shape of stones, etc. Near the site where Winburne monastery once stood, also not far from Bath, there is a beautiful wood; if you take any piece of it and stick it into the ground there or throw it into the water, within twelve months it will turn into hard stone. In part of the hills east-southeast of Alderley, a mile from Kingswood, stones are often found perfectly shaped like clams and huge oysters, which some claim have been there since the flood. In the cliffs between Black Head and Trewardeth Bay in Cornwall, there is a cave where things appear like gilded images on the sides; I believe this is just the reflection of bright copper ore and other metals that are ready to be found there if anyone puts in the effort. However, because it’s highly marveled at as a rare thing, I think it’s fitting to include it among our wonders. Master Guise recently had, and still has (as far as I know), a manor in Gloucestershire, where certain oaks grow, whose roots are very hard stone. Besides this, the ground is said to be so fertile that if someone cuts a stake from any wood and plants it in the earth, it will grow and take root beyond all expectation. Silchester town is also said to contain eighty acres of land within its walls, some of which is farmland (as Leland states), and the grain grown there reaches very good quality until it is ready to be harvested; but even then, or around that time, it disappears and becomes entirely worthless. Is it any wonder, do you think, to speak of numerous caves near Browham, on the west side of the River Aimote, where there are halls, chambers, and all household spaces carved out of the hard rock? If that's surprising, we could greatly increase the number of marvels by mentioning others as well. For we have many similar examples, like one near St. Asaph on the bank of the Elwy, and around the head of Vendrath Vehan in Wales, where people have often entered and walked and still found nothing but large rooms and sandy ground under their feet, and others elsewhere. But since these things are not strange, I’ll leave them out and continue with the rest.

In the parish of Landsarnam in Wales, and in the side of a stonie hill, is a place wherein are foure and twentie seats hewen out of the hard rockes; but who did cut them, and to what end, as yet it is not learned. As for the huge stone that lieth at Pember in Guitherie parish, and of the notable carcasse that is affirmed to lie vnder the same, there is no cause to touch it here: yet were it well doone to haue it remoued, though it were but onlie to sée what it is, which the people haue in so great estimation & reuerence. There is also a poole in Logh Taw, among the blacke mounteins in Brecknockshire, where (as is said) is the head of Taw that commeth to Swanseie, which hath such a propertie, that it will bréed no fish at all, & if anie be cast into it, they die without recouerie: but this peraduenture may grow throgh the accidentall corruption of the water, rather than the naturall force of the element it selfe. There is also a lin in Wales, which in the one side beareth trowts so red as samons, and in the other, which is the westerlie side, [Page 219] verie white and delicate. I heare also of two welles not far from Landien, which stand verie néere togither, and yet are of such diuersitie of nature, that the one beareth sope, and is a maruellous fine water; the other altogither of contrarie qualities. Which is not a litle to be mused at, considering (I saie) that they participate of one soile, and rise so nigh one to another. I haue notice giuen me moreouer of a stone not farre from saint Dauids, which is verie great, as a bed, or such like thing: and being raised vp, a man may stirre it with his thumbe; but not with his shoulder or force of his whole bodie.

In the parish of Landsarnam in Wales, on the side of a rocky hill, there’s a place with twenty-four seats carved out of the hard stone. However, it remains a mystery who made them and why. As for the large stone at Pember in Guitherie parish, and the notable skeleton believed to be underneath it, there's no need to discuss it here; yet it would be wise to have it moved, if only to see what it really is, as the locals hold it in high regard. There's also a pool in Lough Taw, among the dark mountains in Brecknockshire, which is said to be the source of the Taw River that flows to Swansea. This pool has the unusual property of not producing any fish at all; if any are thrown in, they die without recovering. This might be due to the accidental corruption of the water rather than the natural characteristics of the element itself. Moreover, there is a stream in Wales where one side holds trout as red as salmon, and the other, which faces west, is very white and delicate. I’ve also heard about two wells not far from Landien that are quite close together yet have such different qualities that one produces soap and is remarkably fine water, while the other has entirely opposite qualities. This is quite puzzling, considering they share the same soil and are so near to each other. I’ve also learned about a stone not far from St. David's, which is very large, like a bed or something similar; and when lifted, a person can move it with their thumb, but not with their shoulder or the strength of their whole body.

There is a well not farre from stonie Stratford, which conuerteth manie things into stone; and an other in Wales, which is said to double or triple the force of anie edge toole that is quenched in the same. In Tegenia, a parcell of Wales, there is a noble well (I meane in the parish of Kilken) which is of maruellous nature, and much like to another well at Seuill in Spaine: for although it be six miles from the sea, it ebbeth and floweth twise in one daie; alwaies ebbing when the sea dooth vse to flow, and in flowing likewise when the sea dooth vse to ebbe; wherof some doo fable, that this well is ladie and mistresse of the ocean. Not farre from thence also is a medicinable spring called Schinant of old time, but now Wenefrides well, in the edges whereof dooth breed a verie odoriferous and delectable mosse, wherewith the head of the smeller is maruellouslie refreshed. Other welles and water-courses we haue likewise, which at some times burst out into huge streames, though at other seasons they run but verie softlie, whereby the people gather some alteration of estate to be at hand. And such a one there is at Henleie, & an other at Croidon; & such a one also in the golden dale beside Anderne in Picardie, whereof the common sort imagine manie things. Some of the greater sort also giue ouer to run at all in such times, wherof they conceiue the like opinion. And of the same nature, though of no great quantitie, is a pit or well at Langleie parke in Kent, whereof (by good hap) it was my lucke to read a notable historie in an ancient chronicle that I saw of late. What the foolish people dreame of the hell Kettles, it is not worthie the rehearsall; yet to the end the lewd opinion conceiued of them may grow into contempt, I will saie thus much also of those pits. There are certeine pits, or rather three little pooles, a mile from Darlington, and a quarter of a mile distant from the These banks which the people call the Kettles of hell, or the diuels Kettles, as if he should séeth soules of sinfull men and women in them. They adde also, that the spirits haue oft beene heard to crie and yell about them, with other like talke sauoring altogether of pagan infidelitie. The truth is, and of this opinion also was Cutbert Tunstall late bishop of Durham, a man (notwithstanding the basenesse of his birth, being begotten by one Tunstall vpon a daughter of the house of the Commers, as Leland saith) of great learning and iudgement, that the cole-mines in those places are kindled, or if there be no coles, there may a mine of some other vnctuous matter be set on fire, which being here and there consumed, the earth falleth in, and so dooth leaue a pit. Indéed the water is now and then warme (as they saie) and beside that it is not cléere: the people suppose them to be an hundred fadam déepe. The biggest of them also hath an issue into the These, as experience hath confirmed. For doctor Bellowes aliàs Belzis made report, how a ducke marked after the fashion of the duckes of the bishoprike of Durham, was put into the same betwixt Darlington and These banke, and afterward séene at a bridge not farre from master Clereuax house. If it were woorth the noting, I would also make relation of manie wooden crosses found verie often about Halidon, whereof the old inhabitants conceiued an opinion that they were fallen from heauen; whereas in truth, they were made and borne by king Oswald; and his men in the battell wherein they preuailed sometimes against the British infidels, vpon a superstitious imagination, that those crosses should be their defense and shield against their aduersaries. Beda calleth the place where the said field was fought, Heauen field; it lieth not far from the Pictish wall, and the famous monasterie of Hagulstad. But more of this elsewhere. Neither will I speak of the little hillets séene in manie places of our Ile, whereof though the vnskilfull people babble manie things: yet are they nothing else but Tumuli or graues of former times, as appeareth by such tooms & carcasses as be daily found in the same, [Page 220] when they be digged downe. The like fond imagination haue they of a kind of lunarie, which is to be found in manie places, although not so well knowen by the forme vnto them, as by the effect thereof, because it now and then openeth the lockes hanging on the horses féet as hit vpon it where it groweth in their féeding. Roger Bacon our countrieman noteth it to grow plentiouslie in Tuthill fields about London. I haue heard of it to be within compasse of the parish where I dwell, and doo take it for none other than the Sfera Cauallo, whereof Mathiolus and the herbarists doo write, albeit that it hath not béene my lucke at anie time to behold it. Plinie calleth it Aethiopis: and Aelianus, Oppianus, Kyramis, and Trebius haue written manie superstitious things thereof, but especiallie our Chymists, who make it of farre more vertue than our smiths doo their ferne séed, whereof they babble manie woonders, and prate of such effects as may well be performed indéed when the ferne beareth séed, which is commonly Ad calendas Græcas, for before it will not be found. But to procéed. There is a well in Darbieshire called Tideswell (so named of the word tide, or to ebbe and flow) whose water often séemeth to rise and fall, as the sea which is fortie miles from it dooth vsuallie accustome to ebbe and flow. And hereof an opinion is growen that it kéepeth an ordinarie course as the sea dooth. Howbeit, sith diuerse are knowne to haue watched the same, it may be that at sometimes it riseth, but not continuallie; and that it so dooth I am fullie persuaded to beléeue. But euen inough of the woonders of our countrie, least I doo seeme by talking longer of them, woonderouslie to ouershoot my selfe, and forget how much dooth rest behind of the description of my countrie. As for those that are to be touched of Scotland, the description of that part shall in some part remember them.

There’s a well not far from Stone Stratford that turns many things into stone, and another in Wales that supposedly doubles or triples the strength of any edged tool that’s quenched in it. In Tegenia, a part of Wales, there’s a remarkable well (I mean in the parish of Kilken) that is very similar to another well in Seville, Spain: even though it’s six miles from the sea, it ebbs and flows twice a day; always ebbing when the sea is flowing, and vice versa. Some people even say this well is the lady and mistress of the ocean. Not far from there is a healing spring called Schinant in ancient times, but now known as Wenefride's Well, which has very fragrant and delightful moss growing around it, refreshing the head of anyone who smells it. We also have other wells and watercourses that sometimes burst into huge streams, though at other times they run very softly, making people think some change is coming. There’s one of these at Henley, another at Croydon, and one also in the golden valley near Anderne in Picardy, of which common folks imagine many things. Some of the higher class also stop going there when these changes occur, thinking similarly. Of the same nature, though smaller, is a pit or well at Langleigh Park in Kent, where it was my luck to recently read an interesting story in an ancient chronicle. It’s not worth talking about what silly people believe about the Hell Kettles, but to dispel the ignorance around them, I’ll mention these pits. There are certain pits, or instead three small pools, a mile from Darlington and a quarter of a mile from the These banks, which people call the Kettles of Hell, or the Devil's Kettles, as if he were boiling the souls of sinful men and women in them. They also say spirits have often been heard crying and yelling around them, along with other tales that completely reek of pagan superstition. The truth is, and this was also the opinion of Cuthbert Tunstall, the late bishop of Durham—a man of great learning and judgment despite his humble origins, being born to one Tunstall and a daughter of the house of the Commers, as Leland says—that the coal mines in those areas are ignited, or if there are no coals, perhaps some other oily material is set ablaze, which when partially burned causes the earth to collapse, creating a pit. Indeed, the water is sometimes warm (or so they say) and besides that, it’s not clear; people suppose them to be a hundred fathoms deep. The largest one also has an outlet into the These, as experience has confirmed. For Doctor Bellowes, also known as Belzis, reported how a marked duck, similar to those from the bishopric of Durham, was placed in between Darlington and the These banks and later seen at a bridge not far from Master Cleremax’s house. If it were worth noting, I would also recount many wooden crosses frequently found around Halidon, of which old inhabitants believed they had fallen from heaven; when in reality, they were made and carried by King Oswald and his men in the battle where they sometimes prevailed against the British infidels, based on a superstitious belief that those crosses would be their defense against their enemies. Bede calls the place where this battle took place Heaven Field, not far from the Pictish wall and the famous monastery of Hagulstad. But more on that another time. I won’t mention the small hills seen in many parts of our isle, which although unskilled people chatter about, are nothing more than tumuli or graves from earlier times, as is evident by the tombs and corpses frequently found when they are dug up. They have a similar foolish belief about a type of lunar plant that can be found in many places, although they don’t recognize it by its shape but rather by its effect, as it sometimes unties the laces on horses’ feet as they walk where it grows while they’re grazing. Roger Bacon, our countryman, notes that it grows abundantly in Tuthill Fields around London. I’ve heard it grows within the bounds of my parish, and I believe it to be the Sfera Cavallo, which Mathiolus and the herbalists write about, even though I’ve never had the luck to see it myself. Pliny calls it Aethiopis; Aelianus, Oppianus, Kyramis, and Trebius have written many superstitions about it, especially our chemists, who attribute far more virtue to it than our blacksmiths do to their fern seed, about which they tell many wonders and wax poetic about such effects that can really happen when the fern bears seeds, which is usually Ad calendas Graecas, as it cannot be found before that. But to continue. There’s a well in Derbyshire called Tideswell (named for the word tide, as in to ebb and flow) whose water often seems to rise and fall like the sea, which is forty miles away. And an opinion has emerged that it follows a regular pattern like the sea does. However, since several people have been known to keep watch over it, it might rise at times but not continuously; and I fully believe this to be true. But that’s enough of the wonders of our country, lest I seem to go on so long about them that I lose track of the rest of the description of my country. As for those concerning Scotland, the description of that part will remind them in some way.


[Page 221]

[Page 221]

THE
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND BOOKE.

  Page
1 Of the ancient and present estate of the church of England. 221
2 Of the number of bishoprikes and their seuerall circuits. 236
3 Of vniuersities. 249
4 Of the partition of England into shires and counties. 257
5 Of degrees of people in the commonwealth of England. 263
6 Of the food and diet of the English. 278
7 Of their apparell and attire. 289
8 Of the high court of parlement & authoritie of the same. 291
9 Of the lawes of England since hir first inhabitation. 297
10 Of prouision made for the poore. 307
11 Of sundrie kinds of punishment appointed for malefactors. 310
12 Of the maner of building and furniture of our houses. 314
13 Of cities and townes in England. 319
14 Of castels and holds. 326
15 Of palaces belonging to the prince. 328
16 Of armour and munition. 333
17 Of the nauie of England. 336
18 Of faires and markets. 339
19 Of parkes and warrens. 343
20 Of gardens and orchards. 350
21 Of waters generallie. 354
22 Of woods and marishes. 355
23 Of baths and hot welles. 360
24 Of antiquities found. 364
25 Of the coines of England. 366

OF THE ANCIENT AND PRESENT ESTATE OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
CHAP. I.

There are now two prouinces onelie in England, of which the first and greatest is subiect to the sée of Canturburie, comprehending a parte of Lhoegres, whole Cambria, & also Ireland, which in time past were seuerall, & brought into one by the archbishop of the said sée & assistance of the pope; who in respect of méed, did yéeld vnto the ambitious desires of sundrie archbishops of Canturburie, as I haue elsewhere declared. The second prouince is vnder the sée of Yorke, and of these; either hath hir archbishop resident commonlie within hir owne limits, who hath not onelie the cheefe dealing in matters apperteining to the hierarchie and iurisdiction of the church; but also great authoritie in ciuill affaires touching the gouernement of the common wealth: so far foorth as their commissions and seuerall circuits doo extend.

There are now only two provinces in England. The first and largest is under the jurisdiction of the see of Canterbury, covering part of Wales, all of Wales, and also Ireland, which used to be separate but were united by the archbishop of Canterbury with the help of the pope; who, due to various rewards, yielded to the ambitious desires of several archbishops of Canterbury, as I have mentioned elsewhere. The second province is under the see of York, and in both provinces, each usually has its archbishop residing within its own boundaries. The archbishop not only handles key matters related to the hierarchy and jurisdiction of the church but also has significant authority in civil affairs regarding the governance of the commonwealth, as far as their commissions and various jurisdictions extend.

In old time there were thrée archbishops, and so manie prouinces in this Ile; of which one kept at London, another at Yorke, and the third at Caerlheon vpon Uske. But as that of London was translated to Canturburie by Augustine, and that of Yorke remaineth (notwithstanding that the [Page 222] greatest part of his iurisdiction is now bereft him and giuen to the Scotish archbishop) so that of Caerlheon is vtterlie extinguished, and the gouernement of the countrie vnited to that of Canturburie in spirituall cases: after it was once before remoued to S. Dauids in Wales by Dauid successor to Dubritius, and vncle to king Arthur, in the 519 of Grace, to the end that he and his clearkes might be further off from the crueltie of the Saxons, where it remained till the time of the Bastard, and for a season after, before it was annexed vnto the sée of Canturburie.

In ancient times, there were three archbishops and many provinces on this island; one was based in London, another in York, and the third in Caerlheon on Uske. However, the one in London was moved to Canterbury by Augustine, and the one in York remains (despite the fact that most of its authority has been taken away and given to the Scottish archbishop). The Caerlheon archbishopric has totally disappeared, and the governance of that area has been combined with that of Canterbury in spiritual matters. Previously, it had been moved to St. Davids in Wales by David, who was the successor to Dubritius and the uncle of King Arthur, in the year 519 AD, to keep him and his clergy away from the cruelty of the Saxons. It stayed there until the time of the Bastard and for a while after before it was attached to the see of Canterbury.

The archbishop of Canturburie is commonlie called primat of all England; and in the coronations of the kings of this land, and all other times, wherein it shall please the prince to weare and put on his crowne, his office is to set it vpon their heads. They beare also the name of their high chapleins continuallie, although not a few of them haue presumed (in time past) to be their equals, and void of subiection vnto them. That this is true, it may easilie appéere by their owne acts yet kept in record; beside their epistles & answers written or in print; wherein they haue sought not onelie to match but also to mate them with great rigor and more than open tyrannie. Our aduersaries will peraduenture denie this absolutelie, as they doo manie other things apparant, though not without shamelesse impudencie, or at the leastwise defend it as iust and not swaruing from common equitie; bicause they imagine euerie archbishop to be the kings equall in his owne prouince. But how well their dooing herein agreeth with the saieng of Peter, & examples of the primitiue church, it may easilie appéere. Some examples also of their demeanor (I meane in the time of poperie) I will not let to remember, least they should saie I speake of malice, and without all ground of likelihood.

The Archbishop of Canterbury is commonly referred to as the primate of all England. During the coronations of the kings of this land, and at any other times when it pleases the prince to wear his crown, it is the archbishop's duty to place it on their heads. They also hold the title of their high chaplains continuously, although not a few of them have previously presumed to consider themselves equal to the archbishop and free from subjection to him. This is evident from their own actions still recorded, along with their letters and written or printed responses, in which they have sought not only to equate themselves but also to confront the archbishop with great rigor and overt tyranny. Our adversaries may indeed deny this outright, as they do many other obvious things, though not without shameless boldness, or at the very least defend it as just and in line with common equity; because they believe every archbishop is equal to the king within his own province. However, how well their actions align with Peter's words, and the examples from the early church, is quite apparent. I will also recall some instances of their behavior (I mean during the time of the papacy), lest they claim I speak out of malice and without any reasonable basis.

Of their practises with meane persons I speake not, neither will I begin at Dunstane the author of all their pride and presumption here in England. But for somuch as the dealing of Robert the Norman against earle Goodwine is a rare historie, and deserueth to be remembred, I will touch it in this place; protesting to deale withall in more faithfull maner than it hath heretofore beene deliuered vnto vs by the Norman writers, or French English, who (of set purpose) haue so defaced earle Goodwine, that were it not for the testimonie of one or two méere Englishmen liuing in those daies, it should be impossible for me (or anie other) at this present to declare the truth of that matter according to hir circumstances. Marke therefore what I saie. For the truth is, that such Normans as came in with Emma in the time of Ethelred, and Canutus, and the Confessor, did fall by sundrie means into such fauor with those princes, that the gentlemen did grow to beare great rule in the court, and their clearkes to be possessors of the best benefices in the land. Hervpon therefore one Robert, a iolie ambitious préest, gat first to be bishop of London, and after the death of Eadsius, to be archbishop of Canturburie by the gift of king Edward; leauing his former sée to William his countrieman. Ulfo also a Norman was preferred to Lincolne, and other to other places, as the king did thinke conuenient.

I'm not going to talk about their interactions with ordinary people, nor will I start with Dunstane, who is the source of all their arrogance and pride here in England. But since Robert the Norman’s conflict with Earl Godwin is a unique story worth remembering, I’ll mention it here; I promise to discuss it more accurately than it has been presented by the Norman writers or French English, who have deliberately tarnished Earl Godwin's reputation. If it weren’t for the accounts of a couple of Englishmen living during that time, it would be impossible for me (or anyone else) to clarify the truth of that situation as it really was. So pay attention to what I’m saying. The reality is that those Normans who arrived with Emma during the times of Ethelred, Canute, and the Confessor became very favored by those kings, leading their gentlemen to gain significant influence at court, while their clerics took the best positions in the land. As a result, one Robert, an ambitious priest, first became the bishop of London, and after Eadsius's death, he became the archbishop of Canterbury by King Edward’s appointment, leaving his previous seat to his fellow countryman William. Another Norman, Ulfo, was appointed to Lincoln, and others went to various positions as the king deemed fit.

These Norman clerkes, and their freends, being thus exalted, it was not long yer they began to mocke, abuse, and despise the English: and so much the more, as they dailie saw themselues to increase in fauour with king Edward, who also called diuerse of them to be of his secret councell, which did not a litle incense the harts of the English against them. A fraie also was made at Douer, betwéene the seruants of earle Goodwine and the French, whose maisters came ouer to see and salute the king: whereof I haue spoken in my Chronologie, which so inflamed the minds of the French cleargie and courtiers against the English nobilitie, that each part sought for opportunitie of reuenge, which yer long tooke hold betwéene them. For the said Robert, being called to be archbishop of Canturburie, was no sooner in possession of his sée, than he began to quarrell with earle Goodwine (the kings father in law by the mariage of his daughter) who also was readie to acquit his demeanor with like malice; and so the mischiefe begun. Herevpon therefore the archbishop charged the earle with the murther of Alfred the kings brother, whom not he but Harald the sonne of Canutus and the Danes had cruellie made awaie. For Alfred and his brother comming into the land [Page 223] with fiue and twentie saile, vpon the death of Canutus, and being landed; the Normans that arriued with them giuing out how they came to recouer their right, to wit, the crowne of England; & therevnto the vnskilfull yoong gentlemen, shewing themselues to like of the rumour that was spred in this behalfe, the report of their demeanor was quicklie brought to Harald, who caused a companie foorthwith of Danes priuilie to laie wait for them, as they roade toward Gilford, where Alfred was slaine, and whence Edward with much difficultie escaped to his ships, and so returned into Normandie.

These Norman clerks and their friends, having been elevated in status, soon began to mock, mistreat, and look down on the English. This was exacerbated by the fact that they saw themselves gaining favor with King Edward, who brought several of them into his inner council, which stirred resentment among the English toward them. A brawl also took place in Dover between the servants of Earl Goodwine and the French, whose masters had come over to greet the king. I’ve mentioned this in my Chronology, and it fired up the French clergy and courtiers against the English nobility, leading both sides to seek opportunities for revenge, which would soon unfold. When Robert was appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury, as soon as he took office, he started quarreling with Earl Goodwine (the king’s father-in-law through his daughter), who was equally ready to respond with similar hostility, and thus the conflict began. Consequently, the archbishop accused the earl of the murder of Alfred, the king's brother, who was not killed by him but rather by Harald, the son of Canute, and the Danes. Alfred and his brother had come to the land with twenty-five ships following Canute's death. Upon landing, the Normans who arrived with them claimed they had come to reclaim their rights, specifically the crown of England. As a result, the inexperienced young gentlemen began to embrace the rumors that were spreading about this claim. News of their behavior quickly reached Harald, who secretly set a company of Danes to ambush them as they rode toward Guildford, where Alfred was slain, and from where Edward narrowly escaped back to his ships and returned to Normandy.

But to proceed. This affirmation of the archbishop being greatlie soothed out with his craftie vtterance (for he was lerned) confirmed by his French fréends, (for they had all conspired against the erle) and therevnto the king being desirous to reuenge the death of his brother, bred such a grudge in his mind against Goodwine, that he banished him and his sons cleane out of the land. He sent also his wife the erles daughter prisoner to Wilton, with one onelie maiden attending vpon hir, where she laie almost a yeare before she was released. In the meane season, the rest of the peeres, as Siward earle of Northumberland surnamed Digara or Fortis, Leofrijc earle of Chester, and other went to the king, before the departure of Goodwine, indeuouring to persuade him vnto the reuocation of his sentence; and desiring that his cause might be heard and discussed by order of law. But the king incensed by the archbishop and his Normans would not heare on that side, saieng plainelie, and swearing by saint Iohn the euangelist (for that was his common oth) that earle Goodwine should not haue his peace till he restored his brother Alfred aliue againe vnto his presence. With which answer the peeres departed in choler from the court, and Goodwine toward the coast.

But to move on. The archbishop's claim of being greatly reassured by his cunning words (since he was educated) was backed by his French friends, who had all plotted against the earl. Additionally, the king, wanting to avenge his brother's death, developed such a grudge against Goodwine that he completely banished him and his sons from the land. He also sent his wife, the earl's daughter, as a prisoner to Wilton, accompanied by only one maid, where she stayed for almost a year before being released. In the meantime, the other nobles, like Siward, earl of Northumberland, known as Digara or Fortis, and Leofric, earl of Chester, went to the king before Goodwine's departure, trying to convince him to overturn his decision and asking for Goodwine's case to be heard and examined according to the law. However, the king, inflamed by the archbishop and his Normans, refused to listen, saying plainly—and swearing by Saint John the Evangelist (which was his usual oath)—that Earl Goodwine wouldn’t have peace until he returned his brother Alfred alive to him. With this response, the nobles left the court in anger, and Goodwine headed toward the coast.

Comming also vnto the shore and readie to take shipping, he knéeled downe in presence of his conduct (to wit at Bosenham in the moneth of September, from whence he intended to saile into Flanders vnto Baldwine the earle) and there praied openlie before them all, that if euer he attempted anie thing against the kings person of England, or his roiall estate, that he might neuer come safe vnto his cousine, nor sée his countrie any more, but perish in this voiage. And herewith he went aboord the ship that was prouided for him, and so from the coast into the open sea. But sée what followed. He was not yet gone a mile waie from the land, before he saw the shore full of armed souldiers, sent after by the archbishop and his freends to kill him yer he should depart and go out of the countrie: which yet more incensed the harts of the English against them.

Coming to the shore and ready to board the ship, he knelt down in front of his companions (at Bosenham in September, from where he planned to sail to Flanders to meet Baldwin the Earl) and prayed out loud in front of them all that if he ever did anything against the king of England or his royal authority, he would never safely reach his cousin or see his country again, but would perish on this journey. With that, he boarded the ship prepared for him and set out from the coast into the open sea. But look at what happened next. He hadn’t even gone a mile from the shore when he saw the beach filled with armed soldiers, sent by the archbishop and his allies to kill him before he could leave the country, which only fueled the anger of the English against them even more.

Being come also to Flanders, he caused the earle, the French king, and other of his fréends, among whome also the emperour was one, to write vnto the king in his behalfe; but all in vaine: for nothing could be obteined from him, of which the Normans had no liking, wherevpon the earle and his sonnes changed their minds, obteined aid, and inuaded the land in sundry places. Finallie ioining their powers they came by the Thames into Southwarke néere London where they lodged, and looked for the king to incounter with them in the field. The king séeing what was doone, commanded the Londoners not to aid nor vittell them. But the citizens made answer, how the quarrell of Goodwine was the cause of the whole realme, which he had in maner giuen ouer vnto the spoile of the French: and therevpon they not onelie vittelled them aboundantlie, but also receiued the earle and his chiefe fréends into the citie, where they lodged them at their ease, till the kings power was readie to ioine with them in battell.

Having arrived in Flanders, he got the earl, the French king, and several of his friends, including the emperor, to write to the king on his behalf; but it was all in vain. Nothing could be obtained from him that the Normans would accept. As a result, the earl and his sons changed their minds, gathered support, and invaded the land in various places. Eventually, combining their forces, they reached Southwark near London via the Thames, where they set up camp and waited for the king to meet them in battle. Seeing what was happening, the king ordered the people of London not to assist or supply them. However, the citizens responded that Goodwine's dispute affected the entire realm, which he had practically handed over to the French for pillaging. Consequently, they not only supplied the invaders generously but also welcomed the earl and his key allies into the city, where they were comfortably accommodated until the king's forces were ready to confront them in battle.

Great resort also was made vnto them from all places of the realme, so that the earles armie was woonderfullie increased, and the daie and place chosen wherein the battell should be fought. But when the armies met, the kings side began some to flée to the earle, other to laie downe their weapons, and not a few to run awaie out right; the rest telling him plainelie that they would neuer fight against their owne countriemen, to mainteine Frenchmens quarrels. The Normans also seeing the sequele, fled awaie so fast as they might gallop, leauing the king in the field to shift for himselfe (as he best might) whilest they did saue themselues elsewhere.

A large number of people from all over the kingdom also rallied to them, so the earl's army grew significantly, and the day and location for the battle were set. However, when the armies clashed, some on the king's side began to flee to the earl, others laid down their weapons, and quite a few just ran away entirely; the rest openly told him that they would never fight against their own countrymen to support the French’s cause. The Normans, seeing how things were going, fled as quickly as they could, leaving the king in the field to fend for himself while they sought safety elsewhere.

[Page 224]

[Page 224]

In the meane season the earles power would haue set vpon the king, either to his slaughter, or apprehension; but he staied them, saieng after this maner: The king is my sonne (as you all know) and it is not for a father to deale so hardlie with his child, neither a subiect with his souereigne; it is not he that hath hurt or doone me this iniurie, but the proud Normans that are about him: wherfore to gaine a kingdome, I will doo him no violence. And therewithall casting aside his battell ax he ran to the king, that stood altogither amazed, and falling at his féet he craued his peace, accused the archbishop, required that his cause might be heard in open assemblie of his péeres; and finallie determined as truth and equitie should deserue.

In the meantime, the earl's forces were about to attack the king, either to kill him or capture him; but he held them back, saying: The king is my son (as you all know), and it’s not right for a father to treat his child so harshly, nor for a subject to confront his sovereign like that; it’s not he who has harmed or wronged me, but the arrogant Normans around him. Therefore, to gain a kingdom, I won’t use violence against him. With that, throwing aside his battle axe, he ran to the king, who was completely stunned, and fell at his feet asking for mercy. He accused the archbishop, requested that his case be heard in front of an assembly of his peers, and finally insisted that a fair and just resolution be reached.

The king (after he had paused a pretie while) seeing his old father in law to lie groueling at his féet, and conceiuing with himselfe that his sute was not vnreasonable; seeing also his children, and the rest of the greatest barons of the land to knéele before him, and make the like request: he lifted vp the earle by the hand, bad him be of good comfort, pardoned all that was past, and freendlie hauing kissed him and his sonnes vpon the chéekes, he lead them to his palace, called home the quéene, and summoned all his lords vnto a councell.

The king, after pausing for a moment, saw his old father-in-law lying on the ground at his feet. He thought to himself that his request wasn't unreasonable, especially since his children and the other top barons of the land were kneeling before him and making the same request. He lifted the earl by the hand, told him to be of good cheer, forgave everything that had happened, and kindly kissed him and his sons on the cheeks. Then, he led them to his palace, called the queen home, and summoned all his lords for a council.

Wherein it is much to read, how manie billes were presented against the bishop & his Normans; some conteining matter of rape, other of robberie, extortion, murder, manslaughter, high treason, adulterie; and not a few of batterie. Wherwith the king (as a man now awaked out of sléepe) was so offended, that vpon consultation had of these things, he banished all the Normans out of the land, onelie thrée or foure excepted, whome he reteined for sundrie necessarie causes, albeit they came neuer more so néere him afterward as to be of his priuie councell.

Where it's revealed how many charges were brought against the bishop and his Normans, some related to rape, others to robbery, extortion, murder, manslaughter, high treason, and adultery; not to mention several for assault. The king, feeling as if he had just woken up from a deep sleep, was so outraged by this that after discussing the matter, he banished all the Normans from the country, except for three or four whom he kept for various necessary reasons, although they never got close enough to him again to be part of his inner council.

After this also the earle liued almost two yeares, and then falling into an apoplexie, as he sat with the king at the table, he was taken vp and carried into the kings bedchamber, where (after a few daies) he made an end of his life. And thus much of our first broile raised by the cleargie, and practise of the archbishop. I would intreat of all the like examples of tyrannie, practised by the prelats of this sée, against their lords and souereignes: but then I should rather write an historie than a description of this Iland.

After this, the earl lived for almost two years, and then he had a stroke while sitting at the table with the king. He was taken up and carried into the king's bedroom, where, after a few days, he passed away. And this is the story of our first conflict stirred up by the clergy and the actions of the archbishop. I would like to discuss more examples of tyranny practiced by the bishops of this see against their lords and sovereigns, but then I would be writing a history rather than a description of this island.

Anselme. Wherefore I refer you to those reports of Anselme and Becket, sufficientlie penned by other, the which Anselme also making a shew, as if he had bin verie vnwilling to be placed in the sée of Canturburie, gaue this answer to the letters of such his fréends, as did make request vnto him to take the charge vpon him. "Secularia negotia nescio, quia scire nolo, eorum námque occupationes horreo, liberum affectans animum. Voluntati sacrarum intendo scripturarum, vos dissonantiam facitis, verendúmque est nè aratrum sanctæ ecclesiæ, quod in Anglia duo boues validi & pari fortitudine, ad bonum certantes, id est rex & archiepiscopus, debeant trahere, nunc oue vetula cum tauro indomito iugata, distorqueatur à recto. Ego ouis vetula, qui si quietus essem, verbi Dei lacte, & operimento lanæ, aliquibus possem fortassis non ingratus esse, sed si me cum hoc tauro coniungitis, videbitis pro disparilitate trahentium, aratrum non rectè procedere, &c." Which is in English thus: Of secular affaires I haue no skill, bicause I will not know them, for I euen abhor the troubles that rise about them, as one that desireth to haue his mind at libertie. I applie my whole indeuor to the rule of the scriptures, you lead me to the contrarie. And it is to be feared least the plough of holie church, which two strong oxen of equall force, and both like earnest to contend vnto that which is good (that is the king and the archbishop) ought to draw, should thereby now swarue from the right forrow, by matching of an old shéepe with a wild vntamed bull. I am that old shéepe, who if I might be quiet, could peraduenture shew my selfe not altogither vngratfull to some, by féeding them with the milke of the word of God, and couering them with wooll: but if you match me with this bull, you shall sée that thorough want of equalitie in draught the plough will not go to right, &c: as foloweth in Thomas Becket. the processe of his letters. The said Thomas Becket was so proud, that he wrote to king Henrie the second, as to his lord, to his king, and to his sonne, offering him his counsell, his reuerence, and due correction, &c. Others in like sort haue protested, that they owght nothing to the kings [Page 225] of this land, but their counsell onelie, reseruing all obedience vnto the sée of Rome.

Anselme. That's why I reference the reports from Anselme and Becket, which were adequately written by others. Anselme, while pretending to be very reluctant to accept the position of Archbishop of Canterbury, responded to the letters from friends who urged him to take on the role. "I have no knowledge of worldly affairs because I choose not to know them. I abhor the troubles that come with them, as I seek to have a free mind. I focus all my efforts on understanding the sacred scriptures, while you lead me in the opposite direction. It is worrisome that the plow of the holy church, which ideally should be pulled by two strong and equally matched oxen striving for what is good (that is, the king and the archbishop), should instead become skewed by yoking an old sheep to an untamed bull. I am that old sheep, who, if left in peace, might perhaps not be entirely ungrateful to some by nourishing them with the word of God and providing them with comfort. But if you pair me with this bull, you will see that due to the imbalance in pulling, the plow will not go straight." This continues with Thomas Becket. Thomas Becket was so proud that he wrote to King Henry the Second as if he were addressing his lord, his king, and his son, offering his counsel, reverence, and proper correction, among other things. Others have similarly declared that they owe nothing to the kings of this land except their counsel, reserving all obedience for the see of Rome. [Page 225]

And as the old cocke of Canturburie did crow in this behalfe, so the yoong cockerels of other sées did imitate his demeanor, as may be séene by this one example also in king Stephans time, worthie to be remembred; vnto whome the bishop of London would not so much as sweare to be true subiect: wherein also he was mainteined by the pope, as appeareth by these letters.

And as the old rooster of Canterbury crowed for this reason, the younger roosters from other sees mimicked his behavior, which can be seen in one example from King Stephen's time, worth remembering; to whom the Bishop of London wouldn't even swear to be a loyal subject: in this, he was also supported by the pope, as shown by these letters.

"Eugenius episcopus seruus seruorum Dei, dilecto in Christo filio Stephano illustri regi Anglorū salutē, & apostolicā benedictionē. Ad hæc superna prouidētia in ecclesia pontifices ordinauit, vt Christianus populus ab eis pascua vitæ reciperet, & tam principes seculares, quàm inferioris conditionis homines, ipsis pontificibus tanquam Christi vicarijs reuerentiam exhiberent. Venerabilis siquidem frater noster Robertus London episcopus, tanquam vir sapiens & honestus, & relligionis amator, à nobilitate tua benignè tractandus est, & pro collata à Deo prudentia propensiùs honorandus. Quia ergò, sicut in veritate comperimus cum animæ suæ salute, ac suæ ordinis periculo, fidelitate quæ ab eo requiritur astringi non potest: volumus, & ex paterno tibi affectu consulimus, quatenus prædictum fratrem nostrum super hoc nullatenus inquietes, immò pro beati Petri & nostra reuerentia, eum in amorem & gratiam tuam recipias. Cùm autem illud iuramentum præstare non possit, sufficiat discretioni tuæ, vt simplici & veraci verbo promittat, quòd læsionem tibi vel terræ tuæ non inferat: Vale. Dat. Meldis 6. cal. Iulij."

"Eugenius, Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, to his beloved son in Christ, Stephen, illustrious king of the Angles, greetings and apostolic blessing. Additionally, divine providence has appointed bishops in the church so that the Christian people may receive the nourishment of life from them, and both secular leaders and those of lower status may show reverence to these bishops as Christ's representatives. Our venerable brother Robert, the Bishop of London, as a wise and honorable man and lover of religion, should be treated kindly by your nobility and honored more out of the wisdom granted to him by God. Therefore, as we have indeed discovered with regard to his soul's salvation and the peril to his order, that the faithfulness required of him cannot be bound: we wish, and from a fatherly affection advise you, that you should not trouble our aforementioned brother at all regarding this matter, but rather, for the reverence of blessed Peter and ours, receive him into your love and grace. And when he cannot fulfill that oath, let it suffice for your discretion that he simply and truthfully promises not to cause you or your land any harm: Farewell. Given at Melda, on the 6th day before the calends of July."

Thus we sée, that kings were to rule no further than it pleased the pope to like of; neither to chalenge more obedience of their subiects than stood also with their good will and pleasure. He wrote in like sort vnto quéene Mawd about the same matter, making hir Samsons calfe (the better to bring his purpose to passe) as appeareth by the same letter here insuing.

Thus we see that kings were only meant to rule as long as it was liked by the pope; they couldn't demand more obedience from their subjects than was in line with their goodwill and pleasure. He wrote similarly to Queen Maud about the same issue, making her Samson's calf (to better achieve his goal), as shown in the following letter.

"Solomone attestante, didicimus quòd mulier sapiens ædificat domum; insipiens autem constructam destruet manibus. Gaudemus pro te, & deuotionis studium in Domino collaudamus; quoniam sicut relligiosorum relatione accepimus, timorem Dei præ oculis habens, operibus pietatis intēdis, & personas ecclesiasticas & diligis & honoras. Vt ergo de bono in melius (inspirante Domino) proficere valeas, nobilitatē tuam in Domino rogamus, & rogando monemus, & exhortamur in Domino, quatenus bonis initijs exitus meliores iniungas, & venerabilem fratrem nostrum Robertum London episcopū, pro illius reuerentia, qui cùm olim diues esset, pro nobis pauper fieri voluit, attentiùs diligas, & honores. Apud virum tuum & dilectum filium nostrum Stephanum, insignem regem Anglorum efficere studeas, vt monitis, hortatu, & cōsilio tuo, ipsum in benignitatem & dilectionem suam suscipiat, & pro beati Petri, & nostra reuerentia propensiùs habeat commendatum. Et quia sicut (veritate teste) attendimus eum sine salute, & sui ordinis periculo, præfato filio nostro astringi non posse; volumus, & paterno sibi & tibi affectu consulimus, vt vobis sufficiat, veraci & simplici verbo promissionē ab eo suscipere, quòd læsionem vel detrimentum ei, vel terræ suæ nō inferat. Dat. vt supra."

"Solomone testifying, we learned that a wise woman builds her house; but a foolish one tears it down with her own hands. We rejoice for you, and we commend your devotion in the Lord; for as we've heard from religious accounts, having the fear of God before your eyes, you serve with acts of piety, and you love and honor church leaders. So, may you progress from good to better (inspired by the Lord); we ask for and encourage your nobility in the Lord, that you may initiate better outcomes from good beginnings, and that you take special care of our venerable brother Robert, the Bishop of London, for his reverence, who, when he was once wealthy, chose to become poor for us. Strive to make your dear son Stephen, a distinguished king of the English, so that with your guidance, encouragement, and counsel, he may embrace his kindness and love more fully and hold us and Blessed Peter in higher regard. And since we see (truthfully) that he is in danger without safety and unable to be restrained by our aforementioned son, we wish, and with a paternal affection, advise you both, that it suffices for you to receive from him a truthful and straightforward promise that he will not cause harm or detriment to him or his land. Given as above."

Is it not strange, that a peeuish order of religion (deuised by man) should breake the expresse law of God, who commandeth all men to honour and obeie their kings and princes, in whome some part of the power of God is manifest and laid open vnto vs? And euen vnto this end the cardinall of Hostia also wrote to the canons of Paules, after this maner; couertlie incoraging them to stand to their election of the said Robert, who was no more willing to giue ouer his new bishoprike, than they carefull to offend the king; but rather imagined which waie to kéepe it still maugre his displeasure: & yet not to sweare obedience vnto him, for all that he should be able to do or performe vnto the contrarie.

Isn't it strange that a petty religious order (created by humans) would break the clear law of God, who commands all men to honor and obey their kings and princes, in whom some part of God's power is made evident to us? And to this end, the Cardinal of Hostia also wrote to the canons of Paul’s, subtly encouraging them to stick to their choice of the said Robert, who was just as unwilling to give up his new bishopric as they were eager to avoid offending the king; instead, he was thinking about how to keep it despite the king's displeasure; and yet, he wouldn’t swear obedience to him, no matter what he might be able to do or say otherwise.

"Humilis Dei gratia Hostiensis episcopus, Londinensis ecclesiæ canonicis spiritū consilij in Domino. Sicut rationi contraria prorsus est abjicienda petitio, ita in hijs, quæ iustè desyderantur, effectum negare omninò non conuenit. Sanè nuper accepimus, quòd Londinensis Forsitan naturalem. ecclesia, diu proprio destituta pastore, communi voto, & pari assensu cleri & populi, venerabilem filium nostrum Robertum, [Page 226] eiusdem ecclesiæ archidiaconum, in pastorem & episcopum animarum suarum susceperit & elegerit. Nouimus quidem eum esse personam, quam sapientia desuper ei attributa, & honestas conuersationis, & morum reuerentia plurimùm commedabilem reddidit. Inde est quòd fraternitati vestræ mandando consulimus, vt proposito vestro bono (quod vt credimus ex Deo est) & vt ex literis domini papæ cognoscetis, non tepidè, non lentè debitum finem imponatis: ne tam nobilis ecclesia, sub occasione huiusmodi, spiritualium, quod absit, & temporalium detrimentum patiatur. Ipsius námque industria credimus, quòd antiqua relligio, & forma disciplinæ, & grauitas habitus, in ecclesia vestra reparari: & si quæ fuerint ipsius contentiones, ex pastoris absentia, Dei gratia cooperante, & eodem præsente, poterint reformari. Dat. &c."

"Grace from God, Bishop of Hostiensis, to the canons of the London church, in the spirit of counsel in the Lord. Just as a request that goes against reason should be completely rejected, it is also not fitting to deny the fulfillment of those things that are justly desired. Indeed, we have recently received word that the London church, long without a pastor, has, by a common vote and with equal consent of the clergy and the people, accepted and chosen our venerable son Robert, the archdeacon of the same church, as their pastor and bishop of their souls. We certainly know that he is a person whose wisdom granted from above, along with his respectable conduct and reverence in behavior, makes him highly commendable. Therefore, we advise your fraternity to diligently and promptly bring to a close your good proposal (which we believe is from God), as you will learn from the letters of our lord the Pope, so that such a noble church does not suffer spiritual and, God forbid, temporal damage under the pretext of this matter. We believe that through his diligence, the ancient religion, form of discipline, and gravity of conduct can be restored in your church; and if there have been any disputes due to the absence of a pastor, with God's grace working together and his presence, they can be reformed. Given, etc."

Hereby you sée how king Stephan was dealt withall. And albeit the archbishop of Canturburie is not openlie to be touched herewith, yet it is not to be doubted, but he was a dooer in it, so far as might tend to the maintenance of the right and prerogatiue of holie church. And euen no lesse vnquietnesse had another of our princes with Iohn of Arundell, who fled to Rome for feare of his head, and caused the pope to write an ambitious and contumelious letter vnto his souereigne about his restitution. But when (by the kings letters yet extant) & beginning thus; "Thomas proditionis non expers nostræ regiæ maiestati insidias fabricauit," the pope vnderstood the botom of the matter, he was contented that Thomas should be depriued, and another archbishop chosen in his sted.

Here you see how King Stephen was treated. Although the Archbishop of Canterbury is not openly involved here, there’s no doubt he played a role in it, as far as it related to supporting the rights and authority of the holy church. And just as much unrest was caused with another of our princes and John of Arundell, who fled to Rome out of fear for his life, prompting the Pope to send a bold and insulting letter to his sovereign regarding his reinstatement. However, when the Pope understood the situation (from the king's existing letters that began with, "Thomas, not unfamiliar with treason, plotted against our royal majesty"), he agreed that Thomas should be removed and another archbishop be appointed in his place.

Neither did this pride staie at archbishops and bishops, but descended lower, euen to the rake-helles of the clergie and puddels of all vngodlinesse. For beside the iniurie receiued of their superiors, how was K. Iohn dealt withall by the vile Cistertians at Lincolne in the second of his reigne? Certes, when he had (vpon iust occasion) conceiued some grudge against them for their ambitious demeanor; and vpon deniall to paie such summes of moneie as were allotted vnto them, he had caused seizure to be made of such horsses, swine, neate, and other things of theirs, as were mainteined in his forrests. They denounced him as fast amongst themselues with bell, booke and candle, to be accurssed and excommunicated. Therevnto they so handled the matter with the pope and their friends, that the king was faine to yéeld to their good graces: insomuch that a meeting for pacification was appointed betwéene them at Lincolne, by meanes of the present archbishop of Canturburie, who went oft betweene him and the Cistertian commissioners before the matter could be finished. In the end, the king himselfe came also vnto the said commissioners as they sat in their chapiter house, and there with teares fell downe at their feet, crauing pardon for his trespasses against them, and heartilie requiring that they would (from thencefoorth) commend him and his realme in their praiers vnto the protection of the almightie, and receiue him into their fraternitie: promising moreouer full satisfaction of their damages susteined; and to build an house of their order in whatsoeuer place of England it should please them to assigne. And this he confirmed by charter, bearing date the seauen and twentith of Nouember, after the Scotish king was returned into Scotland, & departed from the king. Whereby (and by other the like, as betweene Iohn Stratford and Edward the third, &c:) a man may easilie conceiue how proud the cleargie-men haue beene in former times, as wholie presuming vpon the primassie of their pope. More matter could I alledge of these and the like broiles, not to be found among our common historiographers: howbeit reseruing the same vnto places more conuenient, I will ceasse to speake of them at this time, and go forward with such other things as my purpose is to speake of. At the first therefore there was like and equall authoritie in both our archbishops: but as he of Canturburie hath long since obteined the prerogatiue aboue Yorke (although I saie not without great trouble, sute, some bloudshed & contention) so the archbishop of Yorke is neuerthelesse written primate of England, as one contenting himselfe with a péece of a title at the least, when (all) could not be gotten. And as he of Canturburie crowneth the king, so this of Yorke dooth the like to the quéene, whose perpetuall chapleine he is, & hath beene from time to time, since the determination of this controuersie, as writers doo report. The first also hath vnder his [Page 227] Twentie one bishoprikes vnder the sée of Canturburie. Onelie foure sées vnder the archbishop of Yorke. iurisdiction to the number of one and twentie inferiour bishops, the other hath onlie foure, by reason that the churches of Scotland are now remooued from his obedience vnto an archbishop of their owne, whereby the greatnesse and circuit of the iurisdiction of Yorke is not a little diminished. In like sort each of these seauen and twentie sées haue Deanes. their cathedrall churches, wherein the deanes (a calling not knowne in England before the conquest) doo beare the chéefe rule, being men especiallie chosen to that vocation, both for their learning and godlinesse so néere as can be possible. These cathedrall churches haue Canonries. in like maner other dignities and canonries still remaining vnto them, as héeretofore vnder the popish regiment. Howbeit those that are chosen to the same are no idle and vnprofitable persons (as in times past they haue béene when most of these liuings were either furnished with strangers, especiallie out of Italie, boies, or such idiots as had least skill of all in discharging of those functions, wherevnto they were called by vertue of these stipends) but such as by preaching and teaching can and doo learnedlie set foorth the glorie of God, and further the ouerthrow of antichrist to the vttermost of their powers.

Neither did this pride stay at archbishops and bishops, but sank even lower, all the way to the reckless clergymen and the depths of all ungodliness. For besides the injury received from their superiors, how was King John treated by the despicable Cistercians at Lincoln in the second year of his reign? Indeed, when he had justly conceived some anger against them for their ambitious behavior, and upon their refusal to pay the sums of money that were assigned to them, he had caused the seizure of their horses, pigs, cattle, and other possessions that were kept in his forests. They quickly denounced him among themselves with bell, book, and candle, declaring him cursed and excommunicated. They managed the matter so cleverly with the pope and their allies that the king had no choice but to seek their favor: to the extent that a meeting for reconciliation was arranged between them at Lincoln, facilitated by the current archbishop of Canterbury, who frequently went between him and the Cistercian commissioners until the matter could be resolved. In the end, the king himself came to the commissioners as they sat in their chapter house, and there, in tears, he fell at their feet, begging for forgiveness for his wrongs against them, and earnestly requesting that they would from then on commend him and his realm in their prayers to the Almighty's protection, and accept him into their brotherhood: also promising complete restitution for their damages suffered; and to build a house of their order wherever in England they chose to appoint. This he confirmed by a charter dated the twenty-seventh of November, after the Scottish king had returned to Scotland and departed from him. By this (and other similar cases, like between John Stratford and Edward the Third, etc.), one can easily grasp how proud the clergymen have been in former times, relying wholly on the supremacy of their pope. I could cite more instances of these and similar conflicts, not found among our common historians; however, reserving that for more suitable places, I will refrain from discussing them at this time and move on to other matters I intend to address. Initially, there was equal authority in both our archbishops: but while the archbishop of Canterbury long ago obtained the prerogative above York (though not without great trouble, lawsuits, some bloodshed, and contention), the archbishop of York is still addressed as primate of England, as someone who at least imposes himself with a piece of a title when (not all) could be obtained. And just as Canterbury crowns the king, York does the same for the queen, of whom he has been her perpetual chaplain, as has been reported since the resolution of this dispute. The former also has authority over twenty-one inferior bishops under the see of Canterbury, while the latter only has four, because the churches of Scotland are now removed from his jurisdiction to an archbishop of their own, which significantly diminishes the size and scope of York's jurisdiction. Similarly, each of these twenty-seven sees has their cathedrals, where deans (a position not known in England before the conquest) hold the chief authority, being men specifically chosen for that role, both for their learning and piety as closely as possible. These cathedrals also have additional dignities and canonries remaining, as they did previously under the papal regime. However, those chosen for these positions are not idle and unproductive people (as they may have been in the past when most of these benefices were staffed by foreigners, especially from Italy, boys, or such simpletons who knew the least about fulfilling those duties for which they were called by virtue of these stipends) but rather individuals who through preaching and teaching are learnedly promoting the glory of God and striving to undermine Antichrist to the best of their abilities.

These churches are called cathedrall, bicause the bishops dwell or lie néere vnto the same, as bound to keepe continuall residence within their iurisdictions, for the better ouersight and gouernance of the same: the word being deriued à cathedra, that is to saie a chaire or seat where he resteth, and for the most part abideth. At the first there was but one church in euerie iurisdiction, wherinto no man entred to praie, but with some oblation or other toward the maintenance of the pastor. For as it was reputed an infamie to passe by anie of them without visitation: so it was a no lesse reproch to appeare emptie before the Lord. And for this occasion also they were builded verie huge and great, for otherwise they were not capable of such multitudes as came dailie vnto them, to heare the word and receive the sacraments.

These churches are called cathedrals because the bishops live close to them, as they are required to maintain a constant presence within their jurisdictions for better oversight and governance. The term comes from "cathedra," meaning a chair or seat where they rest and usually stay. Originally, there was only one church in each jurisdiction, and no one entered to pray without bringing some kind of offering for the support of the pastor. It was considered a disgrace to pass by any of them without visiting, just as it was equally shameful to appear empty-handed before the Lord. For this reason, they were built very large, as smaller structures couldn't accommodate the numerous people who came daily to hear the word and receive the sacraments.

But as the number of christians increased, so first monasteries, then finallie parish churches were builded in euerie iurisdiction: from whence I take our deanerie churches to haue their originall, now called mother churches, and their incumbents archpréests; the rest being added since the conquest, either by the lords of euerie towne, or zealous men, loth to trauell farre, and willing to haue some ease by building them neere hand. Vnto these deanerie churches also the cleargie in old time of the same deanrie were appointed to repaire at sundrie seasons, there to receiue wholesome ordinances, and to consult vpon the necessarie affaires of the whole iurisdiction; if necessitie so required: and some image hereof is yet to be seene in the north parts. But as the number of churches increased, so the repaire of the faithfull vnto the cathedrals did diminish: whereby they now become especiallie in their nether parts rather markets and shops for merchandize, than solemn places of praier, wherevnto they were first erected. Moreouer in the said cathedrall churches vpon sundaies and festiuall daies, the canons doo make certeine Ordinarie sermons. ordinarie sermons by course, wherevnto great numbers of all estates doo orderlie resort: and vpon the working daies thrise in the wéeke, one of the said canons, or some other in his stéed, dooth read and expound some Ordinarie expositions of the scriptures. péece of holie scripture, wherevnto the people doo verie reuerentlie repaire. The bishops themselues in like sort are not idle in their callings, for being now exempt from court and councell, which is one (and a no small) péece of their felicitie (although Richard archbishop of Canturburie thought otherwise, as yet appeareth by his letters to pope Alexander, Epistola 44. Petri Blesensis, where he saith; Bicause the cleargie of his time were somewhat narrowlie looked vnto, "Supra The bishops preach diligentlie, whose predecessors heretofore haue béene occupied in temporall affairs. dorsum ecclesiæ fabricant peccatores, &c:") they so applie their minds to the setting foorth of the word, that there are verie few of them, which doo not euerie sundaie or oftener resort to some place or other, within their iurisdictions, where they expound the scriptures with much grauitie and skill; and yet not without the great misliking and contempt of such as hate the word. Of their manifold translations from one sée to another I will saie nothing, which is not now doone for the benefit of the flocke, as the preferment of the partie fauoured, and aduantage vnto the prince, a matter in time past much doubted of, to wit, whether a bishop or pastor might be translated from one sée to another; & left [Page 228] vndecided, till prescription by roiall authoritie made it good. For among princes a thing once doone, is well doone, and to be doone oftentimes, though no warrant be to be found therefore.

But as the number of Christians grew, first monasteries and then parish churches were built in every jurisdiction. I believe our deanery churches originated from these, now called mother churches, and their leaders are known as archpriests. The rest were added after the conquest, either by the town lords or by zealous individuals who, eager to avoid long journeys, preferred to have churches built nearby. In these deanery churches, the clergy from the same deanery were historically appointed to gather at various times to receive beneficial ordinances and discuss important matters of the entire jurisdiction as needed. Some remnants of this practice can still be seen in the northern regions. However, as the number of churches increased, attendance at the cathedrals declined, causing them to transform, especially in their lower parts, into marketplaces rather than the solemn places of prayer they were initially intended to be. Additionally, in these cathedrals on Sundays and festive days, the canons deliver certain Regular sermons. regular sermons by rotation, drawing large crowds from all classes. On weekdays, three times a week, one of the canons or someone in their place reads and explains a piece of Everyday explanations of the scriptures. holy scripture, which the people attend very reverently. The bishops themselves are also diligent in their duties, as they are now free from court and council, which is a significant part of their happiness (although Richard, the Archbishop of Canterbury, had a different view, as reflected in his letters to Pope Alexander, Epistola 44. Petri Blesensis, where he mentions that the clergy of his time were under close scrutiny, "Behind the back of the church, they make sinners, etc."). They focus intensely on preaching the word, so much so that very few of them fail to attend some church or another within their jurisdictions every Sunday or even more frequently, where they explain the scriptures with great seriousness and skill, despite facing considerable dislike and contempt from those who oppose the word. I won't comment on their numerous moves from one see to another, which are no longer made for the benefit of the flock, but more for the benefit of the favored individual and the advantage of the prince—a matter that was previously much debated regarding whether a bishop or pastor could be moved from one see to another, and left [Page 228] unresolved until royal authority legitimized it. For among princes, once something is done, it is considered well done and can be repeated, even without a clear justification for it.

Archdecons. They haue vnder them also their archdeacons, some one, diuerse two, and manie foure or mo, as their circuits are in quantitie, which archdeacons are termed in law the bishops eies: and these (beside their ordinarie courts, which are holden within so manie or more of their seuerall deanries by themselues or their officials once in a moneth at the least) doo kéepe yearelie two visitations or synods (as the bishop dooth in euerie third yeare, wherein he confirmeth some children, though most care but a little for that ceremonie) in which they make diligent inquisition and search, as well for the doctrine and behauiour of the ministers, as the orderlie dealing of the parishioners in resorting to their parish churches and conformitie vnto religion. They punish also with great seueritie all such trespassers, either in person or by the pursse (where permutation of penance is thought more gréeuous to the offender) as are presented vnto them: or if the cause be of the more weight, as in cases of heresie, pertinacie, contempt, and such like, they referre them either to the bishop of the diocesse, or his chancellor, or else to sundrie graue persons set in authoritie, by High commissioners. vertue of an high commission directed vnto them from the prince to that end, who in verie courteous maner doo sée the offendors gently reformed, or else seuerlie punished, if necessitie so inforce.

Archdeacons. They have their archdeacons under them—sometimes one, often two, and many times four or more, depending on the size of their territories. These archdeacons are referred to in law as the bishop's eyes. In addition to their regular courts, which are held at least once a month in their respective deaneries by themselves or their officials, they also conduct two visitations or synods each year (unlike the bishop, who does this every three years, where he confirms some children, although most don’t pay much attention to that ceremony). During these visitations, they thoroughly investigate the doctrine and behavior of the ministers, as well as how well parishioners attend their local churches and adhere to the religion. They punish any offenders severely, whether in person or financially (when switching penalties is seen as harsher for the offender), who are brought before them. If the case is more serious, such as in matters of heresy, stubbornness, contempt, and similar issues, they refer it either to the bishop of the diocese, his chancellor, or to various respected individuals in authority, by the High commissioners. authority of a high commission directed to them by the prince for this purpose, who courteously ensure the offenders are either gently reformed or severely punished, if necessary.

A prophesie or conference. Beside this, in manie of our archdeaconries we haue an exercise latelie begun, which for the most part is called a prophesie or conference, and erected onelie for the examination or triall of the diligence of the cleargie in their studie of holie scriptures. Howbeit, such is the thirstie desire of the people in these daies to heare the word of God, that they also haue as it were with zealous violence intruded themselues among them (but as hearers onelie) to come by more knowledge through their presence at the same. Herein also (for the most part) two of the yoonger sort of ministers doo expound ech after other some péece of the scriptures ordinarilie appointed vnto them in their courses (wherein they orderlie go through with some one of the euangelists, or of the epistles, as it pleaseth the whole assemblie to choose at the first in euerie of these conferences) and when they haue spent an houre or a little more betwéene them, then commeth one of the better learned sort, who being a graduat for the most part, or knowne to be a preacher sufficientlie authorised, & of a sound iudgement, supplieth the roome of a moderator, making first a breefe rehearsall of their discourses, and then adding what him thinketh good of his owne knowledge, wherby two houres are thus commonlie spent at this most profitable méeting. When all is doone, if the first speakers haue shewed anie peece of diligence, they are commended for their trauell, and incouraged to go forward. If they haue béene found to be slacke, or not sound in deliuerie of their doctrine, their negligence and error is openlie reprooued before all their brethren, who go aside of purpose from the laitie, after the exercise ended, to iudge of these matters, and consult of the next speakers and quantitie of the text to be handled in that place. The laitie neuer speake of course (except some vaine and busie head will now and then intrude themselues with offense) but are onelie hearers; and as it is vsed in some places wéekelie, in other once in foureteene daies, in diuerse monethlie, and elsewhere twise in a yeare, so is it a notable spurre vnto all the ministers, thereby to applie their bookes, which otherwise (as in times past) would giue themselues to hawking, hunting, tables, cards, dice, tipling at the alehouse, shooting of matches, and other like vanities, nothing commendable in such as should be godlie and zealous stewards of the good gifts of God, faithfull distributors of his word vnto the people, and diligent pastors according to their calling.

A prophecy or meeting. Additionally, in many of our archdeaconries, we have recently started an exercise mostly referred to as a prophecy or conference, created solely to assess the diligence of clergymen in studying the holy scriptures. However, the people today have such a strong desire to hear the word of God that they have zealously pushed themselves into these gatherings (but only as listeners) to gain more knowledge by being present. In this setting, usually, two younger ministers take turns explaining a section of scripture, which is typically assigned to them in their schedules (where they systematically go through one of the evangelists or the epistles, as the entire group agrees to at the start of each conference). After they spend about an hour or a little more discussing, a more experienced member, who is usually a graduate or recognized preacher with strong credentials and sound judgment, steps in as the moderator. They start with a brief recap of the preceding discussion before adding insights from their own knowledge, resulting in two hours spent at this beneficial meeting. When everything is done, if the initial speakers have shown any diligence, they are praised for their efforts and encouraged to continue. If they have been found lacking or not sound in their delivery, their negligence and mistakes are publicly addressed before all their peers, who intentionally step aside from the laity after the exercise concludes to review these matters and discuss the next speakers and the amount of text to be covered next time. The laity generally do not speak up (unless a few troublesome individuals occasionally disrupt), but they are only listeners; and while this occurs weekly in some areas, bi-weekly in others, monthly in various places, and twice a year elsewhere, it serves as a significant motivation for all ministers to engage with their books, which otherwise (as in times past) might lead them to distractions like hunting, gambling, drinking at taverns, participating in shooting matches, and other similar trivialities, all unbecoming for those who should be dedicated and passionate stewards of God’s gifts, faithful distributors of His word to the people, and diligent pastors according to their calling.

But alas! as sathan the author of all mischéefe hath in sundrie manners heretofore hindered the erection and maintenance of manie good things: so in this he hath stirred vp aduersaries of late vnto this most profitable exercise, who not regarding the commoditie that riseth thereby so well to the hearers as spekers; but either stumbling (I [Page 229] cannot tell how) at words and termes, or at the least wise not liking to here of the reprehension of vice, or peraduenture taking a misliking at the slender demeanours of such negligent ministers, as now and then in their courses doo occupie the roomes, haue either by their owne practise, their sinister information, or suggestions made vpon surmises vnto other procured the suppression of these conferences, condemning them as hurtfull, pernicious, and dailie bréeders of no small hurt & inconuenience. But hereof let God be iudge, vnto whome the cause belongeth.

But sadly! just as Satan, the source of all evil, has hindered the establishment and upkeep of many good things in various ways in the past, lately he has stirred up opponents to this very beneficial practice. These opponents, either stumbling (I can’t explain how) over words and terms, or at least disliking to hear about the criticism of vice, or perhaps bothered by the inadequate behavior of some careless ministers who occasionally fill the roles, have either through their own actions, misguided information, or suggestions based on assumptions convinced others to suppress these discussions, condemning them as harmful, destructive, and daily sources of significant damage and inconvenience. But let God be the judge of this, to whom the matter truly belongs.

Ministers & deacons. Our elders or ministers and deacons (for subdeacons and the other inferiour orders, sometime vsed in popish church we haue not) are made according to a certeine forme of consecration concluded vpon in the time of king Edward the sixt, by the cleargie of England, and soone after confirmed by the thrée estates of the realme, in the high court of parlement. And out of the first sort, that is to saie, of such as are called to the ministerie (without respect whether they be married or not) are bishops, deanes, archdeacons, & such as haue the higher places in the hierarchie of the church elected; and these also as all the rest, at the first comming vnto anie spirituall promotion, doo yéeld vnto the prince the entire taxe of that their liuing for one whole yeare, if it amount in value vnto ten pounds and vpwards, and this vnder the name and title of first fruits.

Ministers and deacons. Our elders or ministers and deacons (we don’t have subdeacons or other lower orders, which were sometimes used in the Catholic Church) are appointed according to a specific process of consecration agreed upon during the reign of King Edward VI, by the clergy of England, and soon after confirmed by the three estates of the realm in the high court of Parliament. From the first group, meaning those called to the ministry (regardless of whether they are married or not), bishops, deans, archdeacons, and others in higher positions within the church hierarchy are elected; and these individuals, like all others, upon their first appointment to any spiritual position, must pay the prince the full tax on their living for an entire year if its value is ten pounds or more, and this is referred to as first fruits.

With vs also it is permitted, that a sufficient man may (by dispensation from the prince) hold two liuings, not distant either from other aboue thirtie miles; whereby it commeth to passe, that as hir maiestie dooth reape some commoditie by the facultie, so the vnition of two in one man dooth bring oftentimes more benefit to one of them in a moneth (I meane for doctrine) than they haue had before peraduenture in manie yeares.

With it also being allowed, a qualified person may (by permission from the prince) hold two offices, as long as they are not more than thirty miles apart; this results in her majesty gaining some benefit from the arrangement, while the combination of two positions in one person often brings more advantage to one of them in a month (I mean regarding teaching) than they may have experienced in many years prior.

Manie exclame against such faculties, as if there were mo good preachers that want maintenance, than liuings to mainteine them. In déed when a liuing is void, there are so manie sutors for it, that a man would thinke the report to be true and most certeine: but when it commeth to the triall, who are sufficient, and who not, who are staied men in conuersation, iudgement, and learning; of that great number you shall hardlie find one or two, such as they ought to be: and yet none more earnest to make sure, to promise largelie, beare a better shew, or find fault with the state of things than they. Neuerthelesse, I doo not thinke that their exclamations if they were wiselie handled, are altogither grounded vpon rumours or ambitious minds, if you respect the state of the thing it selfe, and not the necessitie growing through want of able men, to furnish out all the cures in England, which both our vniuersities are neuer able to performe. For if you obserue what numbers of preachers Cambridge and Oxford doo yearelie send foorth; and how manie new compositions are made in the court of first fruits, by the deaths of the last incumbents: you shall soone sée a difference. Wherefore, if in countrie townes & cities, yea euen in London it selfe, foure or fiue of the litle churches were brought into one, the inconuenience would in great part be redressed.

Many complain about the number of preachers available, as if there were more good preachers in need of support than there are positions to maintain them. Indeed, when a position becomes available, there are so many applicants that one might think the claims are true and certain: but when it comes to examining who is truly qualified—who is steady in their conduct, judgment, and learning—out of that large crowd, you’ll hardly find one or two who are what they should be. Yet, no one is more eager to secure a position, make grand promises, put on a good show, or criticize the current situation than they are. Nonetheless, I don’t believe their complaints, if approached wisely, are entirely based on rumors or ambition. If you consider the actual state of affairs, and not the necessity caused by the lack of qualified individuals to fill all the positions in England—which our universities are never able to adequately address. If you take note of how many preachers Cambridge and Oxford send out each year and how many new appointments are made in the Court of First Fruits following the deaths of the last incumbents, you will quickly see a difference. Thus, if in rural towns and cities, even in London itself, four or five of the smaller churches were consolidated into one, the inconvenience would largely be resolved.

And to saie truth, one most commonlie of these small liuings is of so little value, that it is not able to mainteine a meane scholar; much lesse a learned man, as not being aboue ten, twelue, sixteene, seuentéene, twentie, or thirtie pounds at the most, toward their charges, which now (more than before time) doo go out of the same. I saie more than before, bicause euerie small trifle, noble mans request, or courtesie craued by the bishop, dooth impose and command a twentith part, a three score part, or two pence in the pound, &c: out of our liuings, which hitherto hath not béene vsuallie granted, but by consent of a synod, wherein things were decided according to equitie, and the poorer sort considered of, which now are equallie burdened.

And to be honest, one of the most common issues with these small incomes is that they are so low in value that they can't support even a basic scholar, let alone a learned person. Most of these incomes are no more than ten, twelve, sixteen, seventeen, twenty, or thirty pounds at most, which barely covers their expenses, especially now that those costs are rising more than ever. I say more than before because every little request from a noble, or courtesies asked by the bishop, now demands a twentieth, a sixtieth, or two pence per pound from our earnings—something that wasn't commonly accepted in the past without the agreement of a council, where decisions were made based on fairness and consideration for the less fortunate, who are now equally burdened.

We paie also the tenths of our liuings to the prince yearelie, according to such valuation of ech of them, as hath beene latelie made: which neuerthelesse in time past were not annuall but voluntarie, & paid at request of king or pope. Herevpon also hangeth a pleasant storie though doone of late yeares, to wit 1452, at which time the cleargie séeing the continuall losses that the king of England susteined in France, vpon some motion of reléefe made, granted in an open conuocation to giue him two tenths toward the recouerie of Burdeaux, which his grace verie [Page 230] thankefullie receiued. It fortuned also at the same time that Vincentius Clemens the popes factor was here in England, who hearing what the clergie had doone, came into the conuocation house also in great hast and lesse spéed, where, in a solemne oration he earnestlie required them to be no lesse fauourable to their spirituall father the pope, and mother the sée of Rome, than they had shewed themselues vnto his vassall and inferiour, meaning their souereigne lord in temporall iurisdiction, &c. In deliuering also the cause of his sute, he shewed how gréeuouslie the pope was disturbed by cutthrotes, varlots, and harlots, which doo now so abound in Rome, that his holinesse is in dailie danger to be made awaie amongst them. To be short when this fine tale was told, one of the companie stood vp and said vnto him; My lord we haue heard your request, and as we thinke, it deserueth litle consideration and lesse eare, for how would you haue vs to contribute to his aid in suppression of such, as he and such as you are doo continuall vphold, it is not vnknowen in this house what rule is kept in Rome.

We also pay a tenth of our earnings to the prince each year, based on the recent valuation of each of them. However, in the past, this wasn't an annual requirement but a voluntary contribution, given at the request of the king or pope. There’s a rather amusing story linked to this from 1452, when the clergy, noticing the continuous losses that the king of England faced in France, agreed in a public meeting to provide him with two tenths to help recover Bordeaux, which he gratefully accepted. At the same time, Vincentius Clemens, the pope's representative, was in England. Hearing what the clergy had decided, he rushed into their meeting, where he passionately urged them to be just as supportive of their spiritual father, the pope, and the mother see of Rome, as they had been towards their sovereign lord in matters of temporal authority, etc. He also explained the dangerous situation the pope was facing due to cutthroats, rogues, and harlots, who had become so prevalent in Rome that his holiness was in constant danger of being harmed by them. To sum up this elaborate tale, one of the attendees stood up and said to him, “My lord, we've heard your request, and we think it deserves little thought and even less attention. How can you expect us to help suppress the very same people that you and your kind continually support? It’s no secret what goes on in Rome.”

I grant (quoth Vincent) that there wanteth iust reformation of manie things in that citie, which would haue béene made sooner, but now it is too late: neuerthelesse I beséech you to write vnto his holinesse, with request that he would leaue and abandon that Babylon, which is but a sinke of mischiefe, and kéepe his court elsewhere in place of better fame. And this he shall be the better able also to performe, if by your liberalitie extended towards him, vnto whome you are most bound, he be incouraged thereto. Manie other words passed to and fro amongst them, howbeit in the end Vincent ouercame not, but was dismissed without anie penie obteined. But to returne to our tenths, a paiement first as deuised by the pope, and afterward taken vp as by the prescription of the king, wherevnto we may ioine also our first fruits, which is one whole yeares commoditie of our liuing, due at our entrance into the same, the tenths abated vnto the princes cofers, and paid commonlie in two yeares. For the receipt also of these two paiments, an especiall office or court is erected, which beareth name of first fruits and tenths, wherevnto if the partie to be preferred, doo not make his dutifull repaire by an appointed time after possession taken, there to compound for the paiment of his said fruits, he incurreth the danger of a great penaltie, limited by a certeine statute prouided in that behalfe, against such as doo intrude into the ecclesiasticall function, and refuse to paie the accustomed duties belonging to the same.

I agree (said Vincent) that there are many things in that city that need proper reform, which should have been done sooner, but now it's too late. Nevertheless, I urge you to write to his holiness, asking him to leave that Babylon, which is nothing but a cesspool of evil, and to keep his court in a place with a better reputation. He would also be better able to do so if you encourage him through your generosity, as you are most obligated to do. Many other words were exchanged between them; however, in the end, Vincent did not prevail and was sent away without obtaining a penny. But to return to our tenths, there is a payment initially devised by the pope and later adopted due to the king's prescription, to which we can also add our first fruits, which is an entire year's worth of our livelihood, owed upon our entrance into it, with the tenths reduced for the prince's coffers and typically paid over two years. An official office or court is established for the receipt of these two payments, called first fruits and tenths; if the party to be preferred does not make their required appearance by an appointed time after taking possession to settle the payment of their fruits, they risk facing a significant penalty established by a specific statute aimed at those who intrude into ecclesiastical functions and refuse to pay the customary dues related to it.

They paie likewise subsidies with the temporaltie, but in such sort, that if these paie after foure shillings for land, the cleargie contribute commonlie after six shillings of the pound, so that of a benefice of twentie pounds by the yeare, the incumbent thinketh himself well acquited, if all ordinarie paiments being discharged he may reserue thirtéene pounds six shillings eight pence towards his owne sustentation, and maintenance of his familie. Seldome also are they without the compasse of a subsidie, for if they be one yeare cleare from this paiement, a thing not often seene of late yeares, they are like in the next to heare of another grant: so that I saie againe they are seldome without the limit of a subsidie. Herein also they somewhat find themselues grieued, that the laitie may at euerie taxation helpe themselues, and so they doo through consideration had of their decaie and hinderance, and yet their impouerishment cannot but touch also the parson or vicar, vnto whom such libertie is denied, as is dailie to be séene in their accompts and tithings.

They also pay taxes along with the laity, but in such a way that if the laity pays four shillings for land, the clergy typically contribute six shillings per pound. So, for a benefice of twenty pounds a year, the person in charge feels satisfied if, after covering all regular payments, they can keep thirteen pounds six shillings and eight pence for their own living expenses and family support. They are rarely without a tax obligation, because if they are clear of this payment one year—a situation that hasn’t happened often lately—they can expect another tax grant the following year. This makes it so they’re seldom free from a tax. They also feel somewhat aggrieved by the situation, as the laity can adjust their contributions at every tax assessment, often considering their own decline and hardships. Yet, this impoverishment inevitably affects the parson or vicar, who is denied such liberty, as is clearly evident in their accounts and tithings.

Some of them also, after the mariages of their children, will haue their proportions qualified, or by fréendship get themselues quite out of the booke. But what stand I vpon these things, who haue rather to complaine of the iniurie offered by some of our neighbors of the laitie, which dailie endeuor to bring vs also within the compasse of their fifteens or taxes for their owne ease, whereas the taxe of the whole realme, which is commonlie greater in the champeigne than woodland soile, amounteth onelie to 37930 pounds nine pence halfepenie, is a burden easie inough to be borne vpon so manie shoulders, without the helpe of the cleargie, whose tenths and subsidies make vp commonlie a double, if not troublesome vnto their aforesaid paiments. Sometimes also we are threatned with a Meliùs inquirendum, as if our liuings were not racked high inough alreadie. But if a man should seeke out where all those [Page 231] church lands were, which in time past did contribute vnto the old summe required or to be made vp, no doubt no small number of the laitie of all states should be contributors also with vs, the prince not defrauded of his expectation and right. We are also charged with armor & munitions from thirtie pounds vpwards, a thing more néedfull than diuerse other charges imposed vpon vs are conuenient, by which & other burdens our case groweth to be more heauie by a great deale (notwithstanding our immunitie from temporall seruices) than that of the laitie, and for ought that I sée not likelie to be diminished, as if the church were now become the asse whereon euerie market man is to ride and cast his wallet.

Some of them, after their children's marriages, will get their shares adjusted, or through friendships, manage to get themselves completely out of the record. But why dwell on these matters when I have more reason to complain about the harm caused by some of our lay neighbors, who are constantly trying to drag us into their taxes for their own convenience? The tax for the entire realm, which is usually higher in open fields than in wooded areas, amounts to only £37,930 and 9½d, a burden that's manageable enough for so many people without needing any help from the clergy, whose tithes and contributions often double the amounts they owe. We are sometimes threatened with a Meliùs inquirendum, as if our livelihoods aren't already stretched thin enough. But if someone were to look into where all those church lands went that once contributed to the old sum, no doubt many laypeople from all classes would end up also contributing along with us, and the prince would not be cheated out of his expectations and rights. We are also hit with charges for armor and munitions that start at thirty pounds, which are more necessary than some other costs imposed on us. With these and other burdens, our situation is becoming much heavier (despite our exemption from earthly services) than that of the laypeople, and I see no likelihood of things getting any better, as if the church has now become the donkey that everyone uses to carry their load.

The other paiments due vnto the archbishop and bishop at their seuerall visitations (of which the first is double to the latter) and such also as the archdeacon receiueth at his synods, &c: remaine still as they did without anie alteration, onelie this I thinke be added within memorie of man, that at the comming of euerie prince, his appointed officers doo commonlie visit the whole realme vnder the forme of an ecclesiasticall inquisition, in which the clergie doo vsuallie paie double fées, as vnto the archbishop. Hereby then, and by those alreadie remembred, it is found that the church of England, is no lesse commodious to the princes coffers than the state of the laitie, if it doo not farre excéed the same, since their paiments are certeine, continuall, and seldome abated, howsoeuer they gather vp their owne duties with grudging, murmuring, sute, and slanderous speeches of the paiers, or haue their liuings otherwise hardlie valued vnto the vttermost farding, or shrewdlie cancelled by the couetousnesse of the patrones, of whome some doo bestow aduousons of benefices vpon their bakers, butlers, cookes, good archers, falconers, and horssekéepers, in sted of other recompense, for their long and faithfull seruice, which they imploie afterward vnto their most aduantage.

The other payments owed to the archbishop and bishop during their respective visitations (with the first being double the latter) and those received by the archdeacon at his synods, etc., remain unchanged. However, it should be noted that whenever a prince comes, his appointed officers typically visit the entire realm as part of an ecclesiastical inquiry, during which the clergy usually pay double fees, just like to the archbishop. Thus, it is evident that the Church of England is just as beneficial to the prince's coffers as the state of the laity, if not more so, since their payments are consistent, ongoing, and rarely reduced. Meanwhile, the laity often collect their dues with reluctance, complaints, and slanderous remarks about the payers, or struggle to have their livelihoods accurately valued to the last penny, or have their livelihoods harshly diminished by the greed of the patrons. Some of these patrons even grant appointments to benefices to their bakers, butlers, cooks, skilled archers, falconers, and horsekeepers as a reward for their long and faithful service, which they later exploit to their own advantage.

Certes here they resemble the pope verie much, for as he sendeth out his idols, so doo they their parasites, pages, chamberleins, stewards, groomes, & lackies; and yet these be the men that first exclame of the insufficiencie of the ministers, as hoping thereby in due time to get also their glebes and grounds into their hands. In times past bishopriks went almost after the same maner vnder the laie princes, and then vnder the pope, so that he which helped a clerke vnto a see, was sure to haue a present or purse fine, if not an annuall pension, besides that which went to the popes coffers, and was thought to be verie good merchandize. Hereof one example may be touched, as of a thing doone in my yoonger daies, whilest quéene Marie bare the swaie and gouerned in this land. After the death of Stephan Gardiner, the sée of Winchester was void for a season, during which time cardinall Poole made seizure vpon the reuenues and commodities of the same, pretending authoritie therevnto Sede vacante, by vertue of his place. With this act of his the bishop of Lincolne called White tooke such displeasure, that he stepped in like a mate, with full purpose (as he said) to kéepe that sée from ruine. He wrote also to Paulus the fourth pope, requiring that he might be preferred therevnto, promising so as he might be Compos voti, to paie to the popes coffers 1600 pounds yearlie during his naturall life, and for one yeere after. But the pope nothing liking of his motion, and yet desirous to reape a further benefit, first shewed himselfe to stomach his simonicall practise verie grieuouslie, considering the dangerousnesse of the time and present estate of the church of England, which hoong as yet in balance readie to yéeld anie waie, sauing foorth right, as he alledged in his letters. By which replie he so terrified the poore bishop, that he was driuen vnto another issue, I meane to recouer the popes good will, with a further summe than stood with his ease to part withall. In the end when the pope had gotten this fleece, a new deuise was found, and meanes made to and by the prince, that White might be bishop of Winchester, which at the last he obteined, but in such wise as that the pope and his néerest friends did lose but a little by it. I could if néed were set downe a report of diuerse other the like practises, but this shall suffice in stéed of all the rest, least in reprehending of vice I might shew my selfe to be a teacher of vngodlinesse, or to scatter more vngratious séed in lewd ground alreadie choked with wickednesse.

Sure, they really resemble the pope a lot, because just as he sends out his idols, they send out their parasites, attendants, chamberlains, stewards, grooms, and lackeys. And yet, these are the same people who first complain about the incompetence of the ministers, hoping that eventually they can get their lands and properties too. In the past, bishoprics were handled almost the same way under the secular princes, and then under the pope, so that anyone who helped a clerk to get a bishopric was guaranteed a present or a nice fee, if not an annual pension, plus whatever went to the pope’s coffers, which was considered a very good deal. One example can be mentioned from my younger days when Queen Mary was in power here. After the death of Stephen Gardiner, the see of Winchester was vacant for a time, during which Cardinal Pole seized the revenues and assets of it, claiming authority over it Sede vacante, by virtue of his position. The Bishop of Lincoln, White, was so displeased with this move that he stepped in like a pal, fully intending (as he said) to prevent that see from falling apart. He also wrote to Pope Paul IV, asking to be promoted to that position, promising that if he could be Compos voti, he would pay 1,600 pounds yearly to the pope’s coffers for the rest of his life, and for one year after that. But the pope didn’t like his request at all, though wanting to gain more from it, he first expressed that he was very upset by this simoniacal practice, considering the dangers of the time and the current state of the Church of England, which was still teetering and ready to topple in any direction, as he stated in his letters. This reply terrified the poor bishop so much that he had to find another way to win the pope’s favor, offering a larger sum than he was comfortable giving up. Eventually, after the pope secured this profit, a new plan was devised, and arrangements were made with the prince, so that White could become the Bishop of Winchester, which he eventually achieved, but in such a way that the pope and his closest allies lost very little from it. If necessary, I could detail various other similar practices, but this should suffice to represent all the rest, so that in pointing out vice I don’t end up being a promoter of ungodliness or scatter more ungrateful seeds in the already foul ground of wickedness.

To proceed therefore with the rest, I thinke it good also to remember, that the names vsuallie giuen vnto such as féed the flocke remaine in like sort as in times past, so that these words, parson, vicar, curat, [Page 232] and such are not yet abolished more than the canon law it selfe, which is dailie pleaded, as I haue said elsewhere; although the statutes of the realme haue greatlie infringed the large scope, and brought the exercise of the same into some narrower limits. There is nothing read in our churches but the canonicall scriptures, whereby it commeth to passe that the psalter is said ouer once in thirtie daies, the new testament foure times, and the old testament once in the yeare. And herevnto if the curat be adiudged by the bishop or his deputies, sufficientlie instructed in the holie scriptures, and therewithall able to teach, he permitteth him to make some exposition or exhortation in his parish, vnto amendment of life. And for so much as our churches and vniuersities haue béene so spoiled in time of errour, as there cannot yet be had such number of able pastours as may suffice for euerie parish to haue one: there are (beside foure sermons appointed by publike order in the yeare) certeine sermons or homilies (deuised by sundrie learned men, confirmed for sound doctrine by consent of the diuines, and publike authoritie of the prince) and those appointed to be read by the curats of meane vnderstanding (which homilies doo comprehend the principall parts of christian doctrine, as of originall sinne, of iustification by faith, of charitie, and such like) vpon the sabbaoth daies, vnto the congregation. And after a certeine number of psalmes read, which are limited according to the daies of the month, for morning and euening praier, we haue two lessons, wherof the first is taken out of the old testament, the second out of the new, and of these latter that in the morning is out of the gospels, the other in the after noone out of some one of the epistles. After morning praier also we haue the letanie and suffrages, an inuocation in mine opinion not deuised without the great assistance of the spirit of God, although manie curious mindsicke persons vtterlie condemne it as superstitious and sauoring of coniuration and sorcerie.

To continue with the rest, I think it's important to remember that the names commonly given to those who tend the congregation remain the same as they did in the past. Words like parson, vicar, and curate are still in use, just like canon law, which is regularly invoked, as I’ve mentioned elsewhere. However, the laws of the realm have significantly limited its broad application and narrowed down its practice. In our churches, we only read the canonical scriptures, leading to the Psalter being recited once every thirty days, the New Testament four times, and the Old Testament once a year. If the curate is judged by the bishop or his deputies to be sufficiently knowledgeable in the holy scriptures and capable of teaching, he is allowed to give some exposition or encouragement in his parish for a better life. Since our churches and universities have been so devastated during times of error that there aren’t enough capable pastors for every parish, there are, in addition to the four sermons mandated by public order each year, certain sermons or homilies created by various learned individuals. These have been confirmed for sound doctrine by consensus among the theologians and the public authority of the prince. These homilies are meant to be read by curates of average understanding and cover the essential parts of Christian doctrine, such as original sin, justification by faith, charity, and similar topics, on Sundays to the congregation. After reading a specific number of psalms, which are assigned according to the days of the month for morning and evening prayers, we have two lessons, with the first from the Old Testament and the second from the New Testament. The morning lesson comes from the gospels, while the afternoon lesson is from one of the epistles. Following the morning prayer, we also have the litany and suffrages, an invocation I believe is not devised without the great assistance of the Spirit of God, though many curious and sickly-minded individuals completely dismiss it as superstitious and akin to conjuring and sorcery. [Page 232]

This being doone, we procéed vnto the communion, if anie communicants be to receiue the eucharist, if not we read the decalog, epistle and gospell with the Nicene créed (of some in derision called the drie communion) and then procéed vnto an homilie or sermon, which hath a psalme before and after it, and finallie vnto the baptisme of such infants as on euerie sabaoth daie (if occasion so require) are brought vnto the churches: and thus is the forenoone bestowed. In the after noone likewise we méet againe, and after the psalmes and lessons ended we haue commonlie a sermon, or at the leastwise our youth catechised by the space of an houre. And thus doo we spend the sabaoth daie in good and godlie exercises, all doone in our vulgar toong, that each one present may heare and vnderstand the same, which also in cathedrall and collegiat churches is so ordered, that the psalmes onelie are soong by note, the rest being read (as in common parish churches) by the minister with a lowd voice, sauing that in the administration of the communion the quier singeth the answers, the créed, and sundrie other things appointed, but in so plaine, I saie, and distinct maner, that each one present may vnderstand what they sing, euerie word hauing but one note, though the whole harmonie consist of manie parts, and those verie cunninglie set by the skilfull in that science.

Once this is done, we move on to communion, if there are any communicants ready to receive the Eucharist; if not, we read the Decalogue, epistle, and gospel along with the Nicene Creed (which some mockingly call the "dry communion"). After that, we proceed to a homily or sermon, which has a psalm before and after it, and finally, we baptize any infants brought to the church every Sabbath (if the situation calls for it). This is how we spend the morning. In the afternoon, we gather again, and after the psalms and lessons, we usually have a sermon, or at least our youth is catechized for about an hour. This is how we spend the Sabbath in meaningful and godly activities, all done in our common language so that everyone present can hear and understand. In cathedral and collegiate churches, it is arranged so that only the psalms are sung by note, while the rest is read (as in regular parish churches) by the minister in a loud voice. However, during the administration of communion, the choir sings the responses, the creed, and several other designated parts, but in such a clear and distinct manner that everyone present can understand what they are singing, with each word having only one note, even though the overall harmony consists of many parts skillfully arranged by those knowledgeable in that art.

Certes this translation of the seruice of the church into the vulgar toong, hath not a litle offended the pope almost in euerie age, as a thing verie often attempted by diuers princes, but neuer generallie obteined, for feare least the consenting thervnto might bréed the ouerthrow (as it would in déed) of all his religion and hierarchie: neuerthelesse in some places where the kings and princes dwelled not vnder his nose, it was performed maugre his resistance. Vratislaus duke of Bohemia, would long since haue doone the like also in his kingdome, but not daring to venter so farre without the consent of the pope, he wrote vnto him thereof, and receiued his answer inhibitorie vnto all his proceeding in the same.

Certainly, this translation of the church service into the common language has offended the pope in almost every era, as it’s something that various princes have often attempted but never fully achieved, for fear that agreeing to it could lead to the collapse (which it indeed would) of all his religion and hierarchy. Nevertheless, in some places where kings and princes operated away from his influence, it was carried out despite his opposition. Vratislaus, the duke of Bohemia, would have done the same in his kingdom long ago, but not daring to take such a risk without the pope's approval, he wrote to him about it and received a response that prohibited him from proceeding.

"Gregorius septimus Vratislao Bohemorum duci, &c. Quia nobilitas tua postulat, quòd secundū Sclauonicā linguā apud vos diuinum celebrari annueremus officium, scias nos huic petitioni tuæ nequaquàm posse fauere, ex hoc nempe se voluentibus liquet, non immeritò sacram scripturam optimo Deo placuisse quibusdam locis esse occultam; ne si ad liquidum cunctis pateret, fortè vilesceret, & subiaceret despectui, aut [Page 233] prauè intellecta à mediocribus in errorem induceret. Neque enim ad excusationem iuuat, quòd quidam viri hoc, quod simplex populus quærit patienter tulerunt, seu incorrectum dimiserunt: cum primitiua ecclesia multa dissimulauerit, quæ à sanctis patribus postmodum, firmata christianitate & religione crescente, subtili examinatione correcta sunt: vnde id nè fiat, quod à vestris imprudenter exposcitur, authoritate beatri Petri inhibemus; téque ad honorem optimi Dei huic vanæ temeritati viribus totis resistere præcipimus, &c. Datum Romæ, &c."

"To Gregorius the Seventh, Duke of Bohemia, etc. Because your nobility requests that we agree to the celebration of divine service in the Slavic language among you, know that we cannot support this request of yours at all. It is clear from this that it has pleased the best God for certain parts of the sacred scripture to remain hidden; for if it were fully accessible to all, it might lose its significance and become contemptible, or could lead the average person into error through misinterpretation. Nor does it help to excuse that some men have patiently tolerated this demand of the simple people or have dismissed it as incorrect: the early church has overlooked many things that were later corrected by the holy fathers as Christianity and religion grew stronger through careful examination. Therefore, to prevent what is being requested imprudently by you, we inhibit it by the authority of Blessed Peter; and we command you to resist this vain presumption with all your strength for the honor of the best God, etc. Given in Rome, etc."

I would set downe two or thrée more of the like instruments passed from that see vnto the like end, but this shall suffice, being lesse common than the other, which are to be had more plentifullie.

I would list two or three more similar tools that were sent from that location to achieve the same purpose, but this will be enough since they are less common than the others, which are more readily available.

As for our churches themselues, belles, and times of morning and euening praier, remaine as in times past, sauing that all images, shrines, tabernacles, roodlofts, and monuments of idolatrie are remooued, taken downe, and defaced; onelie the stories in glasse windowes excepted, which for want of sufficient store of new stuffe, and by reason of extreame charge that should grow by the alteration of the same into white panes throughout the realme, are not altogither abolished in most places at once, but by little and little suffered to decaie, that white glasse may be prouided and set vp in their roomes. Finallie, whereas there was woont to be a great partition betwéene the quire and the bodie of the church; now it is either verie small or none at all: and to saie the truth altogither needlesse, sith the minister saith his seruice commonlie in the bodie of the church, with his face toward the people, in a little tabernacle of wainscot prouided for the purpose: by which means the ignorant doo not onelie learne diuerse of the psalmes and vsuall praiers by heart, but also such as can read, doo praie togither with him: so that the whole congregation at one instant powre out their petitions vnto the liuing God, for the whole estate of his church in most earnest and feruent manner. Our holie and festiuall daies are verie well reduced also vnto a lesse number; for whereas (not long since) we had vnder the pope foure score and fiftéene, called festiuall, and thirtie Profesti, beside the sundaies, they are all brought vnto seauen and twentie: and with them the superfluous numbers of idle waks, guilds, fraternities, church-ales, helpe-ales, and soule-ales, called also dirge-ales, with the heathnish rioting at bride-ales, are well diminished and laid aside. And no great matter were it if the feasts of all our apostles, euangelists, and martyrs, with that of all saincts, were brought to the holie daies that follow vpon Christmasse, Easter, and Whitsuntide; and those of the virgine Marie, with the rest vtterlie remooued from the calendars, as neither necessarie nor commendable in a reformed church.

As for our churches themselves, the bells, and the times for morning and evening prayer, they remain the same as before, except that all images, shrines, tabernacles, roodlofts, and monuments of idolatry have been removed, taken down, and defaced; the only exceptions are the stories in stained glass windows, which, due to a lack of sufficient new materials and the high cost of replacing them with plain glass throughout the realm, are not all abolished at once in most places, but are gradually allowed to decay so that white glass can be provided and installed in their place. Finally, where there used to be a large partition between the choir and the body of the church, now it is either very small or nonexistent: and to be honest, it is completely unnecessary, since the minister usually conducts his service in the body of the church, facing the people, in a small wooden tabernacle set up for that purpose; this allows the uneducated not only to memorize various psalms and common prayers but also enables those who can read to pray together with him. Thus, the entire congregation can simultaneously pour out their petitions to the living God, earnestly and fervently, for the entire state of His church. Our holy and festival days have also been reduced to a smaller number; whereas (not long ago) we had under the pope eighty-five, called festival days, and thirty profesti, in addition to Sundays, they have all been brought down to twenty-seven; along with this, the excessive numbers of idle wakes, guilds, fraternities, church-ales, help-ales, and soul-ales, also known as dirge-ales, along with the heathenish partying at bride-ales, have been significantly diminished and laid aside. It wouldn’t be a big deal if the feasts of all our apostles, evangelists, and martyrs, along with all saints, were combined into the holy days that follow Christmas, Easter, and Whitsun; and those of the Virgin Mary, along with the others, entirely removed from the calendars, as they are neither necessary nor commendable in a reformed church.

Apparell. The apparell in like sort of our clergie men is comlie, & in truth, more decent than euer it was in the popish church: before the vniuersities bound their graduats vnto a stable attire, afterward vsurped also euen by the blind sir Johns. For if you peruse well my chronologie insuing, you shall find, that they went either in diuerse colors like plaiers, or in garments of light hew, as yellow, red, greene, &c: with their shooes piked, their haire crisped, their girdles armed with siluer; their shooes, spurres, bridles, &c: buckled with like mettall: their apparell (for the most part) of silke, and richlie furred; their cappes laced and butned with gold: so that to méet a priest in those daies, was to behold a peacocke that spreadeth his taile when he danseth before the henne: which now (I saie) is well reformed. Touching Hospitalitie. hospitalitie, there was neuer anie greater vsed in England, sith by reason that mariage is permitted to him that will choose that kind of life, their meat and drinke is more orderlie and frugallie dressed; their furniture of houshold more conuenient, and better looked vnto; and the poore oftener fed generallie than heretofore they haue béene, when onlie a few bishops, and double or treble beneficed men did make good cheere at Christmasse onelie, or otherwise kept great houses for the interteinment of the rich, which did often see and visit them. It is thought much peraduenture, that some bishops, &c: in our time doo come short of the ancient gluttonie and prodigalitie of their predecessors: but to such as doo consider of the curtailing of their liuings, or excessiue prices whervnto things are growen, and how their course is limited by law, and estate looked into on euery side, the cause of their so dooing is well inough perceiued. This also offendeth manie, that they [Page 234] should after their deaths leaue their substances to their wiues and children: wheras they consider not, that in old time such as had no lemans nor bastards (verie few were there God wot of this sort) did leaue their goods and possessions to their brethren and kinsfolks, whereby (as I can shew by good record) manie houses of gentilitie haue growen and béene erected. If in anie age some one of them did found a college, almeshouse, or schoole, if you looke vnto these our times, you shall see no fewer déeds of charitie doone, nor better grounded vpon the Mariage. right stub of pietie than before. If you saie that their wiues be fond, after the deceasse of their husbands, and bestow themselues not so aduisedlie as their calling requireth, which God knoweth these curious surueiors make small accompt of in truth, further than thereby to gather matter of reprehension: I beséech you then to looke into all states of the laitie, & tell me whether some duchesses, countesses, barons, or knights wiues, doo not fullie so often offend in the like as they: for Eue will be Eue though Adam would saie naie. Not a few also find fault Thred-bare gownes from whence they come. with our thred-bare gowns, as if not our patrones but our wiues were causes of our wo. But if it were knowne to all, that I know to haue beene performed of late in Essex, where a minister taking a benefice (of lesse than twentie pounds in the Quéenes bookes so farre as I remember) was inforced to paie to his patrone, twentie quarters of otes, ten quarters of wheat, and sixtéene yéerelie of barleie, which he called hawkes meat; and another left the like in farme to his patrone for ten pounds by the yéere, which is well woorth fortie at the least, the cause of our thred-bare gownes would easilie appeere, for such patrons doo scrape the wooll from our clokes. Wherfore I may well saie, that such a thred-bare minister is either an ill man, or hath an ill patrone, or both: and when such cookes & cobling shifters shall be remooued and weeded out of the ministerie, I doubt not but our patrons will prooue better men, and be reformed whether they will or not, or else the single minded bishops shall sée the liuing bestowed vpon such as doo deserue it. When the Pragmatike sanction tooke place first in France, it was supposed that these enormities should vtterlie haue ceased: but when the elections of bishops came once into the hands of the canons and spirituall men, it grew to be farre worse. For they also within a while waxing couetous, by their owne experience learned aforehand, raised the markets, and sought after new gaines by the gifts of the greatest liuings in that countrie, wherein (as Machiauell writeth) Number of churches in France. are eightéene archbishoprikes, one hundred fortie and sixe bishoprikes, 740 abbies, eleuen vniuersities, 1000700 stéeples (if his report be sound.) Some are of the opinion, that if sufficient men in euerie towne might be sent for from the vniuersities, this mischiefe would soone be remedied; but I am cleane of another mind. For when I consider wherevnto the gifts of felowships in some places are growen: the profit that ariseth at sundrie elections of scholars out of Pretie packing. grammar schooles, to the posers, schoolemasters, and preferrers of them to our vniuersities, the gifts of a great number of almeshouses builded for the maimed and impotent souldiors, by princes and good men heretofore mooued with a pittifull consideration of the poore distressed: how rewards, pensions, and annuities also doo reigne in other cases, wherby the giuer is brought somtimes into extreame miserie, & that not so much as the roome of a common souldior is not obteined oftentimes, without a What will you giue me? I am brought into such a mistrust of the sequele of this deuise, that I dare pronounce (almost for certeine) that if Homer were now aliue, it should be said to him:

Clothing. The clothing of our clergy is decent and, honestly, more respectable than it ever was in the Catholic Church. Before the universities required their graduates to wear specific attire, it was taken over even by the blind Sir Johns. If you look closely at my following chronology, you’ll see that they dressed in various bright colors like actors or wore light-colored garments such as yellow, red, green, etc. Their shoes were pointed, their hair styled, and their belts adorned with silver. Their shoes, spurs, bridles, etc., were all similarly buckled with metal; their clothing was mostly made of silk and richly furred; their caps were laced and embellished with gold. Meeting a priest in those days was like seeing a peacock spreading its tail while dancing before a hen, which, I say, has now improved. Regarding Service industry. hospitality, there has never been greater in England. Since marriage is allowed for those who choose that life, their meals and drinks are prepared more orderly and frugally; their household furnishings are more appropriate and better maintained, and the poor are fed more frequently than before, when only a few bishops and those with multiple benefices celebrated Christmas with indulgence or kept large houses to entertain the wealthy who often visited them. Some might think that certain bishops today fall short of the gluttony and extravagance of their predecessors. However, for those who consider the reductions in their incomes, the rising prices, and how their operations are limited by law and overseen closely, the reasons for their actions are clear. Many are also offended that they leave their possessions to their wives and children after their deaths, not realizing that in the past, those without mistresses or illegitimate children (and there were very few of this sort, mind you) would leave their goods and estates to their brothers and relatives, which, as I can show with good records, led to the rise and establishment of many houses of nobility. If in any age one of them founded a college, almshouse, or school, if you look at our times, you’ll see no fewer charitable deeds done, nor better grounded on the Marriage. right foundation of piety than before. If you say that their wives are foolish after their husbands die and do not act as their calling requires, which, God knows, these nosy supervisors care little about except to gather material for criticism: I beg you to consider all ranks of laypeople, and tell me whether some duchesses, countesses, baronesses, or knights' wives do not often offend in similar ways. For Eve will be Eve, no matter what Adam might say. Not a few also criticize Worn-out gowns from where they originate. our threadbare gowns, as if not our patrons but our wives were responsible for our woes. But if everyone knew what I recently learned in Essex, where a minister upon taking a benefice (of less than twenty pounds in the Queen's books, as far as I remember) was forced to pay his patron twenty quarters of oats, ten quarters of wheat, and sixteen yearly of barley, which he referred to as hawk’s food; and another left a similar arrangement with his patron for ten pounds a year, which is worth at least forty, the reason for our threadbare gowns would become clear, as such patrons scrape the wool from our coats. Therefore, I can confidently say that such a threadbare minister is either a bad man or has a bad patron, or both. And when such cooks and cobblers are removed and weeded out of the ministry, I have no doubt that our patrons will become better men, whether they like it or not, or else the single-minded bishops will see the benefit allocated to those who truly deserve it. When the Pragmatic Sanction was first enacted in France, it was thought these excesses would completely cease. But when the elections of bishops fell into the hands of the canons and spiritual men, it became much worse. For they, soon growing greedy, learned from experience to raise the prices and sought new profits from the gifts of the best livings in that country, where (as Machiavelli writes) Number of churches in France. there are eighteen archbishoprics, one hundred forty-six bishoprics, 740 abbeys, eleven universities, and 1,000,700 steeples (if his report is accurate). Some believe that if capable men from every town could be chosen from the universities, this problem would be quickly solved; but I think very differently. For when I consider how the gifts in fellowships have increased in some places; the profit arising from various elections of scholars from Nice packaging. grammar schools for the patrons, schoolmasters, and those who prefer them to our universities, the gifts of numerous almshouses established for wounded and disabled soldiers by princes and good people previously moved by pity for the needy distressed; how rewards, pensions, and annuities dominate in other instances, whereby the giver is sometimes brought into extreme misery, and that often not even the position of a common soldier is obtained without asking, “What will you give me?” I have become so mistrustful of the consequences of this scheme that I dare to say (almost with certainty) that if Homer were alive today, it would be said to him:

"Túque licèt venias musis comitatus Homere,

"Túque licèt venias musis comitatus Homere,

Si nihil attuleris ibis Homere foras."

Si nihil attuleris ibis Homere foras.

More I could saie, and more I would saie of these and other things, were it not that in mine owne iudgement I haue said inough alreadie for the aduertisement of such as be wise. Neuerthelesse, before I finish this chapter, I will adde a word or two (so brieflie as I can) of the old estate of cathedrall churches, which I haue collected togither here and there among the writers, and whereby it shall easilie be seene what they were, and how neere the gouernment of ours doo in these daies approch vnto them, for that there is an irreconciliable ods betwéene them and [Page 235] those of the papists, I hope there is no learned man indéed, but will acknowlege and yéeld vnto it.

I could say more about these and other things, but I think I’ve said enough already for the advice of those who are wise. Nevertheless, before I finish this chapter, I want to add a word or two (as briefly as I can) about the former condition of cathedral churches, which I’ve gathered from various writers. This will clearly show what they were like and how closely our current governance resembles theirs today, especially since there is a significant difference between them and those of the papists. I believe any knowledgeable person will recognize and agree with this. [Page 235]

Old estate of cathedrall churches. We find therefore in the time of the primitiue church, that there was in euerie see or iurisdiction one schoole at the least, whereinto such as were catechistes in christian religion did resort. And hereof as we may find great testimonie for Alexandria, Antioch, Rome, and Hierusalem; so no small notice is left of the like in the inferior sort, if the names of such as taught in them be called to mind, & the histories well read which make report of the same. These schooles were vnder the iurisdiction of the bishops, and from thence did they & the rest of the elders choose out such as were the ripest scholars, and willing to serue in the ministerie, whome they placed also in their cathedrall churches, there not onelie to be further instructed in the knowledge of the word, but also to invre them to the deliuerie of the same vnto the people in sound maner, to minister the sacraments, to visit the sicke and brethren imprisoned, and to performe such other duties as then belonged to their charges. The bishop himselfe and elders of the church were also hearers and examiners of their doctrine, and being in processe of time found meet workmen for the lords haruest, they were forthwith sent abrode (after imposition of hands, and praier generallie made for their good proceeding) to some place or other then destitute of hir pastor, and other taken from the schoole also placed in their roomes. What number of such clerks belonged now and then to some one sée, the chronologie following shall easilie declare: and in like sort what officers, widowes, and other persons were dailie mainteined in those seasons by the offerings and oblations of the faithfull, it is incredible to be reported, if we compare the same with the decaies and ablations séene and practised at this present. But what is that in all the world which auarice and negligence will not corrupt and impaire? And as this is a paterne of the estate of the cathedrall churches in those times, so I wish that the like order of gouernment might once againe be restored vnto the same, which may be doone with ease, sith the schooles are alreadie builded in euerie diocesse, the vniuersities, places of their preferment vnto further knowledge, and the cathedrall churches great inough to receiue so manie as shall come from thence to be instructed vnto doctrine. But one hinderance of this is alreadie and more & more to be looked for (beside the plucking and snatching commonlie séene from such houses and the church) and that is, the generall contempt of the ministerie, and small consideration of their former paines taken, whereby lesse and lesse hope of competent maintenance by preaching the word is likelie to insue. Wherefore the greatest part of the more excellent wits choose rather to imploy their studies vnto physike and the lawes, vtterlie giuing ouer the studie of the scriptures, for feare least they should in time not get their bread by the same. By this meanes also the stalles in their quéeres would be better filled, which now (for the most part) are emptie, and prebends should be prebends indéed, there to liue till they were preferred to some ecclesiasticall function, and then other men chosen to succéed them in their roomes, whereas now prebends are but superfluous additaments vnto former excesses, & perpetuall commodities vnto the owners, which before time were but temporall (as I haue said before.) But as I haue good leisure to wish for these things: so it shall be a longer time before it will be brought to passe. Neuerthelesse, as I will praie for a reformation in this behalfe, so will I here conclude this my discourse of the estate of our churches, and go in hand with the limits and bounds of our seuerall sées, in such order as they shall come vnto my present remembrance.

Old property of cathedral churches. In the early church, there was at least one school in every see or jurisdiction where those teaching the Christian faith gathered. We have substantial evidence of this in places like Alexandria, Antioch, Rome, and Jerusalem; and we can find notable examples from lesser-known locales as well, if we recall the names of those who taught there and read the histories that report on them. These schools were under the bishops' oversight, and from them, the bishops and elders selected the most capable and willing students to serve in ministry, placing them in their cathedral churches. There, they were not only further educated in the faith but also trained to share it with the community properly, administer the sacraments, visit the sick and imprisoned, and perform other responsibilities relevant to their duties. The bishop and church elders also reviewed and assessed their teachings, and when they proved ready for ministry, they were sent out (after being ordained and prayed for) to areas lacking a pastor, while others from the school took their places. The following chronology will easily reveal how many clerics belonged to any particular see at different times, as well as the various officers, widows, and others supported by the offerings and gifts of the faithful, which seems incredible when compared to the declines and reductions we witness today. But what in the world can avarice and neglect not damage and undermine? This serves as a model of the state of cathedral churches in those days, and I wish for a restoration of that order of governance, which could be easily achieved since schools are already established in every diocese, universities exist to further knowledge, and the cathedral churches are large enough to accommodate many who come from there to be instructed in doctrine. However, one obstacle is already apparent and likely to grow (besides the common stripping away and snatching from such houses and the church), which is the general disdain for the ministry and the lack of respect for the efforts made by ministers, resulting in diminishing hopes for adequate support from preaching the word. Consequently, many talented individuals prefer to focus their studies on medicine and law, completely abandoning the study of scriptures for fear that they won't earn a living from it over time. This also means that the positions in choirs would be better filled, as they are mostly empty now, and prebends would serve their true purpose, providing sustenance until individuals were promoted to some ecclesiastical role, with others then chosen to succeed them, whereas now prebends are merely excessive additions to past accumulations and perpetual benefits for their holders, which in the past were temporary (as I mentioned earlier). While I wish for these changes, it will take a longer time to realize them. Nevertheless, as I pray for reform in this regard, I will conclude my discussion on the state of our churches and proceed to address the limits and boundaries of our various sees, in the order that comes to my mind.

[Page 236]

[Page 236]

OF THE NUMBER OF BISHOPRIKES AND THEIR SEUERALL CIRCUITS.
CHAP. II.

Hauing alreadie spoken generally of the state of our church, now will I touch the sées seuerallie, saieng so much of ech of them as shall be conuenient for the time, and not onelie out of the ancient, but also the later writers, and somewhat of mine owne experience, beginning first with the sée of Canturburie, as the most notable, whose archbishop is the primat of all this land for ecclesiasticall iurisdiction, and most accompted of commonlie, bicause he is néerer to the prince, and readie at euerie call.

Having already discussed the overall state of our church, I will now address the various sees individually, mentioning enough about each one as is appropriate for this moment, drawing from both ancient and more recent writings, as well as some of my own experiences. I will start with the see of Canterbury, as it is the most notable. Its archbishop is the chief authority for ecclesiastical jurisdiction in this country and is generally regarded highly because he is closer to the prince and always ready to respond.

Canturburie. The iurisdiction of Canturburie therefore, erected first by Augustine the moonke, in the time of Ethelbert king of Kent, if you haue respect to hir prouinciall regiment, extendeth it selfe ouer all the south and west parts of this Iland, and Ireland, as I haue noted in the chapter precedent, and few shires there are wherein the archbishop hath not some peculiars. But if you regard the same onelie that was and is proper vnto his see, from the beginning, it reacheth but ouer one parcell of Kent, which Rudburne calleth Cantwarland, the iurisdiction of Rochester including the rest: so that in this one countie the greatest archbishoprike and the least bishoprike of all are linked in togither. That of Canturburie hath vnder it one archdeaconrie, who hath iurisdiction ouer eleauen deanries or a hundred sixtie one parish churches; & in the popish time in sted of the 3093 pounds, eighteene shillings, halfepenie, farthing, which it now paieth vnto hir maiestie, vnder the name of first frutes, there went out of this see to Rome, at euerie alienation 10000 ducates or florens, beside 5000 that the new elect did vsuallie paie for his pall, each ducat being then worth an English crowne or thereabout, as I haue béene informed.

Canterbury. The jurisdiction of Canterbury, established first by Augustine the monk during the reign of King Ethelbert of Kent, extends over all the southern and western parts of this island and Ireland, as I've noted in the previous chapter. There are few counties where the archbishop doesn't have some specific rights. However, if you consider only what has always been specific to his see, it covers just a small part of Kent, which Rudburne calls Cantwarland, with the jurisdiction of Rochester including the rest. So, in this one county, the largest archbishopric and the smallest bishopric are connected. Canterbury has one archdeaconry, which oversees eleven deaneries or one hundred sixty-one parish churches; and in the papal era, instead of the £3,093, 18 shillings, halfpenny, and farthing it pays to Her Majesty now as first fruits, this see sent 10,000 ducats or florins to Rome with every alienation, plus 5,000 that the newly elected bishop usually paid for his pall, each ducat being worth about an English crown at that time, as I've been informed.

Rochester. The sée of Rochester is also included within the limits of Kent, being erected by Augustine in the 604 of Grace, and reigne of Ceolrijc ouer the west-Saxons. The bishop of this sée hath one archdeacon, vnder whose gouernment in causes ecclesiasticall are thrée deanries, or 132 parish churches: so that hereby it is to be gathered, that there are 393 parish churches in Kent, ouer which the said two archdeacons haue especiall cure & charge. He was woont to paie also vnto the court of Rome at his admission to that see 1300 ducats or florens, as I read, which was an hard valuation, considering the smalnesse of circuit belonging to his sée. Howbeit, in my time it is so farre from ease by diminution, that it is raised to 1432 crownes, &c: or as we resolue them into our pounds, 358 pounds, thrée shillings, six pence, halfepennie, farthing, a reckoning a great deale more preciselie made than anie bishop of that sée dooth take any great delight in. He was crosse-bearer in times past vnto the archbishop of Canturburie. And there are and haue béene few sées in England, which at one time or other haue not fetched their bishops for the most part from this see: for as it is of it selfe but a small thing in déed, so it is commonlie a preparatiue to an higher place. But of all that euer possessed it, Thomas Kempe had the best lucke, who being but a poore mans sonne of Wie (vnto which towne he was a great benefactor) grew first to be doctor of both lawes, then of diuinitie; and afterward being promoted to this sée, he was translated from thence to Chichester, thirdlie to London, next of all to Yorke, and finallie after seauen and twentie yeares to Canturburie, where he became also cardinall, deacon, and then preest in the court of Rome, according to this verse, "Bis primas, ter præses, bis cardine functus." Certes I note this man, bicause he bare some fauour to the furtherance of the gospell, and to that end he either builded or repared the pulpit in Paules churchyard, and tooke order for the continuall maintenance of a sermon there vpon the sabaoth, which dooth continue vnto my time, as a place from whence the soundest doctrine is alwaies to be looked for, and for such strangers to resort vnto as haue no habitation in anie parish within the citie where it standeth.

Rochester. The see of Rochester is also located within Kent, established by Augustine in 604 AD, during the reign of Ceolric over the West Saxons. The bishop of this see has one archdeacon, under whose authority are three deaneries or 132 parish churches: thus, it can be concluded that there are 393 parish churches in Kent, over which these two archdeacons have special care and responsibility. He used to pay the court of Rome 1300 ducats or florins upon his appointment to that see, which was a significant amount considering the small size of his jurisdiction. However, in my time it has increased to 1432 crowns, etc., or as we convert that into our currency, 358 pounds, three shillings, six pence, halfpenny, and farthing, calculating with much more precision than any bishop of that see would take great pleasure in. He was previously the crosier-bearer to the Archbishop of Canterbury. There are and have been few sees in England that at one time or another have not drawn most of their bishops from this see: although it is relatively small, it is commonly a stepping stone to a higher position. Of all who have ever held it, Thomas Kempe had the best fortune, as he was the son of a poor man from Wie (to which town he was a great benefactor). He first became a doctor of both laws, then of divinity; after being promoted to this see, he was moved from there to Chichester, then to London, next to York, and finally, after twenty-seven years, to Canterbury, where he also became a cardinal, deacon, and then priest in the court of Rome, according to the line, "Twice a primate, thrice a presiding officer, twice served as cardinal." I mention this man because he supported the advancement of the gospel; for that purpose, he either built or repaired the pulpit in Paul's churchyard and arranged for a continuous sermon there on the Sabbath, which continues in my time as a place from which sound doctrine is always expected and for strangers who have no parish residence within the city where it is located.

London. The sée of London was erected at the first by Lucius, who made it of an [Page 237] archeflamine and temple of Iupiter an archbishops sée, and temple vnto the liuing God, and so it continued, vntill Augustine translated the title thereof to Canturburie. The names of the archbishops of London are these; Theon, Eluan, Cadoc, Owen, Conan, Palladius, Stephan, Iltutus restitutus, anno 350, Theodromus, Theodredus, Hilarius, Fastidius, anno 420, Guittelinus, Vodinus slaine by the Saxons, and Theonus Iunior. But for their iust order of succession as yet I am not resolued, neuerthelesse the first bishop there was ordeined by Augustine the moonke, in the yeare of Christ 604, in the time of Ceolrijc, after he had remooued his see further off into Kent: I wote not vpon what secret occasion, if not the spéedie hearing of newes from Rome, and readinesse to flee out of the land, if any trouble should betide him. For iurisdiction it included Essex, Middlesex, and part of Herefordshire, which is neither more nor lesse in quantitie than the ancient kingdome of the east Angles, before it was vnited to the west Saxons. The cathedrall church belonging to this sée, was first begun by Ethelbert of Kent, Indic. 1. 598 of Inuber as I find, whilest he held that part of the said kingdome vnder his gouernement. Afterward when the Danes had sundrie times defaced it, it was repared and made vp with hard stone, but in the end it was taken downe, and wholie reedified by Mawrice bishop of that sée, and sometimes chapleine to the bastard Henrie the first, allowing him stone and stuffe from Bainards castell néere vnto Ludgate, then ruinous for the furtherance of his works. Howbeit the moold of the quire was not statelie inough in the eies of some of his successors; wherefore in the yeare of Grace 1256, it was taken downe and brought into another forme, and called the new worke, at which time also the bodies of diuerse kings and bishops were taken vp and bestowed in the walles, to the end their memories should be of longer continuance. The iurisdiction of this sée also vnder the bishop, is committed to foure archdeacons, to wit, of London, Essex, Middlesex, and Colchester, who haue amongst them to the number of 363 parish churches, or thereabouts, beside the peculiars belonging to the archbishop and chapiter of that house, and at euerie alienation the bishop paieth for his owne part 1119 pounds, eight shillings and foure pence (but in old time 3000 florens) which diuerse suppose to be more, than (as it now standeth) the bishop is able to make of it. Of the archdeconrie, of S. Albons added therevnto by king Henrie the eight (whereby the bishop hath fiue eies) I speake not, for although it be vnder the bishop of London for visitations and synods, yet is it otherwise reputed as member of the sée of Lincolne, and therefore worthilie called an exempt, it hath also fiue and twentie parishes, of which foure are in Buckingham, the rest in Herefordshire.

London. The see of London was originally established by Lucius, who made it an [Page 237] archbishopric and a temple dedicated to Jupiter, becoming a place of worship for the living God. It remained so until Augustine moved the title to Canterbury. The names of the archbishops of London include Theon, Eluan, Cadoc, Owen, Conan, Palladius, Stephan, Iltutus Restitutus, in the year 350, Theodromus, Theodredus, Hilarius, Fastidius, in the year 420, Guittelinus, Vodinus, who was killed by the Saxons, and Theonus Junior. However, I’m not sure of their exact order of succession; still, the first bishop there was appointed by Augustine the monk in the year 604, during the time of Ceolric, after he had moved his see further into Kent. I don’t know the exact reasons for this, unless it was related to the quick arrival of news from Rome and his readiness to flee the country if any trouble arose. The jurisdiction covered Essex, Middlesex, and part of Herefordshire, which is about the same size as the ancient kingdom of East Angles before it merged with the West Saxons. The cathedral church belonging to this see was initially begun by Ethelbert of Kent, in the year 598, while he governed that part of the kingdom. Later, after the Danes had damaged it multiple times, it was repaired using hard stone. Eventually, it was demolished and completely rebuilt by Maurice, bishop of that see, who was once a chaplain to Henry I, receiving stone and materials from the nearby ruins of Bainard’s Castle close to Ludgate to assist his work. Nevertheless, the choir’s architecture didn't seem grand enough to some of his successors, so in the year 1256, it was taken down and redesigned, becoming known as the new work. At that time, the remains of several kings and bishops were exhumed and placed into the walls to ensure their memories would last longer. The jurisdiction of this see, under the bishop, is entrusted to four archdeacons: from London, Essex, Middlesex, and Colchester, who collectively have around 363 parish churches, not including the special jurisdictions belonging to the archbishop and the chapter of that house. Each time property is transferred, the bishop pays £1,119, 8 shillings, and 4 pence for his portion (though it was formerly 3,000 florins), which many believe to be more than the bishop is currently able to generate. Regarding the archdeaconry of St. Albans, which was added by King Henry VIII (thus giving the bishop five jurisdictions), I won’t elaborate, as it is considered a member of the see of Lincoln and is rightly regarded as exempt. It has twenty-five parishes, four of which are in Buckingham, and the rest in Herefordshire.

Chichester. The first beginning of the sée of Chichester was in the Ile of Seales or Seolseie, and from thence translated to Chichester, in the time of William the bastard, and generall remoouing of sées from small villages vnto the greater townes. It conteineth Sussex onelie vnder hir iurisdiction, wherein are sixtéene deanries, and 551 parish churches, it paid at euerie alienation to the sée of Rome 333 ducats: and after Edbert the first bishop, one Cella succeeded, after whome the pontificall chaire (not then worth 677 pounds by the yéere as now it is) was void by many yeares. It was erected in Seoleseie also 711, by the decrée of a synod holden in Sussex, which borowed it from the iurisdiction of Winchester, whereof before it was reputed a parcell. Of all the bishops that haue béene in this sée, Thomas Kempe alwaies excepted, I read not of anie one that hath béene of more estimation than William Read, sometime fellow of Merteine college in Oxford, doctor of diuinitie, and the most profound astronomer that liued in his time, as appeareth by his collection which sometime I did possesse; his image is yet in the librarie there, and manie instruments of astronomie reserued in that house (a college erected sometime by Walter Merton bishop of Rochester, and lord chancellor of England) he builded also the castell of Amberleie from the verie foundation, as Edward Scorie or Storie his successor did the new crosse in the market place of Chichester.

Chichester. The original site of the Chichester diocese was on the Isle of Seals, or Seolseie, and it was later moved to Chichester during the time of William the Conqueror, as part of the general shift of dioceses from small villages to larger towns. It is responsible for Sussex, which has sixteen deaneries and 551 parish churches. It paid 333 ducats at every alienation to the Holy See in Rome. After Edbert, the first bishop, one Cella took over, and the bishop's seat (which wasn't worth the £677 per year it is now) remained vacant for many years. It was established in Seolseie in 711 by a decree from a synod held in Sussex, which took it from the jurisdiction of Winchester, of which it was previously considered a part. Of all the bishops who have served in this see, except for Thomas Kempe, I don’t know of any who held more significance than William Reed, who was once a fellow of Merton College in Oxford, a doctor of divinity, and the most knowledgeable astronomer of his time, as shown by his collection, which I once owned. His image is still in the library there, along with many astronomical instruments preserved in that institution (a college founded by Walter Merton, bishop of Rochester and lord chancellor of England). He also built the castle of Amberley from the ground up, just as Edward Scorie or Storie, his successor, constructed the new cross in the market place of Chichester.

Winchester. The bishop of Winchester was sometime called bishop of the west Saxons, and of Dorchester, which towne was giuen to Birinus and his successors, by Kinigils and Oswald of the Northumbers, in whose time it was erected by Birinus and his fellowes. In my time it hath iurisdiction onelie ouer Hamshire, Surrie, Iardeseie, Gardeseie, and the Wight, conteining eight [Page 238] deaneries, two hundred seuentie and six parish churches, and beside all this he is perpetuall prelate to the honorable order of the Garter, deuised by Edward the third: he paid in old time to Rome 12000 ducates or florens, but now his first fruits are 2491 pounds nine shillings eight pence halfe penie. Canturburie was said to be the higher racke, but Winchester hath borne the name to be the better mangier. There are also which make Lucius to be the first founder of an house of praier in Winchester, as Kinigils did build the second, and Kinwaldus his sonne the third; but you shall sée the truth herof in the chronologie insuing. And herevnto if the old catalog of the bishops of this sée be well considered of, and the acts of the greatest part of them indifferentlie weighed, as they are to be read in our histories, you shall find the most egregious hypocrites, the stoutest warriours, the cruellest tyrants, the richest monimoongers, and politike counsellors in temporall affaires to haue, I wote not by what secret working of the diuine prouidence, beene placed here in Winchester, since the foundation of that sée, which was erected by Birinus 639 (whome pope Honorius sent hither out of Italie) and first planted at Dorchester, in the time of Kinigils, then translated to Winchester, where it dooth yet continue.

Winchester. The bishop of Winchester was sometimes referred to as the bishop of the West Saxons, and of Dorchester, which town was given to Birinus and his successors by Kinigils and Oswald of the Northumbrians when it was established by Birinus and his companions. In my time, it has jurisdiction only over Hampshire, Surrey, Jersey, Guernsey, and the Isle of Wight, encompassing eight [Page 238] deaneries and two hundred seventy-six parish churches. In addition to this, he is the perpetual prelate of the honorable Order of the Garter, created by Edward the Third. Historically, he paid 12,000 ducats or florins to Rome, but now his first fruits amount to £2,491, nine shillings, and eight and a half pence. Canterbury was said to be the higher authority, but Winchester has been known to be the better provider. Some also claim that Lucius was the first to establish a place of worship in Winchester, while Kinigils built the second and his son Kinwaldus the third; however, you will see the truth of this in the following chronology. If the old catalog of the bishops of this see is carefully considered, and the actions of most of them are fairly assessed as described in our histories, you will discover that the most notorious hypocrites, the bravest warriors, the cruelest tyrants, the wealthiest money-seekers, and the shrewdest political advisors in secular matters have, I don’t know how by some secret working of divine providence, been placed here in Winchester since the foundation of that see, which was established by Birinus in 639 (who was sent here from Italy by Pope Honorius) and first located at Dorchester, then moved to Winchester, where it remains today.

Salisburie. Salisburie was made the chéefe sée of Shirburne by bishop Harman (predecessor to Osmond) who brought it from Shirburne to that citie; it hath now Barkeshire, Wilshire, and Dorsetshire vnder hir iurisdiction. For after the death of Hedda, which was 704, Winchester was diuided in two, so that onelie Hamshire and Surrie were left vnto it, and Wilton, Dorset, Barkeshire, Summerset, Deuon & Cornewill assigned vnto Shirburne till other order was taken. Bishop Adeline did first sit in that bishoprike (704 as I said) and placed his chaire at Shirburne vpon the said diuision. And as manie lerned bishops did succéed him in that roome, before and after it was remooued to Sarum; so there was neuer a more noble ornament to that sée than bishop Iuell, of whose great learning and iudgement the world it selfe beareth witnesse, notwithstanding that the papists prefer S. Osmond (as they call him) because he builded the minster there, and made the portesse called Ordinale ecclesiastici officij, which old préests were woont to vse. The bishops also of this sée were sometimes called bishops of Sunning, of their old mansion house neere vnto Reading (as it should seeme) and among those that liued before the said Iuell, one Roger builded the castell of the Vies in the time of Henrie the first, taken in those daies for the strongest hold in England, as vnto whose gate there were regals and gripes for six or seuen port cullises. Finallie this sée paid vnto Rome 4000 florens, but vnto hir maiestie in my time 1367 pounds twelue shillings eight pence, as I did find of late.

Salisbury. Salisbury became the main see of Sherborne when Bishop Harman (who came before Osmond) moved it from Sherborne to that city; it now has Berkshire, Wiltshire, and Dorset under its jurisdiction. After the death of Hedda in 704, Winchester was split in two, leaving only Hampshire and Surrey to it, while Wilton, Dorset, Berkshire, Somerset, Devon, and Cornwall were assigned to Sherborne until further arrangements were made. Bishop Adeline was the first to occupy that bishopric (as I mentioned, in 704) and established his chair at Sherborne upon that division. Many learned bishops succeeded him in that role, and before it was moved to Salisbury, there was never a more distinguished figure than Bishop Jewel, whose great knowledge and judgment the world attests to, even though the Catholics favor St. Osmond (as they call him) because he built the minster there and created the guide called the Ordinal of ecclesiastical office, which old priests used to follow. The bishops of this see were also sometimes referred to as bishops of Sunning, after their old residence near Reading (it seems), and among those who lived before Jewel, Roger built the castle of the Vies during the reign of Henry the First, considered at the time to be the strongest fortress in England, which had gates and traps for six or seven portcullises. Finally, this see paid 4,000 florins to Rome, but in my time, it was 1,367 pounds, 12 shillings, and 8 pence, as I discovered recently.

Excester. Excester hath, Deuonshire and Cornewall, sometime two seuerall bishopriks, but in the end brought into one of Cornewall, and from thence to Excester in the time of the Bastard or soone after. It began vpon this occasion, Anno Gratiæ 905, in a prouinciall councell holden by the elder Edward & Plegimond archbishop of Canturburie, among the Gewises, wherein it was found, that the see of Winchester had not onelie béene without hir pastor by the space of seuen yéeres, but also that hir iurisdiction was farre greater than two men were able well to gouerne; therefore from the former two, to wit, Winchester and Shirburne, three other were taken, whereby that see was now diuided into fiue parts; the latter thrée being Welles, Kirton, and Cornwall: this of Cornwall hauing hir sée then at saint Patroks, not farre from north-Wales vpon the riuer Helmouth: he of Deuon holding his iurisdiction in Deuonshire, Kirton, or Cridioc. And the bishop of Welles being allowed Dorset and Barkshires for his part, to gouerne and looke vnto according to his charge. Finallie, these two of Deuon and Cornwall being vnited, the valuation thereof was taxed by the sée of Rome at six thousand ducats or florens, which were trulie paid at euerie alienation; but verie hardlie (as I gesse) sith that in my time, wherein all things are racked to the verie vttermost, I find that it is litle worth aboue fiue hundred pounds by the yéere, bicause hir tenths are but fiftie.

Exeter. Exeter used to have, along with Devonshire and Cornwall, two separate bishoprics, but eventually, they were merged into one in Cornwall and later moved to Exeter during or shortly after the time of the Bastard. This began for the following reason, in the year 905, at a provincial council held by King Edward the Elder and Archbishop Plegimond of Canterbury among the Gewissae. It was noted that the see of Winchester had been without a pastor for seven years and that its jurisdiction was too large for two men to manage properly; thus, in addition to Winchester and Sherborne, three other sees were established, dividing it into five parts with the latter three being Wells, Kirton, and Cornwall. The see in Cornwall was then located at Saint Patrock's, near North Wales on the River Helmouth, while the bishop of Devon managed his jurisdiction in Devonshire, Kirton, or Cridioc. The bishop of Wells was assigned to oversee Dorset and Berkshire according to his duties. Ultimately, when the two sees of Devon and Cornwall were combined, their value was assessed by the see of Rome at six thousand ducats or florins, which were indeed paid during every transfer; however, it was very difficult (as I guess) since in my time, when everything is pushed to the absolute limit, I find it worth little more than five hundred pounds a year because its tenths are only fifty.

Bath. Bath, whose see was sometime at Welles, before Iohn the bishop there annexed the church of Bath vnto it, which was 1094, hath Summersetshire onlie, and the valuation thereof in the court of Rome was foure hundred & thirtie florens: but in hir maiesties books I find it fiue hundred [Page 239] thirtie and three pounds, and about one od shilling: which declareth a precise examination of the estate of that sée. Of the erection of this bishoprike, mentioned in the discourse of Excester, I find the former assertion confirmed by another author, and in somewhat more large maner, which I will also remember, onelie because it pleaseth me somewhat better than the words before alleged out of the former writer. This bishoprike (saith he) was erected 905, in a councell holden among the Gewises, whereat king Edward of the west-Saxons, and Plegimond archbishop of Canturburie were present. For that part of the countrie had béene seuen yéeres without anie pastorall cure. And therfore in this councell it was agréed, that for the two bishoprikes (whereof one was at The bishoprike of Shirburne diuided into thrée. Winchester, another at Shireburne) there should be fiue ordeined, whereby the people there might be the better instructed. By this meanes Frithstan was placed at Winchester, and Ethelme at Shireburne, both of them being then void. Shireburne also susteined the subdiuision; so that Werstane was made bishop of Cridioc or Deuonshire (whose sée was at Kirton), Herstan of Cornwall, and Eadulfe of Welles, vnto whome Barkshire and Dorsetshire were appointed. But now you sée what alteration is made, by consideration of the limits of their present iurisdictions.

Bathtub. Bath, which used to be based at Welles before Bishop John connected the church of Bath to it in 1094, covers only Somerset. Its valuation in the Roman court was four hundred and thirty florins; however, in Her Majesty's records, I find it listed as five hundred thirty-three pounds and a bit over one shilling, which indicates a thorough examination of the status of that see. Regarding the establishment of this bishopric, mentioned in the discussion of Exeter, I find that the earlier statement is supported by another author, who elaborates a bit more—something I’ll note because I prefer it to the words cited from the previous writer. This bishopric, he states, was established in 905 during a council held among the Gewises, attended by King Edward of the West Saxons and Plegimond, the Archbishop of Canterbury. The area had been without a pastoral leader for seven years, so at this council, they agreed to establish five bishops for the two bishoprics (one in Winchester and the other in Sherborne) to better instruct the people. As a result, Frithstan was appointed at Winchester, and Ethelme at Sherborne, both of which were vacant at the time. Sherborne also maintained the subdivision, resulting in Werstane becoming the bishop of Cridioc or Devonshire (whose see was at Kirton), Herstan of Cornwall, and Eadulfe of Welles, with Barkshire and Dorsetshire assigned to him. But now you see the changes that have occurred in terms of the boundaries of their current jurisdictions.

Worcester. Worcester sometime called Episcopatus Wicciorum (that is, the bishoprike of the Wiccies or Huiccies) hath Worcester, & part of Warwikeshires. And before the bishoprike of Glocester was taken out of the same, it paid to the pope two thousand ducats of gold at euerie change of prelat: but now the valuation thereof is one thousand fortie nine pounds, seauen pence halfe penie farthing (except my remembrance doo deceiue me.) This sée was begunne either in, or not long before the time of Offa king of the east-Angles, and Boselus was the first bishop there; after whome succéeded Ostfort, then Egwine who went in pilgrimage to Rome, with Kinredus of Mercia and the said Offa, and there gat a monasterie (which he builded in Worcester) confirmed by Constantine the pope. In this sée was one of your lordships ancestors sometime bishop, whose name was Cobham, and doctor both of diuinitie and of the canon law, who, during the time of his pontificalitie there, builded the vault of the north side of the bodie of the church, and there lieth buried in the same (as I haue béene informed.) Certes this man was once elected, and should haue béene archbishop of Canturburie in the roome of Reginald that died 1313 vnder Edward the second: but the pope frustrated his election, fearing least he would haue shewed himselfe more affectionate towards his prince than to his court of Rome; wherefore he gaue Canturburie to the bishop of Worcester then being. And furthermore, least he should seeme altogither to reiect the said Thomas and displease the king, he gaue him in the end the bishoprike of Worcester, whereinto he entred 1317, Martij 31, being thursdaie (as appeereth by the register of that house) after long plée holden for the aforesaid sée of Canturburie in the court of Rome, wherein most monie did oftenest preuaile. This is also notable of that sée, that fiue Italians succéeded ech other in the same, by the popes prouision; as Egidius, Syluester, Egidius his nephue (for nephues might say in those daies; Father shall I call you vncle? And vncles also; Son I must call thée nephue) Iulius de Medices, afterward pope Clement, and Hieronymus de Nugutijs, men verie likelie, no doubt, to benefit the common people by their doctrine. Some of these being at the first but poore men in Rome, and yet able by selling all they had to make a round summe against a rainie daie, came first into fauor with the pope, then into familiaritie, finallie into orders; and from thence into the best liuings of the church, farre off where their parentage could not easilie be heard of, nor made knowne vnto their neighbours.

Worcester. Worcester, sometimes called the Episcopate of the Wiccies or Huiccies, includes Worcester and part of Warwickshire. Before the bishopric of Gloucester was separated from it, it paid the Pope two thousand ducats of gold every time a new prelate was appointed. But now its valuation is one thousand forty-nine pounds, seven pence, and half a farthing (unless I'm mistaken). This see was established either during or shortly before the reign of Offa, king of the East Angles, and Boselus was the first bishop there. After him came Ostfort, then Egwine, who went on pilgrimage to Rome with Kinred of Mercia and Offa, where they obtained a monastery (which he built in Worcester) confirmed by Pope Constantine. One of your lordship's ancestors was once a bishop here, named Cobham, who held doctorates in both divinity and canon law. During his time as bishop, he built the vault on the north side of the church and is buried there (as I've been told). This man was elected to be archbishop of Canterbury in place of Reginald, who died in 1313 during the reign of Edward II, but the Pope frustrated his election, fearing he might show more loyalty to his king than to the court of Rome. Therefore, he appointed the bishop of Worcester at the time to Canterbury. To avoid completely disregarding Thomas and angering the king, he finally gave him the bishopric of Worcester, which he entered on March 31, 1317, a Thursday (as recorded by that house's register) after a long legal battle over the Canterbury see in the court of Rome, where money often won out. It is also noteworthy that five Italians succeeded each other in this see, appointed by the Pope: Egidius, Sylvester, Egidius' nephew (in those days, one could say, "Father, shall I call you uncle?" and the same for uncles, "Son, I must call you nephew"), Julius de Medici, who later became Pope Clement, and Hieronymus de Nugutis, who were all likely to benefit the common people with their teachings. Some of them started out as poor men in Rome, but managed to sell everything they owned to gather a sum for a rainy day. They first earned favor with the Pope, then gained familiarity, eventually entered orders, and moved on to the best positions in the church, far from where their origins couldn't easily be traced or recognized by their neighbors.

Glocester. Glocester hath Glocestershire onelie, wherein are nine deanries, and to the number of 294 parish churches, as I find by good record. But it neuer paid anie thing to Rome, bicause it was erected by king Henrie the eight, after he had abolished the vsurped authoritie of the pope, except in quéene Maries, if anie such thing were demanded, as I doubt not but it was: yet is it woorth yeerelie 315 pounds, seauen shillings thrée pence, as the booke of first fruits declareth.

Gloucester. Glocester only has Gloucestershire, which contains nine deaneries and about 294 parish churches, according to reliable records. However, it never paid anything to Rome because it was established by King Henry VIII after he abolished the pope's usurped authority, except during Queen Mary's reign, if such payment was requested, which I have no doubt it was. Still, it is worth £315.07.03 annually, as stated in the Book of First Fruits.

Hereford. Hereford hath Herefordshire and part of Shropshire, and it paid to Rome [Page 240] at euerie alienation 1800 ducats at the least, but in my time it paieth vnto hir maiesties cofers 768 pounds, ten shillings, ten pence, halfe penie, farthing. In this sée there was a bishop sometime called Iohn Bruton, vpon whome the king then reigning, by likelihood for want of competent maintenance, bestowed the keeping of his wardrobe, which he held long time with great honour, as his register saith. A woonderfull preferment that bishops should be preferred from the pulpit, to the custodie of wardrobes: but such was the time. Neuerthelesse his honorable custodie of that charge is more solemnlie remembred, than anie good sermon that euer he made, which function peraduenture he committed to his suffragane, sith bishops in those daies had so much businesse in the court, that they could not attend to doctrine and exhortation.

Hereford. Hereford includes Herefordshire and part of Shropshire, and it used to pay Rome [Page 240] at every transfer at least 1800 ducats, but in my time it pays to Her Majesty's coffers £768, ten shillings, ten pence, half a penny, and a farthing. In this see, there was a bishop once named John Bruton, to whom the reigning king, probably due to a lack of sufficient support, entrusted the management of his wardrobe, which he held for a long time with great honor, as his records state. It's quite remarkable that bishops were promoted from the pulpit to take care of wardrobes, but that was the way things were. Nevertheless, his honorable management of that responsibility is remembered more solemnly than any good sermon he ever preached, a task he may have passed on to his suffragan, since bishops at that time were so busy in court that they could not focus on teaching and preaching.

Lichfield. Lichefield, wherevnto Couentrie was added, in the time of Henrie the first, at the earnest sute of Robert bishop of that see, hath Staffordshire, Darbishire, part of Shropshire, and the rest of Warwikeshire, that is void of subiection to the sée of Worcestershire. It was erected in the time of Peada king of the south Mercians, which laie on this side the Trent, and therein one Dinas was installed, about the yeare of Grace 656, after whom Kellac first, then Tunher an Englishman succéeded, this later being well learned, and consecrated by the Scots. In the time of the bastard, I wot not vpon what occasion, one Peter bishop of this sée translated his chaire to Chester, and there held it for a season, whereby it came to passe that the bishops of Lichfield were for a while called bishops of Chester. But Robert his successor not likeing of this president, remooued his chaire from Chester to Couentrie, and there held it whilest he liued, whereby the originall diuision of the bishoprike of Lichfield into Lichefield, Chester, and Couentrie, dooth easilie appeare, although in my time Lichfield and Couentrie be vnited, and Chester remaineth a bishoprike by it selfe. It paid the pope at euerie alienation 1733 florens, or (as some old bookes haue) 3000, a good round summe, but not without a iust punishment, as one saith, sith that anno 765, Edulfe bishop there vnder Offa king of Mercia, would by his helpe haue bereaued the archbishop of Canturburie of his pall, & so did in déed vnder pope Hadrian, holding the same vntill things were reduced vnto their ancient forme. Before the time also of bishop Langton, the prebends of this see laie here and there abroad in the citie, where the vicars also had an house, of which this honest bishop misliked not a little for sundrie causes; wherefore he began their close, and bestowed so much in building the same, and pauing the stréets, that his hungrie kinsmen did not a little grudge at his expenses, thinking that his emptie cofers would neuer make them gentlemen, for which preferment the freends of most bishops gaped earnestlie in those daies. King Iohn was the greatest benefactor vnto this sée, next vnto Offa; and it is called Lichfield, Quasi mortuorum campus, bicause of the great slaughter of christians made there (as some write) vnder Dioclesian. Howbeit in my time the valuation thereof is 703 pounds, fiue shillings two pence, halfepenie, farthing, a summe verie narrowlie cast by that auditor which tooke it first in hand.

Lichfield. Lichfield, which was expanded to include Coventry during the reign of Henry I, at the strong request of Robert, the bishop of that diocese, borders Staffordshire, Derbyshire, part of Shropshire, and the remaining area of Warwickshire, which is free from the authority of the diocese of Worcestershire. It was established during the time of Peada, king of the South Mercians, who lived on this side of the River Trent. In that period, a man named Dinas was appointed around the year 656 AD, after which Kellac was the first to succeed him, followed by Tunher, an educated Englishman who was consecrated by the Scots. During the time of the illegitimate king, for reasons I'm unsure of, a bishop named Peter from this diocese moved his seat to Chester and held it there for a time, which led to the bishops of Lichfield being called bishops of Chester for a while. However, Robert, his successor, disagreed with this precedent and moved his seat back from Chester to Coventry, where he remained for the rest of his life. This explains the original division of the bishopric of Lichfield into Lichfield, Chester, and Coventry, even though in my time Lichfield and Coventry have been united and Chester remains an independent bishopric. Every time there was an alienation, the diocese paid the pope 1,733 florins, or as some old records say, 3,000, which is a substantial amount, but not without proper punishment, as one might say, considering that in 765, Edulfe, the bishop there under Offa, the king of Mercia, tried with the pope's help to strip the Archbishop of Canterbury of his pallium, and did so under Pope Adrian, keeping it until things were returned to their original state. Additionally, before Bishop Langton's time, the prebends of this see were scattered throughout the city, where the vicars also had a house, something this good bishop strongly disapproved of for various reasons. Therefore, he began their close and invested so much in its construction and in paving the streets that his greedy relatives were less than pleased with his spending, believing his empty wallets would never make them gentlemen, a promotion that many bishops’ friends eagerly desired back then. King John was the greatest benefactor to this see, second only to Offa; and it is named Lichfield, meaning the 'field of the dead,' due to the large number of Christians killed there (as some say) under Diocletian. However, in my time, its valuation is 703 pounds, 5 shillings, 2 pence, half a penny, and a farthing, a sum very precisely calculated by the auditor who first took it in hand.

Oxford hath Oxfordshire onelie, a verie yoong iurisdiction, erected by king Henrie the eight, & where in the time of quéene Marie, one Goldwell was bishop, who (as I remember) was a Iesuit, dwelling in Rome, and more conuersant (as the constant fame went) in the blacke art, than skilfull in the scriptures, and yet he was of great countenance amongst the Romane monarchs. It is said that obseruing the canons of his order, he regarded not the temporalities of that sée: but I haue heard since that he wist well inough what became of those commodities, for by one meane and other he found the swéetnesse of 354 pounds sixteene shillings thrée pence halfe penie, yearelie growing to him, which was euen inough (if not too much) for the maintenance of a frier toward the drawing out of circles, characters, & lineaments of imagerie, wherein he was passing skilfull, as the fame then went in Rome, and not vnheard of in Oxford.

Oxford has only Oxfordshire, a very young jurisdiction, established by King Henry the Eighth, and during Queen Mary's reign, one Goldwell was bishop, who (as I recall) was a Jesuit living in Rome, and more involved (as the consistent rumors suggested) in the dark arts than knowledgeable in the scriptures. Yet he held significant influence among the Roman leaders. It's said that adhering to the rules of his order, he paid little attention to the temporal matters of that see. However, I've heard since that he was quite aware of what happened to those revenues, for one way or another he enjoyed an annual income of £354.16.3, which was just enough (if not too much) to support a friar focused on drawing circles, characters, and the outlines of images, in which he was extremely skilled, as the rumors then circulated in Rome, and not unheard of in Oxford.

Elie. Elie hath Cambridgshire, and the Ile of Elie. It was erected 1109 by Henrie the first, being before a rich and wealthie abbeie. One Heruie also was made bishop there, as I haue found in a register, belonging sometime to that house being translated from Bangor. Finallie it paid to the pope at euerie alienation 7000 ducats, as the registers there do [Page 241] testifie at large. Albeit that in my time I find a note of 2134 pounds sixtéene shillings thrée pence halfe penie farthing, whose disme ioined to those of all the bishopriks in England, doo yéeld yearelie to hir maiesties coffers 23370 pounds sixtéene shillings thrée pence halfe penie farthing: whereby also the huge sums of monie going out of this land to the court of Rome dooth in some measure appéere. Ethelwold afterward bishop of Winchester builded the first monasterie of Elie vpon the ruines of a nunrie then in the kings hands, howbeit the same house, whereof he himselfe was abbat, was yer long destroied by enimies, and he in lieu of his old preferment rewarded by king Edgar, with the aforesaid bishoprike, from whence with more than lionlike boldnesse he expelled the secular préests, and stored with moonkes prouided from Abandune néere Oxford, by the helpe of Edgar and Dunstane then metropolitane of England. There was sometime a greeuous contention betwéene Thomas Lild bishop of this see, and the king of England, about the yeare of Grace 1355, which I will here deliuer out of an old record, because the matter is so parciallie penned by some of the brethren of that house, in fauour of the bishop; & for that I was also abused with the same in the entrance thereof at the first into my chronologie. The blacke prince fauoring one Robert Stretton his chapleine, a man vnlearned and not worthie the name of a clearke, the matter went on so farre, that what for loue, and somewhat else, of a canon of Lichfield he was chosen bishop of that see. Herevpon the pope vnderstanding what he was by his Nuncio here in England, staied his consecration by his letters for a time, and in the meane season committed his examination to the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Rochester, who felt and dealt so fauourablie with him in golden reasoning, that his worthinesse was commended to the popes holinesse, & to Rome he goeth. Being come to Rome the pope himselfe apposed him, and after secret conference vtterlie disableth his election, till he had prooued by substantiall argument and of great weight before him also, that he was not so lightlie to be reiected. Which kind of reasoning so well pleased his holinesse, that Ex mera plenitudine potestatis, he was made capable of the benefice and so returneth into England; when he came home, this bishop being in the kings presence told him how he had doone he wist not what in preferring so vnméet a man vnto so high a calling. With which speach the king was so offended, that he commanded him out of hand to auoid out of his presence. In like sort the ladie Wake then duchesse of Lancaster, standing by, and hearing the king hir cousine to gather vp the bishop so roundlie, and thereto an old grudge against him for some other matter, dooth presentlie picke a quarrell against him about certeine lands then in his possession, which he defended & in the end obteined against hir * sic. qu. a fire by plée and course of law: yer long also *afore hapned in a part of hir house, for which she accused the bishop, and in the end by verdict of twelue men found that he was priuie vnto the fact of his men in the said fact, wherfore he was condemned in nine hundred pounds damages, which he paid euerie penie.

Elie. Elie is in Cambridgeshire and the Isle of Elie. It was established in 1109 by Henry I, being previously a rich and wealthy abbey. One Henry was also made bishop there, as I found in a register that once belonged to that house, translated from Bangor. Ultimately, it paid the pope 7,000 ducats at every alienation, as the registers there testify at length. However, during my time, I found a note of £2,134.16.3.½d, whose decimal joined with those of all the bishoprics in England yields annually to Her Majesty’s coffers £23,370.16.3.½d: thus showing, to some extent, the large sums of money going out of this land to the court of Rome. Ethelwold, later bishop of Winchester, built the first monastery of Elie upon the ruins of a nunnery that was then in the king's hands; yet, that house, of which he himself was abbot, was soon destroyed by enemies, and he was rewarded for his previous position by King Edgar with the aforementioned bishopric, from which he boldly expelled the secular priests and filled it with monks provided from Abingdon near Oxford, with the help of Edgar and Dunstan, who was then the metropolitan of England. There was a serious conflict at one time between Thomas Lild, bishop of this see, and the king of England around the year 1355, which I will recount here from an old record, because the matter is so partially written by some of the brethren of that house in favor of the bishop; and since I was also misled by the same account at the beginning of my chronology. The Black Prince, favoring one Robert Stretton, his chaplain, a man unlearned and unworthy of the name of a clerk, the matter progressed so far that, partly out of affection and partly for another reason, he was chosen bishop of that see by a canon of Lichfield. Upon learning about his character through his nuncio in England, the pope delayed his consecration by his letters for a time and, in the meantime, committed his examination to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Rochester, who treated him so favorably with persuasive reasoning that his worthiness was recommended to the pope's holiness, and he went to Rome. Upon arriving in Rome, the pope himself questioned him and after a private conference completely invalidated his election until he proved by substantial and significant arguments before him that he was not so easily rejected. This reasoning pleased his holiness so much that, by the fullness of his power, he was made eligible for the benefice and returned to England; when he got home, this bishop, being in the king’s presence, told him how he had done he knew not what in promoting such an unfit man to such a high position. With these words, the king was so offended that he immediately commanded him to leave his presence. Similarly, Lady Wake, then Duchess of Lancaster, standing by and hearing her cousin the king reprimand the bishop so sharply, and holding a grudge against him for another matter, immediately picked a quarrel with him over certain lands then in his possession, which he defended and ultimately retained against her by legal action: soon after there happened in part of her house, for which she accused the bishop, and in the end, by a verdict of twelve men, he was found complicit in his men’s actions in the said matter, for which he was condemned to pay nine hundred pounds in damages, which he paid every penny.

Neuerthelesse, being sore grieued, that she had (as he said) wrested out such a verdict against him, and therein packed vp a quest at hir owne choise: he taketh his horsse, goeth to the court, and there complaineth to the king of his great iniurie receiued at hir hands. But in the deliuerie of his tale, his speech was so blockish, & termes so euill fauoredlie (though maliciouslie) placed, that the king tooke yet more offense with him than before; insomuch that he led him with him into the parlement house, for then was that court holden, and there before the lords accused him of no small misdemeanor toward his person by his rude and threatening speeches. But the bishop egerlie denieth the kings obiections, which he still auoucheth vpon his honor; and in the end confirmeth his allegations by witnesse: wherevpon he is banished from the kings presence during his naturall life by verdict of that house. In the meane time the duchesse hearing what was doone, she beginneth a new to be dealing with him: and in a brabling fraie betweene their seruants one of hir men was slaine, for which he was called before the magistrat, as chiefe accessarie vnto the fact. But he fearing the sequele of his third cause by his successe had in the two first, hideth himselfe after he had sold all his moouables, and committed the monie vnto his trustie [Page 242] friends. And being found giltie by the inquest, the king seizeth vpon his possessions, and calleth vp the bishop to answer vnto the trespasse. To be short, vpon safe-conduct the bishop commeth to the kings presence, where he denieth that he was accessarie to the fact, either before, at, or after the deed committed, and therevpon craueth to be tried by his péeres. But this petition was in vaine: for sentence passeth against him also by the kings owne mouth. Wherevpon he craueth helpe of the archbishop of Canturburie and priuileges of the church, hoping by such meanes to be solemnlie rescued. But they fearing the kings displeasure, who bare small fauour to the clergie of his time, gaue ouer to vse anie such meanes; but rather willed him to submit himselfe vnto the kings mercie which he refused, standing vpon his innocencie from the first vnto the last. Finallie, growing into choler, that the malice of a woman should so preuaile against him, he writeth to Rome, requiring that his case might be heard there, as a place wherein greater iustice (saith he) is to be looked for than to be found in England. Vpon the perusall of these his letters also, his accusers were called thither. But for so much as they appéered not at their peremptorie times, they were excommunicated. Such of them also as died before their reconciliations were taken out of the churchyards, and buried in the fields and doong-hilles, "Vnde timor & turba (saith my note) in Anglia." For the king inhibited the bringing in and receipt of all processes, billes, and whatsoeuer instruments should come from Rome: such also as aduentured contrarie to this prohibition to bring them in, were either dismembred of some ioint, or hanged by the necks. Which rage so incensed the pope, that he wrote in verie vehement maner to the king of England, threatening far greater cursses, except he did the sooner staie the furie of the lady, reconcile himself vnto the bishop, and finallie, making him amends for all his losses susteined in these broiles. Long it was yer the king would be brought to peace. Neuerthelesse, in the end he wrote to Rome about a reconciliation to be had betwéene them: but yer all things were concluded, God himselfe did end the quarrell, by taking awaie the bishop. And thus much out of an old pamphlet in effect word for word: but I haue somewhat framed the forme of the report after the order that Stephan Birchington dooth deliuer it, who also hath the same in manner as I deliuer it.

Nevertheless, feeling deeply aggrieved that she had (as he claimed) manipulated a verdict against him and organized a jury of her choosing, he took his horse, went to the court, and complained to the king about the great injustice he suffered at her hands. However, as he told his story, his speech was so clumsy, and the terms he used were so poorly chosen (though maliciously placed), that the king was even more offended than before. So much so, that he took him into the parliament house, which was in session, and there accused him of a serious offense against his person due to his rude and threatening remarks. But the bishop eagerly denied the king's accusations, which he still asserted on his honor, and ultimately confirmed his claims with witnesses. As a result, he was banished from the king’s presence for the rest of his life by the verdict of that house. In the meantime, the duchess, hearing what had happened, began dealing with him anew: during a quarrel between their servants, one of her men was killed, for which he was summoned before the magistrate as the principal associate in the act. However, fearing the consequences of this third issue given his experiences with the first two, he hid himself after selling all his movable properties and entrusted the money to his loyal friends. When he was found guilty by the jury, the king seized his possessions and called the bishop to answer for the offense. In short, under safe conduct, the bishop appeared before the king, denying any involvement in the act, either before, during, or after it took place, and requested to be tried by his peers. But this request was in vain: a sentence was pronounced against him by the king himself. Consequently, he sought the help of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the privileges of the church, hoping to be formally rescued by such means. But fearing the king’s displeasure, who held little favor for the clergy of his time, they advised him to submit to the king's mercy, which he refused, maintaining his innocence from start to finish. Finally, growing angry that a woman's malice should prevail so much against him, he wrote to Rome, asking that his case be heard there, as he believed greater justice could be found there than in England. Upon reading his letters, his accusers were summoned to Rome. However, since they did not appear at their specified times, they were excommunicated. Those among them who died before making their reconciliations were removed from churchyards and buried in fields and dung hills, "From whence fear and turmoil (says my note) in England." For the king prohibited the arrival and acceptance of all processes, bills, and any instruments coming from Rome: those who dared to defy this prohibition were either dismembered or hanged. This fury enraged the pope, who wrote very forcefully to the king of England, threatening even greater curses unless he quickly quelled the lady’s fury, reconciled with the bishop, and made amends for all the losses he endured in these conflicts. It took a long time before the king would agree to peace. Nonetheless, in the end, he wrote to Rome about achieving reconciliation between them: but before everything was finalized, God Himself resolved the dispute by taking the bishop away. Thus much from an old pamphlet, essentially word for word: but I have somewhat adjusted the format of the report according to how Stephan Birchington presents it, who also has it nearly as I report it.

Norwich. The see of Norwich called in old time Episcopatus Donnicensis, Dononiæ, or Eastanglorum, was erected at Felstow or Felixstow, where Felix of Burgundie (sometime schoolemaster to Sigebert of the east-Angles, by whose persuasion also the said Sigebert erected the vniuersitie at Cambridge) being made bishop of the east-Angles first placed his sée, afterward it was remooued from thence to Donwich, & thence to Helmham, Anno 870, about the death of Celnothus of Canturburie; thirdlie, to Theodford, or Thetford; & finallie, after the time of the Bastard, to Norwich. For iurisdiction it conteineth in our daies Norffolke and Suffolke onelie, whereas at the first it included Cambridgeshire also, and so much as laie within the kingdome of the east-Angles. It began about the yéere 632, vnder Cerpenwald king of the east-Saxons, who bestowed it vpon Felix, whome pope Honorius also confirmed, and after which he held it by the space of seauenteene yéeres. It paid sometimes at euerie alienation 5000 ducats to Rome. But in my time hir maiestie hath 899 pounds, 8 shillings 7 pence farthing, as I haue been informed. In the same iurisdiction also there were once 1563 parish churches, and 88 religious houses: but in our daies I can not heare of more churches than 1200: and yet of these I know one conuerted into a barne, whilest the people heare seruice further off vpon a greene: their bell also when I heard a sermon there preached in the gréene, hanged in an oke for want of a stéeple. But now I vnderstand that the oke likewise is gone. There is neuerthelesse a litle chappellet hard by on that common, but nothing capable of the multitude of Ashlie towne that should come to the same in such wise, if they did repaire thither as they ought.

Norwich. The diocese of Norwich, known in ancient times as Episcopatus Donnicensis, Dononiæ, or Eastanglorum, was established in Felstow or Felixstow. Here, Felix of Burgundy, who was once the schoolmaster to Sigebert of the East Angles (and persuaded Sigebert to set up the university at Cambridge), became the first bishop of the East Angles and established his see. Later, it was moved from there to Donwich, then to Helmham around the year 870, around the time of the death of Celnothus of Canterbury; then to Thetford; and finally, after the time of William the Conqueror, to Norwich. Today, its jurisdiction only includes Norfolk and Suffolk, whereas initially it included Cambridgeshire and all territories within the East Anglian kingdom. It began around the year 632, under Cerpenwald, king of the East Saxons, who granted it to Felix, confirmed by Pope Honorius, and Felix held it for seventeen years. At one point, it paid 5000 ducats to Rome at every alienation. However, during my time, Her Majesty has received £899, 8 shillings, and 7 pence farthing, as I have been informed. In this jurisdiction, there used to be 1563 parish churches and 88 religious houses, but nowadays I can only find about 1200 churches, and among those, I know of one that's been converted into a barn, while the congregation attends services further away on a green; the bell that once rang for sermons there now hangs in an oak, due to a lack of a steeple. I’ve now learned that the oak is also gone. Nevertheless, there is a small chapel nearby on that common, but it cannot accommodate the many residents of Ashlie town who should come there as they ought.

Peterborow. Peterborow, sometimes a notable monasterie, hath Northampton and Rutland shires vnder hir iurisdiction, a diocesse erected also by king Henrie the eight. It neuer paid first fruits to the pope before queene Maries daies (if it were then deliuered) wherof I doubt, because it was not recorded in his ancient register of tenths and fruits, although [Page 243] peraduenture the collectors left it not vngathered, I wot not for what purpose; it yéeldeth now foure hundred and fiftie pounds, one penie abated. I haue seene and had an ancient terrier of the lands of this monasterie, which agréeth verie well with the historie of Hugo le Blanc monke of that house. In the charter also of donation annexed to the same, I saw one of Wulfhere king of Mercia, signed with his owne, & the marks of Sigher king of Sussex, Sebbie of Essex, with the additions of their names: the rest of the witnesses also insued in this order:

Peterborough. Peterborough, once a prominent monastery, oversees Northampton and Rutland counties, a diocese established by King Henry the Eighth. It never paid first fruits to the pope before Queen Mary's time (if it was ever given), which I question because it wasn't recorded in his old register of tenths and fruits. However, perhaps the collectors left it uncollected, though I'm unsure why; it currently brings in four hundred and fifty pounds, minus one penny. I have seen and have an old terrier of the lands belonging to this monastery, which matches very well with the history of Hugo le Blanc, a monk from that house. In the donation charter attached to it, I saw one from Wulfhere, King of Mercia, signed with his own name, along with the marks of Sigher, King of Sussex, and Sebbie of Essex, complete with their names added. The other witnesses followed in this order:

Ethelred brother to Wulfehere,

Ethelred, Wulfehere's brother,

Kindburg and Kindswith sisters to Wulfhere,

Kindburg and Kindswith, sisters to Wulfhere,

Deusdedit archbishop,

Deusdedit archbishop,

Ithamar bishop of Rochester,

Ithamar, Bishop of Rochester,

Wina bishop of London,

Wina, Bishop of London,

Iarnman bishop of Mearc,

Bishop Iarnman of Mearc,

Wilfride and Eoppa préests,

Wilfride and Eoppa priests,

Saxulfe the abbat.

Abbot Saxulfe.

Then all the earles and eldermen of England in order; and after all these, the name of pope Agatho, who confirmed the instrument at the sute of Wilfride archbishop of Yorke, in a councell holden at Rome 680, of a hundred & fiue and twentie bishops, wherein also these churches were appropriated to the said monasterie, to wit, Breding, Reping, Cedenac, Swinesheued, Lusgerd, Edelminglond, and Barchaing: whereby we haue in part an euident testimonie how long the practise of appropriation of benefices hath béene vsed to the hinderance of the gospell, and maintenance of idle moonks, an humane inuention grounded vpon hypocrisie.

Then all the earls and elders of England in order; and after all these, the name of Pope Agatho, who confirmed the document at the request of Wilfrid, Archbishop of York, in a council held in Rome in 680, with one hundred and twenty-five bishops. In this council, these churches were assigned to the said monastery: Breding, Reping, Cedenac, Swinesheved, Lusgerd, Edelminglond, and Barchaing. This gives us part of a clear testimony of how long the practice of assigning benefices has been used to hinder the gospel and support idle monks, a human invention based on hypocrisy.

Bristow. Bristow hath Dorsetshire sometime belonging to Salisburie, a sée also latelie erected by king Henrie the eight, who tooke no small care for the church of Christ, and therefore eased a number of ancient sées of some part of their huge and ouer-large circuits, and bestowed those portions deducted, vpon such other erections as he had appointed for the better regiment and féeding of the flocke: the value thereof is thrée hundred foure score and thrée pounds, eight shillings, and foure pence (as I haue béene informed.)

Bristow. Bristow used to have Dorsetshire, which was once part of Salisbury, a diocese recently established by King Henry VIII. He took significant care of the church, so he reduced the large areas of some ancient dioceses and allocated those portions to new ones he created for better management and support of the congregation. The value of it is three hundred sixty-three pounds, eight shillings, and four pence (as I have been informed).

Lincolne. Lincolne of all other of late times was the greatest; and albeit that out of it were taken the sees of Oxford and Peterborow, yet it still reteineth Lincolne, Leicester, Huntingdon, Bedford, Buckingham shires, and the rest of Hertford; so that it extendeth from the Thames vnto the Humber, and paid vnto the pope fiue thousand ducats (as appeereth by his note) at euerie alienation. In my time, and by reason of hir diminution it yéeldeth a tribute to whom tribute belongeth, of the valuation of eight hundred ninetie and nine pounds, eight shillings, seauen pence farthing. It began since the conquest, about the beginning of William Rufus, by one Remigius, who remooued his sée from Dorchester to Lincolne (not without licence well paid for vnto the king.) And thus much of the bishopriks which lie within Lhoegres or England, as it was left vnto Locrinus. Now it followeth that I procéed with Wales.

Lincoln. Lincoln, more than any other place in recent times, was the greatest; and although the sees of Oxford and Peterborough were taken from it, it still retains Lincoln, Leicester, Huntingdon, Bedford, Buckingham shires, and the rest of Hertford; so it stretches from the Thames to the Humber and paid the pope five thousand ducats (as noted) for every alienation. In my time, due to its reduction, it yields a tribute to whom tribute is due, valued at eight hundred ninety-nine pounds, eight shillings, seven pence farthing. It began after the conquest, around the start of William Rufus's reign, by a man named Remigius, who moved his see from Dorchester to Lincoln (not without a well-paid license to the king). And thus much about the bishoprics located within Lloegres or England, as it was left to Locrinus. Now I will proceed with Wales.

Landaffe. Landaffe, or the church of Taw hath ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in Glamorgan, Monmouth, Brechnoch, and Radnor shires. And although it paid seuen hundred ducats at euerie exchange of prelat; yet is it scarselie worth one hundred fiftie and fiue pounds by the yeare (as I haue heard reported.) Certes it is a poore bishoprike, & (as I haue heard) the late incumbent thereof being called for not long since by the lord president in open court made answer. The daffe is here, but the land is gone. What he meant by it I can not well tell; but I hope, that in the séed time and the frée planting of the gospell, the meate of the labourer shall not be diminished and withdrawen.

Landaff. Landaffe, or the church of Taw, has ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Glamorgan, Monmouth, Brechnoch, and Radnor counties. And although it paid seven hundred ducats at every exchange of prelates, it is barely worth one hundred fifty-five pounds a year (as I’ve heard). Certainly, it’s a poor bishopric, and (as I’ve heard) the recent incumbent was asked about it not long ago by the lord president in open court, and he replied, "The daffe is here, but the land is gone." What he meant by that, I can’t quite say; but I hope that, in the coming season and with the free spread of the gospel, the laborer's share won’t be reduced or taken away.

S. Dauids. S. Dauids hath Penbroke and Caermardine shires, whose liuerie or first fruits to the sée of Rome was one thousand and fiue hundred ducats, at the hardest (as I thinke.) For if record be of anie sufficient credit, it is little aboue the value of foure hundred fiftie and seauen pounds, one shilling, and ten pence farthing, in our time, and so it paieth vnto hir maiesties coffers; but in time past I thinke it was farre better. [Page 244] The present bishop misliketh verie much of the cold situation of his cathedrall church; and therfore he would gladlie pull it downe, and set it in a warmer place: but it would first be learned what suertie he would put in to sée it well performed: of the rest I speake not.

S. David's. S. Davids includes Pembroke and Carmarthen shires, whose initial offering or first fruits to the see of Rome was one thousand five hundred ducats, at the very least (or so I believe). If any reliable records exist, it amounts to just over four hundred fifty-seven pounds, one shilling, and ten pence farthing in our time, and that is what goes into Her Majesty's coffers; but in the past, I think it was worth much more. [Page 244] The current bishop really dislikes the cold location of his cathedral church; therefore, he would happily tear it down and relocate it to a warmer spot: but first, it needs to be determined what guarantee he would provide to ensure it's done properly: I won't mention the rest.

Bangor. Bangor is in north-Wales, and hath Caernaruon, Angleseie, and Merioneth shires vnder hir iurisdiction. It paid to Rome 126 ducats, which is verie much. For of all the bishoprikes in England it is now the least for reuenues, and not woorth aboue one hundred and one and thirtie pounds, and sixteene pence to hir maiesties coffers at euerie alienation (as appéereth by the tenths, which amount to much lesse than those of some good benefice) for it yeeldeth not yéerelie aboue thirtéene pounds, thrée shillings, and seauen pence halfe penie, as by that court is manifest.

Bangor. Bangor is in North Wales and has Caernarfon, Anglesey, and Merioneth under its jurisdiction. It paid 126 ducats to Rome, which is quite a lot. Among all the bishoprics in England, it currently has the lowest income, worth only about one hundred thirty-one pounds and sixteen pence for the crown at each alienation (as indicated by the tenths, which are much less than those of some good benefices). It brings in no more than thirteen pounds, three shillings, and seven and a half pence annually, as that court shows.

S. Asaphes. S. Asaphes hath Prestholme and part of Denbigh and Flintshires vnder hir iurisdiction in causes ecclesiasticall, which being laid togither doo amount to little more than one good countie, and therefore in respect of circuit the least that is to be found in Wales, neuerthelesse it paid to Rome 470 ducates at euerie alienation. In my time the first fruits of this bishoprike came vnto 187 pounds eleuen shillings six pence; wherby it séemeth to be somewhat better than Landaffe or Bangor last remembred. There is one Howell a gentleman of Flintshire in the compasse of this iurisdiction, who is bound to giue an harpe of siluer yearelie to the best harper in Wales, but did anie bishop thinke you deserue that in the popish time? Howell or Aphowell in English is all one (as I haue heard) and signifie so much as Hugo or Hugh. Hitherto of the prouince of Canturburie, for so much therof as now lieth within the compasse of this Iland. Now it resteth that I procéed with the curtailed archbishoprike of Yorke, I saie curtailed because all Scotland is cut from his iurisdiction and obedience.

S. Asaph's. S. Asaphes has Prestatyn and part of Denbigh and Flintshire under her authority in church matters, which combined amount to just a little more than one good county. Therefore, in terms of area, it is the smallest in Wales. However, it paid Rome 470 ducats for every alienation. In my time, the first fruits of this bishopric totaled £187, 11 shillings, and 6 pence; showing it to be somewhat better off than Llandaff or Bangor, as noted previously. There is a gentleman named Howell from Flintshire within this jurisdiction, who is obligated to give a silver harp annually to the best harper in Wales, but would any bishop have thought that was deserved in the Catholic era? Howell or Aphowell in English is the same (as I’ve heard) and means the same as Hugo or Hugh. So much for the province of Canterbury, for as much of it as currently lies within this island. Now, I need to move on to the reduced archbishopric of York, and I say reduced because all of Scotland has been removed from its authority and obedience.

Yorke. The see of Yorke was restored about the yeare of Grace 625, which after the comming of the Saxons laie desolate and neglected, howbeit at the said time Iustus archbishop of Canturburie ordeined Paulinus to be first bishop there, in the time of Gadwijn king of Northumberland. This Paulinus sate six yeares yer he was driuen from thence, & after whose expulsion that seat was void long time, wherby Lindesfarne grew into credit, and so remained vntill the daies of Oswie of Northumberland, who sent Wilfred the priest ouer into France, there to be consecrated archbishop of Yorke: but whilest he taried ouer long in those parts, Oswie impatient of delaie preferred Ceadda or Chad to that roome, who held it three yeares, which being expired Wilfred recouered his roome, and held it as he might, vntill it was seuered in two, to wit, Yorke, Hagulstade, or Lindesfarne, where Eata was placed, at which time also Egfride was made bishop of Lincolne or Lindsie in that part of Mercia which he had goten from Woolfhere. Of it selfe it hath now iurisdiction ouer Yorkeshire, Notinghamshire (whose shire towne I meane the new part thereof with the bridge was builded by king Edward the first surnamed the elder before the conquest) and the rest of Lancastershire onelie not subiect to the sée of Chester; and when the pope bare authoritie in this realme, it paid vnto his see 1000 ducates, beside 5000 for the pall of the new elect, which was more than he could well spare of late, considering the curtailing & diminution of his sée, thorough the erection of a new metropolitane in Scotland, but in my time it yéeldeth 1609 pounds ninetéene shillings two pence to hir maiestie, whom God long preserue vnto vs to his glorie, hir comfort, and our welfares.

York. The Diocese of York was restored around the year 625, which had been left desolate and neglected after the arrival of the Saxons. At that time, Iustus, the Archbishop of Canterbury, appointed Paulinus as the first bishop there during the reign of Gadwijn, king of Northumberland. Paulinus served for six years before he was driven away, and after his departure, that seat remained vacant for a long time, allowing Lindesfarne to gain importance, which continued until the days of Oswie of Northumberland, who sent Wilfred the priest to France to be consecrated as Archbishop of York. However, while he stayed there too long, Oswie, impatient with the delay, chose Ceadda or Chad for that position, and he held it for three years. After that, Wilfred regained his position and held it as best he could until it was divided into two, namely York and Hagulstade, or Lindesfarne, where Eata was appointed. At that time, Egfride was also made bishop of Lincoln or Lindsie in that part of Mercia that he had received from Woolfhere. Currently, it has jurisdiction over Yorkshire, Nottinghamshire (referring to the new part of which the bridge was built by King Edward the First, known as the Elder, before the Conquest), and the rest of Lancashire, which is not subject to the see of Chester. When the Pope held authority in this realm, it paid 1,000 ducats to his see, in addition to 5,000 for the pall of the new elect, which was more than he could spare recently due to the reduction and diminishment of his see, caused by the establishment of a new metropolitan in Scotland. However, in my time, it yields £1,609 and 19 shillings and 2 pence to Her Majesty, whom God preserve for us for His glory, her comfort, and our welfare.

Chester. Chester vpon Dee, otherwise called Westchester, hath vnder hir iurisdiction in causes ecclesiasticall, Chestershire, Darbishire, the most part of Lancastershire (to wit vnto the Ribell) Richmond and a part of Flint and Denbigh shires in Wales, was made a bishoprike by king H. 8. anno regni 33. Iulij 16, and so hath continued since that time, being valued 420 pounds by the yeare beside od twentie pence (a streict reckoning) as the record declareth.

Chester. Chester upon Dee, also known as Westchester, has under its jurisdiction in church matters, Cheshire, Derbyshire, most of Lancashire (specifically up to the Ribble), Richmond, and parts of Flint and Denbigh shires in Wales. It was established as a bishopric by King Henry VIII on July 16 in the 33rd year of his reign and has remained so ever since, being valued at £420 a year plus around 20 pence (a strict calculation), as the records indicate.

Durham. Durham hath the countie of Durham and Northumberland with the Dales onelie vnder hir iurisdiction, and hereof the bishops haue sometimes béene earles palantines & ruled the rost vnder the name of the bishoprike and succession of S. Cuthbert. It was a sée (in mine opinion) more profitable of late vnto hir maiesties coffers by 221 pounds [Page 245] eighteene shillings ten pence farthing, and yet of lesse countenance than hir prouinciall, neuertheles the sunneshine thereof (as I heare) is now somewhat eclipsed and not likelie to recouer the light, for this is not a time wherein the church may looke to increase in hir estate. I heare also that some other flitches haue forgone the like collops, but let such matters be scanned by men of more discretion. Capgraue saith how that the first bishop of this sée was called bishop of Lindseie (or Lincolne) & that Ceadda laie in Liechfield of the Mercians in a mansion house néere the church. But this is more worthie to be remembred, that Cuthred of the Northumbers, and Alfred of the West-saxons bestowed all the land betwéene the These & the Tine now called the bishoprike vpon S. Cuthbert, beside whatsoeuer belonged to the see of Hagulstade. Edgar of Scotland also in the time of the Bastard gaue Coldingham and Berwike withall their appurtenances to that house; but whether these donations be extant or no as yet I cannot tell. Yet I thinke not but that Leland had a sight of them, from whome I had this ground. But whatsoeuer this bishoprike be now, in externall & outward apparance, sure it is that it paid in old time 9000 ducates at euerie alienation to Rome, as the record expresseth. Aidan a Scot or Irishman was the first bishop of this sée, who held himselfe (as did manie of his successors) at Colchester and in Lindesfarne Ile, till one came that remooued it to Durham. And now iudge you whether the allegation of Capgraue be of anie accompt or not.

Durham. Durham has the county of Durham and Northumberland along with the Dales under its jurisdiction, and bishops have sometimes been earls palatine, governing the region as part of the bishopric and the succession of St. Cuthbert. I believe it has been more profitable for Her Majesty's coffers recently by £221 18 shillings 10 pence farthing, yet it holds less significance than its provincial counterpart. However, I hear that its shine is now somewhat dimmed and unlikely to regain its brightness, as this is not a time when the church can expect to grow in wealth. I also hear that some other assets have missed out on similar opportunities, but let such matters be assessed by more discerning individuals. Capgrave states that the first bishop of this see was referred to as the bishop of Lindsey (or Lincoln) and that Ceadda stayed in Lichfield of the Mercians in a house near the church. But it's more important to remember that Cuthred of the Northumbrians and Alfred of the West Saxons granted all the land between the Tees and the Tyne, now known as the bishopric, to St. Cuthbert, along with whatever belonged to the see of Hagulstade. Edgar of Scotland, during the time of the Bastard, also gave Coldingham and Berwick along with all their appurtenances to that house; but whether these grants still exist, I cannot say. However, I believe Leland might have seen them, from whom I got this information. Whatever the current state of this bishopric is, in terms of external appearance, it is clear that it once paid 9000 ducats at every alienation to Rome, as the record states. Aidan, a Scot or Irishman, was the first bishop of this see, who maintained himself (as many of his successors did) at Colchester and in Lindisfarne Isle until someone moved it to Durham. Now, you can judge whether Capgrave's claims hold any weight or not.

Caerleill. Caerleill was erected 1132 by Henrie the first, and hereof one Ethelwoolfe confessor to Osmond bishop of Sarum was made the first bishop, hauing Cumberland & Westmerland assigned to his share; of the deaneries and number of parish churches conteined in the same as yet I haue no knowledge, more than of manie other. Howbeit hereof I am sure, that notwithstanding the present valuation be risen to 531 pounds foureteene shillings eleuen pence halfe penie, the pope receiued out of it but 1000 florens, and might haue spared much more, as an aduersarie thereto confessed sometime euen before the pope himselfe, supposing no lesse than to haue gained by his tale, and so peraduenture should haue doone, if his platforme had taken place. But as wise men oft espie the practises of flatteries, so the pope saw to what end this profitable speach was vttered. As touching Caerleill it selfe it was sometime sacked by the Danes, and eftsoones repared by William Rufus, & planted with a colonie of southerne men. I suppose that in old time it was called Cairdoill. For in an ancient booke which I haue séene, and yet haue, intituled, Liber formularum literarum curiæ Romanæ, octo capitulorum, episcopatus Cardocensis. And thus much generallie of the names and numbers of our bishoprikes of England, whose tenths in old time yearelie amounting vnto 21111 pounds, twelue shillings one penie halfe penie farthing, of currant monie in those daies, doo euidentlie declare, what store of coine was transported out of the land vnto the papall vses, in that behalfe onelie.

Caernarfon. Caerleill was established in 1132 by Henry I, and Ethelwoolfe, who served as a confessor to Osmond, the Bishop of Sarum, became the first bishop, with Cumberland and Westmorland allocated to him. I don't have details on the deaneries or the number of parish churches included, any more than I do for many others. However, I am certain that despite the current valuation rising to £531, 14 shillings, 11 pence, and half a penny, the pope received only 1000 florins from it and could have taken much more, as an opponent confessed even before the pope himself, thinking he could gain from his remarks, and perhaps would have, had his proposal been accepted. But wise men often see through flattery, and the pope understood the true intention behind this enticing speech. As for Caerleill itself, it was once raided by the Danes, then repaired by William Rufus and settled by a group from the south. I believe it was originally called Cairdoill. In an ancient book I've seen and still possess, titled Liber formularum literarum curiæ Romanæ, of the eight chapters of the bishopric of Cardocensis, it mentions this. And this is a general overview of the names and numbers of our bishoprics in England, whose annual tenths used to amount to £21,111, 12 shillings, 1 penny, half a penny, farthing, in the currency of those days, clearly illustrating how much money was sent out of the country for papal purposes alone.

Certes I take this not to be one quarter of his gaines gotten by England in those daies, for such commodities were raised by his courts holden here, so plentifullie gat he by his perquisits, as elections, procurations, appeales, preuentions, pluralities, tot quots, trialities, tollerations, legitimations, bulles, seales, préests, concubines, eating of flesh and white meats, dispensations for mariages, & times of celebration, Peter pence, and such like faculties, that not so little as 1200000 pounds went yearelie from hence to Rome. And therefore no maruell though he séeke much in these daies to reduce vs to his obedience. But what are the tenths of England (you will saie) in comparison of all those of Europe. For notwithstanding that manie good bishoprikes latelie erected be left out of his old bookes of record, which I also haue séene, yet I find neuertheles that the whole sum of them amounted to not aboue 61521 pounds as monie went 200 yeares before my time, of which portion poore saint Peter did neuer heare, of so much as one graie grote. Marke therfore I praie you whether England were not fullie answerable to a third part of the rest of his tenths ouer all Europe, and therevpon tell me whether our Iland was one of the best paire of bellowes or not, that blue the fire in his kitchen, wherewith to make his pot seeth, beside all other commodities.

Surely, I don't see this as even a quarter of his earnings from England back in those days, as such commodities were generated by his courts held here. He gained a considerable amount from his perks, like elections, procurations, appeals, preventions, pluralities, tot quots, trialities, tolerations, legitimations, bulls, seals, priests, concubines, the eating of flesh and white meats, dispensations for marriages, and times of celebration, Peter’s pence, and similar authorities. As a result, not less than 1,200,000 pounds left here for Rome every year. So, it’s no wonder he seeks to bring us back under his control these days. But what are the tenths of England, you might ask, in comparison to all those from Europe? Even though many good bishoprics recently established are missing from his old records, which I have also seen, I nonetheless find that the total amount of them was only about 61,521 pounds as money stood 200 years before my time, of which poor Saint Peter never received even a single gray groat. So please, consider whether England was not more than capable of making up a third of the rest of his tenths across all of Europe, and then tell me whether our island wasn’t one of the best bellows feeding the fire in his kitchen used to cook his pot, alongside all those other commodities.

[Page 246]

[Page 246]

Man. Beside all these, we haue another bishoprike yet in England almost slipped out of my remembrance, because it is verie obscure, for that the bishop thereof hath not wherewith to mainteine his countenance sufficientlie, and that is the see of Mona or Man, somtime named Episcopatus Sodorensis, whereof one Wimundus was ordeined the first bishop, and Iohn the second, in the troublesome time of king Stephan. The gift of this prelacie resteth in the earles of Darbie, who nominate such a one from time to time therto as to them dooth séeme conuenient. Howbeit if that sée did know and might reape hir owne commodities, and discerne them from other mens possessions (for it is supposed that the mother hath deuoured the daughter) I doubt not but the state of hir bishop would quicklie be amended. Hauing therefore called this later sée after this maner vnto mind, I suppose that I haue sufficientlie discharged my dutie concerning the state of our bishoprike, and maner how the ecclesiasticall iurisdiction of the church of England is diuided among the shires and counties of this realme. Whose bishops as they haue béene heretofore of lesse learning, and yet of greater port & dooings in the common-wealth, than at this present, so are they now for the most part the best learned that are to be found in anie countrie of Europe, sith neither high parentage, nor great riches (as in other countries) but onelie learning and vertue, commended somewhat by fréendship, doo bring them to this honour.

Guy. Along with all this, there's another bishopric in England that I almost forgot about because it's quite obscure. The bishop there doesn't have enough resources to maintain his position well, and that's the see of Mona or Man, sometimes called the Episcopal See of Sodor. The first bishop was a man named Wimundus, and the second was John, during the troubled times of King Stephen. The right to appoint this bishopric lies with the earls of Derby, who choose someone they think is suitable for the role from time to time. However, if this see could recognize and benefit from its own resources and distinguish them from others' possessions (since it's said that the mother has consumed the daughter), I have no doubt that the status of its bishop would quickly improve. Having called this later see to mind in this way, I believe I've sufficiently fulfilled my duty regarding the state of our bishopric and how the church's ecclesiastical jurisdiction in England is divided among the counties and shires of this realm. The bishops, who were once less educated but held greater status and influence in public affairs than they do now, are currently, for the most part, the most learned found in any part of Europe, since neither noble lineage nor wealth (as in other countries) but only learning and virtue, somewhat aided by friendship, leads them to this honor.

I might here haue spoken more at large of diuerse other bishopriks, sometime in this part of the Iland, as of that of Caerlheon tofore ouerthrowen by Edelfred in the behalfe of Augustine the moonke (as Malmesburie saith) where Dubritius gouerned, which was afterward translated to S. Dauids, and taken for an archbishoprike: secondlie of the bishoprike of Leircester called Legerensis, whose fourth bishop (Vnwon) went to Rome with Offa king of Mercia: thirdlie of Ramsbirie Gloucester's verie ancient bishoprike. or Wiltun, and of Glocester (of which you shall read in Matth. Westm. 489) where the bishop was called Eldad: also of Hagulstade, one of the members whereinto the see of Yorke was diuided after the expulsion of Wilfrid. For (as I read) when Egfrid the king had driuen him awaie, he diuided his see into two parts, making Bosa ouer the Deiranes that held his sée at Hagulstade, or Lindfarne: and Eatta ouer the Bernicians, who sate at Yorke: and thereto placing Edhedus ouer Lindseie (as is afore noted) whose successors were Ethelwine, Edgar, and Kinibert, notwithstanding that one Sexulfus was ouer Lindseie before Edhedus, who was bishop of the Mercians and middle England, till he was banished from Lindseie, and came into those quarters to séeke his refuge and succour.

I could have elaborated more on several other bishoprics that once existed in this part of the island, like Caerlheon, which was destroyed by Edelfred on behalf of Augustine the monk (as Malmesbury states) where Dubritius governed, and was later moved to St. David's and recognized as an archbishopric. Then there's the bishopric of Leicester, known as Legerensis, whose fourth bishop, Unwon, went to Rome with Offa, king of Mercia. Next, there's Ramsbury, Gloucester's historic bishopric. or Wilton, and Gloucester (as you can read in Matth. Westm. 489), where the bishop was called Eldad; and also Hagulstade, one of the divisions into which the see of York was split after Wilfrid's expulsion. According to what I've read, when King Egfrid drove him away, he divided his see into two parts, making Bosa oversee the Deiranes and hold his see at Hagulstade or Lindisfarne, while Eatta oversaw the Bernicians, who sat at York. Additionally, Edhedus was placed over Lindsey (as noted earlier), whose successors were Ethelwine, Edgar, and Kinibert, though there was a Sexulfus who oversaw Lindsey before Edhedus, who was bishop of the Mercians and middle England until he was banished from Lindsey and came to these areas seeking refuge and support.

I could likewise intreat of the bishops of Whiteherne, or Ad Candidam Casam, an house with the countrie wherein it stood belonging to the prouince of Northumberland, but now a parcell of Scotland; also of the erection of the late sée at Westminster by Henrie the eight. But as the one so the other is ceased, and the lands of this later either so diuided or exchanged for worse tenures, that except a man should sée it with his eies, & point out with his finger where euerie parcell of them is bestowed, but a few men would beléeue what is become of the same. I might likewise and with like ease also haue added the successors of the bishops of euerie sée to this discourse of their cathedrall churches and places of abode, but it would haue extended this treatise to an vnprofitable length. Neuerthelesse I will remember the fame of London my natiue citie, after I haue added one word more of the house called Ad Candidam Casam, in English Whiteherne, which taketh denomination of the white stone wherwith it was builded, and was séene far off as standing vpon an hill to such as did behold it.

I could also talk about the bishops of Whiteherne, or Ad Candidam Casam, a house in the area that used to belong to the province of Northumberland, but is now part of Scotland; as well as the establishment of the recent see at Westminster by Henry the Eighth. But just like the former, the latter has also faded, and the lands associated with it have either been divided or exchanged for lesser holdings, so that unless someone were to see it with their own eyes and point out where each part is located, very few would believe what has happened to them. I could easily have included the successors of the bishops of every see in this discussion about their cathedrals and residences, but that would have made this writing unnecessarily lengthy. Nevertheless, I will mention the legacy of London, my hometown, after I add one more note about the house known as Ad Candidam Casam, or Whiteherne in English, which takes its name from the white stone it was built with, and could be seen from a distance, standing on a hill to anyone who looked at it.

[Page 247]

[Page 247]

THE NAMES AND SUCCESSIONS OF SO MANIE ARCHBISHOPS AND BISHOPS OF LONDON,
AS ARE EXTANT, AND TO BE HAD, FROM THE FAITH FIRST RECEIUED.

Archbishops.

Theon.
Eluanus.
Cadocus.
Ouinus.
Conanus.
Palladius.
Stephanus.
Iltutus.
Restitutus, who liued 350 of grace.
Tadwinus aliàs Theodwinus, some
doo write him Tacwinus & Tatwinus.
Tidredus aliàs Theodred.
Hilarius.
Fastidius liued Anno Dom. 430.
Vodinus, slaine by the Saxons.
Theonus.

Theon.
Eluanus.
Cadocus.
Ouinus.
Conanus.
Palladius.
Stephanus.
Iltutus.
Restitutus, who lived 350 of grace.
Tadwinus, also known as Theodwinus; some write it as Tacwinus and Tatwinus.
Tidredus, also known as Theodred.
Hilarius.
Fastidius lived in the year 430 AD.
Vodinus, killed by the Saxons.
Theonus.

The see void manie yeares.

The sea has seen many years.

Augustine the moonke, sent ouer by Gregorie the great, till he remooued his sée to Canturburie, to the intent he might the sooner flée, if persecution should be raised by the infidels, or heare from, or send more spéedilie vnto Rome, without anie great feare of the interception of his letters.

Augustine the monk, sent over by Gregory the Great, until he moved his see to Canterbury, so he could escape more quickly if persecution arose from the infidels, or hear from, or send more promptly to Rome, without any great fear of his letters being intercepted.

Bishops.

Melitus.

Melitus.

The see void for a season.

The season is dull.

Wina.
Erkenwaldus.
Waldherus.
Ingaldus.
Egulphus.
Wigotus.
Eadbricus.
Edgarus.
Kiniwalchus.
Eadbaldus.
Eadbertus.
Oswinus.
Ethelnothus.
Cedbertus.
Cernulphus.
Suiduiphus
Eadstanus.
Wulffinus.
Ethelwaldus.
Elstanus.
Brithelmus.
Dunstanus.
Tidricus.
Alwijnus.
Elswoldus.
Robertus a Norman.
Wilhelmus a Norman.
Hugo a Norman.

Wina.
Erkenwald.
Walther.
Ingold.
Egulf.
Wigot.
Eadbric.
Edgar.
Kiniwalch.
Eadbald.
Eadbert.
Oswin.
Ethelnoth.
Cedbert.
Cernulf.
Suidulf.
Eadstan.
Wulf.
Ethelwald.
Elstan.
Brithelm.
Dunstan.
Tidric.
Alwin.
Elswold.
Robert the Norman.
William the Norman.
Hugo the Norman.

I read also of a bishop of London called Elsward, or Ailward, who was abbat of Eouesham, and bishop of London at one time, and buried at length in Ramseie, howbeit in what order of succession he liued I can not tell, more than of diuerse other aboue remembred, but in this order doo I find them.

I also read about a bishop of London named Elsward, or Ailward, who was the abbot of Evesham and served as bishop of London at the same time, and he was eventually buried in Ramsey. However, I can't say in what order he lived compared to the various others mentioned above, but this is the order I found them in.

The see void twelue yeares.

The sea is empty for twelve years.

  1  Mauricius.
  2  Richardus Beaumis.
  3  Gilbertus vniuersalis a notable man for thrée
     things, auarice, riches, and learning.
  4  Robertus de Sigillo.
  5  Richardus Beaumis.
  6  Gilbertus Folioth.
  7  Richardus.
  8  Wilhelmus de sancta Maria.
  9  Eustathius Falconberg.
10  Rogerus Niger.
11  Fulco Bascet.
[Page 248] 12  Henricus Wingham.
Richardus Talbot electus.
15  Richard. Grauesend.
16  Radulfus Gandacensis.
17  Gilbertus Segraue.
18  Richardus de Newport.
19  Stephanus Grauesend.
20  Richard. Bintworth.
21  Radulfus Baldoc who made the tables
     hanging in the vesterie of Paules.
22  Michael.
23  Simon.
24  Robertus.
25  Thomas.
26  Richardus.
27  Thomas Sauagius.
28  Wilhelmus.
29  Wilhelm. Warham.
30  Wihelmus Barnes.
31  Cuthbertus Tunstall.
32  Iohannes Stokesleie.
33  Richardus fitz Iames.
34  Edmundus Boner, remooued, imprisoned.
35  Nicholas Ridleie remooued and burned.
Edm. Boner, restored, remooued, & imprisoned.
36  Edmundus Grindall.
37  Edwinus Sandes.
38  Iohannes Elmer.

1 Mauricius.
2 Richard Beaumis.
3 Gilbert Universal, known for three things: greed, wealth, and knowledge.
4 Robert de Sigillo.
5 Richard Beaumis.
6 Gilbert Folioth.
7 Richard.
8 William of St. Mary.
9 Eustathius Falconberg.
10 Roger Niger.
11 Fulco Bascet.
[Page 248] 12 Henry Wingham.
Richard Talbot elected.
15 Richard Gravesend.
16 Ralph Gandacen.
17 Gilbert Segraue.
18 Richard of Newport.
19 Stephen Gravesend.
20 Richard Bintworth.
21 Ralph Baldoc, who made the tables hanging in the vestry of Paul's.
22 Michael.
23 Simon.
24 Robert.
25 Thomas.
26 Richard.
27 Thomas Sauagius.
28 William.
29 Wilhelm Warham.
30 William Barnes.
31 Cuthbert Tunstall.
32 John Stokesley.
33 Richard Fitz James.
34 Edmund Bonner, removed, imprisoned.
35 Nicholas Ridley removed and burned.
Edm. Bonner, restored, removed, & imprisoned.
36 Edmund Grindal.
37 Edwin Sandes.
38 John Elmer.

Hauing gotten and set downe thus much of the bishops, I will deliuer in like sort the names of the deanes, vntill I come to the time of mine old master now liuing in this present yeare 1586, who is none of the least ornaments that haue béene in that seat.

Noted and compiled this information about the bishops, I will similarly provide the names of the deans until I reach the time of my old master who is still alive this year, 1586, and who is one of the most notable figures to have held that position.

Deanes.

  1  Wulmannus, who made a distribution of the psalmes
      conteined in the whole psalter, and appointed the
      same dailie to be read amongst the prebendaries.
  2  Radulfus de Diceto, whose noble historie
      is yet extant in their librarie.
  3  Alardus Bucham.
  4  Robertus Watford.
  5  Martinus Patteshull.
  6  Hugo de Marinis.
  7  Radulfus Langfort.
  8  Galfridus de Berie.
  9  Wilhelmus Stāman.
10  Henricus Cornell.
11  Walterus de Salerne.
12  Robertus Barton.
13  Petrus de Newport.
14  Richardus Talbot.
15  Galfredus de Fering.
16  Iohannes Chishull.
17  Herueus de Boreham.
18  Thomas Eglesthorpe.
19  Rogerus de Lalleie.
20  Wilhelmus de Montfort.
21  Radulfus de Baldoc postea episcopus.
22  Alanus de Cantilup postea cardinalis.
Iohan. Sandulfe electus.
Richardus de Newport electus.
23  Magister Vitalis.
24  Iohannes Euerisdon.
25  Wilhelmus Brewer.
26  Richardus Kilmingdon.
27  Thomas Trullocke.
28  Iohannes Appulbie.
29  Thomas Euer.
30  Thomas Stow.
31  Thomas More.
32  Reginaldus Kenton.
33  Thomas Lisieux aliàs Leseux.
34  Leonardus de Bath.
35  Wilhelmus Saie.
36  Rogerus Ratcliffe.
37  Thom. Winterburne.
38  Wilhelmus Wolseie.
39  Robert Sherebroke.
40  Iohānes Collet, founder of Paules schoole.
Richardus Paceus.
Richardus Sampson.
Iohannes Incent.
Wilhelmus Maius resignauit.
Iohannes Fakenham aliàs Howman resignauit.
Henricus Colus, remooued, imprisoned.
Wilhelmus Maius, restored.
Alexander Nouellus.

1 Wulmannus, who organized the distribution of the psalms
contained in the entire psalter, and arranged for the
same to be read daily among the prebendaries.
2 Radulfus de Diceto, whose remarkable history
is still available in their library.
3 Alardus Bucham.
4 Robertus Watford.
5 Martinus Patteshull.
6 Hugo de Marinis.
7 Radulfus Langfort.
8 Galfridus de Berie.
9 Wilhelmus Stāman.
10 Henricus Cornell.
11 Walterus de Salerne.
12 Robertus Barton.
13 Petrus de Newport.
14 Richardus Talbot.
15 Galfredus de Fering.
16 Iohannes Chishull.
17 Herueus de Boreham.
18 Thomas Eglesthorpe.
19 Rogerus de Lalleie.
20 Wilhelmus de Montfort.
21 Radulfus de Baldoc later became bishop.
22 Alanus de Cantilup later became a cardinal.
Iohan. Sandulfe elected.
Richardus de Newport elected.
23 Magister Vitalis.
24 Iohannes Euerisdon.
25 Wilhelmus Brewer.
26 Richardus Kilmingdon.
27 Thomas Trullocke.
28 Iohannes Appulbie.
29 Thomas Euer.
30 Thomas Stow.
31 Thomas More.
32 Reginaldus Kenton.
33 Thomas Lisieux otherwise known as Leseux.
34 Leonardus de Bath.
35 Wilhelmus Saie.
36 Rogerus Ratcliffe.
37 Thom. Winterburne.
38 Wilhelmus Wolseie.
39 Robert Sherebroke.
40 Iohānes Collet, founder of Paul’s school.
Richardus Paceus.
Richardus Sampson.
Iohannes Incent.
Wilhelmus Maius resigned.
Iohannes Fakenham also known as Howman resigned.
Henricus Colus, removed, imprisoned.
Wilhelmus Maius, restored.
Alexander Nouellus.

And thus much of the archbishops, bishops, and deanes of that honorable sée. I call it honorable, because it hath had a succession for the most part of learned and wise men, albeit that otherwise it be the most troublesome seat in England, not onelie for that it is néere vnto checke, [Page 249] but also the prelats thereof are much troubled with sutors, and no lesse subiect to the reproches of the common sort, whose mouthes are alwaies wide open vnto reprehension, and eies readie to espie anie thing that they may reprooue and carpe at. I would haue doone so much for euerie see in England, if I had not had consideration of the greatnesse of the volume, and small benefit rising by the same, vnto the commoditie of the readers: neuerthelesse I haue reserued them vnto the publication of my great chronologie, if (while I liue) it happen to come abrode.

And so much about the archbishops, bishops, and deans of that honorable see. I call it honorable because it has mostly been led by learned and wise individuals, even though it is the most troublesome position in England, not only because it is close to controversy, [Page 249] but also because its leaders are often troubled by petitioners and are no less subject to the criticism of the common people, whose mouths are always ready to complain and whose eyes are quick to notice anything they can disapprove of or nitpick. I would have done the same for every see in England if I hadn’t considered the size of the volume and the minimal benefit it would provide to readers. Nevertheless, I have set them aside for the publication of my great chronicle if it happens to be released while I’m still alive.

OF VNIUERSITIES.
CHAP. III.

Manie vniuersities somtime in England. There haue béene heretofore, and at sundrie times, diuerse famous vniuersities in this Iland, and those euen in my daies not altogither forgotten, as one at Bangor, erected by Lucius, and afterward conuerted into a monasterie, not by Congellus (as some write) but by Pelagius the monke. The second at Carlheon vpon Vske, neere to the place where the riuer dooth fall into the Seuerne, founded by king Arthur. The third at Theodford, wherein were 600 students, in the time of one Rond sometime king of that region. The fourth at Stanford, suppressed by Augustine the monke, and likewise other in other places, as Salisburie, Eridon or Criclade, Lachlade, Reading, and Northampton; albeit that the two last rehearsed were not authorised, but onelie arose to that name by the departure of the students from Oxford in time of ciuill dissention vnto the said townes, where also they continued but for a little season. When that of Salisburie began, I can not tell; but that it flourished most vnder Henrie the third, and Edward the first, I find good testimonie by the writers, as also by the discord which fell 1278, betwéene the chancellor for the scholers there on the one part, and William the archdeacon on the other, whereof you shall sée more in the chronologie Thrée vniuersities in England. here following. In my time there are thrée noble vniuersities in England, to wit, one at Oxford, the second at Cambridge, and the third in London; of which, the first two are the most famous, I meane Cambridge and Oxford, for that in them the vse of the toongs, philosophie, and the liberall sciences, besides the profound studies of the ciuill law, physicke, and theologie, are dailie taught and had: whereas in the later, the laws of the realme are onelie read and learned, by such as giue their minds vnto the knowledge of the same. In the first there are not onelie diuerse goodlie houses builded foure square for the most part of hard fréestone or bricke, with great numbers of lodgings and chambers in the same for students, after a sumptuous sort, through the excéeding liberalitie of kings, quéenes, bishops, noblemen and ladies of the land: but also large liuings and great reuenues bestowed vpon them (the like whereof is not to be séene in anie other region, as Peter Martyr did oft affirme) to the maintenance onelie of such conuenient numbers of poore mens sonnes as the seuerall stipends bestowed vpon the said houses are able to support.

Many universities once in England. There have been various well-known universities on this island at different times, and even in my day, they are not entirely forgotten, such as one at Bangor, established by Lucius and later turned into a monastery, not by Congellus (as some claim) but by Pelagius the monk. The second was at Caerleon on Usk, near where the river flows into the Severn, founded by King Arthur. The third was at Thetford, which had 600 students during the reign of one Rond, a former king of that area. The fourth was at Stamford, shut down by Augustine the monk, along with others in various places like Salisbury, Ersdon or Cricklade, Lichfield, Reading, and Northampton; although the latter two mentioned were not officially recognized but gained that name when students left Oxford during a civil dispute and moved to those towns, where they also stayed only for a short time. I cannot say when Salisbury began, but it thrived especially under Henry III and Edward I, as corroborated by various writers, including the conflict that occurred in 1278 between the chancellor for the students there and William the archdeacon, which you will see more about in the chronology that follows. Three universities in the UK. In my time, there are three notable universities in England: one in Oxford, the second in Cambridge, and the third in London; among these, the first two are the most renowned—Cambridge and Oxford—because they teach the use of languages, philosophy, and the liberal arts, as well as extensive studies in civil law, medicine, and theology on a daily basis. In contrast, the latter focuses solely on studying the laws of the realm, aimed at those interested in gaining that knowledge. In the first two, there are not only various beautiful buildings, mostly square and made of solid stone or brick, with many lodgings and rooms for students, designed lavishly due to the exceptional generosity of kings, queens, bishops, nobles, and ladies of the land; but also large endowments and significant revenues given to them (which can’t be seen in any other region, as Peter Martyr frequently asserted) to support a suitable number of poor men's sons that the various endowments for those institutions are able to sustain.

When the vniuersities were builded vncerteine. When these two schooles should be first builded, & who were their originall founders, as yet it is vncerteine: neuerthelesse, as there is great likelihood that Cambridge was begun by one Cantaber a Spaniard (as I haue noted in my chronologie) so Alfred is said to be the first beginner of the vniuersitie at Oxford, albeit that I cannot warrant the same to be so yong, sith I find by good authoritie, that Iohn of Beuerleie studied in the vniuersitie hall at Oxford, which was long before Alfred was either borne or gotten. Some are of the opinion that Cantabrigia was not so called of Cantaber, but Cair Grant of the finisher of the worke, or at the leastwise of the riuer that runneth by the same, and afterward by the Saxons Grantcester. An other sort affirme that the riuer is better written Canta than Granta, &c: but whie then is not the towne called Canta, Cantium, or Cantodunum, according to the same? All this is said onlie (as I thinke) to deface the memorie of Cantaber, who comming from the Brigants, or out of Biscaie, called the [Page 250] said towne after his owne and the name of the region from whence he came. Neither hath it béene a rare thing for the Spaniards heretofore to come first into Ireland, and from thense ouer into England, sith the chronologie shall declare that it hath béene often seene, and that out of Britaine, they haue gotten ouer also into Scithia, and contrariwise: coasting still through Yorkeshire, which of them also was called Brigantium, as by good testimonie appeareth.

The timing of when the universities were established is unclear. It's still unclear when these two schools were first established and who their original founders were. However, there's a strong possibility that Cambridge was started by a Spaniard named Cantaber (as I noted in my timeline). Alfred is said to be the first founder of the university at Oxford, although I can't confirm that it is that old, since I have reliable sources indicating that John of Beverley studied in the university hall at Oxford long before Alfred was born. Some believe that Cantabrigia wasn't named after Cantaber but was instead named after Cair Grant, meaning "the finishers of the work," or at the very least after the river that runs by it, which was later known as Grantcester by the Saxons. Others assert that the river is better referred to as Canta rather than Granta, etc. But if that's the case, why isn't the town called Canta, Cantium, or Cantodunum instead? I think all this just aims to diminish the memory of Cantaber, who, coming from the Brigantes or from Biscay, named the town after himself and the region he came from. It hasn't been uncommon for Spaniards to first come to Ireland and then cross over to England, as the timeline shows this happening many times, and from Britain, they have also reached Scythia, and vice versa; continually moving through Yorkshire, which was also called Brigantium, as reliable evidence shows.

Oxford fiftie miles from London. Of these two, that of Oxford (which lieth west and by north from London) standeth most pleasantlie, being inuironed in maner round about with woods on the hilles aloft, and goodlie riuers in the bottoms and vallies beneath, whose courses would bréed no small commoditie to that citie and countrie about, if such impediments were remooued as greatlie annoie the same, and hinder the cariage which might be made thither also from London.

Oxford is fifty miles from London. Of these two, Oxford (which lies to the west and slightly north of London) is the most pleasantly situated, surrounded almost entirely by woods on the high hills and beautiful rivers in the lowlands and valleys below. The rivers could provide significant benefits to the city and the surrounding area if the obstacles that greatly annoy them and hinder transport from London were removed.

Cambridge six and fortie miles from London. That of Cambridge is distant from London about fortie and six miles north and by east, and standeth verie well, sauing that it is somewhat néere vnto the fens, whereby the wholesomenesse of the aire there is not a little corrupted. It is excellentlie well serued with all kinds of prouision, but especiallie of freshwater fish and wildfoule, by reason of the riuer that passeth thereby; and thereto the Ile of Elie, which is so néere at hand. Onlie wood is the chéefe want to such as studie there, wherefore this kind of prouision is brought them either from Essex, and other places thereabouts, as is also their cole; or otherwise the necessitie thereof is supplied with gall (a bastard kind of Mirtus as I take it) and seacole, whereof they haue great plentie led thither by the Grant. Moreouer it hath not such store of medow ground as may suffice for the ordinarie expenses of the towne and vniuersitie, wherefore the inhabitants are inforced in like sort to prouide their haie from other villages about, which minister the same vnto them in verie great aboundance.

Cambridge is sixty miles from London. Cambridge is about forty-six miles north and a bit east of London. It’s situated quite nicely, though it’s somewhat close to the fens, which means the air quality there is not the best. The city is really well supplied with all kinds of food, especially freshwater fish and wildfowl, thanks to the river nearby and the proximity to the Isle of Ely. The main thing that’s lacking for the students there is wood, so this supply mainly comes from Essex and other nearby areas, just like their coal. If not, they have to make do with gall (which I think is a type of myrtle) and sea coal, of which they have plenty brought in by the Grant River. Additionally, there isn’t enough meadowland to meet the usual needs of the town and university, so the residents have to get their hay from other villages nearby that supply it in large quantities.

Longitude & latitude of both. Oxford is supposed to conteine in longitude eightéene degrees and eight and twentie minuts, and in latitude one and fiftie degrées and fiftie minuts; whereas that of Cambridge standing more northerlie, hath twentie degrees and twentie minuts in longitude, and therevnto fiftie and two degrées and fifteene minuts in latitude, as by exact supputation is easie to be found.

Longitude and latitude of both. Oxford is said to be at a longitude of eighteen degrees and twenty-eight minutes, and a latitude of fifty-one degrees and fifty minutes; while Cambridge, located further north, has a longitude of twenty degrees and twenty minutes, and a latitude of fifty-two degrees and fifteen minutes, which can be easily calculated with precise measurement.

The colleges of Oxford, for curious workemanship and priuat commodities, are much more statelie, magnificent, & commodious than those of Cambridge: and therevnto the stréets of the towne for the most part more large and comelie. But for vniformitie of building, orderlie compaction, Cambridge burned not long since. and politike regiment, the towne of Cambridge, as the newer workmanship, excéedeth that of Oxford (which otherwise is and hath béene the greater of the two) by manie a fold (as I gesse) although I know diuerse that are of the contrarie opinion. This also is certeine, that whatsoeuer the difference be in building of the towne stréets, the townesmen of both are glad when they may match and annoie the students, by incroching vpon their liberties, and kéepe them bare by extreame sale of their wares, whereby manie of them become rich for a time, but afterward fall againe into pouertie, bicause that goods euill gotten doo seldome long indure.

The colleges at Oxford, with their impressive craftsmanship and private benefits, are much more grand, magnificent, and spacious than those at Cambridge. Additionally, the streets in Oxford are generally broader and more attractive. However, in terms of uniformity of architecture, organized layout, and governance, the town of Cambridge, being the newer construction, surpasses Oxford (which has historically been the larger of the two) by many measures, I believe, although I know several people who hold the opposite view. What’s also certain is that regardless of the differences in the town's street designs, the townsfolk from both places are always eager to compete with and annoy the students by encroaching on their freedoms and keeping them strapped for cash through exorbitant prices for goods. Many of them get rich for a time, but eventually fall back into poverty because wealth gained through dishonest means rarely lasts.

Castels also they haue both, and in my iudgement is hard to be said, whether of them would be the stronger, if ech were accordinglie repared: howbeit that of Cambridge is the higher, both for maner of building and situation of ground, sith Oxford castell standeth low and is not so apparant to our sight. That of Cambridge was builded (as they saie) by Gurguintus, sometime king of Britaine, but the other by the lord Robert de Oilie, a noble man which came in with the conqueror, whose wife Editha, a woman giuen to no lesse superstition than credulitie, began also the abbeie of Oseneie neere vnto the same, vpon a fond (but yet a rare) occasion, which we will héere remember, though it be beside my purpose, to the end that the reader may see how readie the simple people of that time were to be abused by the practise of the cleargie. It happened on a time as this ladie walked about the fields, néere vnto the aforesaid castell, to recreate hir selfe with certeine of hir maidens, that a number of pies sat chattering vpon the elmes, which had beene planted in the hedgerowes, and in fine so troubled hir with their noise, that she wished them all further off, or else hir selfe at home againe, and this happened diuerse times. In the end being wearie of hir walke, [Page 251] she demanded of hir chapleine the cause wherefore these pies did so molest & vexe hir. Oh madam (saith he) the wiliest pie of all, these are no pies but soules in purgatorie that craue reléefe. And is it so in déed quoth she? Now De pardieux, if old Robert will giue me leaue, I will doo what I can to bring these soules to rest. Herevpon she consulted, craued, wept, and became so importunate with hir husband, that he ioined with hir, and they both began that synagog 1120, which afterward prooued to be a notable den. In that church also lieth this ladie buried with hir image, hauing an heart in hir hand couched vpon the same, in the habit of a vowesse, and yet to be séene, except the weather haue worne out the memoriall. But to procéed with my purpose.

Castles are present at both locations, and I find it hard to determine which one would be stronger if each were properly fortified. However, the Cambridge castle is taller, both in terms of architecture and location, since the Oxford castle sits lower and is less visible. The Cambridge castle was built (or so they say) by Gurguintus, who was once king of Britain, while the other one was constructed by Lord Robert de Oilie, a nobleman who came with the conqueror. His wife, Editha, a woman who was as superstitious as she was gullible, also started the abbey of Osney nearby for a silly (but still unusual) reason, which I’ll mention here, even though it’s not entirely relevant, so that readers can see how easily the simple people of that time were misled by the actions of the clergy. One day, as this lady was walking in the fields near the castle with some of her maids to relax, a bunch of magpies perched on the elms planted in the hedgerows began chattering loudly, and their noise annoyed her so much that she wished they would either go further away or that she could return home. This happened several times. Eventually, tired of her walk, [Page 251] she asked her chaplain why the magpies troubled her so. “Oh madam,” he said, “the cleverest magpie of all, these aren’t ordinary magpies but souls in purgatory asking for help.” “Is that true?” she replied. “Well, if old Robert allows me, I’ll do what I can to help these souls find peace.” Following that, she sought counsel, prayed, cried, and became so insistent with her husband that he joined her, and they both established that sanctuary, which later turned out to be a significant place. In that church, this lady is buried, along with her image, holding a heart in her hand and dressed as a vowess, still visible unless the weather has worn away the memorial. But to continue with my point.

In each of these vniuersities also is likewise a church dedicated to the virgin Marie, wherein once in the yeare, to wit, in Iulie, the scholers are holden, and in which such as haue béene called to anie degrée in the yeare precedent, doo there receiue the accomplishment of the same, in solemne and sumptuous maner. In Oxford this solemnitie is called an Act, but in Cambridge they vse the French word Commensement; and such resort is made yearelie vnto the same from all parts of the land, by the fréends of those which doo procéed, that all the towne is hardlie able to receiue and lodge those gests. When and by whome the churches aforesaid were builded, I haue elsewhere made relation. That of Oxford also was repared in the time of Edward the fourth, and Henrie the seuenth, when doctor Fitz Iames a great helper in that worke was warden of Merton college, but yer long after it was finished, one tempest in a night so defaced the same, that it left few pinacles standing about the church and stéeple, which since that time haue neuer béene repared. There were sometime foure and twentie parish churches in the towne and suburbes, but now there are scarselie sixtéene. There haue béene also 1200 burgesses, of which 400 dwelled in the suburbes, and so manie students were there in the time of Henrie the third, that he allowed them twentie miles compasse about the towne, for their prouision of vittels.

In each of these universities, there’s also a church dedicated to the Virgin Mary, where once a year, specifically in July, the students gather, and those who have been awarded any degree in the previous year receive their honors in a formal and grand manner. In Oxford, this event is called an Act, while in Cambridge, they use the French term Commencement. Each year, friends of those participating come from all over the country, making it challenging for the town to accommodate all the guests. I have detailed elsewhere when and by whom the aforementioned churches were built. The one in Oxford was repaired during the reigns of Edward IV and Henry VII, with Doctor Fitz James, a significant contributor to that effort, serving as the warden of Merton College. However, not long after it was finished, a storm one night severely damaged it, leaving very few pinnacles around the church and steeple standing, which have never been repaired since. There used to be twenty-four parish churches in the town and suburbs, but now there are barely sixteen. At one point, there were also 1,200 burgesses, of which 400 resided in the suburbs, and there were so many students during the time of Henry III that he allowed them a twenty-mile radius around the town to obtain provisions.

The common schooles of Cambridge also are farre more beautifull than those of Oxford, onelie the diuinitie schoole at Oxford excepted, which for fine and excellent workemanship, commeth next the moold of the kings chappell in Cambridge, than the which two with the chappell that king Henrie the seauenth did build at Westminster, there are not (in mine opinion) made of lime & stone thrée more notable piles within the compasse of Europe.

The public schools in Cambridge are much more beautiful than those in Oxford, except for the divinity school at Oxford, which in terms of fine craftsmanship comes next to the King's Chapel in Cambridge. In my opinion, these two, along with the chapel that King Henry the Seventh built at Westminster, are the three most impressive structures made of limestone and stone in all of Europe.

In all other things there is so great equalitie betwéene these two vniuersities, as no man can imagin how to set downe any greater; so that they séeme to be the bodie of one well ordered common wealth, onlie diuided by distance of place, and not in fréendlie consent and orders. In speaking therefore of the one, I can not but describe the other; and in commendation of the first, I can not but extoll the latter; and so much the rather, for that they are both so déere vnto me, as that I can not readilie tell vnto whether of them I owe the most good will. Would to God my knowledge were such, as that neither of them might haue cause to be ashamed of their pupill; or my power so great, that I might woorthilie requite them both for those manifold kindnesses that I haue receiued of them. But to leaue these things, and procéed with other more conuenient for my purpose. The manner to liue in these vniuersities, is not as in some other of forren countries we sée dailie to happen, where the students are inforced for want of such houses, to dwell in common innes, and tauerns, without all order or discipline. But in these our colleges we liue in such exact order, and vnder so precise rules of gouernement, as that the famous learned man Erasmus of Roterodame being here among vs 50 yeres passed, did not let to compare the trades in liuing of students in these two places, euen with the verie rules and orders of the ancient moonks: affirming moreouer in flat words, our orders to be such as not onlie came néere vnto, but rather far exceeded all the monastical institutiōs that euer were deuised.

In every other aspect, there is such great equality between these two universities that no one can imagine how to express a greater difference; they seem to form the body of one well-ordered commonwealth, only divided by distance and not by friendly agreement and governance. Therefore, when discussing one, I cannot help but describe the other; in praising the first, I must also commend the latter, especially since they are both so dear to me that I can hardly say which one I owe more goodwill to. I wish my knowledge were such that neither of them would have cause to be ashamed of their student; or that my influence were so strong that I could repay both of them worthily for the many kindnesses I have received. But setting that aside, I will move on to other matters more suitable for my purpose. The way of life in these universities is not like in some foreign countries, where we frequently see students forced to live in common inns and taverns, lacking order or discipline. In our colleges, we live under such precise rules and strict governance that the famous scholar Erasmus of Rotterdam, when he was here 50 years ago, did not hesitate to compare the lifestyle of students in these two places to the very rules and orders of ancient monks; asserting furthermore that our rules not only approached but far exceeded all monastic institutions ever devised.

In most of our colleges there are also great numbers of students, of which manie are found by the reuenues of the houses, and other by the purueiances and helpe of their rich fréends; whereby in some one college you shall haue two hundred scholers, in others an hundred and fiftie, in [Page 252] diuerse a hundred and fortie, and in the rest lesse numbers; as the capacitie of the said houses is able to receiue: so that at this present, of one sort and other, there are about thrée thousand students nourished in them both (as by a late surueie it manifestlie appeared.) They were erected by their founders at the first, onelie for poore mens sons, whose parents were not able to bring them vp vnto learning: but now they haue the least benefit of them, by reason the rich doo so incroch vpon them. And so farre hath this inconuenience spread it selfe, that it is in my time an hard matter for a poore mans child to come by a felowship (though he be neuer so good a scholar & woorthie of that roome.) Such packing also is vsed at elections, that not he which best deserueth, but he that hath most friends, though he be the woorst scholer, is alwaies surest to spéed; which will turne in the end to the ouerthrow of learning. That some gentlemen also, whose friends haue beene in times past benefactors to certeine of those houses, doo intrude into the disposition of their estates, without all respect of order or estatutes deuised by the founders, onelie thereby to place whome they thinke good (and not without some hope of gaine) the case is too too euident: and their attempt would soone take place, if their superiors did not prouide to bridle their indeuors. In some grammar schooles likewise, which send scholers to these vniuersities, it is lamentable to see what briberie is vsed; for yer the scholer can be preferred, such bribage is made, that poore mens children are commonlie shut out, and the richer sort receiued (who in time past thought it dishonor to liue as it were vpon almes) and yet being placed, most of them studie little other than histories, tables, dice, and trifles, as men that make not the liuing by their studie the end of their purposes, which is a lamentable hearing. Beside this, being for the most part either gentlemen, or rich mens sonnes, they oft bring the vniuersities into much slander. For standing vpon their reputation and libertie, they ruffle and roist it out, excéeding in apparell, and hanting riotous companie (which draweth them from their bookes vnto an other trade.) And for excuse when they are charged with breach of all good order, thinke it sufficient to saie, that they be gentlemen, which gréeueth manie not a litle. But to proceed with the rest.

In many of our colleges, there are a large number of students, with many supported by the college funds and others by the resources and help of their wealthy friends. In some colleges, you might find two hundred scholars, in others one hundred and fifty, in various places one hundred and forty, and in the rest, smaller numbers, depending on how many the housing can accommodate. Currently, there are about three thousand students supported by them overall (as a recent survey clearly showed). These colleges were originally established by their founders solely for the sons of poor men whose parents couldn’t afford to raise them to study. However, now the wealthy benefit the most, as they have taken over these opportunities. The situation has gotten so bad that, in my time, it’s very challenging for a poor child to get a fellowship (even if they are an excellent scholar and deserving of that spot). The election processes are also manipulated so that the one who deserves it the least, as long as they have the most friends, often wins, which will ultimately ruin the pursuit of knowledge. Some gentlemen, whose friends have previously supported certain colleges, intrude on the management of their resources, disregarding the rules and statutes created by the founders, simply to place people they favor (often with an eye for personal gain). This is very evident, and their efforts would succeed quickly if their superiors did not intervene to restrain them. In some grammar schools that send students to these universities, it’s sad to see how much bribery occurs; the bribery is so prevalent that poor children are often excluded, while wealthier students are accepted (who in the past would have found it shameful to rely on charity). Yet, once there, most of them study little more than histories, games, and trivial matters, treating education as a mere formality rather than a means to an end, which is quite disheartening. Besides that, being mostly either gentlemen or the sons of the wealthy, they often bring great shame to the universities. They focus on their reputation and freedom, flaunting extravagant clothing and socializing in rowdy company (which distracts them from their studies). When they are confronted about their disregard for proper conduct, they simply claim to be gentlemen, which frustrates many. But let’s move on to the rest.

Readers in priuat houses. Euerie one of these colleges haue in like maner their professors or readers of the toongs and seuerall sciences, as they call them, which dailie trade vp the youth there abiding priuatlie in their halles, to the end they may be able afterward (when their turne commeth about, which is after twelue termes) to shew themselues abroad, by going from thence into the common schooles and publike disputations (as it were "In aream") there to trie their skilles, and declare how they haue profited since their comming thither.

Readers at home. Each of these colleges has their own professors or teachers of languages and various sciences, as they refer to them, who daily engage the students living there privately in their halls. This is so that they can eventually show what they've learned (when their turn comes, which is after twelve terms) by going from there into the public schools and debates (as it were "In the arena") to test their skills and demonstrate how much they've improved since arriving.

Publike readers mainteined by the prince. Moreouer, in the publike schooles of both the vniuersities, there are found at the princes charge (and that verie largelie) fiue professors and readers, that is to saie, of diuinitie, of the ciuill law, physicke, the Hebrue, and the Gréeke toongs. And for the other lectures, as of Studie of the quadriuials and perspectiues neglected. philosophie, logike, rhetorike, and the quadriuials, although the latter (I meane arythmetike, musike, geometrie, and astronomie, and with them all skill in the perspectiues are now smallie regarded in either of them) the vniuersities themselues doo allow competent stipends to such as reade the same, whereby they are sufficientlie prouided for, touching the maintenance of their estates, and no lesse incoraged to be diligent in their functions.

Public readers funded by the prince. Furthermore, in the public schools of both universities, there are funded by the prince (and quite generously) five professors and readers: specifically in divinity, civil law, medicine, Hebrew, and Greek languages. As for other subjects, such as philosophy, logic, rhetoric, and the quadrivium—though the latter (which includes arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy, along with skills in perspective) is now hardly valued in either university—the universities themselves provide adequate salaries for those who teach these subjects, ensuring they have enough to support themselves and are encouraged to be diligent in their roles.

These professors in like sort haue all the rule of disputations and other schoole exercises, which are dailie vsed in common schooles seuerallie assigned to ech of them, and such of their hearers, as by their skill shewed in the said disputations, are thought to haue atteined to anie conuenient ripenesse of knowledge, according to the custome of other vniuersities, although not in like order, are permitted solemnlie to take their deserued degrees of schoole in the same science and facultie wherein they haue spent their trauell. From that time forward also, they vse such difference in apparell as becommeth their callings, tendeth vnto grauitie, and maketh them knowne to be called to some countenance.

These professors have all the rules for debates and other school activities assigned to each of them, just like in regular schools. Those students who demonstrate their skills in these debates and are deemed to have reached a suitable level of knowledge, according to the customs of other universities—though not necessarily in the same order—are officially allowed to receive their well-deserved degrees in the same field and discipline in which they have devoted their effort. From that time on, they also wear different clothing that is appropriate for their roles, conveys seriousness, and shows that they are recognized in some capacity.

Sophisters. The first degree, is that of the generall sophisters, from whence when they haue learned more sufficientlie the rules of logike, rhetorike, and obteined thereto competent skill in philosophie, and in the Batchelers of Art. mathematicals, they ascend higher vnto the estate of batchelers of [Page 253] art, after foure yeares of their entrance into their sophistrie. From thence also giuing their minds to more perfect knowledge in some or all the other liberall sciences, & the toongs, they rise at the last (to Masters of art. wit, after other thrée or foure yéeres) to be called masters of art, ech of them being at that time reputed for a doctor in his facultie, if he professe but one of the said sciences (beside philosophie) or for his generall skill, if he be exercised in them all. After this they are permitted to choose what other of the higher studies them liketh to follow, whether it be diuinitie, law, or, physike; so that being once masters of art, the next degrée if they follow physike, is the doctorship belonging to that profession; and likewise in the studie of the law, if they bend their minds to the knowledge of the same. But if they meane to go forward with diuinitie, this is the order vsed in that profession. First, after they haue necessarilie proceeded masters of art, they preach one sermon to the people in English, and another to the vniuersitie in Latine. They answer all commers also in their owne persons vnto two seuerall questions of diuinitie in the open schooles, at one time, for the space of two hours; and afterward replie twise against some other man vpon a like number, and on two seuerall daies in the same place: which being doone with commendation, he receiueth the Batcheler of diuinitie. fourth degree, that is, batcheler of diuinitie, but not before he hath beene master of art by the space of seauen yéeres, according to their statutes.

Sophists. The first level is that of general sophisters. Once they have learned the rules of logic and rhetoric well enough and gained a reasonable skill in philosophy and the mathematical sciences, they move up to the status of bachelor of arts after four years of being in sophistry. From there, by focusing on gaining a deeper knowledge in some or all of the other liberal arts and languages, they eventually elevate themselves (after another three or four years) to be called masters of art, each of them being recognized as a doctor in their field if they specialize in one of the mentioned sciences (besides philosophy) or for their general knowledge if they are practiced in all of them. After this, they can choose any of the higher studies they want to pursue, whether it be theology, law, or medicine. Once they become masters of art, the next degree for those who pursue medicine is the doctorate in that profession, and similarly in the study of law if they focus on that. However, if they intend to continue with theology, there is a specific process in that field. First, after they have necessarily become masters of art, they must preach one sermon to the public in English and another to the university in Latin. They also respond to two separate theology questions personally in the open schools for two hours at one time and then reply to another person on a similar number of questions on two different days in the same location. Once this is done successfully, they receive the Bachelor of Divinity. fourth degree, which is bachelor of divinity, but not before they have been a master of art for seven years, according to their rules.

Doctor. The next and last degrée of all is the doctorship after other three yeares, for the which he must once againe performe all such exercises and acts as are afore remembred, and then is he reputed able to gouerne and teach others, & likewise taken for a doctor. I haue read that Iohn of Beuerleie was the first doctor that euer was in Oxford, as Beda was in Cambridge. But I suppose herein that the word doctor is not so strictlie to be taken in this report as it is now vsed, sith euerie teacher is in Latine called by that name, as also such in the primitiue church as kept schooles of catechists, wherein they were trained vp in the rudiments and principles of religion, either before they were admitted vnto baptisme, or anie office in the church.

Doctor. The final level is the doctorate after three more years, during which he must once again perform all the exercises and tasks mentioned earlier. After that, he is considered capable of governing and teaching others, and is recognized as a doctor. I’ve read that John of Beverley was the first doctor ever at Oxford, just as Bede was at Cambridge. However, I think the term doctor in this context shouldn’t be taken as strictly as it is today, since every teacher is referred to by that name in Latin, as were those in the early church who ran schools for catechists, where they were trained in the basics and principles of religion, either before they were baptized or before taking on any position in the church.

Thus we sée, that from our entrance into the vniuersitie vnto the last degrée receiued, is commonlie eighteene or peraduenture twentie yéeres, in which time if a student hath not obteined sufficient learning, thereby to serue his owne turne, and benefit his common wealth, let him neuer looke by tarieng longer to come by anie more. For after this time & 40 yéeres of age, the most part of students doo commonlie giue ouer their woonted diligence, & liue like drone bées on the fat of colleges, withholding better wits from the possession of their places, & yet dooing litle good in their own vocation & calling. I could rehearse a number (if I listed) of this sort, aswell in the one vniuersitie as the other. But this shall suffice in sted of a larger report, that long continuance in those places is either a signe of lacke of friends, or of This Fox builded Corpus Christi college in Oxford. learning, or of good and vpright life, as bishop Fox sometime noted, who thought it sacrilege for a man to tarrie anie longer at Oxford than he had a desire to profit.

So we see that from our entry into university to the last degree received usually takes eighteen or perhaps twenty years. During this time, if a student hasn’t gained enough knowledge to benefit themselves and contribute to society, they shouldn’t expect that staying longer will help them achieve any more. After this time and by the age of 40, most students typically give up their usual diligence and live like lazy bees off the resources of colleges, preventing more capable individuals from taking their places, and they often do little good in their own careers. I could list several examples of this in both universities if I wanted to. But this will suffice instead of a longer discussion: prolonged stay in these institutions is either a sign of a lack of connections, or a lack of learning, or a lack of a good and upright life, as Bishop Fox once observed, who believed it was wrong for someone to stay at Oxford longer than they had the desire to gain from it. This Fox established Corpus Christi College in Oxford.

A man may (if he will) begin his studie with the lawe, or physike (of which this giueth wealth, the other honor) so soone as he commeth to the vniuersitie, if his knowledge in the toongs and ripenesse of iudgement serue therefore: which if he doo, then his first degrée is bacheler of law, or physicke, and for the same he must performe such acts in his owne science, as the bachelers or doctors of diuinitie, doo for their parts, the onelie sermons except, which belong not to his calling. Finallie, this will I saie, that the professors of either of those faculties come to such perfection in both vniuersities, as the best students beyond the sea doo in their owne or else where. One thing onlie I mislike in them, and that is their vsuall going into Italie, from whense verie few without speciall grace doo returne good men, whatsoeuer So much also may be inferred of lawiers. they pretend of conference or practise, chiefelie the physicians who vnder pretense of séeking of forreine simples doo oftentimes learne the framing of such compositions as were better vnknowen than practised, as I haue heard oft alledged, and therefore it is most true that doctor Turner said; Italie is not to be séene without a guide, that is, without speciall grace giuen from God, bicause of the licentious and corrupt behauiour of the people.

A man can start his studies in law or medicine (one leads to wealth, the other to honor) as soon as he arrives at university, provided he has the necessary knowledge of languages and mature judgment. If he does, then his first degree will be a bachelor of law or medicine, and he must complete certain requirements in his field, similar to what the bachelors or doctors of theology do, except for sermons, which are not part of his profession. Finally, I will say that the professors in either field reach such a level of expertise in both universities as the best students abroad do in their own places. One thing I dislike about them is their frequent trips to Italy, from which very few, without special grace, return as good men, no matter what they claim about learning or practice, especially the physicians who, under the guise of seeking foreign herbs, often end up mastering mixtures that would be better off unknown than practiced, as I have often heard said. Therefore, it's very true what Doctor Turner stated: Italy should not be visited without a guide, meaning without special grace from God, due to the licentious and corrupt behavior of the people.

There is moreouer in euerie house a maister or prouost, who hath vnder [Page 254] him a president, & certeine censors or deanes, appointed to looke to the behauior and maners of the students there, whom they punish verie seuerelie if they make anie default, according to the quantitie and qualitie of their trespasses. And these are the vsual names of gouernours in Cambridge. Howbeit in Oxford the heads of houses are now and then called presidents in respect of such bishops as are their visitors & founders. In ech of these also they haue one or moe thresurers whom they call Bursarios or Bursers beside other officers, whose charge is to sée vnto the welfare and maintenance of these houses. Ouer each vniuersitie also there is a seuerall chancelor, whose offices are perpetuall, howbeit their substitutes, whom we call vicechancelors, are changed euerie yeare, as are also the proctors, taskers, maisters of the streates and other officers, for the better maintenance of their policie and estate.

In every house, there is also a master or provost, who has a president and certain censors or deans under him, tasked with overseeing the behavior and conduct of the students. They impose strict punishments for any offenses, depending on the severity of the misconduct. These are the common titles of leaders in Cambridge. However, in Oxford, the heads of houses are sometimes referred to as presidents, in relation to the bishops who are their visitors and founders. Each of these also has one or more treasurers, called Bursarios or Bursers, alongside other officers responsible for ensuring the welfare and upkeep of these houses. Additionally, each university has its own chancellor, whose role is permanent, while their deputies, known as vice-chancellors, change every year, along with the proctors, taskers, masters of the streets, and other officials, to better maintain their administration and organization.

And thus much at this time of our two vniuersities in each of which I haue receiued such degree as they haue vouchsafed rather of their fauour than my desert to yéeld and bestow vpon me, and vnto whose students I wish one thing, the execution whereof cannot be preiudiciall to anie that meaneth well, as I am resolutelie persuaded, and the case now standeth in these our daies. When anie benefice therefore becommeth void, it were good that the patrone did signifie the vacation therof to the bishop, and the bishop the act of the patrone to one of the vniuersities, with request that the vicechancellor with his assistents might prouide some such able man to succeed in the place, as should by their iudgement be méet to take the charge vpon him. Certes if this order were taken then should the church be prouided of good pastors, by whome God should be glorified, the vniuersities better stored, the simoniacall practises of a number of patrons vtterlie abolished and the people better trained to liue in obedience toward God and their prince, which were an happie estate.

And so at this time concerning our two universities, where I've received degrees more out of their kindness than my own merit, I wish one thing for their students—something that can't harm anyone with good intentions, as I firmly believe is the case today. Whenever a position becomes vacant, it would be good for the patron to inform the bishop about the vacancy, and for the bishop to notify one of the universities, requesting that the vice-chancellor and his assistants find a qualified person to take on the role, someone they deem fit for the responsibility. If this process were followed, the church would be provided with good pastors who would glorify God, the universities would have better resources, corrupt practices among many patrons would be completely eliminated, and the people would be better educated to live in obedience to God and their ruler, which would be a fortunate situation.

London. To these two also we may in like sort ad the third, which is at London (seruing onelie for such as studie the lawes of the realme) where there are sundrie famous houses, of which three are called by the name of Ins of the court, the rest of the chancerie, and all builded before time for the furtherance and commoditie of such as applie their minds to our common lawes. Out of these also come manie scholers of great fame, whereof the most part haue heretofore béene brought vp in one of the aforesaid vniuersities, and prooue such commonlie as in processe of time, rise vp (onelie through their profound skill) to great honor in the common-wealth of England. They haue also degrées of learning among themselues, and rules of discipline, vnder which they liue most ciuilie in their houses, albeit that the yoonger sort of them abroad in the streats are scarse able to be bridled by anie good order at all. Certes this errour was woont also greatlie to reigne in Cambridge and Oxford, betweene the students and the burgesses: but as it is well left in these two places, so in forreine counteies it cannot yet be suppressed. Grammar schooles. Besides these vniuersities, also there are great number of Grammer schooles through out the realme, and those verie liberallie indued, for the better reliefe of poore scholers, so that there are not manie corporat townes now vnder the quéenes dominion, that haue not one Gramar schoole at the least, with a sufficient liuing for a maister and vsher appointed to the same.

London. We can also add a third place, which is located in London (serving only those who study the laws of the realm), where there are several well-known institutions, three of which are called the Inns of Court, while the others are associated with the chancery. All of these were built long ago to support and benefit those who dedicate themselves to our common laws. Many renowned scholars emerge from these institutions, most of whom have previously been educated at one of the aforementioned universities, and they typically prove to achieve significant honor in the commonwealth of England over time, solely due to their deep knowledge. They also have degrees of learning among themselves and rules of conduct, under which they live quite civilly in their establishments, although the younger members seen in the streets often lack any sense of proper order. Indeed, this issue used to be quite prevalent in Cambridge and Oxford as well, between the students and the townsfolk: but while it has mostly been resolved in those two places, it is still not contained in foreign lands. Grammar schools. In addition to these universities, there are numerous grammar schools throughout the realm, generously funded for the better support of underprivileged students, so that there are hardly any corporate towns now under the queen's dominion that do not have at least one grammar school, complete with sufficient funding for a master and usher appointed to it.

Windsor, Winchester, Eaton, Westminster. There are in like maner diuerse collegiat churches as Windsor, Wincester, Eaton, Westminster (in which I was sometime an vnprofitable Grammarian vnder the reuerend father master Nowell now deane of Paules) and in those a great number of poore scholers dailie mainteened by the liberalitie of the founders, with meat, bookes, and apparell, from whence after they haue béene well entered in the knowledge of the Latine and Gréeke toongs, and rules of versifieng (the triall whereof is made by certeine apposers yearelie appointed to examine them) they are sent to certeine especiall houses in each vniuersitie, where they are * and? receiued * the trained vp, in the points of higher knowledge in their priuat hals, till they be adiudged meet to shew their faces in the schooles, as I haue said alreadie. And thus much haue I thought good to note of our vniuersities, and likewise of colleges in the same, whose names I will also set downe here, with those of their founders, to the end the zeale which they bare vnto learning may appeare, and their remembrance neuer perish from among the wise and learned.

Windsor, Winchester, Eaton, Westminster. There are also various collegiate churches like Windsor, Winchester, Eaton, and Westminster (where I was once an unproductive grammar teacher under the respected Master Nowell, now Dean of St. Paul's). In these places, a lot of poor students are supported daily by the generosity of the founders, with food, books, and clothing. Once they have gained a solid understanding of Latin and Greek languages, along with the rules of verse writing (which are evaluated by certain appointed examiners each year), they are sent to specific houses in each university where they are * and? received and trained in more advanced knowledge in their private halls, until they are deemed ready to appear in the schools, as I mentioned earlier. I thought it important to note this about our universities and colleges, and I will also list their names along with those of their founders, so that the passion they had for learning may be recognized, and their memory may never be forgotten by the wise and learned.

[Page 255]

[Page 255]

OF THE COLLEGES IN CAMBRIDGE WITH THEIR FOUNDERS.

Yeares of the
foundations.
Colleges.   Founders.
1546   1  Trinitie college.   King Henrie 8.
1441   2  The kings college.   K. Henrie 6. Edward 4. Henrie 7. and Henrie 8.
1511   3  S. Iohns.   L. Margaret grandmother to Henrie 8.
1505   4  Christes college.   K. Henrie 6. and the ladie Margaret aforesaid.
1446   5  The queenes college.   Ladie Margaret wife to king Henrie 6.
1496   6  Iesus college.   Iohn Alcocke bishop of Elie.
1342   7  Bennet college.   The brethren of a popish guild called Corporis Christi.
1343   8  Pembroke hall. by Maria de Valentia, countesse of Pembroke.
1256   9  Peter college.   Hugh Balsham bishop of Elie.
1348 10  Gundeuill and   Edmund Gundeuill parson of Terrington,
1557       Caius college.   and Iohn Caius doctor of physicke.
1354 11  Trinitie hall.   William Bateman bishop of Norwich.
1326 12  Clare hall.   Richard Badow chancellor of Cambridge.
1459 13  Catharine hall.   Robert Woodlarke doctor of diuinitie.
1519 14  Magdalen college.   Edw. duke of Buckingham, & Thom. lord Awdlie.
1585 15  Emanuell college.   Sir Water Mildmaie, &c.

OF COLLEGES IN OXFORD.

Yeares Colleges.   Founders.
1539   1  Christes church.   King Henrie 8.
1459   2  Magdalen college.   He also established a significant portion of Eaton College and a free school in Wainflet, where he was born. William Wainflet first fellow of Merton college, then
scholer at Winchester, and afterward bishop there.
1375   3  New college.   William Wickham bishop of Winchester.
1276   4  Merton college.   Walter Merton bishop of Rochester.
1437   5  All soules college.   Henrie Chicheleie archbishop of Canturburie.
1516   6  Corpus Christi college.   Richard Fox bishop of Winchester
1430   7  Lincolne college.   Richard Fleming bishop of Lincolne.
1323   8  Auriell college.   Adam Browne almoner to Edward 2.
1340   9  The queenes college. by R. Eglesfeld chapleine to Philip queene of England,
wife to Edward 3.
1263 10  Balioll college.   Iohn Balioll king of Scotland.
1557 11  S. Iohns.   Sir Thomas White knight.
1556 12  Trinitie college.   Sir Thomas Pope knight.
1316 13  Excester college.   Walter Stapleton bishop of Excester.
1513 14  Brasen nose.   William Smith bishop of Lincolne.
  873 15  Vniuersitie college.   William archdeacon of Duresme.
  16  Glocester college.   Iohn Gifford who made it a cell for thirteene moonks.
  17  S. Marie college.  
  18  Iesus college now in hand.   Hugh ap Rice doctor of the ciuill law.

[Page 256]

[Page 256]

There are also in Oxford certeine hostels or hals, which may rightwell be called by the names of colleges, if it were not that there is more libertie in them, than is to be séen in the other. In mine opinion the liuers in these are verie like to those that are of Ins in the chancerie, their names also are these so farre as I now remember.

There are also in Oxford certain hostels or halls, which could honestly be called colleges, except that they offer more freedom than the others. In my opinion, the residents in these are very similar to those in the inns in the chancery, and their names, as far as I remember, are these.

Brodegates.
Hart hall.
Magdalen hall.
Alburne hall.
Postminster hall.
S. Marie hall.
White hall.
New In.
Edmond hall.

The students also that remaine in them, are called hostelers or halliers. Hereof it came of late to passe, that the right reuerend father in God Thomas late archbishop of Canturburie being brought vp in such an house at Cambridge, was of the ignorant sort of Londoners called an hosteler, supposing that he had serued with some inholder in the stable, and therfore in despite diuerse hanged vp bottles of haie at his gate, when he began to preach the gospell, whereas in déed he was a gentleman borne of an ancient house & in the end a faithfull witnesse of Iesus Christ, in whose quarrell he refused not to shed his bloud and yéeld vp his life vnto the furie of his aduersaries.

The students who remain in the houses are called hostelers or halliers. Recently, it happened that the right reverend father in God Thomas, the late archbishop of Canterbury, who was raised in such a house at Cambridge, was mistaken by some ignorant Londoners for an hosteler, thinking he had served with someone who kept a stable. In spite of this, several people hung bottles of hay at his gate when he began to preach the gospel, whereas he was actually a gentleman from an ancient family and ultimately a faithful witness of Jesus Christ, for whose sake he did not hesitate to shed his blood and give up his life to the fury of his adversaries.

Besides these there is mention and record of diuerse other hals or hostels, that haue béene there in times past, as Beefe hall, Mutton hall, &c: whose ruines yet appéere: so that if antiquitie be to be iudged by the shew of ancient buildings, which is verie plentifull in Oxford to be séene, it should be an easie matter to conclude that Oxford is the elder vniuersitie. Therin are also manie dwelling houses of stone Erection of colleges in Oxford the overthrow of hals. yet standing, that haue béene hals for students of verie antike workemanship, beside the old wals of sundrie other, whose plots haue béene conuerted into gardens, since colleges were erected.

Besides these, there are records of various other halls or inns that existed there in the past, like Beef Hall, Mutton Hall, etc., whose ruins are still visible. So, if we judge antiquity by the presence of ancient buildings, which are quite abundant in Oxford, it would be easy to conclude that Oxford is the older university. There are also many stone houses still standing that used to be halls for students, showcasing very old craftsmanship, along with the old walls of several others, the locations of which have been turned into gardens since the colleges were established.

In London also the houses of students at the Common law are these.

Sergeants In.
Graies In.
The Temple.
Lincolnes In.
Dauids In.
Staple In.
Furniuals In.
Cliffords In.
Clements In.
Lions In.
Barnards In.
New In.

And thus much in generall of our noble vniuersities, whose lands some gréedie gripers doo gape wide for, and of late haue (as I heare) propounded sundrie reasons, whereby they supposed to haue preuailed in their purposes. But who are those that haue attempted this sute, other than such as either hate learning, pietie, and wisedome; or else haue spent all their owne, and know not otherwise than by incroching vpon other men how to mainteine themselues? When such a motion was made by some vnto king Henrie the eight, he could answer them in this maner; Ah sirha, I perceiue the abbeie lands haue fleshed you and set your téeth on edge, to aske also those colleges. And whereas we had a regard onelie to pull downe sinne by defacing the monasteries, you haue a desire also to ouerthrow all goodnesse by subuersion of colleges. I tell you sirs that I iudge no land in England better bestowed than that which is giuen to our vniuersities, for by their maintenance our realme shall be well gouerned when we be dead and rotten. As you loue your welfares therfore, Now abbeies be gone, our dingthrifts prie after church and college possessions. follow no more this veine, but content your selues with that you haue alreadie, or else seeke honest meanes whereby to increase your liuelods, for I loue not learning so ill, that I will impaire the reuenues of anie one house by a pennie, whereby it may be vpholden. In king Edwards daies likewise the same was once againe attempted [as I haue heard] but in vaine, for saith the duke of Summerset among other spéeches tending to that end, who also made answer therevnto in the kings presence by his assignation; If lerning decaie, which of wild men maketh ciuill, of [Page 257] blockish and rash persons wise and godlie counsellors, of obstinat rebels obedient subiects, and of euill men good and godlie christians; what shall we looke for else but barbarisme and tumult? For when the lands of colleges be gone, it shall be hard to saie, whose staffe shall stand next the doore, for then I doubt not but the state of bishops, rich farmers, merchants, and the nobilitie shall be assailed, by such as liue to spend all, and thinke that what so euer another man hath is more meet for them, and to be at their commandement, than for the proper owner that hath sweat and laboured for it. In quéene Maries daies the weather was too warme for anie such course to be taken in hand, but in the time of our gratious quéene Elizabeth, I heare that it was after a sort in talke the third time, but without successe as mooued also out of season, and so I hope it shall continue for euer. For what comfort should it be for anie good man to sée his countrie brought into the estate of the old Gothes & Vandals, who made lawes against learning, and would not suffer anie skilfull man to come into their councell house, by meanes whereof those people became sauage, tyrants, and mercilesse helhounds, till they restored learning againe, and thereby fell to ciuilitie.

And so, in general, about our noble universities, whose lands some greedy individuals are eyeing, and recently have (as I hear) proposed various reasons to support their ambitions. But who are these people attempting this agenda, other than those who either despise education, virtue, and wisdom; or have squandered all their own resources and only know how to sustain themselves by encroaching on others? When this proposal was put forward by some to King Henry VIII, he responded in this way: "Ah, I see the abbey lands have excited your appetite and sharpened your interest in those colleges too. While we were focused solely on reducing sin by dismantling the monasteries, you want to destroy all goodness by undermining colleges. I tell you, gentlemen, that I believe no land in England is better used than that which is given to our universities, for by supporting them, our realm will be well governed when we are gone. Therefore, as you value your well-being, Now that the abbeys are gone, our spendthrifts are targeting church and college property. do not pursue this path any longer, but be satisfied with what you already have, or find honest ways to increase your livelihood, because I don’t hold education in such low regard that I would diminish the revenue of any institution by a penny that helps sustain it. In King Edward’s time, this was attempted again [as I have heard], but in vain, for the Duke of Somerset mentioned in the king’s presence during discussions about it: 'If learning declines, how will it transform wild men into civilized individuals, turn foolish and rash people into wise and godly advisors, make rebellious subjects obedient, and convert wicked individuals into good and pious Christians? What can we expect other than barbarism and chaos? For when the lands of colleges are gone, it'll be difficult to say whose staff will stand next to the door; I'm certain that the positions of bishops, wealthy farmers, merchants, and the nobility will be under attack from those who live to spend, believing that whatever another person has is more suited for them and should be at their command rather than for the rightful owner who has worked hard for it. During Queen Mary’s reign, the climate was too hostile for any such initiative to be undertaken, but during our gracious Queen Elizabeth’s time, I hear it was discussed again without success, as it was ill-timed, and I hope it remains this way forever. For what comfort would it be for any good person to see their country turned into the state of the ancient Goths and Vandals, who created laws against learning and would not allow any skilled person into their council, resulting in those people becoming savage, tyrannical, and merciless until they restored learning and thus regained civility?

OF THE PARTITION OF ENGLAND INTO SHIRES AND COUNTIES.
CHAP. IV.

In reding of ancient writers, as Cæsar, Tacitus, and others, we find mention of sundrie regions to haue béene sometime in this Iland, as the Nouantæ, Selgouæ, Dannonij, Gadeni, Oradeni, Epdij, Cerones, Carnonacæ, Careni, Cornabij, Caledonij, Decantæ, Logi, Mertæ, Vacomagi, Venicontes, Texali or Polij, Denani, Elgoui, Brigantes Parisi, Ordouici aliàs Ordoluci, Cornauij, Coritani, Catieuchlani, Simeni, Trinouantes, Demetæ, Cangi, Silures, Dobuni, Atterbatij, Cantij, Regni, Belgæ, Durotriges, Dumnonij, Giruij, Murotriges, Seueriani, Iceni, Tegenes, Casij, Cænimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and Kentishmen, and such like. But sith the seuerall places where most of them laie, are not yet verie perfectlie knowne vnto the learned of these daies, I doo not meane to pronounce my iudgement vpon such doubtfull cases, least that in so dooing I should but increase coniectures, and leading peraduenture the reader from the more probable, intangle his mind in the end with such as are of lesse value, and things nothing so likelie to be true, as those which other men haue remembred and set downe before me. Neither will I speake oughts of the Romane partitions, & limits of their legions, whose number and place of abode, except of the Victorian and Augustane, is to me vtterlie vnknowne.

In reading ancient writers like Caesar, Tacitus, and others, we come across mentions of various regions that were once in this island, such as the Novantae, Selgouae, Dannonii, Gadeni, Oradeni, Epidi, Cerones, Carnonacae, Careni, Cornabii, Caledonii, Decantae, Logi, Mertae, Vacomagi, Venicontes, Texali or Poli, Denani, Elgoui, Brigantes Parisi, Ordovici also known as Ordoluci, Cornauii, Coritani, Catieuchlani, Simeni, Trinovantes, Demetae, Cangi, Silures, Dobuni, Atrebates, Cantii, Regni, Belgae, Durotriges, Dumnonii, Gurii, Murotriges, Severiani, Iceni, Tegenes, Casii, Caenimagnus, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and Kentishmen, among others. However, since the exact locations of most of these regions are still not very well understood by today's scholars, I don't intend to express my judgment on such uncertain matters, lest I merely add to speculation and perhaps lead the reader away from more credible interpretations, entangling their mind with less valuable ideas and those that are less likely to be true than what others have already noted and recorded before me. Nor will I comment on the Roman divisions and the locations of their legions, as their numbers and residences, apart from the Victorian and Augustan, are completely unknown to me.

Alfred brought England into shires, which the Britons diuided by cantreds, and the first Saxons by families. It shall suffice therfore to begin with such a ground as from whence some better certeintie of things may be deriued, and that is with the estate of our Iland in the time of Alfred, who first diuided England into shires, which before his daies, and since the comming of the Saxons, was limited out by families and hidelands, as the Britons did the same in their time, by hundreds of townes, which then were called cantreds; as old records doo witness.

Alfred split England into shires, while the Britons divided it into cantreds, and the early Saxons organized it by families. So, it’s enough to start with a foundation that can provide a clearer understanding of things, beginning with the state of our island during Alfred's time, who was the first to divide England into shires. Before his era, and since the arrival of the Saxons, it was organized by families and small landholdings, just as the Britons had done in their time, dividing it into hundreds of towns, which were then known as cantreds, as old records show.

Into how manie shires the said Alfred did first make this partition of the Iland, it is not yet found out; howbeit if my coniecture be anie thing at all, I suppose that he left not vnder eight and thirtie, sith we find by no good author, that aboue fifteene haue beene added by anie of his successours, since the time of his decease. This prince therefore Shire and share all one. hauing made the generall partition of his kingdome into shires, or shares, he diuided againe the same into lathes, as lathes into hundreds, and hundreds into tithings, or denaries, as diuers haue written; and maister Lambert following their authorities, hath also giuen out, saieng almost after this maner in his description of Kent; "The Danes (saith he) both before, & in the time of king Alfred, had flocked by the sea coasts of this Iland in great numbers, sometimes wasting and spoiling with sword and fire, wheresoeuer they might arriue, and somtime taking [Page 258] great booties with them to their ships, without dooing anie further hurt Englishmen noisome to their owne countrie. or damage to the countrie. This inconuenience continuing for manie yéeres togither, caused our husbandmen to abandon their tillage, and gaue occasion and hardinesse to euill disposed persons, to fall to the like pillage, as practising to follow the Danes in these their thefts and robberies. And the better to cloake their mischeefe withall, they feigned themselues to be Danish pirats, and would sometime come a land in one port, and sometime in another, driuing dailie great spoiles (as the Danes had doone) vnto their ships before them. The good king Alfred therefore (who had maruellouslie trauelled in repelling the barbarous Danes) espieng this outrage, and thinking it no lesse the part of a politike prince, to root out the noisome subiect, than to hold out the forren aduersarie: by the aduise of his nobilitie, and the example of Moses (who followed the counsell of Iethro his father in law to the like effect) diuided the whole realme into certeine parts or sections, which (of the Saxon word Schyran, signifieng to cut) he termed shires, or as we yet speake, shares, or portions, of which some one hath fortie miles in length (as Essex) and almost so manie broad, Hereford foure & twentie in length, and twentie in breadth, and Warwike six and thirtie in length, &c: and some of them also conteine ten, twelue, thirteene, sixtéene, twentie, or thirtie hundreds, more or lesse, as some hundreds doo sixteene, twentie, thirtie, fortie, fiftie or sixtie townes, out of which the king was alwaies to receiue an hundred able men to serue him in the warres, or a hundred men able to be pledges, and ouer each of the Earle and alderman. portions he appointed either an earle or alderman, or both, to whome he committed the gouernement of the same. These shires also he brake into lesser parts, whereof some were called lathes, of the word Gelathian, which is to assemble togither; other hundreds, for that they enioied iurisdiction ouer an hundred pledges; and other tithings, bicause there were in each of them to the number of ten persons, whereof euerie one from time to time was suertie for others good abearing. He prouided also that euerie man should procure himselfe to be receiued into some tithing, to the end, that if anie were found of so small and base a credit, that no man would become pledge or suertie for him, he should forthwith be committed to prison, least otherwise he might happen to doo more harme abroad. Hitherto master Lambert." By whose words we may gather verie much of the state of this Iland in the time of Alfred, whose institution continued after a sort vntill the comming of the Normans, who changed the gouernement of the realme in such wise (by bringing in of new officers and offices, after the maner of their countries) that verie little of the old regiment remained more than the bare names of some officers (except peraduenture in Kent) so that in these daies it is hard to set downe anie great certeintie of things as they stood in Alfreds time, more than is remembred and touched at this present.

It's not clear how many counties Alfred originally divided the island into. However, if I had to guess, I think it was at least thirty-eight since there's no reliable source indicating that more than fifteen have been added by his successors since his death. This prince, having made the general division of his kingdom into counties, then subdivided them into lathes, which were divided into hundreds, and hundreds into tithings or denaries, as various writers have noted. Master Lambert, following their accounts, stated something like this in his description of Kent: "The Danes, both before and during King Alfred's time, gathered along the coast of this island in large numbers, sometimes ravaging and plundering with sword and fire wherever they could land, and at other times taking large spoils back to their ships without causing further harm or damage to the land. This ongoing issue for many years caused our farmers to abandon their fields and encouraged ill-intentioned people to engage in similar looting, imitating the Danes in their thefts and robberies. To better disguise their wrongdoing, they pretended to be Danish pirates, landing in one port and then another, daily taking great spoils (like the Danes had done) to their ships. Therefore, the good King Alfred (who had worked hard to push back the barbarous Danes) noticed this outrage and believed it was just as important for a wise ruler to eliminate dangerous subjects as it was to defend against foreign enemies. With the advice of his nobility and inspired by the example of Moses (who took his father-in-law Jethro's counsel for a similar purpose), he divided the entire kingdom into sections, which he called shires (from the Saxon word Schyran, meaning to cut), or shares. Some of these were forty miles long (like Essex) and nearly as wide, Hereford was twenty-four miles long and twenty miles wide, and Warwick was thirty-six miles long, etc. Some contained ten, twelve, thirteen, sixteen, twenty, or thirty hundreds, more or less, with some hundreds having sixteen, twenty, thirty, forty, fifty, or sixty towns. From each of these, the king was to receive one hundred able men to serve him in wars or one hundred men who could act as pledges. Over each of the regions, he appointed either an earl or an alderman, or both, to whom he entrusted governance. These counties were also broken into smaller parts, some called lathes (from the word Gelathian, meaning to assemble together), others called hundreds because they had jurisdiction over one hundred pledges, and others tithings because there were about ten people in each, with each person acting as a surety for the others' good behavior. He also arranged for every man to ensure he was accepted into a tithing, so that if anyone was found to have such low credit that no one would be his surety, he would be immediately imprisoned to prevent him from causing more harm. Up to this point, master Lambert. Through his words, we can learn a lot about the condition of this island during Alfred's time, whose system lasted in some form until the arrival of the Normans, who changed the governance of the realm so much (by introducing new officials and offices from their own countries) that very little of the old system remained apart from the bare names of some officers (except perhaps in Kent), making it difficult to establish a clear understanding of how things were during Alfred’s time, other than what has been noted and touched upon here.

What a lath is. Some as it were roming or rouing at the name Lath, doo saie that it is deriued of a barne, which is called in old English a lath, as they coniecture. From which spéech in like sort some deriue the word Laistow, as if it should be trulie written Lath stow, a place wherein to laie vp or laie on things, of whatsoeuer condition. But hereof as yet I cannot absolutelie be satisfied, although peraduenture some likelihood in their iudgements may séeme to be therein. Other vpon some further consideration affirme that they were certeine circuits in euerie countie or shire conteining an appointed number of townes, whose inhabitants alwaies assembled to know and vnderstand of matters touching their portions, in to some one appointed place or other within their limits, especiallie whilest the causes were such as required not the aid or Léetes. assistance of the whole countie. Of these lathes also (as they saie) some shires had more, some lesse, as they were of greatnesse. (And M. Lambert séemeth to be of the opinion, that the leets of our time wherein these pledges be yet called Franci plegij of the word Free burgh) doo yeeld some shadow of that politike institution of Alfred. But sith my skill is so small in these cases that I dare not iudge anie thing at all as of mine owne knowledge, I will not set downe anie thing more than I read, least I should roue at randon in our obscure antiquities, and reading no more of lathes my next talke shall be of hundreds.

What a lath is. Some people, while discussing the name Lath, say it comes from a barn, which was called a lath in Old English, as they speculate. From this, some derive the word Laistow, suggesting it should really be written Lath stow, a place where things of any kind are stored or placed. However, I can't be completely certain about this, though there may be some merit to their opinions. Others, upon further reflection, claim that these were certain districts in every county or shire containing a set number of towns, whose residents gathered to discuss matters relevant to their areas in one designated location or another within their boundaries, especially when the issues didn’t require the whole county's assistance. Some shires had more of these lathes while others had fewer, depending on their size. (And M. Lambert seems to believe that the leets we have today, where these pledges are still called Franci plegij from the term Free burgh, provide some insight into that political structure of Alfred.) But since my understanding of these matters is limited, I won’t put down anything more than what I've read, lest I wander aimlessly through our obscure history. Having read no more about lathes, my next topic will be hundreds.

Hundred or wapentake. The hundred and the wapentake is all one, as I read in some, and by this [Page 259] diuision not a name appertinent to a set number of townes (for then all hundreds should be of equall quantitie) but a limited iurisdiction, within the compasse whereof were an hundred persons called Denarie or tithing. pledges (as I said) or ten denaries, or tithings of men, of which ech one was bound for others good abering, and laudable behauiour in the common-wealth of the realme. The chiefe man likewise of euerie denarie or tithing was in those daies called a tithing man, in Tithing man in Latine Decurio Borsholder. Latine Decurio, but now in most places a borsholder or burgholder, as in Burrow. Kent; where euerie tithing is moreouer named a burgh or burrow, although that in the West countrie he be still called a tithing man, and his circuit a tithing, as I haue heard at large. I read furthermore (and it is partlie afore noted) that the said Alfred caused ech man of frée condition (for the better maintenance of his peace) to be ascribed into some hundred by placing himselfe in one denarie or other, where he might alwais haue such as should sweare or saie vpon their certeine knowledge for his honest behauiour and ciuill conuersation if it should happen at anie time, that his credit should come in question. In like sort I gather out of Leland and other, that if anie small matter did fall out worthie to be discussed, the tithing man or borsholder (now officers, at the commandement of the high constable of which euerie hundred hath one at the least) should decide the same in their léetes, whereas the great causes were referred to the hundreds, the greater to the lathes, and the greatest of all to the shire daies, where the earles or aldermen did set themselues, & make finall ends of the same, according vnto iustice. For Twelue men. this purpose likewise in euerie hundred were twelue men chosen of good age and wisedome, and those sworne to giue their sentences without respect of person, and in this maner (as they gather) were things handeled in those daies. Which waie the word wapentake came in vse, as yet I cannot tell; howbeit the signification of the same declareth (as I conceiue) that at the chiefe towne the soldiers which were to serue in that hundred did méet, fetch their weapons, & go togither from thence to the field, or place of seruice by an ordinarie custome, then generallie knowen amongst them. It is supposed also that the word Rape commeth a Rapiendo, as it were of catching and snatching, bicause the tenants of the hundred or wapentakes met vpon one or sundrie daies & made quicke dispatch of their lords haruest at once and in great hast. But whether it be a true imagination or not as yet I am vncerteine, and therefore it lieth not in me to determine anie thing thereof: wherefore it shall suffice to haue touched them in this maner.

Hundred or district. The hundred and the wapentake are essentially the same, as I’ve read in some texts, and by this classification, it’s not a term related to a specific number of towns (since then all hundreds would have to be equal in size) but rather a defined jurisdiction, within which there were a hundred people referred to as Denarius or tithing. pledges (as I mentioned) or ten denaries, or tithings of men, each of whom was responsible for the good behavior and respectable conduct of others in the community of the realm. The main leader of each denarie or tithing was called a tithing man in those days, in Tithing man in Latin: Decurio Borsholder. Latin Decurio, but now in most places, he is referred to as a borsholder or burgholder, as in Burrow. Kent; where every tithing is also called a burgh or burrow, although in the West Country he is still called a tithing man, and his area a tithing, as I have heard extensively. Furthermore, I have read (and it has been partly noted before) that the aforementioned Alfred required every free man (for the better maintenance of his peace) to be assigned to a hundred by placing himself in one denarie or another, where he would always have individuals who could swear or testify, based on their own knowledge, about his honest behavior and civil conduct should his reputation ever come into question. Similarly, I gather from Leland and others that if a small matter arose worth discussing, the tithing man or borsholder (now officers under the high constable, of which every hundred has at least one) would resolve it in their courts, while larger matters were taken to the hundreds, even larger to the lathes, and the biggest of all to the shire courts, where the earls or aldermen would sit and bring final resolutions according to justice. For Twelve men. this purpose, in every hundred, twelve men of good age and wisdom were chosen and sworn to give their opinions without favoritism, and in this way (as they gather) matters were handled in those days. How the term wapentake came into use, I cannot say for sure; however, its meaning suggests (as I understand it) that at the main town, the soldiers who were to serve in that hundred would gather, take their weapons, and go together from there to the field, or place of service by a customary practice then generally understood among them. It’s also believed that the word Rape comes from Rapiendo, meaning catching or snatching, because the tenants of the hundred or wapentakes would meet on one or several days and quickly finish their lord’s harvest all at once and in great haste. But whether this is a true interpretation or not, I’m not certain, and therefore I can’t make any definitive statements about it; so it shall suffice to have touched on them in this manner.

Fortie shires in England, thirtéene in Wales. In my time there are found to be in England fourtie shires, and likewise thirtéene in Wales, and these latter erected of late yeares by king Henrie the eight, who made the Britons or Welshmen equall in all respects vnto the English, and brought to passe that both nations should indifferentlie be gouerned by one law, which in times past were ordred by diuerse, and those far discrepant and disagreing one from another: as by the seuerall view of the same is yet easie to be discerned. The names of the shires in England are these, whereof the first ten lie betwéene the British sea and the Thames, as Polydor also dooth set them downe.

Forty counties in England and thirteen in Wales. In my time, there are found to be in England forty counties, and likewise thirteen in Wales, which were established recently by King Henry the Eighth. He made the Britons, or Welshmen, equal to the English in all respects and ensured that both nations would be governed by one law. In the past, they were ruled by different laws, which were often conflicting and varied from one another, as is still easy to see today. The names of the counties in England are these, with the first ten located between the British Sea and the Thames, as Polydor also lists them.

Kent.
Sussex.
Surreie.
Hampshire.
Barkeshire.
Wilshire.
Dorsetshire.
Summerset.
Deuon.
Cornewall.

Kent.
Sussex.
Surrey.
Hampshire.
Berkshire.
Wiltshire.
Dorset.
Somerset.
Devon.
Cornwall.

There are moreouer on the northside of the Thames, and betwéene the same and the riuer Trent, which passeth through the middest of England (as Polydor saith) sixtéene other shires, whereof six lie toward the east, the rest toward the west, more into the middest of the countrie.

There are also, on the north side of the Thames and between it and the River Trent, which flows through the center of England (as Polydor mentions), sixteen other counties, six of which are to the east, while the others are to the west, deeper into the country.

Essex, somtime all forrest saue one hundred.
Middlesex.
Hartfordshire.
Suffolke.
Norffolke.
Cambrigeshire in which are 12 hundreds.
Bedford.
Huntingdon wherin are foure hundreds.
Buckingham.
Oxford.
[Page 260] Northampton.
Rutland.
Leircestershire.
Notinghamshire.
Warwike.
Lincolne.

Essex, which used to have one hundred forested areas.
Middlesex.
Hertfordshire.
Suffolk.
Norfolk.
Cambridgeshire, which has 12 hundreds.
Bedford.
Huntingdon, which has four hundreds.
Buckingham.
Oxford.
[Page 260] Northampton.
Rutland.
Leicestershire.
Nottinghamshire.
Warwick.
Lincoln.

We haue six also that haue their place westward towards Wales, whose names insue.

We have six that are located to the west toward Wales, and their names are as follows.

Glocester.
Hereford.
Worcester.
Shropshire.
Stafford.
Chestershire.

Gloucester.
Hereford.
Worcester.
Shropshire.
Stafford.
Cheshire.

And these are the thirtie two shires which lie by south of the Trent. Beyond the same riuer we haue in like sort other eight, as

And these are the thirty-two counties that are south of the Trent. Beyond that river, we have another eight, as

Darbie.
Yorke.
Lancaster.
Cumberland.
Westmerland.
Richemond, wherein are fiue wapentaxes, & when it is accompted as parcell of Yorkeshire (out of which it is taken) then is it reputed for the whole Riding.
Durham.
Northumberland.

Darbie.
Yorke.
Lancaster.
Cumberland.
Westmerland.
Richemond, which has five wapentaxes, & when it’s counted as part of Yorkshire (from which it’s taken), it is considered the entire Riding.
Durham.
Northumberland.

So that in the portion sometime called Lhoegres, there are now fortie shires. In Wales furthermore are thirtéene, whereof seuen are in Southwales:

So, in the area sometimes called Lhoegres, there are now forty counties. In Wales, there are also thirteen, of which seven are in South Wales:

Cardigan, or Cereticon.
Penmoroke, or Penbrooke.
Caermardine, wherein are 9 hundreds or commots.
Glamorgan.
Monmouth.
Breckenocke.
Radnor.

Cardigan, or Cereticon.
Penmoroke, or Penbrooke.
Caermardine, which contains 9 hundreds or commots.
Glamorgan.
Monmouth.
Breckenocke.
Radnor.

In Northwales likewise are six, that is to saie

In North Wales, there are also six, which means

Angleseie.
Carnaruon.
Merioneth.
Denbigh.
Flint.
Montgomerie.

Anglesey.
Caernarfon.
Merioneth.
Denbigh.
Flint.
Montgomery.

Which being added to those of England yéeld fiftie and thrée shires or counties, so that vnder the quéenes Maiestie are so manie counties, whereby it is easilie discerned, that hir power farre excéedeth that of Offa, who of old time was highlie honored for that he had so much of Britaine vnder his subiection as afterward conteined thirtie nine shires, when the diuision was made, whereof I spake before.

Which, when added to those of England, gives a total of fifty-three counties, so that under the queen's Majesty there are so many counties, from which it is easily seen that her power far exceeds that of Offa, who was greatly respected in the past for having so much of Britain under his control that it later included thirty-nine counties when the division I mentioned earlier was made.

Od parcels of shires. This is moreouer to be noted in our diuision of shires, that they be not alwaies counted or laid togither in one parcell, whereof I haue great maruell. But sith the occasiō hath growen (as I take it) either by priuilege or some like occasion, it is better briefelie to set downe how some of these parts lie than to spend the time in séeking a iust cause of this their od diuision. First therefore I note that in the part of Buckinghamshire betweene Amondesham, and Beconsfield, there is a peece of Hartfordshire to be found, inuironed round about with the countie of Buckingham, and yet this patch is not aboue three miles in length and two in breadth at the verie most. In Barkeshire also betwéene Ruscombe and Okingham is a péece of Wilshire, one mile in breadth and foure miles in length, whereof one side lieth on the Loden riuer. In the borders of Northamptonshire directlie ouer against Luffeld a towne in Buckinghamshire, I find a parcell of Oxfordshire not passing two miles in compasse.

Uneven sections of counties. It's also important to note in our division of counties that they aren't always counted or grouped together as a single unit, which I find quite odd. But since this situation has arisen (I believe) due to privilege or something similar, it's better to briefly explain how some of these areas are situated rather than spend time searching for a solid reason for their strange division. First, I note that in the part of Buckinghamshire between Amersham and Beaconsfield, there's a piece of Hertfordshire surrounded completely by Buckinghamshire, and this area is no more than three miles long and two miles wide at the most. In Berkshire, there's also a segment of Wiltshire between Ruscombe and Wokingham, one mile wide and four miles long, with one side bordering the Loddon River. Additionally, on the borders of Northamptonshire, directly across from Luffield, a town in Buckinghamshire, I find a piece of Oxfordshire not exceeding two miles in circumference.

With Oxfordshire diuerse doo participate, in so much that a péece of Glocestershire, lieth halfe in Warwikeshire & halfe in Oxfordshire, not verie far from Horneton. Such another patch is there, of Glocestershire not far from long Compton, but lieng in Oxford countie: & a péece of Worcestershire, directlie betwéene it & Glocestershire. Glocester hath the third péece vpon the north side of the Winrush neere Falbrocke, as Barkeshire hath one parcell also vpon the selfe side of the same water, in the verie edge of Glocestershire: likewise an other in Oxfordshire, not verie farre from Burford: and the third ouer against Lach lade, which [Page 261] which is parted from the main countie of Barkeshire, by a little strake of Oxfordshire. Who would thinke that two fragments of Wilshire were to be seene in Barkeshire vpon the Loden, and the riuer that falleth into it: whereof and the like sith there are verie manie, I thinke good to giue this briefe admonition. For although I haue not presentlie gone thorough with them all, yet these may suffice to giue notice of this thing, wherof most readers (as I persuade my selfe) are ignorant.

Oxfordshire has various areas that intersect, to the point where a piece of Gloucestershire sits half in Warwickshire and half in Oxfordshire, not too far from Horneton. There's another patch of Gloucestershire near Long Compton, but it lies within Oxford County, along with a piece of Worcestershire located directly between it and Gloucestershire. Gloucester has the third piece on the north side of the Windrush near Falbrooke, while Berkshire has a section also on the same side of the river, right at the edge of Gloucestershire. Another part is in Oxfordshire, not very far from Burford, and the third lies across from Lach lade, which is separated from the main part of Berkshire by a small strip of Oxfordshire. Who would imagine that two fragments of Wiltshire can be found in Berkshire along the Loden and the river that flows into it? Since there are many such cases, I think it's good to give this brief notice. Even though I haven’t covered them all right now, these examples should be enough to alert readers to something that most of them, I believe, are unaware of.

Lieutenants. But to procéed with our purpose. Ouer ech of these shires in time of necessitie is a seuerall lieutenant chosen vnder the prince, who being a noble man of calling, hath almost regall authoritie ouer the same for the time being in manie cases which doo concerne his office: otherwise Shiriffes. it is gouerned by a shiriffe (a word deriued of Schire and Greue, and pronounced as Shire and Reue) whose office is to gather vp and bring his accounts into the excheker, of the profits of his countie receiued, whereof he is or may be called Quæstor comitatus or Prouinciæ. This officer is resident and dwelling somewhere within the same countie, and called also a viscount, Quasi vicarius comitis or Procomes, in respect of the earle (or as they called him in time past the alderman) that beareth his name of the countie, although it be seldome séene in England, that the earle hath anie great store of possessions, or oughts to doo in the shire whereof he taketh his name, more than is allowed to him, through his personall resiance, if he happen to dwell and be resident in the same.

Lieutenants. Now, to get back to our main point. Each of these counties has a separate lieutenant appointed by the prince during times of need. This lieutenant, who is a nobleman, holds almost royal authority over the area for the time being in many matters related to his role. Otherwise, it is managed by a sheriff (a term derived from Shire and Reeve, pronounced like Shire and Reeve) whose job is to collect and submit his accounts to the treasury for the income he has received from his county. He can also be referred to as the Quæstor comitatus or Provinciae. This officer lives somewhere in his county and is also called a viscount, quasi vicarius comitis or Procomes, in relation to the earl (or as they called him in the past, the alderman) associated with the name of the county. However, it is rare in England for the earl to have significant possessions or responsibilities in the county that bears his name, beyond what is permissible for his personal residence, if he happens to live there.

In the election also of these magistrates, diuerse able persons aswell for wealth as wisedome are named by the commons, at a time and place appointed for their choise, whose names being deliuered to the prince, he foorthwith pricketh some such one of them, as he pleaseth to assigne vnto that office, to whome he committeth the charge of the countie, and who herevpon is shiriffe of that shire for one whole yeare, or vntill a Vndershiriffes. new be chosen. The shiriffe also hath his vnder shiriffe that ruleth & holdeth the shire courts and law daies vnder him, vpon sufficient caution vnto the high shiriffe for his true execution of iustice, preseruation from impeachment, and yéelding of accompt when he shall be Bailiffes. therevnto called. There are likewise vnder him certeine bailiffes, whose office is to serue and returne such writs and processes as are directed vnto them from the high shiriffe: to make seisure of the goods and cattels, and arrest the bodies of such as doo offend, presenting either their persons vnto him, or at the leastwise taking sufficient bond, or other assurance of them for their dutifull appearance at an appointed time, when the shiriffe by order of law ought to present them to the iudges according to his charge. In euerie hundred also are one or more High constables. high constables according to the quantitie thereof, who receiuing the writs and injunctions from the high shiriffe vnder his seale, or from anie other officers of the prince, either for the prouision of vittels or for other causes, or priuat purueiance of cates for the maintenance Petie constables. of the roiall familie, doo forthwith charge the petie constables of euerie towne within their limits, with the execution of the same.

In these elections for these officials, various capable individuals, both wealthy and wise, are nominated by the people at a designated time and place for their selection. These names are then submitted to the prince, who promptly chooses one of them to assign to that office. This person is given the responsibility of overseeing the county and serves as the sheriff for a full year, or until a new one is chosen. The sheriff also has an undersheriff who manages the county courts and legal days on their behalf, with sufficient assurance given to the sheriff for the proper administration of justice, protection against accusations, and accountability when called upon. Below them, there are also certain bailiffs whose job is to serve and return the writs and processes directed to them by the sheriff. They seize property and arrest individuals who commit offenses, presenting either the offenders or, at the very least, obtaining sufficient bonds or other guarantees for their appearance at a scheduled time when the sheriff is required to bring them before the judges. In every hundred, there are one or more high constables, depending on the size of the area, who receive writs and orders from the sheriff under his seal or from any other royal officer. These may relate to the supply of provisions or other reasons, including private arrangements for the necessities of the royal family. They immediately instruct the petty constables in each town within their jurisdiction to carry out these tasks.

In each countie likewise are sundrie law daies holden at their appointed Motelagh. seasons, of which some retaine the old Saxon name, and are called Motelagh, of the word motes and law. They haue also an other called the Shiriffes turne. shiriffes turne, which they hold twise in their times, in euerie hundred, according to the old order appointed by king Edgar (as king Edward reduced the folkmote ordeined by king Arthur to be held yearelie on the first of Maie, vntill the first of euerie moneth) and in these two latter such small matters as oft arise amongst the inferior sort of people, are heard and well determined. They haue finallie their quarter sessions, wherein they are assisted by the iustices and gentlemen of the Gaile deliuerie or great assises. countrie, & twise in the yeare gaile deliuerie, at which time the iudges ride about in their circuits, into euerie seuerall countie (where the nobilitie and gentlemen with the iustices there resiant associat them) & minister the lawes of the realme, with great solemnitie & iustice. Howbeit in dooing of these things, they reteine still the old order of the land in vse before the conquest. For they commit the full examination of all causes there to be heard, to the consideration of twelue sober, graue, and wise men, chosen out of the same countie; and foure of them of necessitie out of the hundred where the action lieth, [Page 262] Inquests. or the defendant inhabiteth (which number they call an inquest) & of these inquests there are more or lesse impanneled at euerie assise, as the number of cases there to be handled dooth craue and require, albeit that some one inquest hath often diuerse matters to consider of. And when they haue (to their vttermost power) consulted and debated of such things as they are charged withall, they returne againe to the place of iustice, with their verdict in writing, according wherevnto the iudge dooth pronounce his sentence, be it for life or death, or anie other matter what soeuer is brought before him. It is also verie often séene, that such as are nominated to be of these inquests, doo after their charge receiued seldome or neuer eat or drinke, vntill they haue agréed upon their verdict, and yeelded it vp vnto the iudge of whome they receiued the charge; by meanes whereof sometimes it commeth to passe that diuerse of the inquest haue béene welneere famished, or at least taken such a sickenesse thereby, as they haue hardlie auoided. And this commeth by practise, when the one side feareth the sequele, and therefore conueieth some one or more into the iurie, that will in his behalfe neuer yéeld vnto the rest, but of set purpose put them to this trouble.

In each county, there are various court days held at their scheduled times, some of which still have the old Saxon name and are called Motelagh, derived from the words motes and law. They also have another called the shiriffes turne, which occurs twice in each period, in every hundred, following the old system set by King Edgar (as King Edward established the folkmote originally instituted by King Arthur to be held annually on the first of May, until the first of every month). In these two latter sessions, minor issues that often arise among lower-class people are heard and resolved fairly. Finally, they have their quarter sessions, where they are supported by the justices and gentlemen of the country, and twice a year they hold a gaile deliuerie, during which judges travel around their circuits to each county (where the nobility and gentlemen with local justices accompany them) to enforce the country’s laws with great solemnity and fairness. However, in doing these things, they still retain the old customs in use before the conquest. They delegate the thorough examination of all cases presented there to twelve sober, grave, and wise men chosen from the same county; four of whom must be from the hundred where the case is brought or where the defendant lives (this group is referred to as an inquest). The number of inquests varies at each assize, depending on how many cases need to be dealt with, even though a single inquest often has multiple matters to consider. Once they have, to the best of their ability, discussed and debated the issues they are tasked to address, they return to the place of justice with their written verdict, upon which the judge delivers his sentence, whether it be for life, death, or any other matter presented to him. It is also frequently observed that those selected to be part of these inquests rarely eat or drink after receiving their assignment until they have agreed on their verdict and submitted it to the judge who appointed them; as a result, it often happens that some jurors have nearly starved, or at least become quite ill from it. This occurs due to a practice where one side fears the outcome, and thus arranges for one or more individuals to join the jury who will not side with the others, intentionally putting them in this difficult position.

Certes it is a common practise (if the vnder shiriffe be not the better man) for the craftier or stronger side to procure and packe such a quest, as he himselfe shall like of, whereby he is sure of the issue before the charge be giuen: and beside this if the matter doo iustlie procéed against him, it is a world to sée now and then how the honest yeomen that haue Bona fide discharged their consciences shall be sued of Atteinct. an atteinct, & bound to appéere at the Starre chamber, with what rigor they shall be caried from place to place, countie to countie, yea and sometime in carts, which hath and dooth cause a great number of them to absteine from the assises, & yeeld to paie their issues, rather than they would for their good meaning be thus disturbed & dealt withall. Sometimes also they bribe the bailiffes to be kept at home, whervpon poore men, not hauing in their pursses wherewith to beare their costes, are impanelled vpon iuries, who verie often haue neither reason nor iudgement to performe the charge they come for. Neither was this kind of seruice at anie time halfe so painefull as at this present: for vntill of late yeares (that the number of lawiers and atturneies hath so exceedinglie increased, that some shifts must néeds be found and matters sought out, whereby they may be set on worke) a man should not haue heard at one assise of more than two or thrée Nisi priùs, but verie seldome of an atteinct, wheras now an hundred & more of the first and one or two of the later are verie often perceiued, and some of them for a cause arising of sixpence or tweluepence. Which declareth that men are growen to be farre more contentious than they haue béene in time past, and readier to reuenge their quarels of small importance, whereof the lawiers complaine not. But to my purpose, from whence I haue now digressed.

Certainly, it’s common practice (unless the undersheriff is the better man) for the more cunning or powerful side to select and pack a jury that they like, ensuring they have the outcome secured before the charges are brought. Moreover, if the case proceeds legitimately against them, it’s astonishing to see how the honest farmers, who have genuinely followed their conscience, end up being sued for Attain. an atteinct, and forced to appear in the Star Chamber, facing great hardships as they are moved from place to place, county to county, and sometimes even in carts. This situation has caused many of them to avoid jury duty and instead pay their fines rather than be disturbed and harassed for their good intentions. Occasionally, they also bribe the bailiffs to stay home, leaving poor individuals, who can’t afford the costs, to be selected for juries, often lacking the reason or judgment needed to fulfill their duties. This type of service has never been as burdensome as it is now: until recent years (when the number of lawyers and attorneys has drastically increased, necessitating some tactics and issues to keep them busy), one wouldn’t have heard of more than two or three Nisi prius at a session and very rarely of an atteinct. However, now over a hundred of the former and one or two of the latter are commonly seen, sometimes over a matter of sixpence or twelvepence. This shows that people have become far more litigious than in the past, eager to settle petty grievances, something that lawyers don’t complain about. But, to get back to my point, from which I have now digressed.

Beside these officers afore mentioned, there are sundrie other in euerie countie, as crowners, whose dutie is to inquire of such as come to their death by violence, to attach & present the plées of the crowne, to make inquirie of treasure found, &c. There are diuerse also of the best Iustices of peax & quorum. learned of the law, beside sundrie gentlemen, where the number of lawiers will not suffice (and whose reuenues doo amount to aboue twentie pounds by the yeare) appointed by especiall commission from the prince, to looke vnto the good gouernement of hir subiects, in the counties where they dwell. And of these the least skilfull in the law are of the peace, the other both of the peace and quorum, otherwise called of Oier and Determiner, so that the first haue authoritie onelie to heare, the other to heare and determine such matters as are brought vnto their presence. These also doo direct their warrants to the kéepers of the gailes within their limitations, for the safe kéeping of such offendors as they shall iudge worthie to commit vnto their custodie there to be kept vnder ward, vntill the great assises, to the end their causes may be further examined before the residue of the countie, & these officers were first deuised about the eightéene yeare of Edward the third, as I haue béene informed.

Besides the previously mentioned officers, there are various others in every county, like coroners, who are responsible for investigating deaths caused by violence, handling the crown's legal matters, and looking into found treasures, among other duties. There are also several of the best Justices of the Peace & Quorum. who are knowledgeable in the law, along with various gentlemen, where the number of lawyers is insufficient (and whose annual income exceeds twenty pounds), appointed by special commission from the prince to oversee the good governance of her subjects in the counties where they live. Among these, the least skilled in the law are Justices of the Peace, while the others, known as Justices of the Peace and Quorum, or Oyer and Determiner, have the authority to not only hear cases but also make determinations on the matters brought before them. They also issue warrants to the jailkeepers within their jurisdictions for the safe custody of offenders they deem worthy of being committed to their care, to be held until the grand assizes, so their cases can be further examined by the rest of the county. These officers were first established around the eighteenth year of Edward III, as I have been informed.

Quarter sessions. They méeting also & togither with the shiriffes, doo hold their aforesaid sessions at foure times in the yeare, whereof they are called quarter sessions, and herein they inquire of sundrie trespasses, and the [Page 263] common annoiances of the kings liege people, and diuerse other things, Petie sessions. determining vpon them as iustice dooth require. There are also a third kind of sessions holden by the high constables and bailiffes afore mentioned, called petie sessions, wherein the weights and measures are perused by the clarke of the market for the countie, who sitteth with them. At these méetings also vittellers, and in like sort seruants, labourers, roges and runnagates, are often reformed for their excesses, although the burning of vagabounds through their eare be referred to the quarter sessions or higher courts of assise, where they are iudged either to death, if they be taken the third time, & haue not since their second apprehension applied themselues to labour, or else to be set perpetuallie to worke in an house erected in euerie shire for that purpose, of which punishment they stand in greatest feare.

Quarterly sessions. They meet along with the sheriffs to hold their sessions four times a year, which is why they are called quarter sessions. During these sessions, they investigate various offenses and the common nuisances affecting the king’s subjects, among other matters, [Page 263] making decisions as justice requires. There’s also a third type of session held by the high constables and bailiffs mentioned earlier, called petty sessions, where the county’s clerk of the market reviews weights and measures while sitting with them. At these meetings, vendors and similarly, servants, laborers, vagrants, and runaways are often corrected for their misdeeds, although the punishment of vagabonds by branding is referred to the quarter sessions or higher courts of assizes, where they are sentenced either to death if they are caught a third time and haven't sought work since their second arrest, or to be permanently assigned to work in a facility established in every county for that purpose, which is the punishment they fear the most.

I might here deliuer a discourse of sundrie rare customes and courts, surnamed barons, yet mainteined and holden in England: but forsomuch as some of the first are beastlie, and therefore by the lords of the soiles now liuing conuerted into monie, being for the most part deuised in the beginning either by malicious or licentious women, in méere contempt and slauish abuse of their tenants, vnder pretense of some punishment due for their excesses, I passe ouer to bring them vnto light, as also the remembrance of sundrie courts baron likewise holden in strange maner; yet none more absurd and far from law than are kept yearlie at Kings hill in Rochford, and therfore may well be called a lawlesse court, as most are that were deuised vpon such occasions. This court is kept vpon wednesdaie insuing after Michaelmasse daie after midnight, so that it is begun and ended before the rising of the sunne. When the tenants also are altogither in an alehouse, the steward secretlie stealeth from them with a lanterne vnder his cloke, and goeth to the Kings hill, where sitting on a mole-hill he calleth them with a verie soft voice, writing their appéerance vpon a péece of paper with a cole, hauing none other light than that which is inclosed in the lanterne: so soone as the tenants also doo misse the steward, they runne to the hill with all their might, and there answer all at once, Here here, wherby they escape their amercements: which they should not doo if he could haue called ouer his bill of names before they had missed him in the alehouse. And this is the verie forme of the court deuised at the first (as the voice goeth) vpon a rebellion made by the tenants of the honour of Raibie against their lord, in perpetuall memorie of their disobedience shewed. I could beside this speake also of some other, but sith one hath taken vpon him to collect a number of them into a particular treatise, I thinke it sufficient for me to haue said so much of both.

I could share a discussion about various unusual customs and baron courts still practiced in England. However, since some of the earliest ones are rather grotesque and have been turned into money by the current landowners, primarily created by spiteful or loose women out of disdain and exploitation of their tenants under the pretense of punishing their excesses, I’ll skip revealing them, as well as the memory of various baron courts held in strange ways. Yet none are more nonsensical and far from legal than the ones held annually at Kings Hill in Rochford, which could rightly be called a lawless court, as most were created for such occasions. This court takes place on the Wednesday after Michaelmas at midnight, so it starts and finishes before sunrise. When the tenants are all gathered in a pub, the steward quietly sneaks away from them with a lantern tucked under his cloak and heads to Kings Hill. Sitting on a molehill, he calls them with a very soft voice, noting their attendance on a piece of paper with charcoal, using no other light than that from the lantern. As soon as the tenants realize the steward is gone, they rush to the hill as fast as they can, all shouting "Here, here!" which allows them to avoid their fines. They wouldn't get away with it if he could call his list of names before they noticed he was missing from the pub. This is supposedly the original format of the court, created in response to a rebellion by the tenants of the honor of Raibie against their lord, as a lasting reminder of their disobedience. I could also mention a few others, but since someone has taken it upon themselves to collect a number of them into a specific treatise, I’ll just say this much about both.

And thus much haue I thought good to set downe generallie of the said counties and their maner of gouernance, although not in so perfect order as the cause requireth, bicause that of all the rest there is nothing wherewith I am lesse acquainted than with our temporall regiment, which (to saie truth) smallie concerneth my calling. What else is to be added after the seuerall shires of England with their ancient limits (as they agreed with the diuision of the land in the time of Ptolomie and the Romans) and commodities yet extant, I reserue vnto that excellent treatise of my fréend W. Cambden, who hath trauelled therein verie farre, & whose worke written in Latine shall in short time (I hope) be published, to the no small benefit of such as will read and peruse the same.

And so I thought it would be good to write down some general information about the mentioned counties and how they are governed, even though it's not organized as perfectly as it should be, because among everything else, I am least familiar with our local administration, which, to be honest, has little to do with my role. As for what else to add after discussing the various counties of England with their historical boundaries (as they matched the land division from the time of Ptolemy and the Romans) and the resources still available, I will leave that to the excellent work of my friend W. Camden, who has studied this extensively, and whose work written in Latin should be published soon, to the great benefit of those who want to read it.

OF DEGREES OF PEOPLE IN THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND.
CHAP. V.

We in England diuide our people commonlie into foure sorts, as gentlemen, citizens or burgesses, yeomen, which are artificers, or laborers. Of gentlemen the first and chéefe (next the king) be the prince, dukes, marquesses, earls, viscounts, and barons: and these are called gentlemen of the greater sort, or (as our common vsage of spéech [Page 264] is) lords and noblemen: and next vnto them be knights, esquiers, and last of all they that are simplie called gentlemen; so that in effect our gentlemen are diuided into their conditions, wherof in this chapiter I will make particular rehearsall.

We in England usually divide our people into four main categories: gentlemen, citizens or burgesses, yeomen, who are artisans or laborers. Among gentlemen, the first and most important (next to the king) are the prince, dukes, marquesses, earls, viscounts, and barons: these are referred to as gentlemen of the higher sort, or (as we commonly say) lords and noblemen. Next to them are knights, esquires, and finally those who are simply called gentlemen; so in essence, our gentlemen are categorized based on their status, which I will detail in this chapter.

Prince. The title of prince dooth peculiarlie belong with vs to the kings eldest sonne, who is called prince of Wales, and is the heire apparant to the crowne; as in France the kings eldest sonne hath the title of Dolphine, and is named peculiarlie Monsieur. So that the prince is so termed of the Latine word Princeps, sith he is (as I may call him) the cheefe or principall next the king. The kings yoonger sonnes be but gentlemen by birth (till they haue receiued creation or donation from their father of higher estate, as to be either visconts, earles, or dukes) and called after their names, as lord Henrie, or lord Edward, with the addition of the word Grace, properlie assigned to the king and prince, and now also by custome conueied to dukes, archbishops, and (as some saie) to marquesses and their wiues.

Prince. The title of prince specifically belongs to the king's eldest son, who is called the Prince of Wales and is the heir apparent to the throne; in France, the king's eldest son holds the title of Dauphin and is specifically referred to as Monsieur. The term "prince" comes from the Latin word "Princeps," as he is (for lack of a better term) the chief or principal next to the king. The king's younger sons are just gentlemen by birth (until they receive a title or gift from their father that elevates their status, like viscounts, earls, or dukes) and are referred to by their names, such as Lord Henry or Lord Edward, with the honorific "Grace," which is properly reserved for the king and prince, but has now also been customarily extended to dukes, archbishops, and (as some say) marquesses and their wives.

Duke. The title of duke commeth also of the Latine word Dux, à ducendo, bicause of his valor and power ouer the armie: in times past a name of office due to the emperour, consull, or chéefe gouernour of the whole armie in the Romane warres: but now a name of honor, although perished in England, whose ground will not long beare one duke at once; but if there were manie as in time past, or as there be now earles, I doo not thinke but that they would florish and prosper well inough.

Duke. The title of duke comes from the Latin word Dux, meaning leader, because of his bravery and authority over the army. In the past, it was an official title given to the emperor, consul, or chief commander of the entire army in the Roman wars. Now, it is more of an honorary title, although it has fallen out of favor in England, where the land can’t support more than one duke at a time. If there were many, like in the past, or as there are now earls, I believe they would thrive and do quite well.

Marquesse. In old time he onelie was called marquesse, Qui habuit terram limitaneam, a marching prouince vpon the enimies countries, and thereby bound to kéepe and defend the frontiers. But that also is changed in common vse, and reputed for a name of great honor next vnto the duke, euen ouer counties, and sometimes small cities, as the prince is pleased to bestow it.

Marquise. In the past, he was only called marquess, which referred to someone who held a border territory, a province on the edge of enemy lands, and was therefore obligated to guard and protect the frontiers. But that has also changed in common usage, and it is now regarded as a title of great honor just below that of a duke, even over counties, and sometimes small cities, as the prince decides to give it.

Earle. The name of earle likewise was among the Romans a name of office, who had Comites sacri palatij, comites ærarij, comites stabuli, comites patrimonij, largitionum, scholarum, commerciorum, and such like. But at the first they were called Comites, which were ioined in commission with the proconsull, legate, or iudges for counsell and aids sake in each of those seuerall charges. As Cicero epistola ad Quintum fratrem remembreth, where he saith; "Atque inter hos quos tibi comites, & adiutores, negotiorum publicorum dedit ipsa respublica duntaxat finibus his præstabis, quos ante præscripsi, &c." After this I read also that euerie president in his charge was called Comes, but our English Saxons vsed the word Hertoch and earle for Comes, and indifferentlie as I gesse, sith the name of duke was not in vse before the conquest. Coropius saith, that Comes and Graue is all one, to wit the viscont, Viscont. called either Procomes, or Vicecomes: and in time past gouerned in the countie vnder the earle, but now without anie such seruice or office, it is also become a name of dignitie next after the earle, and in degrée before the baron. His reléefe also by the great charter is one hundred pounds, as that of a baronie a hundred marks, and of a knight fiue at the most for euerie fée.

Earle. The title of earl was also an official title among the Romans, who had Comites sacri palatij, comites ærarij, comites stabuli, comites patrimonij, largitionum, scholarum, commerciorum, and similar roles. Initially, they were referred to as Comites, who were appointed to work alongside the proconsul, legate, or judges to offer counsel and assistance for various responsibilities. As Cicero mentions in his letter to Quintus, "And among those whom the republic itself has given to you as companions and helpers in public matters, you will only provide for these borders, which I have mentioned before, etc." I also read that every president in his role was called Comes, but our English Saxons used the terms Hertoch and earl interchangeably for Comes, since the title of duke was not in use before the conquest. Coropius states that Comes and Graue are essentially the same, meaning the viscount, referred to either as Procomes or Vicecomes, who previously governed in the county under the earl but now, without any specific duty or role, has also become a title of dignity that ranks just below the earl and above the baron. His relief, as established by the Great Charter, is one hundred pounds, while that of a barony is one hundred marks, and for a knight, up to five for each fee.

Baron. The baron, whose degrée answered to the dignitie of a senator in Rome, is such a frée lord as hath a lordship or baronie, whereof he beareth his name, & hath diuerse knights or fréeholders holding of him, who with him did serue the king in his wars, and held their tenures in Baronia, that is, for performance of such seruice. These Bracton (a learned writer of the lawes of England in king Henrie the thirds time) tearmeth Barones, quasi robur belli. The word Baro indéed is older than that it may easilie be found from whence it came: for euen in the oldest histories both of the Germans and Frenchmen, written since the conquest, we read of barons, and those are at this daie called among the Germans Liberi vel Ingenui, or Freihers in the Germane toong as some men doo coniecture, or (as one saith) the citizens and burgesses of good townes and cities were called Barones. Neuerthelesse by diligent inquisition it is imagined, if not absolutelie found, that the word Baro and Filius in the old Scithian or Germane language are all one; so that the kings children are properlie called Barones, from whome also it was first translated to their kindred, and then to the nobilitie and officers of greatest honour indifferentlie. That Baro and Filius signifieth one [Page 265] thing, it yet remaineth to be séene, although with some corruption: for to this daie, euen the common sort doo call their male children barnes here in England, especiallie in the north countrie, where that word is yet accustomablie in vse. And it is also growne into a prouerbe in the south, when anie man susteineth a great hinderance, to saie, I am beggered and all my barnes. In the Hebrue toong (as some affirme) it signifieth Filij solis, and what are the nobilitie in euerie kingdome but Filij or serui regum? But this is farre fetched, wherefore I conclude, that from hensefoorth the originall of the word Baro shall not be anie more to seeke: and the first time that euer I red thereof in anie English historie, is in the reigne of Canutus, who called his nobilitie and head officers to a councell holden at Cirnecester, by that name, 1030, as I haue else-where remembred. Howbeit the word Baro dooth not alwaies signifie or is attributed to a noble man by birth or creation, for now and then it is a title giuen vnto one or other with his office, as the chéefe or high tribune of the excheker is of custome called lord chéefe baron, who is as it were the great or principall receiuer of accounts next vnto the lord treasuror, as they are vnder him are called Tribuni ærarij, & rationales. Hervnto I may ad so much of the word lord, which is an addition going not seldome and in like sort with sundrie offices, and to continue so long as he or they doo execute the same, and no longer.

Baron. The baron, whose rank is similar to that of a senator in Rome, is a free lord who holds a lordship or barony named after him. He has various knights or freeholders under him, who served the king in his wars and hold their lands in Baronia, which is in exchange for that service. Bracton, a knowledgeable author of English law during King Henry III’s reign, refers to them as Barones, meaning "the strength of war." The term Baro is indeed older than can easily be traced, as it appears in the earliest histories of the Germans and French, written since the conquest. Even today in Germany, those referred to as Liberi vel Ingenui, or Freihers, are thought to be related to this term, or (as some suggest) the citizens and burgesses of important towns and cities were called Barones. However, through careful research, it is believed—if not definitively proven—that the words Baro and Filius in the old Scythian or German language mean the same thing; thus, the king's children are properly called Barones, from which the term was first translated to their relatives and then to the nobility and high-ranking officials indiscriminately. It remains to be seen whether Baro and Filius genuinely signify one thing, albeit with some distortion: even today, common people in England refer to their male children as "barnes," especially in the north, where that term is still commonly used. It has also become a proverb in the south; when someone suffers a significant setback, they say, "I am ruined and all my barnes." In Hebrew, it’s claimed to mean "Sons of the Sun," and what is the nobility in every kingdom but the "Sons or Servants of Kings"? However, that may be somewhat far-fetched. Therefore, I conclude that the origin of the word Baro should no longer be a mystery: the first time I encountered it in any English history was during the reign of Canute, who summoned his nobility and senior officers to a council held at Cirencester, using that name in 1030, as I’ve noted elsewhere. Nevertheless, the term Baro does not always mean or is exclusively used for a nobleman by birth or appointment; sometimes it is a title given to someone based on their office, such as the chief or high tribunal of the exchequer, who is customarily called the Lord Chief Baron, acting as the main account receiver next to the Lord Treasurer, while those below him are called Tribuni ærarij and rationales. Furthermore, I can add that the title of lord is often used alongside various offices and continues as long as the individual or individuals fulfill those roles, and not beyond that time.

Bishops. Vnto this place I also referre our bishops, who are accounted honourable, called lords, and hold the same roome in the parlement house with the barons, albeit for honour sake the right hand of the prince is giuen vnto them, and whose countenances in time past were much more glorious than at this present it is, bicause those lustie prelats sought after earthlie estimation and authoritie with farre more diligence than after the lost shéepe of Christ, of which they had small regard, as men being otherwise occupied and void of leisure to attend vpon the same. Howbeit in these daies their estate remaineth no lesse reuerend than before, and the more vertuous they are that be of this calling, the better are they estéemed with high and low. They reteine also the ancient name (lord) still, although it be not a little impugned by such as loue either to heare of change of all things, or can abide no 1. Sam b 15.
1. Reg. a 7.
superiours. For notwithstanding it be true, that in respect of function, the office of the eldership is equallie distributed betwéene the bishop and the minister, yet for ciuill gouernements sake, the first haue more authoritie giuen vnto them by kings and princes, to the end that the rest maie thereby be with more ease reteined within a limited compasse of vniformitie, than otherwise they would be, if ech one were suffered to walke in his owne course. This also is more to be maruelled at, that verie manie call for an alteration of their estate, crieng to haue the word lord abolished, their ciuill authoritie taken from them, and the present condition of the church in other things reformed; whereas to saie trulie, few of them doo agrée vpon forme of discipline and gouernement of the church succedent: wherein they resemble the Capuans, of whome Liuie dooth speake in the slaughter of their senat. Neither is it possible to frame a whole monarchie after the patterne of one towne or citie, or to stirre vp such an exquisite face of the church as we imagine or desire, sith our corruption is such that it will neuer yéeld to so great perfection: for that which is not able to be performed in a priuat house, will much lesse be brought to passe in a common-wealth and kingdome, before such a prince be found as Xenophon describeth, or such an orator as Tullie hath deuised. But whither am I digressed from my discourse of bishops, whose estates doo daily decaie, & suffer some diminution? Herein neuerthelesse their case is growne to be much better than before, for whereas in times past the cleargie men were feared bicause of their authoritie and seuere gouernment vnder the prince, now are they beloued generallie for their painefull diligence dailie shewed in their functions and callings, except peraduenture of some hungrie wombes, that couet to plucke & snatch at the loose ends of their best commodities; with whom it is (as the report goeth) a common guise, when a man is to be preferred to an ecclesiasticall liuing, what part thereof he will first forgo and part with to their vse. Finallie, how it standeth with the rest of the clergie for their places of estate, I neither can tell nor greatlie care to know. Neuerthelesse with what degrées of honour and worship they haue béene matched in times past [Page 266] De Asia, cap. 12. Iohannes Bohemus in his De omnium gentium moribus, and others doo expresse; and this also found beside their reports, that in time past euerie bishop, abbat, and pelting prior were placed before the earles and barons in most statutes, charters, and records made by the prince, as maie also appeare in the great charter, and sundrie yeares of Henrie the third, wherein no duke was heard of. But as a number of their odious comparisons and ambitious titles are now decaied and worthilie shroonke in the wetting, so giuing ouer in these daies to mainteine such pompous vanitie, they doo thinke it sufficient for them to preach the word, & hold their liuings to their sées (so long as they shall be able) from the hands of such as indeuour for their owne preferrement to fléece and diminish the same. This furthermore will I adde generallie in commendation of the cleargie of England, that they are for their knowlege reputed in France, Portingale, Spaine, Germanie and Polonia, to be the most learned diuines, although they like not anie thing at all of their religion: and thereto they are in deed so skilfull in the two principall toongs, that it is accounted a maime in anie one of them, not to be exactlie seene in the Greeke and Hebrue, much more then to be vtterlie ignorant or nothing conuersant in them. As for the Latine toong No Gréeke, no grace. it is not wanting in anie of the ministerie, especiallie in such as haue beene made within this twelue or fourtéene yeares, whereas before there was small choise, and manie cures were left vnserued, bicause they had none at all. And to saie truth, our aduersaries were the onelie causers hereof. For whilest they made no Bene con, bene can, bene le. further accompt of their priesthood, than to construe, sing, read their seruice and their portesse, it came to passe that vpon examination had, few made in quéene Maries daies, and the later end of king Henrie, were able to doo anie more, and verie hardlie so much, so void were they of further skill, and so vnapt to serue at all.

Bishops. I also want to mention our bishops, who are considered honorable, called lords, and sit in the same place in the parliament house as the barons. For the sake of honor, they are given the right hand of the prince. In the past, their presence was much more impressive than it is now because these ambitious bishops sought earthly praise and authority much more diligently than they did for the lost sheep of Christ, which they paid little attention to since they were otherwise occupied and lacked the time to focus on it. However, nowadays their position remains just as revered as before, and the more virtuous those in this role are, the more they are esteemed by both the high and the low. They also keep the ancient title of “lord,” even though it's often challenged by those who either love to hear about changes or cannot stand to have superiors. Although it is true that in terms of function, the responsibilities of the bishop and the minister are equally divided, for civil governance purposes, the bishops have more authority granted to them by kings and princes, so that the others can be more easily kept within a consistent framework of uniformity than they would be if each one were allowed to go their own way. It is also surprising that many call for a change in their status, demanding the title of lord be abolished, their civil authority taken away from them, and the current condition of the church reformed in other areas. However, to be honest, few of them agree on a form of church governance and discipline that follows this change, resembling the Capuans mentioned by Livy in the slaughter of their Senate. Nor is it realistic to structure an entire monarchy based on one town or city, or to create the ideal vision of the church that we imagine or desire, as our flaws are such that they will never yield such perfection; what cannot be achieved in a private household will be even less feasible in a commonwealth and kingdom, unless we find a prince like the one described by Xenophon or an orator like the one Cicero envisioned. But I digress from my discussion of bishops, whose positions are declining daily and facing some diminishment. Nevertheless, their situation is much better than it was before, for in the past the clergy were feared due to their authority and strict governance under the prince; now they are generally beloved for their diligent efforts displayed daily in their roles, except perhaps by some greedy individuals who want to take advantage of their valuable assets. It has become common, as the rumor goes, for someone being considered for an ecclesiastical position to ask which part he would first give up and share for their benefit. Finally, I cannot say nor greatly care to know how things stand with the rest of the clergy regarding their status. However, regarding the degrees of honor and respect they were matched with in the past, Johannes Bohemus in his De omnium gentium moribus and others express this, and it is also noted alongside their reports that in times gone by every bishop, abbot, and lowly prior was placed before earls and barons in most statutes, charters, and records made by the prince, as may also be seen in the great charter and various years of Henry the third, where no duke was mentioned. But as many of their unsavory comparisons and ambitious titles have now diminished and rightly faded into obscurity, they have given up maintaining such ostentatious vanity and now consider it sufficient to preach the word and hold on to their livings (as long as they can) from those who strive for their own advancement at their expense. Furthermore, I want to commend the clergy of England generally, as they are regarded in France, Portugal, Spain, Germany, and Poland as the most learned divines, even though they are not at all fond of their religion. Moreover, they are indeed so skilled in the two principal languages that it's seen as a drawback for anyone not to be well-versed in Greek and Hebrew, far less to be entirely ignorant or unacquainted with them. As for Latin, No Greek, no grace. it is not lacking in any of the ministry, especially in those made within the last twelve or fourteen years, whereas before there was little choice, and many positions were left unfilled because there were none available. To tell the truth, our adversaries were the sole cause of this. For while they thought little of their priesthood beyond being able to translate, sing, and read their service and portesse, it turned out that upon examination during the days of Queen Mary and the later part of King Henry’s reign, few could do any more and very hardly so much, as they were entirely lacking in further skill and poorly fit for service at all.

Duke, marquesse, earle, viscont. Dukes, marquesses, earles, visconts, and barons, either be created of the prince, or come to that honor by being the eldest sonnes or highest in succession to their parents. For the eldest sonne of a duke during his fathers life is an erle, the eldest sonne of an erle is a baron, or sometimes a viscont, according as the creation is. The creation I call the originall donation and condition of the honour giuen by the prince for good seruice doone by the first ancestor, with some aduancement, which with the title of that honour is alwaies giuen to him and his heires males onelie. The rest of the sonnes of the nobilitie by the rigor of the law be but esquiers: yet in common spéech all dukes and marquesses sonnes, and earles eldest sonnes be called lords, the which name commonlie dooth agrée to none of lower degrée than barons, yet by law and vse these be not esteemed barons.

Duke, marquess, earl, viscount. Dukes, marquesses, earls, viscounts, and barons are either appointed by the prince or achieve this title by being the eldest sons or next in line to their parents. The eldest son of a duke is an earl while his father is alive; the eldest son of an earl is either a baron or sometimes a viscount, depending on the specific title given. I refer to the creation as the original grant and status of the honor awarded by the prince for good service performed by the first ancestor, along with some advancement, which is always granted to him and his male heirs. The other sons of nobility, under strict law, are only knights: however, in everyday language, all sons of dukes and marquesses, as well as the eldest sons of earls, are referred to as lords. This term is generally reserved for those of no lower rank than barons, although legally and traditionally, they are not considered barons.

Barons. The baronie or degrée of lords dooth answer to the degree of senators of Rome (as I said) and the title of nobilitie (as we vse to call it in England) to the Romane Patricij. Also in England no man is commonlie created baron, except he maie dispend of yearelie reuenues a thousand pounds, or so much as maie fullie mainteine & beare out his countenance and port. But visconts, erles, marquesses, and dukes excéed them according to the proportion of their degrée & honour. But though by chance he or his sonne haue lesse, yet he kéepeth this degree: but if the decaie be excessiue and not able to mainteine the honour, as Senatores Romani were amoti à senatu: so sometimes they are not admitted to the vpper house in the parlement although they keepe the name of lord still, which can not be taken from them vpon anie such occasion. The most of these names haue descended from the French inuention, in whose histories we shall read of them eight hundred yeares passed.

Lords. The rank of baron corresponds to the rank of senators in Rome, as I mentioned, and the title of nobility, as we call it in England, is akin to the Roman Patricians. In England, a man is typically only made a baron if he can spend a thousand pounds a year or enough to fully support his lifestyle and maintain his status. However, viscounts, earls, marquesses, and dukes rank above barons according to their level of status and honor. Even if he or his son has less wealth, he retains this title; but if their decline is severe and they can’t uphold their honor, similar to how Roman senators could be removed from the Senate, they sometimes aren’t allowed in the House of Lords during Parliament, even though they still hold the title of lord, which cannot be taken from them for such reasons. Most of these titles have come from French origins, and we can read about them in their histories from eight hundred years ago.

Of the second degrée of gentlemen. This also is worthie the remembrance, that Otto the first emperour of that name, indeuouring to restore the decaied estate of Italie vnto some part of hir pristinate magnificence, did after the French example giue Dignitates & prædia to such knights and souldiers as had serued him in the warres, whom he also adorned with the names of dukes, marquesses, earles, valuasors or capteins, and valuasines.

Of the second rank of gentlemen. It's also worth noting that Otto, the first emperor of that name, tried to restore the fallen state of Italy to some of its original greatness. Following the French example, he granted titles and land to knights and soldiers who had served him in the wars, and he honored them with titles like dukes, marquesses, earls, valets, or captains, and vassals.

Prædia. His Prædia in like maner were tributes, tolles, portage, bankage, stackage, coinage, profits by saltpits, milles, water-courses (and whatsoeuer emoluments grew by them) & such like. But at that present I read not that the word Baro was brought into those parts. And as for the valuasors, it was a denomination applied vnto all degrées of honor vnder [Page 267] the first three (which are properlie named the kings capteins) so that they are called Maiores, minores, & minimi valuasores. This also is to be noted, that the word capteine hath two relations, either as the possessor therof hath it from the prince, or from some duke, marquesse, or earle, for each had capteins vnder them. If from the prince, then are Valuasores. they called Maiores valuasores, if from anie of his thrée péeres, then were they Minores valuasores: but if anie of these Valuasors doo substitute a deputie, those are called Minimi valuasores, and their deputies also Valuasini, without regard vnto which degrée the valuasor dooth apperteine: but the word Valuasor is now growne out of vse, wherefore it sufficeth to haue said thus much of that function.

Prædia. His Prædia were essentially taxes, tolls, transport fees, banking charges, storage fees, minting fees, profits from saltpits, mills, waterways (and any other income generated by them), and similar things. However, at that time, I didn’t find that the term Baro had been introduced in those areas. As for the valuators, it was a title applied to all levels of honor below the first three (which are specifically called the king's captains), so they are referred to as Maiores, Minores, and Minimi valuators. It’s also worth noting that the term captain has two meanings, depending on whether the holder receives it from the prince or from a duke, marquis, or earl, as each had captains under them. If it’s from the prince, then they are called Maiores valuators; if from any of his three peers, they are referred to as Minores valuators. But if any of these valuators appoint a deputy, those are called Minimi valuators, and their deputies are also called Valuasini, regardless of which level the valuator belongs to. However, the term Valuasor has fallen out of use now, so it’s enough to have mentioned this much about that role.

Knights. Knights be not borne, neither is anie man a knight by succession, no not the king or prince: but they are made either before the battell, to incourage them the more to aduenture & trie their manhood: or after the battell ended, as an aduancement for their courage and prowesse alreadie Milites. shewed (& then are they called Milites;) or out of the warres for some great seruice doone, or for the singular vertues which doo appeare in them, and then are they named Equites aurati, as common custome intendeth. They are made either by the king himselfe, or by his commission and roiall authoritie giuen for the same purpose: or by his lieutenant in the warres. This order seemeth to answer in part to that Equites aurati. which the Romans called Equitum Romanorum. For as Equites Romani were chosen Ex censu, that is, according to their substance and riches; so be knights in England most commonlie according to their yearelie reuenues or aboundance of riches, wherewith to mainteine their estates. Yet all that had Equestrem censum, were not chosen to be knights, and no more be all made Knights in England that may spend a knights lands, but they onelie whome the prince will honour. Sometime diuerse ancient gentlemen, burgesses, and lawiers, are called vnto knighthood by the prince, and neuerthelesse refuse to take that state vpon them, for which they are of custome punished by a fine, that redoundeth vnto his cofers, and to saie truth, is oftentimes more profitable vnto him than otherwise their seruice should be, if they did yeeld vnto knighthood. And this also is a cause, wherefore there be manie in England able to dispend a knights liuing, which neuer come vnto that countenance, and by their owne consents. The number of the knights in Rome was also vncerteine: and so is it of knights likewise with vs, as at the pleasure of the prince. And whereas the Equites Romani had Equum publicum of custome bestowed vpon them, the knights of England haue not so, but beare their owne charges in that also, as in other kind of furniture, as armorie méet for their defense and seruice. This neuerthelesse is certeine, that who so may dispend 40 pounds by the yeare of frée land, either at the coronation of the king, or mariage of his daughter, or time of his dubbing, may be inforced vnto the taking of that degrée, or otherwise paie the reuenues of his land for one yeare, which is onelie fortie pounds by an old proportion, and so for a time be acquited of that title. We name him knight in English that the French calleth Cheualier, and the Latins Equitem, or Equestris ordinis virum. And when any man is made a knight, he knéeling downe is striken of the king or his substitute with his sword naked vpon the backe or shoulder, the prince, &c: saieng, "Soyes cheualier au nom de Dieu." And when he riseth vp the king saith "Aduances bon cheualier." This is the maner of dubbing knights at this present, and the tearme (dubbing) is the old tearme for that purpose and not creation, howbeit in our time the word (making) is most in vse among the common sort.

Knights. Knights aren't born; no one becomes a knight just by inheritance, not even kings or princes. They are made either before a battle to encourage them to show their bravery or after the battle as a reward for their already demonstrated courage and skill (and then they are called Milites); or out of the military setting for performing some great service, or for displaying exceptional qualities, and then they are referred to as Equites aurati, as is the custom. They are appointed either by the king himself or through his commissioned royal authority for that purpose, or by his military lieutenant. This order seems to correspond in part to what the Romans called Equitum Romanorum. Just as Equites Romani were chosen based on their wealth, knights in England are typically chosen based on their annual income or wealth sufficient to support their status. However, not everyone with a financial standing worthy of knighthood is made a knight; only those whom the prince chooses to honor are knighted. Sometimes various ancient gentlemen, borough representatives, and lawyers are summoned to knighthood by the prince, but some refuse this rank, for which they are usually punished by a fine that goes into the king's coffers. Honestly, this fine is often more profitable for him than if those individuals accepted knighthood. This is also a reason many in England who can afford to live like knights never take on that status, and they do so voluntarily. The number of knights in Rome was also uncertain; the same goes for knights among us, depending on the prince's discretion. Whereas the Equites Romani were traditionally given a public horse, English knights do not receive this but manage their own expenses for that and other necessary equipment, like armor suitable for their defense and service. However, it is certain that anyone who can spend £40 a year on free land, either at the coronation of the king, the marriage of his daughter, or at the time of his knighthood, may be compelled to accept that degree, or they can pay the annual income of their land for one year, which is only forty pounds according to an old standard, thus temporarily freeing themselves from that title. We call him a knight in English, which the French term Chevalier, and the Latins call Equitem, or Equestris ordinis virum. When someone is made a knight, he kneels, and is struck by the king or his representative with a naked sword on the back or shoulder, the prince, etc., saying, "Soyes chevalier au nom de Dieu." When he stands up, the king says, "Aduances bon chevalier." This is the current manner of dubbing knights, and the term (dubbing) is the traditional term for that purpose and not creation; however, in our time, the word (making) is more commonly used among the general public.

Knights of the bath. At the coronation of a king or queene, there be other knights made with longer and more curious ceremonies, called knights of the bath. But how soeuer one be dubbed or made knight, his wife is by and by called madame or ladie, so well as the barons wife; he himselfe hauing added to his name in common appellation this syllable Sir, which is the title whereby we call our knights in England. His wife also of courtesie so long as she liueth is called my ladie, although she happen to marie with a gentleman or man of meane calling, albeit that by the cōomon law she hath no such prerogatiue. If hir first husband also be of better birth than hir second, though this later likewise be a knight, yet in that she [Page 268] pretendeth a priuilege to loose no honor through courtesie yéelded to hir sex, she will be named after the most honorable or worshipfull of both, which is not séene elsewhere.

Knights of the Bath. During the coronation of a king or queen, there are other knights created through more elaborate ceremonies, known as knights of the bath. Regardless of how one is knighted, his wife is immediately referred to as madame or lady, just like the wives of barons; he himself has the title Sir added to his name, which is how we refer to knights in England. His wife, out of courtesy, will be called my lady for as long as she lives, even if she marries a gentleman or someone of lower status, even though common law does not grant her that privilege. If her first husband has a higher status than her second, even if the second one is also a knight, she will still claim the privilege of not losing any honor through the courtesy extended to her gender, and she will be named after the most honorable or esteemed of both, which is not seen anywhere else. [Page 268]

Knights of the garter. The other order of knighthood in England, and the most honorable is that of the garter, instituted by king Edward the third, who after he had gained manie notable victories, taken king Iohn of France, and king Iames of Scotland (and kept them both prisoners in the Tower of London at one time) expelled king Henrie of Castile the bastard out of his realme, and restored Don Petro vnto it (by the helpe of the prince of Wales and duke of Aquitaine his eldest sonne called the Blacke prince) he then inuented this societie of honour, and made a choise out of his owne realme and dominions, and throughout all christendome of the best, most excellent and renowmed persons in all vertues and honour, and adorned them with that title to be knights of his order, giuing them a garter garnished with gold and pretious stones, to weare dailie on the left leg onlie: also a kirtle, gowne, cloke, chaperon, collar, and other solemne and magnificent apparell, both of stuffe and fashion exquisite & heroicall to weare at high feasts, & as to so high and princelie an order apperteineth. Of this companie also he and his successors kings and queenes of England, be the souereignes, and the rest by certeine statutes and lawes amongst themselues be taken as brethren and fellowes in that order, to the number of six and twentie, as I find in a certeine treatise written of the same, an example whereof I haue here inserted word for word, as it was deliuered vnto me, beginning after this maner.

Order of the Garter. The other order of knighthood in England, and the most honorable, is the Order of the Garter, founded by King Edward III. After winning many notable victories, capturing King John of France and King James of Scotland (and keeping them both prisoners in the Tower of London simultaneously), and expelling King Henry of Castile, the bastard, from his realm while restoring Don Pedro with the help of his eldest son, the Prince of Wales and Duke of Aquitaine, known as the Black Prince, he established this society of honor. He selected from his own realm and throughout Christendom the best, most excellent, and renowned individuals in virtue and honor, bestowing upon them the title of knights of his order. They received a garter adorned with gold and precious stones to wear daily on their left leg only, as well as a kirtle, gown, cloak, chaperon, collar, and other grand and magnificent garments of exquisite and heroic style to wear at high feasts, befitting such a high and princely order. He and his successors, the kings and queens of England, serve as the sovereigns of this company, while the rest are regarded as brothers and fellows in this order, numbering twenty-six, as stated in a certain treatise I have here included word for word as it was delivered to me, beginning in this manner.

Round table. I might at this present make a long tractation of the round table and estate of the knights thereof, erected sometimes by Arthur the great monarch, of this Iland; and therevnto intreat of the number of his knights, and ceremonies belonging to the order, but I thinke in so dooing that I should rather set downe the latter inuentions of other men, than a true description of such ancient actions as were performed in deed. I could furthermore with more facilitie describe the roialtie of Charles the great & his twelue péeres, with their solemne rites and vsages: but vnto this also I haue no great deuotion, considering the truth hereof is now so stained with errours and fables inserted into the same by the lewd religious sort, that except a man should professe to lie with them for companie, there is little sound knowledge to be gathered hereof worthie the remembrance. In like maner diuerse aswell subiects as princes haue attempted to restore againe a round table in Roger Mortimer. this land (as for example Roger lord Mortimer at Killingworth) but such were the excessiue charges apperteining therevnto (as they did make allowance) and so great molestation dailie insued therevpon, beside the bréeding of sundrie quarrels among the knights, and such as resorted hitherto from forreine countries (as it was first vsed) that in fine they gaue it ouer, and suffered their whole inuentions to perish and decaie, till Edward the third deuised an other order not so much pestered with multitude of knights as the round table, but much more honorable for princelie port and countenance, as shall appeare hereafter.

Roundtable. I could go on for a while about the round table and the status of the knights associated with it, created long ago by Arthur, the great king of this island. I could also discuss the number of his knights and the ceremonies related to the order, but I feel that in doing so, I'd end up just repeating what others have invented instead of providing a true account of the ancient deeds actually performed. I could also describe the royalty of Charlemagne and his twelve peers, along with their solemn rites and customs, but I’m not particularly invested in that either, as the truth has been so muddied by errors and fables introduced by unscrupulous religious types. Unless someone is willing to lie alongside them for company, there’s hardly any valuable knowledge to be gained from it. Similarly, various subjects and princes have tried to recreate a round table in this land (for example, Roger Lord Mortimer at Killingworth), but the excessive costs associated with it (as they duly noted) and the daily disruptions that followed, not to mention the many quarrels among the knights and those coming from foreign lands (as was done originally), led them to eventually abandon the idea and let their entire plans fade and decay. That is, until Edward the Third came up with a different order, which wasn't so bogged down by a crowd of knights like the round table but was much more honorable in its royal presence and demeanor, as will be shown later.

The occasion of the deuise. The order of the garter therefore was deuised in the time of king Edward the third, and (as some write) vpon this occasion. The quéenes maiestie then liuing, being departed from his presence the next waie toward hir lodging, he following soone after happened to find hir garter, which slacked by chance and so fell from hir leg, vnespied in the throng by such as attended vpon hir. His groomes & gentlemen also passed by it, disdaining to stoope and take vp such a trifle: but he knowing the owner, commanded one of them to staie and reach it vp to him. Why and like your grace (saieth a gentleman) it is but some womans garter that hath fallen from hir as she followed the quéenes maiestie. What soeuer Peradventure but a blue ribbon. it be (quoth the king) take it vp and giue it me. So when he had receiued the garter, he said to such as stood about him: You my maisters doo make small account of this blue garter here (and therewith held it out) but if God lend me life for a few moneths, I will make the proudest of you all to reuerence the like. And euen vpon this slender occasion he gaue himselfe to the deuising of this order. Certes I haue not read of anie thing, that hauing had so simple a begining hath growne in the end to so great honour and estimation. But to proceed. After he had studied awhile about the performance of his deuise, and had set downe such [Page 269] orders as he himselfe inuented concerning the same, he proclamed a roiall feast to be holden at Windsore, whither all his nobilitie resorted with their ladies, where he published his institution, and foorthwith inuested an appointed number into the afore said fellowship, whose names insue, himselfe being the souereigne and principall of that companie. Next vnto himselfe also he placed

The reason for the gift. The Order of the Garter was established during the reign of King Edward III, and (as some say) it happened for this reason. The queen, who was alive at the time, had just left his presence and was on her way to her lodging when the king, following shortly after, happened to find her garter, which had accidentally slipped off her leg and fallen unnoticed in the crowd by those who were with her. His grooms and gentlemen also walked past it, dismissing it as something unworthy of their attention. However, knowing who it belonged to, he commanded one of them to stop and hand it to him. "But your grace," said a gentleman, "it is just some woman's garter that has fallen from her as she followed the queen." "Whatever it is," said the king, "pick it up and give it to me." After receiving the garter, he addressed those around him: "You gentlemen make light of this blue garter here" (and he held it out), "but if God grants me life for a few more months, I will make the proudest among you honor something similar." And it was from this simple event that he began to devise this order. I have not read of anything that, starting from such humble beginnings, has eventually gained such great honor and prestige. But to continue, after he had thought for a while about how to carry out his idea and had established the rules he had invented regarding it, he announced a royal feast to be held at Windsor, to which all his nobility came with their ladies, where he announced his establishment of the order and immediately invested a selected number into the aforementioned fellowship, with himself being the sovereign and leader of that group. Next to himself, he also placed

Edward Prince of Wales.
Henrie duke of Lancaster.
N. earle of Warw.
N. capt. de Bouche.
N. earle of Stafford.
N. earle of Sarum.
N. lord Mortimer.
Sir John Lisle.
Sir Bartholomew Burwash.
N. sonne of sir Iohn Beauchamp.
Sir N. de Mahun.
S. Hugh Courtneie.
S. Thomas Holland. Sir Iohn Graie.
Sir Rich. Fitzsimon.
Sir Miles Stapleton.
Sir Thomas Wale.
Sir Hugh Wrotesley.
Sir Neale Lording.
Sir Iohn Chandos.
S. Iames Dawdleie.
Sir Otho Holland.
Sir Henrie Eme.
Sir Sanchet D'Abrichecourt.
Sir Walter Pannell aliàs Paganell.

Edward, Prince of Wales.
Henry, Duke of Lancaster.
N. Earl of Warwick.
N. Captain de Bouche.
N. Earl of Stafford.
N. Earl of Sarum.
N. Lord Mortimer.
Sir John Lisle.
Sir Bartholomew Burwash.
N. Son of Sir John Beauchamp.
Sir N. de Mahun.
Sir Hugh Courtenay.
Sir Thomas Holland.
Sir John Grey.
Sir Richard Fitzsimon.
Sir Miles Stapleton.
Sir Thomas Wale.
Sir Hugh Wrotesley.
Sir Neale Lording.
Sir John Chandos.
Sir James Dawdleie.
Sir Otho Holland.
Sir Henry Eme.
Sir Sanchet D'Abrichecourt.
Sir Walter Pannell alias Paganell.

Election. What order of election, and what estatutes were prescribed vnto the elected at this first institution, as yet I can not exactlie vnderstand; neither can I learne what euerie prince afterward added therevnto before the six and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the eight, and third of king Edward the sixt: wherefore of necessitie I must resort vnto the estate of the said order as it is at this present, which I will set downe so brieflie as I may. When anie man therefore is to be elected (vpon a roome found void for his admission) into this fellowship, the king directeth his letters vnto him, notwithstanding that he before hand be nominated to the same, to this effect. Right trustie and welbeloued we gréete you well, asserteining you, that in consideration aswell of your approoued truth and fidelitie, as also of your couragious and valiant acts of knighthood, with other your probable merits knowne by experience in sundrie parties and behalfes: we with the companions of the noble order of the Garter, assembled at the election holden this daie within our manour of N. haue elected and chosen you amongst other to be one of the companions of the said Order, as your deserts doo condignelie require. Wherefore we will that with conuenient diligence vpon the sight herof, you repaire vnto our presence, there to receiue such things as to the said order apperteineth. Dated vnder our signet at our maner of N. &c. These letters are the exemplification of certeine, which (as it should séeme) were written An. 3. Edwardi sexti at Gréenewich Aprilis 24, vnto the earle of Huntingdon, & the lord George Cobham your lordships honorable father, at such time as they were called vnto the aforesaid companie. I find also these names subscribed vnto the same.

Vote. I can’t completely understand how the elections were organized or what rules were set for those elected during the initial establishment. I also can’t figure out what each prince added to it before the thirty-sixth year of King Henry the Eighth and the third of King Edward the Sixth. Therefore, I must refer to the structure of the current order, which I will outline as briefly as I can. When a person is to be elected (to fill a vacancy in this fellowship), the king sends a letter to him, even if he was already nominated for the position, stating the following: "Dearly trusted and beloved, we greet you well, informing you that, considering your proven honesty and loyalty, as well as your brave and valiant acts of knighthood, along with your other well-recognized merits known through experience in various matters: we, along with the companions of the noble Order of the Garter, gathered at the election held today in our manor of N., have elected and chosen you among others to be one of the companions of said Order, as your merits justly deserve. Therefore, we request that with appropriate speed upon seeing this, you come to our presence to receive what belongs to the said order." Dated under our seal at our manor of N. These letters are copies of certain documents, which (as it seems) were written in the third year of Edward the Sixth on April 24, at Greenwich, to the Earl of Huntingdon and Lord George Cobham, your honorable father, at the time they were called to the aforementioned company. I also find these names signed at the bottom.

Edward duke of Summerset vncle to the king.
The marq. of Northhampton.
Earle of Arundell  L. Chamberleine.
Earle of Shrewesburie.
L. Russell  lord priuie seale. L. S. Iohn  lord great master.
Sir Iohn Gage.
S. Anthonie Wingfield.
Sir William Paget.

Edward, Duke of Somerset, uncle to the king.
The Marquess of Northampton.
Earl of Arundel, Lord Chamberlain.
Earl of Shrewsbury.
Lord Russell, Lord Privy Seal.
Lord St. John, Lord Great Master.
Sir John Gage.
Sir Anthony Wingfield.
Sir William Paget.

Admission. Being elected, preparation is made for his installing at Windsore (the place appointed alwaies for this purpose) whereat it is required that his banner be set vp, of two yardes and a quarter in length, and thrée quarters in bredth, besides the fringe. Secondlie his sword of whatsoeuer length him séemeth good. Thirdlie his helme, which from the charnell vpwards ought to be of thrée inches at the least. Fourthlie the crest, with mantels to the helme belonging, of such conuenient stuffe and bignesse, as it shall please him to appoint.

Entry. Once elected, arrangements are made for his installation at Windsor (the designated location for this purpose), where it's necessary for his banner to be displayed, measuring two and a quarter yards long and three quarters of a yard wide, not including the fringe. Secondly, his sword, of whatever length he deems suitable. Thirdly, his helmet, which from the skull upwards must be at least three inches tall. Fourth, the crest, along with the mantling that goes with the helmet, made from appropriate material and size, as he chooses.

[Page 270]

[Page 270]

Item a plate of armes at the backe of his stall, and crest with mantels and beasts supportant, to be grauen in the mettall.

Item a plate of arms at the back of his stall, and crest with mantles and supporting beasts, to be engraved in the metal.

Item lodging scutcheons of his armes, inuironed with a garter, and painted in paper or cloth of buckram, which when he trauelleth by the waie are to be fixed in the common Ins where he dooth lodge, as a testimonie of his presence and staies from time to time as he did trauell.

Item, lodging shields with his coat of arms, surrounded by a garter, and displayed on paper or cloth of buckram, which when he travels by the way are to be fixed in the common inns where he stays, as proof of his presence and the duration of his stays.

Item two mantels, one to remaine in the college at Windsore, the other to vse at his pleasure, with the scutcheon of the armes of S. George in the garter with laces, tasselets, and knops of blue silke and gold belonging to the same.

Item two mantels, one to remain at the college in Windsor, the other to use at his discretion, with the coat of arms of St. George in the garter with laces, tassels, and knobs of blue silk and gold belonging to it.

Item a surcote or gowne of red or crimosine veluet, with a whood of the same, lined with white sarcenet or damaske.

Item a surcoat or gown of red or crimson velvet, with a hood of the same, lined with white silk or damask.

Item a collar of the garter of thirtie ounces of gold Troie weight.

Item a collar of the garter weighing thirty ounces of gold Troy.

Item a tablet of S. George, richlie garnished with precious stones or otherwise.

Item a tablet of St. George, lavishly adorned with precious stones or other embellishments.

Item a garter for his (left) leg, hauing the buckle and pendant garnished with gold.

Item a garter for his (left) leg, having the buckle and pendant decorated with gold.

Item a booke of the statutes of the said order.

Item a book of the statutes of the said order.

Item a scutcheon of the armes of S. George in the garter to set vpon the mantell. And this furniture is to be prouided against his installation.

Item a shield with the arms of St. George in the garter to be placed on the mantel. This setup is to be arranged for his installation.

Installation. When anie knight is to be installed, he hath with his former letters, a garter sent vnto him, and when he commeth to be installed, he is brought into the chapter house, where incontinentlie his commission is read before the souereigne, or his deputie, and the assemblie present: from hence he is lead by two knights of the said order, accompanied with the other of the nobilitie, and officers toward the chappell, hauing his mantell borne before him, either by a knight of the order, or else the king at armes, to whome it secondarilie apperteineth to beare it. This Mantell. mantell shall be deliuered vnto him for his habit, after his oth taken before his stall, and not before: which doone, he shall returne vnto the chapter house, where the souereigne, or his deputie, shall deliuer him his collar, and so he shall haue the full possession of his habit. As Stall. for his stall, it is not giuen according vnto the calling and countenance of the receiuer, but as the place is that happeneth to be void, so that each one called vnto this knighthood (the souereigne, and emperours, and kings, and princes alwaies excepted) shall haue the same seat, which became void by the death of his predecessor, howsoeuer it fall out: wherby a knight onlie oftentimes dooth sit before a duke, without anie murmuring or grudging at his roome, except it please the souereigne, once in his life onelie to make a generall alteration of those seats, and to set each one according to his degrée.

Setup. When a knight is to be installed, he receives a garter along with his previous letters. When he arrives for the installation, he is taken into the chapter house where his commission is read before the sovereign or their deputy, along with everyone present. He is then led by two knights of the order, accompanied by other nobles and officers, toward the chapel, with his mantle carried in front of him by either a knight of the order or the king-at-arms, who is secondarily responsible for carrying it. This Mantell. mantle will be given to him as part of his attire after he has taken his oath before his stall, and not before. Once that is done, he will return to the chapter house where the sovereign or their deputy will present him with his collar, and at that point, he will fully possess his attire. As for his stall, it is not assigned based on the rank and status of the recipient but according to the vacancy that happens to exist. Therefore, anyone called to this knighthood (with the sovereign, emperors, kings, and princes always being exceptions) will take the same seat that became vacant due to the death of their predecessor, regardless of how that may occur. This means that a knight may often sit before a duke without any complaints or grievances about his place, unless the sovereign chooses to make a general rearrangement of those seats once in their lifetime and assign positions according to rank.

Now as touching the apparell of these knights, it remaineth such as king Edward, the first deuiser of this order left it, that is to saie, euerie yeare one of the colours, that is to say, scarlet, sanguine in grain, blue and white. In like sort the kings grace hath at his pleasure the content of cloth for his gowne and whood, lined with white satine or damaske, and multitude of garters with letters of gold.

Now regarding the attire of these knights, it remains as King Edward, the first creator of this order, established it: that is to say, every year features one of the colors, namely, scarlet, deep red, blue, and white. Similarly, the king has the discretion to choose the fabric for his gown and hood, lined with white satin or damask, along with a variety of garters embellished with golden letters.

The prince hath fiue yardes of cloth for his gowne and whood, and A timber conteineth fortie skins, peltes, or felles. garters with letters of gold at his pleasure, beside fiue timber of the finest mineuer.

The prince has five yards of fabric for his gown and hood, and A timber holds forty hides, skins, or furs. garters with gold lettering at his discretion, in addition to five timbers of the finest miner.

A duke hath fiue yardes of woollen cloth, fiue timber of mineuer, 120 garters with title of gold.

A duke has five yards of woolen fabric, five timber from the miner, and 120 garters with a gold title.

A marques hath fiue yards of woollen cloth, fiue timber of mineuer, 110 garters of silke.

A marquis has five yards of woolen cloth, five timber of miner, 110 silk garters.

An earle fiue yardes of woollen cloth, fiue timber of mineuer, and 100 garters of silke.

An early five yards of woolen cloth, five timber of miner, and 100 silk garters.

A viscount fiue yardes of woollen cloth, fiue timber of mineuer, 90 garters of silke.

A viscount five yards of woolen cloth, five timber of miner, 90 garters of silk.

A baron fiue yardes of woollen cloth, three timber of mineuer gresse, 80 garters of silke.

A baron, five yards of wool fabric, three small planks of miner's grease, 80 silk garters.

A banneret fiue yards of woollen cloth, thrée timber of mineuer, 70 garters of silke.

A banneret five yards of woolen cloth, three timber of miner, 70 silk garters.

A knight fiue yards of woollen cloth, thrée timber of mineuer, 60 garters of silke.

A knight, five yards of woolen cloth, three tons of miner, 60 silk garters.

The bishop of Winchester chapleine of the garter, hath eight and twentie [Page 271] timber of mineuer pure, ninetéene timber gresse, thrée timber and a halfe of the best, and foure & twentie yards of woollen cloth.

The bishop of Winchester, chaplain of the Garter, has twenty-eight logs of minor timber, nineteen logs of grass, three and a half logs of the best quality, and twenty-four yards of woolen cloth.

The chancellor of the order fiue yards of woollen cloth, thrée timber of mineuer pure.

The chancellor of the order five yards of woolen cloth, three timber of miner pure.

The register of the order fiue yardes of woollen cloth, three timber of mineuer pure.

The record of the order is five yards of woolen cloth and three timbers of pure mineral.

And this order to be holden generallie among the knights of this companie, which are six and twentie in number, and whose patrone in time of superstition was supposed to be S. George, of whome they were also called S. Georges knights as I haue heard reported. Would to God they might be called knights of honor, or by some other name, for the title of saint George argueth a wrong patrone.

And this rule should generally apply among the knights of this group, which has twenty-six members, and whose patron during superstitious times was thought to be St. George, from whom they were also called St. George's knights, as I've heard said. I wish they could be called knights of honor, or by some other name, because the title of St. George suggests a misguided patron.

Installation. Furthermore at his installation he is solemnelie sworne, the maner whereof I haue thought good also to annex, in this maner. You being chosen to be one of the honorable companie of the order of the Garter, shall promise and sweare vpon the holie euangelies by you bodilie touched, to be faithfull and true to the kings maiestie, and to obserue and kéepe all the points of the statutes of the said order, and euerie article in them conteined, the same being agréeable and not repugnant to the kings highnesse other godlie procéedings, so far as to you belongeth & apperteineth, as God you helpe, &c. And thus much haue I thought good to note touching the premisses.

Setup. At his installation, he is solemnly sworn in, and I've decided to include the manner in which this is done. You, having been chosen to be part of the esteemed order of the Garter, will promise and swear upon the holy Gospels that you will be faithful and true to the king's majesty. You will also agree to observe and keep all the points of the statutes of this order and every article contained within them, as long as they are in agreement with the king's other pious actions, to the extent that it is your responsibility and pertains to you, so help you God, etc. This is what I wanted to note regarding the above.

Estatutes. As touching the estatutes belonging to this order they are manie, and therefore not to be touched here. Howbeit if anie doubt doo arise aboue the interpretation of them, the king who is the perpetuall souereigne of that order hath to determine and resolue the same. Neither are anie chosen therevnto vnder the degree of a knight, and that is not a gentelman of bloud and of sound estimation.

Statutes. Regarding the statutes related to this order, there are many, so we won't discuss them here. However, if any questions arise about their interpretation, the king, who is the perpetual sovereign of that order, has the authority to decide and resolve the matter. Additionally, no one is chosen for this role unless they are of knightly rank and a gentleman of reputable lineage and standing.

Gentleman of bloud. And for the better vnderstanding what is meant by a gentleman of bloud, he is defined to descend of thrée descents of noblenesse, that is to saie, of name and of armes both by father and mother.

Blood gentleman. To better understand what is meant by a gentleman of blood, he is defined as someone who descends from three generations of nobility, that is, of name and arms on both the father’s and mother’s side.

Degrées of reproch. There are also foure degrées of reproch, which may inhibit from the entrance into this order: of which the first is heresie lawfullie prooued, the second high treason, the third is flight from the battell, the fourth riot and prodigall excesse of expenses, whereby he is not likelie to hold out, and mainteine the port of knight of this order, according to the dignitie thereof. Moreouer touching the wearing of Apparell. their aforesaid apparell, it is their custome to weare the same, when they enter into the chappell of S. George or be in the chapter house of their order, or finallie doo go about anie thing apperteining to that companie. In like sort they weare also their mantels vpon the euen of S. George, and go with the souereigne, or his deputie in the same in maner of procession from the kings great chamber vnto the chappell, or vnto the college, and likewise backe againe vnto the aforsaid place, not putting it from them, vntill supper be ended, and the auoid doone. The next daie they resort vnto the chappell also in the like order, & from thence vnto diner, wearing afterward their said apparell vnto euening praier, and likewise all the supper time, vntill the auoid be finished. In the solemnitie likewise of these feasts, the thirtéene chanons there, and six and twentie poore knights haue mantels of the order, whereof those for the chanons are of Murreie with a roundell of the armes of S. George, the other of red, with a scutcheon onelie of the said armes.

Levels of criticism. There are also four degrees of reproach that can prevent someone from joining this order: the first is heresy that has been legally proven, the second is high treason, the third is fleeing from battle, and the fourth is rioting and excessive spending, which makes it unlikely that they can uphold and maintain the stature of a knight in this order according to its dignity. Furthermore, regarding their clothing, it is customary for them to wear the same attire when they enter the chapel of St. George, are in the chapter house of their order, or are involved in anything pertaining to that group. Similarly, they also wear their mantles on the eve of St. George and walk with the sovereign or his deputy in the same manner of procession from the king's great chamber to the chapel, or to the college, and likewise return to the aforementioned place, not taking them off until supper is over and the banquet is finished. The next day, they go to the chapel in the same fashion, and from there to dinner, wearing their clothing until evening prayers and throughout supper time, until the banquet is concluded. During the celebrations of these feasts, the thirteen canons there and twenty-six poor knights have mantles of the order, with the canons' mantles being of murrey color featuring a roundel of the arms of St. George, and the knights' being red with only a shield displaying the same arms.

Sicke or absent. If anie knight of this order be absent from this solemnitie vpon the euen and daie of S. George, and be inforced not to be present either through bodilie sicknesse, or his absence out of the land: he dooth in the church, chappell, or chamber where he is remaining, prouide an honorable stall for the kings maiestie in the right hand of the place with a cloth of estat, and cushions, and scutchion of the garter, and therein the armes of the order. Also his owne stall of which side soeuer it be distant from the kings or the emperours in his owne place, appointed so nigh as he can, after the maner and situation of his stall at Windsore, there to remaine, the first euening praier on the euen of S. George, or thrée of the clocke, and likewise the next daie during the time of the diuine seruice, vntill the morning praier, and the rest of the seruice be ended: and to weare in the meane time his mantell onelie, [Page 272] with the George and the lace, without either whood, collar or surcote. Or if he be so sicke that he doo kéepe his bed, he dooth vse to haue that habit laid vpon him during the times of diuine seruice aforesaid.

Sick or not present. If any knight of this order is unable to attend this ceremony on the evening and day of St. George due to illness or being out of the country, he must arrange for an honorable seat for the king on the right side of the venue, complete with a cloth of estate, cushions, and the Garter coat of arms. He should also set up his own seat as close as possible to the king's or emperor's, located in the same way as his stall at Windsor, and it should remain in place for the first evening prayer on the eve of St. George at three o'clock, as well as during the divine service the following day until the morning prayer and the rest of the service is completed. In the meantime, he should wear only his mantle, with the George and the lace, without any hood, collar, or surcoat. If he is too ill to get out of bed, the garment should be placed upon him during the aforementioned divine services.

Offering. At the seruice time also vpon the morrow after S. George, two of the chiefe knights (sauing the deputie of the souereigne if he himselfe be absent) shall offer the kings banner of armes, then other two the sword with the hilts forwards, which being doone the first two shall returne againe, and offer the helme and crest, hauing at each time two heralds of armes going before, according to the statutes. The lord deputie or lieutenant vnto the kings grace, for the time being, alone and assisted with one of the chiefe lords, dooth deliuer at his offering a péece of gold, and hauing all the king of armes and heralds going before him, he so procéedeth to the offering. When he hath thus offered for the prince, he returneth with like solemnitie vnto his stall, and next of all goeth againe with one herald to offer for himselfe, whose oblation being made, euerie knight according to their stals, with an herald before him procéedeth to the offering.

Offer. During the service, on the day after St. George's Day, two of the main knights (not including the deputy of the sovereign if he is absent) will present the king’s banner of arms. Then, another two knights will offer the sword, holding the hilt forward. After this, the first two will return and present the helmet and crest, with two heralds of arms leading the way, as required by the rules. The lord deputy or lieutenant to the king, for the time being, will present a piece of gold at his offering, accompanied by one of the chief lords, with all the king of arms and heralds preceding him. Once he has made the offering on behalf of the prince, he will return with the same level of ceremony to his place and then go again with one herald to offer for himself. Once that offering is made, each knight will proceed to make their offerings according to their rank, with a herald leading the way.

Buriall. What solemnitie is vsed at the buriall of anie knight of the Garter, it is but in vaine to declare: wherefore I will shew generallie what is doone at the disgrading of one of these knights, if through anie grieuous offense he be separated from this companie. Whereas otherwise the signe of the order is neuer taken from him vntill death doo end & finish vp his daies. Therfore when anie such thing is doone, promulgation is made therof after this maner insuing.

Burial. It’s pointless to describe the ceremony used for the burial of any Knight of the Garter, so instead, I will explain in general what happens when one of these knights is dishonored and removed from the order due to a serious offense. Otherwise, the insignia of the order is never taken from him until death concludes his days. Therefore, when such an event occurs, an announcement is made in the following manner.

Disgrading. Be it knowne vnto all men that N.N. knight of the most noble order of the Garter, is found giltie of the abhominable and destestable crime of high treason, for he hath most traitorouslie conspired against our most high and mightie prince souereigne of the said order, contrarie to all right, his dutie, and the faithfull oth, which he hath sworne and taken. For which causes therefore he hath deserued to be deposed from this noble order, and fellowship of this Garter. For it may not be suffered that such a traitor and disloiall member remaine among the faithfull knights of renowmed stomach & bountifull prowes, or that his armes should be mingled with those of noble chiualrie. Wherefore our most excellent prince and supreme of this most honorable order, by the aduise and counsell of his collegues, willeth and commandeth that his armes which he before time hath deserued shall be from hencefoorth be taken awaie and throwne downe: and he himselfe cleane cut off from the societie of this renowmed order, and neuer from this daie reputed anie more for a member of the same, that all other by his example may hereafter beware how they commit the like trespasse, or fall into such notorious infamie and rebuke. This notice being giuen, there resorteth vnto the partie to be disgraded certeine officers with diuerse of his late fellowes appointed, which take from him his George, and other inuestiture, after a solemne maner.

Disgraceful. Let it be known to all men that N.N., a knight of the most noble order of the Garter, has been found guilty of the abhorrent and despicable crime of high treason, as he has treacherously conspired against our most high and mighty prince sovereign of the said order, in violation of all rights, his duty, and the faithful oath that he has sworn and taken. For these reasons, he deserves to be removed from this noble order and fellowship of the Garter. It cannot be tolerated that such a traitor and disloyal member remains among the faithful knights of renowned courage and valor, or that his arms should be mingled with those of noble chivalry. Therefore, our most excellent prince and supreme leader of this honorable order, with the advice and counsel of his colleagues, wills and commands that his arms, which he has previously earned, shall henceforth be taken away and cast down: and he himself shall be completely cut off from the society of this renowned order, and shall never again be regarded as a member of the same, so that all others may learn from his example to beware of committing such offenses or falling into such notorious infamy and disgrace. Upon this notice being given, certain officers, along with several of his former colleagues, are summoned to carry out the disgrace, taking from him his George and other insignia, in a solemn manner.

And hitherto of this most honorable order, hoping that no man will be offended with me, in vttering thus much. For sith the noble order of the Toison Dor or golden fléese, with the ceremonies apperteining vnto the creation and inuestiture of the six and thirtie knights thereof: and likewise that of saint Michaell and his one and thirtie knights, are discoursed vpon at large by the historiographers of their owne countries, without reprehension or checke, especiallie by Vincentius Lupan. lib. 1. de Mag. Franc. cap. de equitibus ordinis, where he calleth them Cheualliers sans reproche, and thereto addeth that their chaine is commonlie of two hundred crownes at the least, and honour thereof so great, that it is not lawfull for them to sell, giue or laie the same to morgage (would to God they might once brooke their name, Sans reproche, but their generall deling in our time with all men, will not suffer some of the best of their owne countries to haue that opinion of them) I trust I haue not giuen anie cause of displeasure, briefelie to set foorth those things that apperteine vnto our renowmed order of * Some think that this was the answer of the quéene, when the king asked what men would think of her, in loosing the garter after such a maner. the Garter, in whose compasse is written commonlie, *"Honi soit qui mal y pense," which is so much to saie, as, "Euill come to him that euill thinketh:" a verie sharpe imprecation, and yet such as is not contrarie to the word, which promiseth like measure to the meter, as he dooth mete to others.

And so far about this most honorable order, I hope no one will be offended by what I’m about to say. Because since the noble order of the Golden Fleece, along with the ceremonies related to the creation and investiture of its thirty-six knights, and similarly that of Saint Michael and his thirty-one knights, have been discussed thoroughly by historians in their own countries without any criticism, especially by Vincent Lupan in Book 1 of "De Mag. Franc." in the chapter on the knights of the order, where he calls them "Knights without reproach," and adds that their chain typically costs at least two hundred crowns, and their honor is so great that it is not allowed for them to sell, give away, or mortgage it (I wish to God they could truly live up to their title "Sans reproche," but their general behavior in our time makes it hard for even the best in their own countries to think that way), I trust I haven't given any cause for displeasure by briefly outlining these things that pertain to our renowned order of the Garter, the motto of which commonly states, "Honi soit qui mal y pense," meaning "Shame be to him who thinks evil of it:" a very sharp utterance, yet one that is not contrary to the word, which promises like treatment to the measure as one gives to others.

[Page 273]

[Page 273]


Bannerets.
There is yet an other order of knights in England called knights Bannerets, who are made in the field with the ceremonie of cutting awaie the point of his penant of armes, and making it as it were a banner, so that being before but a bacheler knight, he is now of an higher degree, and allowed to displaie his armes in a banner, as barrons doo. Howbeit these knights are neuer made but in the warres, the kings standard being vnfolded.

Bannerets. There is another group of knights in England known as knights Bannerets. They are created in the field through a ceremony that involves cutting away the tip of their heraldic pennant and turning it into a banner. This process elevates them from being a bachelor knight to a higher rank, allowing them to display their arms on a banner like barons do. However, these knights are only made during wartime, when the king's standard is unfurled.

Esquire. Esquire (which we call commonlie squire) is a French word, and so much in Latine as Scutiger vel armiger, and such are all those which beare armes, or armoires, testimonies of their race from whence they be descended. They were at the first costerels or bearers of the armes of barons, or knights, & thereby being instructed in martiall knowledge, had that name for a dignitie giuen to distinguish them from common souldiers called Gregarij milites when they were togither in the field.

Esquire. Esquire (which we commonly call squire) is a French word, and in Latin, it translates to Scutiger or armiger. It refers to anyone who carries arms or coats of arms, which serve as proof of their lineage. Initially, they were the attendants or bearers of the arms of barons or knights, and by acquiring martial knowledge, they earned this title to set them apart from common soldiers known as Gregarij milites when they were together in the field.

Gentlemen. Gentlemen be those whome their race and bloud, or at the least their vertues doo make noble and knowne. The Latines call them Nobiles & generosos, as the French do Nobles or Gentlehommes. The etymologie of the name expoundeth the efficacie of the word: for as Gens in Latine betokeneth the race and surname: so the Romans had Cornelios, Sergios, Appios, Curios, Papyrios, Scipiones, Fabios, Æmilios, Iulios, Brutos, &c: of which, who were Agnati, and therefore kept the name, were also called Gentiles, gentlemen of that or that house and race.

Guys. Gentlemen are those whose lineage and blood, or at least their virtues, make them noble and well-known. The Latins refer to them as Nobiles & generosos, just as the French call them Nobles or Gentlehommes. The origin of the name reveals the power of the word: because "Gens" in Latin signifies the race and surname, the Romans had names like Cornelios, Sergios, Appios, Curios, Papyrios, Scipiones, Fabios, Æmilios, Iulios, Brutos, etc. Those who were Agnati, and thus kept the name, were also called Gentiles, gentlemen of this or that house and lineage.

Moreouer as the king dooth dubbe knights, and createth the barons and higher degrees, so gentlemen whose ancestors are not knowen to come in with William duke of Normandie (for of the Saxon races yet remaining we now make none accompt, much lesse of the British issue) doo take their beginning in England, after this maner in our times. Who soeuer studieth Lawiers students in vniuersities.
Physicians.
Capteins.
the lawes of the realme, who so abideth in the vniuersitie giuing his mind to his booke, or professeth physicke and the liberall sciences, or beside his seruice in the roome of a capteine in the warres, or good counsell giuen at home, whereby his common-wealth is benefited, can liue without manuell labour, and thereto is able and will beare the port, charge, and countenance of a gentleman, he shall for monie haue a cote and armes bestowed vpon him by heralds (who in the charter of the same doo of custome pretend antiquitie and seruice, and manie gaie things) and therevnto being made so good cheape be called master, which is the title that men giue to esquiers and gentlemen, and reputed for a gentleman euer after. Which is so much the lesse to be disalowed of, for that the prince dooth loose nothing by it, the gentleman being so much subiect to taxes and publike paiments as is the yeoman or husbandman, which he likewise dooth beare the gladlier for the sauing of his reputation. Being called also to the warres (for with the gouernment of the common-wealth he medleth litle) what soeuer it cost him, he will both arraie & arme himselfe accordinglie, and shew the more manly courage, and all the tokens of the person which he representeth. No man hath hurt by it but himselfe, who peraduenture will go in wider buskens than his legs will beare, or as our prouerbe saith, now and then beare a bigger saile than his boat is able to susteine.

Furthermore, just as the king knights individuals and promotes barons and higher ranks, so gentlemen whose ancestors are not known to have come with William, Duke of Normandy (and we do not consider the remaining Saxon races, much less the British lineage) begin their status in England in our times like this. Anyone who studies Law students in universities.
Doctors.
Captains.
the laws of the realm, spends their time at university focused on their studies, or practices medicine and liberal arts, or serves as a captain in wars, or provides valuable advice at home that benefits the community, can live without manual labor. If they can manage and are willing to maintain the lifestyle and appearance of a gentleman, they can acquire a coat and arms conferred upon them by heralds (who, in their charter, traditionally claim ancestry and service, along with many fanciful things) and, being made so cheaply, will be called “master,” which is the title given to esquires and gentlemen, and will be regarded as a gentleman forever after. This is less problematic since the prince loses nothing by it, as the gentleman is just as subject to taxes and public payments as the yeoman or farmer, which he bears more willingly to save his reputation. When called to war (as he has little involvement in the governance of the commonwealth), no matter the cost, he will equip and arm himself accordingly, showing more manly courage and all the traits of the person he represents. The only one hurt by this is himself, who perhaps will try to fit into shoes too big for him or, as our proverb says, sometimes raise a sail larger than his boat can handle.

Certes the making of new gentlemen bred great strife sometimes amongst the Romans, I meane when those which were Noui homines, were more allowed of for their vertues newlie séene and shewed, than the old smell of ancient race, latelie defaced by the cowardise & euill life of their nephues & defendants* could make the other to be. But as enuie hath no * Sic.—qu. dependants? affinitie with iustice and equitie, so it forceth not what language the malicious doo giue out, against such as are exalted for their wisdomes. This neuerthelesse is generallie to be reprehended in all estates of gentilitie, and which in short time will turne to the great ruine of our countrie, and that is the vsuall sending of noblemens & meane gentlemens sonnes into Italie, from whence they bring home nothing but meere atheisme, infidelitie, vicious conuersation, & ambitious and proud behauiour, wherby it commeth to passe that they returne far worsse men than they went out. A gentleman at this present is newlie come out of Italie, who went thither an earnest protestant, but comming home he could saie after this maner: Faith & truth is to be kept, where no losse or hinderance of a further purpose is susteined by holding of the same; and forgiuenesse onelie to be shewed when full reuenge is made. Another [Page 274] no lesse forward than he, at his returne from thence could ad thus much; He is a foole that maketh accompt of any religion, but more foole that will loose anie part of his wealth, or will come in trouble for constant leaning to anie: but if he yéeld to loose his life for his possession, he is stark mad, and worthie to be taken for most foole of all the rest. This gaie bootie gate these gentlemen by going into Italie, and hereby a man may see what fruit is afterward to be looked for where such blossoms doo appéere. I care not (saith a third) what you talke to me of God, so as I may haue the prince & the lawes of the realme on my side. Such men as this last, are easilie knowen; for they haue learned in Italie, to go vp and downe also in England, with pages at their héeles finelie apparelled, whose face and countenance shall be such as sheweth the master not to be blind in his choise. But least I should offend too much, I passe ouer to saie anie more of these Italionates and their demeanor, which alas is too open and manifest to the world, and yet not called into question.

Surely, the rise of new gentlemen caused significant conflict among the Romans, especially when the new men were more recognized for their recently demonstrated virtues than the older, esteemed lineage that had recently been tarnished by the cowardice and poor behavior of their descendants. However, envy has no alignment with justice and fairness, thus it does not matter what language the malicious use against those who are praised for their wisdom. Nonetheless, this is generally condemned across all ranks of gentility, and in a short time, it will lead to the great downfall of our country. This issue is the common practice of sending noble and lesser gentlemen's sons to Italy, from which they return home with nothing but absolute atheism, infidelity, immoral behavior, and ambitious and proud attitudes, resulting in them coming back worse than they left. A gentleman has recently returned from Italy, who went there as a devout Protestant, but upon returning he could say this: Faith and truth should be upheld as long as they do not cause any loss or hindrance to future goals; forgiveness should only be shown when complete revenge is achieved. Another gentleman, equally reckless upon returning, remarked: He is a fool who places any value on religion, but even more foolish is one who would lose any part of his wealth or get into trouble for clinging to any belief; if he chooses to risk his life for his possessions, he is utterly mad and deserves to be seen as the biggest fool of all. This flashy behavior is what these gentlemen bring back from Italy, demonstrating what results can be expected where such traits flourish. I don’t care (says a third) what you tell me about God, as long as I have the prince and the laws of the realm on my side. Such men are easy to spot, for they have learned in Italy to wander about in England with finely dressed pages following them, whose faces and demeanor make it clear that their master is not blind in his choices. But lest I offend too much, I will refrain from saying more about these Italianized gentlemen and their behavior, which is, alas, too open and evident to the world, yet remains unchallenged.

Citizens and burgesses. Citizens and burgesses haue next place to gentlemen, who be those that are free within the cities, and are of some likelie substance to beare office in the same. But these citizens or burgesses are to serue the commonwealth in their cities and boroughs, or in corporat townes where they dwell. And in the common assemblie of the realme wherein our lawes are made, for in the counties they beare but little swaie (which assemblie is called the high court of parlement) the ancient cities appoint foure, and the boroughs two burgesses to haue voices in it, and giue their consent or dissent vnto such things as passe or staie there in the name of the citie or borow, for which they are appointed.

Citizens and residents. Citizens and burgesses come right after gentlemen, who are those that are free within the cities and have enough resources to hold office there. These citizens or burgesses are expected to serve the community in their cities and boroughs, or in corporate towns where they live. In the main assembly of the realm where our laws are made—this assembly is known as the high court of parliament—they have little influence in the counties. The ancient cities designate four representatives and the boroughs designate two to have a voice in this assembly, allowing them to express agreement or disagreement on matters that are discussed there in the name of the city or borough they represent.

Merchants. In this place also are our merchants to be installed, as amongst the citizens (although they often change estate with gentlemen, as gentlemen doo with them, by a mutuall conuersion of the one into the other) whose number is so increased in these our daies, that their onelie maintenance is the cause of the exceeding prices of forreine wares, which otherwise when euerie nation was permitted to bring in hir owne commodities, were farre better cheape and more plentifullie to be had. Of the want of our commodities here at home, by their great transportation of them into other countries, I speake not, sith the matter will easilie bewraie it selfe. Certes among the Lacedemonians it was found out, that great numbers of merchants were nothing to the furtherance of the state of the commonwealth: wherefore it is to be wished that the huge heape of them were somewhat restreined, as also of our lawiers, so should the rest liue more easilie vpon their owne, and few honest chapmen be brought to decaie, by breaking of the bankerupt. I doo not denie but that the nauie of the land is in part mainteined by their traffike, and so are the high prices of wares kept vp now they haue gotten the onelie sale of things, vpon pretense of better furtherance of the common-wealth into their owne hands: whereas in times past when the strange bottoms were suffered to come in, we had sugar for foure pence the pound, that now at the writing of this treatise is well worth halfe a crowne, raisons or corints for a penie that now are holden at six pence, and sometime at eight pence and ten pence the pound: nutmegs at two pence halfe penie the ounce: ginger at a penie an ounce, prunes at halfe penie farding: great raisons three pound for a penie, cinamon at foure pence the ounce, cloues at two pence, and pepper at twelue, and sixteene pence the pound. Whereby we may sée the sequele of things not alwaies but verie seldome to be such as is pretended in the beginning. The wares that they carrie out of the realme, are for the most part brode clothes and carsies of all colours, likewise cottons, fréeses, rugs, tin, wooll, our best béere, baies, bustian, mockadoes tufted and plaine, rash, lead, fells, &c: which being shipped at sundrie ports of our coasts, are borne from thence into all quarters of the world, and there either exchanged for other wares or readie monie: to the great gaine and commoditie of our merchants. And whereas in times past their cheefe trade was into Spaine, Portingall, France, Flanders, Danske, Norwaie, Scotland, and Iseland onelie: now in these daies, as men not contented with these iournies, they haue sought out the east and west Indies, and made now and then suspicious voiages not onelie vnto the Canaries, and new Spaine, but likewise into Cathaia, Moscouia, Tartaria, and the regions thereabout, from whence (as they saie) they bring home great commodities. But alas I sée not by all their [Page 275] trauell that the prices of things are anie whit abated. Certes this enormitie (for so I doo accompt of it) was sufficientlie prouided for, An. 9 Edward 3. by a noble estatute made in that behalfe, but vpon what occasion the generall execution thereof is staied or not called on, in good sooth I cannot tell. This onelie I know, that euerie function and seuerall vocation striueth with other, which of them should haue all the water of commoditie run into hir owne cesterne.

Retailers. In this place, we also have our merchants to be established, alongside the citizens (even though they often switch roles with gentlemen, just as gentlemen do with them, through a mutual exchange of one for the other). The number of merchants has increased so much in our times that their sole livelihood is responsible for the high prices of foreign goods, which used to be much cheaper and more readily available when every nation was allowed to import its own products. I won't mention the lack of our own goods here at home, due to their significant export to other countries, as the issue is quite obvious. Indeed, it was discovered among the Lacedemonians that a large number of merchants did not benefit the state of the commonwealth. Therefore, it would be good to limit the excessive number of them, as well as our lawyers, so that the rest could live more comfortably on their own, and fewer honest traders would face ruin from bankruptcies. I don't deny that the navy of the country is partly supported by their trade, and the high prices of goods are maintained now that they have obtained sole control over the sale of things, under the pretext of better serving the commonwealth. In the past, when foreign ships were allowed to come in, we had sugar for four pence a pound, which now, at the time of writing this treatise, is worth half a crown; raisins or currants for a penny that now cost six pence, sometimes even eight or ten pence a pound; nutmeg at two and a half pence an ounce; ginger at a penny an ounce; prunes at half a penny each; large raisins at three pounds for a penny; cinnamon at four pence an ounce; cloves at two pence; and pepper at twelve or sixteen pence a pound. This shows that the outcome of things is rarely as originally intended. The goods that they export from the kingdom mostly include broadcloth and carpets of all colors, as well as cottons, friezes, rugs, tin, wool, our best beer, baies, bustian, tufts and plain mockadoes, rash, lead, and pelts, etc., which, after being shipped from various ports on our coasts, are carried to all corners of the world and either exchanged for other goods or ready money, greatly benefiting our merchants. Whereas in the past their main trade was with Spain, Portugal, France, Flanders, Denmark, Norway, Scotland, and Iceland alone; now, in these times, discontented with these journeys, they have explored the East and West Indies and occasionally undertaken suspicious voyages not only to the Canaries and New Spain but also into Cathay, Muscovy, Tartary, and neighboring regions, from which (as they say) they bring back great profits. But alas, I do not see that all their travels have reduced the prices of goods at all. Indeed, this issue (as I consider it) was sufficiently addressed in the 9th year of Edward III by a significant statute made for that purpose, but I cannot say why its general enforcement is delayed or not acted upon. All I know is that every profession and vocation competes with others to draw all the profitable business into its own basin.

Yeomen. Yeomen are those, which by our law are called Legales homines, free men borne English, and may dispend of their owne free land in yearelie reuenue, to the summe of fortie shillings sterling, or six pounds as monie goeth in our times. Some are of the opinion by Cap. 2. Rich. 2. an. 20. that they are the same which the French men call varlets, but as that phrase is vsed in my time it is farre vnlikelie to be so. The truth is that the word is deriued from the Saxon terme Zeoman or Geoman, which signifieth (as I haue read) a settled or staid man, such I meane as being maried and of some yeares, betaketh himselfe to staie in the place of his abode for the better maintenance of himselfe and his familie, whereof the single sort haue no regard, but are likelie to be still fleeting now hither now thither, which argueth want of stabilitie in determination and resolution of iudgement, for the execution of things of anie importance. This sort of people haue a certeine preheminence, and more estimation than labourers & the common sort of artificers, & these commonlie liue wealthilie, kéepe good houses, and trauell to get riches. They are also for the most part farmers to gentlemen (in old time called Pagani, & opponuntur militibus, and therfore Persius calleth himselfe Semipaganus) or at the leastwise artificers, & with grasing, frequenting of markets, and kéeping of seruants (not idle seruants as the gentlemen doo, but such as get both their owne and part of their masters liuing) do come to great welth, in somuch that manie of them are able and doo buie the lands of vnthriftie gentlemen, and often setting their sonnes to the schooles, to the vniuersities, and to the Ins of the court; or otherwise leauing them sufficient lands wherevpon they may liue without labour, doo make them by those meanes to become gentlemen: these were they that in times past made all France afraid. And albeit they be not called master as gentlemen are, or sir as to knights apperteineth, but onelie Iohn and Thomas, &c: yet haue they beene found to haue doone verie good seruice: and the kings of Englishmen on foot and Frenchmen on horssebacke best. England in foughten battels, were woont to remaine among them (who were their footmen) as the French kings did amongst their horssemen: the prince thereby shewing where his chiefe strength did consist.

Farmers. Yeomen are what our law calls Legales homines, or legal men, free-born English citizens who can manage their own free land with an annual income of forty shillings, or six pounds by today's currency. Some believe, based on Cap. 2. Rich. 2. an. 20, that they are the same as what the French refer to as varlets, but in my time, that term doesn’t quite fit. The truth is that the word comes from the Saxon term Zeoman or Geoman, which means (as I’ve read) a settled or stable man, someone who, being married and of some age, chooses to stay in his home to better support himself and his family, unlike those who are single and likely to drift from place to place. This indicates a lack of stability in their decisions and judgments regarding important matters. These people hold a certain prominence and higher status than laborers and common craftsmen, and they typically live well, maintain good homes, and work hard to accumulate wealth. Most are farmers for gentlemen (formerly called Pagani, opposing the knights, which is why Persius calls himself Semipaganus) or at least skilled workers. Through farming, attending markets, and hiring servants (not idle servants like gentlemen, but those who earn their keep and contribute to their masters’ livelihoods), they achieve significant wealth, to the extent that many can buy lands from wasteful gentlemen, often sending their sons to schools, universities, and the Inns of court; or by leaving them enough land to live off without working, they help them become gentlemen. These were the ones who once struck fear throughout France. And although they are not called master like gentlemen or sir like knights, but simply John and Thomas, etc., they have been known to provide very good service. The kings of Englishmen on foot and Frenchmen on horseback are the best. England in battle were accustomed to stand among them (who were their foot soldiers) just as French kings did among their cavalry, showing where their main strength lay.

Capite censi or Proletarij. The fourth and last sort of people in England are daie labourers, poore husbandmen, and some retailers (which haue no frée land) copie holders, and all artificers, as tailers, shomakers, No slaues nor bondmen in England. carpenters, brickmakers, masons, &c. As for slaues and bondmen we haue none, naie such is the priuilege of our countrie by the especiall grace of God, and bountie of our princes, that if anie come hither from other realms, so soone as they set foot on land they become so frée of condition as their masters, whereby all note of seruile bondage is vtterlie remooued from them, wherein we resemble (not the Germans who had slaues also, though such as in respect of the slaues of other countries might well be reputed frée, but) the old Indians and the Taprobanes, who supposed it a great iniurie to nature to make or suffer them to be bond, whome she in hir woonted course dooth product and bring foorth frée. This fourth and last sort of people therefore haue neither voice nor authoritie in the common wealth, but are to be ruled, and not to rule other: yet they are not altogither neglected, for in cities and corporat townes, for default of yeomen they are faine to make up their inquests of such maner of people. And in villages they are commonlie made churchwardens, sidemen, aleconners, now and then constables, and manie times inioie the name of hedboroughes. Vnto this sort also may our great swarmes of idle seruing men be referred, of whome there runneth a prouerbe; Yoong seruing men old beggers, bicause seruice is none heritage. These men are profitable to none, for if their condition be well perused, they are enimies to their masters, to their freends, and to themselues: for by them oftentimes their masters are incouraged vnto vnlawfull exactions of their tenants, their fréends brought vnto pouertie by their rents inhanced, and they themselues [Page 276] brought to confusion by their owne prodigalitie and errors, as men that hauing not wherewith of their owne to mainteine their excesses, doo search in high waies, budgets, cofers, males, and stables, which way to supplie their wants. How diuerse of them also coueting to beare an high saile doo insinuate themselues with yoong gentlemen and noble men newlie come to their lands, the case is too much apparant, whereby the good natures of the parties are not onelie a little impaired, but also their liuelihoods and reuenues so wasted and consumed, that if at all yet not in manie yeares they shall be able to recouer themselues. It were verie good therefore that the superfluous heapes of them were in part diminished. And sith necessitie inforceth to haue some, yet let wisdome moderate their numbers, so shall their masters be rid of vnnecessarie charge, and the common wealth of manie théeues. No nation cherisheth such store of them as we doo here in England, in hope of which maintenance manie giue themselues to idlenesse, that otherwise would be brought to labour, and liue in order like subiects. Of their whoredomes I will not speake anie thing at all, more than of their swearing, yet is it found that some of them doo make the first a cheefe piller of their building, consuming not onelie the goods but also the health & welfare of manie honest gentlemen, citizens, wealthie yeomen, &c: by such vnlawfull dealings. But how farre haue I waded in this point, or how farre may I saile in such a large sea? I will therefore now staie to speake anie more of those kind of men. In returning therefore to my matter, this furthermore among other things I haue to saie of our husbandmen and artificers, that they were neuer so excellent in their trades as at this present. But as the workemanship of the later sort was neuer more fine and curious to the eie, so was it neuer lesse strong and substantiall for continuance and benefit of the buiers. Neither is there anie thing that hurteth the common sort of our artificers more than hast, and a barbarous or slauish desire to turne the penie, and by ridding their worke to make spéedie vtterance of their wares: which inforceth them to bungle vp and dispatch manie things they care not how so they be out of their hands, whereby the buier is often sore defrauded, and findeth to his cost, that hast maketh wast, according to the prouerbe.

Capite censi or Proletarians. The fourth and final group of people in England consists of day laborers, poor farmers, some retailers (who have no free land), copyholders, and all craftsmen, like tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, brickmakers, masons, etc. We have no slaves or bonded laborers here; indeed, the privilege of our country, thanks to God's grace and our princes' generosity, is that anyone who comes here from other lands becomes just as free as their masters as soon as they step on our soil, completely removing any trace of servitude. In this way, we are similar not to the Germans, who had slaves (even if their slaves might have been considered free compared to those in other countries), but to the ancient Indians and the Taprobanes, who believed it was a great injustice to nature to create or tolerate bondage, as nature itself brings forth people free. This fourth and last group of people thus has no voice or authority in the commonwealth; they are meant to be governed, not to govern others. However, they are not entirely overlooked, as in cities and corporate towns, they often make up juries in the absence of yeomen. In villages, they commonly serve as churchwardens, sidesmen, ale-tasters, occasionally constables, and often hold the title of headboroughs. This group also includes our large numbers of idle servants, whom the saying goes: "Young servants, old beggars," because service is not an inheritance. These men are of no benefit to anyone, for if their situation is closely examined, they are enemies to their masters, to their friends, and to themselves. Often, they encourage their masters to make unlawful demands of their tenants, their friends are driven to poverty by inflated rents, and they themselves are led to ruin through their own extravagance and mistakes, as they, lacking resources to support their excesses, search highways, bags, chests, and stables for ways to cover their needs. Many of them, eager to appear important, ingratiate themselves with young gentlemen and nobles newly arrived on their lands, which is clearly detrimental, leading to a waste of resources and livelihoods, so much so that they may not be able to recover for many years. It would therefore be very beneficial to reduce the excessive numbers of them. Since necessity requires some, let wisdom keep their numbers in check, so their masters can be freed from unnecessary costs, and the commonwealth from many thieves. No nation supports as many of them as we do here in England, and in hope of support, many abandon work that would otherwise keep them engaged and living orderly lives as subjects. I won’t say much about their promiscuity or swearing, but it is noted that some make the former a major focus of their lives, draining both the resources and health of many honest gentlemen, citizens, wealthy farmers, etc., through such unlawful dealings. But how deep have I gone into this topic, or how far might I drift in such a vast sea? I will therefore pause to say more about these men. Returning to my main point, I want to add that our farmers and craftsmen have never been as skilled in their trades as they are now. However, while the craftsmanship of the latter group has never been more refined and appealing, it has also never been less strong and durable for the benefit of buyers. Nothing harms our craftsmen more than haste and a crude, servile desire to make a quick profit, which forces them to rush through many projects without care just to get them out of their hands, often leaving buyers severely cheated, who then discover that haste makes waste, as the saying goes.

Oh how manie trades and handicrafts are now in England, whereof the common wealth hath no néed? How manie néedfull commodities haue we which are perfected with great cost, &c: and yet may with farre more ease and lesse cost be prouided from other countries if we could vse the meanes. I will not speake of iron, glasse, and such like, which spoile much wood, and yet are brought from other countries better chéepe than we can make them here at home, I could exemplifie also in manie other. But to leaue these things and procéed with our purpose, and herein (as occasion serueth) generallie by waie of conclusion to speake of the common-wealth of England, I find that it is gouerned and mainteined by three sorts of persons.

Oh, how many trades and crafts are now in England that the economy doesn't actually need? How many essential goods do we have that are produced at great cost, and yet could be sourced from other countries much more easily and cheaply if we could use the means? I won't mention iron, glass, and similar items, which waste a lot of wood and are still imported more cheaply than we can produce them here at home; I could also provide examples of many others. But let's set these things aside and move forward with our purpose, and in this context, as the occasion arises, I will generally conclude by discussing the economy of England. I find that it is governed and supported by three types of people.

1 The prince, monarch, and head gouernour, which is called the king, or (if the crowne fall to the woman) the quéene: in whose name and by whose authoritie all things are administred.

1 The prince, monarch, and chief governor, known as the king, or (if the crown passes to a woman) the queen: in whose name and by whose authority everything is managed.

2 The gentlemen, which be diuided into two sorts, as the baronie or estate of lords (which conteineth barons and all aboue that degree) and also those that be no lords, as knights, esquiers, & simple gentlemen, as I haue noted alreadie. Out of these also are the great deputies and high presidents chosen, of which one serueth in Ireland, as another did sometime in Calis, and the capteine now at Berwike; as one lord president dooth gouerne in Wales, and the other the north parts of this Iland, which later with certeine councellors and iudges were erected by king Henrie the eight. But forsomuch as I haue touched their conditions elsewhere, it shall be inough to haue remembred them at this time.

2 The gentlemen are divided into two types: the barony or estate of lords (which includes barons and those above that rank) and those who are not lords, like knights, squires, and simple gentlemen, as I've mentioned before. From these groups, the high deputies and senior presidents are also chosen, one of whom serves in Ireland, while another used to serve in Calais, and the captain now at Berwick; one lord president governs in Wales, and another in the northern parts of this island, which were created by King Henry the Eighth along with certain counselors and judges. However, since I've covered their roles elsewhere, it’s enough to mention them this time.

3 The third and last sort is named the yeomanrie, of whom & their sequele, the labourers and artificers, I haue said somewhat euen now. Whereto I ad that they be not called masters and gentlemen, but goodmen, as goodman Smith, goodman Coot, goodman Cornell, goodman Mascall, goodman Cockswet, &c: & in matters of law these and the like are called thus, Giles lewd-yeoman, Edward Mountford yeoman, Iames Cocke yeoman, [Page 277] Herrie Butcher yeoman, &c: by which addition they are exempt from the vulgar and common sorts. Cato calleth them Aratores & optimos ciues rei publicæ, of whom also you may read more in the booke of common wealth which sir Thomas Smith sometime penned of this land.

3 The third and final group is called the yeomanry, along with their followers, the laborers and craftsmen, which I've just mentioned. I also want to add that they're not referred to as masters and gentlemen but as goodmen, like goodman Smith, goodman Coot, goodman Cornell, goodman Mascall, goodman Cockswet, etc.; and in legal matters, these and similar titles are used, such as Giles the unskilled yeoman, Edward Mountford yeoman, James Cocke yeoman, Herrie Butcher yeoman, etc. By this designation, they are distinguished from the lower classes. Cato refers to them as Aratores and the best citizens of the republic, and you can read more about them in the book on commonwealth that Sir Thomas Smith once wrote about this land. [Page 277]

Of gentlemen also some are by the prince chosen, and called to great offices in the common wealth, of which said offices diuerse concerne the whole realme; some be more priuat and peculiar to the kings house. And they haue their places and degrées, prescribed by an act of parlement made An. 31 Henr. octaui, after this maner insuing.

Of gentlemen, some are chosen by the prince and appointed to important positions in the government, some of which affect the entire realm; others are more private and specific to the king's household. They have their roles and ranks defined by a parliamentary act made in the 31st year of Henry VIII, as follows.

These foure the lord Chancellor, the lord Treasuror (who is Supremus ærarij Anglici quæstor or Tribunus ærarius maximus) the lord President of the councell, and the lord Priuie seale, being persons of the degrée of a baron or aboue, are in the same act appointed to sit in the parlement and in all assemblies or councell aboue all dukes, not being of the bloud roiall, Videlicet the kings brother, vncle, or nephue.

These four—the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer (who is the Supreme Treasurer of England), the Lord President of the Council, and the Lord Privy Seal—are all individuals of baron rank or higher. They are appointed in the same act to sit in Parliament and in all assemblies or councils above all dukes who are not of royal blood, namely the king's brother, uncle, or nephew.

And these six, the lord great Chamberleine of England: the lord high Constable of England: the lord Marshall of England: the lord Admirall of England: the lord great master or Steward of the kings house: and the lord Chamberleine: by that act are to be placed in all assemblies of councell, after the lord priuie seale, according to their degrées and estats: so that if he be a baron, then he is to sit aboue all barons: or an earle, aboue all earles.

And these six, the Lord Great Chamberlain of England, the Lord High Constable of England, the Lord Marshal of England, the Lord Admiral of England, the Lord Great Master or Steward of the King’s House, and the Lord Chamberlain, by that act are to be placed in all councils after the Lord Privy Seal, according to their ranks and statuses: so that if he is a baron, then he sits above all barons; or if he is an earl, above all earls.

And so likewise the kings secretarie, being a baron of the parlement, hath place aboue all barons, and if he be a man of higher degrée, he shall sit and be placed according therevnto.

And so, similarly, the king's secretary, who is a baron of the parliament, has a position above all barons, and if he is a person of higher rank, he will sit and be placed accordingly.

The rehearsall of the temporall nobilitie of England, according to the anciencie of their
creations, or first calling to their degrees, as they are to be found at this present.

No duke in England.
Earles.

No dukes in England.
Earls.

The Marquise of Winchester.
The earle of Arundell.
The earle of Oxford.
The earle of Northumberland.
The earle of Shrewesburie.
The earle of Kent.
The earle of Derbie.
The earle of Worcester.
The earle of Rutland.
The earle of Cumberland.
The earle of Sussex.
The earle of Huntingdon.
The earle of Bath.
The earle of Warwike.
The earle of Southampton.
The earle of Bedford.
The earle of Penbrooke.
The earle of Hertford.
The earle of Leicester.
The earle of Essex.
The earle of Lincolne.

Visconts. The viscont Montague.
The viscont Bindon.

Barons. The lord of Abergeuennie.
The lord Awdeleie.
The lord Zouch.
The lord Barkeleie.
The lord Morleie.
The lord Dacres of the south.
The lord Cobham.
The lord Stafford.
The lord Greie of Wilton.
The lord Scroope.
The lord Dudleie.
The lord Latimer.
The lord Stourton.
The lord Lumleie.
The lord Mountioie.
The lord Ogle.
The lord Darcie of the north.
The lord Mountegle.
The lord Sands.
The lord Vaulx.
The lord Windsore.
The lord Wentworth.
The lord Borough.
The lord Mordaunt.
The lord Cromwell.
The lord Euers.
The lord Wharton.
The lord Rich.
The lord Willowbie.
[Page 278] The lord Sheffeld.
The lord Paget.
The lord Darcie of Chichester.
The lord Howard of Effingham.
The lord North.
The lord Chaundos.
The lord of Hunsdon.
The lord saint Iohn of Bletso.
The lord of Buckhirst.
The lord Delaware.
The lord Burghleie.
The lord Compton.
The lord Cheineie.
The lord Norreis.

The Marquise of Winchester.
The Earl of Arundel.
The Earl of Oxford.
The Earl of Northumberland.
The Earl of Shrewsbury.
The Earl of Kent.
The Earl of Derby.
The Earl of Worcester.
The Earl of Rutland.
The Earl of Cumberland.
The Earl of Sussex.
The Earl of Huntingdon.
The Earl of Bath.
The Earl of Warwick.
The Earl of Southampton.
The Earl of Bedford.
The Earl of Pembroke.
The Earl of Hertford.
The Earl of Leicester.
The Earl of Essex.
The Earl of Lincoln.

Viscounts. The Viscount Montague.
The Viscount Bindon.

Barons. The Lord of Abergevenny.
The Lord Audley.
The Lord Zouch.
The Lord Barkley.
The Lord Morley.
The Lord Dacre of the South.
The Lord Cobham.
The Lord Stafford.
The Lord Grey of Wilton.
The Lord Scrope.
The Lord Dudley.
The Lord Latimer.
The Lord Stourton.
The Lord Lumley.
The Lord Mountjoy.
The Lord Ogle.
The Lord Darcy of the North.
The Lord Mountagle.
The Lord Sands.
The Lord Vaulx.
The Lord Windsor.
The Lord Wentworth.
The Lord Borough.
The Lord Mordaunt.
The Lord Cromwell.
The Lord Evers.
The Lord Wharton.
The Lord Rich.
The Lord Willoughby.
[Page 278] The Lord Sheffield.
The Lord Paget.
The Lord Darcy of Chichester.
The Lord Howard of Effingham.
The Lord North.
The Lord Chandos.
The Lord of Hunsdon.
The Lord St. John of Bletso.
The Lord of Buckhurst.
The Lord Delaware.
The Lord Burghley.
The Lord Compton.
The Lord Cheney.
The Lord Norris.

Bishops in their anciencie, as they sat in parlement, in the fift of the Queenes maiesties reigne that now is.

Bishops in their ancient form, as they sat in parliament, in the fifth year of the Queen's reign that is now.

Cleargie.

Cleargie.

The archbishop of Canturburie.
The archbishop of Yorke.
London.
Durham.
Winchester.

The Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Archbishop of York.
London.
Durham.
Winchester.

The rest had their places in senioritie of consecration.

The others had their roles based on their order of consecration.

Chichester.
Landaffe.
Hereford.
Elie.
Worcester.
Bangor.
Lincolne.
Salisburie.
S. Dauids.
Rochester. Bath and Welles.
Couentrie and Lichfield.
Excester.
Norwich.
Peterborough.
Carleill.
Chester.
S. Assaph.
Glocester.

Chichester.
Llandaff.
Hereford.
Ely.
Worcester.
Bangor.
Lincoln.
Salisbury.
St. David's.
Rochester.
Bath and Wells.
Coventry and Lichfield.
Exeter.
Norwich.
Peterborough.
Carlisle.
Chester.
St. Asaph.
Gloucester.

And this for their placing in the parlement house. Howbeit, when the archbishop of Canturburie siteth in his prouinciall assemblie, he hath on his right hand the archbishop of Yorke, and next vnto him the bishop of Winchester, on the left hand the bishop of London: but if it fall out that the archbishop of Canturburie be not there by the vacation of his sée, then the archbishop of Yorke is to take his place, who admitteth the bishop of London to his right hand, and the prelat of Winchester to his left, the rest sitting alwaies as afore, that is to saie, as they are elders by consecration, which I thought good also to note out of an ancient president.

And this is regarding their seating in the parliament house. However, when the Archbishop of Canterbury sits in his provincial assembly, he has the Archbishop of York on his right and the Bishop of Winchester next to him, while the Bishop of London is on his left. But if the Archbishop of Canterbury is absent due to a vacancy in his see, then the Archbishop of York takes his place, allowing the Bishop of London to sit on his right and the Bishop of Winchester on his left, with everyone else sitting as before, that is, according to their seniority by consecration, which I thought was worth mentioning based on an ancient precedent.

OF THE FOOD AND DIET OF THE ENGLISH.
CHAP. VI.

The situation of our region, lieng néere vnto the north, dooth cause the heate of our stomaches to be of somewhat greater force: therefore our bodies doo craue a little more ample nourishment, than the inhabitants of the hotter regions are accustomed withall, whose digestiue force is not altogither so vehement, bicause their internall heat is not so strong as ours, which is kept in by the coldnesse of the aire, that from time to time (speciallie in winter) dooth enuiron our bodies.

The situation of our region, being located further north, causes our stomachs to be a bit stronger: therefore, our bodies crave slightly more nourishment than those who live in warmer regions, whose digestive power isn't quite as strong because their internal heat isn't as intense as ours, which is kept in by the cold air that surrounds us from time to time, especially in winter.

It is no maruell therefore that our tables are oftentimes more plentifullie garnished than those of other nations, and this trade hath continued with vs euen since the verie beginning. For before the Romans found out and knew the waie vnto our countrie, our predecessors fed largelie vpon flesh and milke, whereof there was great aboundance in this Ile, bicause they applied their chéefe studies vnto pasturage and féeding. After this maner also did our Welsh Britons order themselues in [Page 279] their diet so long as they liued of themselues, but after they became to be vnited and made equall with the English they framed their appetites to liue after our maner, so that at this daie there is verie little difference betwéene vs in our diets.

It’s no wonder that our tables are often better spread than those of other nations, and this tradition has been with us since the very beginning. Before the Romans discovered the way to our country, our ancestors largely survived on meat and milk, both of which were in great abundance on this island, because they focused mainly on grazing and livestock. The Welsh Britons also followed this kind of diet for as long as they lived independently, but once they united and became equal with the English, they adjusted their eating habits to match ours. As a result, today there is very little difference between us in terms of our diets.

In Scotland likewise they haue giuen themselues (of late yeares to speake of) vnto verie ample and large diet, wherein as for some respect nature dooth make them equall with vs: so otherwise they far excéed vs in ouer much and distemperate gormandize, and so ingrosse their bodies that diuerse of them doo oft become vnapt to anie other purpose than to spend their times in large tabling and bellie chéere. Against this pampering of their carcasses dooth Hector Boetius in his description of the countrie verie sharpelie inueigh in the first chapter of that treatise. Henrie Wardlaw also bishop of S. Andrewes, noting their vehement alteration from competent frugalitie into excessiue gluttonie, to be brought out of England with Iames the first (who had béene long time prisoner there vnder the fourth & fift Henries, and at his returne caried diuerse English gentlemen into his countrie with him, whome he verie honorablie preferred there) dooth vehementlie exclame against the same in open parlement holden at Perth 1433, before the three estats, and so bringeth his purpose to passe in the end by force of his learned persuasions, that a law was presentlie made there for the restreint of superfluous diet, amongest other things baked meats (dishes neuer before this mans daies seene in Scotland) were generallie so prouided for by vertue of this act, that it was not lawfull for anie to eat of the same vnder the degrée of a gentleman, and those onelie but on high and festiuall daies, but alas it was soone forgotten.

In Scotland, they have recently started indulging in very rich and excessive diets. While nature makes them somewhat equal to us in certain respects, they greatly exceed us in their excessive and unhealthy gorging, making many of them unsuitable for anything other than spending their time feasting and enjoying good food. Hector Boetius sharply criticizes this excessive indulgence in the first chapter of his description of the country. Henry Wardlaw, the Bishop of St. Andrews, also notes their drastic shift from moderate frugality to excessive gluttony, which came about after James I was brought back from England, where he had been imprisoned under the fourth and fifth Henries. Upon his return, he brought several English gentlemen with him, whom he honored greatly. In an open Parliament held in Perth in 1433, before the three estates, he passionately condemned this excess. Ultimately, through his persuasive arguments, a law was enacted to limit excessive eating. Among other items, baked goods (dishes that had never been seen in Scotland before this time) were to be provided so that only gentlemen could eat them, and only on high and festive days. Unfortunately, this law was soon forgotten.

In old time these north Britons did giue themselues vniuersallie to great abstinence, and in time of warres their souldiers would often féed but once or twise at the most in two or thrée daies (especiallie if they held themselues in secret, or could haue no issue out of their bogges and marises, through the presence of the enimie) and in this distresse they vsed to eat a certeine kind of confection, whereof so much as a beane would qualifie their hunger aboue common expectation. In woods moreouer they liued with hearbes and rootes, or if these shifts serued not thorough want of such prouision at hand, then vsed they to créepe into the water or said moorish plots vp vnto the chins, and there remaine a long time, onelie to qualifie the heats of their stomachs by violence, which otherwise would haue wrought and béene readie to oppresse them for hunger and want of sustinance. In those daies likewise it was taken for a great offense ouer all, to eat either goose, hare, or henne, bicause of a certeine superstitious opinion which they had conceiued of those three creatures, howbeit after that the Romans (I saie) had once found an entrance into this Iland, it was not long yer open shipwracke was made of this religious obseruation, so that in processe of time, so well the north and south Britons as the Romans, gaue ouer to make such difference in meats, as they had doone before.

In ancient times, the northern Britons generally practiced great self-restraint, and during wars, their soldiers would often eat only once or twice over the course of two or three days, especially if they were hiding out or unable to leave their bogs and marshes due to the enemy's presence. In these difficult times, they would consume a certain type of confection, where even a single bean could satisfy their hunger more than expected. They also lived off herbs and roots in the woods, or if those were unavailable, they would wade into the water or marshes up to their chins and remain there for long periods, just to cool their stomachs, which otherwise would have caused them to suffer from hunger and lack of food. Back then, it was considered a serious offense to eat goose, hare, or hen because of a certain superstitious belief about those three animals. However, once the Romans found their way into this island, it didn't take long before this religious observance fell away, and over time, both the northern and southern Britons, as well as the Romans, stopped making distinctions between types of food as they had before.

From thencefoorth also vnto our daies, and euen in this season wherein we liue, there is no restreint of anie meat, either for religions sake or publike order in England, but it is lawfull for euerie man to féed vpon what soeuer he is able to purchase, except it be vpon those daies whereon eating of flesh is especiallie forbidden by the lawes of the realme, which order is taken onelie to the end our numbers of cattell may be the better increased, & that aboundance of fish which the sea yéeldeth, more generallie receiued. Beside this there is great consideration had in making of this law for the preseruation of the nauie, and maintenance of conuenient numbers of sea faring men, both which would otherwise greatlie decaie, if some meanes were not found whereby they might be increased. But how soeuer this case standeth, white meats, milke, butter & cheese, which were neuer so deere as in my time, and woont to be accounted of as one of the chiefe staies throughout the Iland, are now reputed as food appertinent onelie to the inferiour sort, whilest such as are more wealthie, doo féed vpon the flesh of all kinds of cattell accustomed to be eaten, all sorts of fish taken vpon our coasts and in our fresh riuers, and such diuersitie of wild and tame foules as are either bred in our Iland or brought ouer vnto vs from other countries of the maine.

From then on and even up to today, in this season we live in, there are no restrictions on any food, whether for religious reasons or public order in England. It’s lawful for everyone to eat whatever they can buy, except on those days when eating meat is specifically banned by the laws of the realm. This rule exists mainly to help increase our livestock numbers and to encourage the consumption of the abundance of fish that the sea provides. Additionally, there is significant thought put into this law for the preservation of the navy and the maintenance of an adequate number of seafaring men, both of which would otherwise greatly decline if means to increase them weren’t found. However, regardless of this situation, dairy products like milk, butter, and cheese, which were never as expensive as they are now, and were once considered among the mainstays across the island, are now viewed as food only for the lower class. Meanwhile, those who are wealthier consume meat from all sorts of livestock typically eaten, all kinds of fish caught along our coasts and in our freshwater rivers, and a variety of wild and domestic birds either bred in our island or brought to us from other mainland countries.

[Page 280]

[Page 280]

In number of dishes and change of meat, the nobilitie of England (whose cookes are for the most part musicall headed Frenchmen and strangers) doo most exceed, sith there is no daie in maner that passeth ouer their heads, wherein they haue not onelie béefe, mutton, veale, lambe, kid, porke, conie, capon, pig, or so manie of these as the season yeeldeth: but also some portion of the red or fallow déere, beside great varietie of fish and wild foule, and thereto sundrie other delicates wherein the swéet hand of the seafaring Portingale is not wanting: so that for a man to dine with one of them, and to tast of euerie dish that standeth before him (which few vse to doo, but ech one feedeth vpon that meat him best liketh for the time, the beginning of euerie dish notwithstanding being reserued vnto the greatest personage that sitteth at the table, to whome it is drawen vp still by the waiters as order requireth, and from whome it descendeth againe euen to the lower end, whereby each one may tast thereof) is rather to yéeld vnto a conspiracie with a great deale of meat for the spéedie suppression of naturall health, then the vse of a necessarie meane to satisfie himselfe with a competent repast, to susteine his bodie withall. But as this large feeding is not séene in their gests, no more is it in their owne persons, for sith they haue dailie much resort vnto their tables (and manie times vnlooked for) and thereto reteine great numbers of seruants, it is verie requisit & expedient for them to be somewhat plentifull in this behalfe.

In terms of the variety of dishes and types of meat, the nobility of England (whose cooks are mostly talented Frenchmen and others from abroad) really stand out. There’s hardly a day that goes by without them enjoying not just beef, mutton, veal, lamb, kid, pork, rabbit, capon, pig, or however many of these the season offers, but also some venison from red or fallow deer, along with a wide variety of fish and game birds, plus several other delicacies, often enhanced by the sweet touch of their Portuguese sailors. So, for someone to dine with one of them and taste every dish presented (which few do, as most only eat what they like best at the moment, although the first portion of each dish is reserved for the highest-ranking person at the table, who is served by waiters as required, and it then gets passed down to the lower-ranking guests, allowing everyone to sample it) is more like engaging in a conspiracy with an overwhelming amount of food that quickly undermines natural health rather than a practical way to have a decent meal to sustain their bodies. However, just as this excessive feasting isn’t evident in their guests, it also isn’t in their own appearances, because they often have many people at their tables (often unexpected guests), and since they keep a large number of servants, it's necessary and practical for them to be somewhat generous in this regard.

The chiefe part likewise of their dailie prouision is brought in before them (commonlie in siluer vessell if they be of the degrée of barons, bishops and vpwards) and placed on their tables, wherof when they haue taken what it pleaseth them, the rest is reserued, and afterward sent downe to their seruing men and waiters, who féed thereon in like sort with conuenient moderation, their reuersion also being bestowed vpon the poore, which lie readie at their gates in great numbers to receiue the same. This is spoken of the principall tables whereat the nobleman, his ladie and guestes are accustomed to sit, beside which they haue a certeine ordinarie allowance dailie appointed for their hals, where the chiefe officers and household seruants (for all are not permitted by custome to waite vpon their master) and with them such inferiour guestes doo féed as are not of calling to associat the noble man himselfe (so that besides those afore mentioned, which are called to the principall table, there are commonlie fortie or thrée score persons fed in those hals, to the great reliefe of such poore sutors and strangers also as oft be partakers thereof and otherwise like to dine hardlie. As for drinke it is vsuallie filled in pots, gobblets, iugs, bols of siluer in noble mens houses, also in fine Venice glasses of all formes, and for want of these elsewhere in pots of earth of sundrie colours and moulds whereof manie are garnished with siluer) or at the leastwise in pewter, all which notwithstanding are seldome set on the table, but each one as necessitie vrgeth, calleth for a cup of such drinke as him listeth to haue: so that when he hath tasted of it he deliuered the cup againe to some one of the standers by, who making it cleane by pouring out the drinke that remaineth, restoreth it to the cupbord from whence he fetched the same. By this deuise (a thing brought vp at the first by Mnesteus of Athens, in conseruation of the honour of Orestes, who had not yet made expiation for the death of his adulterous parents Egistus and Clitemnestra) much idle tippling is furthermore cut off, for if the full pots should continuallie stand at the elbow or néere the trencher, diuerse would alwaies be dealing with them, whereas now they drinke seldome and onelie when necessitie vrgeth, and so auoid the note of great drinking, or often troubling of the seruitours with filling of their bols. Neuerthelesse in the noble mens hals, this order is not vsed, neither in anie mans house commonlie vnder the degrée of a knight or esquire of great reuenues. It is a world to sée in these our daies, wherin gold and siluer most aboundeth, how that our gentilitie as lothing those mettals (bicause of the plentie) do now generallie choose rather the Venice glasses both for our wine and béere, than anie of those mettals or stone wherein before time we haue béene accustomed to drinke, but such is the nature of man generallie that it most coueteth things difficult to be atteined; & such is the estimation of this stuffe, that manie become rich onelie with their new trade vnto Murana (a towne néere to Venice situat on the Adriatike sea) from whence the verie best are dailie to be had, and such as for beautie doo well néere [Page 281] match the christall or the ancient Murrhina vasa, whereof now no man hath knowledge. And as this is séene in the gentilitie, so in the wealthie communaltie the like desire of glasse is not neglected, whereby the gaine gotten by their purchase is yet much more increased to the benefit of the merchant. The poorest also will haue glasse if they may, but sith the Venecian is somewhat too déere for them, they content themselues with such as are made at home of ferne and burned stone, but in fine all go one waie, that is, to shards at the last, so that our great expenses in glasses (beside that they bréed much strife toward such as haue the charge of them) are worst of all bestowed in mine opinion, bicause their péeces doo turne vnto no profit. If the Ro. Bacon. philosophers stone were once found, and one part hereof mixed with fortie of molten glasse, it would induce such a mettallicall toughnesse therevnto, that a fall should nothing hurt it in such maner, yet it might peraduenture bunch or batter it, neuerthelesse that inconuenience were quickelie to be redressed by the hammer. But whither am I slipped?

The main part of their daily food is usually brought out in front of them (typically in silver dishes if they’re barons, bishops, or higher) and placed on their tables. After taking what they like, the rest is saved and later sent down to their servants and attendants, who eat it in moderation. Any leftovers are given to the poor, who wait outside in large numbers to receive it. This refers to the main tables where the nobleman, his lady, and guests sit. Besides this, they also have a daily allowance provided for their halls, where the chief officials and household servants (not everyone is allowed to serve their master) and some lower-tier guests eat, who aren't important enough to sit with the nobleman himself. So, in addition to the guests at the main table, there are usually forty or sixty more people fed in those halls, providing significant relief to poor petitioners and strangers who might otherwise struggle to dine. As for drinks, they're typically served in pots, goblets, jugs, and silver bowls in noble homes, and in fine Venetian glasses of all shapes. Where those aren’t available, people use colorful earthenware, many adorned with silver or at least pewter. However, these are rarely set on the table, and individuals will ask for a cup of whatever drink they prefer; after tasting it, they return the cup to someone nearby, who pours out any remaining drink, cleans it, and returns it to the cupboard from which it came. This practice, first established by Mnesteus of Athens to preserve the honor of Orestes—who hadn’t yet atoned for the deaths of his adulterous parents Aegisthus and Clytemnestra—greatly reduces excessive drinking. If full pots were always within reach, many would constantly pour from them, but now they drink less frequently and only as needed, avoiding the stigma of heavy drinking and the constant need for servants to refill their cups. Nonetheless, this method is not used in noble halls or commonly in homes of anyone below the rank of a knight or wealthy squire. It’s quite noticeable today, with gold and silver so abundant, that our gentry seem to disdain those metals (due to their abundance) and generally prefer Venetian glasses for both wine and beer over the metals or stone we used to drink from. Yet, such is human nature that people often desire what is harder to attain; and the value placed on these items has led many to become wealthy through trade with Murano (a town near Venice on the Adriatic Sea), where the finest glasses are available daily, closely resembling crystal or the ancient Murrhine vessels, of which no one now has knowledge. This desire isn’t just seen in the nobility; it’s prevalent among the wealthy commoners as well, further increasing the profits for merchants. Even the poorest will seek glass if they can, but since Venetian glass is a bit too expensive for them, they settle for homemade glass made from fern and burned stone. Ultimately, all paths lead to broken shards, so in my opinion, our great spending on glassware (besides leading to much conflict over those responsible for them) is one of the worst investments, as the pieces yield no profit. If the philosopher's stone were discovered and mixed with forty parts of molten glass, it could give the glass a metallic toughness so that a fall wouldn’t damage it—though it might get dented or battered, that issue could quickly be fixed with a hammer. But where was I going with this?

The gentlemen and merchants keepe much about one rate, and each of them contenteth himselfe with foure, fiue, or six dishes, when they haue but small resort, or peraduenture with one, or two, or thrée at the most, when they haue no strangers to accompanie them at their tables. And yet their seruants haue their ordinarie diet assigned, beside such as is left at their masters boordes, & not appointed to be brought thither the second time, which neuerthelesse is often séene generallie in venison, lambe, or some especiall dish, whereon the merchant man himselfe liketh to feed when it is cold, or peraduenture for sundrie causes incident to the féeder is better so, than if it were warme or hot. To be short, at such time as the merchants doo make their ordinarie or voluntarie feasts, it is a world to see what great prouision is made of all maner of delicat meats, from euerie quarter of the countrie, wherein beside that they are often comparable herein to the nobilitie of the land, they will seldome regard anie thing that the butcher vsuallie killeth, but reiect the same as not worthie to come in place. In such cases also geliffes of all colours mixed with a varietie in the representation of sundrie floures, herbs, trees, formes of beasts, fish, foules and fruits, and therevnto marchpaine wrought with no small curiositie, tarts of diuerse hewes and sundrie denominations, conserues of old fruits forren and home-bred, suckets, codinacs, marmilats, marchpaine, sugerbread, gingerbread, florentines, wild foule, venison of all sorts, and sundrie outlandish confections, altogether seasoned with suger (which Plinie calleth Mel ex arundinibus, a deuise not common nor greatlie vsed in old time at the table, but onelie in medicine, although it grew in Arabia, India & Sicilia) doo generallie beare the swaie, besides infinit deuises of our owne not possible for me to remember. Of the potato and such venerous roots as are brought out of Spaine, Portingale, and the Indies to furnish vp our bankets, I speake not, wherin our Mures of no lesse force, and to be had about Crosbie Rauenswath, doo now begin to haue place.

The gentlemen and merchants tend to keep things at about the same level, and each of them settles for four, five, or six dishes when there aren't many guests, or maybe one, two, or three at most when there are no strangers to join them at their tables. Yet, their servants have their regular meals assigned, in addition to what’s left over from their masters’ tables, which isn’t meant to be served there a second time, but is often seen—especially with venison, lamb, or other special dishes—which the merchant himself prefers to eat when it’s cold, or perhaps for various reasons related to the food being better that way than when it’s warm or hot. In short, when merchants host their regular or voluntary feasts, it’s quite a sight to see the extensive array of all kinds of delicacies brought in from every corner of the country. Not only do they often rival the nobility of the land in this regard, but they will rarely consider anything that the butcher typically kills, dismissing it as unworthy to be served. In such instances, there are also jellies of all colors mixed with various representations of flowers, herbs, trees, and shapes of beasts, fish, birds, and fruits, alongside marzipan crafted with great care, tarts of different hues and names, preserves of both foreign and local fruits, pastes, candied fruits, marmalade, marzipan, gingerbread, Florentines, wildfowl, venison of all sorts, and various exotic confections, all seasoned with sugar (which Pliny referred to as Mel ex arundinibus, a practice not common or widely used in ancient times at the table, but only in medicine, though it originated in Arabia, India, and Sicily). Generally, these dishes dominate the feast, in addition to countless inventions of our own that I can't possibly remember. I won't even mention the potato and other edible roots brought from Spain, Portugal, and the Indies to enhance our banquets, where our local varieties, as potent as those across the seas, are starting to gain recognition around Crosbie Ravenswath.

But among all these, the kind of meat which is obteined with most difficultie and cost, is commonlie taken for the most delicat, and therevpon each guest will soonest desire to feed. And as all estats doo excéed herin, I meane for strangenesse and number of costlie dishes, so these forget not to vse the like excesse in wine, in somuch as there is no kind to be had (neither anie where more store of all sorts than in England, although we haue none growing with vs but yearelie to the proportion of 20000 or 30000 tun and vpwards, notwithstanding the dailie restreincts of the same brought ouer vnto vs) wherof at great méetings there is not some store to be had. Neither doo I meane this of small wines onlie, as Claret, White, Red, French, &c: which amount to about fiftie six sorts, according to the number of regions from whence they come: but also of the thirtie kinds of Italian, Grecian, Spanish, Canarian, &c: whereof Veruage, Cate pument, Raspis, Muscadell, Romnie, Bastard Tire, Oseie, Caprike, Clareie & Malmeseie are not least of all accompted of, bicause of their strength and valure. For as I haue said in meat, so the stronger the wine is, the more it is desired, by means wherof in old time, the best was called Theologicum, bicause it was had from the cleargie and religious men, vnto whose houses manie of the laitie would often send for bottels filled with the same, being sure that they would neither drinke nor be serued of the worst, or such as [Page 282] was anie waies mingled or brued by the vintener: naie the merchant would haue thought that his soule should haue gone streightwaie to the diuell, if he should haue serued them with other than the best. Furthermore when these haue had their course which nature yéeldeth, sundrie sorts of artificiall stuffe, as ypocras & wormewood wine must in like maner succéed in their turnes, beside stale ale and strong béere, which neuerthelesse beare the greatest brunt in drinking, and are of so manie sorts and ages as it pleaseth the bruer to make them.

But among all these, the type of meat that is obtained with the most difficulty and expense is usually considered the most delicate, and as a result, each guest is eager to indulge. Just as all classes go overboard in this regard, meaning in terms of the variety and number of expensive dishes, they don’t forget to use the same excess with wine. There's no shortage of different kinds of wine to be found (and especially in England, where there’s more variety than anywhere else, even though we only produce about 20,000 or 30,000 tons annually, despite the daily restrictions on what gets brought to us), especially at large gatherings where some amount must be available. I'm not just referring to the lighter wines like Claret, White, Red, French, etc., which total around fifty-six varieties, reflecting the number of regions they come from; there are also thirty kinds from Italy, Greece, Spain, the Canary Islands, etc., among which Veruage, Cate pument, Raspis, Muscadell, Romnie, Bastard Tire, Oseie, Caprike, Clareie, and Malmeseie are particularly valued for their strength and quality. As I mentioned with food, the stronger the wine is, the more it is sought after; indeed, in the past, the best wine was referred to as Theologicum because it was sourced from clergy and religious figures, whose homes many common folk would send for bottles, knowing they wouldn’t serve anything but the finest or any wine mixed or tampered with by the vintner. In fact, merchants would have felt their soul was destined for hell if they served anything less than the best. Additionally, once these wines have run their course, various types of artificial drinks, like ypocras and wormwood wine, are also expected to follow suit, along with stale ale and strong beer, which nonetheless take the heaviest toll during drinking and come in as many varieties and ages as the brewer chooses to create.

Béere. The béere that is vsed at noble mens tables in their fixed and standing houses, is commonlie of a yeare old, or peraduenture of two yeares tunning or more, but this is not generall. It is also brued in March and therefore called March béere, but for the household it is vsuallie not vnder a moneths age, ech one coueting to haue the same stale as he may, so that it be not sowre, and his bread new as is possible so that it be not hot.

Beer. The beer that's served at wealthy people's tables in their permanent homes is usually about a year old or maybe two years aged or more, but that's not a hard and fast rule. It’s also brewed in March, which is why it's called March beer, but for households, it’s typically no younger than a month old, with everyone wanting to have it as fresh as possible without it being sour, and the bread as new as it can be without being hot.

Artificer. The artificer and husbandman make greatest accompt of such meat as they may soonest come by, and haue it quickliest readie, except it be in London when the companies of euery trade doo meet on their quarter daies, at which time they be nothing inferiour to the nobilitie. Their food also consisteth principallie in béefe and such meat as the butcher selleth, that is to saie, mutton, veale, lambe, porke, &c: whereof he findeth great store in the markets adioining, beside souse, brawne, bacon, fruit, pies of fruit, foules of sundrie sorts, cheese, butter, egs, &c: as the other wanteth it not at home, by his owne prouision, which is at the best hand, and commonlie least charge. In feasting also this latter sort, I meane the husbandmen doo excéed after their maner: especiallie at bridales, purifications of women, and such od méetings, where it is incredible to tell what meat is consumed & spent, ech one bringing such a dish, or so manie with him as his wife & he doo consult vpon, but alwaies with this consideration, that the léefer fréend shall haue the better prouision. This also is commonlie séene at these bankets, that the good man of the house is not charged with any thing sauing bread, drink, sauce, houseroome, and fire. But the artificers in cities and good townes doo deale far otherwise, for albeit that some of them doo suffer their iawes to go oft before their clawes, and diuerse of them by making good cheere doo hinder themselues and other men: yet the wiser sort can handle the matter well inough in these iunkettings, and therfore their frugalitie deserueth commendation. To conclude, both the artificer and the husbandman are sufficientlie liberall, & verie fréendlie at their tables, and when they méet, they are so merie without malice, and plaine without inward Italian or French craft and subtiltie, that it would doo a man good to be in companie among them. Herein onelie are the inferiour sort somewhat to be blamed, that being thus assembled, their talke is now and then such as sauoureth of scurrilitie and ribaldrie, a thing naturallie incident to carters and clownes, who thinke themselues not to be merie & welcome, if their foolish veines in this behalfe be neuer so little restreined. This is moreouer to be added in these méetings, that if they happen to stumble vpon a péece of venison, and a cup of wine or verie strong beere or ale (which latter they commonlie prouide against their appointed daies) they thinke their I haue dined so well as my lord maior. chéere so great, and themselues to haue fared so well, as the lord Maior of London, with whome when their bellies be full they will not often sticke to make comparison, because that of a subiect there is no publike officer of anie citie in Europe, that may compare in port and countenance with him during the time of his office.

Craftsman. The craftsman and farmer prioritize the food that they can get easily and quickly, except in London when the various trade guilds meet on their quarterly days, at which point they are just as impressive as the nobility. Their diet mainly consists of beef and whatever types of meat the butcher sells, such as mutton, veal, lamb, pork, etc. They find plenty of this at nearby markets, along with pickled meats, brawn, bacon, fruits, fruit pies, various birds, cheese, butter, eggs, etc., and they usually have enough at home from their own supplies, which are readily available and often least expensive. During celebrations, especially at weddings, women’s purifications, and similar gatherings, farmers tend to go all out in their own way, and it’s astonishing how much food is consumed, with each guest bringing a dish or several dishes that they and their partner have decided on, always ensuring that the less generous friend brings more. It’s also common at these feasts for the host to only be responsible for bread, drinks, sauces, room, and fire. In contrast, the artisans in cities and larger towns operate quite differently. While some of them let their appetites get the better of them, and many indulge themselves and others with lavishness, the more sensible among them manage these gatherings well, hence their frugality deserves praise. In summary, both the artisan and the farmer are quite generous and very friendly at their tables, and when they gather, they are merry without malice and straightforward without any sneaky Italian or French tricks, making it pleasant to be in their company. The only criticism for the lower classes is that during these gatherings, their conversations can sometimes turn to coarse and lewd topics, a natural tendency among carriers and common folk, who think they aren’t being jovial and welcomed if they don’t indulge in some silliness. Additionally, it’s worth noting that if they encounter a piece of venison and a drink of wine or really strong beer or ale (which they usually have ready for their special days), they feel their feast is as grand as that of the Lord Mayor of London. When their bellies are full, they often compare themselves to him, as no public official of any city in Europe can match his stature and presence while in office.

I might here talke somewhat of the great silence that is vsed at the tables of the honorable and wiser sort, generallie ouer all the realme (albeit that too much deserueth no cōmendation, for it belongeth to gests neither to be muti nor loquaces) likewise of the moderate eating and drinking that is dailie séene, and finallie of the regard that each one hath to keepe himselfe from the note of surffetting and dronkennesse (for which cause salt meat, except béefe, bacon, and porke are not anie whit esteemed, and yet these thrée may not be much powdered) but as in rehearsall thereof I should commend the noble man, merchant, and frugall artificer, so I could not cleare the meaner sort of husbandmen, and countrie inhabitants of verie much babbling (except it be here and there some od yeoman) with whome he is thought to be the meriest that talketh [Page 283] of most ribaldrie, or the wisest man that speaketh fastest among them, & now and then surffetting and dronkennesse, which they rather fall into for want of héed taking, than wilfullie following or delighting in those errours of set mind and purpose. It may be that diuers of them liuing at home with hard and pinching diet, small drinke, and some of them hauing scarse inough of that, are soonest ouertaken when they come vnto such bankets, howbeit they take it generallie as no small disgrace if they happen to be cupshotten, so that it is a greefe vnto them though now sans remedie sith the thing is doone and past. If the freends also of the wealthier sort come to their houses from farre, they are commonlie so welcome till they depart as vpon the first daie of their comming, wheras in good townes and cities, as London, &c: men oftentimes complaine of little roome, and in reward of a fat capon or plentie of béefe and mutton, largelie bestowed vpon them in the countrie, a cup of wine or béere with a napkin to wipe their lips, and an "You are heartelie welcome" is thought to be great interteinement, and therefore the old countrie clearkes haue framed this saieng in that behalfe, I meane vpon the interteinment of townesmens and Londoners after the daies of their aboad in this maner:

I might talk a bit about the great silence that’s common at the tables of the respectable and wise people all across the kingdom (though it’s worth noting that being too quiet deserves no praise, as guests shouldn’t be either mute or overly talkative). Also, I’ll touch on the moderate way of eating and drinking that we see daily, and finally, the care everyone takes to avoid the embarrassment of overeating and drunkenness (which is why salted meats, except for beef, bacon, and pork, aren’t highly regarded, even though these three shouldn’t be overly salted). While I would praise the nobleman, merchant, and frugal craftsman, I can’t ignore the lower class of farmers, and country folk who tend to chatter a lot (except for the occasional decent yeoman), where the talkative ones are considered the funniest if they share the most vulgar stories or the smartest if they speak the fastest. Occasionally, they fall into overeating and drunkenness, driven more by a lack of caution than by a desire or enjoyment of those vices. Some of them, living at home on meager diets with little to drink, and some barely having enough, are the first to overindulge when they attend such feasts, though they generally view it as quite disgraceful if they happen to get drunk, which adds to their distress since it’s already done and over with. If friends from wealthier backgrounds visit their homes from afar, they tend to be treated with great hospitality until they leave, while in larger towns and cities like London, people often complain about a lack of space, and in exchange for a fat capon or generous servings of beef and mutton from the countryside, a cup of wine or beer along with a napkin to wipe their mouths, and a genuine “You’re warmly welcome” is considered true hospitality. That’s why the old country clerks have coined this saying regarding the hospitality shown to townspeople and Londoners after their stay in this manner:

Primus iucundus, tollerabilis estq; secundus,

Primus is enjoyable and bearable; secundus,

Tertius est vanus, sed fetet quatriduanus.

Tertius is vain, but he has a bad smell after four days.

Bread. The bread through out the land is made of such graine as the soile yéeldeth, neuerthelesse the gentilitie commonlie prouide themselues sufficientlie of wheat for their owne tables, whilest their household and poore neighbours in some shires are inforced to content themselues with rie, or barleie, yea and in time of dearth manie with bread made either of beans, peason, or otes, or of altogither and some acornes among, of which scourge the poorest doo soonest tast, sith they are least able to prouide themselues of better. I will not saie that this extremitie is oft so well to be seene in time of plentie as of dearth, but if I should I could easilie bring my triall. For albeit that there be much more ground eared now almost in euerie place, than hath beene of late yeares, yet such a price of corne continueth in each towne and market without any iust cause (except it be that landlords doo get licences to carie corne out of the land onelie to kéepe vp the peeces for their owne priuate gaines and ruine of the common-wealth) that the artificer and poore laboring man, is not able to reach vnto it, but A famine at hand is first séene in the horsse manger when the poore doo fall to horssecorne. is driuen to content himselfe with horsse-corne, I meane, beanes, peason, otes, tares, and lintels: and therefore it is a true prouerbe, and neuer so well verified as now, that hunger setteth his first foot into the horsse manger. If the world last a while after this rate, wheate and rie will be no graine for poore men to feed on, and some caterpillers there are that can saie so much alreadie.

Bread. The bread throughout the land is made from whatever grain the soil produces. However, the nobility usually provides themselves with enough wheat for their own tables, while their households and poorer neighbors in some areas are forced to settle for rye or barley. In times of scarcity, many must eat bread made from beans, peas, oats, or even a mix of these with acorns, which is particularly hard on the poorest, as they are least able to obtain better food. I won’t say that this extreme situation is always more visible in times of plenty than in times of scarcity, but if I needed to, I could easily prove it. For even though there is much more land cultivated now than there has been in recent years, the price of grain remains high in towns and markets without any valid reason (unless it’s that landlords get permission to export grain solely to keep prices inflated for their own profit and the ruin of the community), leaving craftsmen and poor laborers unable to afford it. Hence, the poor are forced to make do with horse feed—meaning beans, peas, oats, vetch, and lentils. This gives rise to the true proverb, more relevant now than ever, that hunger first shows itself by creeping into the horse's manger. If things continue this way, wheat and rye will be unattainable for the poor, and there are already some greedy individuals who can claim as much.

Of bread made of wheat we haue sundrie sorts, dailie brought to the table, whereof the first and most excellent is the mainchet, which we Primarius panis. commonlie call white bread, in Latine Primarius panis, wherof Budeus also speaketh, in his first booke De asse, and our good workemen deliuer commonlie such proportion, that of the flower of one bushell with another they make fortie cast of manchet, of which euerie lofe weigheth eight ounces into the ouen and six ounces out, as I haue béene informed. Cheat bread. The second is the cheat or wheaton bread, so named bicause the colour therof resembleth the graie or yellowish wheat, being cleane and well dressed, and out of this is the coursest of the bran (vsuallie called Rauelled bread. gurgeons or pollard) taken. The raueled is a kind of cheat bread also, but it reteineth more of the grosse, and lesse of the pure substance of the wheat: and this being more sleightlie wrought vp, is vsed in the halles of the nobilitie, and gentrie onelie, whereas the other either is The size of bread is verie ill kept or not at all looked vnto in the countrie townes and markets. or should be baked in cities & good townes of an appointed size (according to such price as the corne dooth beare) and by a statute prouided by king Iohn in that behalfe. The raueled cheat therfore is generallie so made that out of one bushell of meale, after two and twentie pounds of bran be sifted and taken from it (wherevnto they ad the gurgeons that rise from the manchet) they make thirtie cast, euerie lofe weighing eightéene ounces into the ouen and sixteene ounces out: and beside this they so handle the matter that to euerie bushell of [Page 284] meale they ad onelie two and twentie or thrée and twentie pound of water, washing also in some houses there corne before it go to the mill, whereby their manchet bread is more excellent in colour and pleasing to Browne bread. the eie, than otherwise it would be. The next sort is named browne bread of the colour, of which we haue two sorts, one baked vp as it cōmeth from the mill, so that neither the bran nor the floure are anie whit diminished, this Celsus called Autopirus panis, lib. 2. and putteth it in the second place of nourishment. The other hath little or no floure Panis Cibarius. left therein at all, howbeit he calleth it Panem Cibarium, and it is not onlie the woorst and weakest of all the other sorts, but also appointed in old time for seruants, slaues, and the inferiour kind of people to féed vpon. Herevnto likewise, bicause it is drie and brickie in the working (for it will hardlie be made vp handsomelie into loaues) some adde a portion of rie meale in our time, whereby the rough drinesse or drie roughnes therof is somwhat qualified, & then it is named miscelin, that is, bread made of mingled corne, albeit that diuerse doo sow or mingle wheat & rie of set purpose at the mill, or before it come there, and sell the same at the markets vnder the aforesaid name.

We have several kinds of wheat bread that are served at the table daily. The first and most notable is manchet, which we commonly call white bread, known in Latin as Primarius panis. Budeus also mentions it in his first book, De asse, and skilled bakers usually make a batch where they use the flour from one bushel to produce forty loaves of manchet, with each loaf weighing eight ounces when it goes into the oven and six ounces when it comes out, as I’ve been told. The second is cheat or wheaten bread, named because its color resembles grayish or yellowish wheat, which is clean and well-prepared, and from this bread, the coarsest bran (usually called gurgeons or pollard) is removed. Raveled bread is another type of cheat bread, but it retains more of the coarse parts and less of the pure wheat substance. This type is more finely made and is used in the halls of the nobility and gentry only, while the other should be baked in cities and good towns at a specified size (according to the price of grain) by a statute established by King John. Therefore, raveled cheat is generally made so that from one bushel of flour, after removing twenty-two pounds of bran (which is added back in the form of gurgeons from the manchet), they produce thirty loaves, each weighing eighteen ounces going into the oven and sixteen ounces coming out. Additionally, they manage it in such a way that for every bushel of flour, they only add twenty-two or twenty-three pounds of water, and in some households, they wash the grain before it goes to the mill, making their manchet bread more excellent in color and visually appealing than it might otherwise be. The next type is called brown bread for its color, and we have two kinds. One is baked just as it comes from the mill, so that neither the bran nor the flour is diminished at all; Celsus referred to this as Autopirus panis in his second book and placed it as the second best nourishment. The other has little to no flour left in it and is referred to as Panem Cibarium. This is not only the worst and weakest of all types but was also historically meant for servants, slaves, and lower-class individuals to eat. Because it is dry and brick-like in texture (as it hardly forms nicely into loaves), some modern bakers add a portion of rye flour to soften its dryness, and it is then called miscelin, which means bread made from mixed grains, though some specifically sow or mix wheat and rye on purpose before milling and sell it in markets under that name.

Summer wheat and winter barleie verie rare in England. In champeigne countries much rie and barleie bread is eaten, but especiallie where wheat is scant and geson. As for the difference that is betwéene the summer and winter wheat, most husbandmen know it not, sith they are neither acquainted with summer wheat, nor winter barleie: yet here and there I find of both sorts, speciallie in the north and about Kendall, where they call it March wheat, and also of summer rie, but in so small quantities as that I dare not pronounce them to be greatlie common among vs.

Summer wheat and winter barley are quite uncommon in England. In lowland areas, a lot of rye and barley bread is eaten, especially where wheat is scarce and expensive. As for the difference between summer and winter wheat, most farmers don't know it, as they're not familiar with summer wheat or winter barley. Yet, here and there, I do come across both types, especially in the north and around Kendall, where they call it March wheat, as well as some summer rye, but in such small amounts that I wouldn't say they're very common among us.

Drinke. Our drinke, whose force and continuance is partlie touched alreadie, is made of barleie, water, and hops, sodden and mingled togither, by the industrie of our bruers, in a certeine exact proportion. But before our barleie doo come vnto their hands, it susteineth great alteration, and Malt. is conuerted into malt, the making whereof, I will here set downe in such order, as my skill therein may extend vnto (for I am scarse a good malster) chiefelie for that forreine writers haue attempted to describe the same, and the making of our beere, wherein they haue shot so farre wide, as the quantitie of ground was betwéene themselues & their marke. In the meane time beare with me, gentle reader (I beséech thée) that lead thee from the description of the plentifull diet of our countrie, vnto the fond report of a seruile trade, or rather from a table delicatelie furnished, into a mustie malthouse: but such is now thy hap, wherfore I praie thée be contented.

Drink up. Our drink, whose strength and duration have been partly mentioned already, is made from barley, water, and hops, boiled and mixed together by our brewers in a certain precise proportion. But before our barley gets to their hands, it undergoes significant changes and is converted into malt, the process of which I will outline here as best as I can (for I’m hardly a skilled maltster), especially since foreign writers have tried to describe it, and they have missed the mark by a long shot in comparison to the actual process. In the meantime, I ask you, dear reader, to bear with me as I take you from the description of the abundant cuisine of our country to the tedious account of a labor-intensive trade, or rather from a beautifully set table to a musty malt house: but such is your fate now, so I pray you to be content.

Making of malt. Our malt is made all the yeare long in some great townes, but in gentlemens and yeomens houses, who commonlie make sufficient for their owne expenses onelie, the winter halfe is thought most méet for that commoditie: howbeit the malt that is made when the willow dooth bud, is commonlie worst of all, neuerthelesse each one indeuoureth to make it of the best barleie, which is steeped in a cesterne, in greater or less quantitie, by the space of thrée daies and three nights, vntill it be throughlie soked. This being doone, the water is drained from it by little and little, till it be quite gone. Afterward they take it out, and laieng it vpon the cleane floore on a round heape, it resteth so vntill it be readie to shoote at the root end, which maltsters call Comming. When it beginneth therefore to shoot in this maner, they saie it is come, and then foorthwith they spread it abroad, first thicke, and afterward thinner and thinner vpon the said floore (as it commeth) and there it lieth (with turning euerie daie foure or fiue times) by the space of one and twentie daies at the least, the workeman not suffering it in anie wise to take anie heat, whereby the bud end should spire, that bringeth foorth the blade, and by which ouersight or hurt of the stuffe it selfe the malt would be spoiled, and turne small commoditie to the bruer. When it hath gone or béene turned so long vpon the floore, they carie it to a kill couered with haire cloth, where they giue it gentle heats (after they haue spread it there verie thin abroad) till it be drie, & in the meane while they turne it often, that it may be vniformelie dried. For the more it be dried (yet must it be doone with soft fire) the swéeter and better the malt is, and the longer it will continue, whereas if it be not dried downe (as they call it) but slackelie handled, it will bréed a kind of worme, called a wiuell, which groweth in the floure of the corne, and in processe of time will so eat [Page 285] out it selfe, that nothing shall remaine of the graine but euen the verie rind or huske.

Malt production. Malt is produced all year round in some large towns, but at gentlemen's and yeomen's houses, which typically make enough only for their own needs, the winter season is considered the best time for this process. However, malt made when the willows bud is usually the worst of all. Still, everyone tries to use the best barley, which is soaked in a cistern for three days and nights until it's thoroughly soaked. Once that's done, the water is drained from it gradually until it’s completely gone. Then they take it out and pile it on a clean floor in a round heap, where it sits until it's ready to germinate at the root end, which maltsters call "Coming." When it starts to sprout in this way, they say it is "come," and immediately spread it out, first thickly, then thinner and thinner on that floor (as it comes), turning it four or five times a day for at least twenty-one days. The worker carefully prevents it from getting too warm, which would cause the bud end to sprout and lead to the growth of the blade. If this oversight happens or the malt gets damaged, it could spoil and become less useful to the brewer. After being turned for that long on the floor, they take it to a kiln covered with hair cloth, where they give it gentle heat (after spreading it out thinly) until it’s dry, turning it often to ensure it dries evenly. The more it is dried (but it must be done carefully), the sweeter and better the malt is, and the longer it will last. If it’s not dried properly (as they say), but handled carelessly, it will attract a type of worm called a weevil, which can eat through the flour of the grain and eventually leave nothing but the very rind or husk. [Page 285]

The best malt is tried by the hardnesse & colour, for if it looke fresh with a yellow hew, & thereto will write like a péece of chalke, after you haue bitten a kirnell in sunder in the middest, then you may assure your selfe that it is dried downe. In some places it is dried at leisure with wood alone, or strawe alone, in other with wood and strawe togither, but of all the strawe dried, is the most excellent. For the wood dried malt when it is brued, beside that the drinke is higher of colour, it dooth hurt and annoie the head of him that is not vsed thereto, bicause of the smoake. Such also as vse both indifferentlie doo barke, cleaue, and drie their wood in an ouen, thereby to remooue all moisture that shuld procure the fume, and this malt is in the second place, & with the same likewise, that which is made with dried firze, broome, &c: whereas if they also be occupied gréene, they are in maner so preiudiciall to the corne, as is the moist wood. And thus much of our malts, in bruing whereof some grinde the same somewhat groselie, and in séething well the liquor that shall be put vnto it, they adde to euerie nine quarters of mault one of headcorne, which consisteth of sundrie graine, as wheate, and otes groond. But what haue I to doo with this matter, or rather so great a quantitie, wherewith I am not acquainted. Neuerthelesse, sith I haue taken occasion to speake of bruing, I will exemplifie in such a proportion as I am best skilled in, bicause it is the vsuall rate for mine owne familie, and once in a moneth practised by my wife & hir maid seruants, who procéed withall after this maner, as she hath oft informed me.

The best malt is judged by its hardness and color. If it looks fresh with a yellow tint and writes like a piece of chalk when you bite into a kernel, then you can be sure that it’s properly dried. In some places, malt is dried slowly using only wood, or only straw; in others, both wood and straw are used together, but among all the straw-dried options, straw is the best. When malt dried with wood is brewed, the drink has a richer color, but it can cause headaches for those not used to it because of the smoke. Those who use both types often bark, split, and dry their wood in an oven to remove all moisture that could create fumes. Malt made with dried gorse, broom, etc., is also secondary in quality. If they are used green, they negatively affect the grain just like moist wood. This covers our malts; while brewing, some grind the malt coarsely and carefully boil the liquid added to it. They add one headcorn, which consists of various grains like wheat and oats, for every nine quarters of malt. But why am I even discussing this topic when I’m not well-versed in it? Still, since I have the chance to talk about brewing, I’ll illustrate the method I'm most familiar with, as it’s the usual practice for my own family and something my wife and her maidservants do once a month, following the process she has informed me about.

Bruing of beere. Hauing therefore groond eight bushels of good malt vpon our querne, where the toll is saued, she addeth vnto it halfe a bushell of wheat meale, and so much of otes small groond, and so tempereth or mixeth them with the malt, that you cannot easilie discerne the one from the other, otherwise these later would clunter, fall into lumps, and thereby become vnprofitable. The first liquor which is full eightie gallons, according to the proportion of our furnace, she maketh boiling hot, and then powreth it softlie into the malt, where it resteth (but without stirring) vntill hir second liquor be almost readie to boile. This doone she letteth hir mash run till the malt be left without liquor, or at the leastwise the greatest part of the moisture, which she perceiueth by the staie and soft issue thereof, and by this time hir second liquor in the furnace is ready to séeth, which is put also to the malt as the first woort also againe into the furnace wherevnto she addeth two pounds of the best English hops, and so letteth them seeth togither by the space of two houres in summer, or an houre and an halfe in winter, whereby it getteth an excellent colour, and continuance without impeachment, or Charwoort. anie superfluous tartnesse. But before she putteth hir first woort into the furnace, or mingleth it with the hops, she taketh out a vessel full, of eight or nine gallons, which she shutteth vp close, and suffereth no aire to come into it till it become yellow, and this she reserueth by it selfe vnto further vse, as shall appeare herafter, calling it Brackwoort or Charwoort, and as she saith it addeth also to the colour of the drinke, whereby it yeeldeth not vnto amber or fine gold in hew vnto the eie. By this time also hir second woort is let runne, and the first being taken out of the furnace and placed to coole, she returneth the middle woort vnto the furnace, where it is striken ouer, or from whence it is taken againe, when it beginneth to boile and mashed the second time, whilest the third liquor is heat (for there are thrée liquors) and this last put into the furnace, when the second is mashed againe. When she hath mashed also the last liquor (and set the second to coole by the first) she letteth it runne, and then séetheth it againe with a pound and an halfe of new hops, or peraduenture two pounds as she séeth cause by the goodnesse or basenesse of the hops, & when it hath sodden in summer two houres & in winter an houre & an halfe, she striketh it also and reserueth it vnto mixture with the rest when time dooth serue therefore. Finallie when she setteth hir drinke togither, she addeth to hir brackwoort or charwoort halfe an ounce of arras, and halfe a quarterne of an ounce of baiberries finelie powdered, and then putting the same into hir woort with an handfull of wheat flowre, she procéedeth [Page 286] in such vsuall order as common bruing requireth. Some in stéed of arras & baies adde so much long pepper onelie, but in hir opinion and my liking it is not so good as the first, and hereof we make thrée hoggesheads of good beere, such (I meane) as is méet for poore men as I am to liue withall, whose small maintenance (for what great thing is fortie pounds a yeare Computatis computandis able to performe) may indure no déeper cut, the charges whereof groweth in this manner. I value my malt at ten shillings, my wood at foure shillings which I buie, my hops at twentie pence, the spice at two pence, seruants wages two shillings six pence with meat and drinke, and the wearing of my vessell at twentie pence, so that for my twentie shillings I haue ten score gallons of béere or more, notwithstanding the losse in seething, which some being loth to forgo doo not obserue the time, and therefore spéed thereafter in their successe, and worthilie. The continuance of the drinke is alwaie determined after the quantitie of the hops, so that being well hopped it lasteth longer. For it féedeth vpon the hop, and holdeth out so long as the force of the same continueth, which being extinguished the drinke must be spent or else it dieth, and becommeth of no value.

Brewing beer. Having ground eight bushels of good malt using our grinder, where the toll is saved, she adds half a bushel of wheat flour and the same amount of finely ground oats, mixing them with the malt in such a way that you can't easily distinguish one from the other. Otherwise, the oats would clump together, fall into lumps, and become useless. The first liquid, which is a full eighty gallons, according to the capacity of our furnace, she heats until boiling, then gently pours it over the malt, letting it sit (without stirring) until her second liquid is almost ready to boil. Once that’s done, she lets her mash run until there’s no liquid left in the malt or at least most of the moisture is gone, which she checks by the texture and soft flow of it. By this time, her second liquid in the furnace is ready to boil, which she also adds to the malt just like the first wort, then puts it back in the furnace along with two pounds of the best English hops, letting it boil together for two hours in summer or an hour and a half in winter, giving it an excellent color and good stability without any excessive sourness. But before she puts her first wort into the furnace or mixes it with the hops, she takes out a container filled with eight or nine gallons, sealing it tightly without letting any air in until it turns yellow, reserving this for later use, which she calls Brackwort or Charwort. As she says, it also adds to the color of the drink, making it not yield to amber or fine gold in appearance. By this time, her second wort is running, and the first, once taken out of the furnace and placed to cool, allows her to return the middle wort to the furnace where it is taken out again when it starts to boil, while she heats the third liquid (as there are three liquids) and adds this last one to the furnace when the second is being mashed again. After she has also mashed the last liquid (setting the second to cool with the first), she lets it run and then boils it again with a pound and a half of new hops, or perhaps two pounds depending on the quality of the hops. Once it’s boiled for two hours in summer and an hour and a half in winter, she takes it out too and reserves it for mixing with the rest when the time is right. Finally, when she combines her drink, she adds half an ounce of ale yeast and a quarter ounce of finely powdered bayberries to her brackwort or charwort, then puts this into her wort along with a handful of wheat flour, proceeding in the usual manner as common brewing requires. Some, instead of ale yeast and bayberries, just add long pepper, but in her opinion and mine, that’s not as good as the first. From this process, we produce three hogsheads of good beer, which is suitable for poor people like me who need to live on it, whose small income (for what can forty pounds a year realistically provide) cannot bear deeper cuts, and the expenses come out this way. I value my malt at ten shillings, my wood at four shillings which I buy, my hops at twenty pence, the spices at two pence, wages for my servants at two shillings and six pence including food and drink, and the wear of my vessel at twenty pence, so for my twenty shillings, I have one hundred gallons of beer or more, notwithstanding the loss during boiling which some, being reluctant to give up, do not pay attention to and hence struggle with their results rightfully. The shelf life of the drink is always determined by the amount of hops used, so that if it's well-hopped, it lasts longer. It feeds off the hops, and holds out as long as the potency remains; once that’s diminished, the drink must be consumed or else it spoils and becomes worthless.

In this trade also our bruers obserue verie diligentlie the nature of the water, which they dailie occupie; and soile through which it passeth, for all waters are not of like goodnesse, sith the fattest standing water is alwaies the best: for although the waters that run by chalke or cledgie soiles be good, and next vnto the Thames water which is the most excellent, yet the water that standeth in either of these is the best for vs that dwell in the countrie, as whereon the sunne lieth longest, and fattest fish is bred. But of all other the fennie and morish is the worst, and the cléerest spring water next vnto it. In this busines therfore the skilfull workeman dooth redeeme the iniquitie of that element, by changing of his proportions, which trouble in ale (sometime our onelie, but now taken with manie for old and sickmens drinke) is neuer séene nor heard of. Howbeit as the beere well sodden in the bruing, and stale, is cleere and well coloured as muscadell or malueseie, or rather yellow as the gold noble as our potknights call it: so our ale which is not at all or verie little sodden, and without hops, is more thicke, fulsome, and of no such continuance, which are thrée notable things to be considered in that liquor. But what for that? Certes I know some aleknights so much addicted therevnto, that they will not ceasse from morow vntill euen to visit the same, clensing house after house, till they defile themselues, and either fall quite vnder the boord, or else not daring to stirre from their stooles, sit still pinking with their narrow eies as halfe sleeping, till the fume of their aduersarie be digested that he may go to it afresh. Such flights also haue the alewiues for the vtterance of this drinke, that they will mixe it with rosen and salt: but if you heat a knife red hot, and quench it in the ale so neere the bottome of the pot as you can put it, you shall sée the rosen come foorth hanging on the knife. As for the force of salt, it is well knowne by the effect, for the more the drinker tipleth, the more he may, and so dooth he carrie off a drie dronken noll to bed with him, except his lucke be the better. But to my purpose.

In this trade, our brewers pay close attention to the quality of the water they use every day, as well as the soil it flows through, since not all waters are of the same quality. The richest standing water is always the best. While water that flows over chalky or clay soils is good, and close to Thames water, which is the best, the standing water in either of these types is preferable for us country dwellers. This is because it gets the most sun and produces the fattest fish. Of all types, water from marshy and fen areas is the worst, and clear spring water is only slightly better. In this process, skilled workers improve the quality of the water by adjusting their proportions, which prevents the issues in ale (once our only drink, now often favored by the old and sick) from ever being visible or audible. However, just as well-brewed and aged beer appears clear and well-colored, like muscat or Malvasia, or rather yellow like the noble gold as our tavern keepers say; our ale, which is hardly boiled or hopped, is thicker, unappetizing, and lacks stability, which are three significant factors to consider in that drink. But what about that? I know some ale enthusiasts who are so committed that they won't stop until they've visited every tavern, cleaning each one out until they’re completely wasted, either passing out under the table or too afraid to get up, sitting there squinting with half-closed eyes until they can stomach enough to go for it again. Tavern keepers have certain tricks for serving this drink, mixing it with resin and salt. But if you heat a knife red-hot and plunge it into the ale close to the bottom of the pot, you’ll see the resin cling to the knife. The effects of salt are well-known; the more you drink, the more you can handle, and you might even end up dragging yourself to bed without any dignity, unless luck is on your side. But to my point.

In some places of England, there is a kind of drinke made of apples, Cider.
Perrie.
which they call cider or pomage, but that of peares is named pirrie, and both are groond and pressed in presses made for the nonce. Certes these two are verie common in Sussex, Kent, Worcester, and other stéeds, where these sorts of fruits doo abound, howbeit they are not their onelie drinke at all times, but referred vnto the delicate sorts of drinke, as Metheglin. metheglin is in Wales, whereof the Welshmen make no lesse accompt (and not without cause if it be well handled) than the Gréekes did of their Ambrosia or Nectar, which for the pleasantnesse thereof, was supposed to be such as the gods themselues did delite in. There is a kind of swish swash made also in Essex, and diuerse other places, with honicombs and water, which the homelie countrie wiues, putting some pepper and a Mead. little other spice among, call mead, verie good in mine opinion for such as loue to be loose bodied at large, or a little eased of the cough, otherwise it differeth so much frō the true metheglin, as chalke from cheese. Truelie it is nothing else but the washing of the combes, when the honie is wroong out, and one of the best things that I know Hydromel. belonging thereto is, that they spend but little labour and lesse cost in [Page 287] making of the same, and therefore no great losse if it were neuer occupied. Hitherto of the diet of my countrimen, & somewhat more at large peraduenture than manie men will like of, wherefore I thinke good now to finish this tractation, and so will I, when I haue added a few other things incident vnto that which goeth before, whereby the whole processe of the same shall fullie be deliuered, & my promise to my fréend in this behalfe performed.

In some areas of England, there’s a drink made from apples, Cider.
Perry.
which they call cider or pomage, while the version made from pears is called perry. Both are ground and pressed using special equipment. These two drinks are quite common in Sussex, Kent, Worcester, and other places where these fruits are plentiful, but they aren’t the only drinks available. They are often compared to more refined beverages, like Metheglin. metheglin in Wales, which the Welsh take just as seriously (and not without reason if made correctly) as the Greeks did with their Ambrosia or Nectar, which was believed to be so delightful that even the gods enjoyed it. There’s also a drink made in Essex and various other places, mixing honeycomb and water that the simple country wives, adding some pepper and a Honey wine. few other spices, call mead. I think it’s pretty good for those who like to feel relaxed or need a little help with a cough, but it differs greatly from genuine metheglin, much like chalk differs from cheese. Essentially, it’s just the rinsing of the combs after the honey is squeezed out, and one of the best things about it is that it requires little effort and even less cost to make, so it’s not a huge loss if it’s never used. So far, I've talked about the diet of my countrymen, perhaps in more detail than many would prefer, so I think it's best to wrap up this discussion. I'll do that after adding a few more points related to what I've mentioned earlier, to ensure the whole topic is completely covered and that I keep my promise to my friend regarding this matter.

Lesse time spent in eating than heretofore. Heretofore there hath béene much more time spent in eating and drinking than commonlie is in these daies, for whereas of old we had breakefasts in the forenoone, beuerages, or nuntions after dinner, and thereto reare suppers generallie when it was time to go to rest (a toie brought into England by hardie Canutus and a custome whereof Athenæus also speaketh lib. 1, albeit Hippocrates speake but of twise at the most lib. 2. De rat. vict. in feb. ac.) Now these od repasts thanked be God are verie well left, and ech one in maner (except here and there some yoong hungrie stomach that cannot fast till dinner time) contenteth himselfe with dinner & supper onelie. The Normans misliking the gormandise of Canutus, ordeined after their arriuall, that no table should be couered aboue once in the daie, which Huntingdon imputeth to their auarice: but in the end either waxing wearie of their owne frugalitie, or suffering the cockle of old custome to ouergrow the good corne of their new constitution, they fell to such libertie, that in often féeding they Canutus a glutton, but the Normans at the last excéeded him in that vice. surmounted Canutus surnamed the hardie. For whereas he couered his table but thrée or foure times in the daie, these spred their clothes fiue or six times, and in such wise as I before rehearsed. They brought in also the custome of long and statelie sitting at meat, whereby their feasts resembled those ancient pontificall bankets whereof Macrobius speaketh lib. 3. cap. 13. and Plin. lib. 10. cap. 10. and which for sumptuousnesse of fare, long sitting and curiositie shewed in the same, excéeded all other mens feasting, which fondnesse is not yet left with vs, notwithstanding that it proueth verie beneficiall for the physicians, who most abound, where most excesse and misgouernement of our bodies doo appéere, although it be a great expense of time, and worthie of reprehension. For the nobilitie, gentlemen, and merchantmen, Long sitting reprehended. especiallie at great méetings doo sit commonlie till two or three of the clocke at afternoone, so that with manie is an hard matter, to rise from the table to go to euening praier, and returne from thence to come time inough to supper. For my part I am persuaded that the purpose of the Normans at the first was to reduce the ancient Roman order or Danish custome in féeding once in the daie, and toward the euening, as I haue red and noted. And indéed the Romans had such a custome, and likewise the Grecians, as may appeere by the words of Socrates, who said vnto the Atheniens, "Oriente sole consilium, occidente conuiuium est cogitandum," although a little something was allowed in the morning to yoong children which we now call a breakefast. Plato called the Siciliens monsters, for that they vsed to eat twise in the daie. Among the Persians onelie the king dined when the sunne was at the highest, and shadow of the stile at the shortest: the rest (as it is reported) went alwaies but once to meat when their stomachs craued it, as the Canariens and Indians doo in my time (who if appetite serue refuse not to go to meat at anie houre of the night) and likewise the ancient Caspians. Yet Arhianus noteth it as a rare thing li. 4. cap. 16. that the Tyrhenians had taken vp an ill custome to féed twise in a daie. Howbeit at the last they fell generallie to allow of suppers toward the setting of the sunne in all places, bicause they would haue their whole familie to go to meat togither, and wherevnto they would appoint their guests to come at a certeine length of the shadow, to be perceiued in their dials. And this is more to be noted of antiquitie, that if anie man (as Plutarch saith) did féed before that time, he incurred a note of reprehension as if he had beene gluttonous and giuen vnto the bellie, 8. Sympos. 6. Their slaues in like sort were glad, when it grew to the tenth foot, for then were they sure soone after to go to meat. In the scripture we read of manie suppers & few dinners, onelie for that dining was not greatlie vsed in Christs time, but taken as a thing latelie sproong vp, when pampering of the bellie began to take hold, occasioned by idlenes and great abundance of riches. It is pretie to note in Iuuenal, how he * That is at thrée of the clocke at afternoone. taunteth Marius for that he gaue himselfe to drinke before the *ninth [Page 288] houre of the daie: for thinking three houres to be too little for the filling of his bellie, he began commonlie at eight, which was an houre too soone. Afterwards when gurmandise increased yet more amongst the Romans, and from them was dispersed vnto all nations vnder their subiection, it came to passe that six houres onlie were appointed to worke and consult in, and the other six of the daie to feed and drinke in, as the verse saith:

Less time spent eating than in the past. Previously, much more time was spent eating and drinking than is common today. In the past, we used to have breakfast in the morning, drinks or snacks after dinner, and then late suppers when it was time to sleep (a custom brought to England by bold Canute, which Athenæus also mentions in book 1, although Hippocrates speaks of it only a maximum of twice in book 2, De rat. vict. in feb. ac.) Now, thankfully, these odd meals are almost completely gone, and everyone (except for an occasional young hungry person who can’t wait until dinner) is satisfied with just dinner and supper. The Normans, disliking Canute's overindulgence, decided after they arrived that no table should be set more than once a day, which Huntingdon attributes to their greed. However, eventually, either tiring of their own frugal lifestyle or letting old customs override their new rules, they indulged to such an extent that they actually outdid Canute in gluttony. While he only set his table three or four times a day, these Normans laid out their tables five or six times, as I mentioned before. They also introduced the habit of long, formal meals, making their feasts resemble those ancient grand banquets that Macrobius talks about in book 3, chapter 13, and Pliny in book 10, chapter 10. These gatherings surpassed all others in terms of luxurious food, extended dining times, and attention to detail, a trend that still lingers with us, even though it proves very beneficial for doctors, who thrive where excess and mismanagement of our bodies are evident, although it does waste a lot of time and deserves criticism. For the nobility, gentry, and merchants, especially at big gatherings, it’s common to sit at the table until two or three in the afternoon, making it hard for many to leave the table for evening prayers and return in time for supper. Personally, I believe the Normans originally intended to revert to the old Roman or Danish custom of eating just once a day, in the evening, as I have read and noted. Indeed, the Romans had such a practice, as did the Greeks, as indicated by Socrates' words to the Athenians: "When the sun rises, it's time to think about planning; when it sets, it's time to feast," though young children were given a little something in the morning that we now call breakfast. Plato referred to the Sicilians as crazy for eating twice a day. Among the Persians, only the king dined at noon when the sun was highest, and the shadows were shortest; the others, as reported, only ate when they felt hungry, much like the Canarians and Indians do today (who, if they feel like it, don’t hesitate to eat at any hour of the night) and also the ancient Caspians. Yet Arrian notes that it was a rare thing in book 4, chapter 16, that the Tyrrhenians had picked up a bad habit of eating twice a day. Eventually, they universally accepted having supper by sunset everywhere, so that whole families could eat together, and they would schedule their guests to arrive at a certain point based on the length of the shadows, which could be measured with sundials. It's also noteworthy that in ancient times, if anyone (as Plutarch states) ate before that time, they were scorned as if they were gluttonous and overly focused on their stomachs, as mentioned in 8. Symposium 6. Their slaves were also eager when it was the tenth foot of the shadow, for that meant they would soon get to eat. In Scripture, we read of many suppers and few dinners, mainly because dining wasn't widely established during Christ's time; it came about as a newer practice when overindulgence started to rear its head, spurred by idleness and immense wealth. It's amusing to note how Juvenal mocks Marius for starting to drink before the *ninth hour of the day, as he thought three hours was too little to fill his belly, so he began at eight, which was an hour too soon. Later, as gluttony increased among the Romans and spread to all nations under their rule, it became the norm to dedicate just six hours to work and discussion, and the other six hours of the day to eating and drinking, as the verse states:

Sex horæ tantùm rebus tribuantur agendis,

Sex horæ tantùm rebus tribuantur agendis,

Viuere post illas, littera Zetha monet.

Viuere post illas, littera Zetha monet.

Wherevnto Maximus Planudes (except my memorie faile me) addeth this scholie after his maner, saieng that from morning vnto noone (which is six of the clocke after the vnequall accompt) each one dooth trauell about his necessarie affaires, that being doone, he betaketh himselfe to the refreshing of his bodie, which is noted and set downe by the Gréeke letters of the diall (wherewith the Romane horologies were marked, as ours be with their numerall letters) whereby the time is described; for those which point 7, 8, 9 and 10 are written with ξ η θ ι and being ioined yéeld ξηθι, which in English signified so much as liue, as if they should meane, eat that thou maist liue. But how Martial diuided his daie, and with him the whole troope of the learned & wiser sort, these verses following doo more euidentlie declare:

Where Maximus Planudes adds this note, if I remember correctly, he says that from morning until noon (which is six o'clock by the uneven clock system), everyone works on their necessary tasks. Once that's done, they focus on refreshing their bodies, which is indicated by the Greek letters on the dial (which marked Roman clocks just like ours are marked with numerals). This shows how time is described; the points for 7, 8, 9, and 10 are written with ξ η θ ι and when combined, they form ξηθι, which in English means to live, as if to say, eat to live. But how Martial divided his day, along with the whole group of learned and wiser people, is more clearly shown in the following verses:

Li. 4. epig. 8.

Li. 4. epig. 8.

Prima salutantes, atque altera continet horas,

Prima salutantes, atque altera continet horas,

Exercet raucos tertia causidicos.

Exercet raucos third lawyers.

In quintam varios extendit Roma labores,

In the fifth, Rome extended various efforts,

Sexta quies lassis, septima finis erit.

Sexta quies lassis, septima finis erit.

Sufficit in nonam nitidis octaua palestris,

Sufficit in nonam nitidis octaua palestris,

Imperat extructos frangere nona thoros.

Break the ninth beds built.

Hora libellorum decima est Eupheme meorum,

Hora libellorum decima est Eupheme meorum,

Temperat Ambrosias cum tua cura dapes.

Temperature of the feasts is enhanced with your care.

Et bonus æthereo laxatur Nectare Cæsar,

Et bonus æthereo laxatur Nectare Cæsar,

Ingentíque tenet pocula parca manu.

He holds the cups with a frugal hand.

Tunc admitte iocos: gressu timet ire licenti,

Tunc admitte iocos: gressu timet ire licenti,

Ad matutinum nostra Thaleia Iouem.

At dawn, our Thaleia praises Jupiter.

Thus we sée how the ancient maner of the Gentils was to féed but once in the daie, and that toward night, till gluttonie grew on and altered this good custome. I might here remember also their maner in pulling off their shooes when they sat downe to meat, whereof Martial saith:

Thus we see how the ancient practice of the Gentiles was to eat only once a day, and that towards the evening, until gluttony set in and changed this good custom. I could also mention their practice of taking off their shoes when they sat down to eat, as Martial says:

Deposui soleas, affertur protinus ingens

I took off my shoes, a huge one is brought forth.

Inter lactucas oxygarmúq; liber, &c.

Inter lactucas oxygarmúq; liber, &c.

And Tullie also remembreth where he saith Seruum à pedibus ad te misi, which office grew of the said custome, as Seruus ad limina did of kéeping the doore, though in most houses both these were commonlie one mans office, also Ad pocula of attending on the cup. But bicause the good writers of our time haue obserued these phrases and such like with their causes and descriptions, in their infinite and seuerall treatises, I shall not need to discourse anie farther vpon them. With vs the nobilitie, gentrie, and students, doo ordinarilie go to dinner at eleuen before noone, and to supper at fiue, or betweene fiue and six at afternoone. The merchants dine and sup seldome before twelue at noone, and six at night especiallie in London. The husbandmen dine also at high noone as they call it, and sup at seuen or eight: but out of the tearme in our vniuersities the scholers dine at ten. As for the poorest sort they generallie dine and sup when they may, so that to talke of their order of repast, it were but a néedlesse matter. I might here take occasion also to set downe the varietie vsed by antiquitie in their beginnings of their diets, wherin almost euerie nation had a seuerall fashion, some beginning of custome (as we doo in summer time) with salets at supper, and some ending with lettice, some making their entrie with egs, and shutting vp their tables with mulberies, as we doo with [Page 289] fruit and conceits of all sorts. Diuerse (as the old Romans) began with a few crops of rue, as the Venetians did with the fish called Gobius, the Belgies with butter (or as we doo yet also) with butter and egs vpon fish daies. But whereas we commonlie begin with the most grosse food, and end with the most delicate, the Scot thinking much to leaue the best for his meniall seruants maketh his entrance at the best, so that he is sure therby to leaue the worst. We vse also our wines by degrees, so that the hotest commeth last to the table, but to stand vpon such toies would spend much time, and turne to small profit, wherfore I will deale with other things more necessarie for this turne.

And Tullie also remembers where he says, "I sent a servant to you from my feet," which role came from that custom, just like "servant at the threshold" was related to keeping the door, although in many houses both of these roles were usually the responsibility of one person. Additionally, "at the cups" referred to serving drinks. But since the good writers of our time have noted these phrases and similar ones along with their reasons and descriptions in their many various writings, I don’t need to discuss them any further. Among us, the nobility, gentry, and students usually have dinner at eleven in the morning and supper at five, or between five and six in the afternoon. Merchants dine and sup rarely before noon and six in the evening, especially in London. Farmers also eat dinner at noon as they call it, and supper at seven or eight. However, outside of term time in our universities, scholars eat at ten. As for the poorest people, they generally dine and sup whenever they can, so talking about their meal schedule would be unnecessary. I could also take this opportunity to note the variety used by ancient times in their meals, where almost every nation had a different style, some starting their meals with salads at supper (like we do in summer) and some finishing with lettuce, some beginning with eggs, and ending their meals with mulberries, as we do with fruit and all sorts of treats. Various groups (like the old Romans) started with a few sprigs of rue, Venetians began with the fish called Gobius, and the Belgians with butter (or as we still do) with butter and eggs on fish days. But where we usually start with the heartiest food and finish with the finest, the Scots, thinking it proper to leave the best for their servants, make their entrance with the best, ensuring they leave the worst. We also serve our wines in order, with the hottest coming last to the table, but to dwell on such trivialities would take too much time and yield little benefit, so I will focus on other matters that are more important for this occasion.

OF THEIR APPARELL AND ATTIRE.
CHAP. VII.

An Englishman, indeuoring sometime to write of our attire, made sundrie platformes for his purpose, supposing by some of them to find out one stedfast ground whereon to build the summe of his discourse. But in the end (like an oratour long without exercise) when he saw what a difficult péece of worke he had taken in hand, he gaue ouer his trauell, and onelie drue the picture of a naked man, vnto whome he gaue a paire of sheares in the one hand, and a peece of cloth in the other, to the end he should shape his apparell after such fashion as himselfe liked, sith he could find no kind of garment that could please him anie while Andrew Beerd. togither, and this he called an Englishman. Certes this writer (otherwise being a lewd popish hypocrite and vngratious priest) shewed himselfe herein not to be altogether void of iudgement, sith the phantasticall follie of our nation, euen from the courtier to the carter is such, that no forme of apparell liketh vs longer than the first garment is in the wearing, if it continue so long and be not laid aside, to receiue some other trinket newlie deuised by the fickle headed tailors, who couet to haue seuerall trickes in cutting, thereby to draw fond customers to more expense of monie. For my part I can tell better how to inueigh against this enormitie, than describe anie certeintie of Strange cuts. our attire: sithence such is our mutabilitie, that to daie there is none to the Spanish guise, to morrow the French toies are most fine and delectable, yer long no such apparell as that which is after the high Alman fashion, by and by the Turkish maner is generallie best liked of, otherwise the Morisco gowns, the Barbarian sléeues, the mandilion worne to Collie weston ward, and the short French breches make such a comelie vesture, that except it were a dog in a doublet, you shall not sée anie so disguised, as are my countrie men of England. And as these fashions are diuerse, so likewise it is a world to see the costlinesse and the curiositie: the excesse and the vanitie: the pompe and the brauerie: the change and the varietie: and finallie the ficklenesse and the follie that is in all degrees: in somuch that nothing is more constant in Much cost vpon the bodie, and little vpon the soule. England than inconstancie of attire. Oh how much cost is bestowed now adaies vpon our bodies and how little vpon our soules! how manie sutes of apparell hath the one and how little furniture hath the other? how long time is asked in decking vp of the first, and how little space left wherin to féed the later? how curious, how nice also are a number of men and women, and how hardlie can the tailor please them in making it fit for their bodies? how manie times must it be sent backe againe to him that made it? what chafing, what fretting, what reprochfull language doth the poore workeman beare awaie? and manie times when he dooth nothing to it at all, yet when it is brought home againe it is verie fit and handsome; then must we put it on, then must the long seames of our hose be set by a plumb-line, then we puffe, then we blow, and finallie sweat till we drop, that our clothes may stand well vpon vs. I will saie nothing of our heads, which sometimes are polled, sometimes curled, or suffered to grow at length like womans lockes, manie times cut off aboue or vnder the eares round as by a woodden dish. Neither will I meddle Beards. with our varietie of beards, of which some are shauen from the chin like those of Turks, not a few cut short like to the beard of marques Otto, [Page 290] some made round like a rubbing brush, other with a pique de vant (O fine fashion!) or now and then suffered to grow long, the barbers being growen to be so cunning in this behalfe as the tailors. And therefore if a man haue a leane and streight face, a marquesse Ottons cut will make it broad and large; if it be platter like, a long slender beard will make it séeme the narrower; if he be wesell becked, then much heare left on the chéekes will make the owner looke big like a bowdled hen, and so grim as a goose, if Cornelis of Chelmeresford saie true: manie old men doo weare no beards at all. Some lustie courtiers also and gentlemen of courage, doo weare either rings of gold, stones, or pearle in their eares, whereby they imagine the workemanship of God not to be a little amended. But herein they rather disgrace than adorne their persons, as by their nicenesse in apparell, for which I saie most nations doo not vniustlie deride vs, as also for that we doo séeme to imitate all nations round about vs, wherein we be like to the Polypus or Chameleon; and therevnto bestow most cost vpon our arses, & much more than vpon all Excesse in women. the rest of our bodies, as women doo likewise vpon their heads and shoulders. In women also it is most to be lamented, that they doo now farre excéed the lightnesse of our men (who neuerthelesse are transformed from the cap euen to the verie shoo) and such staring attire as in time past was supposed méet for none but light housewiues onelie, is now become an habit for chast and sober matrones. What should I saie of their doublets with pendant codpéeses on the brest full of iags & cuts, and sléeues of sundrie colours? their galligascons to beare out their bums & make their attire to sit plum round (as they terme it) about them? their fardingals, and diuerslie coloured nether stocks of silke, ierdseie, and such like, whereby their bodies are rather deformed than commended? I haue met with some of these trulles in London so disguised, that it hath passed my skill to discerne whether they were men or women.

An Englishman, trying to write about our clothing, created several outlines for his project, hoping to find a solid basis to present his ideas. But in the end, like a public speaker who hasn't practiced for a while, he realized what a tough task he had taken on. He gave up and simply drew a picture of a naked person, giving that person a pair of scissors in one hand and a piece of cloth in the other, so they could make their outfit however they wanted, since he couldn’t find any garment that pleased him for very long together, and he called this person an Englishman. Certainly, this writer (who was otherwise a shameless, hypocritical, and ungrateful priest) showed he wasn't completely lacking in judgment, considering the fanciful absurdity of our nation, from the nobleman to the laborer, is such that no style of clothing satisfies us for more than the first garment we wear; if it lasts that long before we change it for some other trinket newly dreamed up by the fickle tailors, who want to show off their various cutting techniques to lure naive customers into spending more money. As for me, I can criticize this absurdity better than specify any certainty about our clothing, since our nature is so changeable that today we prefer Spanish fashion, tomorrow we find French styles most appealing, soon enough no apparel matches the high German style, and before long, the Turkish manner becomes the favorite, followed quickly by the Moorish gowns, the barbarian sleeves, the mandilion worn towards Collie Weston, and the short French breeches that create such a delightful appearance, that except for a dog in a doublet, you won’t see anyone as disguised as my countrymen in England. And as these fashions are varied, it's astonishing to see the expense and curiosity: the excess and vanity: the pomp and grandeur: the change and variety: and finally, the fickleness and folly that exists among all social classes, so much so that nothing in England is more constant than the inconsistency in attire. Oh, how much is spent these days on our bodies and how little on our souls! How many suits of clothes does one have, and how little to furnish the other? How much time is taken to dress the first, and how little time left to nourish the latter? How particular and picky are many men and women, and how hard it is for the tailor to please them with fitting clothes? How many times must it be returned to him? What grumbling, what fretting, what insulting words does the poor worker endure? And many times, when nothing is done to it, still when it comes back home, it fits perfectly and looks good; then we must put it on, then we must measure the long seams of our trousers with a plumb line, then we puff, then we blow, and finally sweat until we drop, just to make our clothes look good on us. I won’t say anything about our hairstyles, which are sometimes shaved, sometimes curled, or left to grow long like women's hair, many times cut above or below the ears in a round style like a wooden dish. Neither will I touch on our variety of beards, some shaven from the chin like those of Turks, not a few cropped short like the beard of Mark Otto, some made round like a scrubbing brush, others styled up (oh, what a fine fashion!) or occasionally grown long, as barbers have become as skilled in this area as tailors. Therefore, if a man has a lean and narrow face, a Mark Otto-style cut will make it seem broader; if it’s round, a long, slender beard will make it seem narrower; if he has a weasel-shaped neck, then a lot of hair on the cheeks will make the guy look big like a puffed-up hen, and so stern as a goose, if Cornelis of Chelmsford is to be believed: many old men wear no beards at all. Some dapper courtiers and brave gentlemen wear either gold, stone, or pearl earrings, thinking they enhance the craftsmanship of God. But in this, they actually disgrace rather than adorn themselves, just like their finickiness in clothing, for which I say most nations justly mock us, as we also seem to imitate all the nations around us, resembling a chameleon or a polyp. And we spend the most on our behinds, much more than on the rest of our bodies, just as women do on their heads and shoulders. It is most regrettable that women now far outshine the frivolity of our men (who nonetheless have transformed from the hat to the very shoe), and the eye-catching attire that once was deemed suitable for only light-headed housewives has now become an outfit for modest and sober matrons. What can I say about their doublets with hanging codpieces on their chests full of jags and cuts, and sleeves of various colors? Their galligaskins to accentuate their backsides and make their outfits sit perfectly round (as they call it) on them? Their farthingales and the various colored silk stockings, jersey, and the like, by which their bodies are rather made unattractive than enhanced? I have encountered some of these women in London so disguised, that I could hardly tell whether they were men or women.

Thus it is now come to passe, that women are become men, and men transformed into monsters: and those good gifts which almightie God hath giuen vnto vs to reléeue our necessities withall (as a nation turning altogither the grace of God into wantonnesse, for

Thus it has now happened that women have become like men, and men have turned into monsters: and the good gifts that almighty God has given us to meet our needs (as a nation completely turning the grace of God into indulgence, for

Luxuriant animi rebus plerunque secundis)

Luxuriant minds often thrive in favorable circumstances

not otherwise bestowed than in all excesse, as if we wist not otherwise how to consume and wast them. I praie God that in this behalfe our sinne Ezech. 16. be not like vnto that of Sodoma and Gomorha, whose errors were pride, excesse of diet, and abuse of Gods benefits aboundantlie bestowed vpon them, beside want of charitie toward the poore, and certeine other points which the prophet shutteth vp in silence. Certes the common-wealth cannot be said to florish where these abuses reigne, but is rather oppressed by vnreasonable exactions made vpon rich farmers, and of poore tenants, wherewith to mainteine the same. Neither was it euer merier with England, than when an Englishman was knowne abroad by his owne cloth, and contented himselfe at home with his fine carsie hosen, and a meane slop: his coat, gowne, and cloake of browne blue or puke, with some pretie furniture of veluet or furre, and a doublet of sad tawnie, or blacke veluet, or other comelie silke, without such cuts and gawrish colours as are worne in these daies, and neuer brought in but by the consent of the French, who thinke themselues the gaiest men, when they haue most diuersities of iagges and change of colours about Attire of merchants. them. Certes of all estates our merchants doo least alter their attire, and therefore are most to be commended: for albeit that which they weare be verie fine and costlie, yet in forme and colour it representeth a great péece of the ancient grauitie apperteining to citizens and burgesses, albeit the yoonger sort of their wiues both in attire and costlie housekeeping can not tell when and how to make an end, as being women in déed in whome all kind of curiositie is to be found and seene, and in farre greater measure than in women of higher calling. I might here name a sort of hewes deuised for the nonce, wherewith to please phantasticall heads, as gooseturd gréene, pease porridge tawnie, popingaie blue, lustie gallant, the diuell in the head (I should saie the hedge) and such like: but I passe them ouer thinking it sufficient to haue said thus much of apparell generallie, when nothing can particularlie be spoken of anie constancie thereof.

not otherwise given than in all excess, as if we didn’t know any other way to use and waste them. I pray to God that in this regard our sin isn’t like that of Sodom and Gomorrah, whose errors were pride, overindulgence, and the abuse of God’s abundant blessings, along with a lack of charity toward the poor, and certain other issues which the prophet keeps silent about. Surely, the commonwealth cannot be said to thrive where these abuses are rampant, but is rather oppressed by unreasonable demands placed on wealthy farmers and poor tenants to maintain the same. It was never merrier for England than when an Englishman was recognized abroad by his own clothing, and was content at home with his fine worsted hose and a modest outfit: his coat, gown, and cloak in brown, blue, or puke, with some nice velvet or fur trim, and a jacket of dark tawny or black velvet, or other attractive silk, without the cuts and garish colors worn these days, which were only introduced with the consent of the French, who consider themselves the fanciest when they have the most varied jagged styles and color changes about them. Indeed, of all classes our merchants change their attire the least, and they are therefore most commendable: for although what they wear is very fine and costly, it reflects a great deal of the ancient dignity belonging to citizens and burgesses, although the younger sort of their wives, both in attire and extravagant housekeeping, can't seem to know when and how to stop, being women indeed in whom all kinds of curiosity can be found and seen, and in far greater measure than in women of higher status. I could name a bunch of fanciful colors invented to please whimsical minds, like goose-turd green, pea porridge brown, parakeet blue, dandy bright, the devil in the head (I should say the hedge), and such like: but I’ll pass them over, thinking it enough to have said this much about clothing in general, when nothing can be particularly said about any consistency in it.

[Page 291]

[Page 291]

OF THE HIGH COURT OF PARLEMENT, AND AUTHORITIE OF THE SAME.
CHAP. VIII.

In speaking of parlement lawe, I haue in the chapiter precedent said somewhat of this high and most honorable court. Wherefore it shall not néed to remember ought héere that is there touched: I will onelie speake of other things therefore concerning the estate of assemblie, whereby the magnificence thereof shall be in some part better knowne vnto such as shall come after vs. This house hath the most high and absolute power of the realme, for thereby kings and mightie princes haue from time to time béene deposed from their thrones, lawes either enacted or abrogated, offendors of all sorts punished, and corrupted religion The parlement house diuideth the estate of the realme into nobilitie and the commons. either dissanulled or reformed, which commonlie is diuided into two houses or parts, the higher or vpper house consisting of the nobilitie, including all euen vnto the baron and bishop: the lower called the nether house of knights, squires, gentlemen, and burgesses of the commons, with whome also the inferior members of the cleargie are ioined, albeit they sit in diuerse places, and these haue to deale onelie in matters of religion, till it come that they ioine with the rest in confirmation of all such acts as are to passe in the same. For without the consent of the thrée estates, that is, of the nobilitie, cleargie, and laietie, sildome anie thing is said to be concluded vpon, and brought vnto the prince for his consent and allowance. To be short, whatsoeuer the people of Rome did in their Centuriatis or Tribunitijs comitijs, the same is and may be doone by authoritie of our parlement house, which is the head and bodie of all the realme, and the place wherein euerie particular person is intended to be present, if not by himselfe, yet by his aduocate or atturneie. For this cause also any thing ther enacted is not to be misliked, but obeied of all men without Time of summons. contradiction or grudge. By the space of fortie dais, before this assemblie be begun, the prince sendeth his writs vnto all his nobilitie particularlie, summoning them to appeare at the said court. The like he doth to the shiriffe of euerie countie; with commandement to choose two knights within ech of their counties, to giue their aduise in the name of the shire, likewise to euerie citie and towne, that they may choose their burgesses, which commonlie are men best skilled in the state of their citie or towne, either for the declaration of such benefits as they want, or to shew which waie to reforme such enormities as thorough the practises of ill members are practised and crept in among them: the first being chosen by the gentlemen of the shire, the other by the citizens and burgesses of euerie citie and towne, whereby that court is furnished. The first daie of the parlement being come, the lords of the Of the vpper house. vpper house, as well ecclesiasticall as temporall, doo attend vpon the prince, who rideth thither in person, as it were to open the doore of their authoritie; and being come into the place, after praiers made, and causes shewed, wherefore some not present are inforced to be absent, each man taketh his place according to his degrée. The house it selfe is curiouslie furnished with tapisterie, and the king being set in his throne, the spirituall lords take vp the side of the house which is on Places of the peeres. the right hand of the prince, and the temporall lords the left, I meane, so well dukes and earles, as viscounts and barons, as I before remembred. In the middest and a pretie distance from the prince, lie certeine sackes stuffed with wooll or haire, wheron the iudges of the realme, the master of the rols, and secretaries of estate doo sit. Howbeit these iudges haue no voice in the house, but onelie shew what their opinion is of such & such matters as come in question among the lords, if they be commanded so to doo: as the secretaries are to answer such letters or things passed in the councell, whereof they haue the custodie & knowledge. Finallie, the consent of this house is giuen by each man seuerallie, first for himselfe being present, then seuerallie for so manie as he hath letters & proxies directed vnto him, saieng onelie; Content or Not content, without any further debating. Of the number assembled in the lower house, I haue alreadie made a generall report in the chapter precedent, and their particulars shall follow here [Page 292] Of the lower house.
Speaker.
at hand. These therefore being called ouer by name do choose a speaker, who is as it were their mouth, and him they present vnto the prince, in whom it is either to refuse or admit him by the lord chancellor, who in the princes name dooth answer vnto his oration, made at his first entrance & presentation into the house, wherein he declareth the good liking that the king hath conceiued of his choise vnto that office & Petitions of the speaker. function. Being admitted, he maketh fiue requests vnto that honorable assemblie, first that the house may (as in times past) inioy hir former liberties and priuileges: secondlie, that the congregates may frankelie shew their minds vpon such matters as are to come in question: thirdlie, that if anie of the lower house doo giue anie cause of offense during the continuance of this assemblie, that the same may inflict such punishment vpon the partie culpable, as to the said assemblie shall be thought conuenient: fourthlie, if anie doubt should arise among them of the lower house, that he in their name might haue frée accesse and recourse vnto his maiestie & lords of the higher house, to be further instructed and resolued in the same: fiftlie and last, he craueth pardon for himselfe, if in his going to and fro betweene the houses, he forget or mistake anie thing, requiring that he may returne and be better informed in such things as he did faile in without offense: vnto which petitions the lord chancellor dooth answer as apperteineth, and this is doone on the first daie, or peraduenture the second, if it could not be conuenientlie performed in the first.

In discussing parliamentary law, I have mentioned a bit about this esteemed court in the previous chapter. Therefore, there's no need to repeat what was said there; I will only address other matters concerning the assembly's status, which will better reveal its significance to future generations. This house holds the highest and most absolute power in the realm, enabling kings and powerful princes to be deposed from their thrones, laws to be enacted or repealed, offenders of all kinds to be punished, and corrupted religion to be annulled or reformed. This body is typically divided into two houses or parts: the upper house, which consists of the nobility, including all the way up to barons and bishops; and the lower house, known as the nether house, made up of knights, squires, gentlemen, and burgesses of the commons, along with some lower-ranking clergy, even though they sit in different areas. The clergy mainly deals with religious matters until they join the others in confirming all acts to be passed. Without the consent of the three estates—nobility, clergy, and commoners—very few things are concluded and presented to the prince for his agreement. In short, whatever the people of Rome did in their Centuriate or Tribune assemblies can be done by authority of our parliament, which represents the whole realm, and where each individual is expected to be present, either personally or through an advocate or attorney. For this reason, what is enacted here is to be accepted and obeyed by everyone without contradiction or grievance. Forty days before this assembly begins, the prince sends out writs to all his nobility, calling them to appear at the court. He does the same for the sheriff of every county, instructing them to choose two knights from each county to represent the shire, and similarly for every city and town to choose their burgesses, who are typically the most knowledgeable about the issues their city or town faces, whether it's about benefits they lack or how to address abuses that have crept in through the actions of unworthy members: the first group is chosen by the gentlemen of the shire, and the second by the citizens and burgesses of each city and town, thereby populating the court. When the first day of parliament arrives, the lords of the upper house, both ecclesiastical and temporal, attend upon the prince, who rides there personally as if to open the door to their authority. Once present, and after prayers and explanations of why some are absent, everyone takes their place according to rank. The house itself is beautifully decorated with tapestries, and when the king is seated on his throne, the spiritual lords take up the right side of the house, while the temporal lords take the left, including dukes, earls, viscounts, and barons, as I previously mentioned. In the middle and at a fair distance from the prince sit certain sacks filled with wool or hair, on which the judges of the realm, the master of the rolls, and secretaries of state sit. However, these judges have no voting rights in the house, they only express their opinions on matters brought before the lords if asked to do so, while the secretaries respond to letters or matters from the council that they oversee and are familiar with. Ultimately, the consent of the house is given individually, first for oneself, then for as many as one has letters and proxies for, saying only "Content" or "Not content," without any extensive debate. I have already provided a general overview of the number present in the lower house in the previous chapter, and their specific details will follow shortly. The names called in assembly then choose a speaker, who acts as their representative, and they present him to the prince, who can either accept or refuse him through the lord chancellor. The lord chancellor, on behalf of the prince, responds to the speaker's address during his initial entrance and presentation, expressing the king's approval of his selection for the role and function. Once accepted, he makes five requests to that honorable assembly: first, that the house may enjoy its previous liberties and privileges as before; second, that the members can freely express their opinions on the matters at hand; third, that if any member of the lower house causes offense during the assembly, appropriate punishment should be enacted as deemed fit; fourth, if any doubts arise among the lower house members, he requests the ability to approach His Majesty and the lords of the upper house to seek further guidance and resolution; lastly, he asks for forgiveness in advance if he forgets or makes errors during communication between the houses, seeking the opportunity to return and clarify any misunderstandings without issue. The lord chancellor will respond appropriately to these requests, and this is typically done on the first day, or possibly the second, if it cannot be conveniently addressed on the first.

Clerke of the parlement. Beside the lord chancellor there is another in the vpper house called the clerke of the parlement, whose office is to read the billes. For euerie thing that commeth in consultation in either house, is first put in writing in paper, which being read, he that listeth riseth vp and speaketh either with it or against it, and so one after another so long as they shall thinke good; that doone they go to another, and so to the third, &c: the instrument still wholie or in part raced or reformed, as cause moueth for the amendment of the same if the substance be reputed necessarie. In the vpper house the lord chancellor demandeth if they will haue it ingrossed, that is to saie, put in parchment, which doone, it is read the third time, & after debating of the matter to and fro if the more part doo conclude withall, vpon the vtterance of these words, "Are ye contented that it be enacted or no?" the clerke writeth vnderneath "Soit baille aux commons," and so when they sée time they send such billes approued to the commons by some of them that sit on the wooll sackes, who comming into the house, & demanding licence to speake, doo vse this kind of words or the like to the speaker, as sir Thomas Smith dooth deliuer and set them downe, whose onelie direction I vse, and almost word for word in this chapter, requiting him with the like borowage as he hath vsed toward me in his discourse of the sundrie degrées of estates in the common-wealth of England, which (as I hope) shall be no discredit to his trauell. "Master speaker, my lords of the vpper house haue passed amongst them, and thinke good that there should be enacted by parlement such an act, and such an act (reading their titles in such sort as he receiued them) they praie you therefore to consider & shew your aduise vpon them." Which doone they go their waie, and the doore being shut after them, the speaker declareth what message was sent vnto them, and if they be then void of consultation vpon anie other bill, he presentlie demandeth what their pleasures are, first of one, then of another, &c: which are solemnelie read, or their contents bréeflie shewed and then debated vpon among them.

Parliament Clerk. Next to the Lord Chancellor, there is another position in the upper house called the Clerk of the Parliament, whose job is to read the bills. Every matter brought up for discussion in either house is first put in writing on paper. After it's read, anyone who wants to can stand up and speak for or against it, and they continue to take turns as long as they wish. Once that's done, they move on to the next item, and so on, with the document still fully or partially revised as necessary if the content is deemed important. In the upper house, the Lord Chancellor asks if they want it engrossed, which means put on parchment. Once that's done, it is read for the third time, and after some back-and-forth debating, if the majority agrees, upon the question “Are you all in favor of it being enacted or not?”, the clerk writes underneath “Soit baille aux commons,” and then when they see fit, they send the approved bills to the commons through some members sitting on the wool sacks. When they enter the house and request permission to speak, they use this type of language or something similar to the speaker, as Sir Thomas Smith has described and recorded, which I rely on almost word-for-word in this chapter, returning the favor as he did in his discussion of the various degrees of estates in the Commonwealth of England, which (I hope) will reflect well on his work. “Master Speaker, my lords of the upper house have agreed that it is good for Parliament to enact such an act, and such an act (reading their titles as he received them), they ask you to consider and provide your advice on them.” Once that’s done, they leave, and after the door is closed, the speaker announces what message was sent to them. If they have no other matters to discuss regarding another bill, he promptly asks what their preferences are, first for one, then another, etc., which are formally read or their contents briefly presented and then debated among them.

Of the nether house. The speaker sitteth in a chaire erected somewhat higher than the rest, that he may sée and be séene of all men, and before him on a lower seat sitteth his clerke, who readeth such bils as be first propounded in the lower house, or sent downe from the lords: for in that point each house hath equall authoritie to propound what they thinke méet, either for the abrogation of old or making of new lawes. All bils be thrise and on diuerse daies read and disputed vpon before they come to the question, which is, whether they shall be enacted or not; and in discourse vpon them, verie good order is vsed in the lower house, wherein he that will speake giueth notice thereof by standing vp bare headed. If manie stand vp at once (as now & then it happeneth) he speaketh first that was first seene to moue out of his place, and telleth his tale vnto the speaker, without rehersall of his name whose speches he meaneth to confute, so that with a perpetuall oration & not with altercation these discourses [Page 293] are continued. But as the partie confuted may not replie on that daie, so one man can not speake twise to one bill in one daie though he would change his opinion, but on the next he may speake againe, & yet but once as afore. No vile, seditious, vnreuerent or biting words are vsed in this assemblie, yet if anie happen to escape and be vttered, the partie is punished according to the censure of the assemblie and custome in that behalfe. In the afternoone they sit not except vpon some vrgent occasion, neither hath the speaker anie voice in that house, wherewith to moue or dissuade the furtherance or staie of anie bill, but his office is vpon the reading thereof breeflie to declare the contents. If anie bill passe, which commeth vnto them from the lords, it is thus subscribed, "Les commons ont assentus:" so if the lords agree vpon anie bill sent vnto them from the commons, it is subscribed after this maner, "Les seigniours ont assentus." If it be not agreed on after thrise reading, there is conference required and had betwéene the vpper and nether houses, by certeine appointed for that purpose vpon the points in question, wherevpon if no finall agréement by the more part can be obteined, the bill is dashed and reiected, or (as the saieng is) cleane cast out of the doores. None of the nether house can giue his voice by proxie but in his owne person, and after the bill twise read, then ingrossed and the third time read againe & discoursed vpon, the speaker asketh if they will go to the question, whervnto if they agree he holdeth vp the bill & saith; "So manie as will haue this bill go forward saie Yea:" hervpon so manie as allow of the thing crie Yea, the other No, & as the crie is more or lesse on either side, so is the bill to staie or else go forward. If the number of negatiue and affirmatiue voices seeme to be equall, so manie as allow of the bill go downe withall, the rest sit still, and being told by the poll the greater part doo carrie away the matter. If something be allowed and in some part reiected, the bill is put to certeine committées to be amended, & then being brought in againe, it is read and passeth or staieth as the voices yéeld therto. This is the order of the passage of our lawes, which are not ratified till both houses haue agréed vnto them, and yet not holden for law till the prince haue giuen his assent. Vpon the last daie therfore of the parlement or session, the prince commeth in person againe into the house, in his robes as at the first. Where after thanks giuen to the prince, first in the name of the lords by the lord chancellor, then in the name of the commons by the speaker for his great care of the welfare of his realme, &c: the lord chancellor in the princes name giueth thanks to the lords & commons likewise for their paines, with promise of recompense as opportunitie & occasion shall serue therefore. This doone one readeth the title of euerie act passed in that session, and then it is noted vpon them what the prince doth allow of with these words, "Le roy veult." If the prince like not of them, it is written vpon them "Le roy aduisera." And so those acts are dashed, as the other from thencefoorth are taken and holden for law, and all imprinted except such as concerne some priuat persons, which are onelie exemplified vnder the seale of the parlement, as priuileges to his vse. And this is the summe of the maner after which our parlements in England are holden, without which no forfaiture of life, member or lands of anie Englishman, where no law is ordeined for the same before hand, is auailable or can take place amongst vs. And so much in maner out of the third chapiter of the second booke of the common-wealth of England written by sir Thomas Smith: whervnto I will annex a table of the counties, cities, boroughs and ports, which send knights, burgesses, and barons to the parlement house, and dooth insue as followeth.

Of the House of Commons. The speaker sits in a chair that is slightly higher than the others so he can see everyone and be seen. In front of him, on a lower seat, sits his clerk, who reads the bills that are initially proposed in the lower house or sent down from the lords. Each house has equal authority to propose laws they believe are appropriate, whether to repeal old ones or create new ones. All bills are read three times on different days and debated before a decision is made on whether they should be enacted. During discussions, the lower house follows a very orderly process, where anyone who wants to speak indicates so by standing up without a hat. If multiple people stand at the same time (which happens occasionally), the first person seen to rise speaks first and presents their argument to the speaker without repeating the name of the person they intend to contradict, ensuring that discussions are consistent and not confrontational. However, while the person being disputed cannot reply on that day, no one can speak twice on the same bill in one day, even if they want to change their opinion. The next day, they can speak again, but still just once. No disrespectful or hateful language is allowed in this assembly, and if anyone does let something slip, they are punished based on the assembly's rules and traditions. They do not meet in the afternoon unless there is an urgent matter, and the speaker has no vote in that house to advocate for or against any bill; his role is simply to briefly state the bill's contents when it is read. If a bill passes from the lords to them, it is marked "The commons have consented," and if the lords agree to a bill from the commons, it is noted as "The lords have consented." If there isn't agreement after three readings, a conference is required between the upper and lower houses with designated members to discuss the points in question. If no final agreement can be reached by the majority, the bill is rejected or, as they say, completely thrown out. No one in the lower house can vote by proxy; they must vote in person. After a bill has been read twice, it is engrossed and then read a third time and debated. The speaker asks if they will move to the question, and if they agree, he holds up the bill and says, "Those in favor of moving this bill forward say Aye." The supporters respond Aye, while those against say No, and the bill will either proceed or stall based on the volume of each side's response. If the number of negative and affirmative votes seems equal, those in favor of the bill leave together, and the others stay silent, while the poll determines that the majority carries the decision. If some parts of a bill are approved and others rejected, it is sent to certain committees for amendments, and once revised, it is brought back for reading and may pass or stall based on the votes. This is the process through which our laws pass, which are not confirmed until both houses agree, and they do not become law until the prince has given his assent. Therefore, on the last day of the parliament or session, the prince enters the house again in person, dressed as he was at the beginning. After thanking the prince on behalf of the lords, led by the lord chancellor, and then on behalf of the commons by the speaker for his great concern for the welfare of the realm, the lord chancellor, in the prince's name, thanks the lords and commons for their efforts, promising rewards as opportunities arise. Once this is done, the title of each act passed in that session is read, and it is noted what the prince accepts with the words, "The king wishes." If the prince does not approve, it is marked "The king will consider." Thus, those acts are rejected, while the others are considered law from then on and printed, except for those concerning private individuals, which are exemplified only under the seal of parliament as privileges for his use. This is the summary of the manner in which our parliaments in England are held, without which no punishment of life, limbs, or property of any Englishman can take effect unless a law is established beforehand. This is mostly based on the third chapter of the second book of the Commonwealth of England written by Sir Thomas Smith. I will now add a table of the counties, cities, boroughs, and ports that send knights, burgesses, and barons to the parliament house, which follows.

[Page 294]

[Page 294]

THE NAMES OF COUNTIES, CITIES, BOROUGHS, AND PORTS, SENDING KNIGHTS,
CITIZENS, BURGESSES, AND BARONS TO THE PARLEMENT OF ENGLAND.

Bedford.
Knights. 2
The borough of Bedford. 2
Buckingham.
Knights. 2
The borough of Buckingham. 2
The borough of Wickombe. 2
The borough of Ailesburie. 2
Barckeshire.
Knights. 2
The borough of New Windsore. 2
The borough of Reading. 2
The borough of Wallingford. 2
The borough of Abington. 2
Cornewall.
Knights. 2
The borough of Launceston aliàs Newport. 2
The borough of Leskerd. 2
The borough of Lostwithiell. 2
The borough of Dunheuet. 2
The borough of Truro. 2
The borough of Bodmin. 2
The borough of Helston. 2
The borough of Saltash. 2
The borough of Camelford. 2
The borough of Portighsam aliàs Portlow. 2
The borough of Graunpount.  
The borough of Eastlow. 2
The borough of Prurie. 2
The borough of Tregonie. 2
The borough of Trebenna aliàs Bossinnie. 2
The borough of S. Ies. 2
The borough of Fowaie. 2
The borough of Germine. 2
The borough of Michell. 2
The borough of saint Maries. 2
Cumberland.
Knights. 2
The citie of Caerleill. 2
Cambridge.
Knights. 2
The borough of Cambridge. 2
Chester.
Knights. 2
The citie of Chester. 2
Darbie.
Knights. 2
The borough of Darbie. 2
Deuon.
Knights. 2
The citie of Excester. 2
The borough of Totnes. 2
The borough of Plimmouth. 2
The borough of Bardnestable. 2
The borough of Plimton. 2
The borough of Tauestocke. 2
The borough of Dartmouth, Clifton, and Herdines. 2
Dorsetshire.
Knights. 2
The borough of Poole. 2
The borough of Dorchester. 2
The borough of Linne. 2
The borough of Melcombe. 2
The borough of Waiemouth. 2
The borough of Bureport. 2
The borough of Shaftesburie. 2
The borough of Warham. 2
Essex.
Knights. 2
The borough of Colchester. 2
The borough of Malden. 2
Yorkeshire.
Knights. 2
The citie of Yorke. 2
The borough of Kingston vpon Hull. 2
The borough of Knaresborough. 2
The borough of Skardborough. 2
The borough of Rippon. 2
The borough of Hudon. 2
The borough of Boroughbridge. 2
The borough of Thuske. 2
The borough of Aldebrough. 2
The borough of Beuerleie. 2
Glocestershire.
Knights. 2
The citie of Glocester. 2
The borough of Cirencester. 2
Huntingtonshire.
Knights. 2
The borough of Huntingdon. 2
Hertfordshire.[Page 295]
Knights.2
The borough of saint Albons. 2
Herefordshire.
Knights. 2
The citie of Hereford. 2
The borough of Lempster. 2
Kent.
Knights. 2
The citie of Canturburie. 2
The citie of Rochester. 2
The borough of Maidstone. 2
The borough of Quinborough. 2
Lincolne.
Knights. 2
The citie of Lincolne. 2
The borough of Bostone. 2
The borough of great Grinesbie. 2
The borough of Stamford. 2
The borough of Grantham. 2
Leicestershire.
Knights. 2
The borough of Leicester. 2
Lancastershire.
Knights. 2
The borough of Lancaster. 2
The borough of Preston in Andernes. 2
The borough of Liuerpoole. 2
The borough of Newton. 2
The borough of Wigan. 2
The borough of Clithero. 2
Middlesex.
Knights. 2
The citie of London. 4
The citie of Westminster. 2
Monmouth.
Knights. 2
The borough of Monmouth. 1
Northhampton.
Knights. 2
The citie of Peterborough. 2
The borough of Northhampton. 2
The borough of Barkleie. 2
The borough of Higham Ferres. 1
Notingham.
Knights. 2
The borough of Notingham. 2
The borough of Estreatford. 2
Norffolke.
Knights. 2
The citie of Norwich. 2
The borough of Linne. 2
The borough of great Iernemouth. 2
The borough of Thetford. 2
The borough of castell Rising. 2
Northumberland.
Knights. 2
The borough of New castell vpon Tine. 2
The borough of Morpeth. 2
The borough of Barwike. 2
Oxford.
Knights. 2
The citie of Oxford. 2
The borough of Bamburie. 2
The borough of Woodstocke. 2
Rutland.
Knights. 2
Surreie.
Knights. 2
The borough of Southwarke. 2
The borough of Blechingleigh. 2
The borough of Rigate. 2
The borough of Guildford. 2
The borough of Gatton. 2
Stafford.
Knights. 2
The citie of Lichfield. 2
The borough of Stratford. 2
The borough of New castell vnder Linne. 2
The borough of Tamworth. 2
Salop.
Knights. 2
The borough of Salop. 2
The borough of Bruges aliàs Bridgenorth. 2
The borough of Ludlow. 2
The borough of Wenlocke. 2
Southhampton.
Knights. 2
The citie of Winton. 2
The borough of Southhampton. 2
The borough of Portesmouth. 2
The borough of Peterfield. 2
The borough of Stockebridge. 2
The borough of Christ church. 2
Suffolke.
Knights. 2
The borough of Ippeswich. 2
The borough of Dunwich. 2[Page 296]
The borough of Ortford. 2
The borough of Aldeborough. 2
The borough of Sudburie. 2
The borough of Eya.2
Summerset.
Knights. 2
The citie of Bristow. 2
The citie of Bath. 2
The citie of Welles. 2
The borough of Taunton. 2
The borough of Bridgewater. 2
The borough of Minehed. 2
Sussex.
Knights. 2
The citie of Chichester. 2
The borough of Horsham. 2
The borough of Midhurst. 2
The borough of Lewes. 2
The borough of Shorham. 2
The borough of Brember. 2
The borough of Stening. 2
The borough of Eastgrenesteed. 2
The borough of Arundell. 2
Westmerland.
Knights. 2
The borough of Appulbie. 2
Wilton.
Knights. 2
The citie of New Sarum. 2
The borough of Wilton. 2
The borough of Dounton. 2
The borough of Hindon. 2
The borough of Heitesburie. 2
The borough of Westburie. 2
The borough of Calne. 2
The borough of Deuises. 2
The borough of Chipenham. 2
The borough of Malmesburie. 2
The borough of Cricklade. 2
The borough of Budwin. 2
The borough of Ludgesale. 2
The borough of Old Sarum. 2
The borough of Wotton Basset. 2
The borough of Marleborough. 2
Worcester.
Knights.2
The citie of Worcester. 2
The borough of Withée. 2
Warwike.
Knights.2
The citie of Couentrie. 2
The borough of Warwike. 2
Barons of the ports.
Hastings. 2
Winchelseie. 2
Rie. 2
Rumneie. 2
Hithe. 2
Douer. 2
Sandwich.2
Mountgomerie.
Knights. 1
The borough of Mountgomerie. 1
Flint.
Knights. 1
The borough of Flint. 1
Denbigh.
Knights. 1
The borough of Denbigh. 1
Merionneth.
Knights. 1
The borough of Hauerfordwest. 1
Carneruan.
Knights. 1
The borough of Carneruan. 1
Angleseie.
Knights. 1
The borough of Beaumares. 1
Carmarden.
Knights.1
The borough of new Carmarden. 1
Pembroke.
Knights. 1
The borough of Pembroke. 1
Cairdigan.
Knights. 1
The borough of Cairdigan. 1
Brecknoch.
Knights. 1
The borough of Brecknoch. 1
Radnor.
Knights. 1
The borough of Radnor. 1
Glamorgan.
Knights. 1
The borough of Cardiffe. 1

[Page 297]

[Page 297]

The summe of the foresaid number of the common house videlicet, of

Knights. 90.
Citizens.46.
Burgesses. 289.
Barons. 14.
——
  439.
——

OF THE LAWES OF ENGLAND SINCE HIR FIRST INHABITATION.
CHAP. IX.

Samothes. That Samothes or Dis gaue the first lawes to the Celtes (whose kingdome he erected about the fiftéenth of Nimbrote) the testimonie of Berosus is proofe sufficient. For he not onelie affirmeth him to publish the same in the fourth of Ninus, but also addeth thereto, how there liued none in his daies of more excellent wisdome, nor politike inuention than he, whereof he was named Samothes, as some other do affirme. What his lawes were, it is now altogither vnknowne, as most things of this age; but Albion. that they were altered againe at the comming of Albion, no man can absolutelie denie, sith new lords vse commonlie to giue new lawes, and conquerors abolish such as were in vse before them.

Samothes. That Samothes, or Dis, gave the first laws to the Celts (whose kingdom he established around the fifteenth of Nimbrote) is well supported by Berosus's testimony. He not only claims that Samothes published these laws in the fourth of Ninus, but also adds that there was no one in his time with more outstanding wisdom or political insight than him, which is why he was called Samothes, as some others claim. What his laws were is now entirely unknown, like most things from that era; however, Albion. it cannot be denied that they were changed with the arrival of Albion, since new rulers typically introduce new laws and conquerors tend to abolish those that existed before them.

Brute. The like also may be affirmed of our Brute, notwithstanding that the certeine knowledge so well of the one as of the other is perished, and nothing worthie memorie left of all their dooings. Somewhat yet we haue Mulmutius. of Mulmutius, who not onelie subdued such princes as reigned in this land, but also brought the realme to good order, that long before had béene torne with ciuill discord. But where his lawes are to be found, and which they be from other mens, no man liuing in these daies is able to determine.

Brutal. The same can be said about our Brute, even though the certain knowledge of both him and the other has faded away, leaving nothing worth remembering of their actions. We still have some information Mulmutius. about Mulmutius, who not only defeated the kings ruling in this land but also restored order to the kingdom, which had long been torn apart by civil strife. However, where his laws can be found, and which ones are different from others, no one living today can determine.

Certes, there was neuer prince in Britaine, of whome his subiects conceiued better hope in the beginning, than of Bladudus, and yet I read of none that made so ridiculous an end: in like sort there hath not reigned anie monarch in this Ile, whose waies were more feared at the The praise of Dunwallon. first, than those of Dunwallon (king Henrie the fift excepted) and yet in the end he prooued such a prince, as after his death there was in maner no subiect, that did not lament his funerals. And this onelie for his policie in gouernance, seuere administration of iustice, and prouident framing of his lawes and constitutions, for the gouernment of his subiects. His people also, coueting to continue his name vnto posteritie, intituled those his ordinances according to their maker, calling them by the name of the lawes of Mulmutius, which indured in execution among the Britons, so long as our homelings had the dominion of this Ile. Afterward when the comeling Saxons had once obteined the superioritie of the kingdom, the maiestie of those lawes fell for a time into such decaie, that although "Non penitùs cecidit, tamen potuit cecidisse videri," as Leland saith, and the decrées themselues had vtterlie perished in déed at the verie first brunt, had they not beene preserued in Wales, where they remained amongst the relikes of the Britons, & not onlie vntill the comming of the Normans, but euen vntill the time of Edward the first, who obteining the souereigntie of that portion, indeuoured verie earnestlie to extinguish those of Mulmutius, and to establish his owne.

Sure, there was never a prince in Britain that his subjects had more hope in at the start than Bladudus, and yet I read of no one who ended so absurdly. Likewise, there hasn't been a monarch in this island whose ways were more feared at first than those of Dunwallon (except for King Henry the Fifth), and yet in the end, he turned out to be a prince such that after his death, nearly every subject mourned his funeral. This was solely due to his political skill, strict administration of justice, and thoughtful crafting of his laws and regulations for governing his subjects. His people, wanting to carry on his name for future generations, named his ordinances after him, calling them the laws of Mulmutius, which were in effect among the Britons as long as our locals had control of this island. Later, when the incoming Saxons gained dominance over the kingdom, the authority of those laws fell into such disrepair that although "Non penitùs cecidit, tamen potuit cecidisse videri," as Leland says, the decrees themselves would have completely perished at the very first attack if they hadn’t been preserved in Wales, where they remained among the remnants of the Britons, not only until the arrival of the Normans but even until the time of Edward I, who, after gaining sovereignty over that region, worked very hard to eliminate those of Mulmutius and establish his own.

But as the Saxons at their first arriuall did what they could to abolish the British lawes, so in processe of time they yéelded a little to relent, & not so much to abhorre and mislike of the lawes of Mulmutius, as to receiue and imbrace the same, especiallie at such time as the said Saxon princes entered into amitie with the British nobilitie, and after that began to ioine in matrimonie with the British ladies, as the British barons did with the Saxon frowes, both by an especiall statute and decrée, wherof in another treatise I haue made mention at large. Héerof also it came to passe in the end, that they were contented to [Page 298] make a choise, and insert no small numbers of them into their owne volumes, as may be gathered by those of Athelbert the great, surnamed king of Kent, Inas and Alfred kings of the west Saxons, and diuerse other yet extant to be séene. Such also was the lateward estimation of them, that when anie of the Saxon princes went about to make new ordinances, they caused those of Mulmutius (which Gildas sometime translated into Latine) to be first expounded vnto them, and in this perusall if they found anie there alreadie framed, that might serue their turnes, they foorthwith reuiued the same, and annexed them to their owne.

But when the Saxons first arrived, they tried to get rid of British laws. Over time, though, they gradually softened and didn’t just reject the laws of Mulmutius; instead, they started to accept and embrace them, especially when the Saxon princes formed alliances with the British nobility and began marrying British women, just as British barons did with Saxon brides, by a specific statute and decree, which I’ve discussed in detail in another treatise. Eventually, they were willing to select and incorporate a significant number of these laws into their own collections, as evidenced by the works of Athelbert the Great, known as the King of Kent, Inas and Alfred, kings of the West Saxons, along with various others still available to see. Their appreciation for these laws was so great that when any Saxon prince sought to create new regulations, they had the laws of Mulmutius (which Gildas once translated into Latin) explained to them first; and during this review, if they found any existing laws that might fit their needs, they immediately revived them and added them to their own.

But in this dealing, the diligence of Alfred is most of all to be commended, who not onelie chose out the best, but gathered togither all such whatsoeuer the said Mulmutius had made: and then to the end they should lie no more in corners as forlorne bookes, and vnknowne to the learned of his kingdome, he caused them to be turned into the Saxon toong, wherein they continued long after his decease.

But in this effort, Alfred's diligence deserves the most praise, as he not only selected the best works but also gathered everything that Mulmutius had created. To ensure they wouldn’t remain neglected like forgotten books, unknown to the scholars of his kingdom, he had them translated into the Saxon language, where they remained long after his death.

As for the Normans, who for a season neither regarded the British, nor cared for the Saxon statutes, they also at the first vtterlie misliked of them, till at the last, when they had well weied that one kind of regiment is not conuenient for all peoples, and that no stranger, being in a forren countrie newlie brought vnder obedience, could make such equall ordinances, as he might thereby gouerne his new common-wealth without some care & trouble: they fell in with such a desire to sée by what rule the state of the land was gouerned in time of the Saxons, that hauing perused the same, they not onelie commended their maner of regiment, but also admitted a great part of their lawes (now currant vnder the name of S. Edwards lawes, and vsed as principles and grounds) whereby they not onelie qualified the rigor of their owne, and mitigated their almost intollerable burden of seruitude which they had latelie laid vpon the shoulders of the English, but also left vs a great number of the old Mulmutian lawes, whereof the most part are in vse to this daie as I said, albeit that we know not certeinlie how to distinguish them from others, that are in strength amongst vs.

As for the Normans, who for a time didn't pay attention to the British or care about the Saxon laws, they initially disliked them completely. However, eventually, they realized that one type of government isn’t suitable for all peoples and that no outsider, newly brought under control in a foreign country, could create equal rules that would allow them to govern their new community without some effort and issues. They developed a strong interest in understanding how the land had been governed during the Saxon era. After reviewing this, they not only praised their style of governance but also adopted a significant portion of their laws (now known as St. Edward's laws and used as foundational principles) which not only eased the harshness of their own laws and reduced the heavy burden of servitude they had recently imposed on the English, but also left us with many of the old Mulmutian laws, most of which are still in use today, even though we aren't sure how to differentiate them from other laws that are currently enforced among us.

Martia. After Dunwallon, the next lawgiuer was Martia, whome Leland surnameth Proba; and after him Iohn Bale also, who in his Centuries dooth iustlie confesse himselfe to haue béene holpen by the said Leland, as I my selfe doo likewise for manie things conteined in this treatise. Shée was wife vnto Gutteline king of the Britons: and being made protectrix of the realme, after hir husbands deceasse in the nonage of hir sonne, and séeing manie things dailie to grow vp among hir people worthie reformation, she deuised sundrie and those verie politike lawes, for the gouernance of hir kingdome, which hir subiects when she was dead and gone, did name the Martian statutes. Who turned them into Latine, as yet I doo not read, howbeit (as I said before of the lawes of Mulmutius) so the same Alfred caused those of this excellentlie well learned ladie (whome diuerse commend also for hir great knowledge in the Gréeke toong) to be turned into his owne language, wherevpon it came to passe that they were dailie executed among his subiects, afterward allowed of (among the rest) by the Normans, and finallie remaine in vse in these our daies, notwithstanding that we can not disseuer them also verie readilie from the other.

Martia. After Dunwallon, the next lawmaker was Martia, whom Leland nicknamed Proba; and after him, John Bale also, who in his Centuries rightly admits that he was helped by Leland, just as I acknowledge for many things included in this treatise. She was the wife of Gutteline, king of the Britons, and became protector of the realm after her husband's death during her son's minority. Seeing many issues among her people that needed reform, she devised several very strategic laws for governing her kingdom, which her subjects later named the Martian statutes after she had passed. I don’t yet read who translated them into Latin; however, just as I mentioned earlier about the laws of Mulmutius, Alfred had those of this exceptionally educated woman (whom many also praise for her great knowledge of Greek) translated into his own language. As a result, they were regularly enforced among his subjects, later endorsed by the Normans, and ultimately remain in use in our time, although we cannot easily separate them from the others.

The seuenth alteration of lawes was practised by the Saxons, for I ouerpasse the vse of the ciuill ordinances vsed in Rome, finallie brought hither by the Romans, & yet in perfect notice among the Ciuilians of our countrie, though neuer generallie nor fullie receiued by all the seuerall regions of this Iland. Certes there are great numbers of these later, which yet remaine in sound knowlege, and are to be read, being comprehended for the most part vnder the names of the Martian Law.
Saxon Law.
Dane Law.
Martian and the Saxon law. Beside these also I read of the Dane law, so that the people of middle England were ruled by the first, the west Saxons by the second; as Essex, Norffolke, Suffolke, Cambridgeshire, and part of Herfordshire were by the third, of all the rest the most inequall and intollerable. And as in these daies what soeuer the prince in publike assemblie commanded vpon the necessitie of his subiects, or his owne voluntarie authoritie, was counted for law: so none of them had appointed anie certeine place, wherevnto his people might repaire at fixed times for iustice, but caused them to resort commonlie to their palaces, where in proper person they would often determine their causes, [Page 299] and so make shortest worke, or else commit the same to the hearing of other, and so dispatch them awaie. Neither had they any house appointed to assemble in for the making of their ordinances, as we haue now at Westminster. Wherefore Edmund gaue lawes at London & Lincolne, Ethelred at Habam, Alfred at Woodstock and Wannetting, Athelstane in Excester, Cricklade, Feuersham, & Thundersleie, Canutus at Winchester, &c: other in other places, whereof this may suffice.

The seventh change in laws was made by the Saxons, as I skip over the use of civil laws from Rome, which were eventually brought here by the Romans and are still well-known among the legal professionals in our country, although they were never fully adopted by all regions of this island. Certainly, many of these laws still exist in common knowledge and are often referred to as the Martian Law.
Saxon Law.
Dane Law.
Martian and Saxon law. Additionally, I also read about Dane law, so the people of central England were governed by the first, the West Saxons by the second; while Essex, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, and part of Hertfordshire were under the third, which was by far the most unequal and intolerable. Just like today, whatever the prince commanded in public gatherings for the need of his subjects or based on his own authority was considered law: none of them had established a specific place for people to come regularly for justice, but instead made them gather at their palaces, where they would often settle disputes personally, [Page 299] making quick decisions, or assign the matters to others to handle them. They also did not have a designated building for creating their laws, like we now do at Westminster. Therefore, Edmund issued laws in London and Lincoln, Ethelred at Habam, Alfred at Woodstock and Wannetting, Athelstan in Exeter, Cricklade, Feversham, and Thundersley, Canute at Winchester, etc.: other laws were established in various places, of which this is enough.

Among other things also vsed in the time of the Saxons, it shall not be amisse to set downe the forme of their Ordalian law, which they brought hither with them from beyond the seas out of Scithia, and vsed onelie in the triall of guiltie and vnguiltinesse. Certes it conteined not an ordinarie procéeding by daies and termes, as in the ciuill and common law we sée practised in these daies; but a short dispatch & triall of the matter by fire or water, whereof at this present I will deliuer the circumstance, as I haue faithfullie translated it out of an ancient volume, and conferred with an imprinted copie, latelie published by M. Lambert, and now extant to be read. Neuerthelesse, as the Scithians were the first that vsed this practise, so I read that it was taken vp and occupied also in France in processe of time, yea and likewise in Grecia, as G. Pachymerus remembreth in the first booke of his historie (which beginneth with the empire of M. Paleologus) where he noteth his owne sight and vew in that behalfe. But what stand I herevpon?

Among other things used during the time of the Saxons, it's worth noting the form of their Ordalian law, which they brought here from beyond the seas out of Scithia, and was only used to determine guilt or innocence. It certainly did not follow the usual proceedings we see today in civil and common law, with set days and terms; rather, it involved a quick resolution and trial by fire or water. I will now provide the details, as I have faithfully translated it from an ancient volume and compared it with a printed copy recently published by M. Lambert, which is currently available for reading. Nevertheless, while the Scythians were the first to use this practice, I read that it was also adopted in France over time, and in Greece as well, as G. Pachymerus recalls in the first book of his history (which begins with the reign of M. Paleologus) where he notes his own observations on this matter. But why do I linger on this?

Ordalian law. The Ordalian (saith the aforesaid author) was a certeine maner of Fire. purgation vsed two waies, wherof the one was by fire, the other by water. In the execution of that which was doone by fire, the partie accused should go a certeine number of pases, with an hot iron in his hand, or else bare footed vpon certeine plough shares red hot, according to the maner. This iron was sometime of one pound weight, and then was it called single Ordalium, sometimes of thrée, and then named treble Ordalium, and whosoeuer did beare or tread on the same without hurt of his bodie he was adiudged guiltlesse, otherwise if his skin were scorched, he was foorthwith condemned as guiltie of the trespasse whereof he was accused, according to the proportion and quantitie of the burning.

Ordalian law. According to the aforementioned author, the Ordalian was a specific method of Fire. purgation used in two ways: one involved fire, and the other involved water. In the fire-based trial, the accused had to take a certain number of steps while holding a hot iron, or walk barefoot on certain red-hot plowshares, as per the custom. This iron sometimes weighed one pound, known as single Ordalium, and sometimes three pounds, called treble Ordalium. If the person could carry or walk on it without injuring their body, they were declared innocent; however, if their skin was burned, they were immediately judged guilty of the offense they were accused of, based on the extent of the burns.

Water. There were in like sort two kinds of triall by the water, that is to say, either by hot or cold: and in this triall the partie thought culpable, was either tumbled into some pond or huge vessell of cold water, wherein if he continued for a season, without wrestling or strugling for life, he was foorthwith acquited as guiltlesse of the fact wherof he was accused: but if he began to plunge, and labour once for breath immediatlie vpon his falling into that liquor, he was by and by condemned as guiltie of the crime. Or else he did thrust his arme vp to the shoulder into a lead, copper, or caldron of seething water, from whence if he withdrew the same without anie maner of damage, he was discharged of further molestation: otherwise he was taken for a trespasser, and punished accordinglie. The fierie maner of purgation belonged onelie to noble men and women, and such as were frée borne: but the husbandmen and villaines were tried by water. Wherof to shew the vnlearned dealing and blind ignorance of those times, it shall not be impertinent to set foorth the whole maner, which continued here in England vntill the time of King Iohn, who séeing the manifold subtilties in the same (by sundrie sorcerous and artificiall practises whereby the working of the said elements were restreined) did extinguish it altogither as flat lewdnesse and bouerie. The Rubrike of the treatise entereth thus: "Here beginneth the execution of iustice, whereby the giltie or vngiltie are tried by hot iron. Then it followeth: After accusation lawfullie made, and three daies spent in fasting and praier, the priest being clad in all his holie vestures, sauing his vestiment, shall take the iron laid before the altar with a paire of tongs, and singing the hymne of the three children, that is to saie, O all ye workes of God the Lord, and in Latine Benedicite omnia opera, &c: he shall carie it solemnelie to the fire (alreadie made for that purpose) and first saie these words ouer the place where the fire is kindled, whereby this purgation shall be made in Latine as insueth: Benedic Domine Deus locum istum, vt sit nobis in eo sanitas, sanctitas, castitas, virtus, & victoria, & sanctimonia, humilitas, bonitas, lenitas, & plenitudo legis, & obedientia Deo patri, & filio, & spiritui sancto. Hæc [Page 300] benedictio sit super hunc locum, & super omnes habitantes in eo. In English: Blesse thou O Lord this place, that it may be to vs health, holinesse, chastitie, vertue, and victorie, purenesse, humilitie, goodnesse, gentlenesse, and fulnesse of the law, and obedience to God the father, the sonne, and the holie ghost. This blessing be vpon this place, and all that dwell in it. Then followeth the blessing of the fire. Domine Deus pater omnipotens, lumen indeficiens, exaudi nos, quia tu es conditor omnium luminum. Benedic Domine hoc lumen, quod ante sanctificatum est, qui illuminasti omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum (vel mundum) vt ab eo lumine accendamur igne claritatis tuæ. Et sicut igne illuminasti Mosen, ita nunc illumina corda nostra, & sensus nostros, vt ad vitam æternam mereamur peruenire, per Christum, &c. Lord God father almightie, light euerlasting, heare vs, sith thou art the maker of all lights. Blesse O Lord this light, that is alreadie sanctified in thy sight, which hast lightned all men that come into the world (or the whole world) to the end that by the same light we may be lightned with the shining of thy brightnesse. As thou diddest lighten Moses, so now illuminate our hearts, and our senses, that we may deserue to come to euerlasting life, through Christ our, &c. This being ended let him say the Pater noster, &c: then these words: Saluum fac seruum, &c. Mitte ei auxilium Deus, &c. De Sion tuere eum, &c. Dominus vobiscum, &c. That is, O Lord saue thy seruant, &c. Send him helpe O God from thy holie place, &c. Defend him out of Sion, &c. Lord heare, &c. The Lord be with you, &c.

Water. There were two types of trials involving water, either hot or cold. In this trial, the person thought to be guilty was either thrown into a pond or a large container of cold water. If they remained submerged for a while without struggling for their life, they were immediately declared innocent of the accusation. However, if they began to flail and fought for breath as soon as they fell into the water, they were quickly judged guilty of the crime. Alternatively, they would dip their arm up to the shoulder into a pot or cauldron of boiling water. If they pulled it out without any injury, they were free from further trouble; if not, they were considered guilty and punished accordingly. The fiery method of trial was reserved for nobles and freeborn individuals, while commoners and peasants were tried by water. To illustrate the ignorance and blind folly of that time, it’s worth noting how this practice continued in England until the reign of King John, who, recognizing the numerous tricks and sorcerous practices that were used to manipulate the elements, abolished it entirely as sheer wickedness and barbarism. The heading of the document states: "Here begins the execution of justice, whereby the guilty or innocent are tried by hot iron." It continues: After a lawful accusation and three days of fasting and prayer, the priest, dressed in all his holy garments except for his vestment, shall take the iron placed before the altar with a pair of tongs, and singing the hymn of the three children, which is, O all ye works of God the Lord, and in Latin Benedicite omnia opera, etc.: he shall carry it solemnly to the fire (already prepared for this purpose) and first say these words over the place where the fire is kindled, whereby this purification will be made in Latin as follows: Benedic Domine Deus locum istum, vt sit nobis in eo sanitas, sanctitas, castitas, virtus, & victoria, & sanctimonia, humilitas, bonitas, lenitas, & plenitudo legis, & obedientia Deo patri, & filio, & spiritui sancto. Hæc [Page 300] benedictio sit super hunc locum, & super omnes habitantes in eo. In English: Bless you, O Lord, this place, that it may be for us health, holiness, chastity, virtue, and victory, purity, humility, goodness, gentleness, and fullness of the law, and obedience to God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. This blessing be upon this place and all who dwell in it. Then follows the blessing of the fire. Domine Deus pater omnipotens, lumen indeficiens, exaudi nos, quia tu es conditor omnium luminum. Benedic Domine hoc lumen, quod ante sanctificatum est, qui illuminasti omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum (vel mundum) vt ab eo lumine accendamur igne claritatis tuæ. Et sicut igne illuminasti Mosen, ita nunc illumina corda nostra, & sensus nostros, vt ad vitam æternam mereamur peruenire, per Christum, & c. Lord God Father almighty, everlasting light, hear us, since you are the maker of all lights. Bless, O Lord, this light, which is already sanctified in your sight, which has enlightened all men coming into this world (or the whole world) so that, through the light of your brightness, we may be illuminated. As you enlightened Moses, so now illuminate our hearts and our senses, that we may deserve to reach everlasting life, through Christ our Lord, etc. This being finished, let him say the Pater noster, etc.: then these words: Saluum fac servum, etc. Mitte ei auxilium Deus, etc. De Sion tuere eum, etc. Dominus vobiscum, etc. That is, O Lord save your servant, etc. Send him help, O God, from your holy place, etc. Defend him out of Sion, etc. Lord hear, etc. The Lord be with you, etc.

"The praier. Benedic Domine sancte pater, omnipotens Deus, per inuocationem sanctissimi nominis tui, & per aduentum filij tui, atque per donum spiritus paracleti, ad manifestandum verum iudicium tuum, hoc genus metalli, vt sit sanctificatum, & omni dæmonum falsitate procul remota, veritas veri iudicij tui fidelibus tuis manifesta fiat, per eundem Dominum, &c. In English: Blesse we beséech thee O Lord, holie father, euerlasting God, through the inuocation of thy most holie name, by the comming of thy sonne, and gift of the holie ghost, and to the manifestation of thy true iudgement, this kind of mettall, that being hallowed, and all fraudulent practises of the diuels vtterlie remoued, the manifest truth of thy true iudgement may be reuealed, by the same Lord Iesus, &c.

"The prayer. We ask you, O Lord, holy Father, everlasting God, through the invocation of your most holy name, by the coming of your Son, and the gift of the Holy Spirit, to reveal your true judgment, this kind of metal, so that it may be sanctified, and all deceitful practices of the demons completely removed, and the manifest truth of your true judgment may be revealed, through the same Lord Jesus, &c. In English: Bless we beseech thee O Lord, holy father, everlasting God, through the invocation of thy most holy name, by the coming of thy son, and gift of the holy ghost, and to the manifestation of thy true judgment, this kind of metal, that being hallowed, and all fraudulent practices of the devils utterly removed, the manifest truth of thy true judgment may be revealed, by the same Lord Jesus, &c."

"After this, let the iron be laid into the fire, and sprinkled with holie water, and whilest it heateth, let the priest go to masse, and doo as order requireth: and when he hath receiued the host, he shall call the man that is to be purged (as it is written hereafter) first adiuring him, and then permitting him to communicate according to the maner.

After this, let the iron be placed in the fire and sprinkled with holy water, and while it heats up, let the priest go to mass and do as the order requires. When he has received the host, he shall call the person to be purified (as written below), first instructing him, and then allowing him to partake in the communion as is customary.

The office of the masse.

The massage therapist's office.

"Iustus es Domine, &c. O Lord thou art iust, &c.

Iustus es Domine, &c. O Lord, you are just, &c.

The Praier.

The Prayer.

"Absolue quæsumus Domine delicta famuli tui, vt à peccatorum suorum nexibus, quæ pro sua fragilitate contraxit, tua benignitate liberetur, & in hoc iudicio quoad meruit, iustitia tua præueniente, ad veritatis censuram peruenire mereatur, per Christum Dominum, &c. That is: Pardon we beséech thée O Lord, the sinnes of thy seruant, that being deliuered from the burden of his offenses, wherewith he is intangled, he may be cleared by thy benignitie, and in this his triall (so far as he hath deserued thy mercie preuenting him) he may come to the knowledge of the truth, by Christ our Lord, &c.

"Lord, we humbly ask you to forgive the sins of your servant, so that he may be freed from the burdens of his offenses, which he has become tangled in, by your graciousness. In this trial, as far as he deserves your mercy, may he come to know the truth, through Christ our Lord, etc. That is: We ask you, O Lord, to pardon the sins of your servant, so that, being released from the weight of his offenses, he may be cleared by your kindness, and in this trial, as far as he has earned your mercy, may he reach the understanding of the truth, through Christ our Lord, etc."

The Gospell. Mar. 10.

The Gospel. Mar. 10.

"In illo tempore, cùm egressus esset Iesus in via, procurrens quidam genu flexo ante eum, rogabat eum dicens, Magister bone, quid faciam vt vitam æternam percipiam? Iesus autem dixit ei, Quid me dicis bonum? &c. In those daies when Iesus went foorth toward his iourneie, and one méeting him in the waie running, and knéeling vnto him, asked him saieng: [Page 301] Good master what shall I doo that I may possesse eternall life? Iesus said vnto him, Whie callest thou me good? &c. Then followeth the secret, and so foorth all of the rest of the masse. But before the partie dooth communicate, the priest shall vse these words vnto him: Adiuro te per patrem, & filium, & spiritum sanctum, & per veram christianitatem quam suscepisti, & per sanctas relliquias quæ in ista ecclesia sunt, & per baptismum quo te sacerdos regenerauit, vt non præsumas vllo modo communicare, neq; accedere ad altare, si hoc fecisti aut consensisti, &c. I adiure thée by the father, the sonne, and the holie Ghost, by the true christendome which thou hast receiued, by the holie relikes which are in this church, and by the baptisme wherewith the priest hath regenerated thée, that thou presume not by any maner of means to communicate, nor come about the altar, if thou hast doone or The cup yet in vse. consented vnto this, whereof thou art accused, &c. Here let the priest suffer him to communicate, saieng; Corpus hoc, & sanguis Domini nostri Iesu Christi, sit tibi ad probationem hodie. This bodie & this bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ, be vnto thee a triall this daie. The praier: Perceptis Domine Deus noster sacris muneribus, supplices deprecamur, vt huius participatio sacramenti à proprijs nos reatibus expediat, & in famulo tuo veritatis sententiam declaret, &c. Hauing receiued O Lord God these holie mysteries, we humblie beséech thée that the participation of this sacrament may rid vs of our guiltinesse, and in this thy seruant set foorth the truth. Then shall follow Kyrieleson, the Letanie, and certeine Psalmes, and after all them Oremus: Let vs praie. Deus qui per ignem signa magna ostendens, Abraham puerum tuum de incendio Chaldæorum quibusdam pereuntibus eruisti, Deus qui rubum ardere ante conspectum Mosis & minimè comburi permisisti, Deus qui de incendio fornacis Chaldaicis plerisque succensis, tres pueros tuos illæsos eduxisti, Deus qui incendio ignis populum Sodomæ inuoluens, Loth famulum tuum cum suis salute donasti, Deus qui in aduentu sancti spiritus tui, illustratione ignis fideles tuos ab infidelibus decreuisti: ostende nobis in hoc prauitatis nostræ examine virtutem eiusdem spiritus, &c: & per ignis huius feruorem discernere infideles, vt à tactu eius cuius inquisitio agitur, conscius exhorrescat, & manus eius comburatur, innocens verò pœnitus illæsus permaneat, &c. Deus cuius noticiam nulla vnquam secreta effugiunt, fidei nostræ tua bonitate responde, & præsta vt quisquis purgandi se gratia, hoc ignitum tulerit ferrum, vel absoluatur vt innocens, vel noxius detegatur, &c. In English thus: O God, which in shewing great tokens by fire diddest deliuer Abraham thy seruant from the burning of the Chaldeis, whilest other perished; O God which sufferedst the bush to burne in the sight of Moses, and yet not to consume; O God which deliueredst the thrée children from bodilie harme in the fornace of the Chaldeis, whilest diuerse were consumed; O God which by fire didst wrap the people of Sodome in their destruction, and yet sauedst Lot and his daughters from perill; O God which by the shining of thy brightnesse at the comming of the holie ghost in likenesse of fire, diddest separate the faithfull from such as beléeued not: shew vnto vs in the triall of this our wickednesse, the power of the same spirit, &c: and by the heat of this fire discerne the faithfull from the vnfaithfull, that the guiltie whose cause is now in triall, by touching thereof, may tremble and feare, and his hand be burned, or being innocent, that he may remaine in safetie, &c. O God from whome no secrets are hidden, let thy goodnesse answer to our faith, and grant that whosoeuer in this purgation, shall touch and beare this iron, may either be tried an innocent, or reuealed as an offender, &c. After this the priest shall sprinkle the iron with holie water saieng: The blessing of the father, the sonne, and the holie ghost, be vpon this iron, to the reuelation of the iust iudgement of God. And foorthwith let him that is accused beare it, by the length of nine foot, and then let his hand be wrapped and sealed vp for the space of three daies: after this if any corruption or raw flesh appeare where the iron touched it, let him be condemned as guiltie: if it be whole and sound, let him giue thanks to God." And thus much of the firie Ordalia, wherevnto Water. that of the water hath so precise relation, that in setting foorth of the one, I haue also described the other, wherefore it shall be but in vaine to deale anie further withall.

"In that time, when Jesus was on his way, a man ran up to him, knelt before him, and asked, 'Good teacher, what must I do to inherit eternal life?' Jesus said to him, 'Why do you call me good?' etc. In those days, as Jesus was setting out on his journey, someone approached him quickly, knelt down, and said, [Page 301] 'Good teacher, what should I do to achieve eternal life?' Jesus responded, 'Why do you call me good?' etc. Then follows the secret, and then all of the rest of the mass. But before the person communicates, the priest shall use these words: 'I urge you by the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, by the true Christianity you have embraced, by the holy relics that are in this church, and by the baptism through which the priest has renewed you, that you do not presume in any way to communicate or approach the altar if you have done or consented to this for which you are accused,' etc. Here the priest shall allow him to communicate, saying; 'May this body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ be a trial to you today.' The prayer: 'Having received, O Lord our God, these sacred gifts, we humbly ask you that the participation in this sacrament may free us from our sins, and in your servant declare the truth,' etc. Then shall follow 'Kyrie eleison,' the Litany, and certain Psalms, and after all of them 'Let us pray.' 'God, who displayed great signs by fire, delivered Abraham your servant from the burning of the Chaldeans, while others perished; God, who permitted the bush to burn before Moses and yet not be consumed; God, who rescued the three children from bodily harm in the furnace of the Chaldeans, while many were burned; God, who wrapped the people of Sodom in flames, yet saved Lot your servant and his family; God, who, at the coming of your Holy Spirit, distinguished the faithful from the unbelievers through the fire’s brightness: show us in this trial of our wickedness the power of the same Spirit,' etc., and by the heat of this fire discern the faithful from the unfaithful, that the guilty, whose case is under trial, may tremble and fear upon touching it, and have their hand burned, while the innocent may remain safe, etc. 'O God, from whom nothing is hidden, let your goodness respond to our faith, and grant that anyone who touches and carries this iron in this act of purgation may either be found innocent or revealed as guilty,' etc. After this, the priest shall sprinkle the iron with holy water, saying: 'The blessing of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit be upon this iron, to reveal the just judgment of God.' And immediately let the accused bear it, measuring nine feet, and then let his hand be bound and sealed up for the space of three days: after this, if any corruption or raw flesh appears where the iron has touched it, let him be condemned as guilty: if it is whole and sound, let him give thanks to God. And thus much of the fiery ordeal, which Water. has such a precise relation to that of water, that in discussing one, I have also described the other; therefore, it would be pointless to go further into it."

Hitherto also (as I thinke) sufficientlie of such lawes as were in vse before the conquest. Now it resteth that I should declare the order of those, that haue beene made and receiued since the comming of the [Page 302] Normans, referred to the eight alteration or change of our maner of gouernance, and therevnto doo produce thrée score and foure seuerall courts. But for asmuch as I am no lawier, and therefore haue but little skill to procéed in the same accordinglie, it shall suffice to set downe some generall discourse of such as are vsed in our daies, and so much as I haue gathered by report and common heare-saie.

So far, I've covered the laws that were in use before the conquest. Now I need to explain the order of the laws that have been made and accepted since the arrival of the [Page 302] Normans, which relate to the eighth change in our way of governance, and I will present sixty-four different courts. However, since I'm not a lawyer and don't have much expertise in this area, it will be enough to provide a general overview of those in use today, based on what I've heard and common knowledge.

Ciuill law. We haue therefore in England sundrie lawes, and first of all the ciuill, vsed in the chancerie, admeraltie, and diuerse other courts, in some of which, the seuere rigor of iustice is often so mitigated by conscience, that diuerse things are thereby made easie and tollerable, which otherwise would appeare to be méere iniurie and extremitie.

Civil law. In England, we have various laws, primarily civil laws used in chancery, admiralty, and several other courts. In some of these courts, the strictness of justice is often softened by a sense of fairness, making certain situations easier and more bearable that would otherwise seem purely unjust and extreme.

Canon law. We haue also a great part of the Canon law dailie practised among vs, especiallie in cases of tithes, contracts of matrimonie, and such like, as are vsuallie to be séene in the consistories of our bishops and higher courts of the two archbishops, where the exercise of the same is verie hotlie followed. The third sort of lawes that we haue are our owne, & those alwaies so variable, & subiect to alteration and change, that oft in one age, diuerse iudgements doo passe vpon one maner of case, whereby the saieng of the poet,

Church law. We also have a significant portion of canon law actively practiced among us, especially in matters of tithes, marriage contracts, and similar cases, which are commonly seen in the courts of our bishops and the higher courts of the two archbishops, where its enforcement is vigorously pursued. The third type of laws we have are our own, and they are always so variable and subject to change that often in one generation, different judgments are made on the same type of case, leading to the saying of the poet,

"Tempora mutantur, & nos mutamur in illis,"

"Times change, and we change with them,"

Lawiers of England not alwaies constant in iudgment. may verie well be applied vnto such, as being vrged with these words; In such a yeare of the prince, this opinion was taken for sound law; doo answer nothing else, but that the iudgement of our lawiers is now altered, so that they saie farre otherwise. The regiment that we haue therefore after our owne ordinances, dependeth vpon thrée lawes, to wit, Statute law, Common law, Customarie law, and Prescription, according to the triple maner of our trials and iudgments, which is by parlement, verdict of twelue men at an assise, or wager of battell, of which the last is little vsed in our daies, as no appeale dooth hold in the first and last rehearsed. But to returne to my purpose.

Lawyers in England don't always agree in their decisions. This can be quite applicable to those who, when faced with the statement, “In such a year of the prince, this opinion was considered sound law,” respond by saying that the judgment of our lawyers has changed, and they now argue something completely different. The system we follow according to our own regulations relies on three types of law: Statute law, Common law, Customary law, and Prescription, in line with the three methods of our trials and judgments, which are by Parliament, verdict of twelve jurors at an assize, or trial by combat, the last of which is rarely used nowadays since no appeals can be made in the first and last mentioned methods. But to get back to my point.

Parlement law. The first is deliuered vnto vs by parlement, which court, being for the most part holden at Westminster néere London, is the highest of all other, & consisteth of three seuerall sorts of people, that is to saie, the nobilitie, cleargie, and commons of this realme. And thereto is not summoned, but vpon vrgent occasion when the prince dooth see his time, and that by seuerall writs, dated commonlie full six wéekes before it begin to be holden. Such lawes as are agreed vpon in the higher house by the lords spirituall and temporall, and in the lower house by the commons and bodie of the realme (whereof the conuocation of the cleargie holden in Powles, or if occasion so require in Westminster church, is a member) there speaking by the mouth of the knights of the shire and burgesses, remaine in the end to be confirmed by the prince, who commonlie resorteth thither of custome, vpon the first and last daies of this court, there to vnderstand what is doone, and giue his roiall consent to such statutes as him liketh of. Comming therefore thither into the higher house, and hauing taken his throne, the speaker of the parlement (for one is alwaies appointed to go betwéene the houses, as an indifferent mouth for both) readeth openlie the matters there determined by the said thrée estates, and then craueth the princes consent and finall confirmation to the same. The king hauing heard the summe and principall points of each estatute brieflie recited vnto him, answereth in French with great deliberation vnto such as he liketh ("Il nous plaist") but to the rest "Il ne plaist," whereby the latter are made void and frustrate. That also which his maiestie liketh of, is hereby authorised, confirmed, & euer after holden for law, except it be repealed in anie the like assemblie. The number of the commons assembled in the lower house, beside the cleargie, Number of congregates in the parlement. consisteth of ninetie knights. For each shire of England hath two gentlemen or knights of greatest wisedome and reputation, chosen out of the bodie of the same for that onelie purpose, sauing that for Wales one onlie is supposed sufficient in euerie countie, whereby the number afore mentioned is made vp. There are likewise fourtie and six citizens, 289 burgesses, and fouretéene barons, so that the whole assemblie of the laitie of the lower house, consisteth of foure hundred thirtie and nine persons, if the iust number be supplied. Of the lawes here made likewise some are penall and restraine the common law, and some againe are found to inlarge the same. The one [Page 303] sort of these also are for the most part taken strictlie according to the letter, the other more largelie and beneficiallie after their intendment and meaning.

Parliament legislation. The first is delivered to us by parliament, which court is mostly held at Westminster near London. It's the highest court of all and consists of three different groups of people: the nobility, clergy, and commoners of this realm. It is summoned only in urgent situations when the prince sees it is necessary, and this happens through various writs, usually dated about six weeks before it begins. The laws agreed upon in the upper house by the spiritual and temporal lords, and in the lower house by the commons and body of the realm (which includes the convocation of the clergy held in St. Paul's, or if needed, in Westminster Church) are voiced by the knights of the shire and burgesses. These then await confirmation by the prince, who typically attends out of custom on the first and last days of this court to learn what has been decided and to give his royal approval to the statutes he likes. Therefore, when he arrives in the upper house and takes his throne, the speaker of parliament (who is always appointed to convey messages between the houses fairly) publicly reads the matters determined by the three estates, and then requests the prince's consent and final approval. After the king hears a brief summary of the main points of each statute, he responds in French, carefully indicating his approval with "Il nous plaît" for those he supports, and "Il ne plaît" for the rest, which renders the latter null and void. The laws that his majesty approves are therefore authorized, confirmed, and will be upheld as law, unless repealed in a similar assembly. The number of commoners in the lower house, aside from the clergy, Number of members in the parliament. includes ninety knights. Each shire of England has two gentlemen or knights chosen from the community for this specific purpose, except that for Wales, one is considered sufficient in each county, thus reaching the previously mentioned total. Additionally, there are forty-six citizens, 289 burgesses, and fourteen barons, so the entire assembly of the laity in the lower house consists of four hundred thirty-nine people, provided the exact number is filled. Some of the laws made here are punitive and restrict common law, while others expand it. The first [Page 303] type is mostly interpreted strictly according to the text, while the other is understood more broadly and beneficially according to their intent and meaning.

Common law. The Common law standeth vpon sundrie maximes or principles, and yeares or termes, which doo conteine such cases as by great studie and solemne argument of the iudges sound practise confirmed by long experience, fetched euen from the course of most ancient lawes made farre before the conquest, and thereto the déepest reach and foundations of reason, are ruled and adiudged for law. Certes these cases are otherwise called plees or action, wherof there are two sorts, the one criminall and the other ciuill. The meanes and messengers also to determine those causes are our writs or bréefes, whereof there are some originall and some iudiciall. The parties plaintiffe & defendant when they appeare procéed (if the case doo so require) by plaint or declaration, barre or answer, replication, reioinder, and so by rebut, surrebut to issue and triall if occasion so fall out, the one side affirmatiuelie, the other negatiuelie as common experience teacheth. Our trials and recoueries are either by verdict and demourre, confession or default, wherein if anie negligence or trespasse hath béene committed, either in processe and forme, or in matter and iudgement, the partie grieued may haue a writ of errour to vndoo the same, but not in the same court where the former iudgement was giuen.

Case law. Common law is based on various maxims or principles, along with years or terms that contain cases confirmed through extensive study and serious argument by judges, established practices backed by long experience, drawn from the most ancient laws made long before the conquest, as well as the deepest reasoning and foundations of law. These cases are also referred to as pleas or actions, which come in two types: criminal and civil. The means and messengers for resolving these issues are our writs or briefs, some of which are original and others judicial. The parties, plaintiff and defendant, when they appear, proceed (if the case requires) through pleadings or declarations, motions to dismiss or answers, replies, counter-replies, and so on, leading to issue and trial if necessary, with one side affirming and the other denying, as common experience teaches us. Our trials and recoveries occur either by verdict and demurrer, confession, or default, wherein, if any negligence or wrongdoing has occurred, either in procedure and form, or in substance and judgment, the aggrieved party may seek a writ of error to undo the situation, but not in the same court where the previous judgment was issued.

Customarie law. Customarie law consisteth of certeine laudable customes vsed in some priuat countrie, intended first to begin vpon good and reasonable considerations, as gauell kind, which is all the male children equallie to inherit, and continued to this daie in Kent: where it is onelie to my knowledge reteined, and no where else in England. It was at the first deuised by the Romans, as appeareth by Cæsar in his cōmentaries, wherein I find, that to breake and daunt the force of the rebellious Germans, they made a law that all the male children (or females for want of males which holdeth still in England) should haue their fathers inheritance equallie diuided amongst them. By this meanes also it came to passe, that whereas before time for the space of sixtie yeares, they had put the Romans to great and manifold troubles, within the space of thirtie yeares after this law made, their power did wax so feeble, and such discord fell out amongst themselues, that they were not able to mainteine warres with the Romans, nor raise anie iust armie against them. For as a riuer runing with one streame is swift and more plentifull of water than when it is drained or drawne into manie branches: so the lands and goods of the ancestors being dispersed amongst their issue males, of one strong there were raised sundrie weake, whereby the originall or generall strength to resist the aduersarie, became infeebled and brought almost to nothing. "Vis vnita (saith the philosopher) fortior est eadem dispersa," and one good pursse is better than manie euill, and when euerie man is benefited alike, each one will séeke to mainteine his priuate estate, and few take care to prouide for publike welfare.

Traditional law. Customary law consists of certain admirable customs used in some specific regions, originally based on good and reasonable principles, like the Kentish custom, which allows all male children to inherit equally. This practice is still followed today only in Kent, as far as I know, and nowhere else in England. It was initially created by the Romans, as mentioned by Caesar in his commentaries, where I find that to weaken the rebellious Germans, they established a law that all male children (or females when there were no males, which still holds true in England) should inherit their father's estate equally divided among them. This also led to the situation where, after having caused the Romans significant trouble for sixty years, within thirty years of this law being implemented, their power weakened so much, and internal conflicts arose, that they could no longer sustain a war against the Romans or raise any substantial army against them. Just like a river flowing in one current is swifter and has more water than when it splits into many branches, the lands and estates of ancestors being divided among their male heirs generated many weak descendants from one strong ancestor, diminishing their overall ability to resist enemies almost to nothing. "United strength," says the philosopher, "is stronger than when scattered," and one good purse is better than many bad ones. When everyone benefits equally, each person prioritizes their individual situation, and few care for the public good.

Burrow kind, is where the yoongest is preferred before the eldest, which is the custome of manie countries of this region; also the woman to haue the third of hir husbands possessions, the husband that marieth an heire to haue such lands as moue by hir during his naturall life, if he suruiue hir, and hath a child by hir which hath béene heard crie thorough foure wals, &c: of such like to be learned elsewhere, and sometimes frequented generallie ouer all.

Burrow kind is where the youngest is preferred over the eldest, which is the custom in many countries in this region. Also, a woman is entitled to a third of her husband's possessions. If a husband marries an heiress, he can have the lands that she brings during his natural life, if he outlives her and has a child with her who has been heard cry through four walls, etc. Similar details can be learned elsewhere, and this is often commonly practiced everywhere.

Prescription. Prescription is a certeine custome, which hath continued time out of minde, but it is more particular than customarie law, as where onelie a parish or some priuat person dooth prescribe to haue common, or a waie in another mans soile, or tithes to be paid after this or that maner, I meane otherwise than the common course and order of the law requireth, whereof let this suffice at this time, in stéed of a larger discourse of our owne lawes, least I should seeme to enter farre into that whereof I haue no skill. For what hath the meditation of the law of God to doo with anie precise knowledge of the law of man, sith they are seuerall trades, and incident to diuerse persons?

Rx. Prescription is a certain custom that has been around for a long time, but it’s more specific than customary law. For instance, when a parish or an individual claims to have a right to common land, or a pathway across someone else's property, or specific ways tithes should be paid that differ from the usual legal requirements. Let this be enough for now instead of a longer discussion about our own laws, so I don't appear to delve too deeply into a subject I'm not well-versed in. After all, what does the study of God's law have to do with a precise understanding of human law, since they are different fields and relevant to different people?

There are also sundrie vsuall courts holden once in euerie quarter of Terme. the yeare, which we commonlie call termes, of the Latine word Terminus, wherein all controuersies are determined, that happen within the Quéenes dominions. These are commonlie holden at London, except vpon some great [Page 304] occasion they be transferred to other places. At what times also they are kept both for spirituall and temporall dealing, the table insuing shall easilie declare. Finallie how well they are followed by sutors, the great wealth of lawiers without anie trauell of mine can readilie expresse. For as after the comming of the Normans the nobilitie had the start, and after them the cleargie: so now all the wealth of the land dooth flow vnto our common lawiers, of whome some one hauing practised little aboue thirteene or fourtéene yeares is able to buie a purchase of so manie 1000 pounds: which argueth that they wax rich apace, and will be richer if their clients become not the more wiser & warie hereafter. It is not long, since a sergeant at the law (whome I could name) was arrested vpon an extent, for thrée or foure hundred pounds, and another standing by did greatlie maruell that he could not spare the gaines of one terme for the satisfaction of that dutie. The time hath béene that our lawiers did sit in Powles vpon stooles against the pillers and walles to get clients, but now some of them will not come from their chambers to the Guildhall in London vnder ten pounds or twentie nobles at the lest. And one being demanded why he made so much of his trauell, answered, that it was but follie for him to go so farre, when he was assured to get more monie by sitting still at home. A friend of mine also had a sute of late of some valure, and to be sure of counsell at his time, he gaue vnto two lawiers (whose names I forbeare to deliuer) twentie shillings a peece, telling them of the daie and houre wherein Deceipt. his matter should be called vpon. To be short, they came not vnto the barre at all, whervpon he staied for that daie. On the morrow after he met them againe, increased his former gifts by so much more, and told them of the time, but they once againe serued him as before. In the end he met them both in the verie hall doore, and after some timorous reprehension, of their vncourteous demeanour toward him, he bestowed either thrée angels or foure more vpon each of them, wherevpon they promised peremptorilie to speake earnestlie in his cause. And yet for all this, one of them hauing not yet sucked enough, vtterlie deceiued him: the other in déed came in, and wagging a scroll which he had in his hand before the iudge, he spake not aboue thrée or foure words, almost so soone vttered as a good morrow, and so went from the bar, and this was all the poore man gat for his monie, and the care which his counsellours did séeme to take of his cause, then standing vpon the Manie of our lawiers stoope not at small fées. hazard. But inough of these matters, for if I should set downe how little law poore men can haue for their small fées in these daies, and the great murmurings that are on all sides vttered against their excessiue taking of monie (for they can abide no small gaine) I should extend this treatise into a farre greater volume than is conuenient for my purpose. Wherfore it shall suffice to haue set downe so much of their demeanour, and so much as is euen enough to cause them to looke with somewhat more conscience into their dealings, except they be dull and senselesse.

There are also various courts held once every quarter of Term. the year, which we commonly call terms, from the Latin word Terminus, where all disputes that arise within the Queen's dominions are resolved. These are usually held in London, unless some significant [Page 304] event causes them to be moved elsewhere. The schedule for these courts, both for spiritual and civil matters, is detailed in the following table. Finally, the high demand for lawyers is clearly reflected in their wealth, which grows without much effort on my part to explain. After the Normans arrived, the nobility had the advantage, followed by the clergy; now, however, the wealth of the land flows primarily to our common lawyers, some of whom, after practicing for just thirteen or fourteen years, are able to purchase properties worth thousands of pounds. This indicates they are rapidly becoming wealthy, and they will only grow richer unless their clients become smarter and more cautious in the future. Not long ago, a barrister (whom I could name) was arrested for three or four hundred pounds, and another lawyer nearby was astonished that he couldn't afford to pay what he earned in one term. There was a time when our lawyers would sit in St. Paul's on stools against the pillars and walls to attract clients, but now some of them won't bother to leave their offices to go to Guildhall in London for less than ten pounds or twenty nobles at the very least. When one was asked why he prioritized his work so much, he replied that it would be foolish to travel that far when he was guaranteed to earn more money by just staying at home. A friend of mine recently had a case of some significance, and to ensure he had legal counsel when he needed it, he gave two lawyers (whose names I won't disclose) twenty shillings each, telling them the day and time his case would be called. To cut a long story short, they didn't show up at all, so he waited for that day. The next day, he encountered them again, increased his previous payments, and informed them of the time, but once again they let him down. Ultimately, he met both of them right at the hall door, and after some cautious admonishment regarding their rude behavior, he gave each of them three or four more coins, after which they promised to advocate sincerely for him. Yet, despite all this, one of them, still unsatisfied, completely deceived him; the other did come in but waved a scroll he had in his hand in front of the judge and spoke only three or four words—almost as quick as saying good morning—and then left the bar. This was all the poor man got for his money and the attention his lawyers seemed to give to his case, which remained a gamble. But enough of these matters; if I were to write about how little legal help poor people receive for their small fees nowadays and the widespread complaints about their excessive fees (since they can’t tolerate small profits), I would end up extending this discussion into a much larger volume than is suitable for my purpose. Therefore, it suffices to mention their behavior and just enough to prompt them to reflect more thoughtfully on their dealings, unless they are dull and senseless.

This furthermore is to be noted, that albeit the princes heretofore reigning in this land haue erected sundrie courts, especiallie of the chancerie at Yorke and Ludlow, for the ease of poore men dwelling in Poore men contentious. those parts, yet will the poorest (of all men commonlie most contentious) refuse to haue his cause heard so néere home, but indeuoureth rather to his vtter vndooing to trauell vp to London, thinking there soonest to preuaile against his aduersarie, though his case be neuer so doubtfull. But in this toie our Welshmen doo excéed of all that euer I heard, for you shall here and there haue some one od poore Dauid of them giuen so much to contention and strife, that without all respect of charges he will vp to London, though he go bare legged by the waie, and carie his hosen on his necke (to saue their feet from wearing) bicause he hath no change. When he commeth there also, he will make such importunate begging of his countrimen, and hard shift otherwise, that he will sometimes carie downe six or seuen writs with him in his pursse, wherewith to molest his neighbor, though the greatest quarrel be scarselie worth the fee that he hath paid for anie one of them. But inough of this, least in reuealing the superfluous follie of a few brablers in this behalfe, I bring no good will to my selfe amongst the Promoters séeke matters to set lawiers on worke withall. wisest of that nation. Certes it is a lamentable case to sée furthermore, how a number of poore men are dailie abused and vtterlie [Page 305] vndoone, by sundrie varlets that go about the countrie, as promoters or brokers betwéene the pettie foggers of the lawe, and the common people, onelie to kindle and espie coales of contention, whereby the one side may reape commoditie, and the other spend and be put to trauell. But of all that euer I knew in Essex, Denis and Mainford excelled, till Iohn of Ludlow, aliàs Mason came in place, vnto whome in comparison they two were but children: for this last in lesse than thrée or foure yeares, did bring one man (among manie else-where in other places) almost to extreame miserie (if beggerie be the vttermost) that before he had the shauing of his beard, was valued at two hundred pounds (I speake with the least) and finallie feeling that he had not sufficient wherwith to susteine himselfe and his familie, and also to satisfie that greedie rauenour, which still called vpon him for new fées, he went to bed, and within foure daies made an end of his wofull life, euen with care and pensiuenesse. After his death also he so handled his sonne, that there was neuer shéepe shorne in Maie, so néere clipped of his fléece present, as he was of manie to come: so that he was compelled to let awaie his land, bicause his cattell & stocke were consumed, and he no longer able to occupie the ground. But hereof let this suffice, & in stéed of these enormities, a table shall follow of the termes conteining their beginnings and endings, as I haue borrowed them from my fréend Iohn Stow, whose studie is the onelie store house of antiquities in my time, and he worthie therefore to be had in reputation and honour.

This is also worth noting: although the previous princes ruling in this land set up various courts, especially the Chancery courts in York and Ludlow, for the benefit of the poor people living in those areas, the poorest individuals (who are usually the most litigious) often refuse to have their cases heard nearby. Instead, they will go to great lengths, almost to their own ruin, to travel to London, believing they will have a better chance of winning against their opponent there, even when their case is highly questionable. Among all I’ve heard, our Welshmen stand out the most, as you might come across some poor David among them so committed to fighting that, regardless of the costs, he will travel to London—bare-legged along the way, carrying his trousers over his shoulder to save his feet from wear since he has no spare. Once he arrives, he will beg relentlessly from his countrymen and find all sorts of other ways to survive, at times leaving with six or seven writs in his pocket to bother his neighbor, even if the biggest quarrel barely justifies the fees he's paid for any of them. But enough of this; I don’t want to harm my reputation among the wisest of that nation by exposing the foolishness of a few people involved in this matter. It’s truly tragic to see how many poor people are daily exploited and completely ruined by various rascals roaming the countryside, acting as promoters or brokers between petty lawyers and the common folk, merely to stir up disputes where one side profits while the other side spends and struggles. Of all I’ve known in Essex, Denis and Mainford were the worst until John of Ludlow, alias Mason, came along, to whom those two seemed like children. This last man, in less than three or four years, brought one individual (among many others) to near utter misery (if begging is the worst of it) who, before he lost his beard, was valued at two hundred pounds (at least). Eventually realizing he couldn’t sustain himself and his family while also satisfying the greedy demands for new fees, he went to bed, and within four days, he ended his miserable life due to worry and sorrow. After his death, he manipulated his son so that no sheep shorn in May was ever more closely clipped of its fleece than he was of what was to come, forcing him to lease out his land because his livestock and assets were depleted, leaving him unable to maintain the property. But let this suffice on that topic, and instead of these egregious matters, a table will follow detailing the terms, including their beginnings and endings, which I have borrowed from my friend John Stow, whose studies are the only repository of antiquities in my time, and he deserves to be held in esteem and honor.

The times of our termes no hinderance to iustice. A man would imagine that the time of the execution of our lawes, being little aboue one quarter, or not fullie a third part of the yeare, and the appointment of the same to be holden in one place onelie, to wit, neere London in Westminster, and finallie the great expenses emploied vpon the same, should be no small cause of the staie and hinderance of the administration of iustice in this land: but as it falleth out they prooue great occasions and the staie of much contention. The reasons of these are soone to be conceiued, for as the broken sleeue dooth hold the elbow backe, and paine of trauell cause manie to sit at home in quiet; so the shortnesse of time and feare of delaie dooth driue those oftentimes to like of peace, who otherwise would liue at strife, and quickelie be at ods. Some men desirous of gaines would haue the termes yet made shorter, that more delaie might ingender longer sute; other would haue the houses made larger, and more offices erected, wherein to minister the lawes. But as the times of the tearmes are rather too short than too long by one returne a péece: so if there were smaller roomes and fowler waies vnto them, they would inforce manie to make pawses before they did rashlie enter into plée. But sith my purpose is not to make an ample discourse of these things, it shall suffice to deliuer the times of the holding of our termes, which insueth after this manner.

The timing of our terms doesn't prevent justice. One might think that the timing of our laws, being just over a quarter of the year, or not quite a third, and that they’re only held in one place, specifically near London in Westminster, along with the considerable expenses involved, would be significant reasons for delays and obstacles in delivering justice in this country. However, it turns out they actually lead to significant opportunities and hold back a lot of conflict. The reasons for this are easy to understand; just as a broken sleeve restricts the elbow and the pain of hard work causes many to remain at home in peace, so the short duration of the terms and the fear of delays often push those who would otherwise be at odds towards peace. Some people, eager for profit, want to shorten the terms even more, believing it would create longer disputes due to additional delays; others want the courts to be larger and more offices created for administering the laws. However, considering the terms are already rather short rather than long by one session each, if there were smaller spaces and more difficult paths to access them, many would think twice before rashly entering a plea. But since my intention is not to delve deeply into these matters, it will suffice to present the schedule for our terms, which follows as outlined next.

A perfect rule to know the beginning and ending of euerie terme, with their returnes.

Hilarie terme beginneth the three and twentith daie of Ianuarie (if it be not sundaie) otherwise the next daie after, and is finished the twelfe of Februarie, it hath foure returnes.

Hilarie term begins on the 23rd of January (if it’s not a Sunday); otherwise, it starts on the following day and ends on the 12th of February. It has four returns.

Octabis Hilarij.
Quind. Hilarij.
Crastino Purific.
Octabis Purific.

¶ Easter terme beginneth seuentéene daies after Easter, endeth foure daies after the Ascension daie, and hath fiue returnes.

¶ Easter term begins seventeen days after Easter, ends four days after Ascension Day, and has five sessions.

Quind. Pasch.
Tres Paschæ.
Mense.
Paschæ.
Quinque Paschæ.
Crast. Ascention.

¶ Trinitie terme beginneth the fridaie after Trinitie sundaie, and endeth the wednesdaie fortnight after, in which time it hath foure returnes.

¶ Trinity term begins on the Friday after Trinity Sunday and ends on the Wednesday two weeks later, during which time it has four returns.

Crast. Trinitatis.
Octabis Trinitatis.
Quind. Trinitatis.
Tres Trinitatis.

[Page 306]

[Page 306]

¶ Michaelmasse terme beginneth the ninth of October (if it be not sundaie) and ending the eight and twentith of Nouember, it hath eight returnes.

¶ Michaelmas term begins on October 9th (if it's not a Sunday) and ends on November 28th; it has eight sessions.

Octabis Michael.
Quind. Michael.
Tres Michael.
Mense Michael.
Crast. anima.
Crast. Martini.
Octa Martini.
Quind. Martini.

Note also that the escheker, which is Fiscus ærarium publicum principis, openeth eight daies before anie terme begin, except Trinitie terme, which openeth but foure daies before.

Note also that the treasury, which is the public treasury of the prince, opens eight days before any term begins, except Trinity term, which opens only four days before.

And thus much for our vsuall termes as they are kept for the administration of our common lawes, wherevnto I thinke good to adde the lawdaies accustomablie holden in the arches and audience of Canturburie, with other ecclesiasticall and ciuill courts thorough the whole yeare, or for somuch time as their execution indureth (which in comparison is scarselie one halfe of the time if it be diligentlie examined) to the end each one at home being called vp to answer may trulie know the time of his appearance; being sorie in the meane season, that the vse of the popish calendar is so much reteined in the same, and not rather the vsuall daies of the moneth placed in their roomes, sith most of them are fixed and palter not their place of standing. Howbeit some of our infected lawiers will not let them go awaie so easilie, pretending facilitie and custome of vsage, but meaning peraduenture inwardlie to kéepe a commemoration of those dead men whose names are there remembred.

And that’s enough about our usual terms as they’re used in the management of our common laws. I think it’s worth adding the court days typically held in the arches and audience of Canterbury, along with other ecclesiastical and civil courts throughout the entire year, or for as long as they’re in effect (which is really only about half the time if you look at it closely). This way, everyone at home can be summoned to respond and truly know when they need to appear. Meanwhile, I regret that the use of the papal calendar is still so prevalent, instead of just including the common days of the month, especially since most of them are set and don’t change position. However, some of our influenced lawyers refuse to let them go so easily, claiming it’s easier and customary, but perhaps really wanting to keep a memory of those deceased whose names are mentioned there.

Michaelmas terme.

S. Faith.
S. Edward.
S. Luke.
Simon & Iu.
All Soules.
S. Martin.
Edmund.
Katharine.
S. Andrew.
Conception of
the virgin
Marie.

¶ It is to be remembred that the first daie following euerie of these feasts noted in each terme, the court of the arches is kept in Bow church in the forenoone. And the same first daie in the afternoone is the admeraltie court for ciuill and seafaring causes kept in Southwarke, where iustice is ministred & execution doone continuallie according to the same.

¶ It is important to remember that the first day after each of these feasts noted in each term, the court of the arches is held at Bow Church in the morning. And that same first day in the afternoon is when the admiralty court for civil and maritime cases is held in Southwark, where justice is served and actions are carried out continuously according to the same.

The second daie following euerie one of the said feasts, the court of audience of Canturburie is kept in the consistorie in Paules in the forenoone. And the selfe daie in the afternoone, in the same place is the prerogatiue court of Canturburie holden.

The second day after each of the mentioned feasts, the court of audience of Canterbury is held in the consistory in St. Paul's in the morning. And the same day in the afternoon, the prerogative court of Canterbury meets in the same place.

The third day after anie such feast in the forenoone, the consistorie court of the bishop of London is kept in Paules church in the said consistorie, and the same third daie in the afternoone is the court of the delegates, and the court of the Quéenes highnesse commissioners vpon appeales is likewise kept in the same place on the fourth daie.

The third day after any feast in the morning, the bishop of London’s consistory court is held in St. Paul's Church, and on that same third day in the afternoon, the delegates’ court takes place. The court of Her Majesty's commissioners for appeals is also held in the same location on the fourth day.

Hilarie terme.

S. Hilarie.
S. Wolstan.
Conuersion of S. Paule.
S. Blase.
S. Scolastic.
S. Valentine.
Ashwednes.
S. Matthie.
S. Chad.
Perpet. & Fel.
S. Gregorie.
Annūciation of our Ladie.

Note that the foure first daies of this terme be certeine and vnchanged. The other are altered after the course of the yeare, and sometime kept and sometime omitted. For if it so happen that one of those feasts fall on wednesdaie, commonlie called Ashwednesdaie after the daie of S. Blase (so that the same lawdaie after Ashwednesdaie cannot be kept bicause the lawdaie of the other feast dooth light on the same) then the second lawdaie after Ashwednesdaie shall be kept, and the other omitted. And if the lawdaie after Ashwednesdaie be the next daie after the feast of S. Blase, then shall all and euerie court daies be obserued in order, as they may be kept conuenientlie. And marke that although Ashwednesdaie be put the seuenth in order, yet it hath no certeine place, but is changed as the course of Easter causeth it.

Note that the first four days of this term are set and unchanged. The others vary based on the calendar year, sometimes being observed and sometimes skipped. If one of those holidays falls on Wednesday, commonly known as Ash Wednesday after the feast of St. Blaise (so that the same holiday after Ash Wednesday cannot be kept because it conflicts with the holiday of the other feast), then the second holiday after Ash Wednesday will be observed, and the first one will be skipped. If the holiday after Ash Wednesday is the day right after the feast of St. Blaise, then all court days will be observed in order, as they can be held conveniently. And note that although Ash Wednesday is listed as seventh in order, it doesn't have a fixed place and is instead adjusted according to the timing of Easter.

[Page 307]

[Page 307]

Easter terme.

The fiftéenth daie after Easter.

S. Alphege.
S. Marke.
Inuention of the crosse.
Gordian.
S. Dunstan.
Ascension daie.

¶ In this terme the first sitting is alwaie kept the mondaie being the fiftéenth daie after Easter, and so foorth after the feasts here noted, which next follow by course of the yeare after Easter, and the like space being kept betwéene other feasts.

¶ In this term, the first sitting is always held on the Monday that is the fifteenth day after Easter, and then continuing on following the feasts noted here, which occur in the annual sequence after Easter, with the same interval being maintained between other feasts.

The rest of the lawdaies are kept to the third of the Ascension, which is the last day of this terme. And if it happen that the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, doo come before anie of the feasts aforesaid, then they are omitted for that yeare. And likewise if anie of those daies come before the fifteenth of Easter, those daies are omitted also.

The remaining law days are held until the third of Ascension, which is the last day of this term. If the feast of the Ascension of our Lord happens before any of the aforementioned feasts, then those feasts are skipped for that year. Similarly, if any of those days come before the fifteenth of Easter, those days are also skipped.

Trinitie terme.

Trinitie sundaie.
Corpus Christi.
Boniface bish.
S. Barnabie.
S. Butolph.
S. Iohn.
S. Paule.
Translat. Thomas.
S. Swithune.
S. Margaret.
S. Anne.

Here note also that the lawdaies of this terme are altered by meane of Whitsuntide, and the first sitting is kept alwaies on the first lawdaie after the feast of the holie Trinitie, and the second session is kept the first lawdaie after the idolatrous and papisticall feast daie called Corpus Christi, except Corpus Christi daie fall on some day aforenamed: which chanceth sometime, and then the fitter daie is kept. And after the second session account foure daies or thereabout, and then looke which is the next feast day, and the first lawdaie after the said feast shall be the third session. The other law daies follow in order, but so manie of them are kept, as for the time of the yeare shall be thought méet.

Here note also that the court dates of this term are changed due to Whitsuntide, and the first session is always held on the first court date after the feast of the Holy Trinity. The second session is scheduled for the first court date after the idolatrous and papal feast day called Corpus Christi, unless Corpus Christi falls on one of the previously mentioned days: which happens sometimes, and then the more suitable date is observed. After the second session, count about four days, and then check which is the next feast day, and the first court date after that feast will be the third session. The other court dates follow in order, but only as many of them are held as is deemed appropriate for the time of year.

It is also generallie to be obserued, that euerie daie is called a lawdaie that is not sundaie or holie daie: and that if the feast daie being knowne of anie court daie in anie terme, the first or second daie following be sundaie, then the court daie is kept the daie after the said holie daie or feast.

It is also generally observed that every day that is not Sunday or a holy day is called a weekday; and that if a feast day is known to be on any court day in any term, and the first or second day following is Sunday, then the court day is held the day after that holy day or feast.

OF PROUISION MADE FOR THE POORE.
CHAP. X.

There is no common-wealth at this daie in Europe, wherin there is not great store of poore people, and those necessarilie to be relieued by the welthier sort, which otherwise would starue and come to vtter Thrée sorts of poore. confusion. With vs the poore is commonlie diuided into thrée sorts, so that some are poore by impotencie, as the fatherlesse child, the aged, blind and lame, and the diseased person that is iudged to be incurable: the second are poore by casualtie, as the wounded souldier, the decaied householder, and the sicke person visited with grieuous and painefull diseases: the third consisteth of thriftlesse poore, as the riotour that hath consumed all, the vagabund that will abide no where, but runneth vp and downe from place to place (as it were séeking worke and finding none) and finallie the roge and strumpet which are not possible to be diuided in sunder, but runne too and fro ouer all the realme, chéefelie kéeping the champaine soiles in summer to auoid the scorching heat, and the woodland grounds in winter to eschew the blustering winds.

There is no commonwealth in Europe today without a large number of poor people, who necessarily need to be helped by those who are wealthier, or else they would starve and cause complete chaos. Here, we usually divide the poor into three categories: the first are those who are poor due to disability, like orphaned children, the elderly, the blind, the lame, and those with diseases deemed incurable; the second category includes those who are poor due to unfortunate circumstances, such as injured soldiers, struggling homeowners, and those suffering from serious and painful illnesses; the third group consists of the thriftless poor, like the spendthrift who has wasted everything, the homeless wanderer who doesn’t settle down but roams from place to place (as if in search of work but finding none), and finally, the beggars and sex workers who are impossible to separate, constantly moving around throughout the kingdom, mainly staying in open fields during the summer to avoid the heat, and in wooded areas during winter to escape the biting winds.

For the first two sorts, that is to saie, the poore by impotencie, and the poore by casualtie, which are the true poore in deed, and for whome the word dooth bind vs to make some dailie prouision: there is order taken through out euerie parish in the realme, that weekelie collection [Page 308] shall be made for their helpe and sustentation, to the end they should not scatter abroad, and by begging here and there annoie both towne and countrie. Authoritie also is giuen vnto the iustices in euerie countie, and great penalties appointed for such as make default, to sée that the intent of the statute in this behalfe be trulie executed, according to the purpose and meaning of the same, so that these two sorts are sufficientlie prouided for: and such as can liue within the limits of their allowance (as each one will doo that is godlie and well disposed) may well forbeare to rome and range about. But if they refuse to be supported by this benefit of the law, and will rather indeuour by going to and fro to mainteine their idle trades, then are they adiudged to be parcell of the third sort, and so in stéed of courteous refreshing at home, are often corrected with sharpe execution, and whip of iustice abroad. Manie there are, which notwithstanding the rigor of the lawes prouided in that behalfe, yéeld rather with this libertie (as they call it) to be dailie vnder the feare and terrour of the whip, than by abiding where they were borne or bred, to be prouided for by the deuotion of the parishes. I found not long since a note of these latter sort, the effect whereof insueth. Idle beggers are such either through other mens occasion, or through their owne default. By other mens A thing often séene. occasion (as one waie for example) when some couetous man such I meane as haue the cast or right veine, dailie to make beggers inough wherby to pester the land, espieng a further commoditie in their commons, holds, and tenures, dooth find such meanes as thereby to wipe manie out of their occupiengs, and turne the same vnto his priuate gaines. Herevpon At whose hands shall the bloud of these men be required? it followeth, that although the wise and better minded, doo either forsake the realme for altogether, and seeke to liue in other countries, as France, Germanie, Barbarie, India, Moscouia, and verie Calecute, complaining of no roome to be left for them at home, doo so behaue themselues that they are worthilie to be accompted among the second sort: yet the greater part commonlie hauing nothing to staie vpon are wilfull, and therevpon doo either prooue idle beggers, or else continue starke théeues till the gallowes doo eat them vp, which is a lamentable case. Certes in some mans iudgements these things are but trifles, and not worthie the regarding. Some also doo grudge at the great increase of people in these daies, thinking a necessarie brood of cattell farre better than a superfluous augmentation of mankind. But I can liken such men best of all vnto the pope and the diuell, who practise the hinderance of the furniture of the number of the elect to their vttermost, to the end the authoritie of the one vpon earth, the deferring of the locking vp of the other in euerlasting chaines, and the great gaines of the first may continue and indure the longer. But if it should come to passe that any forren inuasion should be made, which the Lord God forbid for his mercies sake! then should these men find that a wall of men is farre better than stackes of corne and bags of monie, and complaine of the want when it is too late to séeke remedie. The like occasion caused the Romans to deuise their law Agraria: but the rich not liking of it, and the couetous vtterlie condemning it as rigorous and vnprofitable, neuer ceased to practise disturbance till it was quite abolished. But to proceed with my purpose.

For the first two types, namely, the truly poor due to incapacity and those poor from misfortune, who are the real needy, we are obligated to make daily provisions for them. There is an established order throughout every parish in the realm that a weekly collection will be made for their aid and support, in order to prevent them from wandering around and annoying both towns and countryside by begging. Authorities have also been granted to the justices in every county, with severe penalties set for those who fail to comply, to ensure the intent of the law is properly enforced, so that these two groups are adequately taken care of. Those who can live within their means (as anyone decent and well-intentioned will) should be able to refrain from wandering about. However, if they refuse to accept this legal support and instead choose to wander in pursuit of their idle activities, they are deemed part of the third group. Instead of receiving kindness at home, they are often punished with harsh enforcement and the justice system's whip. Many prefer this so-called freedom, living daily in fear of punishment, rather than staying in their birthplace to be supported by the goodwill of their parishes. Recently, I came across a note about these latter individuals, which outlines that idle beggars exist either because of other people's actions or due to their own failings. For instance, greedy individuals, eager to profit from their lands, find ways to push many out of their homes, turning those properties to their private gain. Consequently, although the wise and better-minded might leave the realm entirely to seek a living in other countries—like France, Germany, Barbary, India, Moscow, and even Calicut—complaining that there’s no room left for them at home, they act in such a way that they deserve to be counted among the second group. Yet, the majority, having nothing to rely on, become obstinate, leading them to either become idle beggars or persist as outright thieves until they meet their end at the gallows, which is truly lamentable. Surely, some consider these matters trivial and unworthy of attention. Some also resent the growing population today, believing a necessary herd of livestock is far better than a needless increase in humanity. But I find such people comparable to the pope and the devil, who actively work to hinder the fulfillment of the number of the elect, so that the authority of one on earth, the delay of the other being bound in everlasting chains, and the enormous profits of the first can endure for a longer time. Yet, if a foreign invasion were to occur—God forbid, for His mercy!—these individuals would realize that a wall of people is far more valuable than stacks of grain and bags of money and would lament their lack when it’s too late to seek a solution. Similar circumstances led the Romans to create their Agrarian law, but the wealthy, disapproving of it, and the greedy outright condemning it as harsh and unworthy, never ceased to cause trouble until it was completely abolished. But let me continue with my point.

Such as are idle beggers through their owne default are of two sorts, and continue their estates either by casuall or méere voluntarie meanes: those that are such by casuall means, are in the beginning iustlie to be referred either to the first or second sort of poore afore mentioned: but degenerating into the thriftlesse sort, they doo what they can to continue their miserie, and with such impediments as they haue to straie and wander about, as creatures abhorring all labour and euerie honest exercise. Certes I call these casuall meanes, not in respect of the originall of their pouertie, but of the continuance of the same, from whence they will not be deliuered, such is their owne vngratious lewdnesse, and froward disposition. The voluntarie meanes proceed from outward causes, as by making of corosiues, and applieng the same to the more fleshie parts of their bodies: and also laieng of ratsbane, sperewort, crowfoot, and such like vnto their whole members, thereby to raise pitifull and odious sores, and mooue the harts of the goers by such places where they lie, to yerne at their miserie, and therevpon bestow large almesse vpon them. How artificiallie they beg, what forcible spéech, and how they select and choose out words of vehemencie, [Page 309] whereby they doo in maner coniure or adiure the goer by to pitie their cases, I passe ouer to remember, as iudging the name of God and Christ to be more conuersant in the mouths of none: and yet the presence of the heuenlie maiestie further off from no men than from this vngratious companie. Which maketh me to thinke that punishment is farre meeter for them than liberalitie or almesse, and sith Christ willeth vs cheeflie to haue a regard to himselfe and his poore members.

Beggers who are idle because of their own faults can be divided into two types and maintain their situation either through chance or purely voluntary means. Those who rely on chance are initially justly categorized as either of the first or second types of poor mentioned earlier. However, as they degenerate into the reckless type, they do everything they can to prolong their misery, wandering around and avoiding all labor or honest work. I refer to these as chance means, not based on the origin of their poverty, but on how they choose to continue in it, due to their own ungrateful wickedness and stubbornness. The voluntary means come from external causes, such as inflicting corrosive substances on their more fleshy body parts or applying poison like rat poison, spearwort, crowfoot, and similar things to their bodies to create pity-inducing and repulsive sores. This way, they evoke sympathy from people passing by, hoping to inspire them to feel sorry for their situation and give them generous donations. I won't dwell on how skillfully they beg, the forceful speech they use, and how they carefully choose impactful words to almost conjure pity from passersby; I believe the name of God and Christ is more commonly on their lips than anyone else's. Yet, the presence of heavenly majesty is no closer to these ungrateful individuals than to any other. This makes me think that punishment is far more suitable for them than generosity or donations, and since Christ primarily urges us to focus on him and his poor members.

Vnto this nest is another sort to be referred, more sturdie than the rest, which hauing sound and perfect lims, doo yet notwithstanding sometime counterfeit the possession of all sorts of diseases. Diuerse times in their apparell also they will be like seruing men or laborers: oftentimes they can plaie the mariners, and séeke for ships which they neuer lost. But in fine, they are all théeues and caterpillers in the common-wealth, and by the word of God not permitted to eat, sith they doo but licke the sweat from the true labourers browes, & beereue the godlie poore of that which is due vnto them, to mainteine their excesse, consuming the charitie of well disposed people bestowed vpon them, after a most wicked & detestable maner.

There’s another type of this group that should be mentioned, sturdier than the rest, which, despite having sound and perfect limbs, sometimes pretends to have all kinds of diseases. Many times, they will dress like servants or laborers; often, they can act like sailors and look for ships they never lost. But in the end, they are all thieves and parasites in society and, according to the word of God, are not allowed to eat, since they only lick the sweat from the brows of genuine workers and rob the godly poor of what is rightfully theirs, to support their own excess, consuming the charity of kind-hearted people given to them in a truly wicked and despicable manner.

It is not yet full thréescore yeares since this trade began: but how it hath prospered since that time, it is easie to iudge, for they are now supposed of one sex and another, to amount vnto aboue 10000 persons; as I haue heard reported. Moreouer, in counterfeiting the Egyptian roges, they haue deuised a language among themselues, which they name Canting, but other pedlers French, a speach compact thirtie yeares since of English, and a great number of od words of their owne deuising, without all order or reason: and yet such is it as none but themselues are able to vnderstand. The first deuiser thereof was hanged by the necke, a iust reward no doubt for his deserts, and a common end to all of that Thomas Harman. profession. A gentleman also of late hath taken great paines to search out the secret practises of this vngratious rable. And among other things he setteth downe and describeth thrée & twentie sorts of them, whose names it shall not be amisse to remember, wherby ech one may take occasion to read and know as also by his industrie what wicked people they are, and what villanie remaineth in them.

It has not been a full sixty years since this trade started, but it’s easy to see how much it has grown since then, as they are now believed to number over 10,000 people, according to reports. Moreover, in imitating the Egyptian rogues, they have created a language among themselves called Canting, which other peddlers refer to as French. This speech has been a mix of English and many strange words of their own making for about thirty years, lacking any order or logic; yet it is such that only they can understand it. The first person who created this language was hanged, which was undoubtedly a fitting punishment for his actions, and a common fate for others in that profession. Recently, a gentleman has also worked hard to uncover the secret activities of this unruly group. Among other things, he lists and describes twenty-three types of them, the names of which it would be useful to remember, so everyone can take the opportunity to read and learn about the wickedness and villainy that exists among them.

The seuerall disorders and degrees amongst our idle vagabonds.

1 Rufflers. 8 Fraters.
2 Vprightmen. 9 Abrams.
3 Hookers or Anglers. 10 Freshwater mariners, or whipiacks.
4 Roges. 11 Dummerers.
5 Wild roges. 12 Drunken tinkers.
6 Priggers or pransers. 13 Swadders or pedlers.
7 Palliards. 14 Iarkemen or patricoes.

Of women kind

1 Demanders for glimmar or fire. 6 Doxes.
2 Baudie baskets. 7 Delles.
3 Mortes. 8 Kinching mortes.
4 Autem mortes. 9 Kinching cooes.
5 Walking mortes.    

The punishment that is ordeined for this kind of people is verie sharpe, and yet it can not restreine them from their gadding: wherefore the end must néeds be martiall law, to be exercised vpon them, as vpon théeues, robbers, despisers of all lawes, and enimies to the common-wealth & welfare of the land. What notable roberies, pilferies, murders, rapes, and stealings of yoong children, burning, breaking and disfiguring their lims to make them pitifull in the sight of the people, I need not to rehearse: but for their idle roging about the countrie, the law ordeineth this maner of correction. The roge being apprehended, committed to prison, and tried in the next assises (whether they be of [Page 310] gaole deliuerie or sessions of the peace) if he happen to be conuicted for a vagabond either by inquest of office, or the testimonie of two honest and credible witnesses vpon their oths, he is then immediatlie adiudged to be gréeuouslie whipped and burned through the gristle of the right eare, with an hot iron of the compasse of an inch about, as a manifestation of his wicked life, and due punishment receiued for the same. And this iudgement is to be executed vpon him, except some honest person woorth fiue pounds in the quéenes books in goods, or twentie shillings in lands, or some rich housholder to be allowed by the iustices, will be bound in recognisance to reteine him in his seruice for one whole yeare. If he be taken the second time, and proued to haue forsaken his said seruice, he shall then be whipped againe, bored likewise through the other eare and set to seruice: from whence if he depart before a yeare be expired, and happen afterward to be attached againe, he is condemned to suffer paines of death as a fellon (except before excepted) without benefit of clergie or sanctuarie, as by the statute dooth appeare. Among roges and idle persons finallie, we find to be comprised all proctors that go vp and downe with counterfeit licences, coosiners, and such as gad about the countrie, vsing vnlawfull games, practisers of physiognomie and palmestrie, tellers of fortunes, fensers, plaiers, minstrels, iugglers, pedlers, tinkers, pretensed schollers, shipmen, prisoners gathering for fees, and others so oft as they be taken without sufficient licence. From among which companie our bearewards are not excepted, and iust cause: for I haue read that they haue either voluntarilie, or for want of power to master their sauage beasts, béene occasion of the death and deuoration of manie children in sundrie countries by which they haue passed, whose parents neuer knew what was become of them. And for that cause there is & haue béene manie sharpe lawes made for bearwards in Germanie, wherof you may read in other. But to our roges. Each one also that harboreth or aideth them with meat or monie, is taxed and compelled to fine with the quéenes maiestie for euerie time that he dooth so succour them, as it shall please the iustices of peace to assigne, so that the taxation excéed not twentie shillings, as I haue béene informed. And thus much of the poore, & such prouision as is appointed for them within the realme of England.

The punishment for these kinds of people is very severe, yet it doesn’t stop them from wandering around. Therefore, the solution must be martial law, applied to them as if they were thieves, robbers, lawbreakers, and enemies of the common good and welfare of the land. I won’t list the notable robberies, thefts, murders, rapes, and kidnappings of young children, or the burning, breaking, and mutilation of their limbs to make them pitiful in the eyes of the public. However, due to their idleness and roaming about the country, the law prescribes this form of punishment. When a rogue is caught, they are put in prison and tried at the next assizes (whether they are gaol delivery or sessions of the peace). If found guilty of being a vagabond, either through an official inquiry or the testimony of two honest and credible witnesses under oath, they are immediately sentenced to be severely whipped and have their right ear pierced with a hot iron about an inch in diameter, as a demonstration of their wickedness and the punishment they deserve. This judgment is to be carried out unless someone respectable, worth five pounds in the Queen's books in goods, or twenty shillings in land, or a wealthy household is willing to take responsibility for them and keep them in their service for a full year. If they are caught a second time and shown to have abandoned their service, they will be whipped again, have their other ear pierced, and be put to work. If they leave before completing the year and are caught again, they will face the death penalty as a felon (except as previously stated), with no benefit of clergy or sanctuary, as outlined in the statute. Among the rogues and idle people, we also find all the frauds who wander around with fake licenses, swindlers, and those who roam the country engaging in illegal games, practitioners of physiognomy and palmistry, fortune tellers, con artists, entertainers, musicians, jugglers, peddlers, tinkers, pretended scholars, sailors, and prisoners collecting fees, whenever they are caught without sufficient licenses. Even bear trainers are included in this group, and justly so, as I have read that they have either voluntarily or due to their inability to control their savage beasts caused the deaths and disappearances of many children in various countries they have passed through, with their parents never knowing what happened to them. For this reason, there have been many strict laws against bear trainers in Germany, as can be read elsewhere. As for our rogues, anyone who harbors or assists them with food or money is fined by the Queen’s majesty for every time they provide such assistance, as deemed appropriate by the justices of the peace, with a maximum fine of twenty shillings, as I have been informed. This concludes the discussion about the poor and the provisions made for them within the realm of England.

OF SUNDRIE KINDS OF PUNISHMENTS APPOINTED FOR MALEFACTORS.
CHAP. XI.

In cases of felonie, manslaghter, roberie, murther, rape, piracie, & such capitall crimes as are not reputed for treason or hurt of the estate, our sentence pronounced vpon the offendor is to hang till he be dead. For of other punishments vsed in other countries we haue no knowledge or vse, and yet so few gréeuous crimes committed with vs as else where in the world. To vse torment also or question by paine and torture in these common cases with vs is greatlie abhorred, sith we are found alwaie to be such as despise death, and yet abhorre to be tormented, choosing rather frankelie to open our minds than to yeeld our bodies vnto such seruile halings and tearings as are vsed in other countries. And this is one cause wherefore our condemned persons doo go so chéerefullie to their deths, for our nation is frée, stout, hautie, prodigall of life and bloud, as sir Thomas Smith saith lib. 2. cap. 25. de republica, and therefore cannot in anie wise digest to be vsed as villanes and slaues, in suffering continuallie beating, seruitude, and seruile torments. No, our gailers are guiltie of fellonie by an old law of the land, if they torment anie prisoner committed to their custodie for the reuealing of his complices.

In cases of felony, manslaughter, robbery, murder, rape, piracy, and other capital crimes that aren't considered treason or a threat to the state, our sentence for the offender is hanging until dead. We have no knowledge or practice of other punishments used in different countries, and there are far fewer serious crimes committed here than elsewhere in the world. Using torture or pain in these common cases is greatly abhorred, as we are always found to be people who despise death but hate being tortured, preferring to openly share our minds rather than submit our bodies to the servile beatings and mutilations common in other nations. This is one reason our condemned individuals go to their deaths so cheerfully, for our nation is free, brave, proud, and generous with life and blood, as Sir Thomas Smith says in Book 2, Chapter 25 of ‘De Republica,’ and thus we cannot in any way tolerate being treated like villains and slaves, enduring constant beatings, servitude, and torturous treatments. No, our jailers would be guilty of felony under an old law of the land if they torture any prisoner entrusted to their care for revealing their accomplices.

The greatest and most gréeuous punishment vsed in England, for such as offend against the state, is drawing from the prison to the place of execution vpon an hardle or sled, where they are hanged till they be halfe dead, and then taken downe and quartered aliue, after that their members and bowels are cut from their bodies, and throwne into a fire prouided neere hand and within their owne sight, euen for the same purpose. Sometimes, if the trespasse be not the more hainous, they are [Page 311] suffered to hang till they be quite dead. And when soeuer anie of the nobilitie are conuicted of high treason by their peeres, that is to saie, equals (for an inquest of yeomen passeth not vpon them, but onelie of the lords of the parlement) this maner of their death is conuerted into the losse of their heads onelie, notwithstanding that the sentence doo run after the former order. In triall of cases concerning treason, fellonie, or anie other greeuous crime not confessed, the partie accused dooth yéeld, if he be a noble man, to be tried by an inquest (as I haue said) and his péeres: if a gentleman, by gentlemen: and an inferiour, by God and by the countrie, to wit, the yeomanrie (for combat or battell is not greatlie in vse) and being condemned of fellonie, manslaughter, &c: he is eftsoons hanged by the necke till he be dead, and then cut downe and buried. But if he be conuicted of wilfull murther, doone either vpon pretended malice, or in anie notable robberie, he is either hanged aliue in chaines néere the place where the fact was committed (or else vpon compassion taken first strangled with a rope) and so continueth till his bones consume to nothing. We haue vse neither of the whéele nor of the barre, as in other countries; but when wilfull manslaughter is perpetrated, beside hanging, the offendor hath his right hand commonlie striken off before or néere vnto the place where the act was doone, after which he is led foorth to the place of execution, and there put to death according to the law.

The greatest and most severe punishment used in England for those who offend against the state is being drawn from the prison to the place of execution on a hurdle or sled, where they are hanged until nearly dead, then taken down and quartered alive. After that, their limbs and entrails are cut from their bodies and thrown into a fire prepared nearby for that purpose. Sometimes, if the offense is not so serious, they are allowed to hang until completely dead. When any members of the nobility are convicted of high treason by their peers—meaning equals, since a jury of commoners does not pass judgment on them, only the lords of parliament—their punishment is changed to just losing their heads, even though the sentence generally follows the previous method. In trials for treason, felony, or any other serious crime not confessed, the accused, if noble, agrees to be tried by a jury of peers; if a gentleman, by gentlemen; and if of lower status, by God and the community, represented by the yeomanry (since combat or dueling is not commonly used). If convicted of felony, manslaughter, etc., he is hanged by the neck until dead, then cut down and buried. However, if convicted of willful murder, done out of premeditated malice or during a robbery, he is either hanged alive in chains near the place where the crime occurred (or, if compassion is shown, first strangled with a rope) and left to rot until his bones decay completely. We do not use the wheel or the bar as in other countries; when willful manslaughter is committed, in addition to hanging, the offender commonly has their right hand struck off near where the act was done, after which they are led to the execution site and put to death according to the law.

The word fellon is deriued of the Saxon words Fell and One, that is to say, an euill and wicked one, a one of vntamable nature, and lewdnesse not to be suffered for feare of euill example and the corruption of others. In like sort in the word fellonie are manie gréeuous crimes conteined, as breach of prison An. 1 of Edward the second. Disfigurers of the princes liege people An. 5. of Henrie the fourth. Hunting by night with painted faces and visors An. 1. of Henrie the seuenth. Rape or stealing of women & maidens An. 3 of Henrie the eight. Conspiracie against the person of the prince An. 3. of Henrie the seuenth. Embesilling of goods committed by the master to the seruant, aboue the value of fourtie shillings An. 17. of Henrie the eight. Carieng of horsses or mares into Scotland An. 23. of Henrie the eight. Sodomie and buggerie An. 25. of Henrie the eight. Stealing of hawkes egs An. 31. of Henrie the eight. Coniuring, sorcerie, witchcraft, and digging vp of crosses An. 33. of Hen. 8. Prophesieng vpon armes, cognisances, names & badges An. 33. of Hen. 8. Casting of slanderous bils An. 37. Hen. 8. Wilfull killing by poison An. 1. of Edw. the sixt. Departure of a soldier from the field An. 2. of Edward the sixt. Diminution of coine, all offenses within case of premunire, embeselling of records, goods taken from dead men by their seruants, stealing of what soeuer cattell, robbing by the high waie, vpon the sea, or of dwelling houses, letting out of ponds, cutting of pursses, stealing of déere by night, counterfeiters of coine, euidences, charters, and writings, & diuerse other needlesse to be remembred. If a woman poison hir husband she is burned aliue, if the seruant kill his master he is to be executed for petie treason, he that poisoneth a man is to be boiled to death in water or lead, although the partie die not of the practise: in cases of murther all the accessaries are to suffer paines of death accordinglie. Periurie is punished by the pillorie, burning in the forehead with the letter P, the rewalting of the trées growing vpon the grounds of the offenders and losse of all his mooueables. Manie trespasses also are punished by the cutting of one or both eares from the head of the offendor, as the vtterance of seditious words against the magistrates, fraimakers, petie robbers, &c. Roges are burned through the eares, cariers of sheepe out of the land by the losse of their hands, such as kill by poison are either boiled or skalded to death in lead or séething water. Heretikes are burned quicke, harlots and their mates by carting, ducking, and dooing of open penance in shéets, in churches and market stéeds are often put to rebuke. Howbeit as this is counted with some either as no punishment at all to speake of, or but smallie regarded of the offendors, so I would wish adulterie and fornication to haue some sharper law. For what great smart is it to be turned out of an hot sheet into a cold, or after a little washing in the water to be let lose againe vnto their former trades? Howbeit the dragging of some of them [Page 312] ouer the Thames betwéene Lambeth and Westminster at the taile of a boat, is a punishment that most terrifieth them which are condemned therto; but this is inflicted vpon them by none other than the knight marshall, and that within the compasse of his iurisdiction & limits onelie. Canutus was the first that gaue authoritie to the cleargie to punish whoredome, who at that time found fault with the former lawes as being too seuere in this behalfe. For before the time of the said Canutus, the adulterer forfeited all his goods to the king, and his bodie to be at his pleasure; and the adulteresse was to lose hir eies or nose, or both, if the case were more than common: whereby it appéereth of what estimation mariage was amongst them, sith the breakers of that holie estate were so gréeuouslie rewarded. But afterward the cleargie dealt more fauourablie with them, shooting rather at the punishments of such priests and clearkes as were maried, than the reformation of adulterie and fornication, wherein you shall find no example that anie seueritie was shewed, except vpon such laie men as had defiled their nuns. As in theft therefore so in adulterie and whoredome I would wish the parties trespassant, to be made bond or slaues vnto those that receiued the iniurie, to sell and giue where they listed, or to be condemned to the gallies: for that punishment would proue more bitter to them than halfe an houres hanging, or than standing in a shéet, though the weather be neuer so cold.

The word "felon" comes from the Saxon words "fell" and "one," meaning an evil and wicked person, someone of untamable nature, and immorality that is intolerable for fear of setting a bad example and corrupting others. Similarly, the term "felony" includes many serious crimes, such as breaking out of prison during the first year of Edward II, harming the king's loyal subjects in the fifth year of Henry IV, hunting at night with painted faces and masks in the first year of Henry VII, and the rape or abduction of women and girls in the third year of Henry VIII. There are conspiracies against the king's life in the third year of Henry VII, embezzlement of goods entrusted to servants over the value of forty shillings in the seventeenth year of Henry VIII, and taking horses or mares into Scotland in the twenty-third year of Henry VIII. There are also sodomy and buggery in the twenty-fifth year of Henry VIII, stealing hawk eggs in the thirty-first year of Henry VIII, and practicing witchcraft, magic, and digging up crosses in the thirty-third year of Henry VIII. Predicting events based on arms, badges, names, and other insignia is noted in the thirty-third year of Henry VIII, and spreading slanderous messages is recorded in the thirty-seventh year of Henry VIII. Intentional poisoning leads to being boiled alive, and if a servant kills his master, he is executed for treason. If someone poisons another person, they are also boiled to death in water or lead, even if the victim does not die from it: in murder cases, all accessories also receive the death penalty. Perjury is punished by being put in the pillory, branding the forehead with the letter P, the confiscation of trees on the offender's land, and the loss of all their movable possessions. Many offenses also result in the cutting off of one or both ears of the offender, such as uttering seditious words against magistrates, frame-makers, petty thieves, etc. Thieves are punished by having their ears burned, and those who steal sheep from the land lose their hands; those who kill with poison are boiled or scalded to death in lead or hot water. Heretics are burned alive, and prostitutes and their clients may be punished by being carted through town, ducking, or performing public penance in sheets in churches and marketplaces, which often draws public ridicule. However, some consider this too lenient or not serious punishment at all, so I wish that adultery and fornication had more severe laws. What significant penalty is there in being turned from a warm bed into a cold one or after a quick washing in water allowed to return to their old ways? Nevertheless, dragging some of them across the Thames between Lambeth and Westminster at the back of a boat is a punishment that terrifies those condemned to it; but this is executed solely by the knight marshal within his own jurisdiction. Canute was the first to empower the clergy to punish adultery, as he criticized the earlier laws as being too harsh. Before Canute's time, adulterers forfeited all their goods to the king, and their bodies were at his discretion; adulteresses could lose their eyes, nose, or both if their actions were more severe than usual. This indicates how highly marriage was regarded, given the serious penalties for those who broke that sacred bond. However, later the clergy treated these offenders more leniently, focusing on punishing married priests and clerics rather than reforming adultery and fornication, where you won’t find examples of severe punishment unless directed at laypeople who had wronged their nuns. Therefore, like theft, I would suggest that those guilty of adultery and fornication be made bond or slaves to those they wronged, to sell or give where they please, or be sent to the galleys; that punishment would be harsher for them than hanging for half an hour or standing in a sheet, no matter how cold it gets.

Manslaughter in time past was punished by the pursse, wherin the quantitie or qualitie of the punishment was rated after the state and calling of the partie killed: so that one was valued sometime at 1200, another at 600, or 200 shillings. And by an estatute made vnder Henrie the first, a citizen of London at 100, whereof else-where I haue spoken more at large. Such as kill themselues are buried in the field with a stake driuen through their bodies.

Manslaughter in the past was punished with a fine, where the amount or severity of the punishment was determined by the status and occupation of the person killed. For instance, one person might be valued at 1200 shillings, another at 600 or 200 shillings. According to a statute made under Henry I, a citizen of London was valued at 100, which I have discussed in more detail elsewhere. Those who commit suicide are buried in the ground with a stake driven through their bodies.

Witches are hanged or sometimes burned, but théeues are hanged (as I Halifax law. said before) generallie on the gibbet or gallowes, sauing in Halifax where they are beheaded after a strange maner, and whereof I find this report. There is and hath beene of ancient time a law or rather a custome at Halifax, that who soeuer dooth commit anie fellonie, and is taken with the same, or confesse the fact vpon examination: if it be valued by foure constables to amount to the sum of thirtéene pence halfe penie, he is foorthwith beheaded vpon one of the next market daies (which fall vsuallie vpon the tuesdaies, thursdaies, & saturdaies) or else vpon the same daie that he is so conuicted, if market be then holden. The engine wherewith the execution is doone, is a square blocke of wood of the length of foure foot and an halfe, which dooth ride vp and downe in a slot, rabet, or regall betwéene two péeces of timber, that are framed and set vpright of fiue yardes in height. In the neather end of the sliding blocke is an ax keied or fastened with an iron into the wood, which being drawne vp to the top of the frame is there fastened by a woodden pin (with a notch made into the same after the maner of a Samsons post) vnto the middest of which pin also there is a long rope fastened that commeth downe among the people, so that when the offendor hath made his confession, and hath laid his necke ouer the neathermost blocke, euerie man there present dooth either take hold of the rope (or putteth foorth his arme so neere to the same as he can get, in token that he is willing to sée true iustice executed) and pulling out the pin in this maner, the head blocke wherein the ax is fastened dooth fall downe with such a violence, that if the necke of the transgressor were so big as that of a bull, it should be cut in sunder at a stroke, and roll from the bodie by an huge distance. If it be so that the offendor be apprehended for an ox, oxen, shéepe, kine, horsse, or anie such cattell: the selfe beast or other of the same kind shall haue the end of the rope tied somewhere vnto them, so that they being driuen doo draw out the pin wherby the offendor is executed. Thus much of Halifax law, which I set downe onelie to shew the custome of that countrie in this behalfe.

Witches are hanged or sometimes burned, but thieves are hanged (as I mentioned earlier) usually on the gallows, except in Halifax where they are beheaded in a peculiar way, and I found this account. There has been a law, or rather a custom, in Halifax for a long time that anyone who commits a felony and is caught or confesses during questioning: if it is valued by four constables to be worth thirteen and a half pence, they are immediately beheaded on one of the next market days (which usually fall on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays) or on the same day they are convicted if a market is happening then. The device used for the execution is a square block of wood, four and a half feet long, that slides up and down in a groove, or slot, between two pieces of timber set upright at five yards high. At the lower end of the sliding block is an ax secured with iron into the wood, which is drawn up to the top of the frame and held there by a wooden pin (notched like Samson's post), to which a long rope is attached that comes down among the people. When the offender has confessed and has laid their neck over the lower block, everyone present either grabs the rope or reaches out as close as they can to it, to show they want to see true justice carried out. By pulling out the pin this way, the head block where the ax is attached falls with such force that even if the offender's neck were as thick as a bull's, it would be severed in one stroke and roll away from the body by a large distance. If the offender is caught for stealing an ox, sheep, cow, horse, or any such animal, that very animal will have the end of the rope tied to it, so that when it is driven away, it pulls out the pin that leads to the execution of the offender. This is all I have to say about Halifax law, which I mention only to illustrate the custom of that region in this regard.

Roges and vagabonds are often stocked and whipped, scolds are ducked Mute. vpon cucking-stooles in the water. Such fellons as stand mute and speake not at their arraignement are pressed to death by huge weights laid vpon a boord, that lieth ouer their brest, and a sharpe stone vnder their backs, and these commonlie hold their peace, thereby to saue their goods [Page 313] vnto their wiues and children, which if they were condemned should be confiscated to the prince. Théeues that are saued by their bookes and Cleargie. cleargie, for the first offense, if they haue stollen nothing else but oxen, shéepe, monie, or such like, which be no open robberies, as by the high waie side, or assailing of anie mans house in the night, without putting him in feare of his life, or breaking vp of his wals or doores, are burned in the left hand, vpon the brawne of the thombe with an hot iron, so that if they be apprehended againe, that marke bewraieth them to haue beene arraigned of fellonie before, whereby they are sure at that time to haue no mercie. I doo not read that this custome of sauing by the booke is vsed anie where else than in England, neither doo I find (after much diligent inquirie) what Saxon prince ordeined that law. Howbeit, this I generallie gather thereof, that it was deuised to traine the inhabiters of this land to the loue of learning, which before contemned letters and all good knowledge, as men onelie giuing themselues to husbandrie and the warres, the like whereof I read to haue beene amongst the Gothes and Vandals, who for a time would not suffer euen their princes to be lerned for weakening of their courages, nor anie learned men to remaine in the counsell house, but by open proclamation would command them to auoid, whensoeuer anie thing touching Pirats. the state of the land was to be consulted vpon. Pirats and robbers by sea are condemned in the court of the admeraltie, and hanged on the shore at lowe water marke, where they are left till three tides haue ouerwashed them. Finallie, such as hauing wals and banks néere vnto the sea, and doo suffer the same to decaie (after conuenient admonition) whereby the water entereth and drowneth vp the countrie, are by a certeine ancient custome apprehended, condemned, and staked in the breach, where they remaine for euer as parcell of the foundation of the new wall that is to be made vpon them, as I haue heard reported.

Rogues and vagabonds are often jailed and punished, and scolds are put in the cucking-stool in the water. Those who remain silent and do not speak at their trial are pressed to death with heavy weights placed on a board across their chest, with a sharp stone under their backs. They usually stay quiet to protect their possessions for their wives and children, which would be confiscated by the prince if they were convicted. Thieves who are saved by the clergy for their first offense, if they have only stolen livestock, money, or similar items that aren’t considered open robbery (like robbing someone on the highway or breaking into a house at night without threatening someone's life), are branded on their left hand with a hot iron on the fleshy part of their thumb. If they are caught again, that mark reveals that they have been tried for felony before, ensuring they will face no mercy this time. I don’t find that this practice of being saved by the clergy is used anywhere else except in England, nor have I been able to determine, despite thorough research, which Saxon prince established that law. However, I generally conclude that it was created to encourage the people of this land to value learning, which they had previously disregarded in favor of farming and warfare, similar to the Goths and Vandals, who for a time didn’t allow even their princes to be educated for fear of weakening their resolve. They went so far as to publicly order learned individuals to leave whenever matters concerning the state were to be discussed. Pirates and sea robbers are tried in admiralty court and hanged on the shore at low tide, where their bodies are left until three tides have washed over them. Finally, those with walls and banks near the sea that allow them to fall into disrepair (after appropriate warning) which leads to flooding in the area, are taken, tried, and staked in the breach, where they remain forever as part of the foundation of the new wall that is to be built on them, as I have been told.

And thus much in part of the administration of iustice vsed in our countrie, wherein notwithstanding that we doo not often heare of horrible, merciles, and wilfull murthers (such I meane as are not sildome séene in the countries of the maine) yet now and then some manslaughter and bloudie robberies are perpetrated and committed, contrarie to the lawes, which be seuerelie punished, and in such wise as I before reported. Certes there is no greater mischéefe doone in England than by robberies, the first by yoong shifting gentlemen, which oftentimes doo beare more port than they are able to mainteine. Secondlie by seruingmen, whose wages cannot suffice so much as to find them bréeches, wherefore they are now and then constreined either to kéepe high waies, and breake into the wealthie mens houses with the first sort, or else to walke vp and downe in gentlemens and rich farmers pastures, there to sée and view which horsses féed best, whereby they manie times get something, although with hard aduenture it hath béene knowne by their confession at the gallowes, that some one such chapman hath had fortie, fiftie, or sixtie stolne horsses at pasture here and there abroad in the countrie at a time, which they haue sold at faires and markets farre off, they themselues in the meane season being taken about home for honest yeomen, and verie wealthie drouers, till their dealings haue been bewraied. It is not long since one of this companie was apprehended, who was before time reputed for a verie honest and wealthie townesman, he vttered also more horsses than anie of his trade, because he sold a reasonable peniworth, and was a faire spoken man. It was his custome likewise to saie, if anie man hucked hard with him about the price of a gelding; So God helpe me gentleman or sir, either he did cost me so much, or else by Iesus I stole him. Which talke was plaine inough, and yet such was his estimation, that each beleeued the first part of his tale, and made no account of the later, which was the truer indéed.

And that covers part of the justice system in our country, where, even though we don’t often hear about terrible, merciless, and intentional murders (the kind that are seldom seen in the mainland countries), we do occasionally see some manslaughter and bloody robberies happening, which go against the laws that are strictly punished, as I mentioned earlier. Certainly, there is no greater trouble in England than from robberies, primarily by young, opportunistic gentlemen who often act beyond their means. Secondly, by servants, whose wages don’t even cover their basic needs, forcing them either to rob the wealthy on the highways alongside the first group or to wander around in rich landowners' fields, looking to see which horses are grazing best. They often manage to get something, although it has been known, as they confessed at the gallows, that one such trader had forty, fifty, or sixty stolen horses grazing all over the countryside at once, which they then sold at fairs and markets far away, all while passing themselves off as respectable yeomen or wealthy drovers until their activities were exposed. Not long ago, one of this group was caught, who had previously been considered a very respectable and wealthy townsman. He also had more horses than anyone else in his trade because he offered fair prices and was a good talker. It was also his habit to say if someone bargained hard with him over the price of a gelding, “So help me God, sir or gentleman, either he cost me this much, or else I stole him.” This talk was straightforward enough, yet his reputation was such that everyone believed the first part of his story and disregarded the latter, which was actually the truth.

Our third annoiers of the common-wealth are roges, which doo verie great mischeefe in all places where they become. For wheras the rich onelie suffer iniurie by the first two, these spare neither rich nor poore: but whether it be great gaine or small, all is fish that commeth to net with them, and yet I saie both they and the rest are trussed vp apace. For there is not one yeare commonlie, wherein thrée hundred or four hundred of them are not deuoured and eaten vp by the gallowes in one place and other. It appeareth by Cardane (who writeth it vpon the report of the [Page 314] bishop of Lexouia) in the geniture of king Edward the sixt, how Henrie the eight, executing his laws verie seuerelie against such idle persons, I meane great théeues, pettie théeues and roges, did hang vp thréescore and twelue thousand of them in his time. He seemed for a while greatlie to haue terrified the rest: but since his death the number of them is so increased, yea although we haue had no warres, which are a great occasion of their breed (for it is the custome of the more idle sort, hauing once serued or but séene the other side of the sea vnder colour of seruice to shake hand with labour, for euer, thinking it a disgrace for himselfe to returne vnto his former trade) that except some better order be taken, or the lawes alreadie made be better executed, such as dwell in vplandish townes and little villages shall liue but in small safetie and rest. For the better apprehension also of theeues and mankillers, there is an old law in England verie well prouided, whereby it is ordered, that if he that is robbed, or any man complaine and giue warning of slaughter or murther committed, the constable of the village wherevnto he commeth and crieth for succour, is to raise the parish about him, and to search woods, groues, and all suspected houses and places, where the trespasser may be, or is supposed to lurke; and not finding him there, he is to giue warning vnto the next constable, and so one constable after serch made to aduertise another from parish to parish, till they come to the same where the offender is harbored and found. It is also prouided, that if anie parish in this businesse doo not hir dutie, but suffereth the théefe (for the auoiding of trouble sake) in carrieng him to the gaile, if he should be apprehended, or other letting of their worke, to escape the same parish, is not onlie to make fine to the king, but also the same with the whole hundred wherein it standeth, to repaie the partie robbed his damages, and leaue his estate harmlesse. Certes this is a good law, howbeit I haue knowne by mine owne experience, fellons being taken to haue escaped out of the stocks, being rescued by other for want of watch & gard, that théeues haue beene let passe, bicause the couetous and greedie parishoners would neither take the paines, nor be at the charge to carrie them to prison, if it were far off, that when hue and crie haue béene made euen to the faces of some constables, they haue said; "God restore your losse, I haue other businesse at this time." And by such meanes the meaning of manie a good law is left vnexecuted, malefactors imboldened, and manie a poore man turned out of that which he hath swet and taken great paines for, toward the maintenance of himselfe and his poore children and familie.

Our third issue in society is thieves, who cause significant harm wherever they go. While the wealthy only suffer at the hands of the first two groups, these thieves don't spare anyone, rich or poor. Whether it’s a lot or just a little, everything is fair game for them, and yet I say both they and the others are quickly caught. Usually, there’s not a single year where three or four hundred of them aren’t hanged somewhere. Cardan mentions (based on the report from the bishop of Lexouia) in the astrological chart of King Edward VI, how Henry VIII enforced his laws very strictly against such idle people—meaning major thieves, petty thieves, and rogues—hanging sixty-two thousand of them during his reign. For a time, he seemed to have scared the rest, but since his death, their numbers have only grown, even without wars, which often create their kind (because the more idle types, having once served or merely seen the other side of the sea under the guise of service, abandon labor forever, thinking it's shameful to return to their previous work). Unless some better system is put in place, or the existing laws are enforced more effectively, those living in rural towns and small villages will find little safety or peace. To better catch thieves and murderers, there’s a solid old law in England that requires if someone is robbed or reports a murder, the village constable where the call for help is made must gather the parish and search woods, groves, and all suspected houses for the offender. If he’s not found, the constable must signal the next constable, and this continues from parish to parish until they reach the one where the offender is hiding. It’s also provided that if any parish fails to do its duty, allowing a thief to escape to avoid trouble or hindering the process of taking him to jail should he be caught, that parish must not only pay a fine to the king but also compensate the robbed party for their losses and ensure their property remains safe. This is indeed a good law; however, I’ve personally seen criminals escape legal holding because of a lack of watch and guard, with thieves let go because greedy parishioners wouldn’t put in the effort or cost to take them to prison, especially if it was far away. When shouts for help have been made right in front of some constables, they’ve said, "God restore your loss, I have other business right now." As a result, the intent of many good laws goes unfulfilled, criminals become bolder, and many poor people lose what they’ve worked hard for to support themselves and their families.

OF THE MANER OF BUILDING AND FURNITURE OF OUR HOUSES.
CHAP. XII.

The greatest part of our building in the cities and good townes of England consisteth onelie of timber, for as yet few of the houses of the communaltie (except here & there in the West countrie townes) are made of stone, although they may (in my opinion) in diuerse other places be builded so good cheape of the one as of the other. In old time the houses of the Britons were slightlie set vp with a few posts & many radels, with stable and all offices vnder one roofe, the like whereof almost is to be séene in the fennie countries and northerne parts vnto this daie, where for lacke of wood they are inforced to continue this ancient maner of building. It is not in vaine therefore in speaking of building to make a distinction betwéene the plaine and wooddie soiles: for as in these, our houses are commonlie strong and well timbered, so that in manie places, there are not aboue foure, six, or nine inches betwéene stud and stud; so in the open and champaine countries they are inforced for want of stuffe to vse no studs at all, but onlie franke posts, raisins, beames, prickeposts, groundsels, summers (or dormants) transoms, and such principals, with here and there a griding, whervnto they fasten their splints or radels, and then cast it all ouer with thicke claie to keepe out the wind, which otherwise would annoie them. Certes this rude kind of building made the Spaniards in quéene Maries [Page 315] daies to woonder, but chéeflie when they saw what large diet was vsed in manie of these so homelie cottages, in so much that one of no small reputation amongst them said after this maner: "These English (quoth he) haue their houses made of sticks and durt, but they fare commonlie so well as the king." Whereby it appeareth that he liked better of our good fare in such course cabins, than of their owne thin diet in their princelike habitations and palaces. In like sort as euerie countrie house is thus apparelled on the out side, so is it inwardlie diuided into sundrie roomes aboue and beneath; and where plentie of wood is, they couer them with tiles, otherwise with straw, sedge, or reed, except some quarrie of slate be néere hand, from whence they haue for their monie so much as may suffice them.

The majority of our buildings in the cities and towns of England are made mostly of timber, as most houses in the community (except for a few in the western country towns) are not made of stone. In my view, they could be built just as affordably with either material in various other places. In ancient times, the houses of the Britons were simply constructed with a few posts and many wattle, with stable and all services under one roof. Similar structures can still be seen in the marshy areas and northern regions to this day, where the lack of wood forces them to maintain this traditional way of building. Therefore, it’s not useless to talk about the difference between flat and wooded lands: our houses in wooded areas are usually strong and well-timbered, often with only four, six, or nine inches between studs; while in open and flat areas, due to the lack of materials, they are forced to use no studs at all, but only posts, beams, lintels, sills, headers, and other supports, sometimes adding a bit of wattle to which they attach their laths or wattle and then cover it all with thick clay to keep out the wind, which would otherwise bother them. Indeed, this rough style of building amazed the Spaniards in Queen Mary’s time, especially when they saw the generous meals served in many of these humble cottages. One notable Spaniard remarked, “These English, it seems, have houses made of sticks and dirt, but they eat just as well as the king.” This shows he appreciated our good food in such simple homes more than their own sparse meals in their grand houses and palaces. Just as every country house is dressed on the outside, it is also divided inside into various rooms above and below; where there is plenty of wood, they cover their roofs with tiles; otherwise, they use straw, reeds, or sedge, unless there is a nearby slate quarry from which they can get enough for their needs.

The claie wherewith our houses are impanelled is either white, red, or blue, and of these the first dooth participat verie much with the nature of our chalke, the second is called lome, but the third eftsoones changeth colour so soone as it is wrought, notwithstanding that it looke blue when it is throwne out of the pit. Of chalke also we haue our excellent Asbestos or white lime, made in most places, wherewith being quenched we strike ouer our claie workes and stone wals, in cities, good townes, rich farmers and gentlemens houses: otherwise in steed of chalke (where it wanteth for it is so scant that in some places it is sold by the pound) they are compelled to burne a certeine kind of red stone, as in Wales, and else where other stones and shels of oisters and like fish found vpon the sea coast, which being conuerted into lime doth naturallie (as the other) abhorre and eschew water whereby it is dissolued, and neuerthelesse desire oile wherewith it is easilie mixed, as I haue seene by experience. Within their doores also such as are of abilitie doo oft make their floores and parget of fine alabaster burned, which they call plaster of Paris, whereof in some places we haue great plentie, and that verie profitable against the rage of fire.

The clay used for our houses comes in white, red, or blue, and the first is very similar to our chalk, the second is called loam, while the third quickly changes color as soon as it’s worked, even though it looks blue when taken from the pit. We also get our excellent asbestos or white lime made in most places, which we use, once it's quenched, to cover our clay works and stone walls in cities, good towns, and the houses of wealthy farmers and gentlemen. Otherwise, where chalk is scarce (it's so limited that in some places it’s sold by the pound), they have to burn a certain type of red stone, as done in Wales, and in other places, they use different stones and shells from oysters and similar sea creatures, which when turned into lime naturally (like the other) repels and avoids water that can dissolve it, yet it readily mixes with oil, as I've seen from experience. Inside their homes, those who can afford it often make their floors and plaster from finely burned alabaster, which they call plaster of Paris, of which we have plenty in some places, and it’s very useful against fire.

In plastering likewise of our fairest houses ouer our heads, we vse to laie first a laine or two of white morter tempered with haire vpon laths, which are nailed one by another (or sometimes vpon reed or wickers more dangerous for fire, and made fast here and there with saplaths for falling downe) and finallie couer all with the aforesaid plaster, which beside the delectable whitenesse of the stuffe it selfe, is laied on so euen and smoothlie, as nothing in my iudgment can be doone with more exactnesse. The wals of our houses on the inner sides in like sort be either hanged with tapisterie, arras worke, or painted cloths, wherin either diuerse histories, or hearbes, beasts, knots, and such like are stained, or else they are seeled with oke of our owne, or wainescot brought hither out of the east countries, whereby the roomes are not a little commended, made warme, and much more close than otherwise they would be. As for stooues we haue not hitherto vsed them greatlie, yet doo they now begin to be made in diuerse houses of the gentrie and wealthie citizens, who build them not to worke and feed in as in Germanie and else where, but now and then to sweat in, as occasion and néed shall require. This also hath béene common in England, contrarie to the customes of all other nations, and yet to be séene (for example in most stréets of London) that many of our greatest houses haue outwardlie béene verie simple and plaine to sight, which inwardlie haue beene able to receiue a duke with his whole traine, and lodge them at their ease. Hereby moreouer it is come to passe, that the fronts of our stréets haue not béene so vniforme and orderlie builded as those of forreine cities, where (to saie truth) the vtterside of their mansions and dwellings haue oft more cost bestowed vpon them, than all the rest of the house, which are often verie simple and vneasie within, as experience dooth confirme. Of old time our countrie houses in steed of glasse did vse much lattise and that made either of wicker or fine rifts of oke in chekerwise. I read also that some of the better sort, in and before the times of the Saxons (who notwithstanding vsed some glasse also since the time of Benedict Biscop the moonke that brought the feat of glasing first into this land) did make panels of horne in stéed of glasse, & fix them in woodden calmes. But as horne in windows is now quite laid downe in euerie place, so our lattises are also growne into [Page 316] lesse vse, bicause glasse is come to be so plentifull, and within a verie little so good cheape if not better then the other.

In plastering our finest houses overhead, we typically start by laying one or two coats of white mortar mixed with hair on laths, which are nailed together (or sometimes on reeds or wicker, which are more fire hazardous, and secured here and there with crosspieces to prevent them from falling) and finally cover everything with the previously mentioned plaster. Aside from its pleasing whiteness, it is applied so evenly and smoothly that, in my opinion, nothing can be done with more precision. The walls on the inside of our houses are similarly adorned either with tapestries, ornamental fabric, or painted cloths, featuring various scenes, plants, animals, patterns, and similar images, or they are paneled with oak from our own forests or imported wainscoting from the East, which not only enhances the rooms but also makes them warm and much cozier than they would otherwise be. As for stoves, we haven't extensively used them until recently, but they are now starting to be installed in various homes of the gentry and wealthy citizens, who build them not for cooking and eating like in Germany and elsewhere, but occasionally to lounge in, as the need arises. This has also been common in England, contrary to the customs of other nations, where many of our grand houses have appeared quite simple and plain on the outside, while inside they could easily accommodate a duke and his entourage comfortably. Furthermore, this has resulted in our street fronts not being as uniform and orderly as those in foreign cities, where to be honest, the exterior of their mansions often has more money spent on it than the entire rest of the house, which can often be quite plain and uncomfortable inside, as experience confirms. In the past, our country houses used a lot of lattice instead of glass, made either of wicker or fine strips of oak arranged in a checkerboard pattern. I also read that some of the better-off, in and before the Saxon times (who, however, also used some glass since Benedict Biscop the monk introduced glazing to this land) made panels of horn instead of glass and fitted them in wooden frames. But just as horn in windows has become completely obsolete everywhere, our lattices have also fallen out of favor, since glass has become so plentiful, and is now available at a similar or even lower cost than the alternatives.

I find obscure mention of the specular stone also to haue béene found and applied to this vse in England, but in such doubtfull sort as I dare not affirme it for certeine. Neuerthelesse certeine it is that antiquitie vsed it before glasse was knowen, vnder the name of Selenites. And how glasse was first found I care not greatlie to remember euen at this present, although it be directlie beside my purposed matter. In Syria phenices which bordereth vpon Iurie, & néere to the foot of mount Carmell there is a moore or marris, wherout riseth a brooke called somtime Belus, and falleth into the sea néere to Ptolemais. This riuer was fondlie ascribed vnto Baall, and also honored vnder that name by the infidels, long time before there was anie king in Israell. It came to passe also as a certeine merchant sailed that way loden with Nitrum, the passengers went to land for to repose themselues, and to take in some store of fresh water into their vessell. Being also on the shore they kindled a fire, and made prouision for their dinner, but bicause they wanted treuets or stones whereon to set their kettels on, ran by chance into the ship, and brought great péeces of Nitrum with him, which serued their turne for that present. To be short, the said substance being hot, and beginning to melt, it mixed by chance with the grauel that laie vnder it; and so brought forth that shining substance which now is called glasse, and about the time of Semiramis. When the companie saw this, they made no small accompt of their successe, and foorthwith began to practise the like in other mixtures, whereby great varietie of the said stuffe did also insue. Certes for the time this historie may well be true: for I read of glasse in Iob, but for the rest I refer me to the common opinion conceiued by writers. Now to turne againe to our windowes. Heretofore also the houses of our princes and noble men were often glased with Berill (an example whereof is yet to be séene in Sudleie castell) and in diuerse other places with fine christall, but this especiallie in the time of the Romans, wherof also some fragments haue béene taken vp in old ruines. But now these are not in vse, so that onelie the clearest glasse is most estéemed: for we haue diuerse sorts, some brought out of Burgundie, some out of Normandie, much out of Flanders, beside that which is made in England, which would be so good as the best, if we were diligent and carefull to bestow more cost vpon it, and yet as it is, each one that may, will haue it for his building. Moreouer the mansion houses of our countrie townes and villages (which in champaine ground stand altogither by stréets, & ioining one to an other, but in woodland soiles dispersed here and there, each one vpon the seuerall grounds of their owners) are builded in such sort generallie, as that they haue neither dairie, stable, nor bruehouse annexed vnto them vnder the same roofe (as in manie places beyond the sea & some of the north parts of our countrie) but all separate from the first, and one of them from an other. And yet for all this, they are not so farre distant in sunder, but that the goodman lieng in his bed may lightlie heare what is doone in each of them with ease, and call quicklie vnto his meinie if anie danger should attach him.

I find a vague reference to the specular stone also being found and used for this purpose in England, but it's so uncertain that I can’t say it for sure. However, it's clear that ancient people used it before glass was known, calling it Selenites. I’m not too concerned about how glass was first discovered, even though it’s directly related to my topic. In Syria, near the borders of Judea, and close to the foot of Mount Carmel, there is a marsh where a stream, sometimes called Belus, flows into the sea near Ptolemais. This river was foolishly attributed to Baal and was honored under that name by nonbelievers long before Israel had a king. It also happened that a certain merchant sailing that way, loaded with natron, stopped to rest on land and gather fresh water for his vessel. While on the shore, they lit a fire and prepared for dinner, but since they had no utensils or stones to put their kettles on, they happened to run back to the ship and brought back large pieces of natron, which worked for their needs at that moment. In short, the natron, being hot and starting to melt, accidentally mixed with the gravel underneath it, creating that shiny substance we now call glass, around the time of Semiramis. When the group saw this, they were excited by their discovery and immediately began to experiment with similar mixtures, leading to a great variety of this substance. Indeed, this story seems plausible for the time: I read about glass in Job, but for the rest, I defer to the common opinions held by writers. Now, back to our windows. In the past, the houses of our princes and nobles were often glazed with beryl (an example of which can still be seen at Sudley Castle) and in various places with fine crystal, especially during the Roman period, of which some fragments have been found in ancient ruins. But now, those are no longer in use, and only the clearest glass is highly valued: we have various types, some imported from Burgundy, some from Normandy, much from Flanders, in addition to what is made in England, which could be as good as the best if we were diligent and willing to invest more in it. As it is, anyone who can will use it for their constructions. Moreover, the mansions in our country towns and villages (which in flat areas are lined along streets next to each other, but in wooded areas are scattered, each on its owner’s land) are generally built in such a way that they do not have a dairy, stable, or brew house under the same roof (as in many places across the sea and some northern parts of our country), but all are separate from one another. Yet, for all this, they are not so far apart that the homeowner lying in bed can’t easily hear what is happening in each of them and quickly call out to his people if any danger arises.

The ancient manours and houses of our gentlemen are yet and for the most part of strong timber, in framing whereof our carpenters haue beene and are worthilie preferred before those of like science among all other nations. Howbeit such as be latelie builded, are cōmonlie either of bricke or hard stone, or both; their roomes large and comelie, and houses of office further distant from their lodgings. Those of the nobilitie are likewise wrought with bricke and hard stone, as prouision may best be made: but so magnificent and statelie, as the basest house of a baron dooth often match in our daies with some honours of princes in old time. So that if euer curious building did florish in England, it is in these our yeares, wherin our workemen excell, and are in maner comparable in skill with old Vitruuius, Leo Baptista, and Serlo. Neuerthelesse, their estimation more than their gréedie and seruile couetousnesse, ioined with a lingering humour causeth them often to be rejected, & strangers preferred to greater bargaines, who are more reasonable in their takings, and lesse wasters of time by a great deale than our owne.

The old estates and houses of our gentry are mostly made of strong timber, and our carpenters have been and still are justly preferred over those of similar trades from other nations. However, the newer buildings are typically made of brick or hard stone, or a combination of both; they have spacious and attractive rooms, with outbuildings located at a distance from the main living areas. The houses of the nobility are also built with brick and hard stone, as resources allow, but they are so grand and impressive that even the simplest house of a baron today can rival the homes of ancient princes. If any era has seen remarkable architecture flourish in England, it is in these years, where our craftsmen excel and are nearly comparable in skill to the likes of Vitruvius, Leon Battista, and Serlio. Nevertheless, their reputation, more than their greedy and subservient nature, combined with a lingering tendency, often leads them to be overlooked, with outsiders preferred for larger projects, as they are more reasonable in their charges and waste much less time than our own.

[Page 317]

[Page 317]

The furniture of our houses also exceedeth, and is growne in maner euen to passing delicacie: and herein I doo not speake of the nobilitie and gentrie onelie, but likewise of the lowest sort in most places of our south countrie, that haue anie thing at all to take to. Certes in noble mens houses it is not rare to sée abundance of Arras, rich hangings of tapistrie, siluer vessell, and so much other plate, as may furnish sundrie cupbords, to the summe oftentimes of a thousand or two thousand pounds at the least: whereby the value of this and the rest of their stuffe dooth grow to be almost inestimable. Likewise in the houses of knights, gentlemen, merchantmen, and some other wealthie citizens, it is not geson to behold generallie their great prouision of tapistrie, Turkie worke, pewter, brasse, fine linen, and thereto costlie cupbords of plate, worth fiue or six hundred or a thousand pounds, to be deemed by estimation. But as herein all these sorts doo far excéed their elders and predecessors, and in neatnesse and curiositie, the merchant all other; so in time past, the costlie furniture staied there, whereas now it is descended yet lower, euen vnto the inferiour artificers and manie farmers, who by vertue of their old and not of their new leases haue for the most part learned also to garnish their cupbords with plate, their ioined beds with tapistrie and silke hangings, and their tables with carpets & fine naperie, whereby the wealth of our countrie (God be praised therefore, and giue vs grace to imploie it well) dooth infinitelie appeare. Neither doo I speake this in reproch of anie man, God is my iudge, but to shew that I do reioise rather, to sée how God hath blessed vs with his good gifts; and whilest I behold how that in a time wherein all things are growen to most excessiue prices, & what commoditie so euer is to be had, is dailie plucked from the communaltie by such as looke into euerie trade, we doo yet find the means to obtein & atchiue such furniture as heretofore hath beene vnpossible. There are old men yet dwelling in the village where I remaine, which haue noted Thrée things greatlie amended in England. three things to be maruellouslie altered in England within their sound remembrance; & other three things too too much increased. One is, the Chimnies. multitude of chimnies latelie erected, wheras in their yoong daies there were not aboue two or thrée, if so manie in most vplandish townes of the realme (the religious houses, & manour places of their lords alwaies excepted, and peraduenture some great personages) but ech one made his fire against a reredosse in the hall, where he dined and dressed his meat.

The furniture in our homes has also increased and has become extraordinarily detailed. I'm not just talking about the nobility and gentry, but also about the lower classes in many areas of our southern country, who have anything at all to use. Indeed, in noble households, it’s not uncommon to see a wealth of tapestry, luxurious hangings, silverware, and other plate that can fill several cabinets, often amounting to a thousand or two thousand pounds at least. As a result, the value of this and their other possessions becomes nearly immeasurable. Similarly, in the homes of knights, gentlemen, merchants, and some other wealthy citizens, it’s easy to notice their large supply of tapestries, Turkish textiles, pewter, brass, fine linens, and expensive plate cupboards which can be valued at five or six hundred or even a thousand pounds. But while all these groups far exceed their predecessors in terms of quality and style, in the past, this expensive furniture was limited to the upper classes. Now, it has even reached the lower artisans and many farmers, who, based on their old leases rather than new ones, have mostly learned to adorn their cabinets with plate, their joined beds with tapestries and silk hangings, and their tables with carpets and fine linens. This shows the immense wealth of our country (thank God for that, and may He give us grace to use it well). I'm not saying this to criticize anyone, God is my judge, but to express my joy at how God has blessed us with good gifts. While I observe that in a time when everything has become excessively expensive, and every commodity is daily being taken from the common people by those who scrutinize every trade, we still manage to acquire such furniture that was previously impossible. There are older people still living in the village where I reside, who have noted Three things improved significantly in England. three remarkable changes in England within their memory; and three other things that have increased too much. One is the Chimneys. number of recently built chimneys, whereas in their youth there were hardly two or three in most rural towns of the realm (excluding the religious houses and the manor houses of their lords, and perhaps some great figures), and everyone made their fire against a back wall in the hall, where they dined and prepared their meals.

The second is the great (although not generall) amendment of lodging, for (said they) our fathers (yea and we our selues also) haue lien full Hard lodging. oft vpon straw pallets, on rough mats couered onelie with a shéet vnder couerlets made of dagswain or hopharlots (I vse their owne termes) and a good round log vnder their heads in steed of a bolster or pillow. If it were so that our fathers or the good man of the house, had within seuen yeares after his mariage purchased a matteres or flockebed, and thereto a sacke of chaffe to rest his head vpon, he thought himselfe to be as well lodged as the lord of the towne, that peraduenture laie seldome in a bed of downe or whole fethers; so well were they contented, and with such base kind of furniture: which also is not verie much amended as yet in some parts of Bedfordshire, and elsewhere further off from our southerne parts. Pillowes (said they) were thought méet onelie for women in childbed. As for seruants, if they had anie shéet aboue them it was well, for seldome had they anie vnder their bodies, to kéepe them from the pricking straws that ran oft through the canuas of the pallet, and rased their hardened hides.

The second is the major (though not universal) improvement in sleeping arrangements, because (they said) our ancestors (and we ourselves too) often slept on straw mats, on rough mats covered only with a sheet, under blankets made of rough fabric (I use their own words) and with a solid round log under their heads instead of a pillow. If it happened that our ancestors or the head of the household purchased a mattress or a flock bed within seven years of their marriage, along with a bag of straw to rest his head on, he considered himself as well off as the town lord, who perhaps rarely slept on a down or feather bed; they were so content with such basic furniture. This situation hasn't changed much in some parts of Bedfordshire and other areas further from our southern regions. Pillows (they said) were seen as appropriate only for women in childbirth. As for servants, if they had a sheet over them, that was considered sufficient, as they rarely had anything under them to protect against the prickly straw that often poked through the fabric of the mattress and irritated their tough skin.

Furniture of household. The third thing they tell of, is the exchange of vessell, as of treene platters into pewter, and wodden spoones into siluer or tin. For so common were all sorts of tréene stuffe in old time, that a man should hardlie find foure péeces of pewter (of which one was peraduenture a This was in the time of generall idlenesse. salt) in a good farmers house, and yet for all this frugalitie (if it may so be iustly called) they were scarse able to liue and paie their rents at their daies without selling of a cow, or an horsse, or more, although they paid but foure pounds at the vttermost by the yeare. Such also was their pouertie, that if some one od farmer or husbandman had béene at the alehouse, a thing greatlie vsed in those daies, amongst six or seuen of his neighbours, and there in a brauerie to shew what store he had, did cast downe his pursse, and therein a noble or six shillings in siluer vnto them (for few such men then cared for gold bicause it was [Page 318] not so readie paiment, and they were oft inforced to giue a penie for the exchange of an angell) it was verie likelie that all the rest could not laie downe so much against it: whereas in my time, although peraduenture foure pounds of old rent be improued to fortie, fiftie, or an hundred pounds, yet will the farmer as another palme or date trée thinke his gaines verie small toward the end of his terme, if he haue not six or seuen yeares rent lieng by him, therewith to purchase a new lease, beside a faire garnish of pewter on his cupbord, with so much more in od vessell going about the house, thrée or foure featherbeds, so manie couerlids and carpets of tapistrie, a siluer salt, a bowle for wine (if not an whole neast) and a dozzen of spoones to furnish vp the sute. This also he taketh to be his owne cléere, for what stocke of monie soeuer he gathereth & laieth vp in all his yeares, it is often séene, that the landlord will take such order with him for the same, when he renueth his lease, which is commonlie eight or six yeares before the old be expired (sith it is now growen almost to a custome, that if he come not to his lord so long before, another shall step in for a reuersion, and so defeat him out right) that it shall neuer trouble him more than the haire of his beard, when the barber hath washed and shauen it from his chin. And as they commend these, so (beside the decaie of housekéeping whereby the poore haue beene relieued) they speake also of thrée things that are growen to be verie grieuous vnto them, to wit, the inhansing of rents, latelie mentioned; the dailie oppression of copiholders, whose lords séeke to bring their poore tenants almost into plaine seruitude and miserie, dailie deuising new meanes, and séeking vp all the old how to cut them shorter and shorter, doubling, trebling, and now & then seuen times increasing their fines, driuing them also for euerie trifle to loose and forfeit their tenures (by whome the greatest part of the realme dooth stand and is mainteined) to the end they may fléece them yet more, which is a lamentable hering. The third thing they talke of is vsurie, a trade brought in by the Iewes, now perfectlie practised almost by euerie christian, and so commonlie that he is accompted but for a foole that dooth lend his monie for nothing. In time past it was "Sors pro sorte," that is, the principall onelie for the principall; but now beside that which is aboue the principall properlie called "Vsura," we chalenge "Fœnus," that is commoditie of soile, & fruits of the earth, if not the ground it selfe. In time past also one of the hundred was much, from thence it rose vnto two, called in Latine "Vsura, Ex sextante;" thrée, to wit "Ex quadrante;" then to foure, to wit "Ex triente;" then to fiue, which is "Ex quincunce;" then to six, called "Ex semisse," &c: as the accompt of the "Assis" ariseth, and comming at the last vnto "Vsura ex asse," it amounteth to twelue in the hundred, and therefore the Latines call it "Centesima," for that in the hundred moneth it doubleth the principall; but more of this elsewhere. See Cicero against Verres, Demosthenes against Aphobus, and Athenæus lib. 13. in fine: and when thou hast read them well, helpe I praie thée in lawfull maner to hang vp such as take "Centuū pro cento," for they By the yeare. are no better worthie as I doo iudge in conscience. Forget not also such landlords as vse to value their leases at a secret estimation giuen of the wealth and credit of the taker, whereby they séeme (as it were) to eat them vp and deale with bondmen, so that if the leassée be thought to be worth an hundred pounds, he shall paie no lesse for his new terme, or else another to enter with hard and doubtfull couenants. I am sorie to report it, much more gréeued to vnderstand of the practise; but most sorowfull of all to vnderstand that men of great port and countenance are so farre from suffering their farmers to haue anie gaine at all, that they themselues become grasiers, butchers, tanners, shéepmasters, woodmen, and "denique quid non," thereby to inrich themselues, and bring all the wealth of the countrie into their owne hands, leauing the communaltie weake, or as an idoll with broken or féeble armes, which may in a time of peace haue a plausible shew, but when necessitie shall inforce, haue an heauie and bitter sequele.

Home furniture. The third thing they talk about is the exchange of items, such as wooden platters for pewter, and wooden spoons for silver or tin. Back then, wooden items were so common that you would hardly find four pieces of pewter (one of which was probably a salt dish) in a good farmer's house. Yet, despite this frugality (if it can be justified as such), they could barely live and pay their rents on time without selling a cow or a horse, or even more, even though they paid only a maximum of four pounds a year. Their poverty was such that if one farmer or laborer had been at the alehouse, which was commonly frequented back then, among six or seven of his neighbors, and, wanting to show off, he dropped his purse containing a noble or six shillings in silver (because few cared for gold since it wasn’t easy currency, and they often had to pay a penny to exchange an angel), it was very likely that the others couldn’t contribute so much. Whereas today, even though perhaps four pounds in old rent has increased to forty, fifty, or a hundred pounds, a farmer, like another palm or date tree, feels his earnings are very small towards the end of his term if he doesn't have six or seven years’ rent saved up to purchase a new lease, along with a nice set of pewter on his sideboard, plus additional odd vessels around the house, three or four feather beds, several coverlets and tapestry carpets, a silver salt dish, a bowl for wine (if not a whole set), and a dozen spoons to complete the collection. He considers this to be his own clear profit, for whatever stock of money he manages to gather and save over the years, it’s often seen that the landlord will make arrangements with him regarding this when he renews his lease, which is usually eight or six years before the old one expires (since it has now become almost customary that if he doesn’t approach his lord by then, someone else will step in for the reversion, thus displacing him outright) so that it won’t trouble him more than the hair on his beard after the barber has washed and shaved it off his chin. And as they praise these, alongside the decline of household management which has helped the poor, they also talk about three things that have become very burdensome to them: the increasing rents, previously mentioned; the daily oppression of copyholders, whose lords seek to bring their poor tenants almost into outright servitude and misery, constantly devising new means and seeking old methods to cut them shorter and shorter, doubling, tripling, and sometimes even increasing their fines sevenfold, driving them to lose and forfeit their tenures over trivial matters (by whom the majority of the realm stands and is maintained) so they can fleece them further, which is a lamentable situation. The third issue discussed is usury, a practice brought in by the Jews, now fully embraced almost by every Christian, to the extent that anyone who lends his money for nothing is regarded as a fool. In the past, it was "Sors pro sorte," meaning principal only for principal; but now, on top of the principal defined as "Usura," we also claim "Fœnus," that is, benefits from the land and produce, if not the land itself. Previously, a hundredth was considered a lot, then it rose to two, termed in Latin "Usura, Ex sextante;" three, known as "Ex quadrante;" then to four, noted as "Ex triente;" then to five, called "Ex quincunce;" then to six, referred to as "Ex semisse," etc. As the calculation of the "Assis" rises, reaching "Usura ex asse" ultimately totals twelve in the hundred, which is why the Latins call it "Centesima," for it doubles the principal in the hundred months; but more on this elsewhere. See Cicero against Verres, Demosthenes against Aphobus, and Athenæus, Book 13, at the end: and once you’ve read them closely, please help in a lawful way to hang up those who charge "Centuū pro cento," for I believe they are worth no better in conscience. Don't forget such landlords who value their leases based on a secret estimate of the wealth and credit of the tenant, making it seem (in a way) that they devour them and treat them like bondmen, so that if the leaseholder is thought to be worth a hundred pounds, he will pay nothing less for his new term, or else another will enter with harsh and uncertain terms. I'm sorry to report this, grieved even more to understand the practice; but most sorrowful of all to see that men of great status and influence are so far from allowing their farmers to gain anything at all, that they themselves become graziers, butchers, tanners, sheepmasters, woodmen, and "denique quid non," in order to enrich themselves, bringing all the wealth of the country into their own hands, leaving the community weak, like an idol with broken or feeble arms, which may have a pleasing appearance in times of peace, but when necessity arises, will face a heavy and bitter aftermath.

[Page 319]

[Page 319]

OF CITIES AND TOWNES IN ENGLAND.
CAP. XIII.

Six and twentie cities in England. As in old time we read that there were eight and twentie flamines and archflamines in the south part of this Ile, and so manie great cities vnder their iurisdiction: so in these our daies there is but one or two fewer, and each of them also vnder the ecclesiasticall regiment of some one bishop or archbishop, who in spirituall cases haue the charge and ouersight of the same. So manie cities therefore are there in England and Wales, as there be bishopriks & archbishopriks. For notwithstanding that Lichfield and Couentrie, and Bath and Welles, doo séeme to extend the aforesaid number vnto nine and twentie: yet neither of these couples are to be accounted, but as one entier citie and sée of the bishop, sith one bishoprike can haue relation but vnto one sée, and the said see be situate but in one place, after which the bishop dooth take his name. It appeareth by our old and ancient histories, that the cities of this southerlie portion haue beene of excéeding greatnesse and beautie, whereof some were builded in the time of the Samotheans, and of which not a few in these our times are quite decaied, and the places where they stood worne out of all remembrance. Such also for the most part as yet remaine are maruellouslie altered, insomuch that whereas at the first they were large and ample, now are they come either vnto a verie few houses, or appeare not to be much greater in comparison than poore & simple villages. Antoninus the most diligent writer of the thorough fares of Britaine, noteth among other these ancient townes following, as Sitomagus. Sitomagus, which he placeth in the waie from Norwich, as Leland Nouiomagus. supposeth (wherin they went by Colchester) to London, Nouiomagus that lieth betwéene Carleill and Canturburie, within ten miles east of Neomagus.
Niomagus.
London, and likewise Neomagus and Niomagus which take their names of their first founder Magus, the sonne of Samothes, & second king of the Celtes that reigned in this Iland; and not "A profunditate," onelie, as Bodinus affirmeth out of Plinie, as if all the townes that ended in Magus should stand in holes and low grounds: which is to be disprooued in diuerse cities in the maine, as also here with vs. Of these moreouer sir Thomas Eliot supposeth Neomagus to haue stood somewhere about Chester; & George Lillie in his booke of the names of ancient places, iudgeth Niomagus to be the verie same that we doo now call Buckingham, and lieth farre from the shore. And as these and sundrie other now perished tooke their denomination of this prince, so there are diuerse Salisburie of Sarron. causes, which mooue me to coniecture, that Salisburie dooth rather take the first name of Sarron the sonne of the said Magus, than of Cæsar, Caradoc or Seuerus (as some of our writers doo imagine) or else at the least wise of Salisburge of the maine, from whence some Saxons came to inhabit in this land. And for this later not vnlikelie, sith before the comming of the Saxons, the king of the Suessionenses had a great part of this Iland in subiection, as Cæsar saith; and in another place that such of Belgie as stale ouer hither from the maine, builded and called Sarronium.
Sarronsburg.
diuerse cities after the names of the same from whence they came, I meane such as stood vpon the coast, as he himselfe dooth witnesse. But sith coniectures are no verities, and mine opinion is but one mans iudgement, I will not stand now vpon the proofe of this matter, least I should séeme to take great paines in adding new coniectures vnto old, in such wise to deteine the heads of my readers about these trifles, that otherwise peraduenture would be farre better occupied in matters of more importance. To procéed therefore. As soone after the first inhabitation of this Iland, our cities began no doubt to be builded and increased, so they ceased not to multiplie from time to time, till the land was throughlie furnished with hir conuenient numbers, whereof some at this present with their ancient names, doo still remaine in knowledge, though diuerse be doubted of, and manie more perished by continuance of time, Greater cities in times past when husbandmen also were citizens. and violence of the enimie. I doubt not also but the least of these were comparable to the greatest of those which stand in our time, for sith that in those daies the most part of the Iland was reserued vnto pasture, the townes and villages either were not at all (but all sorts [Page 320] of people dwelled in the cities indifferentlie, an image of which estate may yet be seene in Spaine) or at the lestwise stood not so thicke, as they did afterward in the time of the Romans, but chéefelie after the comming of the Saxons, and after them the Normans, when euerie lord The cause of the increase of villages. builded a church neare vnto his owne mansion house, and thereto imparted the greatest portion of his lands vnto sundrie tenants, to hold the same of him by coppie of court roll, which rolles were then kept in some especiall place indifferentlie appointed by them and their lord, so that the one could haue no resort vnto them without the other, by which means the number of townes and villages was not a little increased. If anie man be desirous to know the names of those ancient cities, that stood in the time of the Romans, he shall haue them here at hand, in such wise as I haue gathered them out of our writers, obseruing euen their manner of writing of them so neare as to me is possible, without alteration of anie corruption crept vp into the same.

26 cities in England. Just like in ancient times when we read that there were twenty-eight flamines and archflamines in the southern part of this island, along with many great cities under their jurisdiction, today there are only one or two fewer. Each of these cities is also under the ecclesiastical authority of a bishop or archbishop, who oversees spiritual matters in those areas. Therefore, the number of cities in England and Wales matches the number of bishoprics and archbishoprics. Although Lichfield and Coventry, as well as Bath and Wells, seem to increase this count to twenty-nine, neither pair should be counted separately but seen as one complete city and bishopric, since one bishopric can only relate to one see that is located in one place, after which the bishop takes his name. Our old and ancient histories show that the cities in this southern part were once incredibly large and beautiful, some built during the time of the Samotheans, and many of these have now completely decayed, with their locations lost to memory. Most of those that still exist have changed so much that, while they were once expansive and grand, they have now become very small or appear no larger than poor, simple villages. Antoninus, a diligent writer of Britain's main roads, notes several of these ancient towns, including Sitomagus. Sitomagus, which he places along the route from Norwich, as Leland Nouiomagus. believes (which they traveled via Colchester) to London, Nouiomagus, located between Carlisle and Canterbury, ten miles east of Neomagus.
Niomagus.
London, and also Neomagus and Niomagus, which are named after their first founder Magus, the son of Samothes, and second king of the Celts to reign in this island; and not "A profunditate," as Bodin claims from Pliny, implying that all towns ending in Magus should be in holes or low grounds, which can be disproved in various cities on the mainland as well as here. Additionally, Sir Thomas Eliot believes Neomagus to have been located somewhere around Chester; and George Lillie, in his book on the names of ancient places, thinks Niomagus is the same as what we now call Buckingham, located far from the shore. Just as these and various other now-lost places took their names from this prince, there are multiple Salisbury of Sarron. reasons leading me to think that Salisbury derives its name from Sarron, the son of the aforementioned Magus, rather than from Caesar, Caradoc, or Severus (as some of our writers suggest), or at the very least from Salisburge on the mainland, from where some Saxons settled in this land. This last possibility is not unlikely, since before the Saxons arrived, the king of the Suessionenses held a large part of this island in subjection, as Caesar states; and elsewhere mentions that those Belgae who traveled here from the mainland built and named Sarronium.
Sarronsburg.
many cities after the names of their origins, especially those along the coast, as he witnesses himself. But since conjectures are not certainties and my opinion is just one person's judgment, I won't dwell on proving this matter, lest I seem to exert great effort adding new speculations to old ones, thus keeping my readers' attention on these trivial matters that could be better spent on more significant topics. To proceed, shortly after the first settlement of this island, our cities undoubtedly began to be built and expanded, continuing to multiply over time until the land was adequately populated. Some of these cities still retain their ancient names, though many are disputed, and many more have perished over time, In the past, larger cities had farmers who were also citizens. and through enemy violence. I also doubt that even the smallest of these were less impressive than the greatest of those existing today, since at that time, most of the island was reserved for pasture, towns and villages either didn't exist at all (but all sorts of people lived in the cities equally, an image of which can still be seen in Spain) or at least were not as densely populated as they became later during the Roman period, especially after the arrival of the Saxons and then the Normans, when every lord built a church near his residence and dedicated a significant portion of his lands to various tenants, allowing them to hold these lands by court roll copy, which rolls were kept in a special place appointed by both them and their lord, such that neither could access them without the other, thereby greatly increasing the number of towns and villages. If anyone wants to know the names of those ancient cities present during Roman times, I have gathered them here from our writers, maintaining their writing style as closely as possible, without altering any corruption that has crept into them.

1  London
    otherwise
    called
leftbrace Trenouanton.
Cair Lud.
Londinum or Longidinium.
Augusta of the legion Augusta
    that soiourned there,
    when the Romans ruled here.

Leouitius placeth Yorke in Scotland de eclipsibus. A legion conteined sixtie centuries, thirtie manipuli, thrée cohortes.

Leouitius locates York in Scotland when discussing the eclipses. A legion consisted of sixty centuries, thirty maniples, and three cohorts.

2  Yorke
    otherwise
    called
leftbrace Cairbranke.
Vrouicum or Yurewijc.
Eorwijc or Eoforwijc.
Yeworwijc.
Eboracum.
Victoria of the legion victrix
    that laie there sometime.
3  Canturburie. leftbrace Duroruerno aliàs Duraruenno.
Dorobernia.
Cantwarbirie.
4  Colchester. leftbrace Cair Colon.
Cair Colden.
Cair Colkin of Coilus.
Cair Colun, of the riuer that
    runneth thereby.
Colonia, of the colonie
    planted there by the Romans.
Coloncester. leftbrace Plin. lib. 2. ca. 75.
Tacitus.
Ptolome.
Camulodunum.
5  Lincolne. leftbrace Cair Lud Coit, of the woods
    that stood about it.
Cair Loichoit, by corruption.
Lindum.
Lindocollinum.
6  Warwijc
    had sometime
    9 parish
    churches.
leftbrace Cair Guttelin.
Cair Line or Cair Leon.
Cair Gwair.
Cair Vmber.
Cair Gwaerton.
7  Chester vpon
    Vske was a
    famous
    vniuersitie in the
     time of Arthur.
leftbrace Cair legion.
Carlheon.
Cairlium.
Legecester.
Ciuitas legionum.
8  Carleill. leftbrace Cair Lueill.
Cair Leill.
Lugibalia.
Cair Doill.
9 S.  Albanes. leftbrace Cair Maricipit.
Cair Municip.
Verolamium.
Verlamcester.
Cair Wattelin, of the street
    wheron it stood.
10  Winchester. leftbrace Cair Gwent.
Cair Gwin.
Cair Wine.
Venta Simenorum.
11  Cisceter. leftbrace Cair Churne.
Cair Kyrne.
Cair Kery.
Cair Cery.
Cirnecester.
Churnecester.

* Cair Segent stood vpon the Thames, not farre from Reding.

Cair Segent stood on the Thames, just outside Reading.

12  Silcester.
leftbrace *Cair Segent.
Selecester.
[Page 321] 13  Bath. leftbrace Cair Badon.
Thermæ.
Aquæ solis.
14  Shaftesbyry. leftbrace Cair Paladour.
Septonia.
15  Worcester. leftbrace Wigornia.
Cair Gworangon.
Brangonia.
Cair Frangon.
Woorkecester.
16  Chichester. leftbrace Cair Key or Kair Kis.
Cair Chic.
17  Bristow. leftbrace Cair Odernant Badon.
Oder.
Cair Bren.
Venta Belgarum.
18  Rochester. leftbrace
Durobreuis, corruptlie leftbrace Durobrouis.
Dubobrus.
Durobrius.
Rofcester.
Roffa.
19  Portchester. leftbrace Cair Peris.
Cair Porcis.
20  Cairmarden. leftbrace Cair Maridunum.
Cair Merdine.
Maridunum.
Cair Marlin.
Cair Fridhin.
21  Glocester. leftbrace Cair Clowy.
Cair Glow.
Claudiocestria.
22  Leircester. leftbrace Cair Beir.
Cair Leir.
Cair Lirion.
Wirall, teste. Matth. West. 895.
23  Cambridge. leftbrace Grantabric.
Cair Graunt.
  leftbrace 24 Cair Vrnach, peraduenture
     Burgh castell.
25 Cair Cucurat.
26 Cair Draiton, now a
     slender village.
27 Cair Celennon.
28 Cair Megwaid.

As for Cair Dorme (another whereof I read likewise) it stood somewhere vpon the Nene in Huntingdon shire, but now vnknowne, sith it was twise raced to the ground, first by the Saxons, then by the Danes, so that the ruines thereof are in these daies not extant to be séene. And in like sort I am ignorant where most of them stood, that are noted with the star. I find in like sort mention of a noble citie called Alcluid ouer and beside these afore mentioned, sometime builded by Ebracus of Britaine, as the fame goeth, and finallie destroied by the Danes, about the yeare of Grace 870. It stood vpon the banks of the riuer Cluda, to wit, betwéene it and the blanke on the north, and the Lound lake on the west, and was sometime march betwéene the Britons and the Picts, and likewise the Picts and the Scots; neuerthelesse, the castell (as I heare) dooth yet remaine, and hath béene since well repared by the Scots, and called Dombrittain or Dunbritton, so that it is not an hard matter by these few words to find where Alcluid stood. I could here, if leisure serued, and hast of the printer not require dispatch, deliuer the ancient names of sundrie other townes, of which Stafford in time past was called Stadtford, and therfore (as I gesse) builded or the name altered by the Saxons, Kinebanton now Kimbalton. But if anie man be desirous to sée more of them, let him resort to Houeden in the life of Henrie the second, and there he shall be further satisfied of his desire in this behalfe.

As for Cair Dorme (another one I read about), it used to be located somewhere on the Nene in Huntingdonshire, but it’s now unknown since it was destroyed twice, first by the Saxons and then by the Danes, so the ruins aren't visible today. Likewise, I’m not sure where most of the places marked with a star used to be. I also find a reference to a noble city called Alcluid in addition to those mentioned before, which was supposedly built by Ebracus of Britain, as the story goes, and finally destroyed by the Danes around the year 870 AD. It was on the banks of the river Cluda, specifically between it and the blank on the north, and the Lound lake on the west, and it used to be a border between the Britons and the Picts, and also between the Picts and the Scots; however, the castle (as I hear) still exists and has been well repaired by the Scots, called Dombrittain or Dunbritton, so it’s not too difficult to figure out where Alcluid was. If I had the time, and the printer didn't need me to hurry, I could share the ancient names of several other towns—like Stafford, which was once called Stadtford, likely built or renamed by the Saxons, and Kinebanton, now Kimbalton. But if anyone wants to learn more about them, they should check out Houeden in the life of Henry the Second, where they’ll find further information on the matter.

When Albane was martyred Asclepiodotus was legat in Britaine. It should séeme when these ancient cities flourished, that the same towne, which we now call saint Albons, did most of all excell: but chéefelie in the Romans time, and was not onelie nothing inferior to London it selfe, but rather preferred before it, bicause it was newer, and made a Municipium of the Romans, whereas the other was old and ruinous, and inhabited onelie by the Britons, as the most part of the Iland was also in those daies. Good notice hereof also is to be taken by Matthew Paris, and others before him, out of whose writings I haue thought good to note a few things, whereby the maiestie of this ancient citie may appeare vnto posteritie, and the former estate of Verlamcester [Page 322] not lie altogither (as it hath doone hitherto) raked vp in forgetfulnes, through the negligence of such as might haue deserued better of their successours, by leauing the description thereof in a booke by it selfe, sith manie particulars thereof were written to their hands, that now are lost and perished. Tacitus in the fouretéenth booke of his historie maketh mention of it, shewing that in the rebellion of the Britons, the Romans there were miserablie distressed, "Eadem clades" (saith he) "municipio Verolamio fuit." And here vpon Nennius in his catalog of Sullomaca and Barnet all one, or not far in sunder. cities calleth it Cair municip, as I before haue noted. Ptolome speaking of it, dooth place it among the Catyeuchlanes, but Antoninus maketh it one and twentie Italian miles from London, placing Sullomaca nine mile from thence, whereby it is euident, that Sullomaca stood néere to Barnet, if it were not the verie same. Of the old compasse of the walles of Verolamium there is now small knowledge to be had by the ruines, but of the beautie of the citie it selfe you shall partlie vnderstand by that which followeth at hand, after I haue told you for your better intelligence what "Municipium Romanorum" is: for there is great difference betwéene that and "Colonia Romanorum," sith "Colonia aliò traducitur a ciuitate Roma," but "Municipes aliundè in ciuitatem veniunt, suísq; iuribus & legibus viuunt:" moreouer their soile is not changed into the nature of the Romane, but they liue in the stedfast fréendship and protection of the Romans, as did somtime the Ceretes who were the first people which euer obteined that priuilege. The British Verolamians therefore, hauing for their noble seruice in the warres deserued great commendations at the hands of the Romans, they gaue vnto them the whole fréedome of Romans, whereby they were made Municipes, and became more frée in truth than their Colonies could be. To conclude therefore, Municipium is a citie infranchised and indued with Romane priuileges, without anie alteration of hir former inhabitants or priuileges; whereas a Colonie is a companie sent from Rome into anie other region or prouince, to possesse either a citie newlie builded, or to replenish the same from whence hir former citizens haue beene expelled and driuen out. Now to proceed.

When Albane was martyred, Asclepiodotus was the official in charge in Britain. It seems that during the time when these ancient cities thrived, the town we now call St. Albans stood out the most, especially during Roman times. It was not only on par with London itself but was often preferred because it was newer and designated as a Roman Municipium, while London was old, dilapidated, and mostly inhabited by Britons, which was also the case for most of the island at that time. Matthew Paris and others before him have noted this, and I thought it worthwhile to highlight some points from their writings so that the majesty of this ancient city can be recognized by future generations, and the former state of Verlamcester does not remain entirely (as it has been so far) buried in forgetfulness, due to the negligence of those who might have contributed more to their successors by providing a description in a dedicated book, especially since many details were documented and are now lost. Tacitus mentions it in the fourteenth book of his history, indicating that during the rebellion of the Britons, the Romans there faced severe distress, stating, "Eadem clades" (meaning "the same disaster") "municipio Verolamio fuit." Following this, Nennius in his list of towns refers to it as Cair municip, as I noted earlier. Ptolemy places it among the Catyeuchlani, but Antoninus records it as being twenty-one Italian miles from London, while placing Sullomaca nine miles from there, making it clear that Sullomaca was near Barnet, if not the very same place. There is currently little knowledge about the old walls of Verolamium from the ruins, but you can get some idea of the beauty of the city from what follows, after I explain what "Municipium Romanorum" means: there is a significant difference between that and "Colonia Romanorum," as a "Colonia" is relocated from the city of Rome, whereas "Municipes" come from elsewhere to live in the city, enjoying their own rights and laws. Furthermore, their land does not change to Roman soil, but they live under the steadfast friendship and protection of the Romans, similar to the Ceretes, who were the first people to obtain this privilege. Therefore, the British Verolamians, having deserved great praise from the Romans for their noble service in wars, were granted full Roman freedom, making them Municipes and allowing them to be more genuinely free than their Colonies. In conclusion, a Municipium is a city endowed with Roman privileges without altering the rights of its original inhabitants, while a Colony consists of a group sent from Rome to occupy a newly built city or to repopulate one from which its previous citizens were expelled. Now to continue.

In the time of king Edgar it fell out, that one Eldred was abbat there; who being desirous to inlarge that house, it came into his mind to search about in the ruines of Verolamium (which now was ouerthrowne by the furie of the Saxons & Danes) to sée if he might there come by anie curious peeces of worke, wherewith to garnish his building taken in hand. To be short, he had no sooner begun to dig among the rubbis, but he found an excéeding number of pillers, péeces of antike worke, thresholds, doore frames, and sundrie other péeces of fine masonrie for windowes and such like, verie conuenient for his purpose. Of these also some were of porphyrite stone, some of diuerse kinds of marble, touch, and alabaster, beside manie curious deuises of hard mettall, in finding whereof he thought himselfe an happie man, and his successe to be greatlie guided by S. Albane. Besides these also he found sundrie pillers of brasse, and sockets of latton, alabaster and touch, all which he laid aside by great heaps, determining in the end (I saie) to laie the foundation of a new abbaie, but God so preuented his determination, that death tooke him awaie, before his building was begun. After him succéeded one Eadmerus, who followed the dooings of Eldred to the vttermost: and therefore not onlie perused what he had left with great diligence, but also caused his pioners to search yet further, within the old walles of Verolamium, where they not onelie found infinite other péeces of excellent workemanship, but came at the last to certeine vaults vnder the ground, in which stood diuers idols, and not a few altars, verie superstitiouslie and religiouslie adorned, as the pagans left them belike in time of necessitie. These images were of sundrie mettals, and some of pure gold, their altars likewise were richlie couered, all which ornaments Edmerus tooke awaie, and not onelie conuerted them to other vse in his building, but also destroied an innumerable sort of other idols, whose estimation consisted in their formes, and substances could doo no seruise. He tooke vp also sundrie curious pots, iugs, and cruses of stone and wood most artificiallie wrought and carued, and that in such quantitie, besides infinite store of fine houshold stuffe, as if the whole furniture of the citie had béene brought thither of purpose to be hidden in those vaults. In procéeding further, he tooke vp diuerse pots of gold, siluer, brasse, [Page 323] glasse and earth, whereof some were filled with the ashes and bones of the gentils, the mouths being turned downewards (the like of which, but of finer earth, were found in great numbers also of late in a well at little Massingham in Norffolke, of six or eight gallons a péece, about the yeare 1578, and also in the time of Henrie the eight) and not a few with the coines of the old Britons and Romane emperours. All which vessels the said abbat brake into péeces, and melting the mettall, he reserued it in like sort for the garnishing of his church.

In the time of King Edgar, there was an abbot named Eldred who wanted to expand his monastery. He decided to search through the ruins of Verolamium, which had been destroyed by the Saxons and Danes, hoping to find some interesting pieces of work to decorate his new building. To put it briefly, as soon as he started digging through the rubble, he discovered a remarkable number of pillars, pieces of ancient art, thresholds, door frames, and various other beautiful stonework for windows and similar uses, all very suitable for his purpose. Some of these were made of porphyry, while others were various kinds of marble, touchstone, and alabaster, along with many intricate designs made from hard metal. He felt fortunate to have found these and believed his success was strongly influenced by St. Alban. In addition to these, he also found several brass pillars and bronze sockets, alabaster, and touchstone, and he set them aside in large piles, planning eventually to lay the foundation for a new abbey. However, God had other plans, and he passed away before he could start his building. After him came Eadmerus, who took on the work that Eldred had left behind. Not only did he carefully inspect what Eldred had found, but he also had his workers dig even deeper within the old walls of Verolamium. There, they found countless other examples of excellent craftsmanship and eventually came across some underground vaults containing various idols and numerous altars, very superstitiously and religiously decorated, like the pagans had left them in times of need. These images were made of different metals, including some pure gold, and their altars were richly adorned as well. Eadmerus took all these decorations and not only repurposed them in his building but also destroyed an endless number of other idols, which were valued only for their forms and materials but served no real purpose. He also uncovered various intricately shaped pots, jugs, and pitchers made of stone and wood, as well as an immense quantity of fine household items, as if the entire furnishings of the city had been hidden in those vaults on purpose. Further along, he discovered several pots made of gold, silver, bronze, glass, and clay, some filled with the ashes and bones of the pagans, with their openings facing downward (similar ones, made of finer clay, were found in great numbers not long ago in a well at Little Massingham in Norfolk, about six or eight gallons each, around the year 1578, and also during the reign of Henry the Eighth) and many others containing coins from the ancient Britons and Roman emperors. All these vessels, the abbot shattered, melting down the metal to reuse for decorating his church.

He found likewise in a stone wall two old bookes, whereof one contained the rites of the gentils, about the sacrifices of their gods, the other This soundeth like a lie. (as they now saie) the martyrdome of saint Albane, both of them written in old Brittish letters, which either bicause no man then liuing could read them, or for that they were not woorth the keeping, were both consumed to ashes, sauing that a few notes were first taken out of this later, concerning the death of their Albane. Thus much haue I thought good to note of the former beautie of Verolamium, whereof infinite other tokens haue beene found since that time, and diuerse within the memorie of man, of passing workemanship, the like whereof hath no whers else béene séene in anie ruines within the compasse of this Ile, either for cost or quantitie of stuffe.

He also found two old books in a stone wall, one containing the rituals of the pagans regarding the sacrifices to their gods, and the other, as they now say, the martyrdom of Saint Alban. Both were written in old British letters, which either because no one alive at the time could read them, or because they weren't worth keeping, were both turned to ashes, leaving only a few notes extracted from the latter about the death of their Alban. I thought it important to mention the former beauty of Verolamium, of which countless other signs have been found since then, several within living memory, showcasing remarkable craftsmanship that has not been seen elsewhere in any ruins on this island, either for its expense or the quantity of materials.

Furthermore, whereas manie are not afraid to saie that the Thames came sometimes by this citie, indeed it is nothing so; but that the Verlume (afterward called Vere and the Mure) did and dooth so still (whatsoeuer Gildas talketh hereof, whose books may be corrupted in that behalfe) there is yet euident proofe to be confirmed by experience. For albeit that the riuer be now growne to be verie small by reason of the ground about it, which is higher than it was in old time; yet it kéepeth in maner the old course, and runneth betwéene the old citie that was, and the new towne that is standing on Holmehirst crag, as I beheld of late. Those places also which now are medow beneath the abbaie, were sometimes a great lake, mere, or poole, through which the said riuer ran, and (as I read) with a verie swift and violent course, wheras at this present it is verie slow, and of no such deapth as of ancient times it hath beene. But heare what mine author saith further of the same. As those aforsaid workemen digged in these ruines, they happened oftentimes vpon Lempet shels, péeces of rustie anchors, and keeles of great vessels, wherevpon some by and by gathered that either the Thames or some arme of the sea did beat vpon that towne, not vnderstanding that these things might aswell happen in great lakes and meres, wherof there was one adioining to the north side of the citie, which laie then (as some men thinke) vnwalled, but that also is false. For being there vpon occasion this summer passed, I saw some remnant of the old wals standing in that place, which appeared to haue béene verie substantiallie builded; the ruines likewise of a greater part of them are to be séene running along by the old chappell hard by in maner of a banke. Whereby it is euident that the new towne standeth cleane without the limits of the old, and that the bridge whereof the historie of S. Albane speaketh, was at the nether end of Halliwell stréet or there about, for so the view of the place doth inforce me to coniecture. This mere (which the Latine copie of the description of Britaine, written of late by Humfrey Lhoid our countrie man calleth corruptlie "Stagnum enaximum" for "Stagnum maximum") at the first belonged to the king, and thereby Offa in his time did reape no small commoditie. It continued also vntill the time of Alfrijc the seuenth abbat of that house, who bought it outright of the king then liuing, and by excessiue charges drained it so narrowlie, that within a while he left it drie (sauing that he reserued a chanell for the riuer to haue hir vsuall course, which he held vp with high bankes) bicause there was alwaies contention betwéene the moonks and the kings seruants, which fished on that water vnto the kings behoofe.

Furthermore, while many aren't afraid to say that the Thames sometimes flowed by this city, that's not really the case; it's actually the Verlum (later called Vere and the Mure) that did and still does so (regardless of what Gildas says about it, whose writings might be corrupted on this matter). There’s clear evidence to support this, confirmed by experience. Although the river has now become quite small because the surrounding ground is higher than it used to be, it largely maintains its original course, running between what was the old city and the new town that now stands on Holmehirst Crag, as I observed recently. The areas that are now meadows beneath the abbey used to be a large lake, mere, or pool through which the river flowed, and (as I’ve read) it once had a very swift and violent current, whereas now it's very slow and not as deep as it was in ancient times. But listen to what my source further states about this. As those aforementioned workers dug through these ruins, they often came across limpet shells, pieces of rusty anchors, and keels of large ships. Some immediately concluded that either the Thames or some arm of the sea used to crash against that town, not realizing these things could also be found in large lakes and meres, one of which was located to the north side of the city, which some say was then unwalled, though that is also false. For, having been there this past summer, I saw remnants of the old walls still standing in that spot, which appeared to have been very sturdily built; the ruins of most of them can also be seen running along near the old chapel like a bank. This clearly shows that the new town lies completely outside the limits of the old, and that the bridge mentioned in the history of St. Albane was at the lower end of Halliwell street or thereabouts, as the layout of the place suggests to me. This mere (which the Latin version of the description of Britain, written recently by our countryman Humfrey Lhoid, incorrectly refers to as "Stagnum enaximum" instead of "Stagnum maximum") initially belonged to the king, providing Offa with considerable benefits in his time. It remained so until the time of Alfrijc, the seventh abbot of that house, who bought it outright from the reigning king and drained it so extensively that it was left dry in no time (except he reserved a channel for the river to maintain its usual course, which he supported with high banks) due to the ongoing disputes between the monks and the king's servants who fished in that water for the king’s benefit.

In these daies therefore remaineth no maner mention of this poole, but onelie in one stréet, which yet is called Fishpoole stréet, wherof this may suffice for the resolution of such men, as séeke rather to yéeld to an inconuenience, than that their Gildas should séeme to mistake this riuer.

In these days, there is no mention of this pool except for one street, which is still called Fishpool Street. This should be enough for those who prefer to accept an inconvenience rather than let their Gildas appear to misunderstand this river.

Hauing thus digressed to giue some remembrance of the old estate of Verolamium, it is now time to returne againe vnto my former purpose. Certes I would gladlie set downe with the names and number of the cities, all the townes and villages in England and Wales, with their [Page 324] true longitudes and latitudes, but as yet I cannot come by them in such order as I would: howbeit the tale of our cities is soone found by the bishoprikes, sith euerie sée hath such prerogatiue giuen vnto it, as to beare the name of a citie, & to vse Regale ius within hir owne limits. Which priuilege also is granted to sundrie ancient townes in England, especiallie northward, where more plentie of them is to be found by a great deale than in the south. The names therefore of our cities are these:

Having digressed to reflect on the old state of Verolamium, it’s now time to return to my original topic. I would love to provide the names and number of the cities, all the towns, and villages in England and Wales, along with their true longitudes and latitudes, but I cannot access them in the order I’d prefer just yet. However, the list of our cities can easily be found by looking at the bishoprics, since each see has the privilege of being designated as a city and exercising regal rights within its own territory. This privilege is also granted to various ancient towns in England, especially in the north, where there are significantly more of them than in the south. Therefore, the names of our cities are as follows:

London.
Yorke.
Canturburie.
Winchester.
Cairleill.
Durham.
Norwich.
Lincolne.
Worcester.
Glocester.
Hereford.
Salisburie.
Excester.
Bath.
Lichfield.
Bristow.
Rochester.
Chester.
Chichester.
Oxford.
Peterborow.
Landaffe.
S. Dauids.
Bangor.
S. Asaph.

London.
York.
Canterbury.
Winchester.
Carlisle.
Durham.
Norwich.
Lincoln.
Worcester.
Gloucester.
Hereford.
Salisbury.
Exeter.
Bath.
Lichfield.
Bristol.
Rochester.
Chester.
Chichester.
Oxford.
Peterborough.
Llandaff.
St. David's.
Bangor.
St. Asaph.

Whose particular plots and models with their descriptions shall insue, if it may be brought to passe, that the cutters can make dispatch of them before this chronologie be published. Of townes and villages likewise thus much will I saie, that there were greater store in old time (I meane within three or foure hundred yeare passed) than at this present. And this I note out of diuerse records, charters, and donations (made in times past vnto sundrie religious houses, as Glassenburie, Abbandon, Ramseie, Elie, and such like) and whereof in these daies I find not so much as the ruines. Leland in sundrie places complaineth likewise of the decaie of parishes in great cities and townes, missing in some six, or eight, or twelue churches and more, of all which he giueth particular notice. For albeit that the Saxons builded manie townes and villages, and the Normans well more at their first comming, yet since the first two hundred yeares after the latter conquest, they haue gone so fast againe to decaie, that the ancient number of them is verie much abated. Ranulph the moonke of Chester telleth of generall surueie made in the fourth, sixtéenth, & nineteenth of the reigne of William Conquerour, surnamed the Bastard, wherein it was found, that (notwithstanding the Danes had ouerthrowne a great manie) there were to the number of 52000 townes, 45002 parish churches, and 75000 knights fées, whereof the cleargie held 28015. He addeth moreouer that there were diuerse other builded since that time, within the space of an hundred yeares after the comming of the Bastard, as it were in lieu or recompense of those that William Rufus pulled downe for the erection of his new forrest. For by an old booke which I haue, and sometime written as it séemeth by an vndershiriffe of Nottingham, I find, euen in the time of Edw. 4. 45120 parish churches, and but 60216 knights fées, whereof the cleargie held as before 28015, or at the least 28000: for so small is the difference which he dooth séeme to vse. Howbeit if the assertions of such as write in our time concerning this matter, either are or ought to be of anie credit in this behalfe, you shall not find aboue 17000 townes and villages, and 9210 in the whole, which is little more than a fourth part of the aforesaid number, if it be throughlie scanned.

Whose specific plots and models with their descriptions will follow, if it can be achieved that the cutters can finish them before this chronology is published. I will also say this much about towns and villages: there were many more in the past (I mean within three or four hundred years ago) than there are now. I note this from various records, charters, and donations (made in the past to several religious houses, such as Glastonbury, Abingdon, Ramsey, Ely, and similar places), and where I find nothing but the ruins today. Leland also complains in several places about the decline of parishes in large cities and towns, missing some six, eight, twelve churches, or even more, all of which he gives specific mention. For although the Saxons built many towns and villages, and the Normans even more when they first arrived, since the first two hundred years after the latter conquest, they have declined so rapidly that the original number has greatly decreased. Ranulph, the monk of Chester, talks about a general survey made in the fourth, sixteenth, and nineteenth years of the reign of William the Conqueror, known as the Bastard, in which it was found that (despite the Danes having destroyed many) there were about 52,000 towns, 45,002 parish churches, and 75,000 knight’s fees, of which the clergy held 28,015. He adds that several other buildings were constructed since that time, within a hundred years after the arrival of the Bastard, as compensation for those that William Rufus demolished for the creation of his new forest. For in an old book I have, seemingly written by a under-sheriff of Nottingham, I find that even in the time of Edward IV, there were 45,120 parish churches and only 60,216 knight’s fees, of which the clergy held, as before, 28,015, or at least 28,000; the difference being so small that he seems to use. However, if the claims of those who write in our time regarding this matter are or should be considered credible, you will find no more than 17,000 towns and villages, and 9,210 in total, which is just a little over a fourth of the previous amount, if thoroughly examined.

Certes this misfortune hath not onelie happened vnto our Ile & nation, but vnto most of the famous countries of the world heretofore, and all by the gréedie desire of such as would liue alone and onelie to themselues. And hereof we may take example in Candie of old time called Creta, which (as Homer writeth) was called Hecatompolis, bicause it conteined an hundred cities, but now it is so vnfurnished that it may hardlie be called Tripolis. Diodorus Siculus saith, that Aegypt had once 18000 cities, which so decaied in processe of time, that when Ptolomeus Lagus reigned, there were not aboue 3000: but in our daies both in all Asia & Aegypt this lesser number shall not verie readilie be found. In time past in Lincolne (as the fame goeth) there haue beene two and fiftie parish churches, and good record appeareth for eight and thirtie: but now if there be foure and twentie it is all. This inconuenience hath growen altogither to the church by appropriations made vnto monasteries and religious houses, a terrible canker and enimie to religion.

Certainly, this misfortune hasn’t just affected our island and nation, but also most of the notable countries in the world in the past, all due to the greedy desire of those who want to live solely for themselves. We can take an example from Crete, formerly known as Candie, which Homer described as Hecatompolis because it had a hundred cities, but now it’s so lacking that it can hardly be called Tripolis. Diodorus Siculus noted that Egypt once had 18,000 cities, but over time, that number declined so much that by the reign of Ptolemy Lagus, there were only about 3,000 left: however, in our times, you won't easily find a number that small in all of Asia and Egypt. In the past, there were said to be fifty-two parish churches in Lincoln, and good records show there were thirty-eight, but now if there are twenty-four, that's all. This issue has arisen entirely for the church due to appropriations made to monasteries and religious houses, a terrible blight and enemy to religion.

[Page 325]

[Page 325]

But to leaue this lamentable discourse of so notable and gréeuous an inconuenience, growing (as I said) by incroching and ioining of house to house, and laieng land to land, whereby the inhabitants of manie places of our countrie are deuoured and eaten vp, and their houses either altogither pulled downe or suffered to decaie by litle and litle, although sometime a poore man peraduenture dooth dwell in one of them, who not being able to repare it, suffereth it to fall downe, & thereto thinketh himselfe verie friendlie dealt withall, if he may haue an acre of ground assigned vnto him whereon to kéepe a cow, or wherein to set cabbages, radishes, parsneps, carrets, melons, pompons, or such like stuffe, by which he and his poore household liueth as by their principall food, sith they can doo no better. And as for wheaten bread, they eat it when they can reach vnto the price of it, contenting themselues in the meane time with bread made of otes or barleie: a poore estate God wot! Howbeit what care our great incrochers? But in diuers places where rich men dwelled sometime in good tenements, there be now no houses at all, but hopyards, and sheads for poles, or peraduenture gardens, as we may sée in castell Hedingham, and diuerse other places. But to procéed.

But to leave this unfortunate discussion about such a significant and serious issue, which arises (as I mentioned) from the encroachment and merging of homes and the combining of land, whereby many places in our country are consumed and overtaken, and their houses either completely torn down or gradually falling into disrepair, even though sometimes a poor person may live in one of them, who, unable to fix it, watches it crumble and thinks of himself as fortunate if he can get an acre of land assigned to him where he can keep a cow or grow cabbages, radishes, parsnips, carrots, melons, pumpkins, or similar items, which serve as their main food since they can’t do any better. As for wheat bread, they eat it when they can afford it, contenting themselves in the meantime with bread made from oats or barley: a poor situation indeed! Nevertheless, what do our great encroachers care? In various places where wealthy men once lived in nice homes, there are now no houses at all, but hopyards, sheds for poles, or perhaps gardens, as we can see in Castle Hedingham and several other locations. But to continue.

It is so, that our soile being diuided into champaine ground and woodland, the houses of the first lie vniformelie builded in euerie towne togither with stréets and lanes, wheras in the woodland countries (except here and there in great market townes) they stand scattered abroad, each one dwelling in the midst of his owne occupieng. And as in manie and most great market townes, there are commonlie thrée hundred or foure hundred families or mansions, & two thousand communicants, or peraduenture more: so in the other, whether they be woodland or champaine, we find not often aboue fortie, fiftie, or thrée score households, and two or thrée hundred communicants, whereof the greatest part neuerthelesse are verie poore folkes, oftentimes without all maner of occupieng, sith the ground of the parish is gotten vp into a few mens hands, yea sometimes into the tenure of one, two or thrée, whereby the rest are compelled either to be hired seruants vnto the other, or else to beg their bread in miserie from doore to doore.

Our land is divided into open fields and woodland, with houses in the open areas built closely together in every town along streets and lanes. In the woodland areas, except for a few large market towns, homes are scattered, with each one located among its own fields. In many of the larger market towns, there are typically three to four hundred families or households, and around two thousand church members, often even more. In contrast, in the woodland or open field areas, we seldom find more than forty, fifty, or sixty households, with only two or three hundred church members, most of whom are very poor, often without any means of livelihood, as the land of the parish has been taken over by a few individuals, sometimes just one, two, or three people, leaving the rest forced to either work as hired servants for them or beg for food from door to door.

There are some (saith Leland) which are not so fauourable when they haue gotten such lands, as to let the houses remaine vpon them to the vse of the poore; but they will compound with the lord of the soile to pull them downe for altogither, saieng that if they did let them stand, they should but toll beggers to the towne, therby to surcharge the rest of the parish, & laie more burden vpon them. But alas these pitifull men sée not that they themselues hereby doo laie the greatest log vpon their neighbors necks. For sith the prince dooth commonlie loose nothing of his duties accustomable to be paid, the rest of the parishioners that remaine must answer and beare them out: for they plead more charge other waies, saieng; I am charged alreadie with a light horsse, I am to answer in this sort and after that maner. And it is not yet altogither out of knowledge, that where the king had seuen pounds thirteene shillings at a taske gathered of fiftie wealthie householders of a parish in England: now a gentleman hauing three parts of the towne in his owne hands, foure housholds doo beare all the aforesaid paiment, or else Leland is deceiued in his Commentaries lib. 13. latelie come to my hands, which thing he especiallie noted in his trauell ouer this Ile. A common plague & enormittie, both in the hart of the land and likewise vpon the coasts. Certes a great number compleine of the increase of pouertie, laieng the cause vpon God, as though he were in fault for sending such increase of people, or want of wars that should consume them, affirming that the land was neuer so full, &c: but few men doo sée the verie root from whence it dooth procéed. Yet the Romans found it out, when they florished, and therefore prescribed limits to euerie mans tenure and occupieng. Homer commendeth Achilles for ouerthrowing of fiue and twentie cities: but in mine opinion Ganges is much better preferred by Suidas for building of thrée score in Inde, where he did plant himselfe. I could (if néed required) set downe in this place the number of religious houses and monasteries, with the names of their founders that haue béene in this Iland: but sith it is a thing of small importance, I passe it ouer as impertinent to my purpose. Yet herein I will commend [Page 326] sundrie of the monasticall votaries, especiallie moonkes, for that they were authors of manie goodlie borowes and endwares, néere vnto their dwellings, although otherwise they pretended to be men separated from the world. But alas their couetous minds one waie in inlarging their reuenues, and carnall intent an other, appéered herin too too much. For being bold from time to time to visit their tenants, they wrought off great wickednesse, and made those endwares little better than brodelhouses, especiallie where nunries were farre off, or else no safe accesse vnto them. But what doo I spend my time in the rehearsall of these filthinesses? Would to God the memorie of them might perish with the malefactors! My purpose was also at the end of this chapter to haue set downe a table of the parish churches and market townes thorough out all England and Wales: but sith I can not performe the same as I would, I am forced to giue ouer my purpose: yet by these few that insue you shall easilie see what order I would haue vsed according to the shires, if I might haue brought it to passe.

There are some (Leland says) who are not very generous when they acquire such lands, as they won’t allow the houses on them to remain for the use of the poor; instead, they negotiate with the landowner to have them torn down altogether, arguing that if they let them stay, they would only attract beggars to the town, thereby overloading the rest of the parish and placing more burden on them. But sadly, these pitiful men don’t see that they are actually placing the biggest burden on their neighbors. Since the prince usually loses nothing of the customary duties owed, the other parishioners left must step up and support them: they complain about being charged in various ways, saying, “I’m already burdened with this, I have to answer in this manner.” And it’s not entirely forgotten that where the king had seven pounds thirteen shillings collected from fifty wealthy householders in a parish in England, a gentleman who controls three-quarters of the town has four households bearing all that payment, or else Leland is misled in his Commentaries lib. 13, which has recently come into my possession; this is something he especially noted during his travels across this island. It’s a common plague and issue, both in the heart of the land and along the coasts. Certainly, a large number complain about the rise in poverty, blaming God, as if He were at fault for sending so many people or not causing wars to reduce their numbers, claiming that the land has never been so full, etc.: but few people see the very root of the problem. Yet the Romans figured it out when they were prosperous, and thus established limits to everyone’s holdings and occupation. Homer praises Achilles for overthrowing twenty-five cities; but in my view, Ganges is better honored by Suidas for building sixty in India, where he established himself. I could (if necessary) list the number of religious houses and monasteries, with the names of their founders that have existed in this island: but since it isn’t very significant, I’ll skip over it as unrelated to my purpose. However, I will commend several of the monastic individuals, especially monks, for having been the founders of many admirable towns and endowments near their homes, even though they otherwise pretended to be separated from the world. But alas, their greedy minds in one respect, to enlarge their revenues, and their carnal intentions in another, showed through too much. For daring to visit their tenants frequently, they committed great wickedness and turned those endowments into little more than brothels, especially where nunneries were far off or there was no safe access to them. But why do I waste my time recounting these filthinesses? Would to God their memory might perish along with the wrongdoers! My intention was also at the end of this chapter to provide a table of the parish churches and market towns throughout all of England and Wales: but since I cannot achieve that as I would like, I am forced to abandon my intent: yet from the few that follow, you shall easily see what order I would have used according to the counties if I could have made it happen.

Shires. Market townes. Parishes.
Middlesex.   3 73
London within the walles, and without.   120
Surrie. 6 140
Sussex. 18 312
Kent. 17 398
Cambridge. 4 163
Bedford. 9 13
Huntingdon. 5 78
Rutland. 2 47
Barkeshire. 11 150
Northhampton. 10 326
Buckingham. 11 196
Oxford. 10 216
Southhampton. 18 248
Dorset. 19 279
Norffolke. 26 625
Suffolke. 25 575
Essex. 18 415

OF CASTELS AND HOLDS.
CHAP. XIV.

It hath béene of long time a question in controuersie, and not yet determined, whether holds and castels néere cities or anie where in the hart of common-wealths, are more profitable or hurtfull for the benefit of the countrie? Neuertheles it séemeth by our owne experience that we here in England suppose them altogither vnnéedfull. This also is apparent by the testimonie of sundrie writers, that they haue béene the ruine of manie a noble citie. Of Old Salisburie I speake not, of Anwarpe I saie nothing more than of sundrie other, whereof some also in my time neuer cease to incroch vpon the liberties of the cities adioining, thereby to hinder them what and wherin they may. For my part I neuer read of anie castell that did good vnto the citie abutting theron, but onelie the capitoll of Rome: and yet but once good vnto the same, in respect of the nine times whereby it brought it into danger of vtter ruine and confusion. Aristotle vtterlie denieth that anie castle at all can be profitable to a common wealth well gouerned. Timotheus of Corinthum affirmeth, that a castle in a common wealth is but a bréeder of tyrants. Pyrhus king of Epire being receiued also on a time into [Page 327] Athens, among other courtesies shewed vnto him, they led him also into their castell of Pallas, who at his departure gaue them great thanks for the fréendlie intertainment; but with this item, that they should let so few kings come into the same as they might, least (saith he) they teach you to repent too late of your great gentlenesse. Caietanus in his common-wealth hath finallie no liking of them, as appéereth in his eight booke of that most excellent treatise. But what haue I to deale whether they be profitable or not, sith my purpose is rather to shew what plentie we haue of them, which I will performe so far as shall be néedfull?

It has been a long-standing debate, still unresolved, whether forts and castles near cities or anywhere in the heart of states are more beneficial or harmful for the country’s welfare. However, from our own experience in England, we consider them completely unnecessary. This is also supported by various writers who state that they have been the downfall of many noble cities. I do not mention Old Salisbury, and I say nothing about Antwerp, just as I could reference many others, some of which in my time have continually encroached on the liberties of neighboring cities, hindering them in every possible way. Personally, I have never read about any castle that has done good for the city next to it, except for the Capitol in Rome: and even then, it was only good once, considering the nine times it brought the city to the brink of total ruin and chaos. Aristotle outright denies that any castle can be beneficial to a well-governed state. Timotheus of Corinth argues that a castle in a state only breeds tyrants. When Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, was welcomed into Athens, among other courtesies shown to him, they also took him to their fort at Pallas, where he expressed great thanks for the warm reception, but warned them to allow as few kings as possible into it, lest, he said, they learn to regret their kindness too late. Caietanus, in his treatise on governance, ultimately does not favor them, as evident in the eighth book of that excellent work. But what do I have to say about whether they are beneficial or not, since my aim is to show how plentiful they are, which I will do to the extent necessary?

There haue béene in times past great store of castels and places of defense within the realme of England, of which some were builded by the Britons, manie by the Romans, Saxons, and Danes, but most of all by the barons of the realme, in & about the time of king Stephan, who licenced each of them to build so manie as them listed vpon their owne demeasnes, hoping thereby that they would haue imploied their vse to his aduantage and commoditie. But finallie when he saw that they were rather fortified against himselfe in the end, than vsed in his defense, he repented all too late of his inconsiderate dealing, sith now there was no remedie but by force for to subdue them. After his decease king Henrie the second came no sooner to the crowne, but he called to mind the inconuenience which his predecessour had suffered, and he himselfe might in time sustaine by those fortifications. Therefore one of the first things he did was an attempt to race and deface the most part of these holds. Certes he thought it better to hazard the méeting of the enimie now and then in the plaine field, than to liue in perpetuall feare of those houses, and the rebellion of his lords vpon euerie light occasion conceiued, who then were full so strong as he, if not more strong; and that made them the readier to withstand and gainesaie manie of those procéedings, which he and his successours from time to time intended. Herevpon therefore he caused more than eleuen hundred of their said castels to be raced and ouerthrowne, whereby the power of his nobilitie was not a little restreined. Since that time also, not a few of those which remained haue decaied, partlie by the commandement of Henrie the third, and partlie of themselues, or by conuersion of them into the dwelling houses of noble men, their martiall fronts being remooued: so that at this present, there are verie few or no castels at all mainteined within England, sauing onelie vpon the coasts and marches of the countrie for the better kéeping backe of the forren enimie, when soeuer he shall attempt to enter and annoie vs.

There have been many castles and places of defense in England in the past. Some were built by the Britons, many by the Romans, Saxons, and Danes, but most were constructed by the barons of the realm around the time of King Stephen. He allowed them to build as many as they wanted on their own lands, hoping they would use them for his benefit and advantage. However, in the end, when he realized they were fortified against him rather than for his defense, he regretted his thoughtless decision, as there was now no remedy but to subdue them by force. After his death, King Henry II came to the throne and remembered the problems caused by these fortifications, which he might also face in the future. Therefore, one of the first things he did was to attempt to demolish most of these strongholds. He believed it was better to risk meeting the enemy in open battle than to live in constant fear of those castles and the rebellion of his lords over every little matter, as they were just as strong as he was, if not stronger. This made them more likely to resist many of his plans for himself and his successors. As a result, he caused more than eleven hundred of these castles to be demolished, which significantly reduced the power of the nobility. Since then, a number of those that remained have fallen into disrepair, partly by the orders of Henry III, and partly by their own decline, or by being converted into the homes of noblemen, with their military features removed. Now, very few, if any, castles are maintained in England, except along the coasts and borders of the country to better hold back foreign enemies whenever they attempt to invade and trouble us.

The most provident prince that euer reigned in this land, for the fortification thereof against all outward enimies, was the late prince of famous memorie king Henrie the eight, who beside that he repared most of such as were alreadie standing, builded sundrie out of the ground. For hauing shaken off the more than seruile yoke of popish tyrannie, and espieng that the emperour was offended for his diuorce from quéene Catharine his aunt, and thereto vnderstanding that the French king had coupled the Dolphin his sonne with the popes neece, and maried his daughter to the king of Scots (whereby he had cause more iustlie to suspect than safelie to trust anie one of them all as Lambert saith) he determined to stand vpon his owne defense, and therefore with no small spéed, and like charge, he builded sundrie blockehouses, castels, and platformes vpon diuerse frontiers of his realme, but chieflie the east and southeast parts of England, whereby (no doubt) he did verie much qualifie the conceiued grudges of his aduersaries, and vtterlie put off their hastie purpose of inuasion. But would to God he had cast his eie toward Harwich, and the coasts of Norffolke and Suffolke, where nothing as yet is doone! albeit there be none so fit and likelie places for the enimie to enter vpon, as in those parts, where, at a full sea they may touch vpon the shore and come to land without resistance. And thus much brieflie for my purpose at this present. For I néed not to make anie long discourse of castels, sith it is not the nature of a good Englishman to regard to be caged vp as in a coope, and hedged in with stone wals, but rather to meet with his enimie in the plaine field at handstrokes, where he maie trauaise his ground, choose his plot, and vse the benefit of sunne shine, wind and weather, to his best aduantage & commoditie. Isocrates also saith that towres, walles, bulworkes, [Page 328] The best kéepers of kingdomes. soldiers, and plentie of armour, are not the best kéepers of kingdomes; but freends, loue of subiects, & obedience vnto martiall discipline, which they want that shew themselues either cruell or couetous toward their people. As for those tales that go of Beston castell, how it shall saue all England on a daie, and likewise the brag of a rebellious baron in old time named Hugh Bigot, that said in contempt of king Henrie the third, and about the fiftith yeare of his reigne:

The most forward-thinking ruler who ever reigned in this land, for strengthening it against all outside enemies, was the late king Henry the Eighth, who, in addition to repairing most of the existing structures, built several from scratch. After breaking free from the oppressive control of Catholic rule, and realizing that the emperor was upset over his divorce from Queen Catherine, his aunt, he also understood that the French king had aligned his son, the Dolphin, with the pope's niece and married his daughter to the king of Scots, which led him to rightfully be more suspicious than trusting of them all, as Lambert says. He decided to prepare for his own defense, and quickly and at significant expense, he constructed various blockhouses, castles, and fortifications across different borders of his realm, mainly in the east and southeast parts of England, which undoubtedly helped to ease his enemies' grudges and completely deter their hasty plans for invasion. But I wish to God he had focused on Harwich and the coasts of Norfolk and Suffolk, where nothing has been done yet! Although these places are the most likely for the enemy to land, as they could easily hit the shore and come ashore without facing resistance at high tide. This is all I need to say for now. There’s no need for a lengthy discussion about castles, since it’s not in the nature of a good Englishman to be trapped like a bird in a cage surrounded by stone walls, but rather to meet his enemy in open fields, at close range, where he can maneuver, choose his battleground, and take advantage of sunshine, wind, and weather for his best benefit and advantage. Isocrates also said that towers, walls, fortifications, soldiers, and plenty of armor are not the best protectors of kingdoms; rather, true protection comes from friends, the love of subjects, and obedience to martial discipline, which they lack who treat their people with cruelty or greed. As for the tales about Beston Castle, how it will save all of England one day, and the boast of a rebellious baron from long ago named Hugh Bigot, who spoke with contempt toward King Henry the Third around the fiftieth year of his reign:

If I were in my castell of Bungeie,

If I were in my castle at Bungeie,

Vpon the water of Waueneie,

On the waters of Waueneie,

I wold not set a button by the king of Cockneie,

I wouldn't value anything when it comes to the king of Cockney,

I repute them but as toies, the first méere vaine, the second fondlie vttered if anie such thing were said, as manie other words are and haue béene spoken of like holds (as Wallingford, &c:) but now growen out of memorie, and with small losse not heard of among the common sort. Certes the castell of Bungeie was ouerthrowen by the aforesaid prince, the same yeare that he ouerthrew the walles and castell of Leircester, also the castels of Treske and Malesar, apperteining to Roger Mowbraie, and that of Fremlingham belonging likewise to Hugh Bigot, wherof in the chronologie following you may read at large. I might here in like sort take occasion to speake of sundrie strong places where camps of men haue lien, and of which we haue great plentie here in England in the plaine fields: but I passe ouer to talke of any such néedlesse discourses. This neuerthelesse concerning two of them is not to be omitted, to wit, that The Wandles in time past were called Windles. the one néere vnto Cambridge now Gogmagogs hill, was called Windleburie before time, as I read of late in an old pamphlet. And to saie the truth I haue often heard them named Winterburie hilles, which difference may easilie grow by corruption of the former word: the place likewise is verie large and strong. The second is to be séene in the edge of Shropshire about two miles from Colme, betwéene two riuers, the Clun or Colunus, and the Tewie otherwise named Themis, wherevnto there is no accesse but at one place. The Welshmen call it Cair Carador, and they are of the opinion, that Caractatus king of the Sillures was ouercome there by Ostorius, at such time as he fled to Cartimanda quéene of the Brigants for succour, who betraied him to the Romans, as you may sée in Tacitus.

I consider them nothing but nonsense, the first completely pointless, the second foolishly said if anything like that was ever said, just like many other words that have been spoken about similar places (like Wallingford, etc.) but have now faded from memory and are hardly missed by the general public. Indeed, the castle of Bungeie was destroyed by the aforementioned prince in the same year that he took down the walls and castle of Leicester, as well as the castles of Treske and Malesar, which belonged to Roger Mowbraie, and that of Fremlingham, which also belonged to Hugh Bigot, and you'll find more details about that in the following chronology. I could take this opportunity to talk about various strong locations where armies have camped, of which we have many here in England in the open fields; however, I’ll skip discussing any such unnecessary topics. That said, I can’t neglect to mention two of them, namely, that The Wandles were formerly known as Windles. the first, near Cambridge now known as Gogmagogs hill, was once called Windleburie, as I recently read in an old pamphlet. To be honest, I’ve often heard them referred to as Winterburie hills, which variation could easily stem from a corruption of the earlier name: the place is also quite large and strong. The second is located on the edge of Shropshire about two miles from Colme, between two rivers, the Clun (or Colunus) and the Tewie (also called Themis), with access only at one spot. The Welsh call it Cair Carador, and they believe that Caractatus, the king of the Silures, was defeated there by Ostorius when he fled to Cartimanda, the queen of the Brigants, for help, who then betrayed him to the Romans, as you can see in Tacitus.

OF PALACES BELONGING TO THE PRINCE.
CHAP. XV.

It lieth not in me to set down exactlie the number & names of the palaces belonging to the prince, nor to make anie description of hir graces court, sith my calling is and hath béene such, as that I haue scarselie presumed to peepe in at hir gates, much lesse then haue I aduentured to search out and know the estate of those houses, and what magnificent behauiour is to be séene within them. Yet thus much will I saie generallie of all the houses and honours perteining to hir maiestie, that they are builded either of square stone or bricke, or else of both. And thervnto although their capacitie and hugenesse be not so monstrous, as the like of diuerse forren princes are to be seene in the maine, and new found nations of the world: yet are they so curious, neat, and commodious as any of them, both for conuenience of offices and lodgings, and excellencie of situation, which is not the least thing to be considered of in building. Those that were builded before the time of King Hen. 8. not inferior to Adrian and Iustinian. king Henrie the eight, reteine to these daies the shew and image of the ancient kind of workemanship vsed in this land: but such as he erected after his owne deuise (for he was nothing inferiour in this trade to Adrian the emperour and Iustinian the lawgiuer) doo represent another maner of paterne, which as they are supposed to excell all the rest that he found standing in this realme, so they are and shall be a perpetuall president vnto those that doo come after, to follow in their workes and buildings of importance. Certes masonrie did neuer better flourish in [Page 329] England than in his time. And albeit that in these daies there be manie goodlie houses erected in the sundrie quarters of this Iland; yet they are rather curious to the eie like paper worke, than substantiall for continuance: whereas such as he did set vp excell in both, and therefore may iustlie be preferred farre aboue all the rest. The names of those which come now to my remembrance, and are as yet reserued to hir maiesties onelie vse at pleasure are these: for of such as are giuen awaie I speake not, neither of those that are vtterlie decaied, as Bainards castell in London builded in the daies of the Conquerour by a noble man called William Bainard, whose wife Inga builded the priorie of litle Donemow in the daies of Henrie the first; neither of the tower roiall there also, &c: sith I sée no cause wherefore I should remember them and manie of the like, of whose verie ruines I haue no certeine knowledge. Of such I saie therfore as I erst mentioned, we haue first of White hall. all White hall at the west end of London (which is taken for the most large & principall of all the rest) was first a lodging of the Archbishops of Yorke, then pulled downe, begun by cardinall Woolseie, and finallie inlarged and finished by king Henrie the eight. By east of this standeth Durham place, sometime belonging to the bishops of Durham, but conuerted also by king Henrie the eight into a palace roiall, & lodging for the prince. Of Summerset place I speake not, yet if the first beginner thereof (I meane the lord Edward, the learned and godlie duke of Summerset) had liued, I doubt not but it should haue beene well finished and brought to a sumptuous end: but as vntimelie death tooke him from that house & from vs all, so it prooued the staie of such proceeding as was intended about it. Wherby it commeth to passe that it standeth as he left it. Neither will I remember the Tower of London, which is rather an armorie and house of munition, and therevnto a place for the safekéeping of offenders, than a palace roiall for a king or quéene to soiourne in. Yet in times past I find that Belline held his aboad there, and therevnto extended the site of his palace in such wise, that it stretched ouer the Broken wharfe, and came further into the citie, in so much that it approched néere to Bellines gate, & as it is thought some of the ruines of his house are yet extant, howbeit patched S. James. vp and made warehouses in that tract of ground in our times. S. Iames sometime a nonrie, was builded also by the same prince. Hir grace hath Oteland.
Ashridge.
Hatfield.
Enuéeld.
Richmond.
Hampton.
Woodstocke.
also Oteland, Ashridge, Hatfield, Hauering, Enuéeld, Eltham, Langleie, Richmond builded by Henrie the fift, Hampton court (begun sometime by cardinall Woolseie, and finished by hir father) and therevnto Woodstocke, erected by king Henrie the first, in which the quéenes maiestie delighteth greatlie to soiourne, notwithstanding that in time past it was the place of a parcell of hir captiuitie, when it pleased God to trie hir by affliction and calamitie.

I can't detail the exact number and names of the palaces that belong to the prince, nor can I describe her court, since my role has been such that I have barely dared to peek through her gates, much less ventured to explore and understand the condition of those houses and the magnificent behavior within them. However, I will say in general about all the houses and honors belonging to her majesty that they are built either of square stone or brick, or a combination of both. Although their size and grandeur may not be as overwhelming as those seen among various foreign princes in the mainland and newly discovered nations, they are as attractive, tidy, and convenient as any of them, in terms of office space and living quarters, as well as excellent location, which is an important consideration in construction. Those constructed before the time of King Henry VIII. King Henry VIII still retain the appearance and style of ancient workmanship used in this land; however, those he built according to his own design (for he was no less skilled in this trade than Emperor Adrian and Lawgiver Justinian) represent a different kind of design, which, as believed, surpasses all the others he found in the kingdom. These will serve as a lasting model for those who come after, to follow in their building projects of significance. Certainly, masonry never thrived as well in [Page 329] England as it did in his time. Although many beautiful houses have been built in different parts of this island today, they tend to be more decorative and fragile than substantial and lasting. The ones he erected excel in both solidness and beauty, and therefore should justly be valued far above the rest. The names that come to mind, still reserved for her majesty’s sole use, are as follows: I will not mention those that have been given away or those that have completely fallen into decay, like Bainard's Castle in London, built during the days of the Conqueror by a noble man named William Bainard, whose wife, Inga, constructed the priory of Little Dunmow in the times of Henry I; nor will I discuss the royal tower there, etc., as I see no reason to recall them and many like them, of whose very ruins I have no certain knowledge. Therefore, I will speak of those I have already mentioned. First of all, Whitehall at the west end of London (which is considered the largest and most important of all the rest) was originally a residence for the Archbishops of York, then torn down, started by Cardinal Wolsey, and finally expanded and completed by King Henry VIII. East of this stands Durham Place, once belonging to the Bishops of Durham, but also converted by King Henry VIII into a royal palace and lodging for the prince. I won't mention Somerset Place, but if its original developer (I mean the learned and godly Duke of Somerset, Lord Edward) had lived, I have no doubt it would have been finished and brought to a splendid conclusion: but since untimely death took him from that house and from all of us, it halted the plans that were intended for it. This is why it stands as he left it. I will also not recall the Tower of London, which is more of an armory and house of munitions, and also a place for the safe-keeping of offenders, than a royal palace for a king or queen to stay in. Yet in the past, I find that Belline lived there, and the site of his palace extended over the Broken Wharf and further into the city, so much so that it approached near Belline's Gate, and it is thought that some ruins of his house still exist, although patched up and turned into warehouses in our times. St. James, once a nunnery, was also built by the same prince. Her grace has Oteland.
Ashridge.
Hatfield.
Hauering.
Richmond.
Hampton.
Woodstock.
also Oteland, Ashridge, Hatfield, Hauering, Enfield, Eltham, Langley, Richmond built by Henry V, Hampton Court (started at some time by Cardinal Wolsey and finished by her father), and Woodstock, erected by King Henry I, where the queen greatly enjoys staying, despite the fact that it was once a place of part of her captivity when God chose to test her through affliction and calamity.

Windsor. For strength Windlesor or Winsor is supposed to be the chéefe, a castell builded in time past by king Arthur, or before him by Aruiragus, as it is thought, and repared by Edward the third, who erected also a notable college there. After him diuerse of his successours haue bestowed excéeding charges vpon the same, which notwithstanding are farre surmounted by the quéenes maiestie now liuing, who hath appointed huge summes of monie to be emploied vpon the ornature and alteration of the mould, according to the forme of building vsed in our daies, which is more for pleasure than for either profit or safegard. Such also hath béene the estimation of this place, that diuerse kings haue not onelie béene interred there, but also made it the chiefe house of assemblie, and creation of the knights of the honorable order of the garter, than the which there is nothing in this land more magnificent and statelie.

Windsor. Windsor, or Windlesor, is believed to be the main stronghold, a castle built long ago by King Arthur or, as some think, by Aruiragus. It was later renovated by Edward III, who also established a significant college there. After him, several of his successors spent considerable amounts of money on it, but none have surpassed the current queen’s investment, who has allocated vast sums to enhance and update the structure to fit the style of modern architecture, focusing more on aesthetics than on utility or defense. This location has been so highly regarded that several kings have not only been buried here but have also made it the primary venue for gatherings and the creation of knights in the prestigious Order of the Garter, which is unmatched in grandeur and dignity throughout the land.

Gréenewich. Greenewich was first builded by Humfreie duke of Glocester, vpon the Thames side foure miles east from London, in the time of Henrie the sixt, and called Pleasance. Afterwards it was greatlie inlarged by king Edw. 4. garnished by king Hen. 7. and finallie made perfect by king Hen. 8. the onelie Phenix of his time for fine and curious masonrie.

Greenwich. Greenwich was first built by Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, on the Thames River, four miles east of London, during the reign of Henry VI, and was initially called Pleasance. Later, it was significantly expanded by King Edward IV, decorated by King Henry VII, and finally perfected by King Henry VIII, the only Phoenix of his time for exquisite and detailed masonry.

Dartford. Not farre from this is Dartford, and not much distant also from the southside of the said streame, somtime a nonnerie builded by Edward the third, but now a verie commodious palace, wherevnto it was also Eltham. conuerted by K. Henrie the eight. Eltham (as I take it) was builded by [Page 330] king Henrie the third, if not before. There are beside these moreouer diuerse other. But what shall I néed to take vpon me to repeat all, and tell what houses the quéenes maiestie hath? sith all is hirs, and when it pleaseth hir in the summer season to recreat hir selfe abroad, and view the estate of the countrie, and heare the complaints of hir poore commons iniuried by hir vniust officers or their substitutes, euerie noble mans house is hir palace, where shee continueth during pleasure, and till shée returne againe to some of hir owne, in which she remaineth so long as pleaseth hir.

Dartford. Not far from here is Dartford, and also not too far from the south side of the stream, which was once a nunnery built by Edward the Third, but now it’s a very nice palace, which was also converted by King Henry the Eighth. Eltham (as I understand it) was built by King Henry the Third, if not before. Besides these, there are several others. But why should I bother repeating all of them and listing which houses belong to Her Majesty the Queen? Since everything is hers, and when it pleases her to spend time outdoors in the summer, to explore the countryside and hear the complaints of her poor subjects wronged by her unjust officers or their representatives, every nobleman's house becomes her palace, where she stays as long as she likes, until she returns to one of her own residences, in which she remains as long as she wishes.

Of the court. The court of England, which necessarilie is holden alwaies where the prince lieth, is in these daies one of the most renowmed and magnificent courts that are to be found in Europe. For whether you regard the rich and infinit furniture of household, order of officers, or the interteinement of such strangers as dailie resort vnto the same, you shall not find manie equall therevnto, much lesse one excelling it in anie maner of wise. I might here (if I would, or had sufficient disposition of matter concerned of the same) make a large discourse of such honorable ports, of such graue councellors, and noble personages, as giue their dailie attendance vpon the quéenes maiestie there. I could in like sort set foorth a singular commendation of the vertuous beautie, or beautifull vertues of such ladies and gentlewomen as wait vpon hir person, betweene whose amiable countenances and costlinesse of attire, there séemeth to be such a dailie conflict and contention, as that it is verie difficult for me to gesse, whether of the twaine shall beare awaie the preheminence. This further is not to be omitted, to the singular English courtiers the best learned & the worst liuers. commendation of both sorts and sexes of our courtiers here in England, that there are verie few of them, which haue not the vse and skill of sundrie speaches, beside an excellent veine of writing before time not regarded. Would to God the rest of their liues and conuersations were correspondent to these gifts! for as our common courtiers (for the most part) are the best lerned and indued with excellent gifts, so are manie of them the worst men when they come abroad, that anie man shall either heare or read of. Trulie it is a rare thing with vs now, to heare of a courtier which hath but his owne language. And to saie how many gentlewomen and ladies there are, that beside sound knowledge of the Gréeke and Latine toongs, are thereto no lesse skilfull in the Spanish, Italian, and French, or in some one of them, it resteth not in me: sith I am persuaded, that as the noble men and gentlemen doo surmount in this behalfe, so these come verie little or nothing at all behind them for their parts, which industrie God continue, and accomplish that which otherwise is wanting!

In court. The court of England, which is always held wherever the prince is located, is nowadays one of the most renowned and magnificent courts in Europe. Whether you consider the wealth and abundance of household furnishings, the organization of officials, or the hospitality extended to the many visitors who come daily, you won’t find many that compare, let alone one that surpasses it in any way. I could, if I wanted to or had enough material on the subject, write extensively about the impressive entrances, the esteemed counselors, and the noble individuals who attend to the queen’s majesty daily. I could also highlight the extraordinary beauty or beautiful virtues of the ladies and gentlewomen who serve her, among whose charming faces and elegant attire there seems to be a daily contest over who stands out more. Additionally, it’s worth noting the remarkable skill of our courtiers in England, both male and female, as very few lack proficiency in several languages, coupled with a writing style that was previously overlooked. If only the rest of their lives and behavior matched these talents! For while our courtiers are mostly well-educated and gifted, many of them are among the worst individuals one might encounter or read about. It’s truly rare these days to find a courtier who speaks only his own language. As for the number of gentlewomen and ladies, aside from their solid knowledge of Greek and Latin, many are also proficient in Spanish, Italian, and French, or at least one of them. I believe that while noblemen and gentlemen excel in this regard, these women are hardly any less accomplished, and I hope God sustains this industriousness and helps complete what is otherwise lacking!

Beside these things I could in like sort set downe the waies and meanes, wherby our ancient ladies of the court doo shun and auoid idlenesse, some of them exercising their fingers with the needle, other in caulworke, diuerse in spinning of silke, some in continuall reading either of the holie scriptures, or histories of our owne or forren nations about vs, and diuerse in writing volumes of their owne, or translating of other mens into our English and Latine toong, whilest the yoongest sort in the meane time applie their lutes, citharnes, prickesong, and all kind of musike, which they vse onelie for recreation sake, when they haue leisure, and are free from attendance vpon the quéenes maiestie, or such as they belong vnto. How manie of the eldest sort also are skilfull in surgerie and distillation of waters, beside sundrie other artificiall practises perteining to the ornature and commendations of their bodies, I might (if I listed to deale further in this behalfe) easilie declare, but I passe ouer such maner of dealing, least I should séeme to glauer, and currie fauour with some of them. Neuerthelesse this I will generallie saie of them all, that as ech of them are cuning in somthing wherby they kéepe themselues occupied in the court, so there is in maner none of them, but when they be at home, can helpe to supplie the ordinarie want of the kitchen with a number of delicat dishes of their owne deuising, wherein the Portingall is their chéefe counsellor, as some of them are most commonlie with the clearke of the kitchen, who vseth (by a tricke taken vp of late) to giue in a bréefe rehearsall of such and so manie dishes as are to come in at euerie course throughout the whole seruice in the dinner or supper while: which bill some doo call a memoriall, other a billet, but some a [Page 331] fillet, bicause such are commonlie hanged on the file, and kept by the ladie or gentlewoman vnto some other purpose. But whither am I digressed?

Beside all this, I could also outline the ways and methods that our noble ladies at court avoid idleness. Some keep their hands busy with sewing, others with intricate needlework, many spin silk, and some are constantly reading either the holy scriptures or the histories of our own and other nations around us. Several are engaged in writing their own volumes or translating works from others into English and Latin, while the younger ones spend their time playing lutes, zithers, and various kinds of music, which they use only for leisure when they have free time and aren't attending to the queen or their own duties. Many of the older ladies are also skilled in surgery and the distillation of waters, among other arts related to beauty and personal care. I could easily elaborate further on this topic if I wanted to, but I'll skip it to avoid seeming overly flattering or currying favor with them. However, I will say generally that each of them has a particular skill that keeps them occupied at court, and almost all of them, when at home, can help fill the everyday needs of the kitchen with a variety of fancy dishes of their own creation, with the Portuguese being their main advisor, as some of them often work with the clerk of the kitchen, who recently adopted a trick of giving a brief overview of all the dishes to be served at each course during lunch or dinner. This list is referred to by some as a memorial, by others as a billet, and by some as a fillet because it's typically hung on a file and kept by the lady or gentlewoman for other purposes. But where was I?

I might finallie describe the large allowances in offices, and yearelie liueries, and therevnto the great plentie of gold and siluer plate, the seuerall peeces whereof are commonlie so great and massie, and the quantitie therof so abundantlie seruing all the houshold, that (as I suppose) Cyniras, Cresus, and Crassus had not the like furniture: naie if Midas were now liuing & once againe put to his choise, I thinke he could aske no more, or rather not halfe so much as is there to be seene and vsed. But I passe ouer to make such needlesse discourses, resoluing my selfe, that euen in this also, as in all the rest, the excéeding mercie and louing kindnesse of God dooth wonderfullie appéere towards vs, in that he hath so largelie indued vs with these his so ample benefits.

I could finally talk about the generous allowances in the offices, and the yearly gifts, along with the massive amount of gold and silver plate. The individual pieces are usually so large and heavy, and the quantity is so plentiful that it serves the entire household abundantly. I suppose that Cyniras, Cresus, and Crassus didn’t have such lavish furnishings. In fact, if Midas were alive today and had to make a choice again, I think he wouldn’t ask for more, or even half as much as what can be seen and used here. However, I’ll skip over making unnecessary comments, reminding myself that, just like in everything else, the overwhelming mercy and kindness of God is clearly seen here, as He has blessed us so richly with these generous gifts.

In some great princes courts beyond the seas, & which euen for that cause are likened vnto hell by diuerse learned writers that haue spent a great part of their time in them, as Henricus Cornelius Agrippa, one (for example) who in his epistle "Ad aulicum quendam," saith thus: "An non in inferno es amice, qui es in aula, vbi dæmonum habitatio est, qui illic suis artibus humana licèt effigie regnant, atque vbi scelerum schola est, & animarum iactura ingens, ac quicquid vspiam est perfidiæ ac doli, quicquid crudelitatis & inclemētiæ, quicquid effrænatæ superbiæ, & rapacis auariciæ, quicquid obscenæ libidinis, fædissimæ impudicitiæ, quicquid nefandæ impietatis, & morum pessimorum, totum illic aceruatur cumulatissimè, vbi stupra, raptus, incestus, adulteria, principum & nobilium ludi sunt, vbi fastus & tumor, ira, liuor, fædáque cupido cum socijs suis imperauit, vbi criminum omnium procellæ virtutúmque omniū ínenarrabile naufragium, &c." In such great princes courts (I saie) it is a world to sée what lewd behauiour is vsed among diuerse of those that resort vnto the same, and what whoredome, swearing, ribaldrie, atheisme, dicing, carding, carowsing, drunkennesse, gluttonie, quareling, and such like inconueniences doo dailie take hold, and sometimes euen among those, in whose estates the like behauiour is least conuenient (whereby their talke is verified which say that the thing increaseth and groweth in the courts of princes sauing vertue, which in such places dooth languish and dailie vade away) all which enormities are either vtterlie expelled out of the court of England, or else so qualified by the diligent endeuour of the chiefe officers of hir graces household, that seldome are anie of these things apparantlie séene there, without due reprehension, and such seuere correction as belongeth to those trespasses. Finallie to auoid idlenesse, and preuent sundrie transgressions, otherwise likelie to be committed and doone, such order is taken, that euerie office hath either a bible, or the bookes of the acts and monuments of the church of England, or both, beside some histories and chronicles lieng therein, for the exercise of such as come into the same: whereby the stranger that entereth into the court of England vpon the sudden, shall rather imagine himselfe to come into some publike schoole of the vniuersities, where manie giue eare to one that readeth, than into a princes palace, if you conferre the same with those of other nations. Would to God all honorable personages would take example of hir graces godlie dealing in this behalfe, and shew their conformitie vnto these hir so good beginnings! which if they would, then should manie grieuous offenses (wherewith God is highlie displeased) be cut off and restreined, which now doo reigne excéedinglie, in most noble and gentlemens houses, wherof they sée no paterne within hir graces gates.

In the courts of some powerful princes overseas, which many learned writers have compared to hell because of their experiences there, such as Henricus Cornelius Agrippa, who in his letter "Ad aulicum quendam," says: "Aren't you in hell, friend, if you are in the court, where demons reside, who rule there with their human-like arts? It’s a school of wickedness, with a tremendous loss of souls, and where all kinds of treachery and deceit, cruelty and harshness, unchecked pride and greedy avarice, filthy lust, shameful indecency, unspeakable impiety, and the worst behaviors accumulate in abundance. Here, sexual assault, abductions, incest, and adultery are games played by princes and nobles, where arrogance, rage, jealousy, and vile desires reign with their companions. The storms of all crimes and the unfathomable shipwreck of all virtue occur here." In such grand courts, it’s astonishing to see the immoral behavior displayed by those who come to visit, including promiscuity, swearing, crude jokes, atheism, gambling, card games, heavy drinking, gluttony, fighting, and other such issues that frequently arise, sometimes even among those for whom such behavior is least appropriate. This supports the saying that such actions are on the rise in the courts of princes, except for virtue, which wilts and fades away in those environments. In contrast, all these atrocities are either completely banished from the court of England or managed so effectively by the diligent efforts of the chief officers of her grace’s household that none of these things are visibly present without proper reprimand and serious correction as warranted by those offenses. Finally, to prevent idleness and various likely offenses, every office is equipped with either a Bible or the books of the Acts and Monuments of the Church of England, or both, along with some histories and chronicles for the use of those entering. Thus, a stranger entering the English court might more readily think he has come into a public school at the university, where many listen to someone reading, rather than into a prince's palace, especially when compared with those of other nations. I wish all honorable individuals would take inspiration from her grace's pious actions in this regard and demonstrate their alignment with these good beginnings! If they did, many serious offenses that greatly displease God would be eliminated and curtailed, which currently flourish excessively in the homes of most nobles and gentlemen, where they see no example within her grace’s gates.

Traines of attendants. I might speake here of the great traines and troopes of seruing men also, which attend vpon the nobilitie of England in their seuerall liueries, and with differences of cognisances on their sléeues, whereby it is knowen to whome they apperteine. I could also set downe what a goodlie sight it is to sée them muster in the court, which being filled with them dooth yéeld the contemplation of a noble varietie vnto the beholder, much like to the shew of the pecocks taile in the full beautie, or of some medow garnished with infinit kinds and diuersitie of pleasant floures. But I passe ouer the rehearsall hereof to other men, who more delite in vaine amplification than I, and séeke to be more curious in these points than I professe to be.

Groups of staff. I could talk about the large groups of servants that attend the nobility of England, each in their different uniforms and with distinct emblems on their sleeves, which show who they belong to. It’s also quite a sight to see them gather in the court; it creates a beautiful scene for anyone watching, much like the display of a peacock's tail at its fullest or a meadow filled with countless types of colorful flowers. But I'll leave the details of this to others who enjoy embellishing things more than I do and who are more interested in these matters than I care to be.

The discipline of firme peace also that is mainteined within a certeine [Page 332] compasse of the princes palace, is such, as is nothing inferiour to that we sée dailie practised in the best gouerned holds & fortresses. And such is the seuere punishment of those that strike within the limits prohibited, that without all hope of mercie, benefit of clergie, or sanctuarie, they are sure to loose their right hands at a stroke, and that in verie solemne maner, the forme whereof I will set downe, and then make an end of this chapter, to deale with other matters.

The system of strict peace that's maintained within a certain area of the prince's palace is just as effective as what we see practiced daily in the best-managed castles and fortresses. The harsh punishment for those who strike within the prohibited limits is such that, without any hope of mercy, benefit of clergy, or sanctuary, they are guaranteed to lose their right hands in one fell swoop, and this is done in a very formal manner, the details of which I will outline before concluding this chapter to address other matters.

Striking within the court and palace of the prince. At such time therefore as the partie transgressing is conuicted by a sufficient inquest impanelled for the same purpose, and the time come of the execution of the sentence, the sergeant of the kings wood-yard prouideth a square blocke, which he bringeth to some appointed place, and therewithall a great beetle, staple, and cords, wherewith to fasten the hand of the offendor vnto the said blocke, vntill the whole circumstance of his execution be performed. The yeoman of the scullarie likewise for the time being, dooth prouide a great fire of coales hard by the blocke, wherein the searing irons are to be made readie against the chiefe surgeon to the prince or his deputie shall occupie the same. Upon him also dooth the sergeant or chiefe farrour attend with those irons, whose office is to deliuer them to the said surgeon when he shall be redie by searing to vse the same. The groome of the salarie for the time being or his deputie is furthermore appointed to be readie with vineger and cold water, and not to depart from the place vntill the arme of the offendor be bound vp and fullie dressed. And as these things are thus prouided, so the sergeant surgeon is bound from time to time to be readie to execute his charge, and seare the stumpe, when the hand is taken from it. The sergeant of the cellar is at hand also with a cup of red wine, and likewise the chiefe officer of the pantrie with manchet bread to giue vnto the said partie after the execution doone, and the stumpe seared, as the sergeant of the ewerie is with clothes, wherein to wind and wrap vp the arme, the yeoman of the poultrie with a cocke to laie vnto it, the yeoman of the chandrie with seared cloths, and finallie the maister cooke or his deputie with a sharpe dressing knife, which he deliuereth at the place of execution to the sergeant of the larder, who dooth hold it vpright in his hand, vntill the execution be performed by the publike officer appointed therevnto. And this is the maner of punishment ordeined for those that strike within the princes palace, or limits of the same. Which should first haue beene executed on sir Edmund Kneuet, in the yeare 1541. But when he had made great sute to saue his right hand for the further seruice of the king in his warres, and willinglie yeelded to forgo his left, in the end the king pardoned him of both, to no small benefit of the offendor, and publication of the bountifull nature that remained in the prince. The like priuilege almost is giuen to churches and churchyards, although in maner of punishment great difference doo appeere. For he that bralleth or quarelleth in either of them, is by and by suspended "Ab ingressu ecclesiæ," vntill he be absolued: as he is also that striketh with the fist, or laieth violent hands vpon anie whome so euer. But if he happen to smite with staffe, dagger, or anie maner of weapon, & the same be sufficientlie found by the verdict of twelue men at his arrainement, beside excommunication, he is sure to loose one of his eares without all hope of release. But if he be such a one as hath beene twise condemned and executed, whereby he hath now none eares, then is he marked with an hot iron vpon the chéeke, and by the letter F, which is seared déepe into his flesh, he is from thencefoorth noted as a common barratour and fraie maker, and therevnto remaineth excommunicate, till by repentance he deserue to be absolued. To strike a clearke also (that is to saie) a minister, is plaine excommunication, and the offendor not to be absolued but by the prince or his especiall cōmission. Such also is the generall estate of the excōmunicate in euerie respect, that he can yéeld no testimonie in anie matter so long as he so standeth. No bargaine or sale that he maketh is auaileable in law, neither anie of his acts whatsoeuer pleadable, wherby he liueth as an outlaw & a man altogither out of the princes protection, although it be not lawfull to kill him, nor anie man otherwise outlawed, without the danger of fellonie.

Striking in the prince's court and palace. At the time when the offender is convicted by a sufficient jury assembled for this purpose, and the time for carrying out the sentence arrives, the king's wood-yard sergeant brings a square block to a designated location, along with a heavy mallet, staples, and cords to secure the offender's hand to the block until the execution process is complete. The yeoman of the scullery also prepares a large fire nearby to heat the irons needed for the chief surgeon to the prince or his deputy. The sergeant or chief farrier is responsible for handing these irons to the surgeon when he is ready to use them. The groom of the salary or his deputy is also assigned to have vinegar and cold water on hand and is not to leave the area until the offender's arm is bandaged and properly treated. As all these preparations take place, the sergeant surgeon must be ready at all times to fulfill his duty and cauterize the stump once the hand is removed. The cellar sergeant stands by with a cup of red wine, and the chief officer of the pantry is present with white bread to offer the offender after the execution, along with the sergeant of the ewerie who has cloths to wrap the arm, the yeoman of the poultry with a rooster for the procedure, and the yeoman of the chandlery with cauterizing cloths. Finally, the master cook or his deputy carries a sharp knife, which he hands to the larder sergeant, who holds it upright until the execution is carried out by the designated public officer. This is the established method of punishment for anyone who strikes within the prince's palace or its grounds. This was supposed to be executed on Sir Edmund Knevet in 1541. However, after he pleaded to save his right hand for further service to the king in his wars and willingly offered to sacrifice his left hand instead, the king ultimately pardoned him, benefiting the offender and demonstrating the prince's generous nature. A similar privilege applies to churches and churchyards, although the methods of punishment are quite different. Anyone who fights or quarrels in either location is immediately suspended "Ab ingressu ecclesiæ" until absolution is granted, just as anyone who strikes with a fist or uses violence against anyone else is treated. However, if someone strikes with a staff, dagger, or any weapon, and this is sufficiently proven by a jury of twelve during his trial, in addition to excommunication, he is sure to lose one of his ears with no hope of reprieve. If the individual has already been condemned and executed twice, leaving him with no ears, he will be branded with a hot iron on the cheek, marked with the letter F, seared deep into his flesh, and thereafter identified as a common troublemaker and brawler, remaining excommunicated until he repents and deserves to be absolved. To strike a cleric, specifically a minister, results in direct excommunication, and the offender cannot be absolved except by the prince or his special commission. The general status of the excommunicated is such that he cannot provide testimony in any matter as long as he remains excommunicated. Any transactions he makes are not legally valid, and none of his actions can be pleaded, causing him to live as an outlaw, completely outside the prince's protection, even though it is unlawful to kill him or anyone else who is outlawed without committing felony.

[Page 333]

[Page 333]

OF ARMOUR AND MUNITION.
CHAP. XVI.

How well or how stronglie our countrie hath béene furnished in times past with armor and artillerie, it lieth not in me as of my selfe to make rehersall. Yet that it lacked both in the late time of quéen Marie, not onlie the experience of mine elders, but also the talke of certeine Spaniards not yet forgotten, did leaue some manifest notice. Vpon the first I néed not stand, for few will denie it. For the second I haue heard, that when one of the greatest péeres of Spaine espied our nakednesse in this behalfe, and did solemnelie vtter in no obscure place, that it should be an easie matter in short time to conquer England, bicause it wanted armor, his words were then not so rashlie vttered, as they were politikelie noted. For albeit that for the present time their efficacie was dissembled, and semblance made as though he spake but merilie, yet at the verie enterance of this our gratious quéene vnto the possession of the crowne, they were so prouidentlie called to remembrance, and such spéedie reformation sought of all hands for the redresse of this inconuenience, that our countrie was sooner furnished with armour and munition, from diuerse parts of the maine (beside great plentie that was forged here at home) than our enimies could get vnderstanding of anie such prouision to be made. By this policie also was the no small hope conceiued by Spaniards vtterlie cut off, who of open fréends being now become our secret enimies, and thereto watching a time wherein to atchieue some heauie exploit against vs and our countrie, did therevpon change their purposes, whereby England obteined rest, that otherwise might haue béene sure of sharpe and cruell wars. Thus a Spanish word vttered by one man at one time, ouerthrew or at the least wise hindered sundrie priuie practises of manie at another. In times past the chéefe force of England consisted in their long bowes. But now we haue in maner generallie giuen ouer that kind of artillerie, and for long bowes in déed doo practise to shoot compasse for our pastime: which kind of shooting can neuer yéeld anie smart stroke, nor beat downe our enimies, as our countrie men were woont to doo at euerie time of néed. Certes the Frenchmen and Rutters deriding our new archerie in respect of their corslets, will not let in open skirmish, if anie leisure serue, to turne vp their tailes and crie; Shoote English, and all bicause our strong shooting is decaied and laid in bed. But if some of our Englishmen now liued that serued king Edward the third in his warres with France, the bréech of such a varlet should haue beene nailed to his bum with one arrow, and an other fethered in his bowels, before he should haue turned about to sée who shot the first. But as our shooting is thus in manner vtterlie decaied among vs one waie, so our countrie men wex skilfull in sundrie other points, as in shooting in small péeces, the caliuer, and handling of the pike, in the seuerall vses whereof they are become verie expert.

How well or how strongly our country has been equipped in the past with armor and artillery is not something I can recount on my own. However, it's clear that it lacked both during the recent reign of Queen Mary, as not only the experience of my elders but also the words of certain Spaniards, still remembered, provide clear evidence. I need not elaborate on the first point, as few would deny it. Regarding the second, I've heard that when one of the highest nobles from Spain noticed our vulnerability in this respect, he boldly declared in a prominent place that it would be easy to conquer England quickly due to its lack of armor. His words were not just carelessly spoken; they were politically considered. Although at the time the effectiveness of their military was downplayed and it was pretended he was joking, once our gracious queen ascended to the throne, the need for a rapid response to this deficiency was quickly acknowledged. Our country was equipped with armor and munitions from various parts abroad (in addition to a great deal made here at home) faster than our enemies could realize any such preparations were happening. This strategy also significantly diminished the hope the Spaniards had, as they shifted from being open friends to secret enemies, waiting for a moment to launch a serious attack against us. As a result, England enjoyed peace that might otherwise have been plagued by harsh and brutal wars. Thus, one Spanish remark made by one person at one time disrupted or at least delayed numerous covert plots by many others. In the past, England's primary strength lay in its longbows. Nowadays, we have generally abandoned that type of artillery and practice shooting bows mainly for fun, which can never deliver a hard blow or defeat our enemies like our ancestors did in times of need. Certainly, the French and Dutch mock our new archery in comparison to their armor; they won't hesitate in open battles, when given a chance, to turn around and shout, "Shoot, English!" all because our powerful shooting has faded and fallen asleep. But if some of our Englishmen who served King Edward III in his wars with France were alive today, that scoundrel would have had an arrow nailed to his backside and another through his guts before he could turn around to see who shot first. As our shooting has mostly declined in one way, our countrymen have become skilled in other areas, such as shooting with small arms, using the caliber, and handling the pike, in which they have become very adept.

Our armour differeth not from that of other nations, and therefore consisteth of corslets, almaine riuets, shirts of maile, iackes quilted and couered ouer with leather, fustian, or canuas, ouer thicke plates of iron that are sowed in the same, & of which there is no towne or village that hath not hir conuenient furniture. The said armour and munition likewise is kept in one seuerall place of euerie towne, appointed by the consent of the whole parish, where it is alwaies readie to be had and worne within an houres warning. Sometime also it is occupied, when it pleaseth the magistrate either to view the able men, & take note of the well kéeping of the same, or finallie to sée those that are inrolled to exercise each one his seuerall weapon, at the charge of the townesmen of each parish according to his appointment. Certes there is almost no village so poore in England (be it neuer so small) that hath not sufficient furniture in a readinesse to set foorth thrée or foure soldiers, as one archer, one gunner, one pike, & a bilman at the least. No there is not so much wanting as their verie liueries and caps, which are least to be accounted of, if anie hast required: so that if this good order may continue, it shall be vnpossible for the sudden enimie to [Page 334] find vs vnprouided. As for able men for seruice, thanked be God, we are not without good store, for by the musters taken 1574 and 1575, our number amounted to 1172674, and yet were they not so narrowlie taken, but that a third part of this like multitude was left vnbilled and vncalled. What store of munition and armour the quéenes maiestie hath in hir storehouses, it lieth not in me to yéeld account, sith I suppose the same to be infinit. And whereas it was commonlie said after the losse of Calis, that England should neuer recouer the store of ordinance there left and lost: that same is at this time prooued false, sith euen some of the same persons doo now confesse, that this land was neuer better furnished with these things in anie kings daies that reigned since the conquest.

Our armor is no different from that of other nations and consists of breastplates, rivets, chainmail shirts, quilted jackets covered with leather, fustian, or canvas, over thick iron plates sewn into them. Every town or village has its own appropriate gear. This armor and munitions are kept in a designated place in every town, chosen with the agreement of the entire parish, where they are always ready to be accessed and worn within an hour's notice. It's also sometimes used when the magistrate wants to inspect the able-bodied men and check the condition of the gear, or finally to see those who are enrolled practicing their respective weapons, funded by the townspeople of each parish according to his assignment. Indeed, almost no village in England is so poor (no matter how small) that it doesn’t have enough equipment on hand to provide for three or four soldiers, including one archer, one gunner, one pikeman, and at least one billsman. The only things lacking are their very uniforms and caps, which are the least of our concerns if there's any urgency: so, as long as this good order continues, it will be impossible for a sudden enemy to find us unprepared. As for able-bodied men for service, thankfully, we have a good number, as shown by the musters taken in 1574 and 1575, which totaled 1,172,674, and they weren't counted so strictly that a third of this multitude was left unlisted and uncalled. I cannot speak to how much munitions and armor Her Majesty the Queen has in her storerooms, as I assume it to be vast. And it was commonly said after the loss of Calais that England would never recover the ordinance left behind and lost there: that is now proved false, as even some of those same individuals now acknowledge that this country has never been better equipped with such things in any king's reign since the Conquest.

The names of our greatest ordinance are commonlie these.

  • Robinet, whose weight is two hundred pounds, and it hath one inch and a quarter within the mouth.
  • Falconet weigheth fiue hundred pounds, and his widenesse is two inches within the mouth.
  • Falcon hath eight hundred pounds, and two inches and a halfe within the mouth.
  • Minion poiseth eleauen hundred pounds, and hath thrée inches and a quarter within the mouth.
  • Sacre hath fiftéene hundred poundes, and is three inches and a halfe wide in the mouth.
  • Demie Culuerijn weigheth three thousand pounds, and hath foure inches and a halfe within the mouth.
  • Culuerijn hath foure thousand pounds, and fiue inches and an halfe within the mouth.
  • Demie Canon six thousand pounds, and six inches and an halfe within the mouth.
  • Canon seauen thousand pounds, and eight inches within the mouth.
  • E. Canon eight thousand pounds, and seauen inches within the mouth.
  • Basilisk weighs 9000 pounds, has a length of eight inches, and three quarters in the mouth. With these measurements, it’s easy to determine the weight of each shot, how many scores it fires at point blank, how much powder is needed for the same, and finally, how many inches in height each bullet should carry.
The names of the
greatest ordinance.
rightbrace   leftbrace Weight of the
shot.
Scores of
cariage.
Pounds of
pouder.
Height of
bullet.
Robinet.
Falconet.
Falcon.
Minion.
Sacre.
Demie Culuerijn.
Culuerijn.
Demie canon.
Canon.
E. Canon.
Basiliske.
rightbrace  hath  leftbrace 1 li.
2 li.
2½ 
4½ 
5   
9   
18   
30   
60   
42   
60   
0
14
16
17
18
20
25
38
20
20
21
½
2   


5   
9   
18   
28   
44   
20   
60   
1   


3   

4   




I might here take iust occasion to speake of the princes armories. But what shall it néed? sith the whole realme is hir armorie, and therefore hir furniture infinit. The Turke had one gun made by one Orban a Dane, the caster of his ordinance, which could not be drawen to the siege of Constantinople, but by seauentie yokes of oxen, and two thousand men; he had two other there also whose shot poised aboue two talents in weight, made by the same Orban. But to procéed. As for the armories of some of the nobilitie (whereof I also haue seene a part) they are so well furnished, that within some one barons custodie I haue séene thrée score [Page 335] or a hundred corslets at once, beside caliuers, hand-guns, bowes, sheffes of arrowes, pikes, bils, polaxes, flaskes, touchboxes, targets, &c: the verie sight wherof appalled my courage. What would the wearing of some of them doo then (trow you) if I should be inforced to vse one of them in the field? But thanked be God, our peaceable daies are such, as no man hath anie great cause to occupie them at all, but onelie taketh good leisure to haue them in a readinesse, and therefore both high and lowe in England

I might as well take this opportunity to talk about the princes' armories. But why bother? The entire kingdom is her armory, and therefore her supplies are endless. The Turk had one cannon made by a Dane named Orban, who was the manufacturer of his artillery, which couldn't be moved to the siege of Constantinople without seventy yokes of oxen and two thousand men; he had two others that could fire projectiles weighing over two talents, also made by Orban. But moving on. As for the armories of some nobles (of which I have seen part), they are so well-stocked that in the care of one baron, I've seen sixty or a hundred suits of armor at once, besides calivers, handguns, bows, bundles of arrows, pikes, bills, poleaxes, flasks, touch boxes, targets, etc. Just the sight of them intimidated me. What would it be like to wear some of them, do you think, if I had to use one of them in battle? But thank God, our peaceful days are such that no one has much reason to use them at all; instead, they just take the time to keep them ready, and therefore both the high and low in England.

Cymbala pro galeis pro scutis tympana pulsant.

Cymbala beat on the gongs and shields like drums.

I would write here also of our maner of going to the warres, but what hath the long blacke gowne to doo with glistering armour? what sound Malè musis cum Marte. acquaintance can there be betwixt Mars and the Muses? or how should a man write anie thing to the purpose of that wherewith he is nothing acquainted? This neuerthelesse will I adde of things at home, that seldome shall you sée anie of my countriemen aboue eightéene or twentie yéeres old to go without a dagger at the least at his backe or by his side, although they be aged burgesses or magistrates of anie citie, who in appeerance are most exempt from brabling and contention. Our nobilitie weare commonlie swords or rapiers with their daggers, as dooth euerie common seruing man also that followeth his lord and master. Some desperate cutters we haue in like sort, which carrie two daggers or two rapiers in a sheath alwaies about them, wherewith in euerie dronken fraie they are knowen to worke much mischiefe; their swords & daggers also are of a great length, and longer than the like vsed in anie other countrie, whereby ech one pretendeth to haue the more aduantage of his enimie. But as manie orders haue béene taken for the intollerable length of these weapons; so I sée as yet small redresse: but where the cause thereof doth rest, in sooth for my part I wote not. I might here speake of the excessiue staues which diuerse that trauell by the waie doo carrie vpon their shoulders, whereof some are twelue or thirtéene foote long, beside the pike of twelue inches: but as they are commonlie suspected of honest men to be theeues and robbers, or at the leastwise scarse true men which beare them; so by reason of this and the like suspicious weapons, the honest traueller is now inforced to ride with a case of dags at his sadle bow, or with some pretie short snapper, whereby he may deale with them further off in his owne defense before he come within the danger of these weapons. Finallie, no man trauelleth by the waie without his sword, or some such weapon, with vs; except the minister, who cōmonlie weareth none at all, vnlesse it be a dagger or hanger at his side. Seldome also are they or anie other waifaring men robbed without the consent of the chamberleine, tapster, or ostler where they bait & lie, who féeling at their alighting whether their capcases or budgets be of anie weight or not, by taking them downe from their sadles, or otherwise see their store in drawing of their purses, do by and by giue intimation to some one or other attendant dailie in the yard or house, or dwelling hard by vpon such matches, whether the preie be worth the following or no. If it be for their turne, then the gentleman peraduenture is asked which waie he trauelleth, and whether it please him to haue another ghest to beare him companie at supper, who rideth the same waie in the morning that he doth, or not. And thus if he admit him or be glad of his acquaintance, the cheate is halfe wrought. And often it is séene that the new ghest shall be robbed with the old, onelie to colour out the matter and kéepe him from suspicion. Sometimes when they knowe which waie the passenger trauelleth, they will either go before and lie in wait for him, or else come galloping apace after, wherby they will be sure, if he ride not the stronger, to be fingering with his purse. And these are some of the policies of such shrews or close booted gentlemen as lie in wait for fat booties by the high waies, and which are most commonlie practised in the winter season about the feast of Christmas, when seruing men and vnthriftie gentlemen want monie to plaie at the dice and cards, lewdlie spending in such wise whatsoeuer they haue wickedlie gotten, till some of them sharplie set vpon their cheuisances, be trussed vp in a Tiburne tippet, which happeneth vnto them commonlie before they come to middle age. Wherby it appéereth that some sort of youth will oft haue his swinge, although it be in a halter.

I could also write here about how we go to war, but what does a long black gown have to do with shining armor? What connection can there be between Mars and the Muses? Or how can someone write about something they're completely unfamiliar with? Nevertheless, I will mention something about home: you rarely see anyone from my country over eighteen or twenty years old without at least a dagger at their back or by their side, even if they are respected town officials or city magistrates, who seem the least likely to be involved in arguments and disputes. Our nobility commonly wear swords or rapiers along with their daggers, just like every common servant who follows his lord. Some reckless individuals carry two daggers or two rapiers in a sheath around them, known for causing a lot of trouble during drunken brawls; their swords and daggers are quite long, longer than those used in other countries, which everyone believes gives them an advantage over their enemies. Despite many rules made to address the excessive length of these weapons, I still see little improvement; as for the root cause, I honestly don't know. I could talk about the long staffs that some travelers carry on their shoulders, some measuring twelve or thirteen feet long, plus a twelve-inch spike. However, because they're often suspected of being thieves or robbers, or at least not entirely honest, the decent traveler is forced to ride with a case of guns on his saddle or a handy short firearm to deal with them from a distance before getting too close to their weapons. Finally, no one travels without their sword or some weapon here, except for ministers, who usually carry none at all unless it's a dagger or a hanger at their side. It's also rare for them or any other travelers to be robbed without the consent of the innkeeper, bartender, or stableman where they stop, who check to see if their bags or wallets are heavy as they take them down from their saddles. They quickly signal to someone nearby, whether in the yard or house, about whether the loot is worth pursuing. If it's their interest, the gentleman might be asked which way he's traveling and if he'd like another guest to join him for dinner, who is also going the same way in the morning. If he agrees or is pleased with the company, the trick is half done. It's often seen that the new guest will get robbed alongside the old one, just to make the situation look innocent and keep suspicion away. Sometimes, knowing which way the traveler is going, they'll either go ahead and lie in wait or come galloping after him, ensuring that if he isn't riding strong, they'll soon be handling his purse. These are some of the schemes of those sly individuals lurking for easy targets on the main roads, especially common during the winter season around Christmas, when servants and reckless young men are short on money for gambling, wasting whatever they’ve earned through dishonest means until some of them get caught and end up swinging in a noose, a fate they often meet before reaching middle age. This shows that some youths will always take risks, even if it leads to a hangman’s noose.

[Page 336]

[Page 336]

I might also intreat of our old maner of warfare vsed in and before the time of Cesar, when as the cheefe brunt of our fight was in Essedis or wagons; but this I also passe ouer, noting neuerthelesse out of Propertius, that our said wagons were gorgeous and gailie painted, which he setteth downe in these foure verses insuing, Arethusæ ad Lycotam, lib. 4. eleg. 3.

I might also talk about our old way of warfare used in and before the time of Caesar, when the main part of our fighting was in chariots or wagons; but I'll skip over this, noting nonetheless from Propertius that our wagons were beautiful and brightly painted, which he describes in these following four verses, Arethusæ ad Lycotam, lib. 4. eleg. 3.

Te modò viderunt iteratos Bactra per ortus,

Te modò viderunt iteratos Bactra per ortus,

Te modò munito Sericus hostis equo,

Te modò munito Sericus hostis equo,

Hiberníque Getæ, pictóque Brittannia curru,

Hibernian Getae, and British chariot,

Vstus & Eoa discolor Indus aqua.

Vstus & Eoa discolor Indus aqua.

OF THE NAUIE OF ENGLAND.
CHAP. XVII.

There is nothing that hath brought me into more admiration of the power and force of antiquitie, than their diligence and care had of their nauies: wherein, whether I consider their spéedie building, or great number of ships which some one kingdome or region possessed at one instant; it giueth me still occasion, either to suspect the historie, or to thinke that in our times we come verie farre behind them. For what a thing is it to haue a ship growing on the stub, and sailing on the sea within the space of fiue and fiftie daies? And yet such a nauie was to be séene in the first war of Carthage, led thither by Duellius the Romane. In the warres also against Hieron two hundred and twentie tall ships bare leafe & saile within fiue and fortie daies. In the second warre of Carthage the nauie that went with Scipio was felled in the wood, and séene to saile on the sea fullie furnished in sixe weekes: which vnto them that are ignorant of things doth séeme to be false, and vnpossible. In like maner for multitude, we find in Polybius, that at one skirmish on the sea the Romans lost seauen hundred vessels, which bare ech of them fiue rowes of ores on a side, and the Carthaginenses fiue hundred. And albeit the formes and apparell of these vessels were not altogither correspondent to our ships and gallies made in these daies: yet the capacitie of most of them did not onelie match, but farre excéed them; so that if one of their biremes onlie conteined so much in burden as a ship of ours of six hundred tun: what shall we thinke of those which had seauen rowes of ores walking on a side? But least I should séeme to speake more of these forren things than the course of the historie doth permit without licence to digresse: giue me leaue (I beséech thee gentle reader) to wade yet a little further in the report of these ancient formes & kinds of vessels. For albeit that the discourse hereof maketh little to the description of our present nauie in England: yet shall the report thereof not be vnprofitable and vnpleasant to such as shall reade among the writings of their capacities and moulds. It shall not be amisse therefore to begin at the nauie of Xerxes, of which ech meane vessell (as appéereth by Herodot) was able to receiue two hundred and thirtie souldiers, and some of them thrée hundred. These were called triremes, and were indéede gallies that had thrée rowes of ores on euerie side; for the word Nauis is indifferentlie applied so well to the gallie as ship, as to the conuersant in histories is easie to be found. In old time also they had gallies of foure rowes, fiue rowes, six, seauen, eight, nine, twelue, yea fifteene rowes of ores on a side; iudge you then of what quantitie those vessels were. Plinie lib. 7. noteth one Damasthenes to be the first maker of the gallies with two rowes called biremes: Thucidides referreth the triremes to Ammocles of Corinthum; the quadriremes were deuised by Aristotle of Carthage; the quinquiremes by Nesichthon of Salamina; the gallie of six rowes by Xenagoras of Syracusa: from this to the tenth Nesigiton brought vp; Alexander the great caused one to be made of twelue; Ptolomeus Soter of fiftéene; Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus of thirtie; Ptolom. Philad. of fortie; Ptol. Triphon of fiftie: all which aboue foure were none other (in mine opinion) than vnweldie carts, and more seruing for pleasure and to gaze vpon, than anie vse in [Page 337] the wars for which they should be deuised. But of all other I note one of fortie rowes, which Ptolo Philopater builded, conteining 200 and eightie cubits in length, and eight and fortie cubits in breadth: it held also foure thousand ores, foure hundred mariners, and three thousand souldiers, so that in the said vessell were seauen thousand and foure hundred persons: a report incredible, if truth and good testimonie did not confirme the same. I must needs confesse therefore, that the ancient vessels far exceeded ours for capacitie: neuerthelesse if you regard the forme, and the assurance from perill of the sea, and therewithall the strength and nimblenesse of such as are made in our time, you shall easilie find that ours are of more value than theirs: for as the greatest vessell is not alwaies the safest, so that of most huge capacitie is not alwaies the aptest to shift and brooke the seas: as might be seene by the great Henrie, the hugest vessell that euer England framed in our times. Neither were the ships of old like vnto ours in mould and maner of building aboue the water (for of low gallies in our seas we make small account) nor so full of ease within, sith time hath ingendred more skill in the wrights, and brought all things to more perfection than they had in the beginning. And now to come vnto our purpose at the first intended.

There’s nothing that has impressed me more about the strength and capabilities of ancient times than the care and attention they put into their navies. Whether I look at their speedy shipbuilding or the sheer number of vessels a single kingdom or region possessed at one time, it makes me suspect either the history itself or think that we’ve fallen quite a bit behind them today. Just imagine having a ship being built and sailing on the sea within fifty-five days! Such a navy was present during the First Punic War, led by the Roman Duellius. Similarly, during the wars against Hieron, two hundred and twenty tall ships were ready to go within forty-five days. In the Second Punic War, the fleet that accompanied Scipio was cut from the trees and set sail, fully equipped, in just six weeks. To those unfamiliar with these matters, this may seem unbelievable or impossible. In terms of numbers, Polybius mentions that during one naval battle, the Romans lost seven hundred vessels, each with five rows of oars on each side, while the Carthaginians lost five hundred. Although the designs and structures of these ships were not exactly like our modern ships and galleys, the capacity of most of them not only matched but far exceeded ours. If one of their biremes could carry as much as a ship of six hundred tons, what can we say about those with seven rows of oars on each side? But before I stray too far from the main historical narrative, allow me (I kindly ask you, gentle reader) to take a little more time discussing these ancient types and forms of vessels. Even though this discussion may not heavily contribute to describing our current navy in England, it will not be unhelpful or uninteresting for those who read about their sizes and designs. Therefore, it makes sense to start with the navy of Xerxes, where each average vessel (as shown by Herodotus) could hold two hundred and thirty soldiers, and some could accommodate three hundred. These were called triremes and were essentially galleys with three rows of oars on each side; the term Nauis is used interchangeably for both galleys and ships, which those familiar with history will recognize easily. In ancient times, they had galleys with four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, twelve, and even fifteen rows of oars on each side; so you can imagine the size of those vessels. Pliny in Book 7 notes that Damasthenes was the first to create the galleys with two rows, called biremes. Thucydides attributes the invention of the trireme to Ammocles of Corinth; the quadrireme was developed by Aristotle of Carthage; the quinquireme was created by Nesichthon of Salamina; and the six-row galley by Xenagoras of Syracuse. Following that, Necigiton advanced to ten oars; Alexander the Great had one made with twelve; Ptolemy Soter had one with fifteen; Demetrius, son of Antigonus, had one with thirty; Ptolemy Philadelphus built one with forty; and Ptolemy Trifon had one with fifty. In my opinion, all those above four were essentially unwieldy carts, more suitable for show than for actual warfare for which they were intended. However, I must highlight one with forty rows that Ptolemy Philopator constructed, measuring two hundred and eighty cubits in length and forty-eight cubits in width. It held four thousand oars, four hundred sailors, and three thousand soldiers, totaling seven thousand four hundred people aboard—an incredible figure if it weren't supported by credible accounts. I must admit, therefore, that ancient vessels had a superior capacity compared to ours; nevertheless, if you consider their shape, safety from sea dangers, along with the strength and agility of the ships made in our time, you'll easily find that ours are more valuable than theirs. After all, the largest vessel isn't always the safest, and the one with the biggest capacity isn't necessarily the best at navigating the seas—as we saw with the Great Henry, the largest ship ever built in England during our times. Moreover, ancient ships were not like ours in terms of design and construction above the waterline (since we pay little attention to smaller galleys here) nor were they as comfortable inside, as time has fostered greater skill among shipwrights and brought everything to a higher level of perfection than it existed at the beginning. And now, let’s get back to our original purpose.

The nauie of England may be diuided into three sortes, of which the one serueth for the warres, the other for burden, and the third for fishermen, which get their liuing by fishing on the sea. How manie of the first order are mainteined within the realme, it passeth my cunning to expresse: yet sith it may be parted into the nauie roiall and common fleete, I thinke good to speake of those that belong vnto the prince, and so much the rather, for that their number is certeine & well knowne to verie manie. Certes there is no prince in Europe that hath a more beautifull or gallant sort of ships than the quéenes maiestie of England at this present, and those generallie are of such exceeding force, that two of them being well appointed and furnished as they ought, will not let to encounter with thrée or foure of those of other countries, and either bowge them or put them to flight, if they may not bring them home.

The navy of England can be divided into three types: one for warfare, another for transport, and the third for fishermen who earn their living from the sea. I can't say how many of the first type are maintained within the realm, but since it can be categorized into the royal navy and the commercial fleet, I think it’s worth discussing those that belong to the crown, especially since their number is certain and well known to many. Certainly, there is no prince in Europe that has a more beautiful or impressive fleet of ships than Her Majesty the Queen of England at present, and these are generally so powerful that two of them, when properly equipped and outfitted, can confidently take on three or four from other countries, either sinking them or forcing them to retreat, if they can’t capture them.

Neither are the moulds of anie forren barkes so conuenientlie made, to brooke so well one sea as another lieng vpon the shore in anie part of the continent as those of England. And therefore the common report that strangers make of our ships amongst themselues is dailie confirmed to be true, which is, that for strength, assurance, nimblenesse and swiftnesse of sailing, there are no vessels in the world to be compared with ours. And all these are committed to the regiment and safe custodie of the admerall, who is so called (as some imagine) of the Gréeke word Almiras a capiteine on the sea, for so saith Zonaras "in Basilio Macedone & Basilio Porphyriogenito," though other fetch it from Ad mare the Latine words, another sort from Amyras the Saracen magistrate, or from some French deriuation: but these things are not for this place, and therefore I passe them ouer. The quéenes highnesse hath at this present (which is the foure and twentith of hir reigne) alreadie made and furnished, to the number of foure or fiue and twentie great ships, which lie for the most part in Gillingham rode, beside thrée gallies, of whose particular names and furnitures (so far foorth as I can come by them) it shall not be amisse to make report at this time.

Neither are the molds of any foreign ships made as conveniently to handle one sea over another along any part of the continent as those of England. Therefore, the common word among strangers about our ships is confirmed to be true: for strength, reliability, agility, and speed of sailing, there are no vessels in the world that can compare to ours. All of this is under the command and safe custody of the admiral, who is called so (as some believe) from the Greek word Almiras, meaning captain at sea, as stated by Zonaras "in Basilio Macedone & Basilio Porphyriogenito"; though others trace it back to Ad mare, the Latin words, and some from Amyras, referring to a Saracen magistrate, or from a French origin. But these matters are not relevant here, so I will skip over them. The queen's highness has, at present (which is the twenty-fourth of her reign), already commissioned and equipped around twenty-four or twenty-five large ships, most of which are stationed in Gillingham roads, alongside three galleys. It would be fitting to report on their specific names and equipment (as far as I can gather them) at this time.

The names of so manie ships belonging to hir maiestie as I could come by at this present.

The Bonaduenture.
Elizabeth Ionas.
White Beare.
Philip and Marie.
Triumph.
Bull.
Tiger.
Antlope.
Hope.
Lion.
Victorie.
Marie Rose.
Foresight.
Swift sute.
Aid.
Handmaid.
Dread nought.
Swallow.
Genet.
Barke of Bullen.
Achates.
Falcon.
George.
Reuenge.

It is said, that as kings and princes haue in the yoong daies of the world, and long since framed themselues to erect euerie yeare a citie in some one place or other of their kingdoms (and no small woonder that Sardanapalus should begin & finish two, to wit, Anchialus and Tharsus in [Page 338] one daie) so hir grace dooth yearelie build one ship or other to the better defense of hir frontiers from the enimie. But as of this report I haue no assured certeintie, so it shall suffice to haue said so much of these things: yet this I thinke worthie further to be added, that if they should all be driuen to seruice at one instant (which God forbid) she should haue a power by sea of about nine or ten thousand men, which were a notable companie, beside the supplie of other vessels apperteining to hir subiects to furnish vp hir voiage.

It is said that, just as kings and princes in the early days of the world set out to establish a city every year in some part of their kingdoms (and it's no small wonder that Sardanapalus managed to start and finish two, namely, Anchialus and Tharsus in [Page 338] one day), her grace also builds a ship each year for the better defense of her borders against the enemy. However, since I don't have any solid evidence for this claim, it’s enough to have mentioned it. Still, I think it’s worth noting that if they were all called to serve at the same time (which God forbid), she would have a naval force of about nine or ten thousand men, which would be a notable number, in addition to the support from other ships belonging to her subjects to assist her expedition.

Beside these hir grace hath other in hand also, of whome hereafter as their turnes doo come about, I will not let to leaue some further remembrance. She hath likewise thrée notable gallies: the Spéed well, the Trie right, and the Blacke gallie, with the sight whereof and rest of the nauie roiall, it is incredible to saie how greatlie hir grace is delighted: and not without great cause (I saie) sith by their meanes hir coasts are kept in quiet, and sundrie forren enimies put backe, which otherwise would inuade vs. The number of those that serue for burden with the other, whereof I haue made mention alreadie, and whose vse is dailie séene, as occasion serueth, in time of the warres, is to mée vtterlie vnknowne. Yet if the report of one record be anie thing at all to be credited, there are 135 ships that exceed 500 tun, topmen vnder 100 and aboue fortie 656: hoies 100: but of hulkes, catches, fisherboats, and craiers, it lieth not in me to deliuer the iust account, sith they are hardlie to come by. Of these also there are some of the quéenes maiesties subiects that haue two or three, some foure or six, and (as I heard of late) one man whose name I suppresse for modesties sake, hath bene knowne long since to haue had sixtéene or seuentéene, and emploied them wholie to the wafting in and out of our merchants, whereby he hath reaped no small commoditie and gaine. I might take occasion to tell of the notable and difficult voiages made into strange countries by Englishmen, and of their dailie successe there: but as these things are nothing incident to my purpose, so I surcease to speake of them. Onelie this will I ad, to the end all men shall vnderstand somewhat of the great masses of treasure dailie emploied vpon our nauie, how there are few of those ships, of the first and second sort, that being apparelled and made readie to sale, are not woorth one thousand pounds, or thrée thousand ducats at the least, if they should presentlie be sold. What shall we thinke then of the greater, but especiallie of the nauie roiall, of which some one vessell is woorth two of the other, as the shipwrights haue often told me? It is possible that some couetous person hearing this report, will either not credit it at all, or suppose monie so emploied to be nothing profitable to the queenes coffers: as a good husband said once when he hard there should be prouision made for armor, wishing the quéenes monie to be rather laid out to some spéedier returne of gaine vnto hir grace, bicause the realme (saith he) is in case good enough, and so peraduenture he thought. But if as by store of armour for the defense of the countrie, he had likewise vnderstanded that the good kéeping of the sea, is the safegard of our land, he would haue altered his censure, and soone giuen ouer his iudgement. For in times past, when our nation made small account of nauigation, how soone did the Romans, then the Saxons, & last of all the Danes inuade this Iland? whose crueltie in the end inforced our countrimen, as it were euen against their wils, to prouide for ships from other places, and build at home of their owne, whereby their enimies were oftentimes distressed. But most of all were the Normans therein to be commended. For in a short processe of time after the conquest of this Iland, and good consideration had for the well kéeping of the same, they supposed nothing more commodious for the defense of the countrie, than the maintenance of a strong nauie, which they spéedilie prouided, mainteined, and thereby reaped in the end their wished securitie, wherewith before their times this Iland was neuer acquainted. Before the comming of the Romans, I doo not read that we had anie ships at all, except a few made of wicker and couered with buffle hides, like vnto the which there are some to be seene at this present in Scotland (as I heare) although there be a little (I wote not well what) difference betwéene them. Of the same also Solinus speaketh, so far as I remember: neuerthelesse it may be gathered by his words, how the vpper parts of them aboue the water onelie were framed of the said wickers, and [Page 339] The Britons fasted all the while they were at the sea in these ships. that the Britons did vse to fast all the whiles they went to the sea in them: but whether it were doone for policie or superstition, as yet I doo not read.

Beside these, her grace has other matters in hand as well, and I will make sure to leave some further reminders about them as their turn comes up. She also has three notable galleys: the Speedwell, the Triright, and the Black Galley, with which and the rest of the royal navy, it’s incredible to say how much her grace is pleased: and not without good reason, since through them her coasts are kept safe, and various foreign enemies are held back, who would otherwise invade us. I am completely unaware of the number of those that serve for cargo alongside the others I previously mentioned, whose use is seen daily as the situation requires during wartime. However, if I can trust one report at all, there are 135 ships that are over 500 tons, under 100 topmen and above 40, with 656 being the total: 100 hoys; but I cannot give an exact count of hulks, catches, fishing boats, and crayers, as they are hard to come by. Among these, some of the queen's subjects have two or three, some four or six, and (as I recently heard) one man, whose name I’ll keep private for modesty’s sake, has long been known to have had sixteen or seventeen, using them entirely to assist our merchants in and out, which has brought him significant profit and gain. I could mention the remarkable and challenging voyages made by Englishmen to strange countries and their daily success there, but since those things are not relevant to my purpose, I will refrain from discussing them. I will only add this, so that everyone understands a bit about the vast amounts of treasure being spent on our navy: few of those ships, of the first and second type, when equipped and ready for sale, are worth less than one thousand pounds or three thousand ducats at least if they were to be sold immediately. What should we then think of the larger vessels, especially of the royal navy, of which one vessel is worth two of the others, as the shipwrights have often told me? It’s possible that some greedy person hearing this will either not believe it at all or think that money spent this way is not profitable for the queen's treasury: like a careful man once said when he heard there should be provision made for armor, wishing that the queen’s money be used instead for a quicker return on investment for her grace, since the realm (he said) is in pretty good shape, and so perhaps he thought. But if he had also understood that a good supply of armor for the defense of the country is critical, he would have changed his mind and soon reconsidered his judgment. In the past, when our nation valued navigation little, how quickly did the Romans, then the Saxons, and finally the Danes invade this island? Their cruelty eventually forced our countrymen, almost against their will, to secure ships from other places and build some at home, which often distressed their enemies. The Normans were particularly commendable in this regard. Shortly after conquering this island, and having considered how to keep it secure, they deemed nothing more convenient for the defense of the country than maintaining a strong navy, which they quickly provided, maintained, and in doing so, ultimately achieved their desired security, something this island was never accustomed to before their time. I don't read that we had any ships at all before the Romans arrived, except for a few made of wicker and covered with buffalo hides, similar to some still seen today in Scotland (as I hear), although there seems to be a little difference between them, though I can't specify what. Solinus mentions this as well, as far as I remember: nevertheless, it can be gathered from his words that the upper parts of these ships above the water were made of such wickers, and that the Britons used to fast the whole time they went to sea in them: but whether this was done out of caution or superstition, I do not yet read.

In the beginning of the Saxons regiment we had some ships also, but as their number and mould was litle and nothing to the purpose, so Egbert was the first prince that euer throughlie began to know this necessitie of a nauie, and vse the seruice thereof in the defense of his countrie. After him also other princes, as Alfred, Edgar, Ethelred, &c: indeuoured more and more to store themselues at the full with ships of all quantities, but chieflie Edgar, for he prouided a nauie of 1600 aliàs 3600 saile, which he diuided into foure parts, and sent them to abide vpon foure sundrie coasts of the land to keepe the same from pirats. Next vnto him (and worthie to be remembred) is Etheldred, who made a law, that euerie man holding 310 hidelands, should find a ship furnished to serue him in the warres. Howbeit, and as I said before, when all their nauie was at the greatest, it was not comparable for force and sure building, to that which afterward the Normans prouided; neither that of the Normans anie thing like to the same that is to be séene now in these our daies. For the iourneies also of our ships, you shall vnderstand, that a well builded vessell will run or saile commonlie thrée hundred leagues or nine hundred miles in a wéeke, or peraduenture some will go 2200 leagues in six wéekes and an halfe. And suerlie, if their lading be readie against they come thither, there will be of them that will be here, at the west Indies, & home againe in twelue or thirteene wéekes from Colchester; although the said Indies be eight hundred leagues from the cape or point of Cornewall, as I haue beene informed. This also I vnderstand by report of some trauellers, that if anie of our vessels happen to make a voiage to Hispaniola or new Spaine, called in time past Quinquezia and Haiti, and lieth betwéene the north tropike and the equator, after they haue once touched at the Canaries, (which are eight daies sailing or two hundred and fiftie leages from S. Lucas de Barameda in Spaine) they will be there in thirtie or fourtie daies, & home againe in Cornewall in other eight wéekes, which is a goodlie matter, beside the safetie and quietnesse in the passage. But more of this elsewhere.

In the early days of the Saxon regiment, we also had some ships, but their numbers and design were minimal and mostly useless. Egbert was the first prince to truly recognize the need for a navy and to use it for the protection of his country. After him, other princes like Alfred, Edgar, and Ethelred worked hard to increase their fleets, especially Edgar, who assembled a navy of 1,600, or 3,600, ships divided into four parts to patrol four different coasts and defend against pirates. Next in line, and worth mentioning, is Etheldred, who established a law requiring anyone owning 310 hides of land to provide a ship ready for military service. However, as I mentioned earlier, even at their peak, their navy couldn't compare in strength and quality to what the Normans later built; nor did the Normans' fleet resemble what we see today. Regarding our ships' journeys, a well-built vessel can typically cover about 300 leagues or 900 miles in a week, and some can even travel 2,200 leagues in six and a half weeks. If their cargo is ready upon arrival, some ships can travel from here to the West Indies and back in twelve or thirteen weeks from Colchester, even though these Indies are 800 leagues from the tip of Cornwall, as I've been informed. I've also heard from some travelers that if any of our ships make a journey to Hispaniola or New Spain, formerly known as Quinquezia and Haiti, located between the Tropic of Cancer and the equator, after stopping at the Canaries—about eight days or 250 leagues from San Lucas de Barameda in Spain—they'll reach their destination in thirty or forty days and return to Cornwall in another eight weeks, which is quite remarkable, alongside the safety and ease of the journey. But more on this later.

OF FAIRES AND MARKETS.
CHAP. XVIII.

There are (as I take it) few great townes in England, that haue not their wéekelie markets, one or more granted from the prince, in which all maner of prouision for houshold is to be bought and sold, for ease and benefit of the countrie round about. Wherby as it cōmeth to passe that no buier shall make anie great iourneie in the purueiance of his necessities: so no occupier shall haue occasion to trauell far off with his commodities, except it be to séeke for the highest prices, which commonlie are néere vnto great cities, where round and spéediest vtterance is alwaies to be had. And as these haue béene in times past erected for the benefit of the realme, so are they in many places too too much abused: for the reliefe and ease of the buier is not so much intended in them, as the benefit of the seller. Neither are the magistrats for the most part (as men loth to displease their neighbours for their one yeares dignitie) so carefull in their offices, as of right and dutie they should bée. For in most of these markets neither assises of bread nor orders for goodnesse and swéetnesse of graine, and other commodities that are brought thither to be sold, are anie whit looked vnto; but ech one suffered to sell or set vp what and how himselfe listeth: & this is one euident cause of dearth and scarsitie in time of great abundance.

There are (as I see it) few major towns in England that don’t have their weekly markets, one or more approved by the prince, where all kinds of household supplies can be bought and sold, benefiting the surrounding area. This means that buyers don’t have to travel far to find their necessities, and sellers don’t need to go too far with their goods, unless they’re looking for higher prices, which are usually close to big cities, where there's always a quick and easy market for selling. While these markets were established in the past for the benefit of the realm, in many places they are actually misused: the relief and convenience for buyers is not the main focus; rather, it’s the profit for sellers. Additionally, the magistrates, often reluctant to upset their neighbors for the sake of their temporary positions, aren't as diligent in their duties as they should be. In most of these markets, neither the pricing of bread nor the quality and freshness of grain and other goods brought there for sale are monitored at all; instead, anyone is allowed to sell or set up whatever they choose. This is a clear reason for scarcity and high prices even during times of plenty.

I could (if I would) exemplifie in manie, but I will touch no one particularlie, sith it is rare to sée in anie countrie towne (as I said) the assise of bread well kept according to the statute. And yet if anie countrie baker happen to come in among them on the market daie with [Page 340] bread of better quantitie, they find fault by and by with one thing or another in his stuffe; whereby the honest poore man, whome the law of nations doo commend, for that he indeuoureth to liue by anie lawfull meanes, is driuen awaie, and no more to come there vpon some round penaltie, by vertue of their priuileges. Howbeit though they are so nice in the proportion of their bread, yet in lieu of the same, there is such headie ale & béere in most of them, as for the mightinesse thereof among such as séeke it out, is commonlie called huffecap, the mad dog, father whoresonne, angels food, dragons milke, go by the wall, stride wide, and lift leg, &c. And this is more to be noted, that when one of late fell by Gods prouidence into a troubled cōscience, after he had considered well of his reachlesse life, and dangerous estate: another thinking belike to change his colour and not his mind, caried him straightwaie to the strongest ale, as to the next physician. It is incredible to saie how our maltbugs lug at this liquor, euen as pigs should lie in a row, lugging at their dames teats, till they lie still againe, and be not able to wag. Neither did Romulus and Remus sucke their shee woolfe or shéepheards wife Lupa, with such eger and sharpe deuotion, as these men hale at hufcap, till they be red as cockes, & litle wiser than their combs. But how am I fallen from the market into the alehouse? In returning therefore vnto my purpose, I find that in corne great abuse is dailie suffered, to the great preiudice of the towne and countrie, especiallie the poore artificer and householder, which tilleth no land, but laboring all the wéeke to buie a bushell or two of graine on the market daie, can there haue none for his monie: bicause bodgers, loders, and common carriers of corne doo not onlie buie vp all, but giue aboue the price, to be serued of great quantities. Shall I go anie further? Well I will saie yet a little more, and somewhat by mine owne experience.

I could give many examples, but I won’t focus on any one in particular since it’s rare to see in any town (as I mentioned) the price of bread maintained according to the law. Yet if any country baker comes to the market with better quality bread, they quickly find fault with one thing or another about it; this forces the honest poor man—who is praised by the law of nations for trying to make a living through lawful means—away, making it so he can no longer come, under some hefty penalty due to their privileges. However, even though they are so picky about the size of their bread, the strong ale and beer in most of these places is so potent that it’s commonly referred to as huffcap, mad dog, father whore-son, angel’s food, dragon’s milk, go by the wall, stride wide, and lift leg, etc. Furthermore, it's worth noting that when someone recently fell into a troubled conscience after reflecting on his reckless life and dangerous situation, another person, thinking of changing his appearance but not his mind, immediately took him to the strongest ale as if it were the next doctor. It’s unbelievable to say how our drinkers latch onto this liquor, just like pigs lying in a row, suckling at their mother’s teats until they’re too full to move. Even Romulus and Remus didn’t suckle from their she-wolf or shepherd’s wife Lupa with such eager devotion as these men do at huffcap, until they’re as red as roosters, and little wiser than their combs. But how did I get from the market to the alehouse? Getting back to my point, I find that there is a great misuse of grain happening daily, which severely harms the town and countryside, especially the poor worker and homeowner, who doesn’t farm any land but works all week just to buy a bushel or two of grain on market day, only to find there is none available for his money. This is because traders, middlemen, and common grain carriers not only buy it all up but also offer above the market price to secure large quantities. Should I go on? Well, I will say a little more, drawing from my own experience.

At Michaelmasse time poore men must make monie of their graine, that they may paie their rents. So long then as the poore man hath to sell, rich men will bring out none, but rather buie vp that which the poore bring, vnder pretense of seed corne, or alteration of graine, although they bring none of their owne, bicause one wheat often sowen without change of séed, will soone decaie and be conuerted into darnell. For this cause therefore they must needs buie in the markets, though they be twentie miles off and where they be not knowne, promising there if they happen to be espied (which God wot is verie seldome) to send so much to their next market, to be performed I wot not when.

At Michaelmas, poor people have to sell their grain to pay their rents. As long as the poor have something to sell, the rich won’t bring any of their own, but will instead buy up what the poor do bring, pretending it's for seed corn or because of changes in grain, even though they don’t bring any themselves. This is because wheat that is repeatedly sown without changing the seed will quickly decline and become darnel. For this reason, they are forced to buy in the markets, even if it's twenty miles away and they are not recognized there, promising that if they happen to be spotted (which is very rare), they will send that much to their next market, though I can't say when that will actually happen.

If this shift serue not (neither dooth the fox vse alwaies one tracke for feare of a snare) they will compound with some one of the towne where the market is holden, who for a pot of hufcap or merie go downe, will not let to buie it for them, and that in his owne name. Or else Suborned bodgers. they wage one poore man or other, to become a bodger, and thereto get him a licence vpon some forged surmise, which being doone, they will féed him with monie, to buie for them till he hath filled their lofts, and then if he can doo any good for himselfe so it is, if not, they will giue him somewhat for his paines at this time, & reserue him for an other yeare. How manie of the like prouiders stumble vpon blind créekes at the sea coast, I wote not well; but that some haue so doone and yet doo vnder other mens wings, the case is too too plaine. But who dare Bodgers licenced. find fault with them, when they haue once a licence? yea though it be but to serue a meane gentlemans house with corne, who hath cast vp all his tillage, bicause he boasteth how he can buie his graine in the market better cheape, than he can sow his land, as the rich grasier often dooth also vpon the like deuise, bicause grasing requireth a smaller household and lesse attendance and charge. If anie man come to buie a bushell or two for his expenses vnto the market crosse, answer is made; Forsooth here was one euen now that bad me monie for it, and I hope he will haue it. And to saie the truth, these bodgers are faire chapmen, for there are no more words with them, but Let me see it, what shall I giue you, knit it vp, I will haue it, go carie it to such a chamber, and if you bring in twentie seme more in the weeke daie to such an Inne or sollar where I laie my corne, I will haue it and giue you pence or more in euerie bushell for six wéekes day of paiment than an other will. Thus the bodgers beare awaie all, so that the poore artificer and labourer cannot make his prouision in the markets, sith they will hardlie now a daies sell by the bushell, nor breake their [Page 341] measure; and so much the rather, for that the buier will looke (as they saie) for so much ouer measure in a bushell as the bodger will doo in a quarter. Naie the poore man cannot oft get anie of the farmer at home, bicause he prouideth altogither to serue the bodger, or hath an hope grounded vpon a greedie and insatiable desire of gaine, that the sale will be better in the market: so that he must giue two pence or a groate more in a bushell at his house than the last market craued, or else go without it, and sléepe with an hungrie bellie. Of the common carriage of corne ouer vnto the parts beyond the seas I speake not; or at the leastwise if I should, I could not touch it alone but néeds must ioine other prouision withall, whereby not onelie our fréends abroad, but also manie of our aduersaries and countriemen the papists are abundantlie relieued (as the report goeth) but sith I sée it not, I will not so trust mine eares as to write it for a truth. But to returne to our markets againe.

If this change doesn't work (and the fox doesn't always follow the same path for fear of a trap), they will strike a deal with someone in town where the market is held, who for a pot of beer or some fun will gladly buy it for them, and in his own name. Alternatively, they hire a poor guy to act as a middleman, getting him a license based on some fake story. Once that's done, they’ll give him money to buy for them until he fills their storage, and if he manages to benefit himself, great; if not, they'll give him something for his trouble this time and save him for another year. I don’t really know how many of these kinds of suppliers run into blind spots at the coast, but it’s clear that some have done that and continue to operate under someone else’s cover. But who dares to complain about them once they have a license? Even if it’s just to supply a modest gentleman’s home with grain, who has abandoned all his farming because he boasts he can buy his grain in the market cheaper than he can sow his land, like rich graziers do for the same reason since grazing requires a smaller household and less care and expense. If someone comes to buy a bushel or two for their expenses at the market, the response is made; “Why, just now someone offered me money for it, and I hope he’ll get it.” To be honest, these middlemen are decent buyers; they don’t have more conversation than, “Let me see it, how much will I give you, wrap it up, I’ll take it, take it to such a room, and if you bring in twenty more by the weekday to such an inn or storage where I keep my grain, I’ll take it and give you pennies or more for each bushel for six weeks' payment than anyone else will.” This way, the middlemen take everything, so the poor craftsmen and laborers can hardly make their purchases at the markets, since they barely sell by the bushel anymore or will not break their measure; even more so, because the buyer expects (as they say) that there will be a bit extra in a bushel, just as the middleman will do with a quarter. The poor man can often not get any from the farmer at home, because he only supplies the middleman or believes that the sale will be more profitable in the market. So, he has to pay two pence or a groat more per bushel at his house than at the last market, or else go without it and sleep with an empty stomach. I won't even mention the common transportation of grain to the countries overseas; or at least if I did, I couldn’t cover it alone without mentioning other supplies as well, which not only benefit our friends abroad, but also many of our adversaries and countrymen, the Catholics (or so it’s reported). But since I don't see it, I won’t trust my ears enough to write it as the truth. But let's return to our markets again.

By this time the poore occupier hath all sold his crop for néed of monie, being readie peraduenture to buie againe yer long. And now is the whole sale of corne in the great occupiers hands, who hitherto haue threshed little or none of their owne, but bought vp of other men, so much as they could come by. Hencefoorth also they begin to sell, not by the quarter or load at the first, for marring the market, but by the bushell or two, or an horsseload at the most, therby to be séene to keepe the crosse, either for a shew, or to make men eger to buie, and so as they may haue it for monie, not to regard what they paie. And thus corne waxeth deere, but it will be déerer the next market daie. It is possible also that they mislike the price in the beginning for the whole yeare insuing, as men supposing that corne will be litle worth for this, & of better price in the next yeare. For they haue certeine superstitious obseruations, whereby they will giue a gesse at the sale of corne for the yeare following. And our countriemen doo vse commonlie for barleie where I dwell, to iudge after the price at Baldocke vpon S. Matthewes daie, and for wheat as it is sold in séed time. They take in like sort experiment by sight of the first flockes of cranes that flée southward in winter, the age of the moone in the beginning of Ianuarie, & such other apish toies, as by laieng twelue cornes vpon the hot hearth for the twelue moneths, &c: whereby they shew themselues to be scant good christians, but what care they so they may come by monie? Herevpon also will they thresh out thrée parts of the old corne, toward the latter end of the summer, when new commeth apace to hand, and cast the same in the fourth vnthreshed, where it shall lie vntill the next spring, or peraduenture till it must and putrifie. Certes it is not deintie to sée mustie corne in manie of our great markets of England, which these great occupiers bring foorth when they can kéepe it no longer. But as they are inforced oftentimes vpon this one occasion somwhat to abate the price, so a plague is not seldome ingendred thereby among the poorer sort that of necessitie must buie the same, wherby manie thousands of all degrees are consumed, of whose deaths (in mine opinion) these farmers are not vnguiltie. But to proceed. If they laie not vp their graine or wheat in this maner, they haue yet another policie, whereby they will séeme to haue but small store left in their barnes: for else they will gird their sheues by the band, and stacke it vp of new in lesse roome, to the end it may not onlie séeme lesse in quantitie, but also giue place to the corne that is yet to come into the barne, or growing in the field. If there happen to be such plentie in the market on anie market daie, that they cannot sell at their own price, then will they set it vp in some fréends house, against an other or the third daie, & not bring it foorth till they like of the sale. If they sell anie at home, beside harder measure, it shall be déerer to the poore man that bieth it by two pence or a groat in a bushell than they may sell it in the market. But as these things are worthie redresse, so I wish that God would once open their eies that deale thus, to sée their owne errours: for as yet some of them little care how manie poore men suffer extremitie, so that they may fill their purses, and carie awaie the gaine.

By this time, the poor farmer has sold all his crop out of necessity for money and might be ready to buy again soon. Now, the entire supply of grain is in the hands of the large landowners, who, until now, have barely threshed any of their own grain but have bought up what they could from others. From now on, they start selling not by the quarter or load initially, to avoid ruining the market, but by the bushel or two, or at most, a horse load, all to give the impression of scarcity, either as a show or to make buyers eager to purchase, willing to pay anything for it. As a result, the price of grain rises, and it will be even higher by the next market day. They might also dislike the initial price for the whole year, believing that grain will be worth less this year and more next year. They have certain superstitious practices that they use to predict the price of grain for the following year. For instance, where I live, people commonly judge barley prices based on what they see at Baldock on St. Matthew's Day, and for wheat, they observe its sale during planting season. They also base their predictions on the first flocks of cranes heading south in winter, the moon's age at the beginning of January, and other such trivialities, like laying twelve grains on the hot hearth for the twelve months. This shows they are hardly good Christians, but they don’t care as long as they can make money. They also tend to thresh three parts of the old grain toward the end of summer, just as new grain is coming in, leaving the fourth part unthreshed to rot until spring, or maybe even until it spoils. It is certainly not pretty to see moldy grain in many of our big markets in England, which these large landowners bring out when they can no longer keep it. Although they are often forced to lower their prices for this reason, it frequently causes a plague among the poorer folks who have no choice but to buy it, leading to many thousands of deaths, and in my opinion, these farmers bear some guilt for it. Moving on, if they don’t store their grain this way, they have another trick to make it seem like they have little left in their barns: they will tie their sheaves and stack them tighter so that not only do they appear to have less quantity, but there’s also room for incoming grain or what’s still growing in the fields. If there happens to be such a surplus in the market on any market day that they can’t sell at their own price, they will stash it at a friend’s house and wait a day or two before bringing it out to sell at their desired price. If they sell anything at home, it is at a steeper price for the poor buyer, costing them two pence or a groat more per bushel compared to market prices. While these practices deserve attention, I wish that God would open the eyes of those who engage in them, so they can see their own faults. So far, some of them hardly care how many poor people suffer as long as they can fill their pockets and walk away with the profits.

It is a world also to sée how most places of the realme are pestered with purueiours, who take vp egs, butter, chéese, pigs, capons, hens, chickens, hogs, bakon, &c: in one market, vnder pretense of their commissions, & suffer their wiues to sell the same in another, or to [Page 342] pulters of London. If these chapmen be absent but two or thrée market daies, then we may perfectlie sée these wares to be more reasonablie sold, and therevnto the crosses sufficientlie furnished of all things. In like sort, since the number of buttermen haue so much increased, and since they trauell in such wise, that they come to mens houses for their butter faster than they can make it; it is almost incredible to see how the price of butter is augmented: whereas when the owners were inforced to bring it to the market townes, & fewer of these butter buiers were stirring, our butter was scarslie woorth eighteene pence the gallon, that now is worth thrée shillings foure pence, & perhaps fiue shillings. Wherby also I gather that the maintenance of a superfluous number of dealers in most trades, tillage alwaies excepted, is one of the greatest causes why the prices of things become excessiue: for one of them doo cōmonlie vse to out bid another. And whilest our countrie commodities are commonlie bought and sold at our priuate houses, I neuer looke to sée this enormitie redressed, or the markets well furnished.

It's also hard to see how many areas of the kingdom are overwhelmed with buyers who grab eggs, butter, cheese, pigs, capons, hens, chickens, hogs, bacon, etc., in one market, under the excuse of their commissions, while letting their wives sell the same items in another, or to [Page 342] poultry sellers of London. If these buyers are absent for just two or three market days, we can clearly see that these goods are sold at more reasonable prices, and the markets are well-stocked with everything. Similarly, since the number of butter sellers has increased so much, and they come to people's houses for their butter faster than it can be made, it's almost unbelievable how the price of butter has gone up: when the owners had to take it to the market towns, and fewer butter buyers were around, our butter was hardly worth eighteen pence a gallon, but now it’s worth three shillings and four pence, or perhaps even five shillings. From this, I conclude that having an excessive number of dealers in most trades, except for farming, is one of the main reasons why prices get so high: because one tends to outbid another. And as long as our local goods are commonly bought and sold at private houses, I don't expect this issue to be resolved, or the markets to be well-stocked.

I could saie more, but this is euen inough, & more peraduenture than I shall be well thanked for: yet true it is though some thinke it no trespasse. This moreouer is to be lamented, that one generall measure is not in vse throughout all England, but euerie market towne hath in maner a seuerall bushell, and the lesser it be, the more sellers it draweth to resort vnto the same. Such also is the couetousnesse of manie clearkes of the market, that in taking view of measures, they will alwaie so prouide, that one and the same bushell shall be either too big or too little at their next comming, and yet not depart without a fee at the first: so that what by their mending at one time and empairing the same at another, the countrie is greatlie charged, and few iust measures to be had in anie stéed. It is oft found likewise, that diuerse vnconscionable dealers haue one measure to sell by, & another to buie withall, the like is also in weights and yet all sealed and bronded. Wherefore it were verie good that these two were reduced vnto one standard, that is, one bushell, one pound, one quarter, one hundred, one tale, one number: so should things in time fall into better order, and fewer causes of contention be mooued in this land. Of the complaint of such poore tenants as paie rent corne vnto their landlords, I speake not, who are often dealt withall very hardlie. For beside that in the measuring of ten quarters, for the most part they lose one through the iniquitie of the bushell (such is the gréedinesse of the appointed receiuers thereof) fault is found also with the goodnesse and cleannesse of the graine. Wherby some péece of monie must néeds passe vnto their purses to stop their mouths withall, or else my lord will not like of the corne; Thou art worthie to loose thy lease, &c. Or if it be cheaper in the market, than the rate allowed for it is in their rents, then must they paie monie and no corne, which is no small extremitie. And thereby we may see how each one of vs indeuoureth to fléece and eat vp another.

I could say more, but this is enough, and probably more than I’ll be appreciated for. However, it’s true that some people don’t see it as a problem. Moreover, it's unfortunate that there isn't a universal standard across all of England; every market town seems to have its own unique bushel, and the smaller it is, the more sellers gather to it. The greed of many market clerks is such that when they check the measures, they'll always ensure that the same bushel ends up either too big or too small the next time they come around, yet they won’t leave without a fee at the first visit. Because of their fixing it one time and ruining it another, the country ends up heavily burdened, with few accurate measures available anywhere. It’s also often found that some dishonest traders have one measure for selling and another for buying, the same goes for weights, and yet they're all sealed and branded. Therefore, it would be very beneficial if these two were brought down to one standard: one bushel, one pound, one quarter, one hundred, one tale, one number. This way, things could fall into better order over time, and there would be fewer causes of conflict in this land. I won’t even mention the complaints from poor tenants who pay rent in grain to their landlords, who are often treated very poorly. Besides losing about a bushel out of every ten due to the unfairness of the measurement (such is the greed of those who collect it), they also face criticism over the quality and cleanliness of the grain. This leads to some money needing to be passed to their purses to keep them quiet, or my lord won’t accept the grain; "You deserve to lose your lease," etc. If it’s cheaper in the market than the rate set for rents, then they have to pay in cash instead of grain, which is quite an extreme situation. This shows how each one of us tries to take advantage of and exploit one another.

Another thing there is in our markets worthie to be looked vnto, and that is the recariage of graine from the same into lofts and sollars, of which before I gaue some intimation: wherefore if it were ordered, that euerie seller should make his market by an houre, or else the bailie, or clearke of the said market to make sale therof according to his discretion, without libertie to the farmer to set vp their corne in houses and chambers, I am persuaded that the prices of our graine would soone be abated. Againe, if it were enacted that each one should kéepe his next market with his graine, and not to run six, eight, ten, fouretéene, or twentie miles from home to sell his corne, where he dooth find the highest price, and therby leaueth his neighbours vnfurnished, I doo not thinke but that our markets would be farre better serued than at this present they are. Finallie if mens barns might be indifferentlie viewed immediatlie after haruest, and a note gathered by an estimat, and kept by some appointed & trustie person for that purpose, we should haue much more plentie of corne in our towne crosses than as yet is commonlie seene: bicause each one hideth and hoordeth what he may vpon purpose either that it will be déerer, or that he shall haue some priuie veine by bodgers, who doo accustomablie so deale, that the sea dooth load awaie no small part thereof into other countries & our enimies, to the great hinderance of our common-wealth at home, and more likelie yet to [Page 343] be, except some remedie be found. But what doo I talke of these things, or desire the suppression of bodgers being a minister? Certes I may speake of them right well, as féeling the harme in that I am a buier, neuerthelesse I speake generallie in ech of them.

Another thing in our markets worth looking into is the storage of grain from the fields into lofts and attics, which I mentioned before. If it were arranged that every seller had to sell their goods within an hour, or else the bailiff or clerk of the market could sell them at their discretion, without allowing farmers to store their grain in homes and barns, I believe that grain prices would quickly drop. Also, if it were required that everyone sell their grain at their nearest market instead of traveling six, eight, ten, fourteen, or even twenty miles away for a higher price, leaving their neighbors without supplies, our markets would be much better supplied than they are now. Finally, if people's barns were fairly inspected right after harvest, and an estimate was recorded by someone trusted for this purpose, we would have a lot more grain available in our towns than is currently typical. This is because everyone hoards what they can, hoping to sell it for a higher price later, or because they have secret connections with buyers who often ship a significant portion of it to other countries and our enemies, which greatly harms our economy at home, and will likely continue to do so unless a solution is found. But why am I talking about these things, or seeking to stop buyers when I’m a seller? I can certainly speak about them well, as I feel the pain in being a buyer, yet I am speaking generally about each of these issues.

To conclude therefore, in our markets all things are to be sold necessarie for mans vse, and there is our prouision made commonlie for all the wéeke insuing. Therefore as there are no great townes without one weekelie market at the least, so there are verie few of them that haue not one or two faires or more within the compasse of the yeare assigned vnto them by the prince. And albeit that some of them are not much better than Lowse faire or the common kirkemesses beyond the sea, yet there are diuerse not inferiour to the greatest marts in Europe, as Sturbridge faire neere to Cambridge, Bristow faire, Bartholomew faire at London, Lin mart, Cold faire at Newport pond for cattell, and diuerse other, all which or at leastwise the greatest part of them (to the end I may with the more ease to the reader and lesse trauell to my selfe fulfill my taske in their recitall) I haue set downe, according to the names of the moneths wherein they are holden, at the end of this booke, where you shall find them at large, as I borowed the same from I. Stow, and the reports of others.

To conclude, in our markets, everything needed for daily life is for sale, and supplies are typically made available for the entire upcoming week. Just as there are no large towns without at least one weekly market, very few of them lack one or two fairs or more throughout the year, designated by the prince. Even though some of these fairs are not much better than the local low-stakes ones or ordinary markets overseas, several are comparable to the biggest markets in Europe, such as Sturbridge Fair near Cambridge, Bristol Fair, Bartholomew Fair in London, Lin Mart, and Cold Fair at Newport Pond for cattle, among others. I’ve listed most of these, to make it easier for the reader and to simplify my own work, according to the months when they occur at the end of this book, where you’ll find them detailed, as I borrowed this information from I. Stow and various other sources.

OF PARKES AND WARRENS.
CHAP. XIX.

In euerie shire of England there is great plentie of parkes, whereof some here and there, to wit, welnere to the number of two hundred for hir daily prouision of that flesh apperteine to the prince, the rest to such of the nobilitie and gentlemen as haue their lands and patrimonies lieng in or néere vnto the same. I would gladlie haue set downe the iust number of these inclosures to be found in euerie countie: but sith I cannot so doo, it shall suffice to saie, that in Kent and Essex onelie are to the number of an hundred, and twentie in the bishoprike of Durham, wherein great plentie of fallow deere is cherished and kept. As for warrens of conies, I iudge them almost innumerable, and dailie like to increase, by reason that the blacke skins of those beasts are thought to counteruaile the prices of their naked carcases, and this is the onelie cause whie the graie are lesse estéemed. Néere vnto London their quickest merchandize is of the yong rabbets, wherfore the older conies are brought from further off, where there is no such speedie vtterance of rabbets and sucklings in their season, nor so great losse by their skins, sith they are suffered to growe vp to their full greatnesse with their owners. Our parkes are generallie inclosed with strong pale made of oke, of which kind of wood there is great store cherished in the woodland countries from time to time in ech of them, onelie for the maintenance of the said defense, and safe-keeping of the fallow déere from ranging about the countrie. Howbeit in times past diuerse haue been fensed in with stone walles (especiallie in the times of the Romans, who first brought fallow déere into this land, as some coniecture) albeit those inclosures were ouerthrowne againe by the Saxons & Danes, as Cauisham, Towner, and Woodstocke, beside other in the west countrie, and one also at Bolton. Among other things also to be seene in that towne, there is one of the fairest clockes in Europe. Where no wood is, they are also inclosed with piles of slate; and therto it is doubted of manie whether our bucke or doe are to be reckoned in wild or tame beasts or not. Plinie deemeth them to be wild, Martial is also of the same opinion, where he saith, "Imbelles damæ quid nisi præda sumus?" And so in time past the like controuersie was about bées, which the lawiers call "Feras," tit. de acquirendo rerum dominio, & lib. 2. instit. But Plinie attempting to decide the quarell calleth them "Medias inter feras & placidas aues." But whither am I so suddenlie digressed? In returning therefore vnto our parks, I find also the circuit of these inclosures in like manner conteine often times a walke of foure or fiue miles, and sometimes more or lesse. Wherby it is to be séene what store of ground [Page 344] is emploied vpon that vaine commoditie, which bringeth no manner of gaine or profit to the owner, sith they commonlie giue awaie their flesh, neuer taking penie for the same, except the ordinarie fée and parts of the déere giuen vnto the kéeper by a custome, who beside three shillings foure pence, or fiue shillings in monie, hath the skin, head, vmbles, chine, and shoulders: whereby he that hath the warrant for an whole bucke, hath in the end little more than halfe, which in my iudgement is scarselie equall dealing; for venison in England is neither bought nor sold, as in other countries, but mainteined onelie for the pleasure of the owner and his friends. Albeit I heard of late of one ancient ladie, which maketh a great game by selling yeerelie hir husbands venison to the cookes (as another of no lesse name will not sticke to ride to the market to sée hir butter sold) but not performed without infinite scoffes and mockes, euen of the poorest pezzants of the countrie, who thinke them as odious matters in ladies and women of such countenance to sell their venison and their butter, as for an earle to feele his oxen, sheepe, and lambs, whether they be readie for the butcher or not, or to sell his wooll vnto the clothier, or to kéepe a tan-house, or deale with such like affaires as belong not to men of honor, but rather to farmers, or grasiers; for which such, if there be anie may well be noted (and not vniustlie) to degenerate from true nobilitie, and betake themselues to husbandrie. And euen the same enormitie tooke place sometime among the Romans, and entred so farre as into the verie senate, of whome some one had two or thrée ships going vpon the sea, pretending prouision for their houses; but in truth following the trades of merchandize, till a law was made which did inhibit and restraine them. Liuie also telleth of another law which passed likewise against the senators by Claudius the tribune, and helpe onelie of C. Flaminius, that no senator, or he that had beene father to anie senator should possesse anie ship or vessell aboue the capacitie of thrée hundred amphoras, which was supposed sufficient for the cariage and recariage of such necessities as should apperteine vnto his house: sith further trading with merchandizes and commodities dooth declare but a base and couetous mind, not altogither void of enuie, that anie man should liue but he; or that if anie gaine were to be had, he onelie would haue it himselfe: which is a wonderfull dealing, and must néeds Tillage and mankind diminished by parkes. proue in time the confusion of that countrie wherein such enormities are exercised. Where in times past, manie large and wealthie occupiers were dwelling within the compasse of some one parke, and thereby great plentie of corne and cattell séene, and to be had among them, beside a more copious procreation of humane issue, whereby the realme was alwaies better furnished with able men to serue the prince in his affaires: now there is almost nothing kept but a sort of wild and sauage beasts, cherished for pleasure and delight; and yet some owners still desirous to inlarge those grounds, as either for the bréed and feeding of cattell, doo not let dailie to take in more, not sparing the verie commons whervpon manie towneships now and then doo liue, affirming that we haue alreadie too great store of people in England; and that youth by marrieng too soone doo nothing profit the countrie, but fill it full of beggars, to the hurt and vtter vndooing (they saie) of the common wealth.

In every county of England, there is a large number of parks, almost two hundred in total, primarily for the prince’s daily supply of venison, while the remaining ones are for the nobility and gentlemen who own lands close to these parks. I would have liked to list the exact number of these enclosures in each county, but since I can't do that, I'll just mention that there are around one hundred in Kent and Essex alone, and twenty in the Bishopric of Durham, which is home to a large population of fallow deer. As for rabbit warrens, I believe they are nearly countless and are likely to keep increasing because the value of their black pelts is considered equivalent to that of their bodies. This is why grey rabbits are less valued. Near London, the young rabbits are the quickest to sell, so older rabbits are brought in from farther away, where there's not as quick a market for young rabbits and suckling bunnies in season, nor as significant a loss from their pelts since they are allowed to grow to full size with their owners. Our parks are generally enclosed with strong wooden fences made of oak, which is plentifully grown in the wooded areas for this purpose, ensuring the protection of the fallow deer from wandering off. In the past, some parks were enclosed with stone walls, particularly during the Roman times when fallow deer were first introduced to this land, although these enclosures were later torn down by the Saxons and Danes, like those at Caversham, Towner, Woodstock, and another at Bolton. Among the sights in that town, there’s one of the finest clocks in Europe. Where there is no wood, they are also enclosed with slate piles; and there’s some debate about whether our bucks and does should be classified as wild or tame. Pliny thinks they are wild, and Martial agrees when he says, "What are the tame does but prey?" In the past, there was a similar debate about bees, which lawyers call "Feras," cited in "On Acquiring Property," and in Book 2 of the Institutes. Pliny tries to decide the issue by calling them "In between wild animals and tame birds." But why am I digressing? Returning to our parks, I find that the boundaries of these enclosures often cover a walk of four or five miles, and sometimes more or less. This shows how much land is used for that trivial commodity, which yields no gain or profit to the owner since they typically give away the meat, never charging a penny for it, except for the customary fee and parts of the deer given to the keeper. Besides the three shillings and four pence or five shillings in cash, he receives the skin, head, offal, backbone, and shoulders: thus, someone holding a warrant for an entire buck ends up with little more than half, which I think is hardly fair; in England, venison is neither bought nor sold like in other countries but is maintained solely for the enjoyment of the owner and his friends. Although I recently heard of an old lady who makes a big deal out of selling her husband's venison to the cooks (as another equally prominent woman won’t hesitate to go to the market to see her butter sold), this is not done without many scoffs and jeers, even from the poorest peasants in the area, who think it shameful for ladies and women of such stature to sell their venison and butter, as it would be for an earl to examine his oxen, sheep, and lambs to see if they are ready for slaughter, or to sell his wool to the clothier, or run a tannery, or engage in other activities not befitting men of honor, but more like farmers or graziers. Those who do such things, if any exist, may rightly be noted (and not unjustly) for degenerating from true nobility and turning to agriculture. And the same absurdity existed among the Romans, extending even into the Senate, where some senators had two or three ships at sea, claiming they were for their households; but in reality, they were involved in trade until a law was made to restrict and prohibit them. Livy also mentions another law against senators proposed by Claudius the Tribune, with only C. Flaminius's support, stating that no senator or anyone who had been the father of a senator should own any ship or vessel larger than three hundred amphoras, which was considered sufficient for the transportation of household necessities. Trading in goods and merchandise suggests a base and greedy mind, not at all free from envy, believing that no one else should prosper or that if there is any profit, he alone should obtain it. Such behavior, if allowed to continue, is bound to lead to the downfall of any country where such extremes are practiced. In times past, many large and wealthy occupants lived within the boundaries of a single park, leading to a great abundance of corn and livestock, and fostering a more plentiful human population, which ensured the kingdom was always well-supplied with capable people to serve the prince in his matters. Now, almost nothing is raised except for a kind of wild and savage creatures, kept for pleasure and enjoyment, while some owners remain eager to expand these grounds, either for breeding and raising livestock, continually taking in more land, often even at the expense of common land that supports many townships. They argue that there are already too many people in England and that young people marrying too early benefit the country little, instead filling it with beggars, which they claim harms and ultimately destroys the commonwealth.

The decaie of the people is the destruction of a kingdome. Certes if it be not one curse of the Lord, to haue our countrie conuerted in such sort from the furniture of mankind, into the walks and shrowds of wild beasts, I know not what is anie. How manie families also these great and small games (for so most kéepers call them) haue eaten vp and are likelie hereafter to deuoure, some men may coniecture, but manie more lament, sith there is no hope of restraint to be looked for in this behalfe, because the corruption is so generall. But if a man may presentlie giue a ghesse at the vniuersalitie of this euill by contemplation of the circumstance, he shall saie at the last, that the twentith part of the realme is imploied vpon déere and conies alreadie, which séemeth verie much if it be not dulie considered of.

The decline of the people leads to the downfall of a kingdom. Indeed, if having our country transformed so fully from a place for people to the habitats and hiding spots of wild animals isn’t a curse from the Lord, I don’t know what is. How many families these large and small game (as most keepers call them) have already consumed and are likely to devour in the future, some people might guess, but many more mourn this reality, since there’s no hope for any restraint given the widespread corruption. However, if one were to take a moment to reflect on the extent of this issue, one would conclude that already one-twentieth of the realm is dedicated to deer and rabbits, which seems quite significant if not properly considered.

King Henrie the eight, one of the noblest princes that euer reigned in this land, lamented oft that he was constreined to hire forren aid, for want of competent store of souldiors here at home, perceiuing (as it is indeed) that such supplies are oftentimes more hurtfull than profitable vnto those that interteine them, as may chéeflie be seene in Valens the [Page 345] emperor, our Vortiger, and no small number of others. He would oft maruell in priuate talke, how that when seauen or eight princes ruled here at once, one of them could lead thirtie or fortie thousand men to the field against another, or two of them 100000 against the third, and those taken out onelie of their owne dominions. But as he found the want, so he saw not the cause of this decaie, which grew beside this occasion now mentioned, also by laieng house to house, and land to land, whereby manie mens occupiengs were conuerted into one, and the bréed of people not a little thereby diminished. The auarice of landlords by increasing of rents and fines also did so wearie the people, that they were readie to rebell with him that would arise, supposing a short end in the warres to be better than a long and miserable life in peace.

King Henry the Eighth, one of the greatest rulers to ever reign in this land, often regretted that he was forced to seek foreign help due to a lack of sufficient soldiers at home. He noticed (as is indeed the case) that such reinforcements are often more harmful than beneficial to those who hire them, as seen particularly in Valens the emperor, our Vortigern, and many others. In private conversations, he would often wonder how, when seven or eight princes ruled here at once, one could lead thirty or forty thousand men into battle against another, or two of them could rally one hundred thousand against the third—all drawn solely from their own territories. However, while he recognized the shortage, he failed to see the reasons behind this decline, which arose not only from the reasons already mentioned but also from merging households and lands, resulting in many people's occupations being combined, thus significantly reducing the population. The greed of landlords, through rising rents and fees, also exhausted the people to the point where they were ready to rebel alongside anyone who would rise up, believing that a quick end to the conflict would be better than a long and miserable life in peace.

Priuileges and faculties also are another great cause of the ruine of a common wealth, and diminution of mankind: for whereas law and nature dooth permit all men to liue in their best maner, and whatsoeuer trade they be exercised in, there commeth some priuilege or other in the waie, which cutteth them off from this or that trade, wherby they must néeds shift soile, and séeke vnto other countries. By these also the greatest commodities are brought into the hands of few, who imbase, corrupt, and yet raise the prices of things at their owne pleasures. Example of this last I can giue also in bookes, which (after the first impression of anie one booke) are for the most part verie negligentlie handled: whereas if another might print it so well as the first, then would men striue which of them should doo it best; and so it falleth out in all other trades. It is an easie matter to prooue that England was neuer lesse furnished with people than at this present; for if the old records of euerie manour be sought, and search made to find what tenements are fallen, either downe, or into the lords hands, or brought and vnited togither by other men: it will soone appéere, that in some one manour seuentéen, eightéene, or twentie houses are shrunke. I know what I saie by mine owne experience: notwithstanding that some one cotage be here and there erected of late, which is to little purpose. Of cities and townes either vtterlie decaied, or more than a quarter or halfe diminished, though some one be a little increased here and there; of townes pulled downe for sheepe-walks, and no more but the lordships now standing in them, beside those that William Rufus pulled downe in his time; I could saie somewhat: but then I should swarue yet further from my purpose, wherevnto I now returne.

Privileges and special rights are another major reason for the decline of a community and the decrease of the population. While law and nature allow all people to live their best lives in whatever trade they pursue, certain privileges often get in the way, preventing them from pursuing this or that trade, which forces them to move on and seek opportunities in other countries. These privileges also concentrate the greatest resources in the hands of a few, who devalue, exploit, and manipulate prices at their own discretion. A clear example of this can be seen in books; after the first edition of any book, they are usually handled quite carelessly. If another person had the chance to print it just as well as the first, competition would arise over who could do it best, and this happens in all other trades as well. It's easy to show that England has never been less populated than it is now; if we look into the old records of every manor and investigate what properties have either fallen into disrepair, come under the lord's control, or been consolidated by others, it quickly becomes evident that in some manors, seventeen, eighteen, or twenty houses have disappeared. I speak from my own experience; although a few cottages have been built here and there recently, they serve little purpose. As for cities and towns that have either completely declined or diminished by more than a quarter or half, even if a few have slightly increased here and there — with towns demolished for sheep grazing, leaving only the lordships still standing, alongside those that William Rufus destroyed in his time — I could say more, but then I would stray even further from my original point, which I will now return to.

Wée had no parkes left in England at the comming of the Normans, who added this calamitie also to the seruitude of our nation, making men of the best sort furthermore to become kéepers of their game, whilest they liued in the meane time vpon the spoile of their reuenues, and dailie ouerthrew townes, villages, and an infinit sort of families, for the maintenance of their venerie. Neither was anie parke supposed in these times to be statelie enough, that conteined not at the least eight or ten hidelands, that is, so manie hundred acres or families (or as they haue béene alwaies called in some places of the realme carrucats or cartwares) of which one was sufficient in old time to mainteine an honest yeoman.

We had no parks left in England by the time the Normans arrived, who added this disaster to our nation's servitude, forcing the best men to become keepers of their game while they lived off the spoils of their estates and daily destroyed towns, villages, and countless families to support their hunting. No park was considered grand enough in those times unless it contained at least eight or ten hides, which is, many hundreds of acres or families (or as they have always been called in some regions of the kingdom, carrucats or cart-lands), with one being enough in ancient times to support a respectable yeoman.

King Iohn trauelling on a time northwards, to wit 1209 to warre vpon the king of Scots, because he had married his daughter to the earle of Bullen without his consent: in his returne ouerthrew a great number of parkes and warrens, of which some belonged to his barons, but the greatest part to the abbats and prelats of the cleargie. For hearing (as he trauelled) by complaint of the countrie, how these inclosures were the chéefe decaie of men, and of tillage in the land, he sware with an oth that he would not suffer wild beasts to féed vpon the fat of his soile, and sée the people perish for want of abilitie to procure and buie them food that should defend the realme. Howbeit, this act of his was so ill taken by the religious and their adherents, that they inuerted his intent herein to another end; affirming most slanderouslie how he did it rather of purpose to spoile the corne and grasse of the commons and catholikes that held against him of both estates, and by so doing to impouerish and bring the north part of the realme to destruction, because they refused to go with him into Scotland. If the said prince were aliue in these daies, wherein Andrew Boord saith there are more parks in England than in all Europe (ouer which he trauelled in [Page 346] his owne person) and saw how much ground they consume, I thinke he would either double his othes, or laie the most of them open that tillage might be better looked vnto. But this I hope shall not néed in time, for the owners of a great sort of them begin now to smell out, that such parcels might be emploied to their more game, and therefore some of them doo grow to be disparked.

King John was traveling north at one point, specifically in 1209, to fight the King of Scots because he had married his daughter to the Earl of Bullen without his approval. On his way back, he destroyed a large number of parks and game reserves, some belonging to his barons, but most to the abbots and other church leaders. While traveling, he heard complaints from the locals about how these enclosed areas were causing the decline of people and agriculture in the region. He swore an oath that he would not allow wild animals to feed off the richness of his land while people suffered from a lack of resources to feed themselves and defend the kingdom. However, this action was so poorly received by the religious leaders and their supporters that they twisted his intentions, claiming he acted out of a desire to damage the crops and grass of the commons and Catholics who opposed him, thereby impoverishing and bringing ruin to the northern part of the kingdom because they refused to join him in Scotland. If this prince were alive today, in an era where Andrew Boord claims there are more parks in England than the rest of Europe (which he personally traveled through on [Page 346]), and saw how much land they consume, I believe he would either double his oaths or open up most of them to ensure agriculture could be better managed. However, I hope this won't be necessary, as the owners of many of these parks are starting to realize that such areas could be used for more beneficial purposes, and therefore some of them are beginning to be deparked.

Next of all we haue the franke chase, which taketh something both of parke and forrest, and is giuen either by the kings grant or prescription. Certes it differeth not much from a parke; nay, it is in maner the selfe same thing that a parke is, sauing that a parke is inuironed with pale, wall, or such like: the chase alwaie open and nothing at all inclosed, as we see in Enuéeld & Maluerne chases. And as it is the cause of the seisure of the franchise of a parke not to kéepe the same inclosed, so it is the like in a chase if at anie time it be imparked. It is trespasse, and against the law also, for anie man to haue or make a chase, parke, or frée warren without good warrantie of the king by his charter or perfect title of prescription: for it is not lawfull for anie subiect either to carnilate, that is, build stone houses, imbattell, haue the querke of the sea, or kéepe the assise of bread, ale, or wine, or set vp furels, tumbrell, thew, or pillorie, or inclose anie ground to the aforesaid purposes within his owne soile, without his warrant and grant. The beasts of the chase were commonlie the bucke, the roe, the fox, and the marterne. But those of venerie in old time were the hart, the hare, the bore and the woolfe; but as this held not in the time of Canutus, so in stéed of the woolfe the beare is now crept in, which is a beast comonlie hunted in the east countries, and fed vpon as excellent venison, although with vs I know not anie that féed thereon or care for it at all. Certes it should seeme, that forrests and franke chases haue alwaies béene had, and religiouslie preserued in this Iland for the solace of the prince, and recreation of his nobilitie: howbeit I read not that euer they were inclosed more than at this present, or otherwise fensed than by vsuall notes of limitation, whereby their bounds were remembred from time to time, for the better preseruation of such venerie and vert of all sorts as were nourished in the same. Neither are anie of the ancient laws prescribed for their maintenance, before the daies of Canutus, now to be had; sith time hath so dealt with them that they are perished and lost. Canutus therefore seeing the dailie spoile that was made almost in all places of his game, did at the last make sundrie sanctions and decrées, whereby from thenceforth the red and fallow déere were better looked to throughout his whole dominions. We haue in these daies diuerse forrests in England and Wales, of which, some belong to the king, and some to his subiects, as Waltham forrest, Windlesor, Pickering, Fecknam, Delamore, Gillingham, Kingswood, Wencedale, Clun, Rath, Bredon, Weire, Charlie, Leircester, Lée, Rokingham, Selwood, New forrest, Wichwood, Hatfeeld, Sauernake, Westbirie, Blacamore Peke, Deane, Penrise, & manie other now cleane out of my remembrance: and which although they are far greater in circuit than manie parkes and warrens, yet are they in this our time lesse deuourers of the people than these latter, sith beside much tillage, & manie townes are found in each of them, wheras in parks and warrens we haue nothing else than either the keepers & wareners lodge, or at least the manor place of the chéef lord & owner of the soile. I find also by good record, that all Essex hath in time past wholie béene forrest ground, except one cantred or hundred; but how long it is since it lost the said denomination in good sooth I doo not read. This neuerthelesse remaineth yet in memorie, that the towne of Walden in Essex standing in the limits of the aforesaid countie doth take hir name thereof. For in the Celtike toong, wherewith the Saxon or Scithian spéech dooth not a little participate, huge woods and forrests were called Walds, and likewise their Druides were named Walie or Waldie, bicause they frequented the woods, and there made sacrifice among the okes and thickets. So that if my coniecture in this behalfe be anie thing at all, the aforesaid towne taketh denomination of Wald and end, as if I should say, The end of the wooddie soile; for being once out of that parish, the champaine is at hand. Or it may be that it is so called of Wald and dene: for I haue read it written in old euidences Waldæne, with a diphthong. And to saie truth, Dene is the old Saxon word for a vale or [Page 347] lowe bottome, as Dune or Don is for an hill or hillie soile. Certes if it be so, then Walden taketh hir name of the woodie vale, in which it sometime stood. But the first deriuation liketh me better, and the highest part of the towne is called also Chipping Walden, of the Saxon Gipping, of going vp to anie place. word ᵹipping, which signifieth Leaning or hanging, and may verie well be applied therevnto, sith the whole towne hangeth as it were vpon the sides of two hils, wherof the lesser runneth quite through the middest of the same. I might here for further confirmation of these things bring in mention of the Wald of Kent: but this may suffice for the vse of the word Wald, which now differeth much from Wold. For as that signifieth a woodie soile, so this betokeneth a soile without wood, or plaine champaine countrie, without anie store of trées, as may be seene in Cotswold, Porkewold, &c. Beside this I could saie more of our forrests, and the aforesaid inclosures also, & therein to prooue by the booke of forrest law, that the whole countie of Lancaster hath likewise beene forrest heretofore. Also how William the Bastard made a law, that whosoeuer did take anie wild beast within the kings forrest should lose an eare; as Henrie the first did punish them either by life or lim: which ordinance was confirmed by Henrie the second and his péeres at Woodstocke, wherevpon great trouble insued vnder king Iohn and Henrie the third, as appeareth by the chronicles: but it shall suffice to haue said so much as is set downe alreadie.

Next, we have the free chase, which combines elements of both park and forest and is granted either by the king’s decree or by long-standing tradition. It isn’t much different from a park; in fact, it’s essentially the same as a park, except that a park is enclosed with a fence, wall, or something similar, while the chase is always open and completely unrestricted, as seen in Enfield and Malvern chases. Just like a park can lose its franchise if it isn’t kept enclosed, the same goes for a chase if it ever becomes enclosed. It is a legal offense for anyone to have or create a chase, park, or free warren without proper authorization from the king through a charter or a solid legal claim: it's not legal for any subject to build stone houses, fortify, have fishing rights, maintain regulations on bread, ale, or wine, or set up stocks or pillories, or enclose land for these purposes on their own property without the king’s permission. Commonly hunted animals in the chase included the buck, roe, fox, and marten. Historically, the noble game included the stag, hare, boar, and wolf; however, during the time of Canute, the wolf was replaced with the bear, which is commonly hunted in eastern regions and regarded as excellent game, though I’m not aware of anyone here who eats it or cares for it at all. It appears that forests and free chases have always existed and have been carefully preserved in this land for the enjoyment of the king and the leisure of his nobles; however, I do not read that they were ever enclosed more than they are now or otherwise restricted, except by customary boundary markers to help maintain the game and wildlife within them. Additionally, no ancient laws for their upkeep before the time of Canute are currently available, as time has caused them to be lost. Canute, noticing the daily destruction of his game almost everywhere, eventually established various rules and decrees to better protect the red and fallow deer throughout his realm. Nowadays, we have several forests in England and Wales, some belonging to the king and others to his subjects, such as Waltham Forest, Windsor, Pickering, Peckham, Delamore, Gillingham, Kingswood, Wensleydale, Clun, Rath, Bredon, Weir, Charlie, Leicester, Lee, Rockingham, Selwood, New Forest, Wychwood, Hatfield, Savernake, Westbury, Blacamore Peak, Dean, Penrice, and many others I can’t recall right now. Although these are much larger in area than many parks and warrens, they consume less from the people these days, as there’s significant cultivation and many towns in each of them, while parks and warrens mainly have just the keeper’s lodge or the manor house of the chief lord and landowner. I also find good records showing that all of Essex used to be forest land, except for one hundred; however, I don’t know how long ago it lost that designation. Nonetheless, it is still remembered that the town of Walden in Essex, located within the limits of that county, derives its name from it. In the Celtic language, which shares some similarities with Saxon or Scythian speech, large woods and forests were called Walds, and their Druids were known as Walie or Waldie because they frequented the woods and made sacrifices among the oaks and thickets. So if my speculation on this is at all accurate, the town takes its name from Wald and den, as if to say, "The end of the wooded land"; for once you leave that parish, the open fields are nearby. Or it might be named after Wald and dene: I have read it written in old records as Waldæne, with a diphthong. To tell the truth, Dene is the old Saxon word for a valley or low land, just as Dune or Don refers to a hill or hilly area. Indeed, if that’s the case, then Walden gets its name from the wooded valley it once stood in. However, I prefer the first derivation, and the highest part of the town is also called Chipping Walden, from the Saxon word “gipping,” which means leaning or hanging, and this applies well since the whole town seems to hang on the sides of two hills, with the smaller one running right through the middle of it. I could further mention the Wald of Kent for additional support, but this will suffice for the use of the word Wald, which now greatly differs from Wold. While Wald signifies a wooded area, Wold refers to land without trees or flat open country without much vegetation, as seen in Cotswold, Porkewold, and so on. Besides, I could say more about our forests and the aforementioned enclosures as well, and prove by the book of forest law that the entire county of Lancaster was also forested in the past. I could point out how William the Conqueror made a law that anyone who took any wild beast from the king’s forest would lose an ear, as Henry I punished offenders with severe penalties, which were later confirmed by Henry II and his peers at Woodstock, leading to significant troubles under King John and Henry III, as shown in the chronicles. But that will be enough for now.

Howbeit, that I may restore one antiquitie to light, which hath hitherto lien as it were raked vp in the embers of obliuion, I will giue out those laws that Canutus made for his forrest: whereby manie things shall be disclosed concerning the same (wherof peraduenture some lawiers haue no knowledge) and diuerse other notes gathered touching the ancient estate of the realme not to be found in other. But before I deale with the great charter (which as you may perceiue, is in manie places vnperfect by reason of corruption, and want also of congruitie, crept in by length of time, not by me to be restored) I will note another breefe law, which he made in the first yeare of his reigne at Winchester, afterward inserted into these his later constitutions, canon 32, & beginneth thus in his owne Saxon tong; "Ic will that elc one," &c: I will and grant that ech one shall be worthie of such venerie as he by hunting can take either in the plaines or in the woods, within his owne fée or dominion; but ech man shall abstaine from my venerie in euerie place, where I will that my beasts shall haue firme peace and quietnesse, vpon paine to forfet so much as a man may forfet. Hitherto the statute made by the aforesaid Canutus, which was afterward confirmed by king Edward surnamed the Confessor; & ratified by the Bastard in the fourth yeare of his reigne. Now followeth the great charter it selfe in such rude order and Latine as I find it word for word, and which I would gladlie haue turned into English, if it might haue sounded to anie benefit of the vnskilfull and vnlearned.

However, to bring one old law back to light that has been buried in the ashes of forgetfulness, I will share the laws that Canute made for his forest. Many things will be revealed regarding this matter that perhaps some lawyers aren't aware of, along with various other notes concerning the ancient state of the realm that can't be found elsewhere. Before I discuss the great charter (which, as you may notice, is incomplete in many places due to corruption and inconsistencies that have crept in over time and I will not attempt to restore), I want to mention another brief law that he established in the first year of his reign at Winchester, which was later included in these later regulations as canon 32, and it begins like this in his own Saxon tongue: "I will that each one," etc.: I will and declare that everyone shall be entitled to such game as they can catch through hunting, either in the plains or in the woods, within their own fee or domain; but every man must refrain from my game in every area where I want my animals to have peace and quiet, under penalty of forfeiting whatever a man can forfeit. This is the statute made by the aforementioned Canute, which was later confirmed by King Edward, known as the Confessor, and ratified by the Bastard in the fourth year of his reign. Now follows the great charter itself in the rough order and Latin as I find it word for word, which I would gladly have translated into English if it would be of any benefit to the unskilled and unlearned.

Incipiunt constitutiones Canuti regis de foresta.

"Hæ sunt sanctiones de foresta, quas ego Canutus rex cum consilio primariorum hominum meorum condo & facio, vt cunctis regni nostri Angliæ ecclesijs & pax & iustitia fiat, & vt omnis delinquens secundum modum delicti, & delinquentis fortunam patiatur.

"Hear the laws regarding the forest, which I, King Canute, establish and create with the advice of my chief men, so that peace and justice may prevail in all the churches of our kingdom of England, and that every offender, according to the nature of their offense and their circumstances, shall be punished."

Pegened. 1. "Sint tam deinceps quatuor ex liberalioribus hominibus, qui habent saluas suas debitas consuetudines (quos Angli Pegened appellant) in qualibet regni mei prouincia constituti, ad iustitiam distribuēdam, vna cum pœna merita & materijs forrestæ cuncto populo meo, tam Anglis quàm Danis per totum regnum meum Angliæ, quos quatuor primarios forestæ appellandos censemus.

Pigeonholed. 1. "Since then, four of the more generous people who have their rightful customs (whom the English call Pegened) are to be assigned in every province of my kingdom to administer justice, along with appropriate penalties and matters of the forest to my entire population, both English and Danes throughout my whole kingdom of England, whom we consider the four main forest officials.

Lespegend.
Nunc forte Fringald.
2. "Sint sub quolibet horum, quatuor ex mediocribus hominibus (quos Angli Lespegend nuncupant, Dani verò yoong men vocant) locati, qui curam & onus tum viridis tum veneris suscipiant.

Lespegend.
Now maybe Fringald.
2. "Let there be four average men among any of these (whom the English call Lespegend, while the Danes call yoong men) who take on the care and burden of both youth and age."

3. "In administranda autem iustitia nullatenus volo vt tales se intromittant: mediocrésq; tales post ferarum curam susceptam, pro Ealdermen. liberalibus semper habeantur, quos Dani Ealdermen appellant.

3. "In managing justice, I do not want such people to get involved at all: and mediocre individuals, after taking on the care of the wild beasts, should always be regarded as a privilege, which the Danes call Ealdermen."

[Page 348]

[Page 348]

Tineman. 4. "Sub horum iterum quolibet sint duo minutorum hominum, quos Tineman Angli dicunt, hi nocturnam curam & veneris & viridis tum seruilia opera subibunt.

Tineman. 4. "Under these circumstances, there are two tiny men, whom the English call Tineman. They will take on the nightly tasks of care, desire, and green, along with servant duties."

5. "Si talis minutus seruus fuerit, tam citò quàm in foresta nostra locabitur, liber esto, omnésq; hos ex sumptibus nostris manutenebimus.

5. "If such a small servant is found, he will be placed in our household as soon as possible, he will be free, and we will support him with all our expenses."

Michni. 6. "Habeat etiam quilibet primariorum quolibet anno de nostra warda, quam Michni Angli appellant, duos equos, vnum cum sella, alterum sine sella, vnum gladium, quinque lanceas, vnum cuspidem, vnum scutum, & ducentos solidos argenti.

Michni. 6. "Every year, each of the leaders from our ward, which the English call Michni, should have two horses, one with a saddle and the other without, one sword, five spears, one lance, one shield, and two hundred silver coins.

7. "Mediocrium quilibet vnum equum, vnam lanceam, vnum scutum, & 60 solidos argenti.

7. "Any average person can get one horse, one spear, one shield, and 60 silver coins."

* [Sic.] 8. "Minutorum quilibet, vnum* lanceam, vnam arcubalistam, & 15 solidos argenti.

* [Sic.] 8. "Every detail, one spear, one crossbow, and 15 silver coins.

9. "Sint omnes tam primarij, quàm mediocres, & minuti, immunes, liberi, & quieti ab omnibus prouincialibus summonitionibus, & popularibus Hundred law. placitis, quæ Hundred laghe Angli dicunt, & ab omnibus armorum oneribus, Warscot. quod Warscot Angli dicunt, & forincesis querelis.

9. "Let all, both the prominent and the average, as well as the lesser, be free, immune, and at peace from all provincial summons and popular court proceedings, which the English call Hundred law, and from all burdens of arms, which the English refer to as Warscot, and from external complaints."

10. "Sint mediocrium & minutorum causæ, & earum correctiones, tam criminalium quàm ciuilium per prouidam sapientiam & rationem primariorum iudicatæ & decisæ: primariorum verò enormia si quæ fuerint (ne scelus aliquod remaneat inultum) nosmet in ira nostra regali puniemus.

10. "Regarding the causes of lesser and minor matters, and their corrections, both criminal and civil, they are judged and decided by the wise and reasonable insights of the primary authorities: however, if there are any serious offenses (so that no crime remains unpunished), we ourselves will punish them in our royal anger."

11. "Habeant hi quatuor vnam regalem potestatem (salua semper nobis nostra præsentia) quatérq; in anno generales forestæ demonstrationes & Muchehunt. viridis & veneris forisfactiones, quas Muchehunt dicunt, vbi teneant omnes calumniam de materia aliqua tangente forestam, eántque ad triplex Ofgangfordell. iudicium, quod Angli Ofgangfordell dicunt. Ita autem acquiratur illud triplex iudicium. Accipiat secum quinque, & sit ipse sextus, & sic Purgatio ignis, triplex ordalia. iurando acquirat triplex iudicium, aut triplex iuramentum. Sed purgatio ignis nullatenus admittatur, nisi vbi nuda veritas nequit aliter inuestigari.

11. "They should have the royal power of four (always preserving our presence) to hold general forest demonstrations four times a year & Muchehunt. green & Friday trespasses, which they call Muchehunt, where anyone can bring a complaint about something related to the forest, and they will go to a threefold Ofgangfordell. judgment, which the English call Ofgangfordell. This threefold judgment is to be obtained in the following way. Let him take five with him, and he be the sixth, and thus Fire purification, threefold ordeal. acquire the threefold judgment by swearing, or three oaths. However, the trial by fire should not be admitted unless the naked truth cannot be investigated in any other way."

Pegen. 12. "Liberalis autem homo. l. Pegen, modo crimen suum non sit inter maiora, habeat fidelem hominem qui possit pro eo iurare iuramentum. Forathe. l. Forathe: si autem non habet, ipsemet iuret, nec pardonetur ei aliquod iuramentum.

Pigeon. 12. "A generous person, Pegen, as long as their crime isn't one of the major ones, should have a loyal person who can swear an oath for them. Forath. Forathe: but if they don't have one, they should swear the oath themselves, and no oath should be pardoned for them."

13. "Si aduena vel peregrinus qui de longinquo venerit sit calumniatus de foresta, & talis est sua inopia vt non possit habere plegium ad primam calumniam, qualem * nullus Anglus iudicare potest: tunc subeat captionem regis, & ibi expectet quousque vadat ad iudicium ferri & aquæ: attamen si quis extraneo aut peregrino de longè venienti * * sibi ipsi nocet, si aliquod iudicium iudicauerint.

13. "If a landowner or a stranger who has come from afar is accused regarding the forest, and they are so poor that they cannot find sureties for the initial accusation, which no Englishman can judge: then they should submit to the king's seizure, and there wait until their case is taken to trial by ordeal of hot iron and cold water: however, if anyone harms themselves through the judgment that may be made against a foreigner or someone coming from afar."

14. "Quicúnq; coram primarios homines meos forestæ in falso testimonio steterit & victus fuerit, non sit dignus imposterum stare aut portare testimonium, quia legalitatem suam perdidit, & pro culpa soluat regi Halfehang. decem solidos, quos Dani vocant Halfehang, alias Halsehang.

14. "If anyone stands before my main men in the woods and gives false testimony, and is found guilty, they will no longer be worthy to stand or bear witness, because they have lost their legal standing, and for their offense, they must pay the king ten shillings, which the Danes call Halfehang, also known as Halsehang."

15. "Si quis vim aliquam primarijs forestæ meæ intulerit, si liberalis sit amittat libertatem & omnia sua, si villanus abscindatur dextra.

15. "If anyone brings any force against my primary forest, if they're free, let them lose their freedom and all their belongings, and if they're a serf, let them lose their right hand."

16. "Si alteruter iterum peccauerit, reus sit mortis.

16. "If anyone else sins again, they shall be guilty of death."

17. "Si quis autem contra primarium pugnauerit, in plito emendet Pere & Pite. secundum pretium sui ipsus, quod Angli Pere & pite dicunt, & soluat primario quadraginta solidos.

17. "If anyone fights against the primary, they should compensate in a lawsuit according to their own worth, which the English call 'Pere & Pite', and pay the primary forty shillings.

Gethbrech. 18. "Si pacem quis fregerit, ante mediocres forestæ, quod dicunt Gethbrech, emendet regi decem solidis.

Gethbrech. 18. "If anyone breaks the peace, in front of the common forests, as they say Gethbrech, they must pay the king ten shillings.

19. "Si quis mediocrium aliquem cum ira percusserit, emendetur prout interfectio feræ regalis mihi emendari solet.

19. "If anyone strikes a person of moderate status in anger, they should make amends as is customary for the killing of a royal beast."

20. "Si quis delinquens in foresta nostra capietur, pœnas luet secundum modum & genus delicti.

20. "If anyone found guilty in our forest is caught, they will pay the penalty according to the nature and type of the offense."

Ealderman. 21. "Pœna & forisfactio non vna eadémq; erit liberalis (quem Dani Ealderman vocant) & illiberalis: domini & serui: noti & ignoti: nec vna eadémq; erit causarum tum ciuilium tum criminalium, ferarum forestæ, & ferarum regalium: viridis & veneris tractatio: nam crimen veneris ab antiquo inter maiora & non immeritò numerabatur: viridis verò (fractione chaceæ nostræ regalis excepta) ita pusillum & exiguum est, quòd vix ea respicit nostra constitutio: qui in hoc tamen deliquerit, sit criminis forestæ reus.

Alderman. 21. "The punishment and forfeiture will not be the same for nobles (which the Danes call Ealderman) and non-nobles: for lords and servants: known and unknown: nor will it apply equally to civil and criminal cases, wild game from the forest, and royal game: offenses related to sexual conduct were historically considered among the most serious: however, the offense of wild game (except for infringements of our royal chase) is so minor and insignificant that it barely falls within our regulations: anyone who commits this offense will be guilty of a forest crime."

[Page 349]

[Page 349]

22. "Si liber aliquis feram forestæ ad cursum impulerit, siue casu, siue præhabita voluntate, ita vt cursu celeri cogatur fera anhelare, decem solidis regi emendet, si illiberalis dupliciter emendet, si seruus careat corio.

22. "If someone drives a wild animal to run, whether by accident or with intention, causing the animal to run quickly and breathe heavily, they must pay the king ten solidi. If they act stingily, they must pay double, and if a slave is involved, they will be penalized as well."

23. "Si verò harum aliquot interfecerit, soluat dupliciter & persoluat, sitque pretij sui reus contra regem.

23. "If he has killed some of these people, he should pay double and make restitution, and he will be liable for his price against the king.

Staggon or Stagge. 24. "Sed si regalem feram, quam Angli Staggon appellant, alteruter coegerit anhelare, alter per vnum annum, alter per duos careat libertate Frendlesman. naturali: si verò seruus, pro vtlegato habeatur, quem Angli Frendlesman vocant.

Stag or Stag. 24. "But if I carry a royal beast, which the English call Staggon, one of them will be forced to pant, one will lack freedom for one year, the other for two. Frendlesman. If, however, he is considered a servant, he is what the English call Frendlesman."

25. "Si verò occiderit, amittat liber scutum libertatis, si sit illiberalis careat libertate, si seruus vita.

25. "If the one who sees it kills, let him lose the shield of freedom; if he is uncivilized, let him be without liberty; if he is a slave, let him die."

26. "Episcopi, abbates, & barones mei non calumniabuntur pro venatione, si non regales feras occiderint: & si regales, restabunt rei regi pro libito suo, sine certa emendatione.

26. "My bishops, abbots, and barons won't be punished for hunting, as long as they don't kill royal game; and if they do kill royal game, they will owe the king a penalty of his choosing, without a set amount for compensation."

27. "Sunt aliæ (præter feras forestæ) bestiæ, quæ dum inter septa & sepes forestæ continentur, emendationi subiacent: quales sunt capreoli, lepores, & cuniculi. Sunt & alia quàm plurima animalia, quæ quāquam infra septa forestæ viuunt, & oneri & curæ mediocrium subiacent forestæ, Bubali olim in Anglia. tamen nequaquā censeri possunt, qualia sunt bubali, vaccæ, & similia. Vulpes & lupi, nec forestæ nec veneris habentur, & proinde eorum interfectio nulli emendationi subiacet. Si tamen infra limites occiduntur, fractio sit regalis chaceæ, & mitiùs emendetur. Aper verò quanquam forestæ sit, nullatenus tamen animal veneris haberi est assuetus.

27. "There are other animals, besides the wild beasts of the forest, that are kept within the fences and hedges of the forest and are subject to improvement: such as deer, hares, and rabbits. There are also many other animals that live within the forest boundaries and are burdens and concerns of the moderate ones of the forest, Bubali was once in England. however, they cannot be considered in that category, such as buffalo, cows, and similar ones. Foxes and wolves are neither regarded as forest animals nor game, and thus their killing is not subject to improvement. However, if they are killed within the boundaries, it should be treated as a royal chase, and may be mitigated for punishment. The boar, although it is a forest animal, is by no means considered a game animal."

28. "Bosco nec subbosco nostro sine licentia primariorum forestæ nemo manum apponat, quòd si quis fecerit reus sit fractionis regalis chaceæ.

28. "No one is allowed to lay a hand on the undergrowth or the forest without the permission of the forest officials, and if anyone does, they will be held accountable for violating the royal hunting grounds."

Ilices aliquando in Britānia nisi intelligatur de quercu. 29. "Si quis verò ilicem aut arborē aliquam, quæ victum feris suppeditat sciderit, præter fractionem regalis chaceæ, emendet regi viginti solidis.

Ilex sometimes in Britain unless understood about oak. 29. "If someone cuts down an ilex or any tree that provides food for wildlife, besides the penalty for breaking royal hunting laws, they must pay the king twenty shillings.

30. "Volo vt omnis liber homo pro libito suo habeat venerem siue viridem in planis suis super terras suas, sine chacea tamen; & deuitent omnes meam, vbicúnq; eam habere voluero.

30. "I want every free man to have love or green in his fields on his land, without any restrictions; and everyone should avoid mine, wherever I choose to have it."

Greihounds. 31. "Nullus mediocris habebit nec custodiet canes, quos Angli Greihounds appellant. Liberali verò, dum genuiscissio eorum facta fuerit coram primario forestæ licebit, aut sine genuiscissione dum remoti sunt à limitibus forestæ per decem miliaria: quando verò propiùs venerint, emendet quodlibet miliare vno solido. Si verò infra septa forestæ reperiatur, dominus canis forisfaciet & decem solidos regi.

Greyhounds. 31. "No average person can own or keep the dogs that the English call Greyhounds. However, if they have been bred properly in front of the chief forester, then it's allowed, or without being bred if they are at least ten miles away from the edge of the forest. But if they come closer, they must pay one pound for each mile. If they are found within the forest fences, the owner will forfeit the dog and pay ten shillings to the king.

Velter.
Langeran.
32. "Velteres verò quos Langeran appellant, quia manifestè constat in ijs nihil esse periculi, cuilibet licebit sine genuiscissione eos Ramhundt. custodire. Idem de canibus quos Ramhundt vocant.

Velter.
Langeran.
32. "However, the dogs called Langeran are clearly not dangerous, so anyone can keep them without needing to be cautious. The same goes for the dogs referred to as Ramhundt." Ramhundt.

33. "Quòdsi casu inauspicato huiusmodi canes rabidi fiant & vbiq; vagātur, negligentia dominorum, redduntur illiciti, & emendetur regi pro illicitis, &c. Quòdsi intra septa forestæ reperiantur, talis Pretium hominis mediocris. exquiratur herus, & emendet secundum pretium hominis mediocris, quòd secundum legem Werinorum. I. Churingorum, est ducentorum solidorum.

33. "If by unfortunate chance these rabid dogs appear and roam around, the negligence of their owners makes them illegal, and compensation must be made to the king for the offenses, etc. If they are found within the forest boundaries, the owner is asked to pay, and compensation is made based on the average value of a person, which according to the law of the Werinors and the Churingians, is two hundred silver coins."

34. "Si canis rabidus momorderit feram, tunc emendet secundum pretiū Pretium liberi hominis. hominis liberalis, quod est duodecies solidis centum. Si verò fera regalis morsa fuerit, reus sit maximi criminis."

34. "If a rabid dog bites a wild animal, then it must be compensated at the value of a free person, which is twelve hundred shillings. But if a royal beast has been bitten, it is a serious crime."

And these are the constitutions of Canutus concerning the forrest, verie barbarouslie translated by those that tooke the same in hand. Howbeit as I find it so I set it downe, without anie alteration of my copie in anie iot or tittle.

And these are the laws of Canutus regarding the forest, very poorly translated by those who took on this task. However, since I found it this way, I am writing it down without changing anything from my original copy in any way.

[Page 350]

[Page 350]

OF GARDENS AND ORCHARDS.
CHAP. XX.

After such time as Calis was woone from the French, and that our countriemen had learned to trade into diuerse countries (wherby they grew rich) they began to wax idle also, and therevpon not onlie left off their former painfulnesse and frugalitie, but in like sort gaue themselues to liue in excesse and vanitie, whereby manie goodlie commodities failed, and in short time were not to be had amongst vs. Such strangers also as dwelled here with vs, perceiuing our sluggishnesse, and espieng that this idlenesse of ours might redound to their great profit, foorthwith imploied their endeuours to bring in the supplie of such things as we lacked, continuallie from forren countries; which yet more augmented our idlenes. For hauing all things at reasonable prices as we supposed, by such means from them, we thought it méere madnesse to spend either time or cost about the same here at home. And thus we became enimies to our owne welfare, as men that in those daies reposed our felicitie in following the wars, wherewith we were often exercised both at home and other places. Besides this, the naturall desire that mankind hath to estéeme of things farre sought, bicause they be rare and costlie, and the irkesome contempt of things néere hand, for that they are common and plentifull, hath borne no small swaie also in this behalfe amongst vs. For hereby we haue neglected our owne good gifts of God, growing here at home as vile and of no valure, and had euerie trifle and toie in admiration that is brought hither from far countries, ascribing I wot not what great forces and solemne estimation vnto them, vntill they also haue waxen old, after which they haue béene so little regarded, if not more despised amongst vs than our owne. Examples hereof I could set downe manie, & in manie things, but sith my purpose is to deale at this time with gardens and orchards, it shall suffice that I touch them onelie, and shew our inconstancie in the same, so farre as shall séeme & be conuenient for my turne. I comprehend therefore vnder the word garden, all such grounds as are wrought with the spade by mans hand, for so the case requireth. Of wine I haue written alreadie elsewhere sufficientlie, which commoditie (as I haue learned further since the penning of that booke) hath beene verie plentifull in this Iland, not onlie in the time of the Romans, but also since the conquest, as I haue séene by record: yet at this present haue we none at all or else verie little to speake of growing in this Iland: which I impute not vnto the soile, but the negligence of my countrimen. Such herbes, fruits, and roots also as grow yéerelie out of the ground, of seed, haue béene verie plentifull in this land, in the time of the first Edward, and after his daies: but in processe of time they grew also to be neglected, so that from Henrie the fourth till the latter end of Henrie the seuenth, & beginning of Henrie the eight, there was litle or no vse of them in England, but they remained either vnknowne, or supposed as food more méet for hogs & sauage beasts to feed vpon than mankind. Whereas in my time their vse is not onelie resumed among the poore commons, I meane of melons, pompions, gourds, cucumbers, radishes, skirets, parsneps, carrets, cabbages, nauewes, turneps, and all kinds of salad herbes, but also fed vpon as deintie dishes at the tables of delicate merchants, gentlemen, and the nobilitie, who make their prouision yearelie for new séeds out of strange countries, from whence they haue them aboundantlie. Neither doo they now staie with such of these fruits as are wholesome in their kinds, but aduenture further vpon such as are verie dangerous and hurtfull, as the verangenes, mushroms, &c: as if nature had ordeined all for the bellie, or that all things were to be eaten, for whose mischiefous operation the Lord in some measure hath giuen and prouided a remedie.

After Calis was taken from the French and our countrymen learned to trade with various countries (which made them wealthy), they started to become lazy. As a result, they not only stopped being hardworking and frugal but also indulged in excess and vanity, leading to a shortage of many good products that soon disappeared from our midst. Foreigners who lived here noticed our laziness and realized they could profit from our idleness, so they immediately worked to import the supplies we were missing from abroad, which only made our laziness worse. With everything available at what we thought were reasonable prices, we considered it foolish to spend time or money on producing goods ourselves. Thus, we became enemies to our own well-being, like people in those days who placed their happiness in war, which often occupied us both at home and abroad. Additionally, the natural human tendency to value rare and expensive things while disregarding the common and plentiful contributed significantly to our situation. Because of this, we neglected our own God-given gifts, considering them worthless while we admired every trivial item brought from distant lands, attributing undue importance and respect to them until they became old and faded into obscurity, often regarded with even less respect than our own goods. I could provide many examples of this in various things, but since my focus here is on gardens and orchards, I will limit my discussion to that and demonstrate our inconsistency in this regard, as far as is appropriate for my purpose. Therefore, I define "garden" to include all grounds worked by human hands with a spade, as the situation demands. I have already written sufficiently elsewhere about wine, which has historically been plentiful on this island, not only during Roman times but also since the conquest, as evidenced by records I have seen. However, at present, we have none or very little wine to speak of growing here, which I blame not on the soil but on the negligence of my countrymen. Various herbs, fruits, and roots that grow annually from seed were very abundant in this land during the time of the first Edward and afterwards. However, over time, they also fell out of favor, so that from Henry IV to the end of Henry VII and the beginning of Henry VIII, there was little or no use for them in England, leaving them either unknown or seen as fit only for hogs and wild beasts rather than humans. In my time, their use has not only been revived among the common people, such as melons, pumpkins, gourds, cucumbers, radishes, skirrets, parsnips, carrots, cabbages, turnips, and all kinds of salad greens, but they are also enjoyed as delicacies at the tables of wealthy merchants, gentlemen, and nobility, who yearly source new seeds from foreign lands where they are abundant. Moreover, they don’t just stop at healthy fruits, but they also venture into dangerous and harmful ones, like mushrooms, as if nature had provided everything for consumption, despite the fact that the Lord has given some remedies for their harmful effects.

Hops in time past were plentifull in this land, afterwards also their maintenance did cease, and now being reuiued, where are anie better to be found? where anie greater commoditie to be raised by them? onelie poles are accounted to be their greatest charge. But sith men haue learned of late to sow ashen keies in ashyards by themselues, that [Page 351] inconuenience in short time will be redressed. Madder hath growne abundantlie in this Iland, but of long time neglected, and now a little reuiued, and offereth it selfe to prooue no small benefit vnto our countrie, as manie other things else, which are now fetched from vs; as we before time when we gaue ourselues to idlenesse, were glad to haue them other. If you looke into our gardens annexed to our houses, how woonderfullie is their beautie increased, not onelie with floures, which Colmella calleth Terrena sydera, saieng:

Hops were once abundant in this land, but then their cultivation stopped, and now that they are making a comeback, where can we find better ones? What greater benefits can be gained from them? Only the poles are said to be their biggest expense. But since people have recently learned to plant ash seeds in ashyards themselves, that inconvenience will soon be resolved. Madder has grown plentifully in this island, but has been neglected for a long time, and now, as it’s being revived, it promises to bring significant benefits to our country, along with many other things that we currently import; things we used to be pleased to have when we were idle. If you look at the gardens attached to our houses, how wonderfully their beauty has increased, not only with flowers, which Columella calls Terrena sydera, saying:

"Pingit & in varios terrestria sydera flores,"

"Pingit & in various earthly flowers,"

and varietie of curious and costlie workmanship, but also with rare and medicinable hearbes sought vp in the land within these fortie yeares: so that in comparison of this present, the ancient gardens were but dunghils and laistowes to such as did possesse them. How art also helpeth nature in the dailie colouring, dubling and inlarging the proportion of our floures, it is incredible to report: for so curious and cunning are our gardeners now in these daies, that they presume to doo in maner what they list with nature, and moderate hir course in things as if they were hir superiours. It is a world also to sée, how manie strange hearbs, plants, and annuall fruits, are dailie brought vnto vs from the Indies, Americans, Taprobane, Canarie Iles, and all parts of the world: the which albeit that in respect of the constitutions of our bodies they doo not grow for vs, bicause that God hath bestowed sufficient commodities vpon euerie countrie for hir owne necessitie; yet for delectation sake vnto the eie, and their odoriferous sauours vnto the nose, they are to be cherished, and God to be glorified also in them, bicause they are his good gifts, and created to doo man helpe and seruice. There is not almost one noble man, gentleman, or merchant, that hath not great store of these floures, which now also doo begin to wax so well acquainted with our soiles, that we may almost accompt of them as parcell of our owne commodities. They haue no lesse regard in like sort to cherish medicinable hearbs fetched out of other regions néerer hand: insomuch that I haue séene in some one garden to the number of three hundred or foure hundred of them, if not more; of the halfe of whose names within fortie yéeres passed we had no maner knowledge. But herein I find some cause of iust complaint, for that we extoll their vses so farre that we fall into contempt of our owne, which are in truth more beneficiall and apt for vs than such as grow elsewhere, sith (as I said before) euerie region hath abundantlie within hir owne limits whatsoeuer is needfull and most conuenient for them that dwell therein. How doo men extoll the vse of Tabacco in my time, whereas in truth (whether the cause be in the repugnancie of our constitution vnto the operation thereof, or that the ground dooth alter hir force, I cannot tell) it is not found of so great efficacie as they write. And beside this, our common germander or thistle benet is found & knowne to bée so wholesome and of so great power in medicine, as anie other hearbe, if they be vsed accordinglie. I could exemplifie after the like maner in sundrie other, as the Salsa parilla, Mochoacan, &c: but I forbeare so to doo, because I couet to be bréefe. And trulie the estimation and credit that we yéeld and giue vnto compound medicines made with forren drugs, is one great cause wherefore the full knowledge and vse of our owne simples hath bene so long raked vp in the imbers. And as this may be verified, so to be one sound conclusion, for the greater number of simples that go vnto anie compound medicine, the greater confusion is found therein, because the qualities and operations of verie few of the particulars are throughlie knowne. And euen so our continuall desire of strange drugs, whereby the physician and apothecarie onlie hath the benefit, is no small cause that the vse of our simples here at home dooth go to losse, and that we tread those herbes vnder our féet, whose forces if we knew, & could applie them to our necessities, we wold honor & haue in reuerence as to their case behooueth. Alas what haue we to doo with such Arabian & Grecian stuffe as is dailie brought from those parties, which lie in another clime? And therefore the bodies of such as dwell there, are of another constitution, than ours are here at home. Certes they grow not for vs, but for the Arabians and Grecians. And albeit that they maie by skill be applied vnto our benefit, yet to be more skilfull in them than in our [Page 352] owne, is follie; and to vse forren wares when our owne maie serue the turne is more follie; but to despise our owne and magnifie aboue measure the vse of them that are sought and brought from farre, is most follie of all: for it sauoureth of ignorance, or at the leastwise of negligence, and therefore woorthie of reproch.

and variety of interesting and expensive craftsmanship, but also with rare and medicinal herbs gathered in the land over the past forty years: so that compared to now, the ancient gardens were just dumps and wastelands to those who owned them. How art also helps nature in the daily coloring, doubling, and enlarging the proportions of our flowers is unbelievable: for our gardeners today are so skilled and clever that they dare to do almost whatever they want with nature, controlling her processes as if they were her superiors. It's amazing to see how many strange herbs, plants, and annual fruits are brought to us daily from the Indies, the Americas, Taprobane, the Canary Islands, and all parts of the world: which, although they do not grow for us due to the fact that God has given each country enough resources for its needs, should still be appreciated for their beauty and pleasant scents, and God should be glorified for them, as they are His good gifts created to help and serve mankind. Almost every nobleman, gentleman, or merchant has a large collection of these flowers, which are also starting to adapt so well to our soils that we can almost consider them part of our own resources. They show equal regard for cultivating medicinal herbs brought from other closer regions: so much so that I have seen in one garden as many as three hundred or four hundred of them, if not more; of which half of their names we had no knowledge of just forty years ago. But here I see a valid complaint, that we praise their uses so much that we look down on our own, which are in fact more beneficial and suitable for us than those that grow elsewhere, since (as I said before) every region has abundantly within its limits whatever is needed and most convenient for the people living there. How people hype the use of tobacco in my time, when in truth (whether the reason lies in our body's resistance to it, or the land altering its effects, I don’t know) it is not as effective as they claim. And besides this, our common germander or thistle benefit is found and known to be as wholesome and powerful in medicine as any other herb, if used correctly. I could give similar examples of various others like sarsaparilla, Mochoacan, etc.: but I refrain from doing so because I want to be brief. And truly, the esteem and credit we give to compound medicines made with foreign drugs is a major reason why the full knowledge and use of our own simple herbs have been long neglected. And as this can be proven, it leads to a sound conclusion, because the greater the number of simple herbs that go into any compound medicine, the greater the confusion found in it, since the qualities and actions of very few of the components are thoroughly understood. And just as our constant desire for strange drugs, benefiting only the physician and apothecary, is a significant reason why the use of our simple herbs at home is declining, and why we tread those herbs under our feet, whose powers, if we knew and could apply them to our needs, we would honor and revere as is right. Alas, what do we have to do with such Arabian and Greek goods that are brought daily from those places, which lie in a different climate? Therefore, the bodies of those who live there are of a different constitution than ours here at home. Surely they do not grow for us, but for the Arabians and Greeks. And although they may be skillfully applied for our benefit, it is foolish to be more skilled in them than in our own, and to use foreign products when our own would suffice is greater folly; but to despise our own and excessively praise those sought and brought from afar is the most foolish of all: for it reeks of ignorance, or at least negligence, and is therefore deserving of reproach.

Among the Indians, who haue the most present cures for euerie disease, of their owne nation, there is small regard of compound medicins, & lesse of forren drugs, because they neither know them nor can vse them, but worke woonders euen with their owne simples. With them also the difference of the clime dooth shew hir full effect. For whereas they will heale one another in short time with application of one simple, &c: if a Spaniard or English man stand in need of their helpe, they are driuen to haue a longer space in their cures, and now and then also to vse some addition of two or thrée simples at the most, whose forces vnto them are throughlie knowne, because their exercise is onelie in their owne, as men that neuer sought or heard what vertue was in those that came from other countries. And euen so did Marcus Cato the learned Roman indeuor to deale in his cures of sundrie diseases, wherein he not onelie vsed such simples as were to be had in his owne countrie, but also examined and learned the forces of each of them, wherewith he dealt so diligentlie, that in all his life time, he could atteine to the exact knowledge but of a few, and thereto wrote of those most learnedlie, as would easilie be séene, if those his bookes were extant. For the space also of 600 yéeres, the colewort onelie was a medicine in Rome for all diseases, so that his vertues were thoroughlie knowne in those parts.

Among the Indigenous people, who have the most effective cures for all their native ailments, there is little interest in complex medicines and even less in foreign drugs, since they don't know them and can't use them. They perform wonders even with their own simple remedies. The difference in climate also shows its full effects with them. For instance, while they can heal each other quickly with the application of a single herb, if a Spaniard or Englishman needs their help, they often take longer to heal and occasionally need to combine two or three herbs at most, whose properties they understand well because they focus only on their own remedies, as people who have never sought or learned about the benefits of those from other countries. Similarly, Marcus Cato, the learned Roman, attempted to treat various diseases by using not only the herbs available in his own country but also by examining and understanding the properties of each one. He was so diligent in his studies that throughout his lifetime, he managed to gain thorough knowledge of only a few, and he wrote about them so expertly that it would be clear if his books were available today. For 600 years, the only medicine for all ailments in Rome was cabbage, as its benefits were well known in those regions.

In Plinies time the like affection to forren drugs did rage among the Romans, whereby their owne did grow in contempt. Crieng out therefore of this extreame follie, lib. 22. cap. 24, he speaketh after this maner: "Non placent remedia tam longè nascentia, non enim nobis gignuntur, immò ne illis quidem, alioquin non venderent; si placet etiam superstitionis gratiâ emantur, quoniam supplicamus, &c. Salutem quidem sine his posse constare, vel ob id probabimus, vt tanto magis sui tandem pudeat." For my part I doubt not, if the vse of outlandish drugs had not blinded our physicians of England in times passed, but that the vertues of our simples here at home would haue béene far better knowne, and so well vnto vs, as those of India are to the practisioners of those partes, and therevnto be found more profitable for vs than the forren either are or maie be. This also will I ad, that euen those which are most common by reason of their plentie, and most vile bicause of their abundance, are not without some vniuersall and especiall efficacie, if it were knowne, for our benefit: sith God in nature hath so disposed his creatures, that the most néedfull are the most plentifull, and seruing for such generall diseases as our constitution most commonlie is affected withall. Great thanks therefore be giuen vnto the physicians of our age and countrie, who not onelie indeuour to search out the vse of such simples as our soile dooth yéeld and bring foorth, but also to procure such as grow elsewhere, vpō purpose so to acquaint them with our clime, that they in time through some alteration receiued from the nature of the earth, maie likewise turne to our benefit and commoditie, and be vsed as our owne.

In Pliny's time, a similar obsession with foreign drugs was rampant among the Romans, which led to a disdain for their own remedies. Loudly denouncing this extreme folly, he states in lib. 22. cap. 24: "We don't like remedies that come from far away, because they are not produced for us; in fact, they're not even made for them, otherwise, they wouldn't be sold. If they are bought for the sake of superstition, it’s because we pray, etc. We will prove that health can indeed exist without these, especially so that one might eventually feel ashamed of it." As for me, I have no doubt that if the use of foreign drugs hadn't clouded the judgment of English physicians in the past, the benefits of our local herbs would have been far better understood, and just as well-known to us as those from India are to practitioners there, proving to be more beneficial for us than the foreign ones are or could ever be. I will also add that even those which are most common due to their abundance, and most despised because of it, actually have some universal and specific effectiveness, if only it were known for our benefit. God, in His design of nature, has arranged His creatures so that the most necessary things are the most abundant, serving the general ailments that our constitution is most commonly affected by. Therefore, great thanks should be given to the physicians of our age and country, who not only strive to discover the uses of the simples that our land produces, but also seek out those that grow elsewhere, with the intention of adapting them to our climate, so that over time, through some change adapted from the nature of the earth, they might also benefit us and be used as if they were our own.

The chiefe workeman, or as I maie call him the founder of this deuise, is Carolus Clusius, the noble herbarist, whose industrie hath woonderfullie stirred them vp vnto this good act. For albeit that Matthiolus, Rembert, Lobell, and other haue trauelled verie farre in this behalfe, yet none hath come néere to Clusius, much lesse gone further in the finding and true descriptions of such herbes as of late are brought to light. I doubt not but if this man were in England but one seuen yéeres, he would reueale a number of herbes growing with vs, whereof neither our physicians nor apothecaries as yet haue anie knowledge. And euen like thankes be giuen vnto our nobilitie, gentlemen, and others, for their continuall nutriture and cherishing of such homeborne and forren simples in their gardens, for hereby they shall not onlie be had at hand and preserued, but also their formes made more familiar to be discerned, and their forces better knowne than hitherto they haue béene.

The main worker, or as I might call him the founder of this idea, is Carolus Clusius, the esteemed botanist, whose efforts have amazingly encouraged others to take this positive action. Although Matthiolus, Rembert, Lobell, and others have traveled quite far in this pursuit, none have come close to Clusius, let alone surpassed him in discovering and accurately describing the plants that have recently been uncovered. I have no doubt that if this man were in England for just seven years, he would reveal many plants growing here that neither our doctors nor pharmacists are currently aware of. And thanks should also go to our nobility, gentlemen, and others for their ongoing support and cultivation of both local and foreign plants in their gardens, as this will make them not only readily available and preserved but also more recognizable and their properties better understood than they have been so far.

And euen as it fareth with our gardens, so dooth it with our orchards, which were neuer furnished with so good fruit, nor with such varietie as [Page 353] at this present. For beside that we haue most delicate apples, plummes, peares, walnuts, filberds, &c: and those of sundrie sorts, planted within fortie yéeres passed, in comparison of which most of the old trées are nothing woorth: so haue we no lesse store of strange fruit, as abricotes, almonds, peaches, figges, corne-trees in noble mens orchards. I haue seene capers, orenges, and lemmons, and heard of wild oliues growing here, beside other strange trees, brought from far, whose names I know not. So that England for these commodities was neuer better furnished, neither anie nation vnder their clime more plentifullie indued with these and other blessings from the most high God, who grant vs grace withall to vse the same to his honour and glorie! and not as instruments and prouocations vnto further excesse and vanitie, wherewith his displeasure may be kindled, least these his benefits doo turne vnto thornes and briers vnto vs for our annoiance and punishment, which he hath bestowed vpon vs for our consolation and comfort.

And just like our gardens, our orchards are thriving now more than ever, filled with better fruit and a wider variety than at any other time. We have exquisite apples, plums, pears, walnuts, hazelnuts, etc., and many different kinds that have been planted in the last forty years. In comparison, most of the old trees are pretty much worthless. We also have a substantial supply of exotic fruits like apricots, almonds, peaches, figs, and corn trees in the orchards of noble families. I've seen capers, oranges, and lemons, and I’ve heard about wild olives growing here, along with other unusual trees brought from afar, whose names I don't know. England has never been better equipped with these resources, nor has any nation in their climate been as abundantly blessed with these and other gifts from the Most High God. May He grant us the grace to use them for His honor and glory, and not as means to further excess and vanity, which might anger Him; lest these blessings turn into thorns and thistles for our annoyance and punishment, which were given to us for our consolation and comfort.

We haue in like sort such workemen as are not onelie excellent in graffing the naturall fruits, but also in their artificiall mixtures, whereby one trée bringeth foorth sundrie fruits, and one and the same fruit of diuers colours and tasts, dallieng as it were with nature and hir course, as if hir whole trade were perfectlie knowne vnto them: of hard fruits they will make tender, of sowre sweet, of sweet yet more delicate, béereuing also some of their kernels, other of their cores, and finallie induing them with the sauour of muske, ambre, or swéet spices at their pleasures. Diuerse also haue written at large of these seuerall practises, and some of them how to conuert the kernels of peaches into almonds, of small fruit to make farre greater, and to remooue or ad superfluous or necessarie moisture to the trées, with other things belonging to their preseruation, and with no lesse diligence than our physicians doo commonlie shew vpon our owne diseased bodies, which to me dooth seeme right strange. And euen so doo our gardeners with their herbes, whereby they are strengthened against noisome blasts, and preserued from putrifaction and hinderance, whereby some such as were annuall, are now made perpetuall, being yéerelie taken vp, and either reserued in the house, or hauing the rosse pulled from their rootes, laid againe into the earth, where they remaine in safetie. What choise they make also in their waters, and wherewith some of them doo now and then keepe them moist, it is a world to sée; insomuch that the apothecaries shops maie séeme to be needfull also to our gardens and orchards, and that in sundrie wise: naie the kitchin it selfe is so farre from being able to be missed among them, that euen the verie dishwater is not without some vse amongest our finest plants. Whereby and sundrie other circumstances not here to bée remembred, I am persuaded, that albeit the gardens of the Hesperides were in times past so greatlie accounted of because of their delicacie: yet if it were possible to haue such an equall iudge, as by certeine knowledge of both were able to pronounce vpon them, I doubt not but he would giue the price vnto the gardens of our daies, and generallie ouer all Europe, in comparison of those times, wherein the old exceeded. Plinie and other speake of a rose that had thrée score leaues growing vpon one button: but if I should tell of one which bare a triple number vnto that proportion, I know I shall not be beléeued, and no great matter though I were not, howbeit such a one was to be séene in Antwarpe 1585, as I haue heard, and I know who might haue had a slip or stallon thereof, if he would haue ventured ten pounds vpon the growth of the same, which should haue bene but a tickle hazard, and therefore better vndoone, as I did alwaies imagine. For mine owne part, good reader, let me boast a litle of my garden, which is but small, and the whole Area thereof little aboue 300 foot of ground, and yet, such hath béene my good lucke in purchase of the varietie of simples, that notwithstanding my small abilitie, there are verie néere thrée hundred of one sort and other conteined therein, no one of them being common or vsuallie to bee had. If therefore my little plot, void of all cost in keeping be so well furnished, what shall we thinke of those of Hampton court, Nonesuch, Tibaults, Cobham garden, and sundrie other apperteining to diuerse citizens of London, whom I could particularlie name, if I should not séeme to offend them by such my demeanour and dealing?

We have similar craftsmen who are not only great at grafting natural fruits but also in creating artificial mixes, allowing one tree to produce various fruits, and even the same fruit in different colors and flavors, almost playing around with nature and its methods, as if they fully understand its processes. They can make hard fruits tender, sour fruits sweet, and enhance sweet fruits to become even more delicate, even removing some of their seeds or cores, and ultimately infusing them with the scents of musk, amber, or sweet spices as they please. Many have written extensively about these different practices, including how to turn peach seeds into almonds, enlarge small fruits, and adjust excess or necessary moisture in the trees, with as much care as our doctors show towards our own sick bodies, which seems quite strange to me. Similarly, gardeners care for their herbs, strengthening them against harmful winds and protecting them from decay, allowing some annuals to become perennials; they dig them up every year and either store them indoors or, after pulling the roots, replant them safely in the ground. The choices they make in their watering and how some of them keep the plants moist is fascinating, to the point where apothecaries’ shops might also be essential for our gardens and orchards in various ways. In fact, the kitchen is so crucial that even the dishwater is useful for our finest plants. With this and several other factors not mentioned here, I believe that although the gardens of the Hesperides were once highly valued for their delicacy, if we had a fair judge with equal knowledge of both, I have no doubt he would declare today’s gardens, especially across Europe, to be superior to those of the past. Pliny and others mention a rose with sixty leaves on one bloom, but if I were to speak of one with triple that number, I know I wouldn’t be believed, and it wouldn’t matter much if I were not, even though such a one was reportedly seen in Antwerp in 1585, and I know someone who could have had a cutting or shoot of it if he had been willing to risk ten pounds on its growth, which would have been quite a gamble, better avoided, as I always thought. For my part, good reader, let me brag a bit about my garden, which is small, covering just over 300 square feet, and yet I’ve been lucky enough to gather a variety of herbs, and despite its size, there are nearly three hundred different types of plants, none of which are common or typically found. So, if my little plot, which requires no maintenance costs, is so well-stocked, what can we say about the gardens of Hampton Court, Nonsuch, Tibaults, Cobham, and many others owned by various citizens of London, whom I could name individually if I didn’t think it might offend them?

[Page 354]

[Page 354]

OF WATERS GENERALLIE.
CHAP. XXI.

There is no one commoditie in England, whereof I can make lesse report than of our waters. For albeit our soile abound with water in all places, and that in the most ample maner: yet can I not find by some experience that almost anie one of our riuers hath such od and rare qualities as diuers of the maine are said to be indued withall. Virtruuius writeth of a well in Paphlagonia, whose water séemeth as it were mixed with wine, & addeth thereto that diuerse become drunke by superfluous taking of the same. The like force is found In amne Licesio, a riuer of Thracia, vpon whose bankes a man shall hardlie misse to find some traueller or other sléeping for drunkennesse, by drinking of that liquor. Néere also vnto Ephesus are certeine welles, which taste like sharpe vineger, and therefore are much esteemed of by such as are sicke and euill at ease in those parts. At Hieropolis is a spring of such force (as Strabo saith) that the water thereof mixed with certaine herbes of choise, dooth colour wooll with such a glosse, that the die thereof contendeth with scarlet, murreie, and purple, and oft ouercommeth the same. The Cydnus in Tarsus of Cilicia, is of such vertue, that who so batheth himselfe therein, shall find great ease of the gowt that runneth ouer all his ioints. In one of the fortunate Iles (saith Pomponius the Cosmographer) are two springs, one of the which bringeth immoderate laughter to him that drinketh thereof, the other sadnesse and restraint of that effect, whereby the last is taken to be a souereigne medicine against the other, to the great admiration of such as haue beholden it. At Susis in Persia there is a spring, which maketh him that drinketh downe anie of the water, to cast all his téeth: but if he onlie wash his mouth withall, it maketh them fast, & his mouth to be verie healthfull. So there is a riuer among the Gadarens, wherof if a beast drinke, he foorthwith casteth hoofe, haire, and hornes, if he haue anie. Also a lake in Assyria, neere vnto the which there is a kind of glewie matter to be found, which holdeth such birds as by hap doo light thereon so fast as birdlime, by means wherof verie manie doo perish and are taken that light vpon the same: howbeit if anie portion hereof happen to be set on fire by casualtie or otherwise, it will neuer be quenched but by casting on of dust, as Caietanus dooth report. Another at Halicarnassus called Salmacis, which is noted to make such men effeminate as drinke of the water of the same. Certes it maie be (saith Strabo) that the water and aire of a region maie qualifie the courage of some men, but none can make them effeminate, nor anie other thing because of such corruption in them, sooner than superfluous wealth, and inconstancie of liuing and behauiour, which is a bane vnto all nature, lib. 4. All which, with manie other not now comming to memorie, as the Letheus, Styx, Phlegeton, Cocitus, &c: haue strange & incredible reports made of them by the new and ancient writers, the like wherof are not to be found in England, which I impute wholie to the blessing of God, who hath ordeined nothing amongst vs in this our temperate region, but that which is good, wholesome, and most commodious for our nation. We haue therefore no hurtfull waters amongst vs, but all wholesome and profitable for the benefit of the people. Neuertheles as none of them is to be found without hir fish: so we know by experience, that diuerse turne ash, some other elme, and oken stakes or poles that lie or are throwne into them into hard stone, in long continuance of time, which is the strangest thing that I can learne at this present wherevpon to rest for a certentie. Yet I read of diuerse welles, wherevnto our old writers ascribe either wonderfull vertues, or rare courses, as of one vpon the shore, beyond the which the sea floweth euerie daie twise a large mile and more; and yet is the surge of that water alwaies seuen foot from the salt sea: whereby it should séeme that the head of the spring is mooueable. But alas I doo not easilie beleeue it, more than that which is written of the Lilingwan lake in Wales, which is néere to the Seuerne, and receiueth the flowing sea into hir chanell as it were a gulfe, and yet is neuer full: but when the sea goeth awaie by reason of [Page 355] the ebbe, it casteth vp the water with such violence, that hir banks are ouerflowne and drowned, which is an absurd report. They ad also, that if all the people of the countrie stood neere to the same, with their faces toward the lake, in such maner that the dashing of the water might touch and wet their clothes, they should haue no power to go from thence, but mawgre their resistance be drawne into that gulfe and perish; whereas if they turned their backs vnto the same, they should suffer no such inconuenience though they stood neuer so néere. Manie other such like toies I could set downe of other welles and waters of our countrie. But whie should I write that for other men to read, whereto I giue no credit my selfe, more than to the report which Iohannes du Choul dooth make in his description of Pilots lake, "In monte Pilati in Gallia," or Boccatius of the Scaphigiolo in the Appenine hils, or Fœlix Malliolus of Pilats lake "In monte fracto" (where Iacobus de Voragino bishop of Gene, & Ioachimus Vadianus in Pompon. Melam doo also make mention) sith I take them but for fables, & far vnworthie that anie good man should staine his paper with such friuolous matters as are reported of them, being deuised at the first by Satanas the father of lies, for the holding of the ignorant & credulous in their superstitions and errors. Such also is the tale that goeth of Wenefrids well, & nothing inferior to that of Mercurie néere to port Caperia in Rome, wherein such as went by would dip branches of baie, and sprinkle the same vpon themselues: and so manie as stood about them, calling vpon Mercurie, and crauing pardon for their sinnes, as if that ceremonie had bene of force vnto forgiuenesse and remission of their trespasses. And so it appeareth partlie by Cicero, who (being a man neither thinking well of their owne gods nor liking of the augures) dooth write in his first De legibus (except my memorie faile me) "aspersione aquæ labem tolli corpoream, & castimoniam corporis præstari," which maketh me to thinke further, that they thought it equall with our late holie-water, wherewith it maie be compared. I might further also (if I would) make relation of diuerse welles, which haue wrought manie miracles in time of superstition, as S. Butolphs well in Hadstocke, S. Germans well at Falkeburne, Holie well at S. Albones and London, and sundrie other in other places: but as their vertues are now found out to be but baits to draw men and women vnto them, either for gaine vnto the places where they were, or satisfaction of the lewd disposition of such as hunted after other gaine, so it shall suffice to haue touched them far off. Onlie this will I ad, that we haue no hurtfull waters, no not vnto our shéepe, though it please Cardan to auouch otherwise; for our waters are not the causes, but the signes of their infections when they drinke, as I elsewhere haue noted in the chapter of cattell, as also that we haue a spring neere Saffron Walden, and not farre from the house of the lord Audleie, which is of such force, that it looseth the bodie of him that drinketh therof in verie gentle maner, and beside that is verie delectable & pleasant to be taken, as I haue found by experience. I heare also of two welles néere London, of which the one is verie excellent water, the other will beare no sope, and yet so situat that the one is hard by the other. And thus much of waters.

There’s no one resource in England that I can report on less than our waters. Even though our land is filled with water almost everywhere, I can't find, based on some experience, that any of our rivers have the strange and rare qualities that several of the main ones are said to have. Vitruvius writes about a well in Paphlagonia, whose water seems to be mixed with wine, and adds that many become drunk from drinking too much of it. A similar effect is found in the Licesio, a river in Thrace, where you’ll hardly miss finding a traveler passed out from drinking that water. Near Ephesus, there are certain wells that taste like sharp vinegar and are highly valued by those who are sick or unwell in that area. In Hieropolis, there’s a spring (according to Strabo) whose water, when mixed with some select herbs, colors wool with such a shine that its dye competes with scarlet, murrey, and purple, often surpassing them. The Cydnus in Tarsus, Cilicia, is so potent that anyone who bathes in it finds great relief from gout affecting all their joints. In one of the fortunate islands (as Pomponius the Cosmographer says), there are two springs: one that causes uncontrollable laughter in anyone who drinks from it, and another that brings sadness and restraint, making the latter a remedy for the former, to the amazement of those who witness it. In Susis, Persia, there is a spring that makes anyone who drinks from it lose all their teeth, but if they only rinse their mouth with it, their teeth become firm, and their mouth remains very healthy. There’s also a river among the Gadarens; if an animal drinks from it, it immediately sheds its hooves, hair, and horns if it has any. Additionally, there’s a lake in Assyria, near which there’s a type of sticky substance that traps birds that accidentally land on it as effectively as birdlime, causing many to perish. However, if any part of this substance is set on fire, it will never be extinguished except with dust, as Caietanus reports. Another one at Halicarnassus, called Salmacis, is known for making men effeminate who drink its water. Certainly, it may be (says Strabo) that the water and air of a region can influence the courage of some men, but nothing can make them effeminate or corrupt them sooner than excessive wealth and inconsistency in living and behavior, which can be harmful to nature, lib. 4. All of these, along with many others not currently coming to mind, such as Letheus, Styx, Phlegeton, Cocitus, etc., have strange and incredible accounts made of them by both new and ancient writers, which are not found in England. I attribute this entirely to God's blessing, who has ordained nothing among us in this temperate region except what is good, wholesome, and highly beneficial for our nation. Therefore, we have no harmful waters among us, but all are wholesome and useful for the people’s benefit. Nonetheless, just as none of them are found without fish, we know from experience that various things turn to ash, some other types turn to elm, and oak stakes or poles thrown into them turn into hard stone over a long time, which is the strangest thing I can currently find to rest assured about. Yet, I read about various wells that our old writers ascribe either wonderful properties or rare flows to, such as one on the shore, beyond which the sea flows every day twice as a large mile or more; yet the surge of that water is always seven feet from the salt sea, which makes it seem that the spring’s source is movable. But alas, I don’t easily believe it, any more than what is written about the Lilingwan lake in Wales, which is near the Severn and receives the flowing sea into its channel like it’s a gulf but is never full. However, when the sea recedes because of the ebb, it pushes the water up with such force that its banks overflow, which is an absurd claim. They also add that if all the people of the country stand near it with their faces toward the lake, in a way that the splashing water might touch and wet their clothes, they will have no power to leave but will be drawn into that gulf and perish. Whereas if they turn their backs to it, they won’t suffer any such misfortune, even if they stand very close. I could list many other similar tales about other wells and waters in our country. But why should I write something for others to read that I do not believe myself, more than the reports made by Johannes du Choul about Pilate's lake “In monte Pilati in Gallia,” or Boccatius about the Scaphigiolo in the Apennine hills, or Félix Malliolus about Pilate's lake "In monte fracto" (which Jacobo de Voragino, Bishop of Gene, and Ioachimus Vadianus mention in Pompon)? I regard them as mere fables, unworthy for anyone good to stain their paper with such trivial matters, which were initially devised by Satan, the father of lies, to keep the ignorant and gullible in their superstitions and errors. Such is the tale that goes about Wenefrid’s well, which is no less than the one about Mercury near port Caperia in Rome, where those passing by would dip branches of bay and sprinkle them on themselves. And many surrounding them would call upon Mercury and ask for forgiveness for their sins as if that ceremony had the power to grant forgiveness and absolution. This is partially supported by Cicero, who (being a man neither supportive of their gods nor fond of auguries) writes in his first De legibus (unless my memory fails me), “the sprinkling of water removes bodily blemishes and provides bodily purity,” which makes me consider that they thought it was similar to our modern holy water. If I wanted to, I could also recount various wells that have performed many miracles in times of superstition, like St. Botolph’s well in Hadstock, St. German’s well at Falkburne, Holy well at St. Albans and London, and several others in different places. But as their virtues are now discovered to be mere bait to lure men and women to them, either for profit to the places where they were or to satisfy the greedy intentions of those seeking gain, it will suffice to have touched upon them from a distance. I will only add this, that we have no harmful waters, not even for our sheep, despite Cardan asserting otherwise; for our waters are not the causes but the signs of their infections when they drink, as I have noted elsewhere in the chapter about cattle. Also, we have a spring near Saffron Walden, not far from the house of Lord Audley, which is so powerful that it gently cleanses the body of anyone who drinks from it, and besides that, it is very tasty and pleasant to drink, as I have found from experience. I also hear about two wells near London, one of which has excellent water, while the other won’t bear soap, even though they are situated close together. And that’s enough about waters.

OF WOODS AND MARISHES.
CHAP. XXII.

Great abundance of wood sometime in England. It should séeme by ancient records, and the testimonie of sundrie authors, that the whole countries of Lhoegres and Cambria, now England and Wales, haue sometimes béene verie well replenished with great woods & groues, although at this time the said commoditie be not a little decaied in both, and in such wise that a man shall oft ride ten or twentie miles in ech of them, and find verie little or rather none at all, except it be néere vnto townes, gentlemens houses, & villages, where the inhabitants haue planted a few elmes, okes, hazels, or ashes about their dwellings for their defense from the rough winds, and keeping of the stormie weather from annoiance of the same. This scarsitie at the first grew (as it is thought) either by the industrie [Page 356] of man, for maintenance of tillage (as we vnderstand the like to be doone of late by the Spaniards in the west Indies, where they fired whole woods of verie great compasse therby to come by ground whereon to sow their graines) or else thorough the couetousnesse of such, as in preferring of pasture for their shéepe and greater cattell, doo make small account of firebote and timber: or finallie by the crueltie of the enimies, whereof we haue sundrie examples declared in our histories. Howbeit where the rocks and quarrie grounds are, I take the swart of the earth to be so thin, that no tree of anie greatnesse, other than shrubs and bushes, is able to grow or prosper long therein for want of sufficient moisture wherewith to feed them with fresh humour, or at the leastwise of mould, to shrowd, staie vpright, and cherish the same in the blustering winters weather, till they may grow vnto anie greatnesse, and spread or yéeld their rootes downe right into the soile about them: and this either is or may be one other cause, wherefore some places are naturallie void of wood. But to procéed. Although I must needs confesse that there is good store of great wood or timber here and there, euen now in some places of England, yet in our daies it is far vnlike to that plentie, which our ancestors haue séene heretofore, when statelie building was lesse in vse. For albeit that there were then greater number of mesuages and mansions almost in euerie place; yet were their frames so slight and slender, that one meane dwelling house in our time is able to counteruaile verie manie of them, if you consider the present charge with the plentie of timber that we bestow vpon them. In times past men were contented to dwell in houses, builded of sallow, willow, plumtree, hardbeame, and elme, so that the vse of oke was in maner dedicated wholie vnto churches, religious houses, princes palaces, noblemens lodgings, & nauigation: but now all these are reiected, and Desire of much wealth and ease abateth manhood, & ouerthroweth a manlie courage. nothing but oke anie whit regarded. And yet sée the change, for when our houses were builded of willow, then had we oken men; but now that our houses are come to be made of oke, our men are not onlie become willow, but a great manie through Persian delicacie crept in among vs altogither of straw, which is a sore alteration. In those the courage of the owner was a sufficient defense to kéepe the house in safetie, but now the assurance of the timber, double doores, lockes and bolts must defend the man from robbing. Now haue we manie chimnies and yet our tenderlings complaine of rheumes, catarhs and poses. Then had we none but reredosses, and our heads did neuer ake. For as the smoke in those daies was supposed to be a sufficient hardning for the timber of the house; so it was reputed a far better medicine to kéepe the good man and his familie from the quacke or pose, wherewith as then verie few were oft acquainted.

There was a great abundance of wood in England at one time. Ancient records and various authors suggest that the regions of Lhoegres and Cambria, now known as England and Wales, used to be filled with large forests and groves. However, nowadays, both areas have significantly decreased in wooded land. You could ride ten or twenty miles in either region and find very few trees, if any at all, except near towns, gentleman's estates, and villages, where locals have planted a few elms, oaks, hazels, or ashes around their homes to protect against harsh winds and stormy weather. This scarcity likely arose initially due to human activity for farming—similar to what Spaniards have done recently in the West Indies, where they burned down extensive forests to clear land for crops—or due to the greed of those who prioritize pasture for sheep and larger cattle over firewood and timber. There’s also the possibility that enemy raids contributed, as we see numerous examples in our histories. However, in rocky and quarry areas, the soil is so poor that no large trees, only shrubs and bushes, can thrive due to a lack of sufficient moisture to nourish them, or at least enough soil to support and protect the roots during harsh winter weather until they can grow sufficiently and spread their roots into the surrounding ground. This could also be another reason why certain places are naturally devoid of trees. But to continue, while I must acknowledge that there are still some good stands of timber scattered throughout England, today’s supply is nowhere near the abundance seen by our ancestors, when grand building was less common. Even though there were more homes and mansions almost everywhere back then, their structures were so light and delicate that one average house today can equal many of theirs, considering the current costs associated with the plentiful timber we use. In the past, people were fine living in homes made of willow, sallow, plum, hardbeam, and elm, with oak primarily reserved for churches, monasteries, royal residences, noble houses, and ships. Now, however, all of these are neglected, with only oak being valued at all. And notice the shift: when our houses were built from willow, we had oak men; now that our houses are oak, our men have not only become as frail as willow, but many, influenced by Persian luxury, have turned into mere straw, which is a significant change. In those times, the owner's bravery was enough to protect the home, but now the strength of the timber, sturdy doors, locks, and bolts must shield the person from theft. We now have many chimneys, yet our delicate ones complain of coughs, colds, and aches. Back then, we had only open fireplaces, and no one suffered from headaches. The smoke of that time was thought to effectively harden the house’s timber, and it was considered a far better remedy to keep the good man and his family free from ailments, which very few were familiar with back then.

Of the curiousnesse of these piles I speake not, sith our workemen are growne generallie to such an excellencie of deuise in the frames now made, that they farre passe the finest of the old. And such is their husbandrie in dealing with their timber, that the same stuffe which in time past was reiected as crooked, vnprofitable, and to no vse but the fire, dooth now come in the fronts and best part of the worke. Wherby the common saieng is likewise in these daies verified in our mansion houses, which earst was said onelie of the timber for ships, that no oke can grow so crooked but it falleth out to some vse, & that necessarie in the nauie. It is a world to sée moreouer how diuerse men being bent to building, and hauing a delectable veine in spending of their goods by that trade, doo dailie imagine new deuises of their owne to guide their workemen withall, and those more curious and excellent alwaies than the former. In the procéeding also of their workes, how they set vp, how they pull downe, how they inlarge, how they restreine, how they ad to, how they take from, whereby their heads are neuer idle, their purses neuer shut, nor their bookes of account neuer made perfect.

I won’t talk about the uniqueness of these structures, since our builders have become so skilled at designing the frames now being made that they far exceed the finest of the past. Their resourcefulness in dealing with timber is remarkable; the same wood that was once rejected as crooked, useless, and only fit for the fire is now used in the front and best parts of construction. This has also confirmed the common saying these days about our homes, which once only applied to shipbuilding: that no oak can grow so crooked that it doesn’t find some use, and that’s essential in the navy. It’s fascinating to see how various people, eager to build and willing to spend their money on this trade, constantly come up with new ideas to guide their workers, and these are always more innovative and impressive than the ones before. As their projects progress, they determine how to set up, take down, expand, and restrain, adding to and taking from their designs, keeping their minds busy, their wallets open, and their account books ever incomplete.

"Destruunt, ædificant, mutant quadrata rotundis"

"Destroy, build, change squares to circles"

saith the poet. So that if a man should well consider of all the od crotchets in such a builders braine, he would thinke his head to haue euen inough of those affaires onelie, & therefore iudge that he should not well be able to deale in anie other. But such commonlie are our [Page 357] workemasters, that they haue beside this veine afore mentioned, either great charge of merchandizes, little lesse businesse in the commonwealth, or finallie no small dealings otherwise incident vnto them, wherby gaine ariseth, and some trouble oft among withall. Which causeth me to wonder not a little how they can plaie the parts so well of so manie sundrie men, whereas diuerse other of greater forecast in apparance can seldome shift well or thriue in anie one of them. But to our purpose.

says the poet. So if a person were to really consider all the odd ideas in a builder's mind, they would think that person has enough on their plate with just those matters and would conclude that they wouldn't be able to handle anything else well. But that’s how our [Page 357] builders typically are; in addition to this previously mentioned tendency, they often have a heavy load of merchandise, a nearly equal amount of business in the community, or finally, various other dealings that come their way, which generates both profit and often some hassle. This makes me quite curious about how they can play the roles of so many different people, while many others who seem more capable can seldom manage or succeed in even one. But back to our point.

We haue manie woods, forrests, and parks, which cherish trées abundantlie, although in the woodland countries there is almost no hedge that hath not some store of the greatest sort, beside infinit numbers of hedgerowes, groues, and springs, that are mainteined of purpose for the building and prouision of such owners as doo possesse the same. Howbeit as euerie soile dooth not beare all kinds of wood, so there is not anie wood, parke, hedgerow, groue, or forrest, that is not mixed with diuerse, as oke, ash, hasell, hawthorne, birch, béech, hardbeame, hull, sorfe, quicken aspe, poplers, wild cherie, and such like, wherof oke hath alwaies the preheminence, as most méet for building and the nauie, whervnto it is reserued. This tree bringeth foorth also a profitable kind of mast, whereby such as dwell néere vnto the aforesaid places doo cherish and bring vp innumerable heards of swine. In time of plentie of this mast, our red and fallow déere will not let to participat thereof with our hogs, more than our nete: yea our common pultrie also if they may come vnto them. But as this abundance dooth prooue verie pernicious The like haue I séene where hens doo féed vpon the tender blades of garlike. vnto the first, so these egs which these latter doo bring foorth (beside blackenesse in color and bitternesse of tast) haue not seldome beene found to bréed diuerse diseases vnto such persons as haue eaten of the same. I might ad in like sort the profit insuing by the barke of this wood, whereof our tanners haue great vse in dressing of leather, and which they buie yearelie in Maie by the fadame, as I haue oft séene: but it shall not néed at this time to enter into anie such discourse, onlie this I wish, that our sole and vpper leathering may haue their due time, and not be hasted on by extraordinarie slights, as with ash, barke, &c. Whereby as I grant that it séemeth outwardlie to be verie thicke & well doone: so if you respect the sadnes thereof, it dooth prooue in the end to be verie hollow & not able to hold out water. Neuerthelesse we haue good lawes for redresse of this enormitie, but it cōmeth to passe in these as in the execution of most penall statutes. For the gaines to be gotten by the same being giuen to one or two hungrie and vnthriftie persons, they make a shew of great reformation at the first, & for a litle while, till they find that following of sute in law against the offendors is somwhat too chargeable and tedious. This therefore perceiued, they giue ouer the law, and fall to the admission of gifts and rewards to winke at things past, and when they haue once gone ouer their ground with this kind of tillage, then doo they tender licences, and offer large dispensations vnto him that shall aske the same, thereby to doo what him listeth in his trade for an yearelie pension, whereby the bribour now groweth to some certeine reuenues, & the tanner to so great libertie that his lether is much worse than before. But is not this a mockerie of our lawes, & manifest illusion of the good subiect whom they thus pill & poll? Of all oke growing in England the parke oke is the softest, and far more spalt and brickle than the hedge oke. And of all in Essex, that growing in Bardfield parke is the finest for ioiners craft: for oftentimes haue I seene of their workes made of that oke so fine and faire, as most of the wainescot that is brought hither out of Danske, for our wainescot is not made in England. Yet diuerse haue assaied to deale without okes to that end, but not with so good successe as they haue hoped, bicause the ab or iuice will not so soone be remoued and cleane drawne out, which some attribute to want of time in the salt water. Neuerthelesse in building, so well the hedge as the parke oke go all one waie, and neuer so much hath beene spent in a hundred years before, as is in ten yeare of our time; for euerie man almost is a builder, and he that hath bought any small parcell of ground, be it neuer so little, will not be quiet till he haue pulled downe the old house (if anie were there standing) and set vp a new after his owne deuise. But wherevnto will this curiositie come?

We have many woods, forests, and parks that support a lot of trees, even though in wooded areas, there’s hardly a hedge without some of the biggest types, alongside countless hedgerows, groves, and springs that are maintained purposely for the needs of the landowners. However, just as every type of soil doesn’t support all kinds of wood, there’s no wood, park, hedgerow, grove, or forest that isn’t mixed with various species like oak, ash, hazel, hawthorn, birch, beech, hornbeam, holly, service tree, aspen, poplars, wild cherry, and others, with oak always being the most important as it’s best for building and shipbuilding, for which it is preserved. This tree also produces a useful type of mast, which leads those living nearby to raise countless herds of pigs. During times when this mast is plentiful, our red and fallow deer won't hesitate to join the pigs in eating it, just like our cattle would; even our common poultry will partake if they can reach it. But this abundance can be very harmful I've seen chickens peck at the soft blades of garlic. to the former, as the eggs from these later ones (besides being dark in color and bitter in taste) have often been found to cause various diseases in those who eat them. I could also mention the benefit of the bark from this wood, which our tanners use extensively in leather processing, buying it each year in May by the load, as I've often seen; however, there's no need to delve into that right now. My only wish is that our sole and upper leather processing gets its due time and isn’t rushed with quick fixes using ash, bark, etc. While I admit that it may outwardly seem very thick and well done, if you consider how heavy it is, it often proves to be very hollow and unable to hold water. Nonetheless, we have good laws in place to correct this issue, but like most penal statutes, they tend to be poorly enforced. The profits from these laws, given to one or two greedy individuals, initially appear to show great reform for a short time until they realize that pursuing offenders in court is a bit too costly and tedious. Consequently, they drop the law and accept bribes and rewards to overlook past issues. Once they’ve profited from this type of corruption, they then issue licenses and offer large exemptions to anyone who requests them, allowing that person to do as they please in their trade for an annual fee. As a result, the briber ends up with a steady income, and the tanner gains such freedom that their leather becomes much worse than before. But isn’t this a mockery of our laws and a blatant deception of the good subjects they exploit? Among all oaks in England, park oak is the softest, far more brittle than hedge oak. In Essex, the oak from Bardfield park is the finest for joinery work: I’ve often seen works made from that oak that are as fine as most of the wainscoting brought here from Denmark, since our wainscoting isn’t made in England. Many have tried to work without oaks for this purpose, but not with the success they hoped for, because the sap or juice doesn’t come out cleanly or quickly, which some blame on not having enough time in salt water. Nevertheless, in construction, both hedge and park oak are used equally, and never has as much been spent in a hundred years as has in the last ten years; almost everyone is a builder now, and anyone who buys even a small piece of land will not rest until they tear down the old house (if there was one there) and build a new one according to their own design. But where is all this curiosity leading us?

Of elme we haue great store in euerie high waie and elsewhere, yet haue [Page 358] I not séene thereof anie togither in woods or forrests, but where they haue béene first planted and then suffered to spread at their owne willes. Yet haue I knowen great woods of béech and hasell in manie places, especiallie in Barkeshire, Oxfordshire, and Buckinghamshire, where they are greatlie cherished, & conuerted to sundrie vses by such as dwell about them. Of all the elms that euer I saw, those in the south side of Douer court, in Essex néere Harwich are the most notable, for they grow (I meane) in crooked maner, that they are almost apt for nothing else but nauie timber, great ordinance, and béetels: and such thereto is their naturall qualitie, that being vsed in the said behalfe, they continue longer, and more long than anie the like trées in whatsoeuer parcell else of this land, without cuphar, shaking, or cleauing, as I find.

We have plenty of elm trees along every main road and in other places, but I haven't seen any grouped together in woods or forests, except where they were originally planted and then allowed to spread on their own. However, I've seen large woods of beech and hazel in many areas, especially in Berkshire, Oxfordshire, and Buckinghamshire, where they are well cared for and used in various ways by the locals. Of all the elms I've ever seen, the ones on the south side of Dover Court in Essex near Harwich are the most remarkable. They grow in such a twisted way that they are almost only good for shipbuilding, large weapons, and mallets. Their natural quality is such that when used for these purposes, they last longer than similar trees anywhere else in this country, without rotting, warping, or splitting, as I've discovered.

Ash commeth vp euerie where of it selfe, and with euerie kind of wood. And as we haue verie great plentie and no lesse vse of these in our husbandrie, so are we not without the plane, the vgh, the sorfe, the chestnut, the line, the blacke cherrie, and such like. And although that we inioy them not in so great plentie now in most places, as in times past, or the other afore remembred: yet haue we sufficient of them all for our necessarie turnes and vses, especiallie of vgh; as may be séene betwixt Rotheram and Sheffield, and some stéeds of Kent also, as I haue béene informed.

Ash comes up everywhere on its own and with every type of wood. Although we have a lot of these in our farming, we are also not without the plane, the ugh, the sorfe, the chestnut, the lime, the black cherry, and similar types. Even though we don’t have as many of them in most places now as we did in the past, or as previously mentioned, we still have enough of them for our necessary needs and uses, especially of ugh; as can be seen between Rotherham and Sheffield, and in some areas of Kent as I have been informed.

The firre, frankincense, and pine, we doo not altogither want, especiallie the firre, whereof we haue some store in Chatleie moore in Darbishire, Shropshire, Andernesse, and a mosse néere Manchester, not far from Leircesters house: although that in time past not onelie all Lancastershire, but a great part of the coast betwéene Chester and the Solme were well stored. As for the frankincense and pine, they haue béene planted onelie in colleges and cloisters, by the cleargie and religious heretofore. Wherefore (in mine opinion) we may rather saie that we want them altogither: for except they grew naturallie, and not by force, I sée no cause whie they should be accounted for parcell of our commodities. We haue also the aspe, whereof our fletchers make their arrowes. The seuerall kinds of poplars of our turners haue great vse for bolles, treies, troughs, dishes, &c. Also the alder, whose barke is not vnprofitable to die blacke withall, and therfore much vsed by our countrie wiues in colouring their knit hosen. I might here take occasion to speake of the great sales yéerelie made of wood, whereby an infinit quantitie hath bin destroied within these few yéers: but I giue ouer to trauell in this behalfe. Howbeit thus much I dare affirme, that if woods go so fast to decaie in the next hundred yeere of Grace, as they haue doone and are like to doo in this, sometimes for increase of sheepwalks, and some maintenance of prodigalitie and pompe (for I haue knowne a well * This gentleman caught such an heate with this sore loade that he was faine to go to Rome for physicke, yet it could not saue his life, but hée must néeds die homewards. burnished gentleman * that hath borne threescore at once in one paire of galigascons to shew his strength and brauerie) it is to be feared that the fennie bote, broome, turffe, gall, heath, firze, brakes, whinnes, ling, dies, hassacks, flags, straw, sedge, réed, rush, and also seacole will be good merchandize euen in the citie of London, wherevnto some of them euen now haue gotten readie passage, and taken vp their innes in the greatest merchants parlours. A man would thinke that our laws were able inough to make sufficient prouision for the redresse of this error & enormitie likelie to insue. But such is the nature of our countriemen, that as manie laws are made, so they will kéepe none; or if they be vrged to make answer, they will rather séeke some crooked construction of them to the increase of their priuat gaine, than yéeld themselues to be guided by the same for a commonwealth and profit to their countrie. So that in the end whatsoeuer the law saith we will haue our willes, whereby the wholesome ordinances of the prince are contemned, the trauell of the nobilitie & councellors as it were derided, the common wealth impouerished, & a few onelie inriched by this peruerse dealing. Thus manie thousand persons doo suffer hinderance by this their lewd behauiour. Hereby the wholesome laws of the prince are oft defrauded, and the good meaning magistrate in consultation about the common wealth vtterlie neglected. I would wish that I might liue no longer than to sée foure things in this land reformed, that is: the want of discipline in the church: the couetous dealing of most of our merchants in the preferment of the commodities of other countries, and [Page 359] hinderance of their owne: the holding of faires and markets vpon the sundaie to be abolished and referred to the wednesdaies: and that euerie man, in whatsoeuer part of the champaine soile enioieth fortie acres of land, and vpwards, after that rate, either by frée deed, copie hold, or fee farme, might plant one acre of wood, or sowe the same with oke mast, hasell, béech, and sufficient prouision be made that it may be cherished and kept. But I feare me that I should then liue too long, and so long, that I should either be wearie of the world, or the world of me; and yet they are not such things but they may easilie be brought to passe.

We don’t really want fir trees, frankincense, and pine, especially fir, since we have some available in Chatleie Moor in Derbyshire, Shropshire, Andernesse, and a moss near Manchester, not far from Leicester's house. In the past, all of Lancashire and a large part of the coast between Chester and the Solent were well stocked with them. As for frankincense and pine, they have only been planted in colleges and cloisters by clergy and religious groups in the past. So, in my opinion, we could say we completely lack them; unless they grow naturally and not through some forced method, I see no reason why they should be considered part of our commodities. We also have aspen, which our fletchers use for making arrows. Various kinds of poplar are valuable for turners making bowls, trays, troughs, dishes, etc. There’s also alder, whose bark is useful for dyeing black, which our local wives often use to color their knitted stockings. I could mention the large sales of wood that happen every year, which have led to a significant quantity being destroyed in recent years, but I'll skip over that. However, I can confidently say that if forests continue to decline over the next hundred years like they have been doing due to the expansion of sheep grazing and support of wastefulness and extravagance (I’ve known a well-dressed gentleman who wore sixty pairs of galoshes at once to show off his strength and flair), it’s likely that items like bog myrtle, broom, turf, gall, heath, gorse, ling, dyes, tussocks, flags, straw, sedge, reeds, rushes, and even sea coal will become good merchandise even in London, where some of them are already making their way into the merchants' parlors. One would think our laws would be enough to provide a solution to this impending issue. But the nature of our countrymen is such that with every law made, many will ignore it; or if they are pressed to respond, they will seek some twisted interpretation for personal gain rather than being guided by the law for the common good. In the end, whatever the law states, we will do as we please, which leads to the disregard of the wise regulations of the prince, deriding the efforts of the nobility and counselors, impoverishing the commonwealth, and enriching just a few by this foul behavior. Many thousands suffer because of this wickedness. As a result, the fair laws of the prince are frequently undermined, and well-meaning magistrates in their consultations about the common good are utterly overlooked. I wish I could live just long enough to see four things reformed in this land: the lack of discipline in the church, the greedy behavior of most of our merchants who prioritize foreign commodities over their own, the abolition of holding fairs and markets on Sundays and moving them to Wednesdays, and that every person who owns forty acres of land or more, whether by free deed, copyhold, or fee farm, should be required to plant one acre of woods or sow it with acorns, hazelnuts, beech, and ensure proper provision is made for their growth and care. But I fear I might live too long, long enough to either tire of the world or have the world tire of me; yet these are not impossible goals.

Certes euerie small occasion in my time is enough to cut downe a great wood, and euerie trifle sufficeth to laie infinit acres of corne ground vnto pasture. As for the taking downe of houses, a small fine will beare out a great manie. Would to God we might once take example of the Romans, who in restreint of superfluous grasing, made an exact limitation, how manie head of cattell ech estate might kéepe, and what numbers of acres should suffice for that and other purposes. Neither was wood euer better cherished or mansion houses mainteined, than by their lawes and statutes. Such also was their care in the maintenance of nauigation, that it was a great part of the charge of their consuls, yéerelie to view and looke vnto the hilles whereon great timber did grow, least their vnnecessarie faults for the satisfaction of the priuat owner, and his couetous mind might prooue a preiudice vnto the common wealth, in the hinderance of sufficient stuffe for the furniture of their nauie. Certes the like hereof is yet obserued in Venice. Read also I praie you what Suetonius writeth of the consulship of Bibulus and Cesar. As for the wood that Ancus Martius dedicated toward the maintenance of the common nauie, I passe it ouer, as hauing elsewhere remembred it vnto another end. But what doo I meane to speake of these, sith my purpose is onlie to talke of our owne woods? Well, take this then for a finall conclusion in woods, that beside some countries are alreadie driuen to sell their wood by the pound, which is an heauie report: within these fortie yéeres we shall haue little great timber growing aboue fortie yéeres old; for it is commonlie séene that those yoong staddles which we leaue standing at one & twentie yéeres fall, are vsuallie at the next sale cut downe without any danger of the statute, and serue for fire bote, if it please the owner to burne them.

Surely, every small issue in my time is enough to cut down a large forest, and every trivial matter is enough to turn countless acres of farmland into pasture. As for demolishing houses, a small fine can cover a lot. I wish we could take a lesson from the Romans, who imposed strict limits on excessive grazing, specifying how many livestock each estate could keep and how many acres were needed for that and other uses. Wood was never better managed, nor were mansions better maintained, than by their laws and regulations. They were also very concerned about maintaining navigation, so much so that it was a major responsibility of their consuls to annually inspect the hills where valuable timber grew, to prevent unnecessary damage caused by the selfish desires of individual owners from harming the common good by limiting the availability of materials for their navy. Indeed, a similar practice is still observed in Venice. I also ask you to read what Suetonius wrote about the consulship of Bibulus and Caesar. As for the timber that Ancus Martius dedicated to supporting the common navy, I will skip over it since I've mentioned it for other reasons. But why am I discussing these matters when my focus is solely on our own woods? Well, let me conclude on the subject of forests: some regions are already forced to sell their wood by the pound, which is a troubling sign. Within these forty years, we will likely have little large timber older than forty years; it is commonly seen that those young trees we leave standing at twenty-one years are usually cut down at the next sale without fear of penalties and become firewood, if the owner chooses to burn them.

Marises and fennes. Marises and fennie bogges we haue manie in England, though not now so many as some of the old Roman writers doo specifie, but more in Wales, if you haue respect vnto the seuerall quantities of the countries. Howbeit as they are verie profitable in the summer halfe of the yeere, so are a number of them which lie lowe and néere to great riuers, to small commoditie in the winter part, as common experience dooth teach. Yet this I find of manie moores, that in times past they haue béene harder ground, and sundrie of them well replenished with great woods, that now are void of bushes. And for example hereof, we may sée the triall (beside the roots that are dailie found in the déeps of Monmouth, where turfe is digged, also in Wales, Aburgauennie, and Merioneth) in sundrie parts of Lancashire, where great store of firre hath growen in times past, as I said, and the people go vnto this daie into their fens and marises with long spits, which they dash here and there vp to the verie cronge into the ground. In which practise, (a thing commonlie doone in winter) if they happen to smite vpon anie firre trées which lie there at their whole lengths, or other blocks, they note the place, and about haruest time, when the ground is at the driest, they come againe and get them vp, and afterward carieng them home, applie them to their vses. The like doo they in Shropshire with the like, which hath beene felled in old time, within 7 miles of Salop. Some of them foolishlie suppose the same to haue lien there since Noies floud: and other more fond than the rest, imagine them to grow euen in the places where they find them, without all consideration that in times past, the most part, if not all Lhoegres and Cambria was generallie replenished with wood, which being felled or ouerthrowne vpon sundrie occasions, was left lieng in some places still on the ground, and in processe of time became to be quite ouergrowne with earth and moulds, which moulds wanting their due sadnesse, are now turned into moorie plots. Wherby it commeth to passe also, that great plentie of water commeth betwéene the new loose swart and the old hard earth, that being drawen awaie by ditching and draines [Page 360] (a thing soone doone if our countrie-men were painfull in that behalfe) might soone leaue a drie soile to the great lucre and aduantage of the owner. We find in our histories, that Lincolne was somtime builded by Lud brother to Cassibelan, who called it Cair Ludcoit, of the great store of woods that inuironed the same: but now the commoditie is vtterlie decaied there, so that if Lud were aliue againe, he would not call it his citie in the wood, but rather his towne in the plaines: for the wood (as I heare) is wasted altogither about the same. The hilles called the Peke were in like sort named Mennith and Orcoit, that is, the wooddie hilles and forrests. But how much wood is now to be séene in those places, let him that hath béene there testifie, if he list; for I heare of no such store there as hath béene in time past by those that trauell that waie. And thus much of woods and marises, and so far as I can deale with the same.

Wetlands. We have many marshes and fens in England, though not as many as some of the old Roman writers mentioned. There are more in Wales, depending on the sizes of the regions. While these areas are very useful in the summer half of the year, many that are low and close to large rivers offer little benefit in winter, as common experience shows. However, I find that many moors, in the past, had firmer ground and were well-filled with large forests, which now lack underbrush. For example, we can see evidence of this (besides the roots that are daily found deep in Monmouth, where turf is dug, as well as in Wales, Aburgavenny, and Merioneth) in various parts of Lancashire, where there used to be a large number of fir trees. Even today, people go into their fens and marshes with long poles, which they thrust here and there deep into the ground. In this practice, commonly done in winter, if they happen to hit any fir trees that are lying flat or other logs, they mark the spot, and around harvest time, when the ground is driest, they return to retrieve them and then take them home for their purposes. They do the same in Shropshire with trees that were cut down long ago, within 7 miles of Salop. Some foolishly believe these trees have been lying there since Noah's flood, and others, even more foolish, think they grow right where they find them, without realizing that, in the past, most of Lloegres and Cambria were generally filled with woods. When those were cut down or fallen for various reasons, they were left lying in some areas, and over time became completely buried under dirt and debris, which, lacking the right weight, have since turned into boggy patches. This also leads to a lot of water collecting between the new loose soil and the old firm earth, which, if drained properly by ditches and drains (a task that could easily be done if our countrymen were diligent about it), could leave a dry soil to greatly benefit the owner. Our histories tell us that Lincoln was once built by Lud, brother of Cassibelaunus, who named it Cair Ludcoit because of the great amount of woods surrounding it; but now the resources there have completely declined, so if Lud were alive again, he wouldn't call it his city in the woods, but rather his town in the plains. The hills known as the Peke were similarly named Mennith and Orcoit, meaning the wooded hills and forests. But as for how much wood can still be seen in those places, let anyone who has been there testify if they wish; I hear of no such abundance there as there was in the past from those who travel that way. And that's about it for woods and marshes, as far as I can comment. [Page 360]

OF BATHS AND HOT WELLES.
CHAP. XXIII.

As almightie GOD hath in most plentifull maner bestowed infinit, and those verie notable benefits vpon this Ile of Britaine, whereby it is not a little inriched: so in hot and naturall baths (whereof we haue diuerse in sundrie places) it manifestlie appéereth that he hath not forgotten England. There are sundrie baths therefore to be found in this realme, of which the first is called saint Vincents, the second Halliewell; both being places (in my opinion) more obscure than the other two, and yet not seldome sought vnto by such as stand in need. For albeit the fame of their forces be not so generallie spread, yet in some cases they are thought to be nothing inferior to the other, as diuerse haue often affirmed by their owne experience and triall. The third place wherein hot baths are to be found is néere vnto Buxston, a towne in Darbishire, situat in the high Peke, not passing sixtéene miles from Manchester, or Markechesterford, and twentie from Darbie, where, about eight or nine seuerall welles are to be séene; of which thrée are counted to be most excellent: but of all, the greatest is the hotest, void of corruption, and compared (as Iones saith) with those of Summersetshire, so cold indéed, as a quart of boiling water would be made if fiue quartes of running water were added therevnto; whereas on the other side, those of Bath likened vnto these, haue such heat appropriated vnto them, as a gallon of hot water hath when a quart of cold is mixed with the same. Herevpon the effect of this bath worketh more temperatlie and pleasantlie (as he writeth) than the other. And albeit that it maketh not so great spéed in cure of such as resort vnto it for helpe: yet it dealeth more effectuallie and commodiouslie than those in Summersetshire, and infer with all lesse greeuous accidents in the restreining of naturall issues, strengthening the affeebled members, assisting the liuelie forces, dispersing annoious oppilations, and qualifieng of sundrie griefes, as his experience hath oft confirmed. The like vertues haue the other two, but not in such measure: and therefore their operation is not so speedilie perceiued. The fourth place where baths are, is kings Newnam, and within certeine miles of Couentrie, the water wherof (as it is thought) procéedeth from some rocke of allume, and this I vnderstand by diuerse glouers which haue béene there, and also by mine owne experience, that it hath a tast much like to allume liquor, and yet nothing vnplesant nor vnsauorie in the drinking. There are thrée welles in all, but the chiefest and best of them riseth out of an hill, and runneth toward the south, & from thence infinit plentie of water without anie notable diminution of the spring is dailie caried into sundrie parties of the realme, & droonke by such as haue néed to occupie the same. Of the other two, one is reserued for such as be comelie personages and void of lothsome diseases: the other is left common for tag and rag; but clensed dailie as the other is, whereby it becommeth the wholesomer. Manie diseases also are cured in the same, as the palsie, dimnesse of sight, dulnesse of hearing, but especiallie the collike and the stone, old sores and gréene wounds; so that I suppose [Page 361] there was neuer anie compound medicine of greater and more spéedie force in these behalfes, than the vse of this simple liquor is to such as doo frequent it. The said water hath a naturall propertie also following it which is rare, for if a leafe, or sticke of ash, oke, &c: doo fall into the same, within a short space, such store of fine sand (comming no doubt out of the earth with the water) will congeale and gather about it, that the forme being reserued, and the inner part not lightlie altered, it will seeme to become an hard stone, and much like vnto that which is ingendred in the kidneis of a man, as I haue séene by experience. At the first entrance it is verie cold, but after a season it warmeth the goer in, casting him into an indifferent heat. And this is furthermore remembred of it, that no man hath yet susteined anie manner of impeachment through the coldnesse of the same. The vertue thereof was found 1579 about Whitsuntide, by a man who had wounded himselfe, & comming by the same water, thought onelie to wash the blood from his hand therewith, and so to go home and séeke for helpe by surgerie: finallie finding the paine well asswaged, & the wound faire clensed, he departed, and misliking his vsuall medicins, he eftsoones came againe, and so often indéed vnto the said water till his hand was healed outright without anie other practise. By this meanes also he became a counsellor to other being hurt or in paine, that they should trie the vertue of this spring, who finding ease also, gaue out such commendation of the said water, that now at this present their fame is fullie equall, and the resort vnto them nothing inferior to that of the old baths. Beside this, the cures of such diseases as their forces do extend vnto, is much more speedie than we may haue at the other; and this is one commoditie also not smallie to be considered of. The fift place of baths or medicinable welles is at an hamlet called Newton, a little from saint Neots, or (as we pronounce it) saint Needs, which is ten or twelue miles from Cambridge, where two springs are knowne to be, of which the one is verie sweet and fresh, the other brackish & salt; this is good for scabs and leaperie (as it is said) the other for dimnesse of sight. Verie manie also doo make their repaire vnto them for sundrie diseases, some returning whole, and some nothing at all amended, bicause their cure is without the reach and working of those waters. Neuer went people so fast from the church, either vnto a faire or market, as they go to these wels, and those neere Rugbie, both places being discouered in this 1579 of Grace. I heare of another well to be found also about Ratcliffe néere London, euen at the same season. But sith rumors are now spred almost of euerie spring, & vaine tales flie about in maner of euerie water, I surcease to speake at all of anie other, till further experience doo trie whether they be medicinable or not: and yet I doubt not but most of these alredie mentioned haue heretofore bin knowne & remembred also, though confusedlie by the writers of old time; & yet in processe of time either neglected or forgotten, by meanes of sundrie troubles and turmoiles made in this realme by Danes, and other outward enimies, whereby their manifold benefit hath woonderfullie béene missed.

As Almighty God has generously bestowed countless and remarkable benefits upon this Isle of Britain, enriching it considerably, so it is clear that He hasn't forgotten England in the provision of hot natural baths, of which we have several in various locations. There are different baths available in this realm, the first being called Saint Vincent's, the second Halliwell; both places are, in my opinion, less well-known compared to the other two, yet they are frequently sought out by those in need. Though their reputation isn't as widespread, in some cases, they're considered no less effective than the others, as many individuals have often attested from their own experiences. The third location containing hot baths is near Buxton, a town in Derbyshire, situated high in the Peak, not more than sixteen miles from Manchester, or Manchesterford, and twenty miles from Derby, where around eight or nine different wells can be found; of these, three are regarded as the best. Among them, the hottest is the greatest, pure from corruption, and compared (as Jones states) to those in Somersetshire, it is indeed so cold that a quart of boiling water would cool down significantly if five quarts of running water were mixed in. In contrast, those in Bath, likened to these, have such heat assigned to them that a gallon of hot water becomes just as hot when a quart of cold is mixed in. Therefore, the effects of this bath are said to work more temperately and pleasantly (as he writes) than the others. Although it may not be as rapid in curing those who come to it for help, it is more effective and convenient than those in Somersetshire and results in fewer adverse effects when it comes to natural bodily functions, strengthening weak limbs, assisting vital forces, relieving annoying obstructions, and alleviating various pains, as his experience has often confirmed. The other two also possess similar virtues, but not to the same extent, hence their effects aren't perceived as quickly. The fourth location of baths is King's Newnham, which is a few miles from Coventry; its water is believed to come from some alum rock. I understand from various glovers who have been there, and from my own experience, that it tastes quite similar to alum liquor, yet it's not unpleasant or unpalatable for drinking. There are three wells in total, with the chief and best one rising from a hill and flowing south; from there, an immense supply of water is daily carried without significant reduction to various parts of the realm and consumed by those in need. Of the other two, one is reserved for healthy individuals without repugnant diseases; the other is kept open for the general public, yet cleaned daily like the other, making it even healthier. Many ailments are also cured here, such as paralysis, vision problems, hearing difficulties, but especially colic and kidney stones, old sores, and fresh wounds; thus, I believe there has never been a compound medicine with greater and faster efficacy in these matters than the use of this simple water for those who frequently visit it. This water also has a rare natural property; if a leaf or stick of ash, oak, etc., falls into it, soon a considerable amount of fine sand (which surely comes from the earth with the water) will gather around it, preserving its shape while the inner part remains mostly unchanged, making it seem like a hard stone, very much like what is generated in a person's kidneys, as I have seen firsthand. Upon first entering, it is very cold, but after a while, it warms the person inside, bringing them to a moderate temperature. Furthermore, it is noted that no one has ever suffered any kind of difficulty from the coldness of it. Its properties were discovered in 1579 around Whitsuntide by a man who had wounded himself; upon passing the water, he intended only to wash the blood from his hand and then go home for surgical help. Ultimately, after finding relief from the pain and the wound thoroughly cleansed, he left and, not liking his usual medicines, soon returned to that water repeatedly until his hand was completely healed without any other treatment. This also led him to advise others who were hurt or in pain to try the virtues of this spring, who, upon finding relief themselves, spread such praises that now, their fame is entirely equal, and the visits to them are no less than to the old baths. Additionally, the cures for ailments within their capacity are much faster than what we can get from the others, and this is another worthwhile advantage to consider. The fifth location of baths or medicinal wells is in a hamlet called Newton, a little distance from Saint Neots (or Saint Needs, as we pronounce it), which is ten or twelve miles from Cambridge, where two springs are known to exist, one of which is very sweet and fresh, while the other is brackish and salty; the latter is said to be good for scabs and leprosy, the former for vision problems. A lot of people also visit them for various ailments, some leaving fully healed, while others find no improvement because their conditions are beyond the reach of those waters. People rush to these wells faster than to church, fairs, or markets, as they go to them and those near Rugby, both spots discovered in 1579 by Grace. I also hear of another well near Ratcliffe, close to London, found at the same time. But since rumors now spread about nearly every spring, and vain tales fly around regarding almost every water, I will refrain from mentioning any others until further experiences determine whether they are medicinal or not. Yet, I have no doubt that most of those already mentioned have been known and remembered before, albeit confusedly by writers of old; however, over time, they were either neglected or forgotten due to various troubles and turmoils this realm has faced from the Danes and other external enemies, resulting in the significant loss of their manifold benefits.

The last place of our baths, is a citie in Summersetshire, which taketh his name of the hot waters there to be séene and vsed. At the first it was called Cair Bledud, and not Cair Bledune, as some would haue it, for that is the old name of the ancient castell at Malmesburie, which the Saxons named Yngleburne. Ptolomie afterward called it Thermæ, other Aquæ solis, or Scamannia, or Acmancester, but now it hight generallie Bath in English, and vnder that name it is likelie to continue. The citie of it selfe is a verie ancient thing, no doubt, as may yet appeare by diuerse notable antiquities ingraued in stone, to be séene in the wals thereof; and first of all betweene the south gate and the west, and betwixt the west gate and the north.

The last place of our baths is a city in Somersetshire, named after the hot waters found there. Originally, it was called Cair Bledud, not Cair Bledune as some suggest, since that is the old name of the ancient castle at Malmesbury, which the Saxons named Yngleburne. Ptolemy later referred to it as Thermæ, while others called it Aquæ Solis, Scamannia, or Acmancester, but today it’s generally known as Bath in English, and it’s likely to keep that name. The city itself is truly ancient, as evident from various notable antiquities carved in stone that can be seen on its walls; notably between the south gate and the west, and between the west gate and the north.

The first is the antike head of a man, made all flat, with great locks of haire, much like to the coine that I haue seene of Antius the Romane. The second betweene the south and the north gate is an image, as I take it, of Hercules, for he held in each hand a serpent, and so dooth this. Thirdlie there standeth a man on foot with a sword in his one hand, and a buckler stretched out in the other. There is also a branch that lieth folded and wreathed into circles, like to the wreath of Alcimedon. There [Page 362] are moreouer two naked images, whereof the one imbraceth the other, beside sundrie antike heads, with ruffled haire, a greiehound running, and at his taile certeine Romane letters, but so defaced that no man liuing can read them at this present. There is moreouer the image of Lacaon, inuironed with two serpents, and an other inscription, and all these betwéene the south and the west gates, as I haue said before.

The first is an ancient head of a man, flattened out, with large locks of hair, similar to the coin I've seen of Antius the Roman. The second, between the south and north gate, is a statue that I believe represents Hercules, as he holds a serpent in each hand, just like this one. Third, there’s a man standing on foot with a sword in one hand and a shield outstretched in the other. There's also a branch that’s wrapped and twisted into circles, resembling the wreath of Alcimedon. There [Page 362] are additionally two naked figures, one embracing the other, along with various ancient heads with tousled hair, a greyhound running, and behind it certain Roman letters, but they are so worn that no one alive can read them now. Furthermore, there is the statue of Lacaon, surrounded by two serpents, and another inscription, all of these located between the south and west gates, as I mentioned earlier.

Now, betweene the west and north gate are two inscriptions, of which some words are euident to be read, the residue are cleane defaced. There is also the image of a naked man, and a stone in like sort, which hath "Cupidines & labruscas intercurrentes," and a table hauing at each hand an image vined and finelie florished both aboue and beneath. Finallie (sauing that I saw afterward the image of a naked man grasping a serpent in each hand) there was an inscription of a toome or buriall, wherein these words did plainelie appeare, "Vixit annos xxx" but so defusedlie written, that letters stood for whole words, and two or thrée letters combined into one. Certes I will not saie whether these were set into the places where they now stand by the gentiles, or brought thither from other ruines of the towne it selfe, and placed afterward in those wals, in their necessarie reparations. But howsoeuer the matter standeth, this is to be gathered by our histories, that Bladud first builded that citie there, and peraduenture might also kindle the sulphurous veines, of purpose to burne continuallie there in the honour of Minerua: by which occasion the springs thereabout did in processe of time become hot & not vnprofitable, for sundrie kinds of diseases. Indeed the later Pagans dreamed, that Minerua was the chéefe goddesse and gouernesse of these Chap. 25. waters, bicause of the néerenesse of hir temple vnto the same. Solinus addeth furthermore, how that in hir said temple, the fire which was continuallie kept, did neuer consume into dead sparkles; but so soone as the embers thereof were cold, they congealed into clots of hard stone: all which I take to be nothing else than the effect of the aforesaid fire, of the sulphurous veine kindled in the earth, from whence the waters doo come. That these baths or waters are deriued from such, the The Pyritis is found almost in euerie veine of mettall in great plentie, diuersities and colour, and somtimes mixed with that mettall of whose excrements it consisteth. marchasites, which the Grecians call Pyritis, per antonomasiam (for being smit with the iron, it yéeldeth more sparkes than anie flint or calcedonie, and therefore seemeth to deserue the name aboue the rest) and besides these other stones mixed with some copper, and dailie found vpon the mounteins thereabouts will beare sufficient witnesse, though I would write the contrarie. Doctor Turner also the father of English physicke, and an excellent diuine, supposeth that these springs doo draw their forces from sulphur: or if there be anie other thing mingled withall, he gesseth that it should be salt peter, bicause he found an obscure likelihood of the same, euen in the crosse bath. But that they participate with anie allume at all, he could neuer till his dieng daie be induced to beléeue. I might here (if I thought it necessarie) intreat of the notable situation of the citie, which standeth in a pleasant bottome, inuironed on euerie side with great hils, out of the which come so manie springs of pure water by sundrie waies vnto the citie, and in such abundance, as that euerie house is serued with the same by pipes of lead, the said mettall being the more plentious and lesse of value vnto them, bicause it is not had far off from those quarters. It should not be amisse also to speake of the foure gates, number of parish churches, bridges, religious houses dissolued, and their founders, if place did serue therefore: but for so much as my purpose is not to deale in this behalfe, I will omit the mention of these things, and go in hand with the baths themselues, wherof in the title of this chapiter I protested to intreat.

Now, between the west and north gate are two inscriptions, some words of which are clear to read, while the rest are completely worn away. There is also the image of a naked man, and a similar stone that says "Cupidines & labruscas intercurrentes," along with a table that has an image on each side, adorned with vines and delicate flourishes both above and below. Finally, aside from seeing later the image of a naked man holding a serpent in each hand, there was an inscription on a tomb or burial site, where these words clearly appeared: "Vixit annos xxx," but it was written so diffusely that letters stood in for whole words, and two or three letters combined into one. Certainly, I won’t say whether these were placed in their current spots by the locals, or brought from other ruins of the town itself, and then set into those walls during their necessary repairs. However the matter stands, our histories tell us that Bladud first built that city there, and perhaps even ignited the sulfurous veins, intending to keep burning continuously there in honor of Minerva; for this reason, the springs around it eventually became hot and beneficial for various ailments. Indeed, later pagans believed that Minerva was the chief goddess and ruler of these waters, due to the proximity of her temple to them. Solinus adds that in her temple, the fire that was continuously kept never burned out into dead embers; rather, as soon as it cooled, it congealed into clots of hard stone: all of which I believe is merely the result of the aforementioned fire from the sulfurous vein ignited in the earth, from which the waters arise. That these baths or waters come from such sources, the Pyritis is commonly found in nearly every metal vein in large quantities, with various colors, and is sometimes mixed with the metal it originates from. marcasites, which the Greeks call Pyritis, per antonomasiam (for being struck with iron, it yields more sparks than any flint or chalcedony, and thus seems to deserve the name above the rest), along with other stones mixed with some copper, commonly found on the nearby mountains will provide ample evidence, even if I were to argue otherwise. Doctor Turner, also known as the father of English medicine and an excellent scholar, believes that these springs draw their power from sulfur; or if there’s anything else mixed in, he speculates it might be saltpeter, as he found some obscure indication of that in the cross bath. However, that they contain any alum at all, he could never be convinced of until his dying day. I could also, if I thought it necessary, discuss the notable location of the city, which sits in a pleasant valley, surrounded on all sides by large hills, from which numerous pure water springs flow into the city in such abundance that every house is supplied with it by lead pipes, that metal being more plentiful and less valuable to them because it is not sourced far from those areas. It wouldn’t hurt to mention the four gates, the number of parish churches, bridges, dissolved religious houses, and their founders, if there was space for that; but since my goal is not to delve into that aspect, I will skip mentioning these topics and focus on the baths themselves, which I intended to discuss in the title of this chapter.

There are two springs of water (as Leland saith) in the west south west Crosse bath. part of the towne, whereof the biggest is called the crosse bath, of a certeine crosse that was erected sometime in the middest thereof. This bath is much frequented by such as are diseased with leaprie, pockes, scabs, and great aches: yet of it selfe it is verie temperate and pleasant, hauing eleuen or twelue arches of stone in the sides thereof, for men to stand vnder, when raine dooth ought annoie them.

There are two springs of water (as Leland mentioned) in the southwest part of the town, the largest of which is called the Cross Bath, named after a certain cross that was once erected in the middle of it. This bath is often visited by those suffering from leprosy, syphilis, skin conditions, and severe aches; however, it is quite mild and pleasant on its own, featuring eleven or twelve stone arches along its sides for people to stand under when it's raining.

Common bath. The common bath, or as some call it, the hot bath, is two hundred foot, or thereabout from the crosse bath, lesse in compasse within the wall than the other, and with onelie seauen arches, wrought out of the maine [Page 363] inclosure. It is worthilie called the hot bath, for at the first comming into it, men thinke that it would scald their flesh, and lose it from the bone: but after a season, and that the bodies of the commers thereto be warmed throughlie in the same, it is more tollerable and easie to be borne. Both these baths be in the middle of a little stréet, and ioine to S. Thomas hospitall, so that it may be thought that Reginald bishop of Bath made his house néere vnto these common baths, onelie to succour such poore people as should resort vnto them.

Shared bathroom. The common bath, or what some refer to as the hot bath, is about two hundred feet away from the cross bath, smaller in size within the walls compared to the other, and has only seven arches carved out of the main structure. It is rightly named the hot bath because when people first enter it, they feel as though it might burn their skin right off their bones. But after a while, once their bodies are thoroughly warmed up in the water, it becomes more tolerable and easier to handle. Both of these baths are located in the center of a small street and are adjacent to St. Thomas's hospital, suggesting that Reginald, the Bishop of Bath, built his house near these common baths solely to support the poor people who come to them. [Page 363]

Kings bath. The kings bath is verie faire and large, standing almost in the middle of the towne, at the west end of the cathedrall church. It is compassed about with a verie high stone wall, and the brims thereof are mured round about, where in be two and thirtie arches for men and women to stand in separatlie, who being of the gentrie for the most part, doo Hot houses in some countries little better than brodels. resort thither indifferentlie, but not in such lasciuious sort as vnto other baths and hot houses of the maine, whereof some write more a great deale than modestie should reueale, and honestie performe. There went a sluce out of this bath, which serued in times past the priorie with water, which was deriued out of it vnto two places, and commonlie vsed for baths, but now I doo not thinke that they remaine in vsage.

Kings bath. The king's bath is very beautiful and large, located almost in the center of town, at the west end of the cathedral. It's surrounded by a very tall stone wall, and the edges are enclosed, featuring thirty-two arches for men and women to stand in separately. Most of the visitors are from the gentry, who come there casually, but not as lewdly as to other baths and hot houses on the mainland, about which some write much more than is decent or respectable. There used to be a channel from this bath that supplied water to the priory, which branched out to two locations commonly used for bathing, but I doubt those are still in use now.

Colour of the water of the baths. As for the colour of the water of all the bathes, it is most like to a déepe blew, and reeketh much after the maner of a seething pot, Taste of the water. commonlie yéelding somwhat a sulpherous taste, and verie vnpleasant sauour. The water also that runneth from the two small baths, goeth by a dyke into the Auon by west, and beneath the bridge: but the same that goeth from the kings bath turneth a mill, and after goeth into Auon aboue Bath bridge, where it loseth both force and tast, and is like vnto the rest. In all the three baths a man maie euidentlie see how the water Fall or issue of the water. bubbleth vp from the springs. This is also to be noted, that at certeine times all entrances into them is vtterlie prohibited, that is to saie, at high noone, and midnight: for at those two seasons, and a while before and after, they boile verie feruentlie, and become so hot that no man is able to indure their heat, or anie while susteine their force and vehement working. They purge themselues furthermore from all such filth as the diseased doo leaue in each of them, wherfore we doo forbeare the rash entrance into them at that time: and so much the rather, for that we would not by contraction of anie new diseases, depart more gréeuouslie affected than we came vnto the citie, which is in déed a Not good to enter into baths at all seasons. thing that each one should regard. For these causes therefore they are commonlie shut vp from halfe an houre after ten of the clocke in the forenoone, to halfe an houre after one in the afternoone, and likewise at midnight: at which times the kéeper of them resorteth to his charge, openeth the gates, and leaueth (or should leaue) frée passage vnto such as come vnto them. Hitherto Leland.

Color of the bathwater. The color of the water in all the baths is similar to a deep blue and gives off a steam like that of a boiling pot, Water taste. generally having a somewhat sulfuric taste and a very unpleasant smell. The water that flows from the two small baths goes by a ditch into the Avon to the west, underneath the bridge; but the water from the king's bath turns a mill and then flows into the Avon above Bath bridge, where it loses both its strength and taste and is similar to the rest. In all three baths, one can clearly see how the water Water flow or discharge. bubbles up from the springs. It’s also important to note that at certain times, all entrances to them are completely prohibited, namely at noon and midnight: during these two times, and for a while before and after, they boil very fiercely and become so hot that no one can tolerate the heat or withstand their powerful action. They also cleanse themselves of all the filth that the sick leave in them, which is why we avoid rashly entering them at that time; and even more so because we wouldn’t want to leave with any new illnesses that would make us feel worse than when we arrived in the city, which is something everyone should consider. For these reasons, they are typically closed from half an hour after ten o'clock in the morning until half an hour after one in the afternoon, and also at midnight: at these times, the keeper attends to his duties, opens the gates, and should allow free passage to those who come to them. Thus far Leland.

What cost of late hath béene bestowed vpon these baths by diuerse of the nobilitie, gentrie, communaltie, and cleargie, it lieth not in me to declare: yet as I heare, they are not onelie verie much repared and garnished with sundrie curious péeces of workemanship, partlie touching their commendation, and partlie for the ease and benefit of such as resort vnto them; but also better ordered, clenlier kept, & more friendlie prouision made for such pouertie as dailie repaireth thither. But notwithstanding all this, such is the generall estate of things in Bath, that the rich men maie spend while they will, and the poore beg whilest they list for their maintenance and diet so long as they remaine there: and yet I denie not but that there is verie good order in that citie for all degrées. But where shall a man find anie equall regard of poore and rich, though God dooth giue these his good gifts fréelie, & vnto both alike? I would here intreat further of the customs vsed in these baths, what number of physicians dailie attend vpon those waters, for no man (especiallie such as be able to interteine them) dooth enter into these baths before he consult with the physician; also, what diet is to be obserued, what particular diseases are healed there, and to what end the commers thither doo drinke oftimes of that medicinable liquor: but then I should excéed the limits of a description. Wherefore I passe it ouer to others, hoping that some man yer long will vouchsafe to performe that at large, which the famous clearke Doctor Turner hath [Page 364] brieflie yet happilie begun, touching the effects & working of the same. For hitherto I doo not know of manie that haue trauelled in the natures of those baths of our countrie, with anie great commendation; much lesse of anie that hath reuealed them at the full for the benefit of our nation, or commoditie of strangers that resort vnto the same.

What expense has recently been spent on these baths by various members of the nobility, gentry, commoners, and clergy, I cannot say: however, from what I hear, they are not only very well restored and adorned with many intricate pieces of craftsmanship, partly for their praise and partly for the comfort and benefit of those who visit them; but they are also better organized, kept cleaner, and more considerate provisions are made for the poor who come there daily. Nevertheless, the overall situation in Bath remains such that the wealthy can spend as they wish, while the poor beg as long as they need for their sustenance and support while they stay there. Yet, I do not deny that there is good order in that city for all classes. But where can a person find equal consideration for both poor and rich, though God freely gives these good gifts to both? I would like to discuss further the customs practiced in these baths, how many physicians attend to those waters daily, since no one (especially those who can afford it) enters these baths without consulting a physician first; also, what diet should be followed, what specific diseases are treated there, and the purpose for which visitors often drink that medicinal water: but that would exceed the bounds of a description. Therefore, I will leave it to others, hoping that someone will soon take on the task to elaborate on what the esteemed scholar Dr. Turner has briefly yet successfully begun, regarding the effects and workings of the same. So far, I do not know of many who have explored the nature of those baths in our country with great praise; much less anyone who has fully revealed them for the benefit of our nation or for the convenience of foreigners who visit them.

OF ANTIQUITIES FOUND.
CHAP. XXIV.

Hauing taken some occasion to speake here and there in this treatise of antiquities, it shall not be amis to deale yet more in this chapter, with some of them apart, & by themselues, whereby the secure authoritie of the Romans ouer this Iland maie in some cases more manifestlie appeare. For such was their possession of this Iland on this side of the Tine, that they held not one or two, or a few places onelie vnder their subiection, but all the whole countrie from east to west, from the Tine to the British sea, so that there was no region void of their gouernance: notwithstanding that vntill the death of Lucius, and extinction of his issue, they did permit the successors of Lud and Cimbaline to reigne and rule amongest them, though vnder a certeine tribute, as else-where I haue declared. The chéefe cause that vrgeth me to speake of antiquities, is the paines that I haue taken to gather great numbers of them togither, intending (if euer my Chronologie shall happen to come abroad) to set downe the liuelie portraitures of euerie emperour ingrauen in the same: also the faces of Pompeie, Crassus, the seuen kings of the Romans, Cicero, and diuerse other, which I haue prouided readie for the purpose, beside the monuments and liuelie images of sundrie philosophers, and kings of this Iland, since the time of Edward the Confessor. Wherof although presentlie I want a few, yet I doo not doubt but to obteine them all, if friendship at the leastwise procured for monie shall be able to preuaile. But as it hath doone hitherto, so the charges to be emploied vpon these brasen or copper images, will hereafter put by the impression of that treatise: whereby it maie come to passe, that long trauell shall soone proue to be spent in vaine, and much cost come to verie small successe. Whereof yet I force not greatlie, sith by this means I haue reaped some commoditie vnto my selfe, by searching of the histories, which often minister store of examples readie to be vsed in my function, as occasion shall mooue me. But to procéed with my purpose.

Having taken the opportunity to mention antiquities here and there in this work, it would be fitting to discuss some of them in this chapter on their own, which may clearly demonstrate the solid authority the Romans had over this island. Their control of this land on this side of the Tyne was such that they didn't just occupy one or two places, but the entire territory from east to west, from the Tyne to the British Sea, leaving no region without their governance. However, until the death of Lucius and the end of his lineage, they allowed the successors of Lud and Cymbeline to reign and rule among them, albeit under a certain tribute, as I have explained elsewhere. The main reason I feel compelled to speak of antiquities is the effort I have put into gathering a significant number of them, intending (should my chronology ever be published) to include vivid portraits of every emperor engraved within it, as well as the likenesses of Pompey, Crassus, the seven Roman kings, Cicero, and various others that I have prepared for this purpose, alongside the monuments and lively images of different philosophers and kings of this island since the time of Edward the Confessor. Although I currently lack a few, I am confident I will obtain them all, provided friendship, at least through financial means, is able to succeed. However, as it has been so far, the costs involved in these bronze or copper images may prevent the publication of that work in the future, leading to the possibility that much effort will ultimately prove to be in vain, and considerable expense will yield minimal success. Yet, I am not overly concerned about that, since through this process, I have gained some benefit by researching histories, which often provide numerous examples ready to be used in my role as opportunities arise. But let us continue with my original purpose.

Before the comming of the Romans, there was a kind of copper monie currant here in Britaine, as Cæsar confesseth in the fift booke of his Commentaries, but I find not of what maner it was. Hereto he addeth a report of certeine rings, of a proportionate weight, which they vsed in his time, in stead likewise of monie. But as hitherto it hath not bene my lucke (I saie) to haue the certeine view of anie of these, so after the comming of the Romans, they inforced vs to abandon our owne, and receiue such imperiall monies or coines, as for the paiment of their legions was dailie brought ouer vnto them. What coines the Romans had, it is easie to be knowne, and from time to time much of it is found in manie places of this Iland, as well of gold and siluer, as of copper, brasse, and other mettall, much like stéele, almost of euerie emperour. So that I account it no rare thing to haue of the Roman coine, albeit that it still represent an image of our captiuitie, and maie be a good admonition for vs, to take heed how we yéeld our selues to the regiment of strangers. Of the store of these monies, found vpon the Kentish coast, I haue alreadie made mention in the description of Richborow, and chapter of Iles adiacent vnto the British Albion, and there shewed also how simple fishermen haue had plentie of them, and that the conies in making profers and holes to bréed in, haue scraped them out of the ground in verie great abundance. In speaking also of S. Albans, in the chapter of townes and villages, I haue not omitted to tell what plentie of these coines haue bene gathered there: wherfore I shall not néed here to repeat the same againe. Howbeit this is certeine, that the most part of all these antiquities, to be found within the land, & distant from [Page 365] the shore, are to be gotten either in the ruines of ancient cities and townes decaied, or in inclosed burrowes, where their legions accustomed sometime to winter, as by experience is dailie confirmed. What store hath béene séene of them in the citie of London, which they called Augusta, of the legion that soiourned there, & likewise in Yorke named also Victrix, of the legion Victoria, or Altera Roma (because of the beautie and fine building of the same) I my selfe can partlie witnesse, that haue séene, & often had of them, if better testimonie were wanting. The like I maie affirme of Colchester, where those of Claudius, Adrian, Traian, Vespasian, and other, are oftentimes plowed vp, or found by other means: also of Cantorburie, Andredeschester (now decaied) Rochester, then called Durobreuum, Winchester, and diuerse other beyond the Thames, which for breuitie sake I doo passe ouer in silence. Onlie the chiefe of all and where most are found in deed, is néere vnto Carleon and Cairgwent in Southwales, about Kenchester, thrée miles aboue Hereford, Aldborow, Ancaster, Bramdon, Dodington, where a spurre and péece of a chaine of gold were found in king Henrie the eight his daies, besides much of the said Roman coine, Binchester, Camalet, Lacocke vpon Auon, and Lincolne, Dorchester, Warwike, and Chester, where they are often had in verie great abundance. It seemeth that Ancaster hath beene a great thing, for manie square & colored pauements, vaults, and arches are yet found, and often laid open by such as dig and plow in the fields about the same. And amongst these, one Vresbie or Rosebie, a plowman, did ere vp not long since a stone like a trough, couered with another stone, wherein was great foison of the aforesaid coines. The like also was séene not yet fortie yeares agone about Grantham. But in king Henrie the eight his daies, an husbandman had far better lucke at Harleston, two miles from the aforesaid place, where he found not onelie great plentie of this coine, but also an huge brasse pot, and therein a large helmet of pure gold, richlie fretted with pearle, and set with all kind of costlie stones: he tooke vp also chaines much like vnto beads of siluer, all which, as being (if a man might ghesse anie certeintie by their beautie) not likelie to be long hidden, he presented to quéene Katharine then lieng at Peterborow, and therewithall a few ancient rolles of parchment written long agone, though so defaced with mouldinesse, and rotten for age, that no man could well hold them in his hand without falling into péeces, much lesse read them by reason of their blindnesse.

Before the arrival of the Romans, a type of copper currency was in circulation here in Britain, as Caesar admits in the fifth book of his Commentaries, but I don’t know exactly what it was like. He also mentions that certain rings of a specific weight were used in his time instead of money. However, I have not had the chance to see any of these, and after the Romans came, they forced us to give up our own currency and accept the imperial coins that were constantly brought over for the payment of their legions. It’s easy to know what coins the Romans had, and many of them have been frequently found in various places across this island, in gold, silver, copper, brass, and other metals, much like steel, from almost every emperor. Because of this, I think it’s not unusual to find Roman coins, even though they still symbolize our captivity and may serve as a good reminder for us to be cautious about yielding to the rule of outsiders. I’ve already mentioned the abundance of these coins found along the Kentish coast in my description of Richborough and in the chapter about the islands adjacent to British Albion. I've also shown how simple fishermen have found plenty of them, and that rabbits, while making burrows to breed in, have scraped them out of the ground in large quantities. In discussing St. Albans in the chapter about towns and villages, I’ve noted the abundance of these coins gathered there, so I won’t repeat that here. However, it is certain that the majority of all these artifacts found inland and away from the shore are obtained either from the ruins of ancient cities and towns that have fallen into decay or from enclosed burrows where their legions used to winter, as daily experience confirms. There has been a notable collection of these coins seen in the city of London, known as Augusta, from the legion that stayed there, and also in York, called Victrix, from the legion Victoria, or Altera Roma (because of its beauty and fine buildings). I can partly attest to this, having seen and often acquired them myself, if better testimony were lacking. I can make similar claims about Colchester, where coins from Claudius, Adrian, Trajan, Vespasian, and others are often plowed up or found by other means; also about Canterbury, Andredeschester (now decayed), Rochester, then called Durobrivis, Winchester, and various others beyond the Thames, which I will skip over for brevity. The main area where they are truly abundant is near Caerleon and Caerwent in South Wales, around Kenchester, three miles above Hereford, Aldborough, Ancaster, Bramdon, Dodington, where a spur and piece of a gold chain were found during the reign of King Henry VIII, in addition to much of the aforementioned Roman coinage. Other places include Binchester, Camalet in Avon, Lincoln, Dorchester, Warwick, and Chester, where they are frequently found in large quantities. It seems that Ancaster was significant, as many square and colored pavements, vaults, and arches are still found and often uncovered by those who dig and plow in the surrounding fields. Among them, a plowman named Uresbie or Rosebie unearthed a stone resembling a trough, covered with another stone, which contained a huge number of the aforementioned coins. Similar finds were made less than forty years ago around Grantham. However, during the reign of King Henry VIII, a farmer had much better luck at Harleston, two miles from that area, where he discovered not just a great quantity of this coin, but also a huge brass pot containing a large pure gold helmet, richly decorated with pearls and set with all sorts of precious stones. He also found chains resembling silver beads. Being objects of great beauty, they seemed unlikely to remain hidden for long, so he presented them to Queen Katherine, who was then staying at Peterborough, along with a few ancient rolls of parchment written long ago, which, though significantly damaged by mold and aged, could hardly be held in one’s hand without falling apart, much less read because of their illegibility.

In the beginning of the same kings daies also at Killeie a man found as he eared, an arming girdle, harnessed with pure gold, and a great massie pomell with a crosse hilt for a sword of the same mettall, beside studs and harnesse for spurs, and the huge long spurs of like stuffe, whereof one doctor Ruthall got a part into his hands. The boroughs or buries, wherof I spake before, were certeine plots of ground, wherin the Romane souldiers did vse to lie when they kept in the open fields as chosen places, from whence they might haue easie accesse vnto their aduersaries, if anie outrage were wrought or rebellion mooued against them. And as these were the vsuall aboads for those able legions that serued dailie in the wars, so had they other certeine habitations for the old and forworne souldiers, whereby diuerse cities grew in time to be replenished with Romane colonies, as Cairleon, Colchester, Chester, and such other, of which, Colchester bare the name of Colonia long time, and wherein A. Plautius builded a temple vnto the goddesse of Victorie (after the departure of Claudius) which Tacitus calleth "Aram sempiternæ dominationis," a perpetuall monument of that our British seruitude. But to returne vnto our borowes, they were generallie walled about with stone wals, and so large in compasse that some did conteine thirtie, fourtie, three score, or eightie acres of ground within their limits: they had also diuerse gates or ports vnto each of them, and of these not a few remaine to be seene in our time, as one for example not far from great Chesterford in Essex, néere to the limits of Cambridgshire, which I haue often viewed, and wherein the compasse of the verie wall with the places where the gates stood is easie to be discerned: the like also is to be séene at a place within two miles south of Burton, called the Borow hils. In these therefore and such like, and likewise at Euolsburg, now S. Neots, or S. Needs, and sundrie other places, especiallie vpon the shore and coasts of Kent, as Douer, Rie, Romneie, Lid, &c: is much [Page 366] of their coine also to be found, and some péeces or other are dailie taken vp, which they call Borow pence, Dwarfs monie, Hegs pence, Feirie groats, Jewes monie, & by other foolish names not woorthie to be remembred. At the comming of the Saxons, the Britons vsed these holds as rescues for their cattell in the daie and night, when their enimies were abroad; the like also did the Saxons against the Danes, by which occasions (and now and then by carieng of their stones to helpe forward other buildings néere at hand) manie of them were throwne downe and defaced, which otherwise might haue continued for a longer time, and so your honour would saie, if you should happen to peruse the thickenesse and maner of building of those said wals and borowes. It is not long since a siluer saucer of verie ancient making was found néere to Saffron Sterbirie a place where an armie hath lien. Walden, in the open field among the Sterbirie hils, and eared vp by a plough, but of such massie greatnesse, that it weighed better than twentie ounces, as I haue heard reported. But if I should stand in these things vntill I had said all that might be spoken of them, both by experience and testimonie of Leland in his Commentaries of Britaine, and the report of diuerse yet liuing, I might make a greater chapter than would be either conuenient or profitable to the reader: wherefore so much onelie shall serue the turne for this time as I haue said alreadie of antiquities found within our Iland, especiallie of coine, whereof I purposed chiefelie to intreat.

In the same kings' days, a man discovered an armored belt made of pure gold while tilling the land at Killeie, along with a large, solid pommel with a cross-hilt for a sword of the same material, several studs, and spurs, including long spurs of similar construction, some of which ended up in the possession of Doctor Ruthall. The boroughs I mentioned earlier were specific plots of land where Roman soldiers used to camp during their time in open fields, chosen for their strategic advantage in accessing their enemies if any disturbances or rebellions occurred. These locations served as regular quarters for those able legions actively engaged in warfare, and they also had designated living spaces for retired soldiers, which led to various cities eventually being populated by Roman colonies such as Cairleon, Colchester, Chester, and others. Colchester was known as Colonia for a long time, where A. Plautius built a temple for the goddess of Victory (after Claudius left), which Tacitus referred to as "Aram sempiternæ dominationis," a lasting reminder of our British servitude. Returning to our boroughs, they were generally surrounded by stone walls and were so large that some enclosed thirty, forty, sixty, or eighty acres within their boundaries. Each had various gates, and many of these still exist today, such as one not far from Great Chesterford in Essex, near the border of Cambridgeshire, which I have often visited. The outline of the wall and the placement of the gates are still easy to identify. A similar site can also be found within two miles south of Burton, called the Borrow Hills. Therefore, in these and similar sites, as well as at Euolsburg—now St. Neots—or St. Needs, and several other locations, particularly along the shores and coasts of Kent, like Dover, Rye, Romsey, Lid, etc., much of their coinage is still found, and coins referred to as Borrow pence, Dwarfs money, Hegs pence, Fairy groats, Jewish money, and other silly names not worth remembering are regularly unearthed. When the Saxons arrived, the Britons used these sites as refuges for their cattle during the day and night when their enemies were nearby; the Saxons did the same against the Danes. Because of these events (including occasionally moving stones to aid in nearby constructions), many of these structures were damaged and destroyed, which otherwise could have lasted longer, and your honor would understand this better if you were to examine the thickness and construction methods of those walls and boroughs. Recently, a very ancient silver saucer was found near Saffron Walden, in the open fields among the Sterbirie hills, which was unearthed by a plow, weighing more than twenty ounces, as I have heard reported. However, if I were to discuss these matters until I had covered everything that could be said about them, both based on personal experience and the accounts of Leland in his Commentaries on Britain and reports from various living individuals, I could create a chapter larger than would be useful or beneficial to the reader: thus, I will limit myself to what I have already mentioned regarding the antiquities found in our island, particularly concerning coins, which I intended to focus on.

OF THE COINES OF ENGLAND.
CHAP. XXV.

The Saxon coine before the conquest is in maner vtterlie vnknowne to me: howbeit if my coniecture be anie thing, I suppose that one shilling of siluer in those daies did counterpeise our common ounce, though afterward it came to passe that it arose to twentie pence, and so continued vntill the time of king Henrie the eight, who first brought it to thrée shillings and foure pence, & afterward our siluer coine vnto Copper monie. brasse & copper monies, by reason of those inestimable charges, which diuerse waies oppressed him. And as I gather such obscure notice of the shilling which is called in Latine Solidus, so I read more manifestlie of another which is the 48 part of a pound, and this also currant among the Saxons of our Ile, so well in gold as in siluer, at such time as 240 of their penies made vp a iust pound, fiue pence went to the shilling, and foure shillings to the ounce. But to procéed with my purpose. After the death of K. Henrie, Edward his sonne began to restore the aforesaid coine againe vnto fine siluer: so quéene Marie his successour did continue his good purpose, notwithstanding that in hir time the Spanish monie was verie cōmon in England, by reason of hir mariage with Philip king of Spaine.

The Saxon coin before the conquest is pretty much unknown to me; however, if I have any guess, I think that one silver shilling back in the day was equivalent to our common ounce. Later, it increased to twenty pence and stayed that way until the time of King Henry the Eighth, who first raised it to three shillings and four pence, and afterward our silver coin to Copper coins. brass and copper coins took over because of the huge expenses that burdened him in various ways. From what I can gather about the shilling, which is called Solidus in Latin, I read more clearly about another coin, the 48th part of a pound, which was also in circulation among the Saxons on our island, both in gold and silver, when 240 of their pennies made up a pound, with five pence to a shilling and four shillings to an ounce. But to continue with my point, after the death of King Henry, his son Edward started to restore that coin to fine silver. Queen Mary, his successor, carried on with this good intent, even though during her time the Spanish money was very common in England due to her marriage to Philip, King of Spain.

Siluer restored. After hir decease the ladie Elizabeth hir sister, and now our most gratious quéene, souereigne and princesse, did finish the matter wholie, vtterly abolishing the vse of copper and brasen coine, and conuerting the same into guns and great ordinance, she restored sundrie coines of fine siluer, as péeces of halfepenie farding, of a penie, of three halfe pence, péeces of two pence, of thrée pence, of foure pence (called the groat) of six pence vsuallie named the testone, and shilling of twelue pence, whereon she hath imprinted hir owne image, and emphaticall Old gold. superscription. Our gold is either old or new. The old is that which hath remained since the time of king Edward the third, or béene coined by such other princes as haue reigned since his deceasse, without anie abasing or diminution of the finesse of that mettall. Therof also we haue yet remaining, the riall, the George noble, the Henrie riall, the salut, the angell, and their smaller peeces, as halfes or quarters, though these in my time are not so common to be séene. I haue also beheld the souereigne of twentie shillings, and the péece of thirtie shillings, I haue heard likewise of péeces of fortie shillings, three pounds, fiue pounds, and ten pounds. But sith there were few of them coined, and those onelie at the commandement of kings, yearelie to bestow where their maiesties thought good in lieu of new yeares gifts [Page 367] and rewards: it is not requisit that I should remember them here amongst our currant monies.

Silver polished. After her death, Lady Elizabeth, her sister and now our most gracious queen, sovereign and princess, completely resolved the matter by completely abolishing the use of copper and brass coins and turning them into guns and artillery. She reinstated several coins of fine silver, such as pieces of half-penny farthings, one penny, three half-pennies, two pence, three pence, four pence (called the groat), six pence usually referred to as the testone, and a shilling worth twelve pence, which bear her own image and a noteworthy Vintage gold. Our gold is either old or new. The old consists of coins that have existed since the reign of King Edward III or were minted by other monarchs since his death, without any reduction in the quality of the metal. Among these, we still have the rial, the George noble, the Henry rial, the salut, the angel, and their smaller denominations like halves or quarters, although these are not so commonly seen in my time. I have also seen the sovereign worth twenty shillings and the thirty-shilling piece, and I've heard of pieces worth forty shillings, three pounds, five pounds, and ten pounds. However, since few of them were minted and only at the command of kings, meant to be given out yearly as New Year’s gifts and rewards, it's not necessary for me to list them here among our current currencies. [Page 367]

New gold. The new gold is taken for such as began to be coined in the latter daies of king Henrie the eight, at which time the finesse of the mettall began to be verie much alaied, & is not likelie to be restored for ought that I can see: and yet is it such as hath béene coined since by his successors princes of this realme, in value and goodnesse equall and not inferiour to the coine and currant gold of other nations, where each one dooth couet chiefelie to gather vp our old finer gold: so that the angels, rials, and nobles, are more plentifullie seene in France, Italie, and Flanders, than they be by a great deale within the realme of England, if you regard the paiments which they dailie make in those kinds of our coine. Our peeces now currant are of ten shillings, fiue shillings, and two shillings and six pence onelie: and those of sundrie stamps and names, as halfe souereigns (equall in weight with our currant shilling, whereby that gold is valued at ten times so much siluer) quarters of souereigns (otherwise called crownes) and halfe crownes: likewise angels, halfe angels, and quarters of angels, or if there be anie other, in good sooth I know them not, as one scarselie acquainted with any siluer at all, much lesse then (God it wot) with any store of gold.

New gold. The new gold refers to the coins that were minted towards the end of King Henry the Eighth's reign, at which point the quality of the metal started to drop significantly, and it doesn’t seem likely to improve anytime soon. Nevertheless, this newer gold has been minted by his successor monarchs in this realm, and it is valued and is as good as, if not better than, the gold coins circulating in other countries, where many people are eager to gather our older, finer gold. This means that angels, rials, and nobles are seen in larger quantities in France, Italy, and Flanders than they are here in England, especially when you consider the payments they regularly make with our types of coins. The coins currently in circulation are worth ten shillings, five shillings, and two shillings and six pence only; these come in various stamps and names, such as half-sovereigns (which weigh the same as our current shilling, thus valuing that gold at ten times its silver weight), quarters of sovereigns (also known as crowns), and half crowns. Additionally, there are angels, half angels, and quarter angels, but beyond that, I honestly don’t know much, being only somewhat familiar with silver, let alone (God knows) with any substantial amount of gold.

The first currant shilling or siluer péeces of twelue pence stamped within memorie, were coined by K. Henrie the eight in the twentith yeare of his reigne, & those of fiue shillings, and of two shillings and six pence, & the halfe shilling by king Edward the sixt: but the od péeces aboue remembred vnder the groat by our high and mightie princesse quéene Elizabeth, the name of the groat, penie, two pence, halfe penie, and farding, in old time the greatest siluer monies if you respect their denominations onelie, being more ancient than that I can well discusse of the time of their beginnings. Yet thus much I read, that king Edward the first in the eight yeare of his reigne, did first coine the penie and smallest péeces of siluer roundwise, which before were square, and woont to beare a double crosse with a crest, in such sort that the penie might easilie be broken, either into halfes or quarters: by which shift onelie the people came by small monies, as halfe pence and fardings, that otherwise were not stamped nor coined of set purpose.

The first current shilling or silver pieces of twelve pence stamped in memory were minted by King Henry the Eighth in the twentieth year of his reign. The five-shilling pieces, two-shilling and six-pence pieces, and half-shilling were created by King Edward the Sixth. However, the pieces mentioned above, known as the groat, penny, two pence, half penny, and farthing, were from our great and mighty Princess Queen Elizabeth's time. These names refer to the largest silver coins, at least in terms of their denominations, and they are more ancient than I can thoroughly discuss regarding their origins. I have read that King Edward the First, in the eighth year of his reign, was the first to mint round penny and the smallest silver coins, which were previously square and used to bear a double cross with a crest, making it easy to break the penny into halves or quarters. This change was how people ended up with small coins like half pence and farthings, which were not otherwise specifically minted or produced.

Of forren coines we haue all the ducats, the single, double, and the double double, the crusadoes, with the long crosse and the short: the portigue, a péece verie solemnelie kept of diuerse, & yet oft times abased with washing, or absolutelie counterfeited: and finallie the French and Flemish crownes, onlie currant among vs, so long as they hold weight. But of siluer coines, as the soules turnois, whereof ten make a shilling, as the franke dooth two shillings, and thrée franks the French crowne, &c: we haue none at all: yet are the dalders, and such often times brought ouer, but neuerthelesse exchanged as bullion, according to their finenesse and weight, and afterward conuerted into coine, by such as haue authoritie.

We have all kinds of foreign coins: the single, double, and triple ducats, the cruzados with both long and short crosses; the portigue, which is very carefully kept by various people, yet often worn down from handling or completely counterfeited. Finally, we also have French and Flemish crowns, which are only accepted here as long as they meet the required weight. However, we don't have any silver coins, like the soules, where ten make a shilling, just as the franke equals two shillings and three franks make a French crown, etc. We do often receive dalders and other similar coins, but they are usually exchanged as raw metal based on their quality and weight, and later turned into coins by those in charge.

In old time we had sundrie mints in England, and those commonlie kept in abbaies and religious houses before the conquest, where true dealing was commonlie supposed most of all to dwell: as at Ramseie, S. Edmundsburie, Canturburie, Glassenburie, Peterborow, and such like, sundrie exemplificats of the grants whereof are yet to be seene in writing, especiallie that of Peterborow vnder the confirmation of pope Eugenius: wherevnto it appeereth further by a charter of king Edgar (which I haue) that they either held it or had another in Stanford. But after the Normans had once gotten the kingdome into their fingers, they trusted themselues best with the ouersight of their mints, and therefore erected diuerse of their owne, although they afterward permitted some for small péeces of siluer vnto sundrie of the houses aforesaid. In my time diuerse mints are suppressed, as Southwarke, Bristow, &c: and all coinage is brought into one place, that is to saie, the Tower of London, where it is continuallie holden and perused, but not without great gaine to such as deale withall. There is also coinage of tin holden yearelie at two seuerall times, that is to saie, Midsummer and Michaelmas in the west countrie; which at the first hearing I supposed to haue béene of monie of the said mettall, and granted by priuilege from some prince [Page 368] vnto the towns of Hailestone, Trurie, and Lostwithiell. Howbeit, vpon further examination of the matter, I find it to be nothing so, but an office onlie erected for the prince, wherin he is allowed the ordinarie customes of that mettall: and such blocks of tin as haue passed the hands of his officers, are marked with an especiall stampe, whereby it is knowne that the custome due for the same hath ordinarilie béene answered. It should séeme (and in my opinion is verie likelie to be true) that while the Romans reigned here, Kingstone vpon Thames (sometime a right noble citie and place where the Saxon kings were vsuallie crowned) was the chiefe place of their coinage for this prouince. For in earing of the ground about that towne in times past, and now of late (besides the curious foundation of manie goodlie buildings that haue béene ripped vp by plowes, and diuerse coines of brasse, siluer, and gold, with Romane letters in painted pots found there) in the daies of cardinall Woolseie, one such huge pot was discouered full as it were of new siluer latelie coined; another with plates of siluer readie to be coined; and the third with chaines of siluer and such broken stuffe redie (as it should appeere) to be melted into coinage, whereof let this suffice to countenance out my coniecture. Of coins currant before the comming of the Romans I haue elsewhere declared, that there were none at all in Britaine: but as the Ilanders of Scylira, the old Romans, Armenians, Scythians, Seritans, Sarmatians, Indians, and Essences did barter ware for ware, so the Britons vsed brasse or rings of iron, brought vnto a certeine proportion, in steed of monie, as the Lacedemonians & Bisantines also did, & the Achiui (as Homer writeth) who had (saith he) rough peeces of brasse and iron in stéed of coine, wherewith they purchased their wines.

In the past, there were several mints in England, typically located in abbeys and religious houses before the conquest, where fair dealings were believed to prevail the most: such as at Ramsey, St. Edmundsbury, Canterbury, Glastonbury, Peterborough, and similar places. Various records of the grants from these mints can still be seen in writing, especially that of Peterborough under the confirmation of Pope Eugenius. Additionally, it appears from a charter of King Edgar (which I possess) that they either held it or had another in Stamford. However, after the Normans seized control of the kingdom, they preferred to oversee their own mints and established several of their own, although they later allowed some small silver pieces to be minted for a few of the aforementioned houses. In my time, several mints have been shut down, like Southwark, Bristol, etc., and all coinage has been consolidated in one place, namely the Tower of London, where it is continuously held and examined, but not without significant profit for those involved. There is also tin coinage held annually at two specific times, Midsummer and Michaelmas, in the west country; at first, I assumed this to be currency made from that metal, granted by privilege from some prince to the towns of Hailestone, Truro, and Lostwithiel. However, upon further investigation, I found that it was nothing more than an office established for the prince, in which he receives the ordinary customs of that metal: and the blocks of tin that have passed through his officers are marked with a special stamp, indicating that the duty owed for them has typically been paid. It seems (and I believe this is likely true) that while the Romans were in charge here, Kingston upon Thames (once a very notable city where the Saxon kings were usually crowned) served as the primary mint for this province. When excavating the ground around that town in the past and more recently (besides the impressive foundations of many grand buildings that have been unearthed by plows, along with various coins of brass, silver, and gold, with Roman letters found in painted pots there), during the days of Cardinal Wolsey, a large pot was discovered that seemed to be full of recently minted silver; another contained silver plates ready to be coined; and the third held chains of silver and broken pieces, likely intended to be melted down for coinage, which supports my hypothesis. As for coins in circulation before the arrival of the Romans, I have stated elsewhere that there were none at all in Britain: instead, the inhabitants of Scylla, the ancient Romans, Armenians, Scythians, Seritans, Sarmatians, Indians, and Essenes bartered goods for goods, while the Britons used bronze or iron rings, brought to a specific weight, as currency, similar to the Lacedaemonians and Byzantines, and the Achaeans (as Homer wrote) who used rough pieces of bronze and iron in place of coins to purchase their wine.

end-piece

[Page 369]

[Page 369]

THE
CONTENTS OF THE THIRD BOOKE.

  Page
1 Of cattell kept for profit. 369
2 Of wild and tame foules. 374
3 Of fish vsuallie taken vpon our coasts. 376
4 Of sauage beasts and vermines. 378
5 Of hawkes and rauenous foules. 381
6 Of venemous beasts. 382
7 Of our English dogs and their qualities. 386
8 Of our saffron, and the dressing thereof. 390
9 Of quarries of stone for building. 394
10 Of sundrie minerals. 396
11 Of mettals to be had in our land. 398
12 Of pretious stones. 401
13 Of salt made in England. 403
14 Of our accompt of time and hir parts. 405
15 Of principall faires and markets. 411
16 Of our innes and thorowfaires. 414

OF CATTELL KEPT FOR PROFIT.
CHAP. I.

There is no kind of tame cattell vsually to be séene in these parts of the world, wherof we haue not some, and that great store in England; as horsses, oxen, shéepe, goats, swine, and far surmounting the like in other countries, as may be prooued with ease. For where are oxen commonlie more large of bone, horsses more decent and pleasant in pase, kine more commodious for the pale, shéepe more profitable for wooll, swine more wholesome of flesh, and goates more gainefull to their kéepers, than here with vs in England? But to speke of them peculiarlie, I suppose that our kine are so abundant in yéeld of milke, wherof we make our butter & chéese, as the like anie where else, and so apt for the plough in diuerse places as either our horsses or oxen. And albeit they now and then twin, yet herein they séeme to come short of that commoditie which is looked for in other countries, to wit, in that they bring foorth most commonlie but one calfe at once. The gaines also gotten by a cow (all charges borne) hath beene valued at twentie shillings yearelie: but now as land is inhanced, this proportion of gaine is much abated, and likelie to decaie more and more, if ground arise to be yet déerer, which God forbid, if it be his will and pleasure. I heard of late of a cow in Warwikshire, belonging to Thomas Bruer of Studleie, which in six yéeres had sixtéene calfes, that is, foure at once in thrée caluings and twise twins, which vnto manie may Oxen. séeme a thing incredible. In like maner our oxen are such as the like are not to be found in anie countrie of Europe, both for greatnesse of bodie and swéetnesse of flesh: or else would not the Romane writers haue preferred them before those of Liguria. In most places our grasiers are now growen to be so cunning, that if they doo but sée an ox or bullocke, and come to the féeling of him, they will giue a ghesse at his weight, and how manie score or stone of flesh and tallow he beareth, how the butcher may liue by the sale, and what he may haue for the skin and tallow; which is a point of skill not commonlie practised heretofore. Some such grasiers also are reported to ride with veluet coats, and [Page 370] chaines of gold about them: and in their absence their wiues will not let to supplie those turnes with no lesse skill than their husbands: which is an hard worke for the poore butcher, sith he through this means can seldome be rich or wealthie by his trade. In like sort the flesh of our oxen and kine is sold both by hand and by weight as the buier will: but in yoong ware rather by weight, especiallie for the stéere and heighfer, sith the finer béefe is the lightest, wheras the flesh of buls and old kine, &c: is of sadder substance and therefore much heauier as it lieth in the scale. Their hornes also are knowne to be more faire and large in England than in anie other places, except those which are to be séene among the Pæones, which quantitie albeit that it be giuen to our bréed generallie by nature, yet it is now and then helped also by art. Athenæus bib. 10. cap. 8. For when they be verie yoong, manie grasiers will oftentimes annoint their budding hornes, or tender tips with honie, which mollifieth the naturall hardnesse of that substance, and thereby maketh them to grow vnto a notable greatnesse. Certes, it is not strange in England, to sée oxen whose hornes haue the length of a yard or thrée foot betweene the tips, and they themselues thereto so tall, as the heigth of a man of meane and indifferent stature is scarse equall vnto them. Neuerthelesse it is much to be lamented that our generall bréed of cattell is not better looked vnto: for the greatest occupiers weane least store, bicause they can buie them (as they saie) far better cheape than to raise and bring them vp. In my time a cow hath risen from foure nobles to foure marks by this means, which notwithstanding were no great price if they did yearelie bring foorth more than one calfe a péece, as I heare they doo in other countries.

There aren’t any domesticated animals typically found in these regions of the world that we don’t have in abundance in England—like horses, oxen, sheep, goats, and pigs—surpassing those in other countries, which is easy to prove. Where else are oxen generally bigger, horses more elegant and enjoyable to ride, cattle better for milking, sheep more profitable for wool, pigs healthier to eat, and goats more beneficial for their keepers than right here in England? Speaking specifically about them, I think our cattle yield so much milk, which we use for our butter and cheese, that you won’t find their equal anywhere else. They’re also as good for plowing in various places as our horses or oxen. Even though they sometimes have twins, they don’t seem to produce the quantity expected in other countries, typically having just one calf at a time. A cow's profit (after expenses) has been estimated at twenty shillings per year, but now that land prices are rising, this profit margin has decreased significantly and is likely to drop further if land continues to become more expensive, which I hope doesn’t happen, if it’s not too much to ask. I heard recently about a cow in Warwickshire owned by Thomas Bruer of Studley, which had sixteen calves in six years—four at once in three births, with twins once or twice—which might seem unbelievable to many. Similarly, our oxen are among the best in Europe, both in size and meat quality; otherwise, the Romans wouldn’t have rated them above those from Liguria. Nowadays, our cattle farmers have become so skilled that merely seeing an ox or bullock, and feeling it, allows them to guess its weight, how much meat and fat it carries, how the butcher can profit from it, and what the hide and fat could sell for—which is a skill not often practiced before. Some of these farmers are even said to wear velvet coats and gold chains; and when they’re not around, their wives step in with just as much expertise as their husbands. This makes it tough for butchers, as this trend means they rarely become wealthy from their trade. Likewise, the meat from our oxen and cows is sold both by piece and by weight, depending on what the buyer wants: younger cattle are more often sold by weight, especially steers and heifers, since the finer beef is lighter, while the meat from bulls and older cows is denser and thus much heavier when weighed. Their horns are also known to be larger and more beautiful in England than anywhere else, except among the Peones. Although this trait is generally given to our breed by nature, it’s sometimes enhanced by human intervention. When they are very young, many farmers will often rub honey onto their budding horns or tender tips, which softens the natural hardness and helps them grow to impressive sizes. It’s not unusual in England to see oxen with horns that measure a yard or three feet between the tips, and standing so tall that the height of an average person hardly compares. Unfortunately, it's regrettable that our general cattle breeding isn't better managed: the largest producers tend to raise fewer animals because they can buy them, as they say, much cheaper than raising and feeding them. In my time, a cow has gone from costing four nobles to four marks, yet this isn’t a high price if they consistently produce more than one calf each year, as I hear they do in other countries.

Horsses. Our horsses moreouer are high, and although not commonlie of such huge greatnesse as in other places of the maine: yet if you respect the easinesse of their pase, it is hard to saie where their like are to be had. Our land dooth yéeld no asses, and therefore we want the generation also of mules and somers; and therefore the most part of our cariage is made by these, which remaining stoned, are either reserued for the cart, or appointed to beare such burdens as are conuenient for them. Our cart or plough horsses (for we vse them indifferentlie) are commonlie so strong that fiue or six of them (at the most) will draw thrée thousand weight of the greatest tale with ease for a long iourneie, although it be not a load of common vsage, which consisteth onelie of two thousand, or fiftie foot of timber, fortie bushels of white salt, or six and thirtie of baie, or fiue quarters of wheat, experience dailie teacheth, and I haue elsewhere remembred. Such as are kept also for burden, will carie foure hundred weight commonlie, without anie hurt or hinderance. This furthermore is to be noted, that our princes and the nobilitie haue their cariage commonlie made by carts, wherby it commeth to passe, that when the quéenes maiestie dooth remooue from anie one place to another, there are vsuallie 400 carewares, which amount to the summe of 2400 horsses, appointed out of the countries adioining, whereby hir cariage is conueied safelie vnto the appointed place. Hereby also the ancient vse of somers and sumpter horsses is in maner vtterlie relinquished, which causeth the traines of our princes in their progresses to shew far lesse than those of the kings of other nations.

Horses. Our horses are tall, and while they may not be as huge as those found in other regions, their smooth gait makes them hard to match. We don’t have any donkeys here, so we miss out on mules and pack animals; as a result, most of our transport relies on these horses, which, when not used for riding, are kept for cart work or to carry suitable loads. Our cart or plow horses (we use them interchangeably) are usually so strong that five or six of them can easily pull three thousand pounds over long distances, even though a typical load is only around two thousand, which might consist of fifty feet of timber, forty bushels of white salt, or thirty-six of bay, or five quarters of wheat, as daily experience shows and I've noted before. Those kept for burden can typically carry four hundred pounds without any strain. Additionally, it’s worth mentioning that our princes and nobles often use carts for transport, so when the queen travels from one place to another, there are usually around 400 vehicles, totaling about 2,400 horses from the surrounding areas, to ensure her belongings arrive safely at their destination. This shift has nearly eliminated the old practice of using pack animals, resulting in our princes’ processions appearing much smaller compared to those of kings from other nations.

Geldings. Such as serue for the saddle are commonlie gelded, and now growne to be verie déere among vs, especiallie if they be well coloured, iustlie limmed, and haue thereto an easie ambling pase. For our countriemen, séeking their ease in euerie corner where it is to be had, delight verie much in these qualities, but chieflie in their excellent pases, which besides that it is in maner peculiar vnto horsses of our soile, and not hurtfull to the rider or owner sitting on their backes: it is moreouer verie pleasant and delectable in his eares, in that the noise of their well proportioned pase dooth yéeld comfortable sound as he trauelleth by the waie. Yet is there no greater deceipt vsed anie where than among our horssekeepers, horssecorsers, and hostelers: for such is the subtill knauerie of a great sort of them (without exception of anie of them be it spoken which deale for priuat gaine) that an honest meaning man shall haue verie good lucke among them, if he be not deceiued by some false tricke or other. There are certeine notable markets, wherein great plentie of horsses and colts is bought and sold, and wherevnto such as [Page 371] haue néed resort yearelie to buie and make their necessarie prouision of them, as Rippon, Newport pond, Wolfpit, Harborow, and diuerse other. But as most drouers are verie diligent to bring great store of these vnto those places; so manie of them are too too lewd in abusing such as buie them. For they haue a custome to make them looke faire to the eie, when they come within two daies iourneie of the market, to driue them till they sweat, & for the space of eight or twelue houres, which being doone they turne them all ouer the backs into some water, where they stand for a season, and then go forward with them to the place appointed, where they make sale of their infected ware, and such as by this meanes doo fall into manie diseases and maladies. Of such outlandish horsses as are dailie brought ouer vnto vs I speake not, as the genet of Spaine, the courser of Naples, the hobbie of Ireland, the Flemish roile, and Scotish nag, bicause that further spéech of them commeth not within the compasse of this treatise, and for whose breed and maintenance (especiallie of the greatest sort) king Henrie the eight erected a noble studderie and for a time had verie good successe with them, till the officers waxing wearie, procured a mixed brood of bastard races, whereby his good purpose came to little effect. Sir Nicholas Arnold of late hath bred the best horsses in England, and written of the maner of their production: would to God his compasse of ground were like to that of Pella in Syria, wherin the king of that nation had vsuallie a studderie of 30000 mares and 300 stallions, as Strabo dooth remember Lib. 16. But to leaue this, let vs sée what may be said of sheepe.

Castrated horses. Typically, those that are used for riding are gelded, and they have become quite valuable to us, especially if they are well-colored, nicely built, and have a smooth, easy gait. Our countrymen, always looking for comfort wherever they can find it, really appreciate these traits, particularly their excellent gaits, which are almost unique to the horses in our region and not harmful to the rider or owner who sits on their back. It’s also very pleasing to the ears, as the sound of their well-proportioned gait provides a comforting noise while traveling. However, there is no greater deception used anywhere than among our horsekeepers, horse traders, and innkeepers: many of them (and it's safe to say that this applies to those who deal for personal gain) are so cunning that a well-meaning person will be very lucky if he is not tricked by some kind of deceit. There are certain notable markets where a large number of horses and colts are bought and sold, and those in need of them travel there every year to make their purchases, such as Rippon, Newport Pond, Wolfpit, Harborough, and several others. However, while many drovers work hard to bring a lot of horses to these places, many of them are also very deceitful in cheating those who buy from them. They have a custom of making the horses look good to the eye just before they arrive at the market. They drive them until they sweat for eight to twelve hours, then they dunk them into some water for a while, and afterward, they proceed to their destination where they sell their sickly stock, which often leads to many diseases and ailments. I won’t mention the foreign horses that come to us daily, like the Andalusian from Spain, the courser from Naples, the hobby from Ireland, the Flemish stallion, and the Scottish nag, since discussing them goes beyond the scope of this treatise. King Henry VIII established a noble breeding program for the largest breeds, which initially succeeded until the officials got tired and introduced a mixed breed of inferior horses, leading to the failure of his good intentions. Sir Nicholas Arnold has recently bred the best horses in England and has written about how they are produced. I wish his land was as vast as that of Pella in Syria, where the king had a breeding program with 30,000 mares and 300 stallions, as Strabo notes in Book 16. But enough of this, let’s see what can be said about sheep.

Shéepe. Our shéepe are verie excellent, sith for sweetnesse of flesh they passe all other. And so much are our woolles to be preferred before those of Milesia and other places, that if Iason had knowne the value of them that are bred, and to be had in Britaine, he would neuer haue gone to Colchis to looke for anie there. For as Dionysius Alexandrinus saith in his De situ orbis, it may by spinning be made comparable to the spiders web. What fooles then are our countrimen, in that they séeke to bereue themselues of this commoditie, by practising dailie how to transfer the same to other nations, in carieng ouer their rams & ewes to bréed & increase among them? The first example hereof was giuen vnder Edward the fourth, who not vnderstanding the botome of the sute of sundrie traitorous merchants, that sought a present gaine with the perpetuall hinderance of their countrie, licenced them to carie ouer certeine numbers of them into Spaine, who hauing licence but for a few shipped verie manie: a thing commonlie practised in other commodities also, whereby the prince and hir land are not seldome times defrauded. But such is our nature, and so blind are we in déed, that we sée no inconuenience before we féele it: and for a present gaine we regard not what damage may insue to our posteritie. Hereto some other man would ad also the desire that we haue to benefit other countries, and to impech our owne. And it is so sure as God liueth, that euerie trifle which commeth from beyond the sea, though it be not woorth thrée pence, is more estéemed than a continuall commoditie at home with vs, which far excéedeth that value. In time past the vse of this commoditie consisted (for the most part) in cloth and woolsteds: but now by meanes of strangers succoured here from domesticall persecution, the same hath béene imploied vnto sundrie other vses, as mockados, baies, vellures, grograines, &c: whereby the makers haue reaped no small commoditie. It is furthermore to be noted, for the low countries of Belgie know it, and dailie experience (notwithstanding the sharpenesse of our lawes to the contrarie) dooth yet confirme it: that although our rams & weathers doo go thither from vs neuer so well headed according to their kind: yet after they haue remained there a while, they cast there their heads, and Shéepe without hornes. from thencefoorth they remaine polled without any hornes at all. Certes this kind of cattell is more cherished in England, than standeth well with the commoditie of the commons, or prosperitie of diuerse townes, whereof some are wholie conuerted to their féeding: yet such a profitable sweetnesse is their fléece, such necessitie in their flesh, and so great a benefit in the manuring of barren soile with their doong and pisse, that their superfluous numbers are the better borne withall. And there is neuer an husbandman (for now I speake not of our great [Page 372] shéepemasters of whom some one man hath 20000) but hath more or lesse of this cattell féeding on his fallowes and short grounds, which yéeld the finer fléece, as Virgil (following Varro) well espied Georg. 3. where he saith:

Sheep. Our sheep are really excellent, as their meat is sweeter than any other. Our wool is so much better than that from Milesia and other places that if Jason had known the value of the sheep that are bred and available in Britain, he would never have gone to Colchis to look for any there. As Dionysius Alexandrinus says in his De situ orbis, it can be spun to be as fine as a spider's web. What fools our countrymen are for wanting to deprive themselves of this asset by constantly finding ways to transfer it to other nations by sending their rams and ewes abroad to breed and grow there! The first example of this was under Edward the Fourth, who, not understanding the motives of various treacherous merchants seeking quick profit at the expense of their country, allowed them to take certain numbers of them to Spain, who, although licensed for only a few, shipped many: a practice commonly done with other commodities too, which often defrauds the prince and the land. But such is our nature, and we are so blind indeed that we don’t see any inconvenience until we feel it: and for quick profit, we don’t care about the damage it may cause to our descendants. Some might add the desire we have to benefit other countries while harming our own. And it’s as sure as God lives, that every trinket that comes from overseas, even if it isn’t worth three pence, is valued more than the continuous commodities we have at home that far exceed that value. In the past, the use of this commodity mainly consisted of cloth and woolens: but now, with the help of foreigners who have sought refuge from domestic persecution, it has been used for various other purposes, like mockados, baies, velvets, grograines, etc.: from which the manufacturers have made considerable profit. It’s also worth noting, as the Low Countries of Belgium know well and experience daily (despite our strict laws against it), that even though our rams and wethers go there from us well-headed according to their kind, after they have stayed there for a while, they lose their heads, and Hornless sheep. thereafter remain hornless. Certainly, this type of cattle is more cared for in England than is suitable for the common good or the prosperity of various towns, some of which are completely converted to their feeding: yet their fleece is so profitably sweet, their meat so necessary, and their manure so beneficial for fertilizing barren soil that their excessive numbers are better tolerated. And there’s hardly a farmer (for now I’m not talking about our large sheep masters, of whom some have 20,000) who doesn’t have more or less of this cattle grazing on his fallows and short pastures, which yield the finer fleece, as Virgil (following Varro) wisely noted in Georg. 3, where he says:

"Si tibi lanicium curæ, primum aspera sylua,

"Si tibi lanicium curæ, primum aspera sylua,"

Lappæque tribulíque absint, fuge pabula læta."

Lappæque tribulíque absint, fuge pabula læta.

Neuerthelesse the shéepe of our countrie are often troubled with the rot (as are our swine with the measels though neuer so generallie) and manie men are now and then great losers by the same: but after the calamitie is ouer, if they can recouer and kéepe their new stocks sound for seauen yeares togither, the former losse will easilie be recompensed with double commoditie. Cardan writeth that our waters are hurtfull to our shéepe, howbeit this is but his coniecture: for we know that our shéepe are infected by going to the water, and take the same as a sure and certeine token that a rot hath gotten hold of them, their liuers and lights being alredie distempered through excessiue heat, which inforceth them the rather to séeke vnto the water. Certes there is no parcell of the maine, wherin a man shall generallie find more fine and wholesome water than in England; and therefore it is impossible that our shéepe should decaie by tasting of the same. Wherfore the hinderance by rot is rather to be ascribed to the vnseasonablenes & moisture of the weather in summer, also their licking in of mildewes, gossamire, rowtie fogs, & ranke grasse, full of superfluous iuice: but speciallie (I saie) to ouer moist wether, whereby the continuall raine pearsing into their hollow felles, soketh foorthwith into their flesh, which bringeth them to their baines. Being also infected their first shew of sickenesse is their desire to drinke, so that our waters are not vnto them "Causa ægritudinis," but "Signum morbi," what so euer Cardan doo mainteine to the contrarie. There are (& peraduenture no small babes) which are growne to be so good husbands, that they can make account of euerie ten kine to be cléerelie woorth twentie pounds in cōmon and indifferent yeares, if the milke of fiue shéepe be dailie added to the same. But as I wote not how true this surmise is, bicause it is no part of my trade, so I am sure hereof, that some housewiues can and doo ad dailie a lesse proportion of ewes milke vnto the chéese of so manie kine, whereby their cheese dooth the longer abide moist, and eateth more brickle and mellow than otherwise it would.

Nevertheless, the sheep in our country often suffer from rot (just as our pigs do from measles, even if it's not widespread), and many people occasionally take a significant hit because of it. However, after the calamity passes, if farmers can recover and keep their new flocks healthy for seven years, the previous losses can easily be compensated with double the profit. Cardan claims that our waters are harmful to our sheep, but this is just his guess. We know that our sheep become infected by going to the water, and it's a clear and certain sign that rot has set in, as their livers and lungs are already affected by excessive heat, which makes them seek out water even more. Indeed, there’s no part of the mainland where you can generally find more fine and wholesome water than in England; therefore, it’s impossible for our sheep to decline from drinking it. The issues caused by rot are more likely due to the unseasonable and damp summer weather, as well as their licking at mold, gnats, damp fog, and rich grasses full of excess moisture. But especially (I say) due to overly moist weather, where continuous rain seeps into their hollow skins and immediately into their flesh, leading to their suffering. When affected, their first sign of illness is their thirst, meaning our water is not the "cause of their illness," but merely a "sign of disease," despite whatever Cardan may argue to the contrary. There are, and perhaps not just naive individuals, who have become such good farmers that they can count on every ten cows being worth twenty pounds in average years if the milk of five sheep is added daily to it. But I can't say how true this claim is, since it’s not my area of expertise, yet I can confirm that some housewives can and do add a smaller amount of ewe's milk to the cheese made from so many cows, which makes their cheese stay moist longer and taste crumblier and creamier than it otherwise would.

Goats. Goats we haue plentie, and of sundrie colours in the west parts of England; especiallie in and towards Wales, and amongst the rockie hilles, by whome the owners doo reape no small aduantage: some also are cherished elsewhere in diuerse stéeds for the benefit of such as are diseased with sundrie maladies, vnto whom (as I heare) their milke, chéese, and bodies of their yoong kids are iudged verie profitable, and therefore inquired for of manie farre and néere. Certes I find among the writers, that the milke of a goat is next in estimation to that of the woman; for that it helpeth the stomach, remooueth oppilations and stoppings of the liuer, and looseth the bellie. Some place also next vnto it the milke of the ew: and thirdlie that of the cow. But hereof I can shew no reason; onelie this I know, that ewes milke is fulsome, sweet, and such in tast, as except such as are vsed vnto it no man will gladlie yéeld to liue and féed withall.

Goats. We have plenty of goats in various colors in the western parts of England, especially in and around Wales and the rocky hills, from which their owners gain significant benefits. Some are also kept in various places for the benefit of those suffering from different ailments, as I've heard their milk, cheese, and the bodies of their young kids are considered very helpful and are therefore sought after by many, both near and far. Indeed, I've found among writers that goat's milk is regarded as the second best after women's milk because it aids digestion, alleviates blockages and congestion in the liver, and helps with constipation. Some also rank ewe's milk right after goat's milk, followed by cow's milk. But I can't explain this; all I know is that ewe's milk is rich, sweet, and has a taste that most people won't willingly tolerate unless they're accustomed to it.

Swine. As for swine, there is no place that hath greater store, nor more wholesome in eating, than are these here in England, which neuerthelesse doo neuer anie good till they come to the table. Of these some we eat greene for porke, and other dried vp into bakon to haue it of more continuance. Lard we make some though verie little, because it is chargeable: neither haue we such vse thereof as is to be séene in France and other countries, sith we doo either bake our meat with swéet suet of beefe or mutton, and bast all our meat with sweet or salt butter, or suffer the fattest to bast it selfe by leisure. In champaine countries they are kept by herds, and an hogherd appointed to attend and wait vpon them, who commonlie gathereth them togither by his noise and crie, and leadeth them foorth to féed abroad in the fields. In some places also women doo scowre and wet their cloths with their doong, as other doo [Page 373] with hemlocks and netles: but such is the sauor of the cloths touched withall, that I cannot abide to weare them on my bodie, more than such as are scowred with the reffuse sope, than the which (in mine opinion) there is none more vnkindlie sauor.

Pigs. When it comes to pigs, there's no place that has more of them or better quality for eating than here in England. However, they don’t taste good until they’re served at the table. Some we eat fresh as pork, while others are dried into bacon for longer lasting use. We make some lard, but very little, because it's expensive, and we don’t use it like they do in France and other countries. Instead, we bake our meat with sweet beef or mutton fat, baste all our meat with sweet or salted butter, or let the fattest cut baste itself over time. In open countries, they are kept in herds, with a swineherd assigned to look after them. This person usually gathers them by calling out and leads them out to graze in the fields. In some areas, women also wash and dampen their clothes with pig droppings, just as others do with hemlock and nettles. However, the smell of the clothes touched with pig droppings is so bad that I can’t stand to wear them, much less those cleaned with leftover soap, which in my opinion has the worst smell of all. [Page 373]

Bores. Of our tame bores we make brawne, which is a kind of meat not vsuallie knowne to strangers (as I take it) otherwise would not the swart Rutters and French cookes, at the losse of Calis (where they found great store of this prouision almost in euerie house) haue attempted with ridiculous successe to rost, bake, broile, & frie the same for their masters, till they were better informed. I haue heard moreouer, how a noble man of England, not long since, did send ouer an hogshead of brawne readie sowsed to a catholike gentleman of France, who supposing it to be fish, reserued it till Lent, at which time he did eat thereof with verie great frugalitie. Thereto he so well liked of the prouision it selfe, that he wrote ouer verie earnestlie & with offer of great recompense for more of the same fish against the yeare insuing: whereas if he had knowne it to haue beene flesh, he would not haue touched it (I dare saie) for a thousand crownes without the popes dispensation. A fréend of mine also dwelling sometime in Spaine, hauing certeine Iewes at his table, did set brawne before them, whereof they did eat verie earnestlie, supposing it to be a kind of fish not common in those parties: but when the goodman of the house brought in the head in pastime among them, to shew what they had eaten, they rose from the table, hied them home in hast, ech of them procuring himselfe to vomit, some by oile, and some by other meanes, till (as they supposed) they had clensed their stomachs of that prohibited food. With vs it is accounted a great péece of seruice at the table, from Nouember vntill Februarie be ended; but chéeflie in the Christmasse time. With the same also we begin our dinners ech daie after other: and because it is somewhat hard of digestion, a draught of malueseie, bastard, or muscadell, is vsuallie droonke after it, where either of them are conuenientlie to be had: otherwise the meaner sort content themselues with their owne drinke, which at that season is generallie verie strong, and stronger indéed than in all the yeare Brawne of the bore. beside. It is made commonlie of the fore part of a tame bore, set vp for the purpose by the space of a whole yere or two, especiallie in gentlemens houses (for the husbandmen and farmers neuer franke them for their owne vse aboue thrée or foure moneths, or halfe a yéere at the most) in which time he is dieted with otes and peason, and lodged on the bare planks of an vneasie coat, till his fat be hardened sufficientlie for their purpose: afterward he is killed, scalded, and cut out, and then of his former parts is our brawne made, the rest is nothing so fat, and therefore it beareth the name of sowse onelie, and is commonlie reserued for the seruing man and hind, except it please the owner to Baked hog. haue anie part therof baked, which are then handled of custome after this manner. The hinder parts being cut off, they are first drawne with lard, and then sodden; being sodden they are sowsed in claret wine and vineger a certeine space, and afterward baked in pasties, and eaten of manie in stéed of the wild bore, and trulie it is verie good meat: the pestles may be hanged vp a while to drie before they be drawne with lard if you will, and thereby prooue the better. But hereof inough, and therefore to come againe vnto our brawne. The necke peeces being cut off round, are called collars of brawne, the shoulders are named shilds, onelie the ribs reteine the former denomination, so that these aforesaid péeces deserue the name of brawne: the bowels of the beast are commonlie cast awaie because of their ranknesse, and so were likewise his stones; till a foolish fantasie got hold of late amongst some delicate dames, who haue now found the meanes to dresse them also with great cost for a deintie dish, and bring them to the boord as a seruice among other of like sort, though not without note of their desire to the prouocation of fleshlie lust, which by this their fond curiositie is not a little reuealed. When the bore is thus cut out, ech peece is wrapped vp, either with bulrushes, ozier péeles, tape, inkle, or such like, and then sodden in a lead or caldron togither, till they be so tender that a man may thrust a brused rush or soft straw cleane through the fat: which being doone, they take it vp, and laie it abroad to coole: afterward putting it into close vessels, they powre either good small ale or béere mingled with veriuice and salt thereto till it be couered, and so let it lie [Page 374] (now and then altering and changing the sowsing drinke least it should wax sowre) till occasion serue to spend it out of the waie. Some vse to make brawne of great barrow hogs, and séeth them, and sowse the whole, as they doo that of the bore; and in my iudgement it is the better of both, and more easie of digestion. But of brawne thus much; and so much may seeme sufficient.

Boring. From our domesticated boars, we make brawn, which is a type of meat not usually known to outsiders (as far as I know); otherwise, wouldn't the swarthy Rutters and French cooks, after losing Calais (where they found a great supply of this fare almost in every house), have tried, with ridiculous success, to roast, bake, broil, and fry it for their masters until they were better informed? I have also heard how a nobleman from England recently sent a hogshead of brawn, already pickled, to a Catholic gentleman in France, who, thinking it was fish, saved it for Lent, during which time he consumed it very sparingly. He enjoyed the dish so much that he wrote back very earnestly, offering a great reward for more of the same "fish" for the following year; had he known it was meat, I dare say he wouldn’t have touched it for a thousand crowns without the Pope's dispensation. A friend of mine, who once lived in Spain and had some Jews at his table, served them brawn, which they earnestly ate, believing it to be a type of fish not common in those parts. But when the host brought in the head playfully to show them what they had eaten, they quickly left the table, hurried home, each making themselves vomit, some with oil and others by various means, until (as they believed) they had cleansed their stomachs of that forbidden food. With us, it is considered a great delicacy at the table from November through the end of February, especially during Christmas time. We also start our dinners each day with it, and since it is somewhat hard to digest, it's customary to have a drink of malmsey, bastard, or muscadine afterward, if any of them are conveniently available; otherwise, the lower class makes do with their own drinks, which tend to be very strong, especially at that time of year. Strength of the boar. It is typically made from the front part of a domesticated boar, fattened for a year or two, especially in gentlemen's households (for farmers and laborers never raise them for personal use for more than three or four months, or at most half a year). During that time, the boar is fed with oats and peas and kept on bare planks in an uncomfortable pen until its fat is hardened enough for their purpose. Afterward, it is killed, scalded, and butchered, and brawn is made from its prime cuts; the rest is not nearly as fatty and is thus named "souse" only, typically reserved for the serving man and laborer, unless the owner wishes to have any part of it baked, which is usually done as follows. The hindquarters are cut off, first larded, and then boiled; after boiling, they are soaked in claret wine and vinegar for a while, and then baked in pastries, enjoyed by many in place of wild boar, and truly, it is very good meat. The legs may be hung up for a while to dry before being larded if desired, which improves the texture. But that’s enough about that, so back to our brawn. The neck pieces, when cut round, are called collars of brawn, the shoulders are referred to as shields, while the ribs keep their original name, so these aforementioned pieces deserve the name of brawn. The entrails of the animal are commonly discarded due to their rankness, as are its stones, until a foolish trend recently emerged among some delicate ladies, who have now found a way to prepare them at great expense as a fancy dish, presenting them at the table as a course alongside other similar dishes, though not without a hint at their desire to provoke lust, which is revealed by this silly curiosity. Once the boar is processed, each piece is wrapped up in bulrushes, osier peels, tape, inkle, or similar materials, and then boiled together until they are so tender that a bruised rush or soft straw can cleanly pierce through the fat. Afterward, they are taken out and left to cool. Then, they are placed into airtight containers, covered with good small ale or beer mixed with verjuice and salt until it is submerged, and left to sit (changing the soaking liquid occasionally to prevent souring) until it is time to consume it. Some choose to make brawn from large barrow hogs, boiling the whole carcass and soaking it like that of the boar; in my opinion, this is better and easier to digest. But that’s enough about brawn; so much should suffice.

OF WILD AND TAME FOULES.
CHAP. II.

Order requireth that I speake somewhat of the foules also of England, which I may easilie diuide into the wild & tame: but alas such is my small skill in foules, that to say the truth, I can neither recite their numbers, nor well distinguish one kind of them from another. Yet this I haue by generall knowledge, that there is no nation vnder the sunne, which hath alreadie in the time of the yere more plentie of wild foule than we, for so manie kinds as our Iland dooth bring foorth, and much more would haue, if those of the higher soile might be spared but one yeare or two, from the greedie engins of couetous foulers, which set onlie for the pot & purse. Certes this enormitie bred great trouble in K. Iohns daies, insomuch that going in progresse about the tenth of his reigne, he found little or no game wherewith to solace himself, or exercise his falcons. Wherfore being at Bristow in the Christmas insuing, he restreined all maner of hawking or taking of wild-foule throughout England for a season, whereby the land within few yeares was throughlie replenished againe. But what stand I vpon this impertinent discourse? Of such therefore as are bred in our land, we haue the crane, the bitter, the wild & tame swan, the bustard, the herron, curlew, snite, wildgoose, wind or doterell, brant, larke, plouer of both sorts, lapwing, teele, wigeon, mallard, sheldrake, shoueler, pewet, seamew, barnacle, quaile (who onelie with man are subiect to the falling sickenesse) the notte, the oliet or olife, the dunbird, woodcocke, partrich and feasant, besides diuerse other, whose names to me are vtterlie vnknowne, and much more the taste of their flesh, wherewith I was neuer acquainted. But as these serue not at all seasons, so in their seuerall turnes there is no plentie of them wanting, whereby the tables of the nobilitie and gentrie should séeme at anie time furnisht. But of all these the production of none is more maruellous in my mind, than that of the barnacle, whose place of generation we haue sought oft times so farre as the Orchades, whereas peraduenture we might haue found the same neerer home, and not onelie vpon the coasts of Ireland, but euen in our owne riuers. If I should say how either these or some such other foule not much vnlike vnto them haue bred of late times (for their place of generation is not perpetuall, but as opportunitie serueth, and the circumstances doo minister occasion) in the Thames mouth, I doo not thinke that manie will beleeue me: yet such a thing hath there béene scene, where a kind of foule had his beginning vpon a short tender shrub standing néere vnto the shore, from whence when their time came, they fell downe, either into the salt water and liued, or vpon the drie land and perished, as Pena the French herbarian hath also noted in the verie end of his herball. What I for mine owne part haue séene here by experience, I haue alreadie so touched in the chapter of Ilands, that it should be but time spent in vaine to repeat it here againe. Looke therefore in the description of Man or Manaw for more of these barnacles, as also in the eleuenth chapter of the description of Scotland, & I doo not doubt but you shall in some respect be satisfied in the generation of these foules. As for egrets, pawpers, and such like, they are dailie brought vnto vs from beyond the sea, as if all the foule of our countrie could not suffice to satisfie our delicate appetites.

Order requires that I say a bit about the birds of England, which I can easily divide into wild and tame. However, my knowledge of birds is quite limited, so to be honest, I can neither count them nor distinguish one type from another very well. Yet, I know in general that no nation under the sun has more types of wild birds at this time of year than we do. Our island produces so many kinds, and there would be even more if those in the higher regions could avoid the greedy traps set by greedy hunters who only care about profit. This issue caused significant problems during King John's reign, as he found little to no game for his entertainment or to train his falcons while traveling around the tenth year of his reign. Therefore, while in Bristol at Christmas that year, he banned all hawking or hunting of wild birds throughout England for a time, which allowed the land to become well-stocked again within a few years. But why am I going on about this irrelevant topic? Among the birds that are native to our land, we have the crane, bittern, both wild and tame swans, bustard, heron, curlew, snipe, wild goose, dotterel, brant goose, lark, both types of plover, lapwing, teal, wigeon, mallard, sheldrake, shoveler, pewit, seagull, barnacle goose, quail (who, like humans, are prone to falling sickness), knot, olive, dunbird, woodcock, partridge, and pheasant, along with several others whose names I don't know, and I am even less familiar with the taste of their meat. Since these birds are not available at all times, their different seasons ensure that there is never a shortage for the tables of the nobility and gentry. However, none is more fascinating to me than the barnacle goose, whose breeding grounds we have often searched for as far as the Orkneys, when we might have found them closer to home, not only along the coasts of Ireland but even in our own rivers. If I were to mention how these or similar birds have recently bred (since their breeding grounds are not constant but depend on opportunity and circumstance) at the mouth of the Thames, I doubt many would believe me. Yet, such a sight has occurred, where a type of bird began its life on a short, tender shrub near the shore, from which, when the time came, they fell either into the saltwater and survived, or onto dry land and died, as noted by Pena, the French herbalist in the very end of his herbal. What I have personally witnessed, I have already discussed in the chapter on Islands, so it would just be a waste of time to repeat it here. Therefore, for more details about barnacle geese, look at the description of Man or Manaw, as well as in the eleventh chapter of the description of Scotland, and I am confident you will find some satisfaction regarding the breeding of these birds. As for egrets, pawpers, and similar birds, they are brought to us daily from overseas, as if the birds of our country are not enough to satisfy our refined tastes.

Our tame foule are such (for the most part) as are common both to vs and to other countries, as cocks, hens, géese, duckes, peacocks of Inde, pigeons, now an hurtfull foule by reason of their multitudes, and number of houses dailie erected for their increase (which the bowres of the countrie call in scorne almes houses, and dens of theeues, and such [Page 375] like) wherof there is great plentie in euerie farmers yard. They are kept there also to be sold either for readie monie in the open markets, or else to be spent at home in good companie amongst their neighbors without reprehension or fines. Neither are we so miserable in England (a thing onelie granted vnto vs by the especiall grace of God, and libertie of our princes) as to dine or sup with a quarter of a hen, or to make so great a repast with a cocks combe, as they doo in some other countries: but if occasion serue, the whole carcasses of manie capons, hens, pigeons, and such like doo oft go to wracke, beside béefe, mutton, veale, and lambe: all which at euerie feast are taken for necessarie dishes amongest the communaltie of England.

Our domestic birds are mostly common both to us and to other countries, like roosters, hens, geese, ducks, Indian peacocks, and pigeons, which have become a nuisance due to their numbers and the many coops being built for them (mockingly referred to by locals as almshouses and dens of thieves). There’s a lot of them in every farmer’s yard. They are also kept to be sold either for cash in open markets or consumed at home in good company among neighbors without any criticism or fines. Additionally, we are not so unfortunate in England (a privilege granted to us by the special grace of God and the freedom of our rulers) as to dine or have supper with just a quarter of a hen, or to make a meal out of a rooster’s comb, like they do in some other countries. If the occasion arises, the whole bodies of many capons, hens, pigeons, and similar birds often go to waste, in addition to beef, mutton, veal, and lamb—all considered necessary dishes at any feast among the common people of England.

The gelding of cocks, whereby capons are made, is an ancient practise brought in of old time by the Romans when they dwelt here in this land: but the gelding of turkies or Indish peacocks is a newer deuise: and certeinlie not vsed amisse, sith the rankenesse of that bird is verie much abated thereby, and the strong taste of the flesh in sundrie wise amended. If I should say that ganders grow also to be gelded, I suppose that some will laugh me to scorne, neither haue I tasted at anie time of such a foule so serued, yet haue I heard it more than once to be vsed in the countrie, where their géese are driuen to the field like heards of cattell by a gooseheard, a toie also no lesse to be maruelled at than the other. For as it is rare to heare of a gelded gander, so is it strange to me to sée or heare of géese to be led to the field like shéepe: yet so it is, & their gooseheard carieth a rattle of paper or parchment with him, when he goeth about in the morning to gather his goslings togither, the noise whereof commeth no sooner to their eares, than they fall to gagling, and hasten to go with him. If it happen that the gates be not yet open, or that none of the house be stirring, it is ridiculous to sée how they will peepe vnder the doores, and neuer leaue creaking and gagling till they be let out vnto him to ouertake their fellowes. With vs where I dwell they are not kept in this sort, nor in manie other places, neither are they kept so much for their bodies as their feathers. Some hold furthermore an opinion, that in ouer ranke soiles their doong dooth so qualifie the batablenesse of the soile, that their cattell is thereby kept from the garget, and sundrie other diseases, although some of them come to their ends now and then, by licking vp of their feathers. I might here make mention of other foules producted by the industrie of man, as betwéene the fesant cocke and doonghill hen, or betwéene the fesant and the ringdooue, the peacocke and the turkie hen, the partrich and the pigeon: but sith I haue no more knowledge of these, than what I haue gotten by mine eare, I will not meddle with them. Yet Cardan speaking of the second sort, dooth affirme it to be a foule of excellent beautie. I would likewise intreat of other foules which we repute vncleane, as rauens, crowes, pies, choughes, rookes, kites, iaies, ringtailes, starlings, woodspikes, woodnawes, rauens, &c: but sith they abound in all countries, though peraduenture most of all in England (by reason of our negligence) I shall not néed to spend anie time in the rehearsall of them. Neither are our crowes and choughs cherished of purpose to catch vp the woormes that bréed in our soiles (as Polydor supposeth) sith there are no vplandish townes but haue (or should haue) nets of their owne in store to catch them withall. Sundrie acts of parlement are likewise made for their vtter destruction, as also the spoile of other rauenous fouls hurtfull to pultrie, conies, lambs, and kids, whose valuation of reward to him that killeth them is after the head: a deuise brought from the Goths, who had the like ordinance for the destruction of their white crowes, and tale made by the becke, which killed both lambs and pigs. The like order is taken with vs for our vermines, as with them also for the rootage out of their wild beasts, sauing that they spared their greatest beares, especiallie the white, whose skins are by custome & priuilege reserued to couer those planchers wherevpon their priests doo stand at Masse, least he should take some vnkind cold in such a long péece of worke: and happie is the man that may prouide them for him, for he shall haue pardon inough for that so religious an act, to last if he will till doomes day doo approch; and manie thousands after. Nothing therefore can be more vnlikelie to be true, than that these noisome creatures are nourished amongst vs to deuoure our wormes, which doo not abound much more in [Page 376] England than elsewhere in other countries of the maine. It may be that some looke for a discourse also of our other foules in this place at my hand, as nightingales, thrushes, blackebirds, mauises, ruddocks, redstarts or dunocks, larkes, tiuits, kingsfishers, buntings, turtles white or graie, linets, bulfinshes, goldfinshes, washtailes, cheriecrackers, yellowhamers, felfares, &c: but I should then spend more time vpon them than is conuenient. Neither will I speake of our costlie and curious auiaries dailie made for the better hearing of their melodie, and obseruation of their natures: but I cease also to go anie further in these things, hauing (as I thinke) said inough alreadie of these that I haue named.

The practice of castrating roosters to create capons is an old custom that the Romans brought to this land ages ago. However, castrating turkeys or Indian peacocks is a newer idea, and certainly not a bad one, as it significantly reduces the strong odor of these birds and improves the flavor of their meat. If I were to say that ganders also get castrated, I think some people would laugh at me; I haven't actually tasted such a bird prepared in that way, but I've heard it’s done in some areas where their geese are herded like cattle by a gooseherd, which is quite astonishing too. Just as it’s rare to hear about a castrated gander, it’s also strange to me to see or hear about geese being led to pasture like sheep. Yet, that’s how it is; their gooseherd carries a rattle made of paper or parchment when he goes out in the morning to gather his goslings. The moment they hear the noise, they start honking and rush to follow him. If the gates aren’t open yet, or if no one’s awake at home, it’s funny to watch them peek under the doors, never stopping their honking until they can go out and catch up with their friends. Where I live, they aren’t kept like this, nor are they in many other places, and they’re raised more for their feathers than for their meat. Some also believe that in overly rich soils, their droppings improve the condition of the land, helping keep cattle from diseases like garget, even though some do occasionally meet their end by pecking at their own feathers. I could mention other birds that are bred through human intervention, like hybrids between the pheasant cocks and barn hens, or the pheasant and the ring dove, the peacock and the turkey hen, the partridge and the pigeon. But since I only have hearsay knowledge about them, I won’t get into that. Still, Cardan claims that the second type is a bird of excellent beauty. I would also like to talk about other birds that we consider unclean, like ravens, crows, magpies, choughs, rooks, kites, jays, ringtails, starlings, woodpigeons, and so on. But since these birds are abundant everywhere, particularly in England due to our negligence, there’s no need for me to list them all. Our crows and choughs aren’t particularly cherished for catching the worms that breed in our soils, as Polydor suggests, since there isn’t a rural town that doesn’t have—or shouldn’t have—nets ready to catch them. Various laws have been enacted for their complete destruction, as well as for other predatory birds harmful to poultry, rabbits, lambs, and kids, with a reward for anyone who kills them offered per head. This approach was taken from the Goths, who had a similar regulation for eliminating their white crows, which were known to kill both lambs and piglets. We have similar measures for our pests, just as they did for eradicating their wild beasts, except they spared their largest bears, especially the white ones, whose skins are customarily reserved to cover the platforms where their priests stand during Mass, to prevent any chill during such a long ceremony. And lucky is the man who can provide these, for he will gain enough pardon for such a religious act to last until doomsday approaches, and for many thousands thereafter. Therefore, nothing seems more unlikely to be true than that these unpleasant creatures are kept among us to eat our worms, which are not significantly more plentiful in England than in other places. Some might also expect me to discuss our other birds here, like nightingales, thrushes, blackbirds, robins, redstarts or dunocks, larks, wrens, kingfishers, buntings, white or gray doves, linnets, bullfinches, goldfinches, wagtails, cherry wrens, yellowhammers, and so forth. But that would require more attention than is proper. I also won’t talk about our elaborate aviaries that are built for better enjoying their songs and observing their behaviors. So, I’ll stop here, having said enough about those I’ve mentioned.

OF FISH VSUALLIE TAKEN VPON OUR COASTS.
CHAP. III.

I haue in my description of waters, as occasion hath serued, intreated of the names of some of the seuerall fishes which are commonlie to bée found in our riuers. Neuerthelesse as euerie water hath a sundrie mixture, and therefore is not stored with euerie kind: so there is almost no house, euen of the meanest bowres, which haue not one or mo ponds or holes made for reseruation of water vnstored with some of them, as with tench, carpe, breame, roch, dace, eeles, or such like as will liue and bréed togither. Certes it is not possible for me to deliuer the names of all such kinds of fishes as our riuers are found to beare: yet least I should séeme iniurious to the reader, in not deliuering so manie of them as haue béene brought to my knowledge, I will not let to set them downe as they doo come to mind. Besides the salmons therefore, which are not to be taken from the middest of September to the middest of Nouember, and are verie plentifull in our greatest riuers, as their yoong store are not to be touched from mid Aprill vnto Midsummer, we haue the trout, barbell, graile, powt, cheuin, pike, goodgeon, smelt, perch, menan, shrimpes, creuises, lampreies, and such like, whose preseruation is prouided for by verie sharpe lawes, not onelie in our riuers, but also in plashes or lakes and ponds, which otherwise would bring small profit to the owners, and doo much harme by continuall maintenance of idle persons, who would spend their whole times vpon their bankes, not coueting to labour with their hands, nor follow anie good trade. Of all these there are none more preiudiciall to their neighbours that dwell in the same water, than the pike and éele, which commonlie deuoure such fish or frie and spawne as they may get and come by. Neuerthelesse the pike is fréend vnto the tench, as to his leach & surgeon. For when the fishmonger hath opened his side and laid out his riuet and fat vnto the buier, for the better vtterance of his ware, and can not make him away at that present, he laieth the same againe into the proper place, and sowing vp the wound, he restoreth him to the pond where tenches are, who neuer cease to sucke and licke his greeued place, till they haue restored him to health, and made him readie to come againe to the stall, when his turne shall come about. I might here make report how the pike, carpe, and some other of our riuer fishes are sold by inches of cleane fish, from the eies or gilles to the crotch of the tailes, but it is needlesse: also how the pike as he ageth receiueth diuerse names, as from a frie to a gilthed, from a gilthed to a pod, from a pod to a iacke, from a iacke to a pickerell, from a pickerell to a pike, and last of all to a luce; also that a salmon is the first yeare a grauellin, and commonlie so big as an herring, the second a salmon peale, the third a pug, and the fourth a salmon: but this is in like sort vnnecessarie.

I've described various waters and mentioned some of the different types of fish that are typically found in our rivers. However, since each body of water has a unique mixture, it's not stocked with every kind of fish. Nearly every home, even the simplest ones, has one or more ponds or holes for storing water that are populated with fish like tench, carp, bream, roach, dace, and eels, which can live and breed together. While it's impossible for me to list all the types of fish found in our rivers, I don't want to neglect sharing as many as I know. Besides salmon—which cannot be caught from mid-September to mid-November and are plentiful in our largest rivers, with their young not to be touched from mid-April to mid-summer—we also have trout, barbel, grayling, bream, chub, pike, gudgeon, smelt, perch, minnows, shrimp, crayfish, lampreys, and others that are protected by strict laws in our rivers as well as in marshes, lakes, and ponds. Otherwise, these waters would yield little profit for the owners and would encourage idle individuals to spend all their time by the banks, avoiding manual work or pursuing any good trade. Among these fish, pike and eels are particularly harmful to their neighbors in the same waters because they tend to eat other fish or their fry and spawn. Nevertheless, the pike is friendly to the tench, as well as to its leeches and surgeons. When a fishmonger has cut open a pike’s side and displayed its flesh and fat for sale but can't sell it right away, he stitches up the wound and returns it to the pond where tenches are, which then lick and suck the injured area until the pike is healed and ready to come back to the stall when his time comes. I could also report how pike, carp, and some other river fish are sold by inches from the eyes or gills down to the tail’s fork, but that seems unnecessary. Additionally, I could mention how a pike is called different names as it ages—from fry to gilted, from gilted to pod, from pod to jack, from jack to pickerel, from pickerel to pike, and finally to luce. I could also explain that a salmon is a grilse in its first year, roughly the size of a herring, becomes a salmon smolt in its second year, a pug in its third, and a salmon in its fourth year, but this too is unnecessary.

I might finallie tell you, how that in fennie riuers sides if you cut a turffe, and laie it with the grasse downewards, vpon the earth, in such sort as the water may touch it as it passeth by, you shall haue a brood of éeles, it would seeme a wonder; and yet it is beleeued with no lesse assurance of some, than that an horse haire laid in a pale full of the like water will in short time stirre and become a liuing creature. But sith the certeintie of these things is rather prooued by few than the certeintie of them knowne vnto manie, I let it passe at this time. [Page 377] Neuerthelesse this is generallie obserued in the maintenance of frie so well in riuers as in ponds, that in the time of spawne we vse to throw in faggots made of willow and sallow, and now and then of bushes for want of the other, whereby such spawne as falleth into the same is preserued and kept from the pike, perch, éele and other fish, of which the carpe also will féed vpon his owne, and thereby hinder the store and increase of proper kind. Some vse in euerie fift or seauenth yeere to laie their great ponds drie for all the summer time, to the end they may gather grasse, and a thin swart for the fish to feed vpon; and afterwards store them with bréeders, after the water be let of new againe into them: finallie, when they haue spawned, they draw out the bréeders, leauing not aboue foure or six behind, euen in the greatest ponds, by meanes whereof the rest doo prosper the better: and this obseruation is most vsed in carpe and breame; as for perch (a delicate fish) it prospereth euerie where, I meane so well in ponds as riuers, and also in motes and pittes, as I doo know by experience, though their bottoms be but claie. More would I write of our fresh fish, if anie more were needfull; wherefore I will now turne ouer vnto such of the salt water as are taken vpon our coasts. As our foules therefore haue their seasons, so likewise haue all our sorts of sea fish: whereby it commeth to passe that none, or at the leastwise verie few of them are to be had at all times. Neuerthelesse, the seas that inuiron our coasts, are of all other most plentifull: for as by reason of their depth they are a great succour, so our low shores minister great plentie of food vnto the fish that come thereto, no place being void or barren, either through want of food for them, or the falles of filthie riuers, which naturallie annoie them. In December therefore and Ianuarie we commonlie abound in herring and red fish, as rochet, and gurnard. In Februarie and March we féed on plaice, trowts, turbut, muskles, &c. In April and Maie, with makrell, and cockles. In Iune and Iulie, with conger. In August and September, with haddocke and herring: and the two moneths insuing with the same, as also thornbacke and reigh of all sorts; all which are the most vsuall, and wherewith our common sort are best of all refreshed.

I might finally tell you that if you cut a piece of turf from the sides of boggy rivers and lay it grass-side down on the ground, where the water can touch it as it flows by, you’ll end up with a bunch of eels. It may seem like a wonder, yet some people believe just as firmly that a horsehair dropped into a bucket full of the same water will soon move and become a living creature. But since the certainty of these things is proved by only a few rather than known widely, I’ll let it go for now. [Page 377] However, it is generally observed in maintaining fry in both rivers and ponds that during spawning time, we throw in bundles made of willow and sallow, and sometimes use bushes when the others are lacking, which helps preserve the spawn that falls into them from being eaten by pike, perch, eels, and other fish, including carp, which will feed on their own kind, thus hindering the growth and increase of their species. Some people drain their large ponds every five or seven years during the summer to allow grass to grow and provide a bit of cover for the fish to feed on; afterwards, they restock them with breeders after refilling them with water. Finally, when they have spawned, they take out most of the breeders, leaving only four or six even in the largest ponds, which helps the remaining fish do better. This practice is mostly used for carp and bream; as for perch (a delicate fish), it thrives everywhere, both in ponds and rivers, as well as in moats and pits, which I know from experience, even if their bottoms are muddy. I would write more about our freshwater fish if it were necessary; therefore, I will now turn to those from the saltwater caught along our coasts. Just as our birds have their seasons, so do all types of sea fish. This means that very few, if any, of them are available at all times. Nevertheless, the seas surrounding our coasts are the most plentiful because their depth provides a great support, and our shallow shores offer a lot of food for the fish that come there, with no area being empty or barren due to lack of food or the pollution from filthy rivers, which naturally disturb them. In December and January, we commonly have an abundance of herring and redfish like rock salmon and gurnard. In February and March, we eat plaice, trout, turbot, mussels, etc. In April and May, we have mackerel and cockles. In June and July, we enjoy conger. In August and September, we find haddock and herring, and the two months following, we get the same along with thornback and rays of all sorts; all of which are the most common, and the ones our regular folks enjoy the most.

For mine owne part I am greatlie acquainted neither with the seasons, nor yet with the fish it selfe: and therefore if I should take vpon me to describe or speake of either of them absolutelie, I should enterprise more than I am able to performe, and go in hand with a greater matter than I can well bring about. It shall suffice therefore to declare what sorts of fishes I haue most often séene, to the end I may not altogither passe ouer this chapter without the rehersall of something, although the whole summe of that which I haue to saie be nothing indeed, if the performance of a full discourse hereof be anie thing hardlie required.

For my part, I'm not very familiar with the seasons or with the fish itself. So, if I were to take it upon myself to fully describe or discuss either of them, I would be attempting more than I can actually handle and tackling a bigger topic than I can manage. Therefore, it’s enough for me to mention the types of fish I’ve seen the most, so I don’t completely skip over this chapter without mentioning something, even if what I have to say isn't much at all, especially if a complete discussion of it is considered difficult.

Of fishes therefore as I find fiue sorts, the flat, the round, the long, Flat fish. the legged and shelled: so the flat are diuided into the smooth, scaled and tailed. Of the first are the plaice, the but, the turbut, birt, floke or sea flounder, dorreie, dab, &c. Of the second the soles, &c. Of the third, our chaits, maidens, kingsons, flath and thornbacke, whereof the greater be for the most part either dried and carried into other countries, or sodden, sowsed, & eaten here at home, whilest the lesser be fried or buttered; soone after they be taken as prouision not to be Round fish. kept long for feare of putrifaction. Vnder the round kinds are commonlie comprehended lumps, an vglie fish to sight, and yet verie delicat in eating, if it be kindlie dressed: the whiting (an old waiter or seruitor in the court) the rochet, sea breame, pirle, hake, sea trowt, gurnard, haddocke, cod, herring, pilchard, sprat, and such like. And these are they whereof I haue best knowledge, and be commonlie to be had in their times vpon our coasts. Vnder this kind also are all the great fish conteined, as the seale, the dolphin, the porpoise, the thirlepole, whale, and whatsoeuer is round of bodie be it neuer so great and huge. Long fish.
Legged fish.
Of the long sort are congers, eeles, garefish, and such other of that forme. Finallie, of the legged kind we haue not manie, neither haue I seene anie more of this sort than the Polypus called in English the lobstar, crafish or creuis, and the crab. As for the little crafishes they are not taken in the sea, but plentifullie in our fresh riuers in banks, and vnder stones, where they kéepe themselues in most secret maner, and oft by likenesse of colour with the stones among which they lie, deceiue euen the skilfull takers of them, except they vse great [Page 378] diligence. Carolus Stephanus in his maison rustique, doubted whether these lobstars be fish or not; and in the end concludeth them to grow of the purgation of the water as dooth the frog, and these also not to be eaten, for that they be strong and verie hard of digestion. But hereof let other determine further.

Of fish, I find five types: flat, round, long, legged, and shelled. The flat ones are categorized into smooth, scaled, and tailed. For the first group, we have plaice, flounder, turbot, and dab. For the second, there are soles, and for the third, we have the various types of skate and thornback. The larger ones are mostly dried and exported to other countries, or cooked and eaten here, while the smaller ones are typically fried or buttered soon after being caught, since they don't keep well. In the round category, we commonly include lumps, which may look unattractive but are quite tasty when properly prepared: whiting, haddock, cod, herring, pilchard, sprat, and so on. These are the fish I know best, and they're usually available around our coasts in their season. This category also includes larger fish like seal, dolphin, porpoise, whale, and anything that has a rounded body, no matter how big. For long fish, we have conger eels, garfish, and similar types. Lastly, there aren't many legged fish, and I've only seen a few, like the octopus, known in English as lobster, crayfish, and crab. As for small crayfish, they're not found in the sea but are abundant in our freshwater rivers, hiding among banks and under stones, often camouflaged to blend in with their surroundings, which can trick skilled catchers unless they take great care. Carolus Stephanus, in his "Maison Rustique," questioned whether these lobsters are fish or not, ultimately concluding that they grow from the water's purification, like frogs, and suggesting they shouldn't be eaten because they are tough and hard to digest. But I'll leave that conclusion to others to ponder further.

I might here speake of sundrie other fishes now and then taken also vpon our coasts: but sith my mind is onelie to touch either all such as are vsuallie gotten, or so manie of them onelie as I can well rehearse vpon certeine knowledge, I thinke it good at this time to forbeare the further intreatie of them. As touching the shellie sort, we haue plentie of oisters, whose valure in old time for their swéetnesse was not vnknowne in Rome (although Mutianus as Plinie noteth lib. 32, cap. 6. preferre the Cyzicene before them) and these we haue in like maner of diuerse quantities, and no lesse varietie also of our muskles and cockles. We haue in like sort no small store of great whelkes, scalops and perewinkles, and each of them brought farre into the land from the sea coast in their seuerall seasons. And albeit our oisters are generallie forborne in the foure hot moneths of the yeare, that is to saie, Maie, Iune, Iulie, and August, which are void of the letter R: yet in some places they be continuallie eaten, where they be kept in pits as I haue knowne by experience. And thus much of our sea fish as a man in maner vtterlie vnacquainted with their diuersitie of kinds: yet so much haue I yéelded to doo, hoping hereafter to saie somewhat more, and more orderlie of them, if it shall please God that I may liue and haue leasure once againe to peruse this treatise, and so make vp a perfect péece of worke, of that which as you now sée is verie slenderlie attempted and begun.

I could talk about various other fish that are occasionally caught along our coasts, but since I only want to mention those that are commonly found, or as many of them as I can accurately recall, I think it’s best to hold off on discussing them further right now. Regarding shellfish, we have plenty of oysters, which were well-known in ancient Rome for their sweetness (although Mutianus, as Pliny notes in Book 32, Chapter 6, preferred the ones from Cyzicus), and we have a similar variety of mussels and cockles in different quantities. We also have a good number of large whelks, scallops, and periwinkles, each brought inland from the coast during their respective seasons. Even though we generally avoid eating oysters during the four hot months of the year—May, June, July, and August, which lack the letter R—there are places where they are constantly eaten, especially where they are kept in pits, as I have experienced. This is just a bit about our sea fish from someone who is pretty much unfamiliar with their variety. However, I’ve shared what I can, hoping to expand on this and provide more organized insights in the future, if God allows me to live and have the time to revisit this work, thereby creating a complete piece of writing out of what you see now is quite briefly started and outlined.

OF SAUAGE BEASTS AND VERMINES.
CHAP. IV.

It is none of the least blessings wherewith God hath indued this Iland, that it is void of noisome beasts, as lions, beares, tigers, pardes, wolfes, & such like, by means whereof our countrimen may trauell in safetie, & our herds and flocks remaine for the most part abroad in the field without anie herdman or kéeper.

It is one of the greatest blessings that God has given this island that it is free of dangerous animals like lions, bears, tigers, leopards, wolves, and the like, allowing our countrymen to travel safely, and our herds and flocks can mostly stay out in the fields without any shepherd or keeper.

This is cheefelie spoken of the south and southwest parts of the Iland. For wheras we that dwell on this side of the Twed, may safelie boast of our securitie in this behalfe: yet cannot the Scots doo the like in Woolfes. euerie point within their kingdome, sith they haue greeuous woolfes and cruell foxes, beside some other of like disposition continuallie conuersant among them, to the generall hinderance of their husbandmen, and no small damage vnto the inhabiters of those quarters. The happie and fortunate want of these beasts in England is vniuersallie ascribed to the politike gouernement of king Edgar, who to the intent the whole countrie might once be clensed and clearelie rid of them, charged the conquered Welshmen (who were then pestered with these rauenous creatures Tribute of Woolfes skins. aboue measure) to paie him a yearelie tribute of woolfes skinnes, to be gathered within the land. He appointed them thereto a certeine number of three hundred, with free libertie for their prince to hunt & pursue them ouer all quarters of the realme; as our chronicles doo report. Some there be which write how Ludwall prince of Wales paid yearelie to king Edgar this tribute of thrée hundred woolfes, whose carcases being brought into Lhoegres, were buried at Wolfpit in Cambridgeshire, and that by meanes thereof within the compasse and terme of foure yeares, none of those noisome creatures were left to be heard of within Wales and England. Since this time also we read not that anie woolfe hath béene séene here that hath beene bred within the bounds and limits of our countrie: howbeit there haue béene diuerse brought ouer from beyond the seas for gréedinesse of gaine, and to make monie onlie by the gasing and gaping of our people vpon them, who couet oft to see them being strange beasts in their eies, and sildome knowne (as I haue said) in England.

This is mainly said about the southern and southwestern parts of the island. While we who live on this side of the Tweed can safely boast about our security in this regard, the Scots cannot say the same in Woolfes. Every part of their kingdom suffers from severe wolves and cruel foxes, along with some other similarly troublesome creatures that continually roam among them, causing significant harm to their farmers and no small damage to the inhabitants of those areas. The fortunate absence of these beasts in England is universally attributed to the smart governance of King Edgar, who, to ensure the whole country could be cleansed of them, required the conquered Welshmen—who were then overrun by these savage creatures Woolf's skin tribute.—to pay him an annual tribute of wolf skins gathered within the land. He set their prince a specific number of three hundred, with the freedom to hunt and pursue them throughout the kingdom, as our chronicles report. Some say that Ludwall, Prince of Wales, paid King Edgar this annual tribute of three hundred wolves, whose bodies were brought into Lhoegres and buried at Wolfpit in Cambridgeshire, and that as a result, within four years, none of those harmful creatures were left to be heard of in Wales or England. Since then, we have not heard of any wolves that have been bred within the bounds of our country; however, several have been brought over from overseas purely for the sake of profit, to make money off our people who are often eager to see them as strange animals in their eyes, which are rarely known (as I said) in England.

[Page 379]

[Page 379]

Lions we haue had verie manie in the north parts of Scotland, and those with maines of no lesse force than they of Mauritania were sometimes reported to be; but how and when they were destroied as yet I doo not read. They had in like sort no lesse plentie of wild and cruell buls, which the princes and their nobilitie in the frugall time of the land did hunt, and follow for the triall of their manhood, and by pursute either on horssebacke or foot in armor; notwithstanding that manie times they were dangerouslie assailed by them. But both these sauage cretures are now not heard of, or at the least wise the later scarselie known in the south parts. Howbeit this I gather by their being here, that our Iland was not cut from the maine by the great deluge or flood of Noah: but long after, otherwise the generation of those & other like creatures could not haue extended into our Ilands. For, that anie man would of set purpose replenish the countrie with them for his pleasure and pastime in hunting, I can in no wise beléeue.

Lions were very common in the northern parts of Scotland, and it was sometimes claimed that they were as strong as those in Mauritania. However, I’m not sure how or when they were destroyed. Similarly, there were plenty of wild and fierce bulls, which the princes and their nobles hunted during the frugal times in the land to test their bravery, pursuing them either on horseback or on foot in armor; despite the fact that they were often seriously attacked by the bulls. But now, neither of these wild animals are mentioned, and at least the bulls are hardly known in the southern parts. I gather from their presence here that our island wasn't separated from the mainland by Noah's great flood; it must have happened much later, or else the breeding of those and similar creatures wouldn’t have reached our islands. I can’t believe that anyone would intentionally stock the country with them for the sake of hunting pleasure.

Foxes.
Badgers.
Of foxes we haue some but no great store, and also badgers in our sandie & light grounds, where woods, firzes, broome, and plentie of shrubs are to shrowd them in, when they be from their borrowes, and thereto warrens of conies at hand to féed vpon at will. Otherwise in claie, which we call the cledgie mould, we sildom heare of anie, bicause the moisture and toughnesse of the soile is such, as will not suffer them to draw and make their borrowes déepe. Certes if I may fréelie saie what I thinke, I suppose that these two kinds (I meane foxes and badgers) are rather preserued by gentlemen to hunt and haue pastime withall at their owne pleasures, than otherwise suffered to liue, as not able to be destroied bicause of their great numbers. For such is the scantitie of them here in England, in comparison of the plentie that is to be seene in other countries, and so earnestlie are the inhabitants bent to root them out, that except it had béene to beare thus with the recreations of their superiors in this behalfe, it could not otherwise haue béene chosen, but that they should haue béene vtterlie destroied by manie yeares agone.

Foxes.
Badgers.
We have some foxes, but not many, and there are also badgers in our sandy and light areas, where woods, heaths, broom, and plenty of shrubs provide cover for them when they're away from their burrows. They also have access to rabbit warrens nearby for food. In contrast, in clay soils, which we call "cloddy ground," we rarely hear of any foxes or badgers because the moisture and toughness of the soil make it difficult for them to dig deep burrows. Honestly, I think these two species (foxes and badgers) are mostly preserved by gentlemen for hunting and recreation rather than being allowed to thrive because they could easily be wiped out due to their relatively low numbers here in England compared to the abundance seen in other countries. The locals are so intent on eradicating them that if it weren’t for accommodating the recreational interests of the elite, they would have been completely eliminated many years ago.

I might here intreat largelie of other vermine, as the polcat, the miniuer, the weasell, stote, fulmart, squirrill, fitchew, and such like, which Cardan includeth vnder the word Mustela: also of the otter, and Beuers. likewise of the beuer, whose hinder féet and taile onlie are supposed to be fish. Certes the taile of this beast is like vnto a thin whetstone, as the bodie vnto a monsterous rat: the beast also it selfe is of such force in the téeth, that it will gnaw an hole through a thicke planke, or shere thorough a dubble billet in a night; it loueth also the stillest riuers: & it is giuen to them by nature, to go by flockes vnto the woods at hand, where they gather sticks wherewith to build their nests, wherein their bodies lie drie aboue the water, although they so prouide most commonlie, that their tailes may hang within the same. It is also reported that their said tailes are a delicate dish, and their stones of such medicinable force, that (as Vertomannus saith) foure men smelling vnto them each after other did bleed at the nose through their attractiue force, procéeding from a vehement sauour wherewith they are indued: there is greatest plentie of them in Persia, chéefelie about Balascham, from whence they and their dried cods are brought into all quarters of the world, though not without some forgerie by such as prouide them. And of all these here remembred, as the first sorts are plentifull in euerie wood and hedgerow: so these latter, especiallie the otter (for to saie the truth we haue not manie beuers, but onelie in the Teifie in Wales) is not wanting or to séeke in manie, but most streams and riuers of this Ile: but it shall suffice in this sort to haue named Marterns. them as I doo finallie the marterne, a beast of the chase, although for number I worthilie doubt whether that of our beuers or marterns may be thought to be the lesse.

I could go on at length about other animals, like the polecat, the marten, the weasel, the stoat, the ferret, the squirrel, and similar creatures, which Cardan groups under the term Mustela. I would also mention the otter and the beaver. The beaver’s hind feet and tail are thought to resemble those of fish. Certainly, the tail of this animal looks like a thin whetstone, and its body resembles a monstrous rat. The creature has such strong teeth that it can gnaw a hole through a thick plank or cut through a double log in one night. It prefers calm rivers and naturally tends to travel in groups to nearby woods, where they gather sticks to build their nests. Their bodies lie dry above the water, although they commonly arrange it so their tails can hang down into it. It’s also said that their tails are a delicacy, and their stones have such medicinal properties that, as Vertomannus states, four men who took turns smelling them all experienced nosebleeds due to their alluring scent. There are many of these animals in Persia, especially around Balascham, from where they and their dried skins are exported around the world, albeit with some deceit from those who supply them. Among all the animals mentioned, while the first types are abundant in every wood and hedgerow, the latter ones, especially the otter (we don’t have many beavers, mainly just in the Teifi in Wales), can be found in many streams and rivers across this island. It’s enough to name them briefly, and I will conclude with the marten, a hunted animal, although I’m unsure which is less in number, the beavers or the martens.

Other pernicious beasts we haue not, except you repute the great plentie of red & fallow déere, whose colours are oft garled white and blacke, all white or all blacke, and store of conies amongst the hurtfull sort. Which although that of themselues they are not offensiue at all, yet their great numbers are thought to be verie preiudiciall, and therfore iustlie reprooued of many; as are in like sort our huge flocks of shéepe, whereon the greatest part of our soile is emploied almost in euerie place, and yet our mutton, wooll, and felles neuer the better [Page 380] cheape. The yoong males which our fallow deere doo bring foorth, are commonlie named according to their seuerall ages: for the first yéere it is a fawne, the second a puckot, the third a serell, the fourth a soare, the fift a bucke of the first head; not bearing the name of a bucke till he be fiue yéers old: and from hencefoorth his age is commonlie knowne by his head or horns. Howbeit this notice of his yéers is not so certeine, but that the best woodman may now and then be deceiued in that account: for in some grounds a bucke of the first head will be so well headed as another in a high rowtie soile will be in the fourth. It is also much to be maruelled at, that whereas they doo yéerelie mew and cast their horns; yet in fighting they neuer breake off where they doo grife or mew. Furthermore, in examining the condition of our red déere, I find that the yoong male is called in the first yéere a calfe, in the second a broket, the third a spaie, the fourth a stagon or stag, the fift a great stag, the sixt an hart, and so foorth vnto his death. And with him in degrée of venerie are accounted the hare, bore, and woolfe. The fallow déere as bucks and does, are nourished in parkes, and conies in warrens and burrowes. As for hares, they run at their owne aduenture, except some gentleman or other (for his pleasure) doo make an inclosure Stags. for them. Of these also the stag is accounted for the most noble game, the fallow déere is the next, then the roe, whereof we haue indifferent store; and last of all the hare, not the least in estimation, because the hunting of that seelie beast is mother to all the terms, blasts, and artificiall deuises that hunters doo vse. All which (notwithstanding our custome) are pastimes more méet for ladies and gentlewomen to exercise (whatsoeuer Franciscus Patritius saith to the contrarie in his institution of a prince) than for men of courage to follow, whose hunting should practise their armes in tasting of their manhood, and dealing with such beasts as eftsoones will turne againe, and offer them the hardest rather than their horsses féet, which manie times may carrie them with dishonour from the field. Surelie this noble kind of hunting onelie did great princes frequent in times past, as it may yet appéere by the histories of their times, especiallie of Alexander, who at vacant times hunted the tiger, the pard, the bore, and the beare, but most willinglie lions, because of the honorable estimation of that beast; insomuch that at one time he caused an od or chosen lion (for force and beautie) to be let foorth vnto him hand to hand, with whome he had much businesse, albeit that in the end he ouerthrew and killed the beast. Herevnto beside that which we read of the vsuall hunting of the princes and kings of Scotland, of the wild bull, woolfe, &c: the example of king Henrie the first of England, who disdaining (as he termed them) to follow or pursue cowards, cherished of set purpose sundrie kinds of wild beasts, as bears, libards, ounces, lions at Woodstocke, & one or two other places in England, which he walled about with hard stone, An. 1120, and where he would often fight with some one of them hand to hand, when they did turne againe and make anie raise vpon him: but chéeflie he loued to hunt the lion and the bore, which are both verie dangerous exercises, especiallie that with the lion, except some policie be found wherwith to trouble his eiesight in anie manner of wise. For though the bore be fierce, and hath learned by nature to harden his flesh and skin against the trées, to sharpen his teeth, and defile himselfe with earth, thereby to prohibit the entrance of the weapons: yet is the sport somewhat more easie, especiallie where two stand so neere togither, that the one (if néed be) may helpe and be a succour to the other. Neither would he cease for all this to follow his pastime, either on horssebacke or on foot, as occasion serued, much like the yoonger Cyrus. I haue read of wild bores and bulles to haue béene about Blackleie néere Manchester, whither the said prince would now and then resort also for his solace in that behalfe, as also to come by those excellent falcons then bred thereabouts; but now they are gone, especiallie the bulles, as I haue said alreadie.

Other harmful creatures we don't have, except you might consider the large numbers of red and fallow deer, whose colors are often mixed with white and black, all white, or all black, along with many rabbits among the harmful kinds. Although they themselves are not offensive at all, their sheer numbers are thought to be very detrimental and are therefore rightly criticized by many, just like our massive flocks of sheep, most of our land is used for them almost everywhere, and yet our mutton, wool, and skins are never cheaper. The young males that our fallow deer produce are usually named according to their age: in the first year, they are fawns, in the second a puckot, in the third a serell, in the fourth a soare, and in the fifth a buck of the first head; they aren’t called bucks until they are five years old: from then on, their age is usually recognized by their head or horns. However, this indication of age is not so certain that even the best woodsman might sometimes be mistaken; in some areas, a buck of the first head will have horns as impressive as those of another that is in its fourth year in high-quality soil. It’s also quite remarkable that even though they shed and regrow their horns each year, they never break them off during fights. Furthermore, when examining our red deer, I find that a young male is called a calf in the first year, a broket in the second, a spaie in the third, a stagon or stag in the fourth, a great stag in the fifth, and an hart in the sixth, continuing until its death. Along with this in the realm of hunting are considered the hare, boar, and wolf. The fallow deer, both bucks and does, are raised in parks, and rabbits in warrens and burrows. As for hares, they run about freely unless some gentleman (for his pleasure) creates an enclosure for them. Of these, the stag is regarded as the most noble game, followed by the fallow deer, then the roe, of which we have a decent amount; and lastly the hare, not to be underestimated, because hunting that humble creature is the source of all the terminology, calls, and techniques that hunters use. All of these (despite our tradition) are activities more suitable for ladies and gentlewomen to participate in (regardless of what Franciscus Patritius says to the contrary in his instruction for a prince) than for courageous men, whose hunting should prepare their arms in testing their manhood and dealing with animals that will often turn back and offer them the hardest challenges rather than their horses' feet, which may many times lead them away from the field in disgrace. Surely this noble kind of hunting was primarily pursued by great princes in the past, as can still be seen from the historical accounts of their times, especially Alexander, who in his free time hunted tigers, leopards, boars, and bears, but most willingly lions due to the honorable esteem of that animal; so much so that at one point he caused an extraordinary lion (for its strength and beauty) to be released for him to fight one-on-one, which proved to be a considerable challenge, although in the end, he overthrew and killed the beast. Besides this, we also read of the typical hunts by the princes and kings of Scotland for wild bulls, wolves, etc.; a notable example is King Henry I of England, who, disdaining (as he put it) to chase cowards, made it a point to maintain various kinds of wild beasts, such as bears, leopards, tigers, and lions in Woodstock and a couple of other locations in England, which he enclosed with hard stone around the year 1120, where he would often battle them hand to hand when they turned to charge at him: but mainly he loved hunting the lion and the boar, both very dangerous endeavors, especially the one with the lion unless some strategy is found to distract its eyesight in any way. For while the boar is fierce and has learned by instinct to toughen its flesh and skin against trees, to sharpen its teeth, and to coat itself with earth to block weapons, the sport is somewhat easier, especially when two hunters stand close enough that one can help the other if necessary, much like the younger Cyrus. I have read of wild boars and bulls being found near Blackley by Manchester, where this prince would occasionally also go for relaxation on this account, as well as to catch those excellent falcons that were bred in the area; but now they are all gone, especially the bulls, as I have already indicated.

King Henrie the fift in his beginning thought it a méere scofferie to pursue anie fallow déere with hounds or greihounds, but supposed himselfe alwaies to haue doone a sufficient act when he had tired them by his owne trauell on foot, and so killed them with his hands in the vpshot of that exercise and end of his recreation. Certes herein he resembled Polymnestor Milesius, of whome it is written, how he ran so swiftlie, that he would and did verie often ouertake hares for his [Page 381] pleasure, which I can hardlie beleeue: and therefore much lesse that one Lidas did run so lightlie and swiftlie after like game, that as he passed ouer the sand, he left not so much as the prints of his feet behind him. And thus did verie manie in like sort with the hart (as I doo read) but this I thinke was verie long agone, when men were farre higher and swifter than they are now: and yet I denie not, but rather grant willinglie that the hunting of the red deere is a right princelie pastime. In diuerse forren countries they cause their red and fallow déere to draw the plough, as we doo our oxen and horsses. In some places Hinds haue béene milked. also they milke their hinds as we doo here our kine and goats. And the experience of this latter is noted by Giraldus Cambrensis to haue beene séene and vsed in Wales, where he did eat cheese made of hinds milke, at such time as Baldwine archbishop of Canturburie preached the croisad there, when they were both lodged in a gentlemans house, whose wife of purpose kept a deirie of the same. As for the plowing with vres (which I suppose to be vnlikelie) because they are (in mine opinion) vntameable and alkes a thing commonlie vsed in the east countries; here is no place to speake of it, since we want these kind of beasts, neither is it my purpose to intreat at large of other things than are to be seene in England. Wherfore I will omit to saie anie more of wild and sauage beasts at this time, thinking my selfe to haue spoken alreadie sufficientlie of this matter, if not too much in the iudgement of the curious.

King Henry the Fifth initially thought it was ridiculous to hunt deer with hounds or greyhounds. Instead, he believed he had done enough by tiring them out through his own effort on foot, ultimately killing them by hand after such exertion. In this regard, he was somewhat like Polymnestor Milesius, who was said to run so fast that he often caught hares just for fun, which I find hard to believe. Even less believable is the story of Lidas, who supposedly ran so lightly and quickly after similar game that he left no footprints on the sand behind him. Many others did the same with stags (as I read), but I think this was a very long time ago, when men were much taller and faster than they are today. Nevertheless, I do agree that hunting red deer is truly a royal pastime. In various foreign countries, they make their red and fallow deer plow the fields, just like we do with our oxen and horses. In some places, they also milk their hind deer like we do with our cows and goats. This latter practice is noted by Giraldus Cambrensis, who mentioned having cheese made from hind milk in Wales, during the time when Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury, preached the Crusade there, where they both stayed at a gentleman's house whose wife purposely kept a dairy for this purpose. As for plowing with hinds (which I think is unlikely), since I believe they are untamable and it’s a common practice in Eastern countries, there’s no need to discuss it here, especially since we don’t have these kinds of animals. It’s also not my intention to talk extensively about other things not found in England. Therefore, I will refrain from saying more about wild and savage beasts at this time, believing I have already spoken enough on this subject, if not too much according to the judgment of the curious.

OF HAWKES AND RAUENOUS FOULES.
CHAP. V.

I can not make (as yet) anie iust report how manie sorts of hawkes are bred within this realme. Howbeit which of those that are vsuallie had among vs are disclosed with in this land, I thinke it more easie and lesse difficult to set downe. First of all therefore that we haue the egle, common experience dooth euidentlie confirme, and diuerse of our rockes whereon they bréed, if speach did serue, could well declare the same. But the most excellent aierie of all is not much from Chester, at a castell called Dinas Bren, sometime builded by Brennus, as our writers doo remember. Certes this castell is no great thing, but yet a pile sometime verie strong and inaccessible for enimies, though now all ruinous as manie other are. It standeth vpon an hard rocke, in the side whereof an eagle bréedeth euerie yeare. This also is notable in the ouerthrow of hir nest (a thing oft attempted) that he which goeth thither must be sure of two large baskets, and so prouide to be let downe thereto, that he may sit in the one and be couered with the other: for otherwise the eagle would kill him, and teare the flesh from his bones with hir sharpe talons though his apparell were neuer so good. The common people call this foule an erne, but as I am ignorant whither the word eagle and erne doo shew anie difference of sexe, I meane betwéene the male and female, so we haue great store of them. And néere to the places where they bréed, the commons complaine of great harme to be doone by them in their fields: for they are able to beare a yoong lambe or kid vnto their neasts, therwith to féed their yoong and come againe for more. I was once of the opinion that there was a diuersitie of kind betwéene the eagle and the erne, till I perceiued that our nation vsed the word erne in most places for the eagle. We haue also the lanner and the lanneret: the tersell and the gosehawke: the musket and the sparhawke: the iacke and the hobbie: and finallie some (though verie few) marlions. And these are all the hawkes that I doo heare as yet to be bred within this Iland. Howbeit as these are not wanting with vs, so are they not verie plentifull: wherefore such as delite in hawking doo make their chiefe purueiance & prouision for the same out of Danske, Germanie, and the Eastcountries, from whence we haue them in great abundance, and at excessiue prices, whereas at home and where they be bred they are sold for almost right naught, and vsuallie brought to the markets as chickins, pullets and pigeons are with vs, and there bought [Page 382] vp to be eaten (as we doo the aforesaid foules) almost of euerie man. It is said that the sparhawke preieth not vpon the foule in the morning that she taketh ouer euen, but as loth to haue double benefit by one seelie foule, dooth let it go to make some shift for it selfe. But hereof as I stand in some doubt, so this I find among the writers worthie the noting, that the sparhawke is enimie to yoong children, as is also the ape; but of the pecocke she is maruellouslie afraid & so appalled, that all courage & stomach for a time is taken from hir vpon the sight thereof. But to proceed with the rest. Of other rauenous birds we haue also verie great plentie, as the bussard, the kite, the ringtaile, dunkite, & such as often annoie our countrie dames by spoiling of their yoong bréeds of chickens, duckes and goslings, wherevnto our verie rauens and crowes haue learned also the waie: and so much are our rauens giuen to this kind of spoile, that some idle and curious heads of set purpose haue manned, reclaimed, and vsed them in stéed of hawkes, when other could not be had. Some doo imagine that the rauen should be the vulture, and I was almost persuaded in times past to beleeue the same: but finding of late a description of the vulture, which better agreeth with the forme of a second kind of eagle, I fréelie surcease to be longer of that opinion: for as it hath after a sort the shape, colour, and quantitie of an eagle, so are the legs and feet more hairie and rough, their sides vnder their wings better couered with thicke downe (wherewith also their gorge or a part of their brest vnder their throtes is armed, and not with fethers) than are the like parts of the eagle, and vnto which portraiture there is no member of the rauen (who is also verie blacke of colour) that can haue anie resemblance: we haue none of them in England to my knowledge, if we haue, they go generallie vnder the name of eagle or erne. Neither haue we the pygargus or gripe, wherefore I haue no occasion to intreat further. I haue séene the carren crowes so cunning also by their owne industrie of late, that they haue vsed to soare ouer great riuers (as the Thames for example) & suddenlie comming downe haue caught a small fish in their féet & gone awaie withall without wetting of their wings. And euen at this present the aforesaid riuer is not without some of them, a thing (in my opinion) not a little to be wondered at. We haue also ospraies which bréed with vs in parks and woods, wherby the kéepers of the same doo reape in bréeding time no small commoditie: for so soone almost as the yoong are hatched, they tie them to the but ends or ground ends of sundrie trees, where the old ones finding them, doo neuer cease to bring fish vnto them, which the keepers take & eat from them, and commonlie is such as is well fed, or not of the worst sort. It hath not béene my hap hitherto to see anie of these foules, & partlie through mine owne negligence: but I heare that it hath one foot like an hawke to catch hold withall, and another resembling a goose wherewith to swim; but whether it be so or not so, I refer the further search and triall thereof vnto some other. This neuertheles is certeine that both aliue and dead, yea euen hir verie oile is a deadlie terrour to such fish as come within the wind of it. There is no cause wherefore I should describe the cormorant amongst hawkes, of which some be blacke and manie pied chiefelie about the Ile of Elie, where they are taken for the night rauen, except I should call him a water hawke. But sith such dealing is not conuenient, let vs now sée what may be said of our venemous wormes, and how manie kinds we haue of them within our realme and countrie.

I can't say yet how many types of hawks are bred in this realm. However, I think it's easier to list the ones commonly found here. First of all, we have the eagle, which common experience clearly confirms, and several of our cliffs where they breed can attest to this. The most notable nest is near Chester, at a castle called Dinas Bren, once built by Brennus, as our writers mention. This castle isn't very large, but used to be quite strong and impenetrable to enemies, though now it's just ruins like many others. It stands on a hard rock, and an eagle breeds there every year. It's worth noting that to reach the nest (a task often attempted), a person must ensure they have two large baskets, so they can be lowered down, sitting in one and covered by the other. Otherwise, the eagle will kill them and rip the flesh from their bones with its sharp talons, regardless of how good their clothing is. The common people call this bird an erne, but I'm not sure if the terms eagle and erne denote any difference in sex, meaning between male and female; we certainly have plenty of them. Near their breeding grounds, locals complain about the significant damage they do to their fields since they can carry off a young lamb or kid to feed their young and return for more. I once thought there was a difference between the eagle and the erne until I realized that our people often use the term erne interchangeably for eagle. We also have the lanner and the lanneret, the tiercel and the goshawk, the musket and the sparhawk, the jack and the hobby, and lastly, some (though very few) merlins. These are all the hawks I know of that are bred in this island. Although they are available to us, they are not very plentiful; hence, those who enjoy falconry mainly source their supplies from Denmark, Germany, and the East countries, where they're abundant and sold at high prices, while here, where they are bred, they're sold for almost nothing and commonly brought to markets just like chickens, pullets, and pigeons, and consumed by almost everyone. It is said that the sparhawk doesn’t prey on birds in the early morning that it catches right after they land, but rather, seemingly reluctant to take double advantage of a single unfortunate bird, it lets it go to fend for itself. However, I have some doubt about this; what I do find worth noting among writers is that the sparhawk is an enemy of young children, as is the ape; curious enough, it is also remarkably afraid of the peacock, to the extent that upon seeing one, it loses all its courage and stomach for a time. But to continue. We also have many other predatory birds, like the buzzard, the kite, the ringtail, the dunkite, and such, which often bother our country women by raiding their young chickens, ducks, and goslings. Even our very crows and ravens have caught onto this. Our ravens are so inclined to this spoil that some curious and idle people have trained and used them instead of hawks when others were unavailable. Some believe that the raven should be classified as a vulture, and I was almost convinced of this in the past. However, after finding a description of the vulture recently that matches the form of a second type of eagle better, I've stopped holding that opinion. Just as the vulture has a somewhat eagle-like shape, color, and size, its legs and feet are hairier and rougher, and the areas under its wings are covered with dense down (which also arms its throat area, not with feathers) more than those parts of the eagle, and in that likeness, there is no part of the raven (which is also very black) that resembles it. To my knowledge, we don't have any of them in England; if we do, they generally go by the name eagle or erne. Neither do we have the pygargus or griffon, so I have no reason to discuss further. I've seen carrion crows so skilled in their own right lately that they soar over large rivers (like the Thames, for instance) and suddenly swoop down to catch small fish in their feet and leave without wetting their wings. Even right now, the aforementioned river has some of them, which I find quite remarkable. We also have ospreys that breed in our parks and woods, where the keepers benefit significantly during breeding time: almost as soon as the young hatch, they tie them to the butt ends of various trees, whereupon the parents find them and continuously bring fish to them; the keepers take and eat the fish, which are usually well-fed and not of the worst quality. I haven’t had the chance to see any of these birds yet, partly due to my own negligence. However, I've heard that one foot resembles a hawk’s, for catching, while the other resembles a goose’s, for swimming; but whether this is true or not, I’ll leave for others to explore further. What is certain is that both alive and dead, even its very oil is a deadly threat to any fish that comes within its wind. I shouldn't include the cormorant among hawks, as some are black and many are pied, especially around the Isle of Ely, where they are considered the night raven unless I were to call it a water hawk. But since that wouldn't be appropriate, let’s now see what can be said about our venomous worms and how many types we have within our realm and country.

OF VENEMOUS BEASTS.
CHAP. VI.

If I should go about to make anie long discourse of venemous beasts or wormes bred in England, I should attempt more than occasion it selfe would readilie offer, sith we haue verie few worms, but no beasts at all, that are thought by their naturall qualities to be either venemous or hurtfull. First of all therefore we haue the adder (in our old Saxon toong called an atter) which some men doo not rashlie take to be the [Page 383] viper. Certes if it be so, then is it not the viper author of the death * Galenus de Theriaca ad Pisonem. * Plin. lib. 10. cap. 62. of hir * parents, as some histories affirme; and thereto Encelius a late writer in his "De re metallica," lib. 3. cap. 38. where he maketh mention of a she adder which he saw in Sala, whose wombe (as he saith) was eaten out after a like fashion, hir yoong ones lieng by hir in the sunne shine, as if they had béene earth worms. Neuerthelesse as he nameth them "Viperas," so he calleth the male Echis, and the female Echidna, concluding in the end that Echis is the same serpent which his countrimen to this daie call Ein atter, as I haue also noted before out of a Saxon dictionarie. For my part I am persuaded that the slaughter of their parents is either not true at all, or not alwaies (although I doubt not but that nature hath right well prouided to inhibit their superfluous increase by some meanes or other) and so much the rather am I led herevnto, for that I gather by Nicander, that of all venemous worms the viper onelie bringeth out hir yoong aliue, and therefore is called in Latine "Vipera quasi viuipara:" but of hir owne death he dooth not (to my remembrance) saie any thing. It is testified also by other in other words, & to the like sense, that "Echis id est vipera sola ex serpentibus non oua sed animalia parit." And it may well be, for I remember that I haue read in Philostratus "De vita Appollonij," Adder or viper. how he saw a viper licking hir yoong. I did see an adder once my selfe that laie (as I thought) sléeping on a moulehill, out of whose mouth came eleuen yoong adders of twelue or thirtéene inches in length a péece, which plaied to and fro in the grasse one with another, till some of them espied me. So soone therefore as they saw my face, they ran againe into See Aristotle Animalium lib. 5. cap. vltimo, & Theophrast. lib. 7. cap. 13. the mouth of their dam, whome I killed, and then found each of them shrowded in a distinct cell or pannicle in hir bellie, much like vnto a soft white iellie, which maketh me to be of the opinion that our adder is the viper indéed. The colour of their skin is for the most part like rustie iron or iron graie: but such as be verie old resemble a ruddie blew, & as once in the yeare, to wit, in Aprill or about the beginning of Maie they cast their old skins (whereby as it is thought their age reneweth) so their stinging bringeth death without present remedie be at hand, the wounded neuer ceasing to swell, neither the venem to worke till the skin of the one breake, and the other ascend vpward to the hart, where it finisheth the naturall effect, except the iuice of dragons (in Latine called "Dracunculus minor") be spéedilie ministred and dronke in strong ale, or else some other medicine taken of like force, that may counteruaile and ouercome the venem of the same. The length of them is most commonlie two foot and somwhat more, but seldome dooth it extend vnto two foot six inches, Snakes. except it be in some rare and monsterous one: whereas our snakes are much longer, and séene sometimes to surmount a yard, or thrée foot, although their poison be nothing so grieuous and deadlie as the others. Our adders lie in winter vnder stones, as Aristotle also saith of the viper Lib. 8. cap. 15. and in holes of the earth, rotten stubs of trees, and amongst the dead leaues: but in the heat of the summer they come abroad, and lie either round on heapes, or at length vpon some hillocke, or elsewhere in the grasse. They are found onelie in our woodland countries and highest grounds, where sometimes (though seldome) a speckled stone called Echites, in Dutch "Ein atter stein," is gotten out Sol. cap. 40. Plin. lib. 37. cap. 11. of their dried carcases, which diuers report to be good against their poison. As for our snakes, which in Latine are properlie named "Angues," they commonlie are seene in moores, fens, lomie wals, and low bottoms.

If I were to give a long talk about venomous beasts or worms found in England, I would be attempting more than the situation allows, since we have very few worms and no beasts that are generally considered venomous or harmful. First of all, we have the adder (called "atter" in our old Saxon language), which some people mistakenly identify as the viper. If that's the case, then the viper is not responsible for the death of its parents, as some stories claim; additionally, Encelius, a recent writer in his "De re metallica," book 3, chapter 38, mentions a female adder he saw in Sala, whose belly was hollowed out in a similar way, with her young lying beside her in the sun, as if they were earthworms. Nevertheless, while he calls them "vipers," he refers to the male as Echis and the female as Echidna, concluding that Echis is the same serpent that his countrymen still call Ein atter, as I have previously noted from a Saxon dictionary. Personally, I believe that the killing of their parents is either completely untrue or not always the case (though I don’t doubt that nature has effectively found a way to limit their excessive reproduction). I am particularly led to this conclusion because Nicander indicates that among all venomous worms, only the viper gives birth to its young alive, and that's why it's called in Latin "Vipera quasi vivipara." However, to my knowledge, he doesn’t mention anything about its own death. Other sources express the same idea in different terms, stating that "Echis, that is, the viper, is the only snake that gives birth to live young, not eggs." This seems plausible because I remember reading in Philostratus's "De vita Apollonii" about a viper licking her young. I once saw an adder myself lying (as I thought) asleep on a molehill, from whose mouth came eleven young adders, each about twelve or thirteen inches long, playing in the grass with each other until some of them noticed me. As soon as they saw my face, they rushed back into the mouth of their mother, whom I killed. I then found each of them hidden in a separate pocket or sac in her belly, somewhat resembling a soft white jelly, which makes me think our adder is indeed the viper. Their skin color is mostly like rusty iron or iron gray; however, very old ones have a reddish blue hue. Once a year, in April or early May, they shed their old skin (which is thought to renew their age), and their sting can be deadly unless immediate treatment is available. The wound never stops swelling, and the venom doesn’t work until the skin breaks and the venom reaches the heart, where it does its fatal job unless dragon juice (called "Dracunculus minor" in Latin) is quickly administered and drunk with strong ale or some other effective remedy that can neutralize and overcome the venom. Their length is usually around two feet or a bit more, but it rarely exceeds two feet six inches unless it’s an exceptionally large specimen. Our snakes, on the other hand, tend to be much longer and can sometimes exceed a yard or three feet, although their venom isn’t nearly as severe and deadly as that of the adder. Our adders hibernate in winter under stones, as Aristotle also states about the viper (book 8, chapter 15), hiding in holes in the ground, decaying tree stumps, and among dead leaves. In the heat of summer, they come out and lie in piles or stretch out on hills or elsewhere in the grass. They are found only in our woodlands and elevated areas, where occasionally (though rarely) a speckled stone called Echites, in Dutch "Ein atter stein," can be found from their dried bodies, which many say is effective against their poison. As for our snakes, which are properly called "Angues" in Latin, they are usually seen in marshes, fens, muddy walls, and lowlands.

Todes.
Frogs.
Sloworme.
And as we haue great store of todes where adders commonlie are found, so doo frogs abound where snakes doo kéepe their residence. We haue also the sloworme, which is blacke and graiesh of colour, and somewhat shorter than an adder. I was at the killing once of one of them, and thereby perceiued that she was not so called of anie want of nimble motion, but rather of the contrarie. Neuerthelesse we haue a blind worme to be found vnder logs in woods, and timber that hath lien long in a place, which some also doo call (and vpon better ground) by the name of slow worms, and they are knowen easilie by their more or lesse varietie of striped colours, drawen long waies from their heads, their whole bodies little excéeding a foot in length, & yet is there venem deadlie. This also is not to be omitted, that now and then in our fennie countries, other kinds of serpents are found of greater quantitie than [Page 384] either our adder or our snake: but as these are not ordinarie and oft to be séene, so I meane not to intreat of them among our common annoiances. Neither haue we the scorpion, a plague of God sent not long since into Italie, and whose poison (as Apollodorus saith) is white, neither the tarantula or Neopolitane spider, whose poison bringeth death, except musike be at hand. Wherfore I suppose our countrie to be the more happie (I meane in part) for that it is void of these two grieuous annoiances, wherewith other nations are plagued.

Toads.
Frogs.
Slow worms.
We have plenty of toads where adders are commonly found, and frogs are abundant where snakes live. We also have the slow worm, which is black and gray and a bit shorter than an adder. I once witnessed the killing of one, and I realized that it’s not called slow because it's lacking in movement; it's actually the opposite. However, we also find a blind worm under logs in the woods and timber that has been in one place for a long time, which some also refer to (and for good reason) as slow worms. They can be easily recognized by their varying striped colors, extending from their heads, and their bodies are usually just over a foot long, yet they are deadly poisonous. It’s also worth mentioning that occasionally, in our marshy areas, other types of snakes are found in greater numbers than our adders or snakes. But since these are not commonly seen, I won't discuss them among our usual annoyances. We also don't have scorpions, a plague from God that was sent to Italy not long ago, whose poison (as Apollodorus says) is white, nor do we have tarantulas or Neapolitan spiders, whose venom is lethal unless music is played nearby. Therefore, I consider our country to be luckier (at least in part) because it is free from these two serious nuisances that plague other nations.

Efts.
Swifts.
We haue also efts, both of the land and water, and likewise the noisome swifts, whereof to saie anie more it should be but losse of time, sith they are well knowne; and no region to my knowledge found to be void of Flies. manie of them. As for flies (sith it shall not be amisse a little to touch them also) we haue none that can doo hurt or hinderance naturallie Cutwasted.
Whole bodied.
Hornets.
Waspes.
vnto anie: for whether they be cut wasted, or whole bodied, they are void of poison and all venemous inclination. The cut or girt wasted (for so I English the word Insecta) are the hornets, waspes, bées, and such like, whereof we haue great store, and of which an opinion is conceived, that the first doo bréed of the corruption of dead horsses, the second of peares and apples corrupted, and the last of kine and oxen: which may be true, especiallie the first and latter in some parts of the beast, and not their whole substances, as also in the second, sith we haue neuer waspes, but when our fruit beginneth to wax ripe. In déed Virgil and others speake of a generation of bées, by killing or smoothering of a brused bullocke or calfe, and laieng his bowels or his flesh wrapped vp in his hide in a close house for a certeine season; but how true it is hitherto I haue not tried. Yet sure I am of this, that no one liuing creature corrupteth without the production of another; as we may see by our selues, whose flesh dooth alter into lice; and also in shéepe for excessiue numbers of flesh flies, if they be suffered to lie vnburied or vneaten by the dogs and swine, who often and happilie preuent such néedlesse generations.

Efts.
Swifts.
We also have efts, both land and water ones, and the troublesome swifts, which it would be pointless to discuss further since they are well-known; to my knowledge, no region is free of Flies. many of them. As for flies (since it won’t hurt to mention them briefly), we have none that can cause harm or trouble naturally, Cut wasted.
Full-bodied.
Hornets.
Wasps.
because whether they are cut or whole bodied, they are free of poison and all venomous tendencies. The cut or girded (which is how I would translate the word Insecta) include hornets, wasps, bees, and others, of which we have plenty. There’s a belief that the first breed from the decay of dead horses, the second from rotting pears and apples, and the last from cattle and oxen; this might be true, especially in certain parts of the animal, but not from their entire substance, and the same applies to the second, as we never have wasps until our fruit begins to ripen. Indeed, Virgil and others talk about a generation of bees coming from killing or smothering a bruised bullock or calf and then leaving its insides or flesh wrapped in its hide in a closed space for a certain period; however, how true this is, I have yet to determine. Still, I am certain that no living creature decays without producing another; we see this in ourselves, where our flesh turns into lice; and also in sheep due to excessive numbers of flesh flies if they are left unburied or uneaten by dogs and pigs, who often thankfully prevent such needless generations.

As concerning bées, I thinke it good to remember, that wheras some ancient writers affirme it to be a commoditie wanting in our Iland, it is now found to be nothing so. In old time peraduenture we had none in déed, but in my daies there is such plentie of them in maner euerie where, that in some vplandish townes, there are one hundred, or two hundred hiues of them, although the said hiues are not so huge as those of the east countrie, but far lesse, as not able to conteine aboue one bushell of corne, or fiue pecks at the most. Plinie (a man that of set purpose deliteth to write of woonders) speaking of honie noteth that in the north regions the hiues in his time were of such quantitie, that some one combe conteined eight foot in length, & yet (as it should séeme) he speketh not of the greatest. For in Podolia, which is now subiect to the king of Poland, their hiues are so great, and combes so abundant, that huge bores ouerturning and falling into them, are drowned in the honie, before they can recouer & find the meanes to come out.

Regarding bees, I think it's important to remember that while some ancient writers claimed it was a resource lacking in our land, that's not the case anymore. Perhaps in the past we had none, but in my time, they are so abundant that in some rural towns, there are one hundred or two hundred hives. Although these hives aren’t as big as those found in eastern countries, they’re much smaller, holding only about one bushel of grain or five pecks at most. Pliny, who specifically enjoyed writing about wonders, mentioned that in the northern regions during his era, the hives were so large that a single comb could be eight feet long, and yet he seemed not to refer to the largest ones. In Podolia, which is now under the king of Poland, the hives are so enormous and the combs so plentiful that large boars can fall into them and drown in the honey before they can figure out how to escape.

Honie. Our honie also is taken and reputed to be the best, bicause it is harder, better wrought, and clenlier vesselled vp, than that which commeth from beyond the sea, where they stampe and streine their combs, bées, and yoong blowings altogither into the stuffe, as I haue béene informed. In vse also of medicine our physicians and apothecaries eschew the forren, especiallie that of Spaine and Ponthus, by reason of a venemous qualitie naturallie planted in the same, as some write, and choose the home made: not onelie by reason of our soile, which hath no lesse plentie of wild thime growing therein than in Sicilia, & about Athens, and makth the best stuffe; as also for that it bréedeth (being gotten in haruest time) lesse choler, and which is oftentimes (as I haue séene by experience) so white as sugar, and corned as if it were salt. Our hiues are made commonlie of rie straw, and wadled about with bramble quarters: but some make the same of wicker, and cast them ouer with claie. Wée cherish none in trées, but set our hiues somewhere on the warmest side of the house, prouiding that they may stand drie and without danger both of the mouse and moth. This furthermore is to be noted, that wheras in vessels of oile, that which is néerest the top is counted the finest, and of wine that in the middest; so of honie the best which is heauiest and moistest is alwaies next the bottome, and [Page 385] euermore casteth and driueth his dregs vpward toward the verie top, contrarie to the nature of other liquid substances, whose groonds and léeze doo generallie settle downewards. And thus much as by the waie of our bées and English honie.

Honey. Our honey is also collected and considered to be the best because it is firmer, better crafted, and cleaner packaged than what comes from abroad, where they crush and strain the honeycombs, bees, and young bees all together into the product, as I have been informed. In medical use, our doctors and pharmacists avoid the foreign types, especially those from Spain and Ponthus, due to a naturally occurring poisonous quality, as some write, and prefer the homemade variety: not just because of our soil, which has just as much wild thyme growing in it as in Sicily and around Athens and produces the best honey; but also because it causes (when harvested at the right time) less bitterness, and is often (as I have seen from experience) as white as sugar and grainy like salt. Our beehives are usually made of rye straw and woven around with bramble twigs: but some make them from wicker and coat them with clay. We don’t keep any in trees, but place our hives somewhere warm next to the house, ensuring they stand dry and safe from both mice and moths. Additionally, it should be noted that in oil containers, the part closest to the top is considered the finest, and in wine, the middle part; however, for honey, the best, which is heaviest and moistest, is always at the bottom, and it constantly pushes its dregs upward toward the very top, contrary to the nature of other liquids, whose sediment usually settles downwards. And so much for our bees and English honey. [Page 385]

As for the whole bodied, as the cantharides, and such venemous creatures of the same kind, to be abundantlie found in other countries, we heare not of them: yet haue we béetles, horseflies, turdbugs or borres (called in Latine Scarabei) the locust or the grashopper (which to me doo séeme to be one thing, as I will anon declare) and such like, whereof let other intreat that make an exercise in catching of flies, but a far greater sport in offering them to spiders. As did Domitian sometime, and an other prince yet liuing, who delited so much to sée the iollie combats betwixt a stout flie and an old spider, that diuerse men haue had great rewards giuen them for their painfull prouision of flies made onelie for this purpose. Some parasites also in the time of the aforesaid emperour, (when they were disposed to laugh at his follie, and yet would seeme in appearance to gratifie his fantasticall head with some shew of dutifull demenour) could deuise to set their lord on worke, by letting a flesh flie priuilie into his chamber, which he foorthwith would egerlie haue hunted (all other businesse set apart) and neuer ceased till he had caught hir into his fingers: wherevpon arose the prouerbe, "Ne musca quidem," vttered first by Vibius Priscus, who being asked whether anie bodie was with Domitian, answered, "Ne musca quidem," wherby he noted his follie. There are some cockescombs here and there in England, learning it abroad as men transregionate, which make account also of this pastime, as of a notable matter, telling what a fight is séene betwene them, if either of them be lustie and couragious in his kind. One also hath made a booke of the spider and the flie, wherein he dealeth so profoundlie, and beyond all measure of skill, that neither he himselfe that made it, neither anie one that readeth it, can reach vnto the meaning therof. But if those iollie fellows in stéed of the straw that they thrust into the flies tale (a great iniurie no doubt to such a noble champion) would bestow the cost to set a fooles cap vpon their owne heads: then might they with more securitie and lesse reprehension behold these notable battels.

As for the whole-bodied creatures, like cantharides and other poisonous beings, we don’t hear much about them being found in other countries. Yet, we do have beetles, horseflies, dung beetles (called in Latin Scarabei), locusts, and grasshoppers (which to me seem to be the same, as I will explain shortly), and similar insects. Let others take on the activity of catching flies, but a much greater thrill comes from offering them to spiders. Domitian once did this, and another prince still alive enjoyed watching the lively battles between a bold fly and an old spider so much that various people received significant rewards for their diligent collection of flies made solely for this purpose. Some sycophants during that emperor's time, when they wanted to mock his folly while pretending to be dutiful, cleverly let a flesh fly into his chamber, which he would immediately rush to hunt (ignoring all other tasks) and wouldn’t stop until he had caught it in his hands. This gave rise to the saying, "Not even a fly," first uttered by Vibius Priscus, who, when asked if anyone was with Domitian, replied, "Not even a fly," pointing out his foolishness. There are some foolish people here and there in England, learning this abroad as trends change, who also think of this pastime as something notable, claiming that an impressive fight occurs between them if either is spirited and brave in its own way. One person even wrote a book about the spider and the fly, diving so deeply into the topic that neither he who wrote it nor anyone who reads it can fully grasp its meaning. But if those silly folks, instead of sticking straw into the fly’s rear (a great injustice to such a noble competitor), would spend that effort putting a fool’s cap on their own heads, they might with more security and less criticism enjoy these notable battles.

Now as concerning the locust, I am led by diuerse of my countrie, who (as they say) were either in Germanie, Italie, or Pannonia, 1542, when those nations were greatly annoied with that kind of flie, and affirme verie constantlie, that they saw none other creature than the grashopper, during the time of that annoiance, which was said to come to them from the Meotides. In most of our translations also of the bible, the word Locusta is Englished a grashopper, and therevnto Leuit. 11. it is reputed among the cleane food, otherwise Iohn the Baptist would Sée Diodorus Sicutus. neuer haue liued with them in the wildernesse. In Barbarie, Numidia, and sundrie other places of Affrica, as they haue beene, so are they eaten to this daie powdred in barels, and therefore the people of those parts are called Acedophagi: neuertheles they shorten the life of the eaters by the production at the last of an irkesome and filthie disease. In India they are thrée foot long, in Ethiopia much shorter, but in England seldome aboue an inch. As for the cricket called in Latin Cicada, he hath some likelihood, but not verie great, with the grashopper, and therefore he is not to be brought in as an vmpier in this case. Finallie Matthiolus, and so manie as describe the locust, doo set downe none other forme than that of our grashopper, which maketh me so much the more to rest vpon my former imagination, which is, that the locust and grashopper are one.

Now regarding the locust, I am influenced by several people from my country who claim to have been in Germany, Italy, or Pannonia in 1542 when those regions were heavily troubled by this type of insect. They insist quite firmly that during that time, they only saw grasshoppers, which were said to have come from the Meotides. In many of our translations of the Bible, the word Locusta is translated as grasshopper, and Leviticus 11 regards it as clean food; otherwise, John the Baptist would never have lived on them in the wilderness. In Barbary, Numidia, and various other places in Africa, they have been eaten for a long time, powdered and stored in barrels, which is why the people from those areas are called Acedophagi: however, this shortens the lifespan of those who consume them, ultimately leading to a bothersome and filthy disease. In India, they can be three feet long, in Ethiopia much shorter, but in England rarely more than an inch. As for the cricket, known in Latin as Cicada, it has some resemblance, but not a strong one, to the grasshopper, so it should not be considered as a contender in this discussion. Finally, Matthiolus and many others who describe the locust provide no other form than that of our grasshopper, which makes me more inclined to believe my earlier thought that the locust and the grasshopper are the same.

[Page 386]

[Page 386]

OF OUR ENGLISH DOGS AND THEIR QUALITIES.
CHAP. VII.

There is no countrie that maie (as I take it) compare with ours, in number, excellencie, and diuersite of dogs. And therefore if Polycrates of Samia were now aliue, he would not send to Epyro for such merchandize: but to his further cost prouide them out of Britaine, as an ornament to his countrie, and péece of husbandrie for his common wealth, which he furnished of set purpose with Molossian and Lacaonian dogs, as he did the same also with shéepe out of Attica and Miletum, gotes from Scyro and Naxus, swine out of Sicilia, and artificers out of other places. Howbeit the learned doctor Caius in his Latine treatise vnto Gesner "De canibus Anglicis," bringeth them all into thrée sorts: that is, the gentle kind seruing for game: the homelie kind apt for sundrie vses: and the currish kind méet for many toies. For my part I can say no more of them than he hath doone alredie. Wherefore I will here set downe onelie a summe of that which he hath written of their names and natures, with the addition of an example or two now latelie had in experience, whereby the courages of our mastiffes shall yet more largelie appeare. As for those of other countries I haue not to deale with them: neither care I to report out of Plinie, that dogs were sometime killed in sacrifice, and sometime their whelps eaten as a delicate dish, Lib. 29. cap. 4. Wherefore if anie man be disposed to read of them, let him resort to Plinie lib. 8. cap. 40. who (among other woonders) telleth of an armie of two hundred dogs, which fetched a king of the Garamantes out of captiuitie, mawgre the resistance of his aduersaries: also to Cardan, lib. 10. "De animalibus," Aristotle, &c: who write maruels of them, but none further from credit than Cardan, who is not afraid to compare some of them for greatnesse with oxen, and some also for smalnesse vnto the little field mouse. Neither doo I find anie far writer of great antiquitie, that maketh mention of our dogs, Strabo excepted, who saith that the Galles did somtime buy vp all our mastiffes, to serue in the forewards of their battels, wherein they resembled the Colophonians, Castabalenses of Calicute and Phenicia, of whom Plinie also speaketh, but they had them not from vs.

There’s no country that can compare to ours, in terms of the number, quality, and variety of dogs. So, if Polycrates of Samia were alive today, he wouldn't send to Epirus for such merchandise; instead, he'd spend his money obtaining them from Britain, seeing them as a decorative element for his country and a part of agriculture for his commonwealth, just as he specifically equipped it with Molossian and Lacaonian dogs, along with sheep from Attica and Miletus, goats from Scyros and Naxos, pigs from Sicily, and craftsmen from other areas. However, the learned doctor Caius, in his Latin treatise to Gesner "De canibus Anglicis," categorizes them all into three types: the noble kind suitable for hunting, the common kind useful for various purposes, and the cur-like kind suitable for many nuisances. Personally, I can’t add much more than what he has already discussed. Therefore, I will simply present a summary of what he has written about their names and characteristics, along with a few recent examples that demonstrate the qualities of our mastiffs even more clearly. As for those from other countries, I won’t address them; I also don’t care to report from Pliny that dogs were sometimes sacrificed and that their puppies were eaten as a delicacy, Lib. 29, cap. 4. So, if anyone wants to read about them, let them refer to Pliny, lib. 8, cap. 40, who, among other wonders, tells of an army of two hundred dogs that rescued a king of the Garamantes from captivity, despite the resistance of his adversaries. They can also check Cardan, lib. 10, "De animalibus," Aristotle, etc., who write marvels about them, but none are more far-fetched than Cardan, who dares to compare some of them in size to oxen and others in smallness to little field mice. I also don't find any ancient writer mentioning our dogs, except for Strabo, who notes that the Gauls once bought up all our mastiffs to serve in the front lines of their battles, resembling the Colophonians, Castabalenses of Calicut, and Phenicia, whom Pliny also mentions, but they didn’t get them from us.

The first sort therefore he diuideth either into such as rowse the beast, and continue the chase, or springeth the bird, and bewraieth hir flight by pursute. And as these are commonlie called spaniels, so the other are named hounds, whereof he maketh eight sorts, of which the formost excelleth in perfect smelling, the second in quicke espieng, the third in swiftnesse and quickenesse, the fourth in smelling and nimblenesse, &c: and the last in subtiltie and deceitfulnesse. These (saith Strabo) are most apt for game, and called Sagaces by a generall name, not onelie bicause of their skill in hunting, but also for that they know their owne and the names of their fellowes most exactlie. For if the hunter see anie one to follow skilfullie, and with likelihood of good successe, he biddeth the rest to harke and follow such a dog, and they eftsoones obeie so soone as they heare his name. The first kind of these are also commonlie called hariers, whose game is the fox, the hare, the woolfe (if we had anie) hart, bucke, badger, otter, polcat, lopstart, wesell, conie, &c: the second hight a terrer, and it hunteth the badger and graie onelie: the third a bloudhound, whose office is to follow the fierce, and now and then to pursue a théefe or beast by his drie foot: the fourth hight a gasehound, who hunteth by the eie: the fift a greihound, cherished for his strength, swiftnes, and stature, commended by Bratius in his "De venatione," and not vnremembred by Hercules Stroza in a like treatise, but aboue all other those of Britaine, where he saith:

The first type, then, is divided into those that flush out the game and continue the chase or spring the bird, revealing its flight by pursuit. These are commonly called spaniels, while the others are referred to as hounds, of which he identifies eight types. The first excels in having an excellent sense of smell, the second in keen sight, the third in speed and agility, the fourth in scent and nimbleness, etc., and the last in cunning and deceit. These (according to Strabo) are the best for hunting, and they are collectively known as Sagaces, not only because of their hunting skills but also because they are very familiar with their own names and those of their companions. If the hunter sees one that is tracking skillfully and seems likely to succeed, he instructs the others to listen and follow that dog, and they promptly obey as soon as they hear his name. The first type is commonly called harriers, which hunt foxes, hares, wolves (if we had any), deer, bucks, badgers, otters, polecats, hares, etc. The second is called a terrier, which hunts badgers and only gray foxes. The third is a bloodhound, whose job is to follow fierce animals and occasionally pursue a thief or animal by its scent. The fourth is called a gazehound, which hunts by sight. The fifth is a greyhound, prized for its strength, speed, and size, praised by Bratius in "De venatione," and also remembered by Hercules Stroza in a similar work, but above all others, those from Britain, where he says:

——— & magna spectandi mole Britanni,

——— & and the great wonder of the size of the British,

also by Nemesianus, libro Cynegeticôn, where he saith:

also by Nemesianus, in the book Cynegeticôn, where he says:

Diuisa Britannia mittit

Britain sends

Veloces nostríq; orbis venatibus aptos,

Veloces nostríq; orbis venatibus aptos,

[Page 387]

[Page 387]

of which sort also some be smooth, of sundrie colours, and some shake haired: the sixt a liemer, that excelleth in smelling and swift running: the seuenth a tumbler: and the eight a théefe, whose offices (I meane of the latter two) incline onelie to deceit, wherein they are oft so skilfull, that few men would thinke so mischiefous a wit to remaine in such sillie creatures. Hauing made this enumeration of dogs, which are apt for the chase and hunting, he commeth next to such as serue the falcons in their times, whereof he maketh also two sorts. One that findeth his game on the land, an other that putteth vp such foule as keepeth in the water: and of these this is commonlie most vsuall for the net or traine, the other for the hawke, as he dooth shew at large. Of the first he saith, that they haue no peculiar names assigned to them seuerallie, but each of them is called after the bird which by naturall appointment he is allotted to hunt or serue, for which consideration some be named dogs for the feasant, some for the falcon, and some for the partrich. Howbeit the common name for all is spaniell (saith he) and therevpon alludeth, as if these kinds of dogs had bin brought hither out of Spaine. In like sort we haue of water spaniels in their kind. The third sort of dogs of the gentle kind, is the spaniell gentle, or comforter, or (as the common terme is) the fistinghound, and those are called Melitei, of the Iland Malta, from whence they were brought hither. These are little and prettie, proper and fine, and sought out far and néere to satisfie the nice delicacie of daintie dames, and wanton womens willes; instruments of follie to plaie and dallie withall, in trifling away the treasure of time, to withdraw their minds from more commendable exercises, and to content their corrupt concupiscences with vaine disport, a sillie poore shift to shun their irkesome idlenes. These Sybariticall puppies, the smaller they be (and thereto if they haue an hole in the foreparts of their heads) the better they are accepted, the more pleasure also they prouoke, as méet plaiefellowes for minsing mistresses to beare in their bosoms, to keepe companie withall in their chambers, to succour with sléepe in bed, and nourish with meat at boord, to lie in their laps, and licke their lips as they lie (like yoong Dianaes) in their wagons and coches. And good reason it should be so, for coursenesse with finenesse hath no fellowship, but featnesse with neatnesse hath neighbourhead inough. That plausible prouerbe therefore verefied sometime vpon a tyrant, namelie that he loued his sow better than his sonne, may well be applied to some of this kind of people, who delight more in their dogs, that are depriued of all possibilitie of reason, than they doo in children that are capable of wisedome & iudgement. Yea, they oft féed them of the best, where the poore mans child at their doores can hardlie come by the woorst. But the former abuse peraduenture reigneth where there hath béene long want of issue, else where barrennesse is the best blossome of beautie: or finallie, where poore mens children for want of their owne issue are not readie to be had. It is thought of some that it is verie wholesome for a weake stomach to beare such a dog in the bosome, as it is for him that hath the palsie to féele the dailie smell and sauour of a fox. But how truelie this is affirmed let the learned iudge: onelie it shall suffice for Doctor Caius to haue said thus much of spaniels and dogs of the gentle kind.

of which some are smooth, in various colors, and some have shaggy hair: the sixth is a limber one, known for its keen sense of smell and speedy running; the seventh is a tumbler; and the eighth is a thief, whose roles (meaning the last two) lean purely towards deceit, where they are so skilled that few would suspect such cunning intellect to exist in such simple creatures. After listing these dogs which are suitable for hunting, he moves on to those that assist falcons during their hunting time, which he also divides into two types. One finds game on land, and the other flushes birds that stay in the water: of these, the first is commonly used for nets or traps, and the other for the hawk, as he explains in detail. Regarding the first type, he states that they don’t have specific names assigned to them, but each is named after the bird it is naturally appointed to hunt or serve, for which reason some are called dogs for the pheasant, some for the falcon, and some for the partridge. However, the general term for all is spaniel (he says) and he implies that these types of dogs were brought here from Spain. Similarly, we have water spaniels among them. The third type of gentle dogs is the gentle spaniel, or comforter, or (as commonly called) the fisting hound, and these are referred to as Melitei, from the island of Malta, from where they were brought here. These are small and pretty, neat and fine, and are sought after far and wide to satisfy the delicate taste of picky ladies and the whims of flirtatious women; instruments of folly to play and indulge with, wasting away time and distracting them from more admirable activities, and to satisfy their corrupt desires with vain amusements, a silly poor excuse to avoid their annoying idleness. These pampered puppies, the smaller they are (and if they have a hole in their foreheads), the better they are received, as they provoke more pleasure, being fitting companions for fussy mistresses to carry in their arms, to keep company with in their rooms, to cuddle with in bed, and to feed at the table, to sit in their laps, and lick their lips as they lie (like young Dianes) in their coaches and carriages. And there’s good reason for it, as coarseness has no place with fineness, but sleekness and neatness go hand in hand. Therefore, that catchy proverb once used to describe a tyrant, namely that he loved his pig more than his son, can be aptly applied to some of these people, who take more joy in their dogs, deprived of all reason, than they do in children capable of wisdom and judgment. Yes, they often feed them the best, while the poor man's child at their doorstep can hardly manage the worst. But perhaps this earlier abuse occurs where there has been a long absence of children, while in other places, barrenness is the best bloom of beauty; or finally, where poor people’s children are not readily available due to lack of their own offspring. Some believe it is very healthy for a weak stomach to carry such a dog in the bosom, just as it is for someone with palsy to experience the daily scent of a fox. But how true this claim is, let the learned judge: it shall suffice for Doctor Caius to have said this much about spaniels and gentle dogs.

Homelie kind of dogs. Dogs of the homelie kind, are either shepheards curs, or mastiffes. The first are so common, that it néedeth me not to speake of them. Their vse also is so well knowne in keeping the heard togither (either when they grase or go before the sheepheard) that it should be but in vaine to spend anie time about them. Wherefore I will leaue this curre vnto his Tie dogs. owne kind, and go in hand with the mastiffe, tie dog, or banddog, so called bicause manie of them are tied vp in chaines and strong bonds, in the daie time, for dooing hurt abroad, which is an huge dog, stubborne, ouglie, eager, burthenous of bodie (& therefore but of little swiftnesse) terrible and fearfull to behold, and oftentimes more fierce and fell than anie Archadian or Corsican cur. Our Englishmen to the intent that these dogs may be more cruell and fierce, assist nature with some art, vse and custome. For although this kind of dog be capable of courage, violent, valiant, stout and bold: yet will they increase these their stomachs by teaching them to bait the beare, the bull, the lion, and other such like cruell and bloudie beasts, (either brought ouer or kept vp at home, for the same purpose) without anie collar to defend [Page 388] their throats, and oftentimes thereto they traine them vp in fighting and wrestling with a man (hauing for the safegard of his life either a pike staffe, club, sword, priuie coate) wherby they become the more fierce and cruell vnto strangers. The Caspians made so much account sometime of such great dogs, that euerie able man would nourish sundrie of them in his house of set purpose, to the end they should deuoure their carcases after their deaths, thinking the dogs bellies to be the most honourable sepulchers. The common people also followed the same rate, and therfore there were tie dogs kept vp by publike ordinance, to deuoure them after their deaths: by means whereof these beasts became the more eger, and with great difficultie after a while restreined from falling vpon the liuing. But whither am I digressed? In returning Some barke and bite not.
Some bite and barke not.
therefore to our owne, I saie that of mastiffes, some barke onelie with fierce and open mouth but will not bite, some doo both barke and bite, but the cruellest doo either not barke at all, or bite before they barke, and therefore are more to be feared than anie of the other. They take also their name of the word mase and théefe (or master théefe if you will) bicause they often stound and put such persons to their shifts in townes and villages, and are the principall causes of their apprehension and taking. The force which is in them surmounteth all beleefe, and the fast hold which they take with their téeth excéedeth all credit: for thrée of them against a beare, foure against a lion, are sufficient to trie mastries with them. King Henrie the seauenth, as the report goeth, commanded all such curres to be hanged, bicause they durst presume to fight against the lion, who is their king and souereigne. The like he did with an excellent falcon, as some saie, bicause he feared not hand to hand to match with an eagle, willing his falconers in his owne presence to pluck off his head after he was taken downe, saieng that it was not méet for anie subiect to offer such wrong vnto his lord and superiour, wherein he had a further meaning. But if king Henrie the seauenth had liued in our time, what would he haue doone to one English mastiffe, which alone and without anie helpe at all pulled downe first an huge beare, then a pard, and last of all a lion, each after other before the French king in one daie, when the lord Buckhurst was ambassador vnto him, and whereof if I should write the circumstances, that is, how he tooke his aduantage being let lose vnto them, and finallie draue them into such excéeding feare, that they were all glad to run awaie when he was taken from them, I should take much paines, and yet reape but small credit: wherefore it shall suffice to haue said thus much thereof. Some of our mastiffes will rage onelie in the night, some are to be tied vp both daie and night. Such also as are suffered to go lose about the house and yard, are so gentle in the daie time, that children may ride on their backs, & plaie with them, at their pleasures. Diuerse of them likewise are of such gelousie ouer their maister and whosoeuer of his houshold, that if a stranger doo imbrace or touch anie of them, they will fall fiercelie vpon them, vnto their extreame mischéefe if their furie be not preuented. Such an one was the dog of Nichomedes king sometime of Bithinia, who séeing Consigne the quéene to imbrace and kisse hir husband as they walked togither in a garden, did teare hir all to peeces, mauger his resistance, and the present aid of such as attended on them. Some of them moreouer will suffer a stranger to come in and walke about the house or yard where him listeth, without giuing ouer to follow him: but if he put foorth his hand to touch anie thing, then will they flie vpon him and kill him if they may. I had one my selfe once, which would not suffer anie man to bring in his weapon further than my gate: neither those that were of my house to be touched in his presence. Or if I had beaten anie of my children, he would gentlie haue assaied to catch the rod in his teeth and take it out of my hand, or else pluck downe their clothes to saue them from the stripes: which in my opinion is not vnworthie to be noted. And thus much of our mastiffes, creatures of no lesse faith and loue towards their maisters than horsses; as may appeare euen by the confidence that Masinissa reposed in them, in so much that mistrusting his houshold seruants he made him a gard of dogs, which manie a time deliuered him from their treasons and conspiracies, euen by their barking and biting, nor of lesse force than the Molossian race, brought from Epiro into some countries, which the poets feigne to haue originall from the brasen dog [Page 389] that Vulcan made, and gaue to Iupiter, who also deliuered the same to Europa, she to Procris, and Procris to Cephalus, as Iulius Pollux noteth, lib. 5. cap. 5: neither vnequall in carefulnesse to the mastiffe of Alexander Phereus, who by his onelie courage and attendance kept his maister long time from slaughter, till at the last he was remooued by policie, and the tyrant killed sléeping: the storie goeth thus. Thebe the wife of the said Phereus and hir three brethren conspired the death of hir husband, who fearing the dog onelie, she found the means to allure him from his chamber doore by faire means, vnto another house hard by, whilest they should execute their purpose. Neuerthelesse, when they came to the bed where he laie sléeping, they waxed faint harted, till she did put them in choise, either that they should dispatch him at once, or else that she hir selfe would wake hir husband, and giue him warning of his enimies, or at the least wise bring in the dog vpon them, which they feared most of all: and therefore quicklie dispatched him.

Homey kind of dogs. Homely dogs are either shepherd's curs or mastiffs. The first are so common that I don't need to talk about them. Their role in keeping the herd together (either while they graze or leading the shepherd) is well-known, so there's no point in spending time discussing them. Therefore, I’ll leave this cur to its own kind and move on to the mastiff, the tie dog, or band dog, so named because many of them are kept tied up in chains and strong bonds during the day to prevent them from harming others. This is a huge dog, stubborn, ugly, heavy-bodied (and therefore not very fast), terrifying to look at, and often more fierce and aggressive than any Arcadian or Corsican cur. To make these dogs more ferocious, the English enhance their nature with some training and custom. Although this type of dog has the potential for courage—violent, brave, strong, and bold—they amplify these traits by teaching them to bait the bear, the bull, the lion, and other such vicious and bloody beasts (either brought over or kept at home for that purpose) without any collar to protect their throats. They are often trained to fight and wrestle with a man (who carries either a pike staff, club, sword, or protective coat) which makes them even fiercer and more aggressive towards strangers. The Caspians once valued such large dogs so much that every able man would keep several of them at home specifically so they could eat their bodies after they died, believing the dogs' bellies were the most honorable tombs. The common people followed the same trend, leading to the public mandate for keeping tie dogs, which would consume them after death. Consequently, these beasts became more eager and it was increasingly difficult to restrain them from attacking the living. But why have I digressed? Returning to our own, I say that among mastiffs, some only bark fiercely with their mouths wide open but won’t bite, some bark and bite, but the most dangerous don’t bark at all or will bite before they bark, making them more to be feared than the others. They also get their name from the words "mase" and "thief" (or "master thief," if you prefer) because they often trouble and put such individuals in a tough spot in towns and villages, and are the main cause of their apprehension and capture. Their strength is beyond belief, and the grip they have with their teeth exceeds all expectations: three of them against a bear, or four against a lion, are enough to challenge them. King Henry the Seventh, it is said, ordered all such curs to be hanged because they dared to fight against the lion, who is their king and sovereign. He did something similar with an exceptional falcon, as some say, because he was afraid it would dare to match an eagle in combat, and he commanded his falconers in his presence to decapitate it after it was captured, stating that it was unfit for any subject to do such wrong to its lord and superior, which had a deeper meaning. But if King Henry the Seventh had lived in our time, what would he have done to an English mastiff that single-handedly and without assistance first took down a huge bear, then a leopard, and finally a lion, each in succession before the French king in a single day, when Lord Buckhurst was his ambassador? And if I were to describe the details, like how the dog seized its moment when released and ultimately terrified the beasts so thoroughly that they all fled when it was pulled from them, I would put in a lot of effort and yet reap little acclaim. So it suffices to say this much. Some of our mastiffs will only rage at night; others must be tied up both day and night. Those allowed to roam the house and yard are so gentle during the day that children can ride on their backs and play with them freely. Many are also so jealous of their master and his household that if a stranger embraces or touches any of them, they will fiercely attack, often causing severe harm if their fury isn’t stopped. One such incident involved the dog of Nichomedes, former king of Bithynia, who, seeing Queen Consigne embrace and kiss her husband as they walked together in a garden, tore her to pieces despite his resistance and the presence of their attendants. Some mastiffs will let a stranger into the house or yard to wander freely without stopping him, but if he reaches out to touch anything, they will leap at him and attack if they can. I had one myself who wouldn’t allow anyone to bring a weapon further than my gate, nor would he let anyone from my household be touched in his presence. If I happened to discipline any of my children, he would gently try to catch the rod in his teeth and take it from me, or else pull down their clothes to protect them from the stripes, which, in my opinion, is noteworthy. And thus, I've spoken of our mastiffs, creatures with loyalty and love towards their masters equal to that of horses; as demonstrated by the trust Masinissa placed in them, so much so that fearing his household servants, he formed a guard of dogs, which many times saved him from their treasons and conspiracies just by barking and biting. They are no less powerful than the Molossian breed, brought from Epirus to some regions, which poets claim descended from the brazen dog that Vulcan made and gave to Jupiter, who then gave it to Europa, she to Procris, and Procris to Cephalus, as noted by Julius Pollux, lib. 5, cap. 5; they are also not inferior in vigilance to the mastiff of Alexander Phereus, who kept his master safe from slaughter for a long time through courage and loyalty, until he was ultimately removed by cunning and the tyrant was killed in his sleep. The story goes like this: Thebe, the wife of Phereus, and her three brothers conspired to kill her husband, who, fearing the dog, found a way to lure it from the door of his chamber to another house nearby, while they executed their plan. Nevertheless, when they reached the bed where he lay sleeping, they became faint-hearted until she gave them a choice: either kill him at once, or she would wake her husband and warn him about his enemies, or at the very least bring the dog upon them, which they feared above all. Hence, they quickly dispatched him.

The last sort of dogs consisteth of the currish kind méet for manie toies: of which the whappet or prickeard curre is one. Some men call them warners, bicause they are good for nothing else but to barke and giue warning when anie bodie dooth stirre or lie in wait about the house in the night season. Certes it is vnpossible to describe these curs in anie order, bicause they haue no anie one kind proper vnto themselues, but are a confused companie mixt of all the rest. The second sort of them are called turne spits, whose office is not vnknowne to anie. And as these are onelie reserued for this purpose, so in manie places our mastiffes (beside the vse which tinkers haue of them in carieng their heauie budgets) are made to draw water in great whéeles out of déepe wels, going much like vnto those which are framed for our turne spits, as is to be séene at Roiston, where this feat is often practised. Besides these also we haue sholts or curs dailie brought out of Iseland, and much made of among vs, bicause of their sawcinesse and quarrelling. Moreouer they bite verie sore, and loue candles excéedinglie, as doo the men and women of their countrie: but I may saie no more of them, bicause they are not bred with vs. Yet this will I make report of by the waie, for pastimes sake, that when a great man of those parts came of late into one of our ships which went thither for fish, to see the forme and fashion of the same, his wife apparrelled in fine sables, abiding on the decke whilest hir husband was vnder the hatches with the mariners, espied a pound or two of candles hanging at the mast, and being loth to stand there idle alone, she fell to and eat them vp euerie one, supposing hir selfe to haue béene at a iollie banket, and shewing verie plesant gesture when hir husband came vp againe vnto hir.

The last type of dogs includes the cur-like breeds suited for many tasks, one of which is the whippet or pricked cur. Some people call them warners because they serve no purpose other than to bark and alert when anyone moves or lurks around the house at night. It’s really hard to describe these curs in any order because they don’t have one specific kind unique to themselves, but rather they are a mixed bunch of all the others. The second kind is called turnspits, and their role is well-known to everyone. Just like they are reserved for this purpose, in many places our mastiffs (besides the use that tinkers have for them in carrying their heavy loads) are used to draw water with large wheels from deep wells, working much like those made for our turnspits, as can be seen in Roiston, where this is often done. Besides these, we also have sholts or curs that are regularly brought over from Iceland, and are highly valued among us because of their boldness and tendency to quarrel. Furthermore, they bite quite hard and have a strong love for candles, much like the people from their country: but I can’t say much more about them since they aren’t bred here. Nonetheless, I’ll mention, just for fun, that when a nobleman from there recently came aboard one of our ships that went there for fish to see its shape and design, his wife, dressed in fine furs, was on the deck while her husband was below with the sailors. She noticed a pound or two of candles hanging from the mast, and not wanting to stand there idle, she went ahead and ate them all, thinking she was at a grand feast, and showed a very pleasant expression when her husband came back up to her.

The last kind of toiesh curs are named dansers, and those being of a mongrell sort also, are taught & exercised to danse in measure at the musicall sound of an instrument, as at the iust stroke of a drum, sweet accent of the citharne, and pleasant harmonie of the harpe, shewing manie trickes by the gesture of their bodies: as to stand bolt vpright, to lie flat vpon the ground, to turne round as a ring, holding their tailes in their teeth, to saw and beg for meat, to take a mans cap from his head, and sundrie such properties, which they learne of their idle rogish masters whose instruments they are to gather gaine, as old apes clothed in motleie, and coloured short wasted iackets are for the like vagabunds, who séeke no better liuing, than that which they may get by fond pastime and idlenesse. I might here intreat of other dogs, as of those which are bred betwéene a bitch and a woolfe, and called Lycisca: a thing verie often séene in France saith Franciscus Patricius in his common wealth, as procured of set purpose, and learned as I thinke of the Indians, who tie their sault bitches often in woods, that they might be loined by tigers: also betweene a bitch and a fox, or a beare and a mastiffe. But as we vtterlie want the first sort, except they be brought vnto vs: so it happeneth sometime, that the other two are ingendered and seene at home amongst vs. But all the rest heretofore remembred in this chapter, there is none more ouglie and odious in sight, cruell and fierce in déed, nor vntractable in hand, than that which is begotten betwéene the beare and the bandog. For whatsoeuer he catcheth hold of, he taketh it so fast, that a man may sooner teare and rend his bodie in sunder, than get open his mouth to separate his chaps. Certes he regardeth neither woolfe, beare, nor lion, and therfore may [Page 390] well be compared with those two dogs which were sent to Alexander out of India (& procreated as it is thought betwéene a mastiffe and male tiger, as be those also of Hircania) or to them that are bred in Archadia, where copulation is oft seene betweene lions and bitches, as the like is in France (as I said) betwéene shée woolfes and dogs, whereof let this suffice; sith the further tractation of them dooth not concerne my purpose, more than the confutation of Cardans talke, "De subt." lib. 10. who saith, that after manie generations, dogs doo become woolfes, and contrariwise; which if it were true, than could not England be without manie woolfes: but nature hath set a difference betwéene them, not onelie in outward forme, but also in inward disposition of their bones, wherefore it is vnpossible that his assertion can be sound.

The last type of toy dogs are called dancers. These mixed-breed dogs are trained to dance in rhythm to the sound of instruments, like the beat of a drum, the sweet notes of the lyre, and the pleasant harmony of the harp, showcasing various tricks with their bodies. They can stand straight up, lie flat on the ground, spin in circles while holding their tails in their mouths, beg for food, and even take a person's hat off their head, among other tricks. They learn these skills from their lazy, roguish masters, who use them to make a profit, much like old monkeys dressed in colorful, mismatched jackets who cater to similar vagabonds looking for a living through playful antics and idleness. I could mention other dogs, such as those bred between a female dog and a wolf, known as Lycisca: this is often seen in France, as noted by Franciscus Patricius in his work on commonwealths, where it's said to be done intentionally, possibly learned from the Indians, who frequently tie their female dogs in the woods to be bred by tigers. There are also mixes between female dogs and foxes or between bears and mastiffs. However, we typically lack the first type unless they are brought to us; it sometimes happens that the other two are bred and seen among us. Of all the dogs mentioned in this chapter, none are more hideous and repulsive in appearance, cruel and fierce in nature, or difficult to handle than those bred between bears and mastiffs. Once it catches something, it holds on so ferociously that a person could more easily tear its body apart than pry its mouth open. It shows no fear of wolves, bears, or lions, so it can be compared to the two dogs sent to Alexander from India (thought to be bred from a mastiff and a male tiger, similar to those from Hyrcania) or to those bred in Arcadia, where mating between lions and female dogs is often seen, as well as between female wolves and dogs in France, as I mentioned. Let this suffice; further discussion of them is irrelevant to my point, more than to refute Cardano's statement in "De subtil." lib. 10, who claims that after many generations, dogs become wolves and vice versa. If that were true, then England would be overrun with wolves. Nature has established a clear distinction between them, not only in outward appearance but also in the internal structure of their bones, which makes it impossible for his claim to be valid.

OF OUR SAFFRON, AND THE DRESSING THEREOF.
CHAP. VIII.

As the saffron of England, which Platina reckneth among spices, is the most excellent of all other: for it giueth place neither to that of Cilicia, whereof Solinus speaketh, neither to anie that commeth from Cilicia, where it groweth vpon the mount Taurus, Tmolus, Italie, Ætolia, Sicilia or Licia, in swéetnesse, tincture, and continuance; so of that which is to be had amongst vs, the same that grows about Saffron Walden, somtime called Waldenburg, in the edge of Essex, first of all planted there in the time of Edward the third, and that of Glocester shire and those westerlie parts, which some thinke to be better than that of Walden, surmounteth all the rest, and therefore beareth worthilie the higher price, by six pence or twelue pence most commonlie in the pound. The root of the herbe that beareth this commoditie is round, much like vnto an indifferent chestnut, & yet it is not cloued as the lillie, nor flaked as the scallion, but hath a sad substance "Inter bulbosa," as Orchis, hyacinthus orientalis, and Statyrion. The colour of the rind is not much differing from the innermost shell of a chestnut, although it be not altogither so brickle as is the pill of an onion. So long as the leafe flourisheth the root is litle & small; but when the grasse is withered, the head increaseth and multiplieth, the fillets also or small roots die, so that when the time dooth come to take them vp, they haue no roots at all, but so continue vntill September that they doo grow againe: and before the chiue be grounded the smallest heads are also most esteemed; but whether they be great or small, if sheepe or neat may come to them on the heape, as they lie in the field, they will deuoure them as if they were haie or stuble, some also will wroot for them in verie eager maner. The leafe or rather the blade thereof is long and narrow as grasse, which come vp alwaies in October after the floures be gathered and gone, pointed on a little tuft much like vnto our siues. Sometimes our cattell will féed vpon the same; neuerthelesse, if it be bitten whilest it is gréene, the head dieth, and therefore our crokers are carefull to kéepe it from such annoiance vntill it begin to wither, and then also will the cattell soonest tast thereof: for vntill that time the iuice thereof is bitter. In euerie floure we find commonlie thrée chiues, and three yellowes, and double the number of leaues. Of twisted floures I speake not; yet is it found, that two floures grow togither, which bring foorth fiue chiues, so that alwaies there is an od chiue and od yellow, though thrée or foure floures should come out of one root. The whole herbe is named in Gréeke Crocos, but of some (as Dioscorides saith) Castor, Cynomorphos, or Hercules blood: yet in the Occasion of the name. Arabian spéech, (from whence we borow the name which we giue thervnto) I find that it is called Zahafaran, as Rembert dooth beare witnesse. The cause wherefore it was called Crocus was this (as the poets feigne) speciallie those from whome Galen hath borowed the historie, which he noteth in his ninth booke "De medicamentis secundum loca," where he writeth after this maner (although I take Crocus to be the first that vsed this comoditie.) A certeine yong gentleman called Crocus went to plaie at coits in the field with Mercurie, and being héedlesse of himselfe, Mercuries coit happened by mishap to hit him on the head, [Page 391] whereby he receiued a wound that yer long killed him altogither, to the great discomfort of his freends. Finallie, in the place where he bled, saffron was after found to grow, wherevpon the people seeing the colour of the chiue as it stood (although I doubt not but it grew there long before) adiudged it to come of the blood of Crocus, and therefore they gaue it his name. And thus farre Rembert, who with Galen, &c: differ verie much from Ouids Metamorphos. 4. who writeth also thereof. Indéed the chiue, while it remaineth whole & vnbrused, resembleth a darke red, but being broken and conuerted into vse, it yéeldeth a yellow tincture. But what haue we to doo with fables?

As the saffron from England, which Platina counts among spices, is the best of all: it doesn't compare to that from Cilicia, which Solinus mentions, nor any that comes from Cilicia, where it grows on Mount Taurus, Tmolus, Italy, Aetolia, Sicily, or Lycia, in sweetness, color, and consistency; likewise, the saffron available here, particularly that which grows around Saffron Walden, sometimes called Waldenburg, in Essex, first planted there during the reign of Edward III, along with that from Gloucestershire and the western regions—which some think is better than the Walden variety—outshines all the rest, and rightfully commands a higher price, typically sixpence or twelve pence more per pound. The root of the plant that produces this commodity is round, somewhat resembling a decent chestnut, but it is not bulbed like a lily, nor flaked like a scallion; it has a substantial body, like that of Orchis, Hyacinthus orientalis, and Statyrion. The color of the skin is not very different from the innermost shell of a chestnut, although it is not quite as brittle as an onion's skin. As long as the leaf flourishes, the root remains small; but when the grass withers, the head increases and multiplies, while the filaments or smaller roots die, so that when the time comes to dig them up, they have no roots at all, continuing this way until September when they grow again: and before the chive is ground, the smallest heads are the most valued; however, whether they are large or small, if sheep or cattle can access them while they lie in the field, they will devour them as if they were hay or stubble; some will also root for them very eagerly. The leaf, or rather the blade, is long and narrow like grass, which always comes up in October after the flowers have been gathered and gone, pointed at a small tuft similar to our sieves. Occasionally, our cattle will feed on these; nevertheless, if the plant is bitten while still green, the head dies, so our croppers are careful to keep them from such annoyance until they begin to wither, and then the cattle are quickest to taste them, for until that time the juice is bitter. In every flower, we generally find three chives, three stamens, and double the number of leaves. I won't speak of twisted flowers; yet it is found that two flowers can grow together, producing five chives, so there is always an odd chive and odd stamen, even if three or four flowers emerge from one root. The whole plant is called in Greek Crocos, but some (as Dioscorides states) refer to it as Castor, Cynomorphos, or Hercules' blood: yet in the Arabic language (from which we get the name we use), it is called Zahafaran, as Rembert confirms. The reason it was called Crocus stems from this story (as the poets like to tell), particularly those from whom Galen borrowed the account, which he notes in his ninth book "De medicamentis secundum loca," where he writes this (though I believe Crocus was the first to use this commodity). A certain young man named Crocus went to play at quoits in the field with Mercury, and being careless, one of Mercury's quoits accidentally hit him on the head, causing a wound from which he eventually died, to the great sorrow of his friends. Finally, in the place where he bled, saffron was later found to grow; hence, the people, seeing the color of the chive as it stood (though I have no doubt it grew there long before), attributed it to the blood of Crocus, and therefore gave it his name. And thus far Rembert, who, with Galen, differs greatly from Ovid’s Metamorphoses 4, who also wrote about this. Indeed, the chive, while intact and unbruised, resembles a dark red, but once broken and processed, it yields a yellow dye. But what do we have to do with fables?

The heads of saffron are raised in Iulie, either with plough, raising, or tined hooke; and being scowred from their rosse or filth, and seuered from such heads as are ingendred of them, since the last setting, they are interred againe in Iulie and August by ranks or rowes, and being couered with moulds, they rest in the earth, where they cast forth litle fillets and small roots like vnto a scallion, vntill September, in the Paring. beginning of which moneth the ground is pared, and all wéeds and grasse that groweth vpon the same remooued, to the intent that nothing may annoie the floure when as his time dooth come to rise.

The saffron heads are harvested in July, using a plow, a rake, or a tined hook. After being cleaned of dirt and separated from the heads that sprouted since the last planting, they are replanted again in July and August in rows. Covered with soil, they rest in the ground where they grow little shoots and small roots similar to scallions, until September. At the beginning of that month, the ground is cleared, and all the weeds and grass growing on it are removed to ensure nothing interferes with the flowers when it's time for them to bloom.

Gathering. These things being thus ordered in the latter end of the aforesaid moneth of September, the floure beginneth to appeere of a whitish blew, fesse or skie colour, and in the end shewing Sée Rembert. it selfe in the owne kind, it resembleth almost the Leucotion of Theophrast, sauing that it is longer, and hath in the middest thereof thrée chiues verie red and pleasant to behold. These floures are gathered in the morning before the rising of the sunne, which otherwise would cause them to welke or flitter. And the chiues being picked from the floures, these are throwne into the doonghill; the other dried vpon little kelles couered with streined canuasses vpon a soft fire: wherby, and by the weight that is laied vpon them, they are dried and pressed into cakes, and then bagged vp for the benefit of their owners. In good yeeres we gather foure score or an hundred pounds of wet saffron of an acre, which being dried dooth yeeld twentie pounds of drie and more. Whereby, and sith the price of saffron is commonlie about twentie shillings in monie, or not so little, it is easie to sée what benefit is reaped by an acre of this commoditie, towards the charges of the setter, which indeed are great, but yet not so much, as he shall be thereby a looser, if he be anie thing diligent. For admit that the triple tillage of an acre dooth cost 13 shillings foure pence before the saffron be set, the clodding sixtéene pence, the taking of euerie load of stones from the same foure pence, the raising of euerie quarter of heads six pence, and so much for clensing of them, besides the rent of ten shillings for euerie acre, thirtie load of doong which is woorth six pence the load to be laid on the first yéere, for the setting three and twentie shillings and foure pence, for the paring fiue shillings, six pence for the picking of a pound wet, &c: yea though he hire it readie set, and paie ten pounds for the same, yet shall he susteine no damage, if warme weather and open season doo happen at the gathering. This also is to be noted, that euerie acre asketh twentie quarters of heads, placed in ranks two inches one from an other in long beds, which conteine eight or ten foot in breadth. And after thrée yeeres that ground will serue well, and without compest for barleie by the space of eightéene or twentie yéeres togither, as experience dooth confirme. The heads also of euerie acre at the raising will store an acre and an halfe of new ground, which is a great aduantage, and it will floure eight or ten daies togither. But the best saffron is gathered at the first; at which time foure pounds of wet saffron will go verie neere to make one of drie; but in the middest fiue pounds of the one will make but one of the other, because the chiue waxeth smaller, as six at the last will doo no more but yéeld one of the dried, by reason of the chiue which is now verie leane and hungrie. After twentie yeeres also the same ground may be set with saffron againe. And in lieu of a conclusion, take this for a perpetuall rule, that heads comming out of a good ground will prosper best in a lighter soile; and contrariwise: which is one note that our crokers doo carefullie obserue.

Meeting. With these things arranged towards the end of September, the flowers begin to appear in a whitish-blue, purple, or sky color, and eventually reveal themselves in their true form, resembling almost the Leucotion of Theophrastus, except that they are longer and have three very red and pleasant-looking stamens in the middle. These flowers are picked in the morning before the sun rises, as the sun would cause them to wilt or wither. Once the stamens are separated from the flowers, they are thrown into the compost pile; the rest are dried on small racks covered with fine canvas over a gentle fire. This method, along with the weight placed on them, dries and compresses them into cakes, which are then bagged for the owner's benefit. In good years, we collect around eighty to a hundred pounds of wet saffron per acre, which, when dried, yields about twenty pounds or more of dry saffron. Given that the price of saffron is typically around twenty shillings or more, it’s clear to see the profit that can be made from an acre of this crop, despite the high costs incurred by the grower, which are substantial but not so overwhelming that they would incur a loss if one is somewhat diligent. Even if the cost of triple tillage of an acre is 13 shillings and 4 pence before the saffron is planted, adding 16 pence for clod removal, 4 pence for every load of stones taken off, 6 pence for raising each quarter of bulbs, the same amount for cleaning them, plus a rent of 10 shillings per acre, and 30 loads of manure worth 6 pence per load needed for the first year, along with 23 shillings and 4 pence for planting, 5 shillings for trimming, and 6 pence for picking a pound of wet saffron, even if one hires it ready-set and pays 10 pounds for it, they will suffer no loss if the weather is warm and the season is favorable during harvest. It’s also important to note that each acre requires twenty quarters of bulbs, planted in rows two inches apart in long beds that are eight to ten feet wide. After three years, that ground will be good enough for barley for about eighteen to twenty years, as experience shows. The bulbs from each acre when raised will be enough to plant an acre and a half of new ground, which is a significant advantage, and they will flower for about eight to ten days. However, the best saffron is collected first; at this time, four pounds of wet saffron is very close to making one pound of dried saffron, but by the middle of the season, five pounds of wet saffron will only yield one pound of dried, as the stamens become smaller. Towards the end, six pounds will produce only one pound of dried saffron, since the stamens are now quite thin and lacking in substance. After twenty years, the same ground can be planted with saffron again. As a final note, remember that bulbs from fertile ground will thrive best in lighter soil, and vice versa; this is a key point that our growers observe carefully.

Raising. The heads are raised euerie third yeare about vs, to wit, after Midsummer, when the rosse commeth drie from the heads; and commonlie in the first yéere after they be set they yéeld verie little increase: yet that which then commeth is counted the finest and greatest chiue, & [Page 392] best for medicine, and called saffron Du hort. The next crop is much greater; but the third exceedeth, and then they raise againe about Walden and in Cambridge shire. In this period of time also the heads are said to child, that is, to yéeld out of some parts of them diuerse other headlets, whereby it hath béene séene, that some one head hath béene increased (though with his owne detriment) to three, or foure, or fiue, or six, which augmentation is the onlie cause wherby they are sold so good cheape. For to my remembrance I haue not knowne foure bushels or a coome of them to be valued much aboue two shillings eight pence, except in some od yéeres that they arise to eight or ten shillings the quarter, and that is when ouer great store of winters water hath rotted the most of them as they stood within the ground, or heat in summer parched and burnt them vp.

Raising. The heads are raised every third year around us, specifically after Midsummer, when the rose dries up from the heads; and usually in the first year after they are planted, they produce very little yield: however, what little does come is considered the finest and largest quality, & [Page 392] best for medicine, called saffron Du hort. The next crop is much larger, but the third is the best, and they are raised again around Walden and in Cambridgeshire. During this time, the heads are also said to "child," meaning they yield various smaller heads from some parts, which has been observed where a single head has increased (though at its own expense) to three, four, five, or six, and this growth is the only reason why they are sold so cheaply. As far as I remember, I have not known four bushels or a coomb of them to be valued much above two shillings eight pence, except in some odd years when they rise to eight or ten shillings a quarter, and that happens when too much winter water has rotted most of them while in the ground, or summer heat has dried and burned them up.

In Norffolke and Suffolke they raise but once in seuen yéeres: but as their saffron is not so fine as that of Cambridgeshire and about Walden, so it will not cake, ting, nor hold colour withall, wherein lieth a great part of the value of this stuffe. Some craftie iackes vse to mix it with scraped brazell or with the floure of Sonchus, which commeth somewhat neere indeed to the hue of our good saffron (if it be late gathered) but it is soone bewraied both by the depth of the colour and hardnesse. Such also was the plentie of saffron about twentie yeeres passed, that some of the townesmen of Walden gaue the one halfe of the floures for picking of the other, and sent them ten or twelue miles abroad into the countrie, whilest the rest, not thankfull for the abundance of Gods blessing bestowed vpon them (as wishing rather more scarsitie thereof because of the kéeping vp of the price) in most contemptuous maner murmured against him, saieng that he did shite saffron therewith to choake the market. But as they shewed themselues no lesse than ingrat infidels in this behalfe, so the Lord considered their vnthankfulnesse, & gaue them euer since such scarsitie, as the greatest murmurers haue now the least store; and most of them are either worne out of occupieng, or remaine scarse able to mainteine their grounds without the helpe of other men. Certes it hath generallie decaied about Saffron Walden since the said time, vntill now of late within these two yeares, that men began againe to plant and renew the same, because of the great commoditie. But to procéed. When the heads be raised and taken vp, they will remaine sixteene or twentie daies out of the earth or more: yea peraduenture a full moneth. Howbeit they are commonlie in the earth againe by saint Iames tide, or verie shortlie after. For as if they be taken vp before Midsummer, or beginning of Iulie, the heads will shrinke like a rosted warden: so after August they will wax drie, become vnfruitfull, and decaie. And I know it by experience, in that I haue carried some of them to London with me; and notwithstanding that they haue remained there vnset by the space of fortie dais and more: yet some of them haue brought foorth two or thrée floures a peece, and some floures thrée or fiue chiues, to the greeat admiration of such as haue gathered the same, and not béene acquainted with their nature and countrie where they grew. The crokers or saffron men doo vse an obseruation a litle before the comming vp of the floure, and sometime in the taking vp at Midsummer tide, by opening of the heads to iudge of plentie and scarsitie of this commoditie to come. For if they sée as it were manie small hairie veines of saffron to be in the middest of the bulbe, they pronounce a fruitfull yeare. And to saie truth, at the cleauing of ech head, a man shall discerne the saffron by the colour, and sée where abouts the chiue will issue out of the root. Warme darke nights, swéet dews, fat grounds (chéeflie the chalkie) and mistie mornings are verie good for saffron; but frost and cold doo kill and keepe backe the floure, or else shrinke vp the chiue. And thus much haue I thought good to speake of English saffron, which is hot in the second and drie in the first degrée, and most plentifull as our crokers hold, in that yéere wherein ewes twin most. But as I can make no warrantize hereof, so I am otherwise sure, that there is no more deceit vsed in anie trade than in saffron. For in the making they will grease the papers on the kell with a little candle grease, to make the woorst saffron haue so good a colour as the best: afterwards also they will sprinkle butter thereon to make the weight better. But both these are bewraied, either by a quantitie thereof holden ouer the fire in a siluer spoone, or by the softnesse thereof betwéene the fore finger and [Page 393] the thumbe; or thirdlie, by the colour thereof in age: for if you laie it by farre worse saffron of other countries, the colour will bewraie the forgerie by the swartnesse of the chiue, which otherwise would excell it, and therevnto being sound, remaine crispe, brickle, and drie: and finallie, if it be holden néere the face, will strike a certeine biting heat vpon the skin and eies, whereby it is adiudged good and merchant ware indéed among the skilfull crokers.

In Norfolk and Suffolk, they only harvest once every seven years. However, their saffron isn’t as high quality as that from Cambridgeshire and around Walden, so it doesn't form cakes, tint, or hold color well, which is a big part of its value. Some crafty individuals mix it with scraped brazel or the flower of Sonchus, which comes close to the color of fine saffron (if gathered late), but it quickly reveals itself through the depth of color and hardness. About twenty years ago, saffron was so abundant that some townsfolk in Walden offered half of the flowers in exchange for picking the other half, and they even sent them ten or twelve miles away into the countryside. Meanwhile, the others, rather than being thankful for God's blessing of abundance, wished for a shortage to keep prices high, and they complained contemptuously, saying he was ruining the saffron to flood the market. However, because of their ingratitude, the Lord took note of their behavior and since then has given them such scarcity that the loudest complainers now have the least amount; most of them have either faded out of business or struggle to maintain their land without help from others. Indeed, it has generally declined around Saffron Walden since that time, until recently, in the last two years, when people have started planting and renewing it again due to the great benefits. Now, when the bulbs are raised and picked, they can stay out of the ground for sixteen to twenty days or even longer—perhaps a full month. However, they are typically back in the ground by St. James’s tide, or shortly afterward. If lifted before Midsummer or the beginning of July, the bulbs will shrink like a roasted pear; after August, they will dry out, become unproductive, and decay. I know this from experience as I once took some to London with me, and even though they stayed unplanted for over forty days, some still produced two or three flowers each, while others yielded three to five buds, to the amazement of those who gathered them, who were unfamiliar with their nature and the places where they grew. Saffron gatherers use a method just before the flowers come up, and sometimes during the midsummer harvest, by examining the bulbs to predict whether there will be plenty or scarcity. If they see many small hairy veins of saffron in the middle of the bulb, they declare it to be a fruitful year. To be honest, when each bulb is split, one can perceive the saffron by its color and see where the bud will emerge from the root. Warm, dark nights, sweet dews, fertile lands (especially chalky ones), and misty mornings are very beneficial for saffron; but frost and cold can kill the flowers or cause the bud to wither. I've chosen to share this much about English saffron, which is hot in the second degree and dry in the first, and most plentiful, as our gatherers believe, in the year when ewes bear twins. However, I can’t guarantee this; I’m certain there’s no greater deceit in any trade than in saffron. In processing it, they often grease the papers on the cart with a little candle grease to make the worst saffron appear as good as the best; later, they sprinkle butter on it to add weight. However, both tricks are noticeable, either by holding a piece over heat in a silver spoon or by the softness between the fingers and thumb. Lastly, the color will reveal the fraud when compared with far inferior saffron from other places; the color will show the fraud by the dullness of the bud, which might otherwise excel if it were sound, remaining crisp, brittle, and dry. Finally, when held near the face, it will emit a distinct biting heat upon the skin and eyes, which is a sign of quality among skilled gatherers.

Now if it please you to heare of anie of the vertues thereof, I will note these insuing at the request of one, who required me to touch a few of them with whatsoeuer breuitie I listed. Therefore our saffron (beside the manifold vse that it hath in the kitchin and pastrie, also in our cakes at bridals, and thanksgiuings of women) is verie profitably mingled with those medicins which we take for the diseases of the breast, of the lungs, of the liuer, and of the bladder: it is good also for the stomach if you take it in meat, for it comforteth the same and maketh good digestion: being sodden also in wine, it not onelie kéepeth a man from droonkennesse, but incorageth also vnto procreation of issue. If you drinke it in sweet wine, it inlargeth the breath, and is good for those that are troubled with the tisike and shortnesse of the wind: mingled with the milke of a woman, and laied vpon the eies, it staieth such humors as descend into the same, and taketh awaie the red wheales and pearles that oft grow about them: it killeth moths if it be sowed in paper bags verie thin, and laid vp in presses amongst tapistrie or apparell: also it is verie profitablie laid vnto all inflammations, painefull aposthumes, and the shingles; and dooth no small ease vnto deafnes, if it be mingled with such medicins as are beneficiall vnto the eares: it is of great vse also in ripening of botches and all swellings procéeding of raw humors. Or if it shall please you to drinke the root thereof with maluesie, it will maruellouslie prouoke vrine, dissolue and expell grauell, and yéeld no small ease to them that make their water by dropmeales. Finallie, thrée drams thereof taken at once, which is about the weight of one shilling nine pence halfepenie, is deadlie poison; as Dioscorides dooth affirme: and droonke in wine (saith Platina) lib. 3. cap. 13. "De honesta voluptate," dooth hast on droonkennesse, which is verie true. And I haue knowne some, that by eating onelie of bread more than of custome streined with saffron, haue become like droonken men, & yet otherwise well known to be but competent drinkers. For further confirmation of this also, if a man doo but open and ransake a bag of one hundred or two hundred weight, as merchants doo when they buie it of the crokers, it will strike such an aire into their heads which deale withall, that for a time they shall be giddie and sicke (I meane for two or three houres space) their noses and eies in like sort will yéeld such plentie of rheumatike water, that they shall be the better for it long after, especiallie their eiesight, which is woonderfullie clarified by this meanes: howbeit some merchants not liking of this physike, muffle themselues as women doo when they ride, and put on spectacles set in leather, which dooth in some measure (but not for altogither) put by the force thereof. There groweth some saffron in manie places of Almaine, and also about Vienna in Austria, which later is taken for the best that springeth in those quarters. In steed of this some doo vse the Carthamus, called amongst vs bastard saffron, but neither is this of anie value, nor the other in any wise comparable vnto ours. Whereof let this suffice as of a commoditie brought into this Iland in the time of Edward 3. and not commonlie planted till Richard 2. did reigne. It would grow verie well (as I take it) about the Chiltern hils, & in all the vale of the White horsse so well as in Walden and Cambridgeshire, if they were carefull of it. I heare of some also to be cherished alreadie in Glocestershire, and certeine other places westward. But of the finenesse and tincture of the chiue, I heare not as yet of anie triall. Would to God that my countriemen had beene heretofore (or were now) more carefull of this commoditie! then would it no doubt haue prooued more beneficiall to our Iland than our cloth or wooll. But alas! so idle are we, and heretofore so much giuen to ease, by reason of the smalnesse of our rents, that few men regard to search out which are their best commodities. But if landlords hold on to raise the rents of their farms as they begin, they will inforce their tenants to looke better vnto their gains, and scratch out their rent from vnder euerie clod that may [Page 394] be turned aside. The greatest mart for saffron is at Aquila in Abruzo, where they haue an especiall weight for the same of ten pounds lesse in the hundred than that of Florens and Luke: but how it agréeth with ours it shall appéere hereafter.

Now if you'd like to hear about some of its virtues, I will share a few at the request of someone who asked me to briefly touch on them. So, our saffron (besides its many uses in the kitchen and pastries, including cakes for weddings and women's thanksgivings) is very beneficial when mixed with medicines we use for diseases affecting the chest, lungs, liver, and bladder. It's also good for the stomach if included in food, as it helps digestion. When boiled in wine, it not only prevents drunkenness but also encourages procreation. If you drink it in sweet wine, it expands the breath and is good for those struggling with coughing and shortness of breath. Mixed with a woman's milk and applied to the eyes, it stops unwanted humors that affect them and eliminates red marks and pearls that can grow around them. It kills moths when sewn in thin paper bags and stored among tapestries or clothing. Additionally, it's very effective for all inflammations, painful abscesses, and shingles, and it alleviates deafness when combined with ear medicines. It's also great for ripening boils and any swellings caused by raw humors. If you drink the root with apple juice, it can significantly increase urination, dissolve and expel gravel, and provide relief for those who experience painful urination. Finally, taking three drams at once, about the weight of one shilling and nine pence halfpenny, is deadly poison, as noted by Dioscorides. Drinking it in wine, as mentioned by Platina, can lead to drunkenness, which is very true. I've known people who, just by eating more bread than usual mixed with saffron, have behaved like drunkards, even though they were usually moderate drinkers. To further confirm this, if someone opens a bag weighing one hundred or two hundred pounds—as merchants do when they buy it from the traders—the strong scent will make them dizzy and nauseous for a couple of hours. Their noses and eyes will produce a lot of watery discharge, which ultimately benefits them long after, especially their eyesight, which becomes remarkably clearer from this. However, some merchants, not fond of this effect, cover themselves like women do when riding and wear leather-framed glasses, which somewhat (but not entirely) mitigates its effects. Saffron grows in many areas of Germany and also around Vienna in Austria, which is considered the best from those regions. Instead of saffron, some people use Carthamus, known as bastard saffron, but neither is valued nor comparable to our saffron. As for this commodity, it was introduced to this island during the reign of Edward III and wasn’t commonly cultivated until the time of Richard II. I believe it would grow very well on the Chiltern Hills and throughout the Vale of the White Horse, as well as in Walden and Cambridgeshire, if people put more effort into it. I've also heard of some being cultivated in Gloucestershire and a few other places to the west. However, I have not yet heard of any trials regarding the quality and color of the chive. I wish my fellow countrymen had been—or were now—more diligent about this commodity! It surely could have proven more beneficial to our island than our cloth or wool. But alas! We are so idle and previously so inclined to ease due to the low rents that few bother to seek out their best resources. However, if landlords continue to raise their rents as they have begun, they will force their tenants to pay more attention to their profits and work harder to maximize their earnings. The biggest market for saffron is at Aquila in Abruzzo, where they have a special weight that is ten pounds less per hundred than that of Florence and Lucca; we'll see how it compares to ours later.

OF QUARRIES OF STONE FOR BUILDING.
CHAP. IX.

Quarries with vs are pits or mines, out of which we dig our stone to build withall, & of these as we haue great plentie in England, so are they of diuerse sorts, and those verie profitable for sundrie necessarie vses. In times past the vse of stone was in maner dedicated to the building of churches, religious houses, princely palaces, bishops manours, and holds onlie: but now that scrupulous obseruation is altogither infringed, and building with stone so commonlie taken vp, that amongst noble men & gentlemen, the timber frames are supposed to be not much better than paper worke, of little continuance, and least continuance of all. It farre passeth my cunning to set downe how manie sorts of stone for building are to be found in England, but much further to call each of them by their proper names. Howbeit, such is the curiositie of our countrimen, that notwithstanding almightie God hath so blessed our realme in most plentifull maner, with such and so manie quarries apt and meet for piles of longest continuance, yet we as lothsome of this abundance, or not liking of the plentie, doo commonlie leaue these naturall gifts to mould and cinder in the ground, and take vp an artificiall bricke, in burning whereof a great part of the wood of this land is dailie consumed and spent, to the no small decaie of that commoditie, and hinderance of the poore that perish oft for cold.

Quarries with stone are pits or mines where we dig our materials for building. In England, we have plenty of these, and they come in different types, which are very useful for various important purposes. In the past, stone was mainly used for building churches, religious houses, grand palaces, bishops' estates, and strongholds. But now, that strict usage is completely ignored, and using stone for building has become so common that among noblemen and gentlemen, wooden frames are considered not much better than paper constructions—temporary at best. It surpasses my ability to detail how many different types of building stone can be found in England, let alone name each one. However, our countrymen are so curious that even though Almighty God has richly blessed our land with abundant quarries suitable for lasting structures, we seem to disdain this wealth, or perhaps we just don’t appreciate the abundance. Instead, we often leave these natural treasures to decay in the ground and opt for artificial brick, which requires burning a significant amount of our wood daily, leading to a considerable decline in that resource and causing hardship for the poor who often suffer from the cold.

Our elders haue from time to time, following our naturall vice in misliking of our owne commodities at home, and desiring those of other countries abroad, most estéemed the cane stone that is brought hither out of Normandie: and manie euen in these our daies following the same veine, doo couet in their works almost to vse none other. Howbeit experience on the one side, and our skilfull masons on the other (whose iudgement is nothing inferiour to those of other countries) doo affirme, that in the north and south parts of England, and certeine other places, there are some quarries, which for hardnesse and beautie are equall to the outlandish greet. This maie also be confirmed by the kings chappell at Cambridge, the greatest part of the square stone wherof was brought thither out of the north. Some commend the veine of white frée stone, slate, and méere stone, which is betwéene Pentowen, and the blacke head in Cornewall, for verie fine stuffe. Other doo speake much of the quarries at Hamden, nine miles from Milberie, and pauing stone of Burbecke. For toph stone, not a few allow of the quarrie that is at Dreslie, diuerse mislike not of the veines of hard stone that are at Oxford, and Burford. One praiseth the free stone at Manchester, & Prestburie in Glocestershire; another the quarries of the like in Richmont. The third liketh well of the hard stone in Clee hill in Shropshire; the fourth of that of Thorowbridge, Welden, and Terrinton. Whereby it appeareth that we haue quarries inow, and good inough in England, sufficient for vs to build withall, if the péeuish contempt of our owne commodities, and delectations to inrich other countries, did not catch such foolish hold vpon vs. It is also verified (as anie other waie) that all nations haue rather néed of England, than England of anie other. And this I thinke may suffice for the substance of our works. Now if you haue regard to their ornature, how manie mines of sundrie kinds of course & fine marble are there to be had in England? But chieflie one in Staffordshire, an other neere to the Peke, the third at Vauldrie, the fourth at Snothill (longing to the lord Chaindois) the fift at Eglestone, which is of blacke marble, spotted with graie or white spots, the sixt not farre from Durham. Of white marble also we haue store, and so faire as the Marpesian of Paris Ile. But what meane I to go about to recite all, or the most excellent? sith these which I haue named alredie [Page 395] are not altogether of the best, nor scarselie of anie value in comparison of those, whose places of growth are vtterlie vnknowne vnto me, and whereof the blacke marble spotted with greene is none of the vilest sort, as maie appeare by parcell of the pauement of the lower part of the quire of Paules in London, and also in Westminster, where some péeces thereof are yet to be séene and marked, if anie will looke for them. If marble will not serue, then haue we the finest alabaster that maie elsewhere bée had, as about saint Dauids of Wales; also neere to Beau manour, which is about foure or fiue miles from Leicester, & taken to be the best, although there are diuerse other quarries hereof beyond the Trent, as in Yorkeshire, &c: and fullie so good as that, whose names at this time are out of my remembrance. What should I talke of the plaister of Axholme (for of that which they dig out of the earth in sundrie places of Lincolne and Darbishires, wherewith they blanch their houses in stead of lime, I speake not) certes it is a fine kind of alabaster. But sith it is sold commonlie but after twelue pence the load, we iudge it to be but vile and course. For my part I cannot skill of stone, yet in my opinion it is not without great vse for plaister of paris, and such is the mine of it, that the stones thereof lie in flakes one vpon an other like plankes or tables, and vnder the same is an excéeding hard stone verie profitable for building, as hath often times béene prooued. This is also to be marked further of our plaister white and graie, that not contented with the same, as God by the quarrie dooth send and yéeld it foorth, we haue now deuised to cast it in moulds for windowes and pillers of what forme and fashion we list, euen as alabaster it selfe: and with such stuffe sundrie houses in Yorkshire are furnished of late. But of what continuance this deuise is like to proue, the time to come shall easilie bewraie. In the meane time sir Rafe Burcher knight hath put the deuise in practise, and affirmeth that six men in six moneths shall trauell in that trade to sée greater profit to the owner, than twelue men in six yeares could before this tricke was inuented.

Our elders have, from time to time, due to our natural tendency to dislike our own local goods and crave those from other countries, held in high regard the stone from the cane that is brought here from Normandy. Many even today still follow this trend and almost exclusively wish to use it in their work. However, experience on one hand, and our skilled masons on the other (whose judgment is not inferior to that of other countries), claim that in the northern and southern parts of England, and certain other places, there are quarries that are equal in hardness and beauty to foreign stone. This is also supported by the king's chapel at Cambridge, most of the square stone of which was brought from the north. Some praise the vein of white free stone, slate, and mere stone found between Pentowen and Black Head in Cornwall for being very fine material. Others have high opinions about the quarries at Hamden, nine miles from Milberie, and the paving stone of Burbecke. For top stone, many recommend the quarry at Dreslie, while others appreciate the veins of hard stone in Oxford and Burford. One person praises the free stone at Manchester and Prestbury in Gloucestershire; another mentions the quarries of similar stone in Richmond. The third likes the hard stone in Clee Hill in Shropshire; the fourth prefers that from Thorowbridge, Welden, and Terrinton. This suggests that we have enough quarries in England that are good enough for us to build with, if only we didn't have such a silly contempt for our own goods and a desire to enrich other countries. It’s also clear that all nations need England more than England needs any other country. I think this suffices for the substance of our work. Now, if you consider their decoration, how many mines of various kinds of coarse and fine marble are available in England? But mainly one in Staffordshire, another near Peke, a third at Vauldrie, the fourth at Snothill (belonging to Lord Chaindois), the fifth at Eglestone, which has black marble spotted with gray or white spots, and the sixth not far from Durham. We also have plenty of white marble as lovely as the Marpesian from the Isle of Paris. But why should I attempt to list all or the best ones? Those I've mentioned are not the best by any means and hardly compare to others, whose locations I do not know, and where the black marble spotted with green is not the least valuable, as can be seen in parts of the pavement of the lower choir of St. Paul's in London and also at Westminster, where some pieces still exist and can be identified if anyone looks for them. If marble won't do, then we have the finest alabaster available, such as around St. Davids in Wales; also near Beaumanor, which is about four or five miles from Leicester and is considered the best, though there are several other quarries of this type beyond the Trent, such as in Yorkshire, etc., that are just as good, although their names escape me at the moment. What should I say about the plaster from Axholme (I won't mention the clay that's dug out of various places in Lincoln and Derbyshire, which they use to whitewash their houses instead of lime)? Surely it's a fine type of alabaster. But since it’s commonly sold for just twelve pence a load, we regard it as rather cheap and coarse. For my part, I don't know much about stone, but in my opinion, it's great for plaster of Paris, and the mine produces stones that lie in layers on top of each other like planks or sheets, and beneath that is an extremely hard stone very useful for building, as has been proven many times. This is also worth noting about our white and gray plaster: not satisfied with what God produces from the quarry, we have now devised a way to cast it into molds for windows and pillars in any shape and form we want, just like alabaster itself. Recently, various houses in Yorkshire have been equipped with this material. But how long this method will last remains to be seen. In the meantime, Sir Rafe Burcher, knight, has put this idea into practice and claims that six men working for six months will yield more profit for the owner than twelve men working for six years could have before this trick was invented. [Page 395]

If neither alabaster nor marble doeth suffice, we haue the touchstone, called in Latine Lydius lapis, shining as glasse, either to match in sockets with our pillers of alabaster, or contrariwise: or if it please the workeman to ioine pillers of alabaster or touch with sockets of brasse, pewter, or copper, we want not also these mettals. So that I think no nation can haue more excellent & greater diuersitie of stuffe for building, than we maie haue in England, if our selues could so like of it. But such alas is our nature, that not our own but other mens do most of all delite vs; & for desire of noueltie, we oft exchange our finest cloth, corne, tin, and woolles, for halfe penie cockhorsses for children, dogs of wax or of chéese, two pennie tabers, leaden swords, painted feathers, gewgaws for fooles, dogtricks for disards, hawkeswhoods, and such like trumperie, whereby we reape iust mockage and reproch in other countries. I might remember here our pits for milstones, that are to be had in diuerse places of our countrie, as in Angleseie, Kent, also at Queene hope of blew gréet, of no lesse value than the Colaine, yea than the French stones: our grindstones for hardware men. Our whetstones are no lesse laudable than those of Creta & Lacedemonia, albeit we vse no oile with them, as they did in those parties, but onelie water, as the Italians and Naxians doo with theirs: whereas they that grow in Cilicia must haue both oile and water laid vpon them, or else they make no edge. These also are diuided either into the hard greet, as the common that shoemakers vse, or the soft gréet called hones, to be had among the barbars, and those either blacke or white, and the rub or brickle stone which husbandmen doo occupie in the whetting of their sithes.

If neither alabaster nor marble works, we have a touchstone, known in Latin as Lydius lapis, which shines like glass, to match our alabaster pillars or the other way around. If the worker wants to join alabaster or touchstone pillars with brass, pewter, or copper sockets, we’ve got those metals too. So, I think no country has a greater variety and quality of building materials than we have in England, if only we appreciated them. But sadly, we tend to be more fascinated by what others have than our own. In our quest for novelty, we often trade our finest cloth, grain, tin, and wool for cheap toys for kids, wax or cheese dogs, two-penny drums, lead swords, painted feathers, trinkets for fools, useless tricks for pets, and other similar rubbish, which earns us mockery and scorn in other countries. I could also mention our pits for millstones, found in various places like Anglesey, Kent, and Queen Hope of blue grit, which are just as valuable as those from Cologne, even the French stones: our grindstones for craftsmen. Our whetstones are just as good as those from Crete and Laconia, even though we don’t use oil with them like they did there, but only water, as Italians and Naxians do. Meanwhile, the stones that come from Cilicia require both oil and water, or they won't sharpen. They are classified into hard grit, like the kind cobblers use, or soft grit known as hones, which can be found among the barbarians, and these can be either black or white, along with the rub or brittle stone used by farmers to sharpen their scythes.

In like maner slate of sundrie colours is euerie where in maner to be had, as is the flint and chalke, the shalder and the peble. Howbeit for all this wée must fetch them still from farre, as did the Hull men their stones out of Iseland, wherewith they paued their towne for want of the like in England: or as sir Thomas Gresham did, when he bought the stones in Flanders, wherwith he paued the Burse. But as he will answer peraduenture, that he bargained for the whole mould and substance of his workemanship in Flanders: so the Hullanders or Hull men will saie, how that stockefish is light loding, and therfore they did balasse their vessels with these Iseland stones, to keepe them from turning ouer in [Page 396] their so tedious a voiage. And thus much brieflie of our quarries of stone for building, wherein oftentimes the workemen haue found strange things inclosed, I meane liuelie creatures shut vp in the hard stones, and liuing there without respiration or breathing, as frogs, todes, &c: whereof you shall read more in the chronologie following: also in Caius Langius, William of Newburie, Agricola, Cornelius of Amsterdam, Bellogius de aquatilibus, Albert the great, lib. 19. cap. 9. "De rebus metallicis," and Goropius in Niloscopio, pag. 237, &c. Sometime also they find pretious stones (though seldome) and some of them perfectlie squared by nature, and much like vnto the diamond, found of late in a quarrie of marble at Naples, which was so perfectlie pointed, as if all the workemen in the world had cōsulted about the performance of that workemanship. I know that these reports vnto some will séeme incredible, and therefore I stand the longer vpon them; neuerthelesse omitting to speake particularlie of such things as happen amongst vs, and rather séeking to confirme the same by the like in other countries, I will deliuer a few more examples, whereby the truth hereof shall so much the better appeare. For in the middest of a stone not long since found at Chius, vpon the breaking vp thereof, there was séene Caput panisci inclosed therin, very perfectlie formed as the beholders doo remember. How come the grains of gold to be so fast inclosed in the stones that are & haue béene found in the Spanish Bætis? But this is most maruellous, that a most delectable and sweet oile, comparable to the finest balme, or oile of spike in smell, was found naturallie included in a stone, which could not otherwise be broken but with a smiths hammer. Goropius dooth tell of a pearch perfectlie formed to be found in * [Sic.] Britaine: but as then * committed into hard stone, vpon the top of a crag. Aristotle and Theophrast speake of fishes digged out of the earth, farre from the sea in Greece, which Seneca also confirmeth, but with addition that they are perillous to be eaten. In pope Martins time, a serpent was found fast inclosed in a rocke, as the kernell is within the nut, so that no aire could come to it: and in my time another in a coffin of stone at Auignion, wherein, a man had béene buried, which so filled the roome, and laie so close from aire, that all men woondered how it was possible for the same to liue and continue so long time there. Finallie I my selfe haue séene stones opened, and within them the substances of corrupted wormes like vnto adders (but far shorter) whose crests and wrinkles of bodie appeared also therein, as if they had bene ingraued in the stones by art and industrie of man. Wherefore to affirme; that as well liuing creatures, as pretious stones, gold, &c: are now and then found in our quarries, shall not hereafter be a thing so incredible as manie talking philosophers, void, of all experience, doo affirme, and wilfullie mainteine against such as hold the contrarie.

In a similar way, there are various colors of slate available everywhere, just like flint and chalk, shale and pebbles. However, despite this, we still need to source them from far away, as the people of Hull did when they brought their stones from Iceland to pave their town due to the lack of similar materials in England; or as Sir Thomas Gresham did when he purchased stones in Flanders to pave the Bourse. But he might argue that he negotiated for the entire shape and substance of his craftsmanship in Flanders; similarly, the people of Hull would say that stockfish is light cargo and thus balanced their vessels with these Iceland stones to prevent them from capsizing during their long voyage. And so, a brief discussion about our stone quarries for building, where workmen have sometimes discovered strange things enclosed, like living creatures trapped inside hard stones, such as frogs and toads, living without any air or breath. More about this will be found in the following chronicle and in the works of Caius Langius, William of Newbury, Agricola, Cornelius from Amsterdam, Bellogius on aquatic life, Albert the Great, Book 19, Chapter 9 of "On Metallic Things," and Goropius in Niloscopio, page 237, etc. They also occasionally find precious stones (though rarely), some of which are perfectly shaped by nature and resemble diamonds, like one recently discovered in a marble quarry in Naples, which was so perfectly pointed that it seemed as if all the craftsmen in the world had collaborated on that creation. I know that these accounts might seem unbelievable to some, and that's why I dwell on them a little longer; nevertheless, without going into specific occurrences among us, I will seek to confirm this by similar examples from other countries, to better illustrate the truth of this matter. For instance, in the center of a stone recently found at Chius, when it was broken open, a very well-formed Caput panisci was seen enclosed within it, as the onlookers recall. How is it that grains of gold are so tightly trapped in the stones that have been found in the Spanish Bætis? But the most astonishing case is that of a delightful and sweet oil, comparable to the finest balm or spike oil in fragrance, which was naturally found enclosed in a stone that could only be broken with a blacksmith's hammer. Goropius mentions a perfectly formed perch found in Britain, but then it was embedded in hard stone, atop a crag. Aristotle and Theophrastus speak of fish unearthed far from the sea in Greece, which Seneca also confirms, adding that they are dangerous to eat. During Pope Martin's time, a serpent was discovered firmly embedded in a rock, much like a kernel in a nut, so that no air could reach it; and in my time, another was found in a stone coffin in Avignon, where a man had been buried, so full that it left no room for air, and everyone wondered how it was possible for it to survive and remain there for so long. Finally, I personally have seen stones opened, revealing the remains of corrupted worms resembling adders (but much shorter), whose shapes and skin details appeared as if they had been engraved into the stones by human skill. Therefore, asserting that both living creatures and precious stones, gold, etc., are occasionally found in our quarries will no longer be seen as so unbelievable, as many talking philosophers, lacking all experience, claim and willfully maintain against those who argue otherwise.

ON SUNDRIE MINERALS.
CHAP. X.

With how great benefits this Iland of ours hath béene indued from the beginning, I hope there is no godlie man but will readilie confesse, and yéeld vnto the Lord God his due honour for the same. For we are blessed euerie waie, & there is no temporall commoditie necessarie to be had or craued by anie nation at Gods hand, that he hath not in most aboundant maner bestowed vpon vs Englishmen, if we could sée to vse it, & be thankefull for the same. But alas (as I said in the chapter precedent) we loue to inrich them that care not for vs, but for our great commodities: and one trifling toie not woorth the cariage, cōming (as the prouerbe saith) in thrée ships from beyond the sea is more woorth with vs, than a right good iewell, easie to be had at home. They haue also the cast to teach vs to neglect our owne things, for if they see that we begin to make anie account of our commodities (if it be so that they haue also the like in their owne countries) they will suddenlie abase the same to so low a price, that our gaine not being woorthie our trauell, and the same commoditie with lesse cost readie to be had at home from other countries (though but for a while) it causeth vs to giue [Page 397] ouer our indeuours, and as it were by and by to forget the matter wherabout we went before, to obteine them at their hands. And this is the onelie cause wherefore our commodities are oft so little estéemed of. Some of them can saie without anie teacher, that they will buie the case of a fox of an Englishman for a groat, and make him afterward giue twelue pence for the taile. Would to God we might once wax wiser, and each one indeuor that the common-wealth of England may flourish againe in hir old rate, and that our commodities may be fullie wrought at home (as cloth if you will for an example) and not caried out to be shorne and dressed abroad, while our clothworkers here doo starue and beg their bread, and for lacke of dailie practise vtterlie neglect to be skilfull in this science! But to my purpose.

With all the great benefits our island has been blessed with from the beginning, I believe that any godly person would readily acknowledge and give due honor to the Lord God for it. We are blessed in every way, and there is no material advantage necessary for any nation that God has not abundantly provided us Englishmen, if only we could see how to use it and be grateful for it. But alas (as I mentioned in the previous chapter), we prefer to enrich those who don’t care about us, only about our valuable resources. A trivial item, worthless in itself, arriving (as the saying goes) in three ships from overseas is considered more valuable by us than a genuinely good product that is easily available at home. They also have the knack for teaching us to neglect our own resources, for if they see that we start valuing our goods (if they happen to have similar products in their own countries), they will suddenly drop the price so low that our profits aren’t worth the effort, and that same product, ready to be acquired at home from other countries (if only for a while), makes us abandon our efforts, forgetting about the task we initially took on to obtain them from them. This is the only reason why our resources are often so undervalued. Some of them can say without any teacher that they will buy a fox's pelt from an Englishman for a penny and then make him pay twelve pence for the tail. I wish we could grow wiser, and each one of us strive for the commonwealth of England to thrive again as it once did, and that our goods could be fully produced at home (like cloth, for example) rather than exported to be trimmed and processed abroad, while our cloth workers here starve and beg for bread, and due to lack of daily practice completely neglect mastering this craft! But back to my point.

We haue in England great plentie of quicke siluer, antimonie, sulphur, blacke lead, and orpiment red and yellow. We haue also the finest alume The lord Mountioy. (wherein the diligence of one of the greatest fauourers of the common-wealth of England of a subiect hath béene of late egregiouslie abused, and euen almost with barbarous inciuilitie) & of no lesse force against fire, if it were vsed in our parietings than that of Lipara, which onlie was in vse somtime amongst the Asians & Romans, & wherof Sylla had such triall that when he meant to haue burned a tower of wood erected by Archelaus the lieutenant of Mithridates, he could by no meanes set it on fire in a long time, bicause it was washed ouer with alume, as were also the gates of the temple of Jerusalem with like effect, and perceiued when Titus commanded fire to be put vnto the same. Beside this we haue also the naturall cinnabarum or vermilion, the sulphurous glebe called bitumen in old time for morter, and yet burned in lamps where oile is scant and geason: the chrysocolla, coperis, and minerall stone, whereof petriolum is made, and that which is most strange the minerall pearle, which as they are for greatnesse and colour most excellent of all other, so are they digged out of the maine land, and in sundrie places far distant from the shore. Certes the westerne part of the land hath in times past greatlie abounded with these and manie other rare and excellent commodities, but now they are washed awaie by the violence of the sea, which hath deuoured the greatest part of Cornewall and Deuonshire on either side: and it dooth appéere yet by good record, that whereas now there is a great distance betweene the Syllan Iles and point of the lands end, there was of late yeares to speke of scarselie a brooke or draine of one fadam water betwéene them, if so much, as by those euidences appeereth, and are yet to be séene in the hands of the lord and chiefe owner of those Iles. But to procéed.

We have plenty of quicksilver, antimony, sulfur, black lead, and red and yellow orpiment here in England. We also have the finest alum, Lord Mountioy. (which has recently been greatly misused by one of the greatest supporters of the welfare of England, almost with barbaric incivility) & it is no less effective against fire, if used in our wall coatings, than that of Lipara, which was once used among the Asians and Romans. Sulla had a notable experience with it when he attempted to burn a wooden tower built by Archelaus, the lieutenant of Mithridates; he couldn’t set it on fire for a long time because it was coated with alum. The gates of the temple of Jerusalem were treated similarly, as observed when Titus ordered fire to be applied to them. In addition, we have natural cinnabar or vermilion, the sulfurous earth once known as bitumen for mortar, which is still burned in lamps where oil is scarce and hard to find: chrysocolla, copper, and the mineral stone from which petroleum is made, and most surprisingly, the mineral pearl, which, due to their size and color, are the best of all, and are extracted from the mainland, in various places far from the shore. Certainly, the western part of the country once greatly thrived with these and many other rare and excellent goods, but now they have been washed away by the power of the sea, which has consumed most of Cornwall and Devonshire on either side. It is still evident from good records that, whereas there is now a great distance between the Scilly Isles and the point of Land's End, in recent years there was scarcely a brook or drain of one fathom of water between them, if that, as shown by the evidence still held by the lord and primary owner of those Isles. But to continue.

Of colemines we haue such plentie in the north and westerne parts of our Iland, as may suffice for all the realme of England: and so must they doo hereafter in deed, if wood be not better cherrished than it is at this present. And to saie the truth, notwithstanding that verie manie of them are caried into other countries of the maine, yet their greatest trade beginneth now to grow from the forge into the kitchin and hall, as may appéere alreadie in most cities and townes that lie about the coast, where they haue but little other fewell, except it be turffe and hassocke. I maruell not a little that there is no trade of these into Sussex and Southampton shire, for want whereof the smiths doo worke their iron with charcoale. I thinke that far carriage be the onelie cause, which is but a slender excuse to inforce vs to carrie them vnto the maine from hence.

We have such an abundance of coal mines in the northern and western parts of our island that it could supply all of England. And they will need to do so in the future if wood isn't managed better than it is now. To be honest, even though many of these coals are exported to other countries, their biggest market is starting to shift from the forge to the kitchen and hall, as can already be seen in most cities and towns along the coast, where they have little other fuel, apart from turf and peat. I find it surprising that there's no trade of these into Sussex and Southampton, which is why blacksmiths use charcoal to work with their iron. I believe that the long distance for transportation is the only reason, but that’s a weak excuse for us to have to haul them from here to the mainland.

Beside our colemines we haue pits in like sort of white plaster, and of fat and white and other coloured marle, wherewith in manie places the inhabitors doo compest their soile, and which dooth benefit their land in ample maner for manie yeares to come. We haue saltpeter for our ordinance, and salt soda for our glasse, & thereto in one place a kind of earth (in Southerie as I weene hard by Codington, and sometime in the tenure of one Croxton of London) which is so fine to make moulds for goldsmiths and casters of mettall, that a load of it was woorth fiue shillings thirtie yeares agone: none such againe they saie in England. But whether there be or not, let vs not be vnthankefull to God for these and other his benefits bestowed vpon vs, whereby he sheweth himselfe a [Page 398] louing and mercifull father vnto vs, which contrariewise returne vnto him in lieu of humilitie and obedience, nothing but wickednesse, auarice, meere contempt of his will, pride, excesse, atheisme, and no lesse than Iewish ingratitude.

Next to our coal mines, we have pits filled with white plaster and various types of clay, both fat and white, which many locals use to enrich their soil, benefiting their land significantly for many years to come. We have saltpeter for our gunpowder and salt soda for our glass. Additionally, in one location (I believe in Southery, near Codington, and once owned by a man named Croxton from London), there’s a type of earth so fine it's ideal for making molds for goldsmiths and metal casters that was worth five shillings a load thirty years ago; they say nothing like it exists in England anymore. However, whether it does or not, let’s not be ungrateful to God for these and other blessings he has given us, showing himself to be a loving and merciful father to us, while we, in contrast, return to him only with humility and obedience, nothing but wickedness, greed, sheer disregard for his will, pride, excess, atheism, and nothing less than Jewish ingratitude. [Page 398]

OF METTALS TO BE HAD IN OUR LAND.
CHAP. XI.

All mettals receiue their beginning of quicksiluer and sulphur, which are as mother and father to them. And such is the purpose of nature in their generations: that she tendeth alwaies to the procreation of gold, neuerthelesse she sildome reacheth vnto that hir end, bicause of the vnequall mixture and proportion of these two in the substance ingendered, whereby impediment and corruption is induced, which as it is more or lesse, dooth shew it selfe in the mettall that is producted. First of all therefore the substance of sulphur and quicksiluer being mixed in due proportion, after long and temperate decoction in the bowels of the earth, orderlie ingrossed and fixed, becommeth gold, which Encelius dooth call the sunne and right heire of nature: but if it swarue but a little (saith he) in the commixtion and other circumstances, then dooth it product siluer the daughter, not so noble a child as gold hir brother, which among mettall is worthilie called the cheefe. Contrariwise, the substances of the aforesaid parents mixed without proportion, and lesse digested and fixed in the entrailes of the earth, whereby the radicall moisture becommeth combustible and not of force to indure heat and hammer, dooth either turne into tin, lead, copper, or iron, which were the first mettals knowne in time past vnto antiquitie, although that in these daies there are diuerse other, whereof neither they nor our alchumists had euer anie knowledge. Of these therfore which are reputed among the third sort, we here in England haue our parts, and as I call them to mind, so will I intreat of them, and with such breuitie as may serue the turne, and yet not Gold.
Siluer.
altogither omit to saie somewhat of gold and siluer also, bicause I find by good experience how it was not said of old time without great reason, that all countries haue need of Britaine, and Britaine it selfe of none. For truelie if a man regard such necessities as nature onelie requireth, there is no nation vnder the sunne, that can saie so much as ours: sith we doo want none that are conuenient for vs. Wherefore if it be a benefit to haue anie gold at all, we are not void of some, neither likewise of siluer: whatsoeuer Cicero affirmeth to the contrarie, Lib. 4. ad Atticum epi. 16. in whose time they were not found, "Britannici belli exitus (saith he) expectatur, constat enim aditus insulæ esse munitos mirificis molibus: etiam illud iam cognitum est, neque argenti scrupulum esse vllum in illa insula, neque vllam spem prædæ nisi ex mancipijs, ex quibus nullos puto te litteris aut musicis eruditos expectare." And albeit that we haue no such abundance of these (as some other countries doo yéeld) yet haue my rich countrimen store inough of both in their pursses, where in time past they were woont to haue least, bicause the garnishing of our churches, tabernacles, images, shrines and apparell of the préests consumed the greatest part, as experience hath confirmed.

All metals get their origins from mercury and sulfur, which serve as their mother and father. This is how nature intends their creation: she always aims for the production of gold, although she rarely achieves it because of the unequal mixture and proportion of these two in the generated substance, leading to flaws and corruption that manifest more or less in the produced metal. Therefore, when the substances of sulfur and mercury are mixed in the right proportions, and after being properly heated and settled deep within the earth, they transform into gold, which Encelius refers to as the sun and rightful heir of nature. However, if there is even a slight deviation in the mixture and other conditions, it results in silver, the daughter, which is not as noble as gold, her brother, who is rightly called the most valuable among metals. On the other hand, if the aforementioned substances are mixed in improper proportions and not thoroughly processed within the earth, causing the fundamental moisture to become flammable and unable to withstand heat and hammering, they will either turn into tin, lead, copper, or iron, which were the first known metals of ancient times. Although today there are other metals that neither they nor our alchemists ever knew. Of these, which are considered the third category, we have our share here in England, and as I recall them, I will discuss them briefly, while still mentioning something about gold and silver too, because I know from experience that it was not said long ago without good reason that all countries need Britain, while Britain itself needs none. Truly, if one considers the necessities that nature alone requires, no nation under the sun can claim as much as we do since we lack nothing suitable for us. Therefore, if having any gold at all is a benefit, we are not without some, nor are we lacking silver: whatever Cicero claims to the contrary in his writings, Lib. 4. ad Atticum epi. 16., where during his time these metals were not found, "The outcome of the British war (he says) is anticipated, for the approaches to the island are fortified by remarkable works: it is also already known that there is not a single scrap of silver in that island, nor any hope of plunder except from captives, from whom I doubt you expect to find anyone educated in literature or music." And although we do not have as much abundance of these as some other countries produce, my wealthy countrymen have enough of both in their pockets, where in the past they tended to have the least, because the embellishment of our churches, tabernacles, images, shrines, and the attire of the priests consumed most of it, as experience has confirmed.

Of late my countriemen haue found out I wot not what voiage into the west Indies, from whence they haue brought some gold, whereby our countrie is inriched: but of all that euer aduentured into those parts, none haue sped better than sir Francis Drake whose successe 1582 hath far passed euen his owne expectation. One Iohn Frobisher in like maner attempting to séeke out a shorter cut by the northerlie regions into the peaceable sea and kingdome of Cathaie, happened 1577 vpon certeine Ilands by the waie, wherein great plentie of much gold appeared, and so much that some letted not to giue out for certeintie, that Salomon had his gold from thence, wherewith he builded the temple. This golden shew made him so desirous also of like successe, that he left off his former voiage, & returned home to bring news of such things as he had seene. But when after another voiage it was found to be but drosse, he gaue [Page 399] ouer both the enterprises, and now keepeth home without anie desire at all to séeke into farre countries. In truth, such was the plentie of ore there séene and to be had, that if it had holden perfect, might haue furnished all the world with abundance of that mettall; the iorneie also was short and performed in foure or fiue moneths, which was a notable incouragement. But to proceed.

Recently, my fellow countrymen have discovered a voyage to the West Indies, from which they have brought back some gold, enriching our country. However, of all those who have ventured into those areas, none have succeeded better than Sir Francis Drake, whose achievements in 1582 far exceeded even his own expectations. John Frobisher, similarly trying to find a shorter route through the northern regions to the peaceful sea and kingdom of Cathay, stumbled upon certain islands in 1577 where there was a great abundance of gold, so much so that some even claimed that Solomon got his gold from there to build the temple. This display of gold made him so eager for similar success that he abandoned his original voyage and returned home to report on what he had seen. However, after another voyage revealed it to be worthless, he gave up both ventures and now stays at home, showing no desire to explore distant lands. In truth, the wealth of ore seen there was so vast that if it had proven authentic, it could have supplied the entire world with plenty of that metal; the journey was also short, taking only four or five months, which was a significant encouragement. But to continue.

Tin.
Lead.
Tin and lead, mettals which Strabo noteth in his time to be carried vnto Marsilis from hence, as Diodorus also confirmeth, are verie plentifull with vs, the one in Cornewall, Deuonshire (& else-where in the north) the other in Darbishire, Weredale, and sundrie places of this Iland; whereby my countriemen doo reape no small commoditie, but especiallie our pewterers, who in time past imploied the vse of pewter onelie vpon dishes, pots, and a few other trifles for seruice here at home, whereas now they are growne vnto such exquisit cunning, that they can in maner imitate by infusion anie forme or fashion of cup, dish, salt, bowle, or goblet, which is made by goldsmiths craft, though they be neuer so curious, exquisite, and artificiallie forged. Such furniture of houshold of this mettall, as we commonlie call by the name of vessell, is sold vsuallie by the garnish, which dooth conteine twelue platters, twelue dishes, twelue saucers, and those are either of siluer fashion, or else with brode or narrow brims, and bought by the pound, which is now valued at six or seuen pence, or peraduenture at eight pence. Of porringers, pots, and other like I speake not, albeit that in the making of all these things there is such exquisite diligence vsed, I meane for the mixture of the mettall and true making of this commoditie (by reason of sharpe laws prouided in that behalfe) as the like is not to be found in any other trade. I haue béene also informed that it consisteth of a composition, which hath thirtie pounds of kettle brasse to a thousand pounds of tin, whervnto they ad thrée or foure pounds of tinglasse: but as too much of this dooth make the stuffe brickle, so the more the brasse be, the better is the pewter, and more profitable vnto him that dooth buie and purchase the same. But to proceed.

Tin.
Lead.
Tin and lead, metals which Strabo mentioned to be traded to Marsilis in his time, as Diodorus also confirms, are very abundant here. Tin is found in Cornwall, Devonshire, and other areas in the north, while lead is located in Derbyshire, Wensleydale, and several other places on this island. Consequently, my countrymen benefit greatly from these metals, especially our pewter makers. In the past, they used pewter primarily for dishes, pots, and a few other simple items for local use. Now, however, they have developed such exceptional skills that they can almost perfectly imitate any design or style of cup, plate, salt cellar, bowl, or goblet made by goldsmiths, no matter how intricate or artistically crafted. Household items made of this metal, commonly referred to as vessels, are usually sold by the set, which typically includes twelve platters, twelve dishes, and twelve saucers, either in a silver design or with wide or narrow rims. These are priced per pound, currently valued at six or seven pence, or maybe even eight pence. I won't go into details about porringers, pots, and similar items, even though the craftsmanship involved in creating all these products reflects such meticulous attention, particularly regarding the metal mixture and the true creation of this commodity (due to strict regulations established for that purpose) that is unmatched in any other industry. I've also learned that it consists of a mix where thirty pounds of kettle brass are combined with a thousand pounds of tin, plus three or four pounds of tin glass. However, while too much of this mixture makes the product fragile, a higher brass content improves the quality of the pewter and makes it more valuable for buyers. But let's continue.

In some places beyond the sea a garnish of good flat English pewter of an ordinarie making (I saie flat, bicause dishes and platters in my time begin to be made déepe like basons, and are indéed more conuenient both for sawce, broth, and kéeping the meat warme) is estéemed almost so pretious, as the like number of vessels that are made of fine siluer, and in maner no lesse desired amongst the great estates, whose workmen are nothing so skilfull in that trade as ours, neither their mettall so good, nor plentie so great, as we haue here in England. The Romans made excellent looking glasses of our English tin, howbeit our workemen were not then so exquisite in that feat as the Brundusiens: wherefore the wrought mettall was carried ouer vnto them by waie of merchandize, and verie highlie were those glasses estéemed of till siluer came generallie in place, which in the end brought the tin into such contempt, that in manner euerie dishwasher refused to looke in other than siluer glasses for the attiring of hir head. Howbeit the making of siluer glasses had béene in vse before Britaine was knowne vnto the Romans, for I read that one Praxiteles deuised them in the yoong time of Pompeie, which was before the comming of Cæsar into this Iland.

In some places across the sea, a nice flat English pewter from an ordinary maker is considered almost as valuable as the same number of vessels made from fine silver, and is nearly as sought after among the wealthy. Their craftsmen are nowhere near as skilled in that trade as ours, nor is their metal as good, or their supply as plentiful as we have here in England. The Romans made excellent mirrors from our English tin, although our craftsmen weren't as skilled in that craft as the Brundusians at that time. Therefore, the worked metal was sent over to them as merchandise, and those mirrors were highly valued until silver became more commonly used, which eventually led to such contempt for tin that almost every housemaid refused to look into anything other than silver mirrors for fixing her hair. However, the making of silver mirrors had been in practice even before Britain was known to the Romans, as I read that a man named Praxiteles invented them during the early years of Pompey, which was before Caesar arrived in this island.

There were mines of lead sometimes also in Wales, which indured so long till the people had consumed all their wood by melting of the same (as they did also at Comeristwith six miles from Stradfleur) and I suppose that in Plinies time the abundance of lead (whereof he speaketh) was to be found in those parts, in the seauentéenth of his thirtie fourth booke: also he affirmeth that it laie in the verie swart of the earth, and dailie gotten in such plentie, that the Romans made a restraint of the cariage thereof to Rome, limiting how much should yearelie be wrought and transported ouer the sea. And here by the waie it is worthie to be noted, of a crow which a miner of tin, dwelling néere Comeristwith (as Leland saith) had made so tame, that it would dailie flie and follow him to his worke and other places where soeuer he happened to trauell. This labourer working on a time in the bottome or vallie, where the first mine was knowne to be, did laie his pursse and girdle by him, as men commonlie doo that addresse themselues to applie their businesse earnestlie, and he himselfe also had vsed from time to time before. The crow likewise was verie busie flittering about him, and so much molested [Page 400] him, that he waxed angrie with the bird, & in his furie threatened to wring off his necke, if he might once get him into his hands; to be short, in the end the crow, hastilie caught vp his girdle and pursse, and made awaie withall so fast as hir wings could carrie hir. Héerevpon the poore man falling into great agonie (for he feared to lose peraduenture all his monie) threw downe his mattocke at aduenture and ran after the bird, curssing and menacing that he should lose his life if euer he got him againe: but as it fell out, the crow was the means whereby his life was saued, for he had not béene long out of the mine, yer it fell downe and killed all his fellowes. If I should take vpon me to discourse and search out the cause of the thus dealing of this bird at large, I should peraduenture set my selfe further into the briers than well find which waie to come out againe: yet am I persuaded, that the crow was Gods instrument herein, wherby the life of this poore labourer was preserued. It was doone also in an other order than that which I read of another tame crow, kept vp by a shoomaker of Dutch land in his shop or stoue: who séeing the same to sit vpon the pearch among his shoone, verie heauilie and drousie, said vnto the bird: What aileth my iacke, whie art thou sad and pensiue? The crow hearing his maister speake after this sort vnto him, answered (or else the diuell within him) out of the psalter: "Cogitaui dies antiquos & æternos in mente habui." But whither am I digressed, from lead vnto crowes, & from crowes vnto diuels? Certes it is now high time to returne vnto our mettals, and resume the tractation of such things as I had earst in hand.

There were lead mines in Wales that lasted so long until the people used up all their wood for smelting (like they did at Comeristwith, six miles from Stradfleur). I believe that during Pliny’s time, the large amounts of lead he mentions were found in those areas, in the seventeenth chapter of his thirty-fourth book. He also asserts that it lay deep within the earth and was obtained in such abundance that the Romans restricted its transportation to Rome, setting a limit on how much could be mined and shipped across the sea each year. It’s worth noting a story about a crow that a tin miner living near Comeristwith (as Leland says) had tamed so well it would follow him daily to work and wherever he traveled. One day, while working at the bottom of the valley where the first mine was known to be, he laid down his purse and belt, as people often do when they focus on their work. The crow, busy flitting around him, became such a nuisance that he grew angry and threatened to wring its neck if he could catch it. Eventually, the crow swiftly snatched up his belt and purse and flew away as fast as its wings could carry it. The poor man fell into great distress (for he feared he would lose all his money) and threw down his pickaxe at random, chasing after the bird, cursing and threatening that it would lose its life if he ever caught it again. But as it turned out, the crow was the reason his life was saved; he hadn’t been out of the mine long when it collapsed and killed all his coworkers. If I were to delve into why this bird acted this way, I might find myself more entangled in complications than I could easily escape from. Yet I am convinced that the crow was God’s instrument in saving this poor laborer’s life. This occurred differently than a story I read about another tame crow kept by a shoemaker in the Netherlands, who, seeing it sitting on his perch among his shoes, very heavy and sleepy, asked the bird: "What’s wrong, my Jackie? Why do you look sad and contemplative?" The crow, hearing his master speak this way, responded (or perhaps it was the devil within it) with words from the Psalms: "I thought about the days of old and remembered the years of long ago." But where have I strayed, from lead to crows, and from crows to devils? It’s certainly time to return to our metals and resume the discussion of the topics I had started.

Iron. Iron is found in manie places, as in Sussex, Kent, Weredale, Mendip, Walshall, as also in Shropshire, but chéeflie in the woods betwixt Beluos and Willocke or Wicberie néere Manchester, and elsewhere in Wales. Of which mines diuerse doo bring foorth so fine and good stuffe, as anie that commeth from beyond the sea, beside the infinit gaines to the owners, if we would so accept it, or bestow a little more cost in the refining of it. It is also of such toughnesse, that it yéeldeth to the making of claricord wire in some places of the realme. Neuerthelesse, it was better cheape with vs when strangers onelie brought it hither: for it is our qualitie when we get anie commoditie, to vse it with extremitie towards our owne nation, after we haue once found the meanes to shut out forreners from the bringing in of the like. It breedeth in like manner great expense and waste of wood, as dooth the making of our pots and table vessell of glasse, wherein is much losse sith it is so quicklie broken; and yet (as I thinke) easie to be made tougher, if our alchumists could once find the true birth or production of the red man, whose mixture would induce a metallicall toughnesse vnto it, whereby it should abide the hammer.

Iron. Iron can be found in many places, such as Sussex, Kent, Weardale, Mendip, Walshall, and also in Shropshire, but mainly in the woods between Bellows and Willock or Wicberie near Manchester, and elsewhere in Wales. Some of these mines produce iron so fine and good that it rivals anything that comes from overseas, in addition to the enormous profits for the owners if we were to accept it or invest a little more in refining it. It's also so tough that it's used to make claricord wire in some parts of the realm. However, it used to be cheaper for us when foreigners only brought it here because, when we get any valuable resource, we tend to exploit it excessively towards our own people once we've found a way to keep foreigners from bringing in similar products. It also leads to significant waste and expense in wood, similar to the production of our glass pots and tableware, which have a lot of loss since they break easily; yet I think it could be made tougher if our alchemists could discover the true origin or production of the red man, as its mixture could give it metallic toughness, allowing it to withstand hammering.

Copper. Copper is latelie not found, but rather restored againe to light. For I haue read of copper to haue béene heretofore gotten in our Iland; howbeit as strangers haue most commonly the gouernance of our mines, so they hitherto make small gains of this in hand in the north parts: for (as I am informed) the profit dooth verie hardlie counteruaile the charges; whereat wise men doo not a litle maruell, considering the abundance which that mine dooth séeme to offer, and as it were at hand. Leland our countrieman noteth sundrie great likelihoods of naturall copper mines to be eastwards, as betwéene Dudman and Trewardth in the sea cliffes, beside other places, whereof diuerse are noted here and there in sundrie places of this booke alreadie, and therefore it shall be but in vaine to repeat them here againe: as for that which is gotten out of the marchasite, I speake not of it, sith it is not incident to my purpose. In Dorsetshire also a copper mine latelie found is brought to good perfection.

Copper. Copper has recently been found again rather than discovered for the first time. I've read that copper used to be mined on our island; however, since strangers usually manage our mines, they have made little profit so far in the northern regions. From what I understand, the profit barely covers the expenses, which puzzles wise people, considering the abundance that the mine seems to offer and is almost within reach. Leland, our fellow countryman, notes various promising natural copper mines located to the east, like those between Dudman and Trewardth along the sea cliffs, as well as other areas mentioned in different parts of this book already, so it would be pointless to repeat them here. As for what is extracted from the marcasite, I won't mention it since it’s not relevant to my point. In Dorsetshire, a recently discovered copper mine has also been developed quite successfully.

Stéele. As for our stéele, it is not so good for edge-tooles as that of Colaine, and yet the one is often sold for the other, and like tale vsed in both, that is to saie, thirtie gads to the sheffe, and twelue sheffes to the burden. Our alchumie is artificiall, and thereof our spoones and some salts are commonlie made, and preferred before our pewter with some, albeit in truth it be much subiect to corruption, putrifaction, more heauie and foule to handle than our pewter; yet some ignorant persons affirme it to be a mettall more naturall, and the verie same which Encelius calleth Plumbum cinereum, the Germans, wisemute, mithan, & counterfeie, adding, that where it groweth, siluer can not be farre off. Neuerthelesse it is knowne to be a mixture of brasse, lead, and tin (of [Page 401] which this latter occupieth the one halfe) but after another proportion than is vsed in pewter. But alas I am persuaded that neither the old Arabians, nor new alchumists of our time did euer heare of it, albeit that the name thereof doo séeme to come out of their forge. For the common sort indeed doo call it alchumie, an vnwholsome mettall (God wot) and woorthie to be banished and driuen out of the land. And thus I conclude with this discourse, as hauing no more to saie of the mettals of my countrie, except I should talke of brasse, bell mettall, and such as are brought ouer for merchandize from other countries: and yet I can not but saie that there is some brasse found also in England, but so small is the quantitie, that it is not greatlie to be estéemed or accounted of.

Steele. When it comes to our steel, it’s not as good for edge tools as that from Collain, and yet one is often sold as the other, with the same claim: thirty gads to the sheaf, and twelve sheafs to the burden. Our alchemy is man-made, and that’s what our spoons and some salts are usually made from, often preferred over our pewter by some, even though it’s actually very prone to spoiling, rotting, heavier, and messier to handle than our pewter; still, some uninformed folks insist it’s a more natural metal, the same thing that Encelius calls Plumbum cinereum, while the Germans refer to it as wisemute, mithan, and counterfeit, adding that where it comes from, silver can’t be far away. Nevertheless, it’s known to be a mix of brass, lead, and tin (with the latter making up half of it), but in a different ratio than what’s used in pewter. Sadly, I’m convinced that neither the ancient Arabs nor the modern alchemists of our time have ever heard of it, even though its name seems to come from their work. The common people indeed call it alchemy, an unhealthy metal (God knows) that deserves to be banned and expelled from the land. So I conclude this discussion, having nothing more to say about the metals from my country, unless I talk about brass, bell metal, and goods brought over for trade from other countries; though I must say that there is some brass found in England, but the quantity is so small that it’s not really worth much or esteemed highly.

OF PRETIOUS STONES.
CHAP. XII.

The old writers remember few other stones of estimation to be found in Geat. this Iland than that which we call geat, and they in Latine Gagaies: wherevnto furthermore they ascribe sundrie properties, as vsuallie Laon.
Chalchondile.
practised here in times past, whereof none of our writers doo make anie mention at all. Howbeit whatsoeuer it hath pleased a number of strangers (vpon false surmise) to write of the vsages of this our countrie, about the triall of the virginitie of our maidens by drinking the powder hereof against the time of their bestowing in mariage: certeine it is that euen to this daie there is some plentie to be had of this commoditie in Darbishire and about Barwike, whereof rings, salts, small cups, and sundrie trifling toies are made, although that in manie mens opinions nothing so fine as that which is brought ouer by merchants dailie from the maine. But as these men are drowned with the common errour conceiued of our nation, so I am sure that in discerning the price and value of things, no man now liuing can go beyond the iudgement of the old Romans, who preferred the geat of Britaine before the like stones bred about Luke and all other countries wheresoeuer. Marbodeus Gallus also writing of the same among other of estimation, saith thus:

The old writers recall only a few other valuable stones found in Great. this island besides what we call geat, which they referred to in Latin as Gagaies: they also attributed various properties to it, as was commonly practiced here in the past, which none of our writers mention at all. However, whatever a number of outsiders (based on false assumptions) have written about our country's customs regarding the testing of our maidens' virginity by drinking this powder before their marriages: it is certain that even to this day, there is still a good supply of this commodity in Derbyshire and around Berwick, from which rings, salts, small cups, and various trinkets are made, although many people believe that nothing is as fine as what is regularly brought over by merchants from the mainland. But just as these individuals are lost in the common misconception about our nation, I am sure that in evaluating the price and value of things, no one alive today can surpass the judgment of the old Romans, who preferred the geat from Britain over similar stones found in Lucania and other countries. Marbodeus Gallus, writing about the same among other stones of value, says this:

Nascitur in Lycia lapis & propè gemma Gagates,

Nascitur in Lycia lapis & propè gemma Gagates,

Sed genus eximium fæcunda Britannia mittit,

Sed genus eximium fæcunda Britannia mittit,

Lucidus & niger est, leuis & leuissimus idem,

Lucid & black is, light & the lightest the same,

Vicinas paleas trahit attritu calefactus,

Vicinas weeds pull because of heat,

Ardet aqua lotus, restinguitur vnctus oliuo.

Ardet aqua lotus, restinguitur vnctus oliuo.

The Germane writers confound it with amber as it were a kind therof: but as I regard not their iudgement in this point, so I read that it taketh name of Gagas a citie and riuer in Silicia, where it groweth in plentifull maner, as Dioscorides saith. Nicander in Theriaca calleth it Engangin and Gangitin, of the plentie thereof that is found in the place aforesaid, which he calleth Ganges, and where they haue great vse of it in driuing awaie of serpents by the onelie perfume thereof. Charles the fourth emperour of that name glased the church withall that standeth at the fall of Tangra, but I cannot imagine what light should enter therby. The writers also diuide this stone into fiue kinds, of which the one is in colour like vnto lion tawnie, another straked with white veines, the third with yellow lines, the fourth is garled with diuerse colours, among which some are like drops of bloud (but those come out of Inde) and the fift shining blacke as anie rauens feather.

The German writers confuse it with amber as if it were a type of that; however, I don't pay much attention to their judgment on this matter. I read that it gets its name from Gagas, a city and river in Sicily, where it grows abundantly, as Dioscorides states. Nicander in Theriaca refers to it as Engangin and Gangitin, due to the abundance found in the place he calls Ganges, where they use it extensively to drive away serpents with its perfume alone. Charles the fourth of that name glazed the church that stands at the fall of Tangra, but I can't imagine what light would enter through it. The writers also classify this stone into five types: one is colored like lion tawny, another streaked with white veins, the third with yellow lines, the fourth is mixed with various colors, some of which resemble drops of blood (but those come from India), and the fifth is shining black like a raven's feather.

Moreouer, as geat was one of the first stones of this Ile, whereof anie forren account was made, so our pearles also did match with it in renowme; in so much that the onelie desire of them caused Cæsar to aduenture hither, after he had séene the quantities and heard of our plentie of them, while he abode in France, and whereof he made a taberd which he offered vp in Rome to Venus, where it hoong long after as a rich and notable oblation and testimonie of the riches of our countrie. Certes they are to be found in these our daies, and thereto of diuerse [Page 402] colours, in no lesse numbers than euer they were in old time. Yet are they not now so much desired bicause of their smalnesse, and also for other causes, but especiallie sith churchworke, as copes, vestments, albes, tunicles, altarclothes, canopies, and such trash, are worthilie abolished; vpon which our countrimen superstitiously bestowed no small quantities of them. For I thinke there were few churches or religious houses, besides bishops miters, bookes and other pontificall vestures, but were either throughlie fretted, or notablie garnished with huge numbers of them. Marbodeus likewise speaking of pearles, commendeth them after this maner:

Moreover, just as the great stone was one of the first significant features of this island that caught foreign attention, our pearls were equally renowned; so much so that the sole desire for them prompted Caesar to venture here after hearing about their abundance while he was in France. He created a tapestry from them, which he offered in Rome to Venus; it hung there for a long time as a valuable and noteworthy gift, showcasing the wealth of our land. Surely, they can still be found today, and in various colors, as plentiful as ever. However, they are not as sought after now due to their small size and other reasons, especially since church items like copes, vestments, albs, tunics, altar cloths, canopies, and similar things have rightly fallen out of favor. Our countrymen had superstitiously spent considerable amounts on them. I believe there were few churches or religious buildings, aside from bishops' miters, books, and other ceremonial garments, that weren't either completely adorned or significantly decorated with large quantities of them. Marbodeus also speaks highly of pearls in this manner:

Gignit & insignes antiqua Britannia baccas, &c.

Gignit & notable ancient Britain berries, &c.

Marcellinus also Lib. 23, "in ipso fine," speaketh of our pearls and their generation, but he preferreth greatlie those of Persia before them, which to me dooth séeme vnequallie doone. But as the British geat or orient pearle were in old time estéemed aboue those of other countries; so time hath since the conquest of the Romans reuealed manie other: insomuch that at this season there are found in England the Aetites (in English called the ernestone, but for erne some pronounce eagle) and the hematite or bloodstone, and these verie pure and excellent: also the calcedonie, the porphyrite, the christall, and those other which we call calaminares and speculares, besides a kind of diamond or adamant, which although it be verie faire to sight, is yet much softer (as most are that are found & bred toward the north) than those that are brought hither out of other countries. We haue also vpon our coast the white corall, nothing inferiour to that which is found beyond the sea in the albe, néere to the fall of Tangra, or to the red and blacke, whereof Dioscorides intreateth, Lib. 5. cap. 8. We haue in like sort sundrie other stones dailie found in cliffes and rocks (beside the load stone which is oftentimes taken vp out of our mines of iron) whereof such as find them haue either no knowledge at all, or else doo make but small account, being seduced by outlandish lapidaries, whereof the most part discourage vs from the searching and séeking out of our owne commodities, to the end that they maie haue the more frée vtterance of their naturall and artificiall wares, whereby they get great gaines amongst such as haue no skill.

Marcellinus also mentions in Book 23, "at the very end," our pearls and how they're formed, but he greatly prefers those from Persia over ours, which seems unfair to me. Just as British or Oriental pearls were once valued more than those from other countries, time has shown many others since the Roman conquest. Nowadays, England yields Aetites (called ernestone in English, though some pronounce it eagle) and hematite or bloodstone, which are very pure and excellent. We also have chalcedony, porphyry, crystal, and others we refer to as calaminares and speculares, along with a type of diamond or adamant that, while very attractive, is much softer (as most found and formed in the north tend to be) than those imported from other regions. Along our coast, we find white coral, no less inferior to that which is found overseas in the albe, near the fall of Tangra, or to the red and black varieties mentioned by Dioscorides in Book 5, Chapter 8. We also discover various other stones daily in cliffs and rocks (besides the lodestone, which is often extracted from our iron mines), but those who find them usually have little knowledge or regard for them, misled by foreign lapidaries who tend to discourage us from exploring and searching for our own resources, so they can sell their natural and artificial products more freely, earning considerable profits among those who lack expertise.

Triall of a stone. I haue heard that the best triall of a stone is to laie it on the naile of the thombe, and so to go abroad into the cleare light, where if the colour hold in all places a like, the stone is thought to be naturall and good: but if it alter, especiallie toward the naile, then is it not sound, but rather to be taken for an artificiall péece of practise. If Lib. 7. this be true it is an experiment woorthie the noting. Cardan also hath it in his "De subtilitate;" if not, I haue read more lies than this, as one for example out of Cato, who saieth, that a cup of iuie will hold no wine at all. I haue made some vessels of the same wood, which refuse no kind of liquor, and therefore I suppose that there is no such Antipathia betweene wine and our iuie, as some of our reading philosophers (without all maner of practise) will seeme to infer amongst vs: and yet I denie not but the iuie of Gréece or Italie may haue such a propertie; but why should not the iuie then of France somewhat participat withall in the like effect, which groweth in an hotter soile than ours is? For as Baptista porta saith, it holdeth not also in the French iuie, wherfore I can not beléeue that it hath anie such qualitie at all as Cato ascribeth vnto it. What should I say more of stones? Trulie I can not tell, sith I haue said what I may alreadie, and peraduenture more than I thinke necessarie: and that causeth me to passe ouer those that are now & then taken out of our oisters, todes, muskels, snailes and adders, and likewise such as are found vpon sundrie hils in Glocestershire, which haue naturallie such sundrie proportions, formes & colours in them, as passe all humane possibilitie to imitate, be the workeman neuer so skilfull and cunning, also those that are found in the heads of our perches and carps much desired of such as haue the stone, & yet of themselues are no stones but rather shels or gristles, which in time consume to nothing. This yet will I ad, that if those which are found in muskels (for I am vtterlie ignorant of the generation of pearls) be good pearle in déed, I haue at sundrie times gathered more [Page 403] than an ounce of them, of which diuerse haue holes alreadie entered by nature, some of them not much inferiour to great peason in quantitie, and thereto of sundrie colours, as it happeneth amongst such as are brought from the esterlie coast to Saffron Walden in Lent, when for want of flesh, stale stinking fish and welked muskels are thought to be good meat; for other fish is too déere amongst vs when law dooth bind vs to vse it. Sée more for the generation of pearls in the description of Scotland, for there you shall be further informed out of Boetius in that behalfe. They are called orient, because of the cléerenesse, which resembleth the colour of the cléere aire before the rising of the sun. They are also sought for in the later end of August, a little before which time the swéetnesse of the dew is most conuenient for that kind of fish, which dooth ingender and conceiue them, whose forme is flat, and much like vnto a lempet. The further north also that they be found the brighter is their colour, & their substances of better valure, as lapidaries doo giue out.

Testing a rock. I’ve heard that the best way to test a stone is to place it on the nail of your thumb and then go out into the bright light. If the color remains consistent all over, the stone is considered natural and good. But if it changes, especially near the nail, then it’s not genuine and is likely an artificial piece made through skill. If this is true, it's a noteworthy experiment. Cardan also mentions this in his "De Subtilitate"; if not, I’ve read more falsehoods than this, such as one from Cato, who claims that a cup made of ivy won’t hold any wine. I’ve made some vessels from the same wood that can hold all kinds of liquids, so I believe there isn't any such Antipathia between wine and our ivy, as some philosophers, who lack any practical experience, might suggest. Yet, I don’t deny that the ivy from Greece or Italy could have such a property; but why shouldn’t the ivy from France have a similar effect, since it grows in a warmer climate than ours? As Baptista Porta says, it doesn’t apply to French ivy either, which makes me doubt the quality Cato attributes to it. What more can I say about stones? Honestly, I’m not sure, since I’ve already said quite a bit, perhaps more than necessary. That leads me to skip over those that are occasionally taken from our oysters, toads, mussels, snails, and adders, as well as those found on various hills in Gloucestershire, which naturally have such diverse proportions, shapes, and colors that it exceeds any human ability to imitate, no matter how skilled the craftsman is. Also, those found in the heads of our perch and carp are highly sought after by those who believe in their value; yet, they are not stones at all but rather shells or gristles that eventually dissolve to nothing. I will add that if those found in mussels (since I am completely ignorant of how pearls are formed) are indeed good pearls, I’ve collected more than an ounce of them at various times, and several already have holes made by nature, some of which are nearly the size of large peas, and they come in different colors, similar to those brought from the eastern coast to Saffron Walden during Lent when, due to a lack of meat, stale, smelly fish and wilted mussels are considered good food, since other fish are too expensive when the law requires us to use them. See more about pearl formation in the description of Scotland; there you will find more information from Boetius on this topic. They are called orient because of their clarity, which resembles the color of the clear sky before sunrise. They are also sought after in late August, just before which time the sweetness of the dew is best suited for the kind of fish that produce and nurture them, which have a flat shape much like a limpet. The further north they are found, the brighter their color and the more valuable their substance, as lapidaries claim.

OF SALT MADE IN ENGLAND.
CHAP. XIII.

There are in England certein welles where salt is made, whereof Leland hath written abundantlie in his cōmentaries of Britaine, and whose words onlie I will set downe in English as he wrote them, bicause he seemeth to haue had diligent consideration of the same, without adding anie thing of mine owne to him, except it be where necessitie dooth inforce me for the méere aid of the reader, in the vnderstanding of his mind. Directing therefore his iournie from Worcester in his peregrination and laborious trauell ouer England, he saith thus: From Worcester I road to the Wich by inclosed soile, hauing meetlie good corne ground, sufficient wood and good pasture, about a six miles off, Wich standeth somewhat in a vallie or low ground, betwixt two small hils on the left ripe (for so he calleth the banke of euerie brooke through out all his English treatises) of a pretie riuer which not far beneath the Wich is called Salope brooke. The beautie of the towne in maner standeth in one stréet, yet be there manie lanes in the towne besides. There is also a meane church in the maine stréet, and once in the wéeke an indifferent round market. The towne of it selfe is somewhat foule and durtie when anie raine falleth by reason of much cariage through the stréets, which are verie ill paued or rather not paued at all. The great aduancement also hereof is by making of salt. And though the commoditie thereof be singular great, yet the burgesses be poore generallie, bicause gentlemen haue for the most part gotten the great gaine of it A common plague in all things of anie great commoditie, for one beateth the bush but another catcheth the birds, as we may sée in bat-fowling. into their hands, whilest the poore burgesses yeeld vnto all the labour. There are at this present time thrée hundred salters, and thrée salt springs in the towne of Wich, whereof the principall is within a butshoot of the right ripe (or banke) of the riuer that there commeth downe: and this spring is double so profitable in yéelding of salt liquor, as both the other. Some saie (or rather fable) that this salt spring did faile in the time of Richard de la Wich bishop of Chichester, and that afterwards by his intercession it was restored to the profit of the old course (such is the superstition of the people) in remembrance whereof, or peraduenture for the zeale which the Wich men and salters did beare vnto Richard de la Wich their countriman, they vsed of late times on his daie (which commeth once in the yeare) to hang this salt spring or well about with tapistrie, and to haue sundrie games, drinkings, and foolish reuels at it. But to procéed. There be a great number of salt cotes about this well, wherein the salt water is sodden in leads, and brought to the perfection of pure white salt. The other two salt springs be on the left side of the riuer a pretie waie lower than the first, and (as I found) at the verie end of the towne. At these also be diuerse fornaces to make salt, but the profit and plentie of these two are nothing comparable to the gaine that riseth by the greatest. I asked of a salter how manie fornaces they had at all the three springs, and he numbred them to eightéene score, that is, thrée hundred and sixtie, saieng how euerie one of them paied yearelie six [Page 404] shillings and eight pence to the king. The truth is that of old they had liberties giuen vnto them for three hundred fornaces or more, and therevpon they giue a fee farme (or Vectigal) of one hundred pounds yearelie. Certes the pension is as it was, but the number of fornaces is now increased to foure hundred. There was of late search made for another salt spring there abouts, by the meanes of one Newport a gentleman dwelling at the Wich, and the place where it was appéereth, as dooth also the wood and timber which was set about it, to kéepe vp the earth from falling into the same. But this pit was not since occupied, whether it were for lacke of plentie of the salt spring, or for letting or hindering of the profit of the other three. Me thinke that if wood and sale of salt would serue, they might dig and find more salt springs about the Wich than thrée, but there is somewhat else in the wind. For I Priuileges doo somtimes harme. heard that of late yeares a salt spring was found in an other quarter of Worcestershire, but it grew to be without anie vse, sith the Wich men haue such a priuilege, that they alone in those quarters shall haue the making of salt. The pits be so set about with gutters, that the salt water is easilie turned to euerie mans house, and at Nantwich verie manie troughs go ouer the riuer for the commoditie of such as dwell on the other side of the same. They séeth also their salt water in fornaces of lead, and lade out the salt some in cases of wicker, through which the water draineth, and the salt remaineth. There be also two or thrée but verie little salt springs at Dertwitch, in a low bottome, where salt is sometime made.

There are certain wells in England where salt is produced, which Leland has written extensively about in his commentaries on Britain. I will present his words in English as he wrote them, since he seems to have given careful thought to the subject, adding nothing of my own except where necessary to help the reader understand his meaning. He describes his journey from Worcester in his travels across England: From Worcester, I rode to the Wich through enclosed land, which has decent farmland, enough wood, and good pasture, about six miles away. Wich is located in a valley or low ground, between two small hills on the left bank (that’s what he calls the banks of every brook throughout his English writings) of a pretty river called Salope brook, which flows just below the Wich. The beauty of the town mainly lies in one street, even though there are many alleys throughout. There is also a modest church on the main street, and once a week, there is a fairly decent market. The town itself can be quite dirty when it rains because of heavy traffic on the streets, which are poorly paved or even unpaved. The main economic boost here comes from salt production. Although this is a major source of wealth, the local citizens are generally poor, as gentlemen have mainly taken the large profits for themselves, while the poor citizens handle all the labor. It's a common issue with any valuable resource where one person puts in the effort while another enjoys the benefits, similar to what happens with bird-catching. Currently, there are three hundred salt workers and three salt springs in the town of Wich, with the main one being very close to the bank of the river. This spring is twice as productive in yielding brine as the other two. Some say (or rather claim) that this salt spring dried up during the time of Richard de la Wich, Bishop of Chichester, and that it was later restored to its former productivity through his intercession (a reflection of the local superstitions). In memory of this, or perhaps out of the local residents' and salt workers' affection for Richard de la Wich, their fellow townsman, they would decorate the salt spring or well with tapestries on his feast day once a year and hold various games, drinking, and silly festivities. Moving on, there are many salt houses around this well, where the saltwater is boiled in vats to produce pure white salt. The other two salt springs are located on the left side of the river, a bit further downstream than the first one, and I found them at the very end of town. These also have several furnaces for making salt, but the yield and profits of these two are nothing compared to those from the main spring. I asked a salt worker how many furnaces they had across all three springs, and he counted them as eighteen score, meaning three hundred and sixty, mentioning that each of them pays the king six [Page 404] shillings and eight pence every year. The truth is that they were once granted rights for three hundred furnaces or more, and for this, they pay an annual fee of one hundred pounds. Indeed, the fee remains the same, but the number of furnaces has now increased to four hundred. Recently, there was an investigation for another salt spring nearby, initiated by a gentleman named Newport living in Wich, and the spot where it supposedly was can still be seen, along with the wood and timber that were surrounding it to prevent the earth from collapsing into it. However, this pit hasn't been used since, possibly due to a lack of sufficient salt production or to protect the profits from the other three. I believe that if timber and the salt trade were sufficient, they could dig and discover more salt springs around Wich than just three, but there seems to be some other issue at play. I Privileges can sometimes be harmful. heard that in recent years, another salt spring was found in another part of Worcestershire, but it went unused since the people of Wich have such a privilege that only they in those areas can make salt. The pits are designed with gutters, allowing the saltwater to be easily redirected to everyone’s houses, and at Nantwich, many troughs cross the river for the convenience of those living on the opposite side. They also boil their saltwater in lead furnaces and drain the salt out into wicker baskets, allowing the water to seep through while the salt remains. There are also two or three very small salt springs at Dertwitch, located in a low area, where salt is occasionally produced.

Of late also a mile from Cumbremere abbaie a peece of an hill did sinke, and in the same pit rose a spring of salt water, where the abbat began to make salt; but the men of the citie compounded with the abbat & couent that there should be none made there, whereby the pit was suffered to go to losse. And although it yéelded salt water still of it selfe, yet it was spoiled at the last and filled vp with filth. The Wich men vse the cōmoditie of their salt springs in drawing and decocting the water of them onlie by six moneths in the yeare, that is, from Midsummer to Christmas, as (I gesse) to mainteine the price of salt, or for sauing of wood, which I thinke to be their principall reason. For making of salt is a great and notable destruction of wood, and shall be greater hereafter, except some prouision be made for the better increase of firing. The lacke of wood also is alreadie perceiued in places néere the Wich, for whereas they vsed to buie and take their wood neere vnto their occupiengs, those woonted springs are now decaied, and they be inforced to seeke their wood so far as Worcester towne, and all the parts about Brenisgraue, Alchirch, and Alcester. I asked a salter how much wood he supposed yearelie to be spent at these fornaces? and he answered that by estimation there was consumed about six thousand load, and it was round pole wood for the most, which is easie to be cleft, and handsomelie riuen in péeces. The people that are about the fornaces are verie ill coloured, and the iust rate of euerie fornace is to make foure loads of salt yearelie, and to euerie load goeth fiue or six quarters as they make their accounts. If the fornace men make more in one fornace than foure loads, it is (as it is said) imploied to their owne auaile. And thus much hath Leland left in memorie of our white salt, who in an other booke, not now in my hands, hath touched the making also of baie salt in some part of our countrie. But sith that booke is deliuered againe to the owner, the tractation of baie salt can not be framed in anie order, bicause my memorie will not serue to shew the true maner and the place. It shall suffice therfore to haue giuen such notice of it, to the end the reader may know that aswell the baie as white are wrought and made in England, and more white also vpon the west coast toward Scotland, in Essex and else where, out of the salt water betwéene Wire and Cokermouth, which commonlie is of like price with our wheat. Finallie, hauing thus intermedled our artificiall salt with our minerals, let vs giue ouer, and go in hand with such mettals as are growing here in England.

Recently, about a mile from Cumbremere Abbey, a part of a hill sank, and in that pit, a spring of salt water emerged, where the abbot began to produce salt. However, the townsfolk made a deal with the abbot and the community to stop salt production there, which meant the pit was left to waste. Even though it continued to yield salt water on its own, it eventually became contaminated and filled with dirt. The people from Wich rely on their salt springs for drawing and boiling the water only for six months a year, from Midsummer to Christmas, which I guess is to maintain the price of salt or to save on firewood, which I believe is their main reason. Making salt is a significant and visible drain on firewood, and it will only increase in the future unless some measures are taken for better firewood supply. The shortage of wood is already noticeable in areas near Wich, where they used to buy and gather wood close to their work sites; those usual sources have now dried up, forcing them to travel as far as Worcester and the areas around Brenisgrave, Alchirch, and Alcester for wood. I asked a salt worker how much wood he thought was used annually at these furnaces, and he estimated that about six thousand loads were consumed, mostly round pole wood, which is easy to split and neatly torn into pieces. The people around the furnaces look very unhealthy, and each furnace is said to produce about four loads of salt per year, with five or six bushels per load as they calculate it. If the furnace workers produce more than four loads in one furnace, it is reportedly for their own benefit. This is all that Leland has recorded about our white salt, who in another book, currently not in my possession, also mentioned the production of bay salt in some parts of our country. Since that book has been returned to its owner, I can't accurately recount the process and place of bay salt production, as my memory isn't reliable. So, it's enough to note that both bay and white salt are produced in England, with more white salt also coming from the western coast towards Scotland, in Essex and elsewhere, from the salt water between Wire and Cokermouth, which is usually priced similar to our wheat. Finally, having touched on our artificial salt alongside our minerals, let's move on and delve into the metals found here in England.

[Page 405]

[Page 405]

OF OUR ACCOMPT OF TIME & HIR PARTS.
CHAP. XIV.

As Libra is As or Assis to the Romans for their weight, and the foot in standard measure: so in our accompt of the parts of time, we take the daie consisting of foure and twentie houres, to be the greatest of the least, and least of the greatest, whereby we keepe our reckoning: for of the houre (to saie the truth) the most ancient Romans, Greeks, nor Hebrues had anie vse; sith they reckoned by watches: and whereof also Censorinus cap. 19. sheweth a reason wherefore they were neglected. For my part I doo not sée anie great difference vsed in the obseruation of time & hir parts, betwéene our owne & any other forren nation, wherfore I shall not néed to stand long on this matter. Howbeit to the end our exact order herein shall appéere vnto all men, I will set downe some short rehearsall thereof, and that in so briefe manner as vnto me is possible. As for our astronomicall practises, I meane not to meddle with them, sith their course is vniformelie obserued, ouer all. Our common order therefore is to begin at the minut, which conteineth 1/60 part of an houre, as at the smallest part of time knowne vnto the people, notwithstanding that in most places they descend no lower than the halfe quarter or quarter of the houre; and from whence they procéed vnto the houre, to wit, the foure and twentith part of that which we call the common and naturall daie, which dooth begin at midnight, and is obserued continuallie by clockes, dialles, and astronomicall instruments of all sorts. The artificiall varietie of which kind of ware is so great here in England, as no place else (in mine opinion) can be comparable therein to this Ile. I will not speake of the cost bestowed vpon them in perle and stone, neither of the valure of mettall, whereof they haue béene made, as gold, siluer, &c: and almost no abbeie or religious house without some of them. This onelie shall suffice to note here (as by the waie) that as antiquitie hath delighted in these things, so in our time pompe and excesse spendeth all, and nothing is regarded that bringeth in no bread. Of vnequall or temporall houres or daies, our nation hath no regard, and therefore to shew their quantities, differences, and diuisions, into the greater and the lesser, (whereof the later conteineth one vnequall houre, or the rising of halfe a signe, the other of a whole signe, which is in two houres space, wherof Marke seemth to speake cap. 15 c 25, as the rest of the euangelists (yea and he also ibid. vers. 33) doo of the other, Matth. 27 e 45, Luke 23 e 44, John 19 b 14) it should be but in vaine. In like sort, wheras the elder Aegyptians, Italians, Bohemians, latter Atheniens, and Iews begin their daie at the sun set ouer night; the Persians, Babylonians, Grecians, and Noribergians, at the sun rising (ech of them accompting their daies and nights by vnequall houres) also the elder Atheniens, Arabians, Dutchmen, Vmbers, Hetrurians, and Astronomers at high noone, and so reckon from noone to noone: we after Hipparchus and the latter Aegyptians, or to speake more properlie, imitating the Roman maner vsed in the church there of long time, choose the verie point of midnight; from whence we accompt twelue equall houres vnto middaie insuing, and other twelue againe vnto the aforesaid point, according to these verses;

As Libra is As or Assis to the Romans for their weight and as the foot is a standard measure, in our understanding of time, we consider the day, which consists of twenty-four hours, to be both the greatest of the smallest parts and the smallest of the greatest. This helps us keep track. In truth, the most ancient Romans, Greeks, and Hebrews didn't really use the hour, since they counted time with watches. Censorinus, in chapter 19, explains why they were overlooked. For my part, I don’t see much difference in how time and its parts are observed between our own nation and any other foreign nation, so I won’t dwell on this topic for long. However, to make our exact method clear to everyone, I will lay out a brief overview as succinctly as possible. As for our astronomical practices, I don’t intend to get involved, since their system is uniformly followed everywhere. Our common practice begins at the minute, which is 1/60 of an hour, recognized by the people as the smallest unit of time, although in many places they don’t go lower than a half-quarter or quarter of an hour. From there, we proceed to the hour, which is the twenty-fourth part of what we call the common and natural day, starting at midnight and continuously measured by clocks, sundials, and all sorts of astronomical instruments. The variety of these instruments in England is so vast that, in my opinion, no other place can compare to this island. I won’t mention the expenses spent on them in pearls and stones, nor the value of the metals used, like gold and silver, as almost every abbey or religious house has some. All I’ll note here (in passing) is that while antiquity took pleasure in these things, currently, extravagance and excess drain all resources, ignoring anything that doesn't generate income. Our nation pays no attention to unequal or temporal hours or days, so discussing their quantities, differences, and divisions into greater and lesser ones (where the latter holds one unequal hour or half a sign’s rise, and the former represents a whole sign, or two hours, which Mark seems to refer to in chapter 15, verse 25, as do the other evangelists, including him in verse 33, Matthew 27:45, Luke 23:44, and John 19:14) would seem pointless. Likewise, while the ancient Egyptians, Italians, Bohemians, later Athenians, and Jews start their day at sunset, the Persians, Babylonians, Greeks, and Nurembergers begin at sunrise (each counting their days and nights with unequal hours), the ancient Athenians, Arabs, Dutch, Umbrians, Etruscans, and astronomers start at noon and count from noon to noon; we, following Hipparchus and the later Egyptians, or more accurately, imitating the Roman method long used in the church, choose the exact point of midnight as our starting point. From there, we count twelve equal hours to the following midday and another twelve back to that point, according to these verses;

Manè diem Græca gens incipit astra sequentes

Man, the Greek people begin to follow the stars.

In medio lucis Iudæis vespere sancta,

In the middle of the light, on the holy evening for the Jews,

Inchoat ecclesia media sua tempora nocte.

Inchoat ecclesia media sua tempora nocte.

And this is our generall order for the naturall daie. Of the artificiall we make so farre accompt, as that we reckon it daie when the sun is vp, and night when the sun leaueth our horizon. Otherwise also we diuide it into two parts, that is to saie, fore noone and after noone, not regarding the ruddie, shining, burning and warming seasons (of thrée [Page 406] vnequall houres a péece, which others séeme to diuide into spring time, summer, autumne, and winter, in like curious manner) and whereof I read these verses:

And this is our general order for the natural day. For the artificial day, we count it as day when the sun is up, and night when the sun leaves our horizon. We also divide it into two parts, namely, before noon and after noon, without considering the bright, shining, warm seasons (of three unequal hours each, which others seem to divide into spring, summer, autumn, and winter, in a similarly careful manner), and of which I read these verses:

Solis equi lucis dicuntur quatuor horæ,

Solis equi lucis dicuntur quatuor horæ,

Hæc rubet, hæc splendet, hæc calet, illa tepet.

Hæc rubet, hæc splendet, hæc calet, illa tepet.

Indéed our physicians haue another partition of the daie, as men of no lesse learning no doubt than the best of forren countries, if we could so conceiue of them. And herein they concurre also with those of other nations, who for distinction in regiment of our humors, diuide the artificiall daie and night in such wise as these verses doo import, and are indéed a generall rule which ech of them doth follow:

Indeed, our doctors have a different division of the day, just as educated as the best from other countries, if we could think of them that way. They also agree with doctors from other nations, who, to categorize our moods, divide the artificial day and night in a way that these verses suggest, and this is indeed a general rule that each of them follows:

Tres lucis primas, noctis tres sanguinis imas,

Tres lucis primas, noctis tres sanguinis imas,

Vis choleræ medias lucis sex vendicat horas.

Vis choleræ takes six hours of daylight.

Dátque melam primas noctis, tres lucis & imas,

Dátque melam primas noctis, tres lucis & imas,

Centrales ponas sex noctis phlegmatis horas.

Centrales ponas sex noctis phlegmatis horas.

Or thus, as Tansteter hath giuen them foorth in his prelections:

Or thus, as Tansteter has presented them in his lectures:

A nona noctis donec sit tertia lucis,

A ninth of the night until the third light,

Est dominus sanguis, sex inde sequentibus horis

Est dominus sanguis, sex inde sequentibus horis

Est dominans cholera, dum lucis nona sit hora

Est dominans cholera, dum lucis nona sit hora

Post niger humid inest donec sit tertia noctis,

Post niger humid inest donec sit tertia noctis,

Posthæc phlegma venit, donec sit nona quietis.

Posthæc phlegma venit, donec sit nona quietis.

In English thus in effect:

In English, so effectively

Three houres yer sun doo rise,

Three hours before dawn,

and so manie after, blud,

and so many after, dude,

From nine to three at after noone,

From nine to three in the afternoon,

hot choler beares the swaie,

hot temper takes control,

Euen so to nine at night,

Even so, it's nine at night,

swart choler hath to rule,

dark anger must prevail,

As phlegme from thence to three at morne;

As mucus from there to three in the morning;

six houres ech one I saie.

six hours each one I say.

Night.
Vesper.
In like sort for the night we haue none other parts than the twilight, darkenight, midnight, and cocks crowing: wheras the Latins diuide the same into 7 parts, as Vesper or Vesperugo, as Plautus calleth it, as Virgil vseth the word Hesper the euening, which is immediatlie after Crepsuculum. the setting of the sun. Crepusculum the twilight (which some call Prima fax, because men begin then to light candles) when it is betwéene daie and night, light and darkenesse, or properlie neither daie Concubium. nor night. Concubium the still of the night, when ech one is laid to rest.

Night.
Evening.
Similarly, for the night, we have no other divisions than twilight, dark night, midnight, and rooster crowing; whereas the Latins break it down into 7 parts, like Evening or Vesper, as Plautus calls it, and Virgil uses the word Hesper for the evening, which comes right after Twilight. the sun sets. Twilight (which some refer to as First Light, because people start lighting candles then) is the time between day and night, light and darkness, or more accurately, neither day Night. nor night. Nighttime is the stillness of the night, when everyone goes to rest.

Intempestum. Intempestum, the dull or dead of the night, which is midnight, when Gallicinium.
Conticinium.
Matutinum.
Diluculum.
men be in their first or dead sléepe. Gallicinium, the cocks crowing. Conticinium, when the cocks haue left crowing. Matutinum, the breach of the daie, and Diluculum siue aurora, the ruddie, orenge, golden or shining colour, séene immediatlie before the rising of the sun, and is opposite to the euening, as Matutinum is to the twilight.

Unforeseen. Intempestum, the quiet or stillness of night, specifically midnight, when Gallicinium.
Conticinium.
Matutinum.
Diluculum.
people are in their deepest sleep. Gallicinium refers to the time when roosters crow. Conticinium is when the roosters have stopped crowing. Matutinum marks the arrival of dawn, and Diluculum siue aurora is the reddish, orange, golden, or bright color seen just before the sun rises, contrasting with the evening, just as Matutinum contrasts with twilight.

Watches. Other there are which doo reckon by watches, diuiding the night after sun setting into foure equall parts. Of which the first beginneth at euening called the first watch, and continueth by thrée vnequall houres, and so foorth vntill the end of the ninth houre, whereat the fourth watch entreth, which is called the morning watch, bicause it concurreth partlie with the darke night, and partlie with the morning and breach of the daie before the rising of the sun.

Smartwatches. There are others that keep track of time using watches, dividing the night after sunset into four equal parts. The first begins in the evening, known as the first watch, and lasts for three unequal hours, continuing like this until the end of the ninth hour, when the fourth watch starts. This is called the morning watch because it overlaps partially with the dark night and partially with the early morning before the sun rises.

Houre. As for the originall of the word houre, it is verie ancient; but yet not so old as that of the watch, wherof we shall read abundantlie in the scriptures, which was deuised first among souldiors for their better safegard and change of watchmen in their camps; the like whereof is [Page 407] almost vsed among our seafaring men, which they call clearing of the glasse, and performed from time to time with great héed and some solemnitie. Herevnto the word Hora among the Grecians signified so well the foure quarters of the yéere, as the foure and twentith part of the daie, and limits of anie forme. But what stand I vpon these things to let my purpose staie? To procéed therefore.

Hour. The origin of the word hour is very ancient, but it's not as old as the word watch, which we can find mentioned frequently in the scriptures. The watch was first created among soldiers for better security and shift changes for guards in their camps. A similar practice is almost used by our seafaring men, who refer to it as clearing the glass, done regularly with great attention and some formality. The word Hora among the Greeks referred to both the four seasons of the year and the twenty-fourth part of the day, as well as the limits of any shape. But why should I linger on these matters and delay my purpose? So, let's move on.

Wéeke. Of naturall daies is the wéeke compacted, which consisteth of seauen of them, the fridaie being commonlie called among the vulgar sort either king or worling, bicause it is either the fairest or foulest of the seauen: albeit that I cannot ghesse of anie reason whie they should so imagine. The first of these entreth with mondaie, whereby it commeth to passe, that we rest vpon the sundaie, which is the seauenth in number, as almightie God hath commanded in his word. The Iews begin their wéeke vpon our saturdaie at the setting of the sun: and the Turks in these daies with the saturdaie, whereby it commeth to passe, that as the Iews make our last daie the first of their wéeke, so the Turks make the Iewish sabaoth the beginning of their Hebdoma: bicause Mahomet their prophet (as they saie) was borne and dead vpon the fridaie, and so he was indéed, except their Alcharon deceiue them. The Iews doo reckon their daies by their distance from their sabaoth, so that the first daie of their wéeke is the first daie of the sabaoth, and so foorth vnto the sixt. The Latins and Aegyptians accompted their daies after the seauen planets, choosing the same for the denominator of the daie, that entreth his regiment with the first vnequall houre of the same after the sun be risen. Howbeit, as this order is not wholie reteined with vs, so the vse of the same is not yet altogither abolished, as may appéere by our sunday, mondaie, and saturdaie. The rest were changed by the Saxons, who in remembrance of Theut sometime their prince, called the second day of the wéek Theutsdach, the third Woden, Othin, Othon, or Edon, or Wodensdach. Also of Thor they named the fourth daie Thorsdach, and of Frea wife to Woden the fift was called Freadach. Albeit there are (and not amisse as I thinke) that suppose them to meane by Thor, Iupiter, by Woden, Mercurie, by Frea (or Frigga as Saxo calleth hir) Venus, and finallie by Theut, Mars: which if it be so, then it is an easie matter to find out the german Mars, Venus, Mercurie, and Iupiter, whereof you may read more hereafter in my chronologie. The truth is, that Frea albeit that Saxo giueth hir scant a good report, for that she loued one of hir husbands men better than himselfe, had seauen sonnes by Woden; the first, father to Wecca, of whome descended those that were afterwards kings of Kent. Fethelgeta was the second, and of him came the kings of Mercia. Baldaie the third, father to the kings of the west Saxons. Beldagius the fourth, parent to the kings of Brenicia or Northumberland. Weogodach the fift, author of the kings of Deira. Caser the sixt race of the east Angle race, & Nascad originall burgeant of the kings of Essex. As for the kings of Sussex, although they were of the same people, yet were they not of the same streine, as our old monuments doo expresse. But to procéed.

Week. A week is made up of natural days, which consists of seven of them, with Friday commonly referred to by the general public as either "King" or "Worling," because it is either the best or worst of the seven days; although I can't guess why they think that. The week starts with Monday, which means we rest on Sunday, the seventh day, as God commanded in His word. The Jews start their week on Saturday at sunset, and the Turks begin their week also with Saturday, which leads to the Jews making our last day the first of their week, while the Turks make the Jewish Sabbath the beginning of their Hebdoma: because, as they say, Muhammad, their prophet, was born and died on Friday, which indeed he was, unless their Quran deceives them. The Jews count their days based on their distance from the Sabbath, so the first day of their week is the day of the Sabbath, continuing to the sixth. The Latins and Egyptians counted their days based on the seven planets, using them as the basis for the day, which begins with the first odd hour after sunrise. However, while we don’t completely retain that order, we haven’t entirely abolished the practice, as can be seen by our Sunday, Monday, and Saturday. The others were changed by the Saxons, who named the second day of the week Theutsdach in memory of Theut, their former prince, the third day Woden, Othin, Othon, or Wodensdach. They named the fourth day Thorsdach after Thor and the fifth day Freadach after Frea, Woden’s wife. Although I think it’s not incorrect for some to suggest that Thor means Jupiter, Woden means Mercury, Frea (or Frigga, as Saxo calls her) means Venus, and Theut means Mars: if that’s true, then it’s easy to find the German equivalents of Mars, Venus, Mercury, and Jupiter, which you can read more about later in my chronology. The truth is that Frea, although Saxo doesn’t give her a very good reputation for loving one of her husband’s men more than him, had seven sons by Woden; the first was the father of Wecca, from whom those who later became kings of Kent descended. Fethelgeta was the second, and from him came the kings of Mercia. Baldaie the third was the father of the kings of the West Saxons. Beldagius the fourth was the ancestor of the kings of Brenicia or Northumberland. Weogodach the fifth was the founder of the kings of Deira. Caser, the sixth, was from the East Angles, and Nascad was the original ancestor of the kings of Essex. As for the kings of Sussex, although they were from the same people, they did not come from the same lineage, as our old records indicate. But to continue.

As certeine of our daies suffered this alteration by the Saxons, so in * Ferias. our churches we reteined for a long time the number of daies or of * feries from the sabaoth, after the manner of the Iews, I meane vntill the seruice after the Romane vse was abolished, which custome was first receiued (as some thinke) by pope Syluester, though other saie by Constantine; albeit another sort doo affirme, that Syluester caused the sundaie onelie to be called the Lords day, and dealt not with the rest.

As certain days were changed by the Saxons, our churches retained the number of days or feasts from the Sabbath for a long time, following the practice of the Jews, until the services based on Roman tradition were abolished. This practice was thought to be first established by Pope Sylvester, according to some, while others credit Constantine. However, some argue that Sylvester only designated Sunday as the Lord’s Day and didn’t make changes to the other days.

Moneth. In like maner of wéekes our moneths are made, which are so called of the moone, each one conteining eight and twentie daies, or foure wéekes, without anie further curiositie. For we reckon not our time by the yeare of the moone, as the Iews, Grecians, or Romans did at the first; or as the Turks, Arabians and Persians doo now: neither anie parcell thereof by the said planet, as in some part of the west Indies, where they haue neither weeke, moneth, nor yéere, but onlie a generall accompt of hundreds and thousands of moones. Wherefore if we saie or write a moneth, it is to be expounded of eight and twentie daies, or foure wéeks onelie, and not of hir vsuall period of nine and twentie daies and one Triuethus in Antarticos. and thirtie minuts. Or (if you take it at large) for a moneth of the common calender, which neuerthelesse in plées and sutes is nothing at [Page 408] all allowed of, sith the moone maketh hir full reuolution in eight and twentie daies or foure weeks, that is, vnto the place where she left the sun: notwithstanding that he be now gone, and at hir returne not to be found verie often in that signe wherin she before had left him. Plutarch writeth of diuers barbarous nations which reckoned a more or lesse number of these moneths for whole yeares: and that of these some accompted but thrée, as the Archadians did foure, the Acarnans six, and the Aegyptians but one for a whole yeare, which causeth them to make such a large accompt of their antiquitie and originall. But forsomuch as we are not troubled with anie such disorder, it shall suffice that I haue generallie said of moneths and their quantities at this time. Now a word or two of the ancient Romane calender.

Month. Similarly, our months are structured like weeks, and they’re named after the moon, with each containing twenty-eight days, or four weeks, without any extra complications. We don’t keep track of our time using the lunar year like the Jews, Greeks, or Romans did in the past, nor like the Turks, Arabs, and Persians do today. There are also places in the West Indies where they don’t use weeks, months, or years at all, but just a general count of hundreds and thousands of moons. Therefore, when we say or write a month, it refers only to twenty-eight days or four weeks, not the usual period of twenty-nine days and oneTruths in Antarctica. and thirty minutes. Or, if you want to take it more broadly, as a month in the common calendar, but this is not recognized in legal cases since the moon completes its full cycle in twenty-eight days or four weeks, which is when it returns to the same position relative to the sun. Even though the sun has moved on, it’s often not found in the same sign where she left it. Plutarch wrote about various barbaric nations that counted a different number of these months as full years; some counted only three, like the Arcadians, some counted four, like the Acarnans, six, and the Egyptians counted just one for an entire year, which leads them to claim a long history and origin. But since we aren’t burdened by such confusion, it’s enough for now to have spoken generally about months and their lengths. Now, I’ll say a few words about the ancient Roman calendar.

In old time each moneth of the Romane calender was reckoned after the course of the moone, and their enterances were vncerteine, as were also the changes of that planet: whereby it came to passe, that the daie of the change was the first of the moneth, howsoeuer it fell out. But after Iulius Cesar had once corrected the same, the seuerall beginnings of euerie one of them did not onelie remaine fixed, but also the old order in the diuision of their parts continued still vnaltered: so that the moneth is yet diuided as before, into calends, ides and nones, albeit that in my daies, the vse of the same bée but small, and their order reteined onelie in our calenders, for the better vnderstanding of such times, as the historiographers and old authors doo remember. The reckoning also of each of these goeth (as you sée) after a preposterous order, whereby the Romans did rather note how many daies were to the next change from the precedent, than contrariwise, as by perusall of the same you shall more easilie perceiue.

In the past, each month of the Roman calendar was based on the moon's phases, and the start dates were uncertain, just like the moon’s changes. This meant that the day of the new moon was considered the first of the month, no matter when it actually occurred. However, once Julius Caesar made corrections, the start dates for each month became fixed, while the old system of dividing the months remained the same. So, the months are still divided into calends, ides, and nones, even though in my time, the use of those terms is minimal, and their structure is mostly preserved in our calendars to help understand the times mentioned by historians and ancient authors. The counting of days in each of these months follows a somewhat confusing order, where the Romans noted how many days were left until the next new moon from the previous one, rather than the other way around, as you will see when you look more closely at it.

The daies also of the change of the moneth of the moone, are called Calendæ, which in time of paganisme were consecrated to Iuno, and sacrifice made to that goddesse on the same. On these daies also, and on the ides and nones they would not marie. Likewise the morow after each of them were called Dies atri, blacke daies, as were also diuerse other, and those either by reason of some notable ouerthrow or mishap that befell vnto the Romans vpon those daies, or in respect of some superstitious imagination conceiued of euill successe likelie to fall out vpon the same. Of some they were called Dies Aegyptiaci. Wherby it appeareth that this peeuish estimation of these daies came from that nation. And as we doo note our holie and festiuall daies with red letters in our calenders, so did the Romans their principall feasts & circle of the moone, either in red or golden letters, and their victories in white, in their publike or consularie tables. This also is more to be added, that if anie good successe happened afterward vpon such day as was alreadie blacke in their calender, they would solemnlie enter it in white letters by racing out of the blacke, whereby the blacke daie was turned into white, and wherein they not a little reioised.

The days of the new moon are called Calendæ, which in pagan times were dedicated to Juno, and offerings were made to that goddess on those days. They also avoided getting married on these days, as well as the Ides and Nones. The day after each of them was known as Dies atri, or black days, just like several others, either because of significant defeats or disasters that the Romans experienced on those days, or due to superstitions about bad outcomes likely to occur on them. Some of these were called Dies Aegyptiaci. This shows that this negative view of these days originated from that nation. Just as we mark our holy and festival days in red letters in our calendars, the Romans did the same for their main feasts and lunar cycle, either in red or gold letters, and their victories in white, on their public or consular tables. It's also worth noting that if something good happened on a day already marked as black in their calendar, they would officially record it in white letters by erasing the black, which turned the black day into a white one, much to their joy.

The word Calendæ (in Gréeke Neomenia) is deriued of Calo, to call: for vpon the first day of euerie moneth, the priest vsed to call the people of the citie and countrie togither in Calabria, for so the place was called where they met, and shew them by a custome how manie daies were from the said calends to the nones, & what feasts were to be celebrated betwéene that and the next change. Their order is retrograde, because that after the moneth was halfe expired, or the moone past the full, they reckoned by the daies to come vntill the next change, as seuentéene daies, sixtéene daies, fourtéene daies, &c: as the Gréekes did in the latter decad onelie, for they had no vse of calends. The verie day therefore of the change is called Calendæ, dedicated to Iuno, who thereof was also called Calendaris. At the first also the fasts or feast daies were knowne by none other meanes vnto the people but by the denunciation of the priests (as I said) vpon this daie, till Flauius Scriba caused them to be written & published in their common calenders, contrarie to the will and meaning of the senat, for the ease and benefit of the people, as he pretended.

The word Calendæ (in Greek Neomenia) comes from Calo, which means to call: on the first day of every month, the priest would gather the people of the city and countryside together in Calabria, which is where they met, and inform them of how many days were left from the calends to the nones, and what festivals were to be celebrated between that time and the next new moon. Their counting was in reverse because after the month was half over, or the moon had passed full, they calculated the days remaining until the next new moon, saying seventeen days, sixteen days, fourteen days, etc., similar to how the Greeks did only in the last decade, as they had no concept of calends. Therefore, the very day of the new moon is called Calendæ, dedicated to Juno, who was also referred to as Calendaris. Initially, the fasts or feast days were known to the people only through the announcement of the priests (as I mentioned) on this day, until Flavius Scriba had them recorded and published in their common calendars, contrary to the will of the Senate, for the convenience and benefit of the people, as he claimed.

The nones commonlie are not aboue foure or six in euerie moneth: and so long as the nones lasted, so long did the markets continue, and therefore they were called Nonæ quasi Nundinæ. In them also were neither holiedaies more than is at this present (except the day of the [Page 409] purification of our ladie) no sacrifice offered to the gods, but each one applied his businesse, and kept his market, reckoning the first day after the calends or change, to be the fourth or sixt daie before the faire ended. Some thinke that they were called Nonæ, of the word Non, "quia in ijsdem dij non coluntur." For as Ouid saith, "Nonarum tutela deo caret," or for that the nones were alwaies on the ninth daie before the ides: other because Nundina dea was honored the ninth day before the ides, albeit I suppose rather that Nundina dea (a goddesse far yoonger than the name of Nonæ) tooke hir name of the nones, whereon it was a custome among the Romans, "Lustrare infantes ac nomina maribus imponere," as they did with their maid children vpon the eight: but howsoeuer this be, sure it is that they were the mart daies of euerie moneth, wherin the people bought, sold, exchanged or bartered, and did nothing else.

The nones are usually no more than four or six in each month: and as long as the nones lasted, the markets continued, which is why they were called Nonæ quasi Nundinæ. During these times, there were no holidays beyond what we have now (except for the day of the [Page 409] purification of our lady), and no sacrifices were made to the gods; instead, everyone focused on their own business and kept their markets, counting the first day after the calends or new moon as the fourth or sixth day before the fair ended. Some believe they were called Nonæ, from the word Non, meaning "because no gods are worshipped on these days." As Ovid says, "Nonarum tutela deo caret," or because the nones always fell on the ninth day before the ides; others say it’s because Nundina dea was honored on the ninth day before the ides, although I think it’s more likely that Nundina dea (a goddess much younger than the name Nonæ) got her name from the nones. It was a tradition among the Romans to "purify infants and give names to males," just as they did with their daughters on the eighth day. Regardless, it’s certain that these were the market days of every month, where people bought, sold, exchanged, or bartered, and did nothing else.

The ides are so named of the Hethruscan word, Iduare, to diuide: and before that Cesar altered the calender, they diuided the moneth commonlie by the middest. But afterward when he had added certeine daies thereto, therby to make it agrée to the yéere of the sunne (which he intruded about the end of euerie moneth, bicause he would not alter the celebration of their vsuall feasts, whereof the chiefe were holden alwaies vpon the day of the ides) then came they short of the middest, sometime by two or thrée daies. In these therefore (which alwaies are eight) the merchants had leisure to packe vp and conueie their merchandize, to pay their creditors, and make merie with their friends.

The ides get their name from the Etruscan word, Iduare, meaning to divide: and before Caesar changed the calendar, they usually divided the month by the middle. But after he added certain days to align it with the solar year (which he introduced at the end of every month so he wouldn't disrupt the celebration of their usual feasts, which were always held on the day of the ides), they sometimes fell short of the middle, by two or three days. Therefore, during these days (which are always eight), merchants had the time to pack and transport their goods, pay their debts, and enjoy time with their friends.

After the ides doo the calends follow, but in a decreasing order (as I noted) as the moone dooth in light when she is past the full. But herein lieth all the mysterie, if you can say so manie daies before the next change or new moone, as the number there expressed dooth betoken, as for 16 calends so manie daies before the next coniunction, &c: (as is aboue remembred.) Of these calends, I meane touching their number in euerie moneth, I find these verses insuing:

After the Ides, the Calends follow, but in a decreasing order (as I mentioned) just like the moon's light fades after the full moon. However, the real mystery lies in if you can count so many days before the next new moon, as indicated by the number mentioned—like 16 Calends meaning that many days before the next conjunction, etc. (as noted above). Regarding these Calends, which refer to their number in every month, I found the following verses:

Ianus & Augustus denas nouémq; December,

Ianus & Augustus denas novémq; December,

Iunius Aprilis September & ipse Nouember

June April September & November

Ter senas retinent, Februs his octo calendas,

Ter senas retinent, Februs his octo calendas,

Iulius October Mars Maius epta decémq;

Iulius October Mars Maius epta decémq;

In English thus:

In English, therefore

December Iune and August month

December, June, and August

full nineteene calends haue,

full nineteen calends have,

Septemb Aprill Nouemb and Iune

September, April, November, and June

twise nine they doo desire,

twelve they do desire,

Sixteene foule Februarie hath,

Sixteen people in February have,

no more can he well craue,

no more can he well crave,

October Maie and Iulie hot

October, May, and July hot

but seuenteene doo require.

but seventeen do require.

In like maner doo the nones and ides.

In the same way, the kalends and ides do.

Sex Maius nonas, October, Iulius, & Mars,

Sex Maius nonas, October, Iulius, & Mars,

Quatuor at reliqui, dabit idus quilibet octo.

Quatuor at reliqui, dabit idus quilibet octo.

To Iulie, Mars, October, Maie,

To July, March, October, May,

six nones I hight,

six nones I hight,

The rest but foure, and as for ides

The rest but four, and as for dates

they keepe still eight.

they still keep eight.

Againe touching the number of daies in euerie moneth:

Againe touching the number of days in every month:

Iunius, Aprilis, Septémq; Nouémq; tricenos,

Iunius, Aprilis, September, November, thirty

Vnum plus reliqui, Februs tenet octo vicenos,

Vnum plus reliqui, Februs tenet octo vicenos,

At si bissextus fuerit superadditur vnus.

At if there is a leap year, one is added.

[Page 410]

[Page 410]

Thirtie daies hath Nouember,

Thirty days has November,

Aprill, Iune, and September,

April, June, and September,

Twentie and eight hath Februarie alone,

February has twenty-eight days.

and all the rest thirtie and one,

and all the other thirty-one,

but in the leape you must ad one.

but in the leap you must add one.

Our yeare is counted after the course of the sunne, and although the church hath some vse of that of the moone for obseruation of certeine mooueable feasts, yet it is reducible to that of the sunne, which in our ciuill dealings is chieflie had in vse. Herein onelie I find a scruple, that the beginning thereof is not vniforme and certeine, for most of our records beare date the 25 of March, and our calenders the first of Ianuarie; so that with vs Christ is borne before he be conceiued. Our sundrie officers also haue sundrie entrances into their charges of custome, which bréedeth great confusion, whereas if all these might be referred to one originall (and that to be the first of Ianuarie) I doo not thinke but that there would be more certeintie, and lesse trouble for our historiographers, notaries, & other officers in their account of the yere. In old time the Atheniens began their yeare with the change of the moone that fell néerest to the enterance of the sunne into the crab, the Latines at the winter solstice, or his going into the goat, the Iewes in ciuill case at the latter equinoctiall, and in ecclesiasticall with the first. They of Calecute begin their yeare somewhere in September, but vpon no daie certeine, sith they first consult with their wisards, who pronounce one day or other thereof to be most happie (as the yeare goeth about) and therewith they make their entrance, as Osorius dooth remember, who addeth that vpon the eleuenth calends of September, they haue solemne plaies, much like to the idoll games, & that they write in leaues of tree with a pencill, in stead of paper, which is not found among them. Some of the old Grecians began their yere also in September: but sith we seeke herein but for the custome of our countrie onelie, it shall be enough to affirme that we make our account from the calends or first of Ianuarie, and from the middest of the night which is Limes betweene that and the last of December, whereof this maie suffice. I might speake of the Cynike yeare also in this place (for the ease of our English readers) sometime in vse amongst the Egyptians, which conteineth 1460 common yeares, whose beginning is alwaies reckoned from the rising of the lesser dog. The first vse thereof entered the selfe yeare wherin the Olimpiads were restored. And forsomuch as this nation hath no vse of intercalation, at the end of euerie 1460 yeares, they added an whole yeare of intercalation, because there are 365 leape yeers in the period, so that 1460 Iulian yéers doo conteine 1461 after the Egyptians account, wherby their common yeare is found to be lesse than ours. Furthermore, wheras our intercalation for the leape yere is somewhat too much by certeine minuts, which in 115 yeares amount vnto about an whole day, if one intercalation in so manie were omitted, our calender would be the more perfect: and I would wish that the same yeare wherein the said intercalation trulie found out should be ouerpassed, might be obserued and called Annus magnus Elizabethæ, in perpetuall remembrance of our noble and souereigne princesse now reigning amongst vs.

Our year is based on the sun's cycle, and while the church uses the moon to determine certain movable feasts, it ultimately aligns with the solar calendar, which we primarily use in our daily lives. The only issue I see is that the start date is not uniform or definite, as most of our records date from March 25, while our calendars mark January 1. This means that for us, Christ is born before he is conceived. Different officials also have various ways of beginning their duties, which creates a lot of confusion. If we could standardize everything to one start date (preferably January 1), I believe it would bring more certainty and reduce the hassle for our historians, notaries, and other officials when they account for the year. In ancient times, the Athenians began their year with the new moon closest to the sun entering Cancer, the Romans at the winter solstice or when the sun entered Capricorn, and the Jews had their civil year start with the last equinox and their ecclesiastical year with the first. The people of Calicut begin their year sometime in September, but on no specific date, as they consult their wise men who determine which day is the most auspicious for the year. They celebrate with games similar to the idol games on the eleventh day before the calends of September, and instead of paper, they write on tree leaves with a pen, which is unique to them. Some of the ancient Greeks also started their year in September. However, since we are only looking for customs related to our country, it suffices to say that we begin our calendar from the calends, or January 1, and from midnight, which marks the boundary between that and the end of December. I could also mention the Cynical year, which was at one time used among the Egyptians, consisting of 1,460 common years, always beginning from the rising of the lesser dog star. This system was introduced during the year the Olympiads were restored. Because this nation does not use intercalation, after every 1,460 years, they would add a full year of intercalation since there are 365 leap years within that period, making 1,460 Julian years equal to 1,461 according to the Egyptian count, resulting in their common year being shorter than ours. Furthermore, our intercalation for leap years is slightly excessive by certain minutes, which adds up to about an entire day over 115 years. If we were to omit one intercalation within that timeframe, our calendar would be more accurate. I would suggest that the year in which this correct intercalation is established should be celebrated and referred to as *Annus magnus Elizabethæ*, in perpetual remembrance of our noble sovereign princess reigning among us.

I might here saie somewhat also of the prime and hir alteration, which is risen higher by fiue daies in our common calender than it was placed by Iulius Cæsar: and in seauen thousand yeares some writer would grow to an error of an whole, if the world should last so long. But for somuch as in some calenders of ours it is reduced againe to the daie of euerie change, it shall suffice to saie no more therof. The pope also hath made a generall correction of the calender, wherein he hath reduced it to the same that it was or should haue beene at the councell of Nice. Howbeit as he hath abolished the vse of the golden number, so hath he continued the epact, applieng it vnto such generall vse, as dooth now serue both the turnes, whose reformation had also yer this time béene admitted into England, if it had not procéeded from him, against whom and all whose ordinances we haue so faithfullie sworne and set our hands.

I might also mention a bit about the calendar and its change, which has shifted higher by five days in our common calendar compared to where Julius Caesar placed it. Over seven thousand years, a writer could mistakenly end up off by a whole day if the world lasts that long. However, since in some of our calendars it’s adjusted again to the day of every new moon, I won’t say any more about that. The pope has also made a general correction of the calendar, bringing it back to what it was or should have been at the Council of Nicaea. However, while he has eliminated the use of the golden number, he has retained the epact, applying it for general use, which now serves both purposes. This reform would have already been accepted in England if it hadn’t originated from him, against whom and all his regulations we have sworn loyalty and signed our names.

Certes the next omission is to be performed if all princes would agrée thereto in the leape yeare that shall be about the yeare of Grace 1668: if it shall please God that the world may last so long, and then may our [Page 411] calender also stand without anie alteration as it dooth alreadie. By this also it appeareth how the defect of our calender may be supplied from the creation, wherein the first equinoctiall is séene higher toward the beginning of March than Cæsars calender now extant dooth yéeld vnto by seauen daies. For as in Cæsars time the true equinoctiall was pointed out to happen (as Stadius also noteth) either vpon or about the sixtéenth or seauentéenth of March, albeit the manifest apperance thereof was not found vntill the fiue and twentith of that moneth in their dials or by eie-sight: so at the beginning of the world the said entrance of the sunne into the ram, must néeds fall out to be about the twentith or one & twentith of Aprill, as the calender now standeth, if I faile not in my numbers. Aboue the yeare we haue no more parts of time, that carie anie seuerall names with them, except you will affirme the word age to be one, which is taken for a hundred yeares, and signifieth in English so much as Seculum or Æuum dooth in Latine; neither is it néedfull to remember that some of my countrimen doo reckon their times not by years but by summers and winters, which is verie common among vs. Wherefore to shut vp this chapiter withall, you shall haue a table of the names of the daies of the wéeke, after the old Saxon and Scotish maner, which I haue borowed from amongst our ancient writers, as I haue perused their volumes.

Surely the next omission will be addressed if all leaders agree in the leap year that will be around the year 1668, if it pleases God that the world lasts that long, and may our [Page 411] calendar also remain unchanged as it currently does. This also shows how the flaw in our calendar can be corrected from creation, where the first equinox is observed to be earlier in early March by seven days than what Caesar’s current calendar indicates. For in Caesar's time, the actual equinox was noted to occur (as Stadius also mentions) either on or around the sixteenth or seventeenth of March, even though it wasn't visibly confirmed until the twenty-fifth of that month on their sundials or by sight. Similarly, at the beginning of the world, the entrance of the sun into Aries would have had to occur around the twentieth or twenty-first of April, as the calendar now stands, if my calculations are correct. In a year, we have no more parts of time that carry separate names, unless you consider the word age to be one, which refers to a hundred years and means in English what Seculum or Ævum means in Latin; nor is it necessary to note that some of my countrymen count their time not by years but by summers and winters, which is quite common among us. Therefore, to conclude this chapter, you will have a table of the names of the days of the week, in the old Saxon and Scottish manner, which I have borrowed from among our ancient writers as I have read through their volumes.

The present names.

Monday.
Tuesday.
Wednesday.
Thursday.
Fridaie.
Saturdaie.
Sunday, or the
Lords daie.

The old Saxon names.

Monendeg.
Tuesdeg.
Wodnesdeg.
Thunresdeg.
Frigesdeg.
Saterdeg.
Sunnandeg.

The Scotish vsage.

Diu Luna.
Diu Mart.
Diu Yath.
Diu Ethamon.
Diu Friach.
Diu Satur.
Diu Seroll.

OF OUR PRINCIPALL FAIRES AND MARKETS.
CHAP. XV.

I haue heretofore said sufficientlie of our faires, in the chapter of fairs and markets; and now to performe my promise there made, I set downe here so manie of our faires as I haue found out by mine owne obseruation, and helpe of others in this behalfe. Certes it is impossible for me to come by all, sith there is almost no towne in England, but hath one or more such marts holden yearelie in the same, although some of them (I must needs confesse) be scarse comparable to Lowse faire, and little else bought or sold in them more than good drinke, pies, and some pedlerie trash: wherefore it were no losse if diuerse of them were abolished. Neither doo I see wherevnto this number of paltrie fairs tendeth, so much as to the corruption of youth, who (all other businesse set apart) must néeds repaire vnto them, whereby they often spend not onelie the weeke daies, but also the Lords sabbaoth in great vanitie and riot. But such hath béene the iniquitie of ancient times. God grant therefore that ignorance being now abolished, and a further insight into things growne into the minds of magistrates, these old errors may be considered of, and so farre reformed, as that thereby neither God may be dishonored, nor the common wealth of our countrie anie thing diminished. In the meane time, take this table here insuing in stead of a calender of the greatest, sith that I cannot, or at the least wise care not to come by the names of the lesse, whose knowledge cannot be so profitable to them that be farre off, as they are oft [Page 412] preiudiciall to such as dwell néere hand to the places where they be holden and kept, by pilferers that resort vnto the same.

I have previously said enough about our fairs in the chapter on fairs and markets; now, to fulfill my promise, I am listing here as many of our fairs as I have discovered through my own observations and help from others. It’s certainly impossible for me to gather all of them, since there is hardly a town in England that doesn’t have one or more of these markets held yearly. Though some of them (I must admit) are hardly comparable to the Louth fair, and the goods sold at them are mostly just good drinks, pies, and some useless junk: so it wouldn't be a loss if several of them were eliminated. I also don’t see what purpose this number of trivial fairs serves, except to corrupt the youth, who, setting aside all other matters, inevitably flock to them and often waste not only the weekdays but also the Lord’s Sabbath in great vanity and excess. But such has been the wrongdoing of ancient times. God grant that with ignorance now abolished and a better understanding of things taking root in the minds of the magistrates, these old mistakes may be examined and reformed, so that neither God may be dishonored, nor the common good of our country diminished. In the meantime, take this table instead of a calendar of the more significant fairs, since I cannot, or at least do not care to, find the names of the lesser ones, whose knowledge cannot be as beneficial to those far away as they can be harmful to those living close to the places where they are held, due to the thieves that frequent them.

Faires in Ianuarie.

The sixt day being Twelfe day at Salisburie, the fiue and twentith being saint Paules day, at Bristow, at Grauesend, at Churchingford, at Northalerton in Yorkeshire, where is kept a faire euerie wednesday from Christmasse vntill Iune.

The sixth day being Twelfth Night in Salisbury, the twenty-fifth being Saint Paul's Day, in Bristol, at Gravesend, at Churchingford, at Northallerton in Yorkshire, where there is a fair every Wednesday from Christmas until June.

Faires in Februarie.

The first day at Bromleie. The second at Lin, at Bath, at Maidstone, at Bickleswoorth, at Budwoorth. The fourtéenth at Feuersham. On Ashwednesday at Lichfield, at Tamwoorth, at Roiston, at Excester, at Abington, at Cicester. The foure and twentith at Henlie vpon Thames, at Tewkesburie.

The first day at Bromleie. The second at Lin, at Bath, at Maidstone, at Bickleswoorth, at Budwoorth. The fourteenth at Feuersham. On Ash Wednesday at Lichfield, at Tamworth, at Royston, at Exeter, at Abington, at Cirencester. The twenty-fourth at Henley on Thames, at Tewkesbury.

Faires in March.

On the twelth day, at Stamford, Sappesford, and at Sudburie. The thirtéenth day at Wie, at the Mount, & at Bodmin in Cornewall. The fift sunday in Lent, at Grantham, at Salisburie. On monday before our ladie day in Lent, at Wisbich, at Kendall, Denbigh in Wales. On palmesunday éeuen, at Pumfret. On palmesunday, at Worcester. The twentith day at Durham. On our ladie day in Lent at Northamton, at Malden, at great Chart, at Newcastell. And all the ladie daies at Huntington. And at Saffron Walden on midlentsunday.

On the twelfth day, at Stamford, Sappesford, and Sudbury. On the thirteenth day at Wye, at the Mount, and at Bodmin in Cornwall. The fifth Sunday in Lent, at Grantham, at Salisbury. On the Monday before Our Lady Day in Lent, at Wisbech, at Kendal, and Denbigh in Wales. On Palm Sunday evening, at Pontefract. On Palm Sunday, at Worcester. The twentieth day at Durham. On Our Lady Day in Lent at Northampton, at Malden, at Great Chart, and at Newcastle. And all the Lady Days at Huntington. And at Saffron Walden on Mid-Lent Sunday.

Faires in Aprill.

The fift day at Wallingford. The seuenth at Darbie. The ninth at Bickleswoorth, at Belinswoorth. On monday after, at Euesham in Worcestershire. On tuesday in Easter wéeke at Northfléet, at Rochford, at Hitchin. The third sunday after Easter, at Louth. The two and twentith at Stabford. On saint Georges day, at Charing, at Ipswich, at Tamworth, at Ampthill, at Hinninham, at Gilford, at saint Pombes in Cornewall. On saint Markes day at Darbie, at Dunmow in Essex. The six and twentith at Tenderden in Kent.

The fifth day in Wallingford. The seventh in Derby. The ninth in Bickleigh, in Belinsworth. On the Monday after, in Evesham, Worcestershire. On Tuesday during Easter week in Northfleet, in Rochford, in Hitchin. The third Sunday after Easter, in Louth. The twenty-second in Stabford. On St. George’s Day, in Charing, in Ipswich, in Tamworth, in Ampthill, in Hinninham, in Guildford, at St. Pombs in Cornwall. On St. Mark’s Day in Derby, in Dunmow, Essex. The twenty-sixth in Tenterden, Kent.

Faires in Maie.

On Maie daie at Rippon, at Perin in Cornwall, at Osestrie in Wales, at Lexfield in Suffolke, at Stow the old, at Reading, at Leicester, at Chensford, at Maidstone, at Brickehill, at Blackeborne, at Cogilton, at Stokeneie land. The third at Bramyard, at Henningham, at Elstow, Waltham, Holicrosse, and Hedningham castell. The seuenth at Beuerleie, at Newton, at Oxford. On Ascension day at Newcastell, at Yerne, at Brimechame, at saint Edes, at Bishopstratford, at Wicham, at Middlewich, at Stopford, at Chappell frith. On Whitsunéeuen, at Skipton vpon Crauen. On Whitsunday, at Richell, at Gribbie, and euerie wednesday fortnight at Kingston vpon Thames, at Ratesdale, at Kirbistephin in Westmerland. On monday in Whitsunwéeke, at Darington, at Excester, at Bradford, at Rigate, at Burton, at Salforth, at Whitechurch, at Cockermouth, at Applebie, at Bicklesworth, at Stokeclare. On tuesday in Whitsunwéeke, at Lewse, at Rochford, at Canturburie, at Ormeskirke, at Perith, at long Milford. On wednesday in Whitsunwéeke, at Sandbarre, at Raiston. On Trinitie sunday, at Kendall, and at Rowell. On thursday after Trinitie sunday, at Prescote, at Stapford, at saint Annes, at Newburie, at Couentrie, at saint Edes, at Bishop storford, at Rosse. The ninth at Lochester, at Dunstable. The twentie seuenth day, at Lenham. The twentie ninth at Crambrooke. On monday in Rogation wéeke at Rech, and sunday after Ascension day, at Thaxsted.

On May Day at Ripon, at Perrin in Cornwall, at Oswestry in Wales, at Lexfield in Suffolk, at Stow, at Reading, at Leicester, at Chelmsford, at Maidstone, at Brickhill, at Blackburn, at Coggleshall, at Stokeney land. The third at Bromyard, at Henham, at Elstow, Waltham, Holicross, and Hedingham Castle. The seventh at Beverley, at Newton, at Oxford. On Ascension Day at Newcastle, at Yarnfield, at Brimingham, at St. Edes, at Bishop's Stratford, at Wickham, at Middlewich, at Stockport, at Chapel Frith. On Whit Sunday Eve, at Skipton on Craven. On Whit Sunday, at Richel, at Gribbie, and every other Wednesday at Kingston upon Thames, at Ratesdale, at Kirkby Stephen in Westmorland. On Monday of Whit Week, at Darlington, at Exeter, at Bradford, at Riggate, at Burton, at Saltforth, at Whitechurch, at Cockermouth, at Appleby, at Bicklesworth, at Stoke Clare. On Tuesday of Whit Week, at Lewes, at Rochford, at Canterbury, at Ormskirk, at Perth, at Long Milford. On Wednesday of Whit Week, at Sandbar, at Raiston. On Trinity Sunday, at Kendal, and at Raunds. On Thursday after Trinity Sunday, at Prescott, at Stapford, at St. Anne's, at Newbury, at Coventry, at St. Edes, at Bishop's Stortford, at Ross. The ninth at Loughborough, at Dunstable. The twenty-seventh day, at Lenham. The twenty-ninth at Cranbrook. On Monday in Rogation Week at Rey, and Sunday after Ascension Day, at Thaxted.

Faires in Iune.

The ninth day at Maidstone. The xj, at Okingham, at Newbourgh, at Bardfield, at Maxfield, & Holt. The seuenteenth at Hadstocke. The twentie thrée at Shrewsburie, at saint Albans. The twentie fourth day, at Horsham, at Bedell, at Strackstocke, at saint Annes, at Wakefield, at Colchester, at Reading, at Bedford, at Barnewell beside Cambridge, at [Page 413] Woollerhampton, at Crambrooke, at Glocester, at Lincolne, at Peterborow, at Windsor, at Harstone, at Lancaster, at Westchester, at Halifax, at Ashborne. The twentie seuenth, at Folkestone. The twentie eight, at Hetcorne, at saint Pombes. The twentie ninth, at Woodhurst, at Marleborough, at Hollesworth, at Woollerhampton, at Peterfield, at Lempster, at Sudburie, at Gargrainge, at Bromleie.

The ninth day in Maidstone. The 10th, at Okingham, Newbourgh, Bardfield, Maxfield, and Holt. The 17th at Hadstock. The 23rd at Shrewsbury, at Saint Albans. The 24th, at Horsham, Bedell, Strackstock, Saint Annes, Wakefield, Colchester, Reading, Bedford, Barnewell near Cambridge, at Woollerhampton, Crambrooke, Gloucester, Lincoln, Peterborough, Windsor, Harstone, Lancaster, West Chester, Halifax, and Ashbourne. The 27th at Folkestone. The 28th at Hetcorne, at Saint Pombes. The 29th at Woodhurst, Marlborough, Hollesworth, Woollerhampton, Peterfield, Lempster, Sudbury, Gargrainge, and Bromley.

Faires in Iulie.

The second at Congreton, at Ashton vnder line. The sunday after the third of Iulie, at Raiston. The eleuenth at Partneie, and at Lid. The fifteenth, at Pichbacke. The seuentéenth, at Winchcombe. The twentith, at Vxbridge, at Catesbie, at Bolton. The twentie two, at Marleborow, at Winchester, at Colchester, at Tetburie, at Cooling, at Yealdon, at Bridgenorth, at Clitherall, at Norwich in Cheshire, at Cheswike, at Battelfield, at Bicklewoorth. The twentie fift, at Bristow, at Douer, at Chilham, at Darbie, at Ipswich, at Northampton, at Dudleie in Staffordshire, at saint Iames beside London, at Reading, at Ereth in the Ile, at Walden, at Thremhall, at Baldocke, at Louth, at Malmesburie, at Bromeleie, at Chichester, at Liuerpoole, at Altergam, at Rauenglasse in the north. The twentie sixt, at Tiptrie. The twentie seuenth at Canturburie, at Horsham, at Richmund in the north, at Warington, at Chappell Frith.

The second at Congreton, at Ashton under Lyne. The Sunday after the third of July, at Raiston. The eleventh at Partney, and at Lid. The fifteenth at Pichback. The seventeenth at Winchcombe. The twentieth, at Uxbridge, at Catesby, at Bolton. The twenty-second, at Marlborough, at Winchester, at Colchester, at Tetbury, at Cooling, at Yealdon, at Bridgnorth, at Clitheroe, at Norwich in Cheshire, at Cheswick, at Battlefield, at Bickleworth. The twenty-fifth, at Bristol, at Dover, at Chilham, at Derby, at Ipswich, at Northampton, at Dudley in Staffordshire, at St. James beside London, at Reading, at Erith in the Isle, at Walden, at Thremhall, at Baldock, at Louth, at Malmesbury, at Bromley, at Chichester, at Liverpool, at Altergam, at Raven Glass in the north. The twenty-sixth, at Tiptry. The twenty-seventh at Canterbury, at Horsham, at Richmond in the north, at Warrington, at Chapel Frith.

Faires in August.

The first day at Excester, at Feuersham, at Dunstable, at saint Edes, at Bedford, at Northam church, at Wisbich, at Yorke, at Rumneie, at Newton, at Yeland. The fourth at Linton. The tenth at Waltham, at Thaxsted, at Blackemoore, at Hungerford, at Bedford, at Stroides, at Fernam, at S. Laurence by Bodmin, at Walton, at Croileie, at Seddell, at new Brainford. The xv, at Cambridge, at Dunmow, at Caerleill, at Preston in Andall, at Wakefield on the two ladie daies, and vpon the Sunday after the fiftéenth day of August, at Hauerhull. On Bartholomew day, at London, at Beggers bush beside Rie, at Teukesburie, at Sudburie, at Rie, at Nantwich, at Pagets, at Bromleie, at Norwich, at Northalerton, at Douer. On the sunday after Bartholomew day, at Sandwich. The twentie seuenth, and at Ashford.

The first day at Exeter, at Feversham, at Dunstable, at St. Edes, at Bedford, at Northam Church, at Wisbech, at York, at Romney, at Newton, at Yeland. The fourth at Linton. The tenth at Waltham, at Thaxted, at Blackmoor, at Hungerford, at Bedford, at Strode, at Fernham, at St. Laurence by Bodmin, at Walton, at Croyle, at Seddell, at New Brentford. On the fifteenth, at Cambridge, at Dunmow, at Carlisle, at Preston in Lancashire, at Wakefield on the two Lady days, and on the Sunday after the fifteenth day of August, at Hull. On Bartholomew's Day, at London, at Beggar's Bush near Rye, at Tewkesbury, at Sudbury, at Rye, at Nantwich, at Paget's, at Bromley, at Norwich, at Northallerton, at Dover. On the Sunday after Bartholomew's Day, at Sandwich. The twenty-seventh, and at Ashford.

Faires in September.

The first day at S. Giles at the Bush. The eight day at Woolfpit, at Wakefield, at Sturbridge, in Southwarke at London, at Snide, at Recoluer, at Gisbourgh both the ladie daies, at Partneie. The thrée ladie daies at Blackeburne, at Gisborne in Yorkeshire, at Chalton, at Vtcester. On Holiroode day, at Richmond in Yorkeshire, at Rippond a horse faire, at Penhad, at Bersleie, at Waltam abbeie, at Wotton vnder hedge, at Smalding, at Chesterfield, at Denbigh in Wales. On saint Mathies day, at Marleborough, at Bedford, at Croidon, at Holden in Holdernes, at saint Edmundsburie, at Malton, at saint Iues, at Shrewesburie, at Laneham, at Witnall, at Sittingborne, at Brainetrie, at Baldocke, at Katharine hill beside Gilford, at Douer, at Eastrie. The twentie ninth day being Michaelmas day, at Canturburie, at Malton a noble horsse faire, at Lancaster, at Blackeborne, at Westchester, at Cokermouth, at Ashborne, at Hadleie, at Malden an horsse faire, at Waie hill, at Newburie, and at Leicester.

The first day at St. Giles at the Bush. The eighth day at Woolfpit, at Wakefield, at Sturbridge, in Southwark, London, at Snide, at Recoluer, at Gisbourne on both ladies' days, at Partney. The three ladies' days at Blackburn, at Gisborne in Yorkshire, at Chalton, at Utcester. On Holiroode day, at Richmond in Yorkshire, at Ripon for a horse fair, at Penhad, at Bersley, at Waltham Abbey, at Wotton under Hedge, at Smalding, at Chesterfield, at Denbigh in Wales. On St. Matthew's day, at Marlborough, at Bedford, at Croydon, at Holden in Holderness, at St. Edmundsbury, at Malton, at St. Ives, at Shrewsbury, at Laneham, at Witnall, at Sittingbourne, at Brainetrie, at Baldock, at Katherine Hill near Guildford, at Dover, at Eastrie. The twenty-ninth day being Michaelmas day, at Canterbury, at Malton for a large horse fair, at Lancaster, at Blackburn, at Chester, at Cockermouth, at Ashborne, at Hadley, at Malden for a horse fair, at Wayhill, at Newbury, and at Leicester.

Faires in October.

The fourth day at Michell. The sixt day at saint Faiths beside Norwich, at Maidstone. The eight at Harborough, at Hereford, at Bishop Storford. On S. Edwards day, at Roiston, at Grauesend, at Windsor, at Marshfield. The ninth day at Colchester. On saint Lukes eeuen, at Elie, at Wrickle, at Vpane, at Thirst, at Bridgenorth, at Stanton, at Charing, at Burton vpon Trent, at Charleton, at Wigan, at Friswides in Oxford, at Tisdale, at Middlewich, at Holt in Wales. The twentie one day at Saffron Walden, at Newmarket, at Hertford, at Cicester, at Stokesleie. The twentie third, at Preston, at Bikelsworth, at Ritchdale, at Whitechurch. The [Page 414] twentie eight, at Newmarket, and Hertford. On all saints eeuen, at Wakefield, and at Rithen.

The fourth day in Michell. The sixth day at St. Faith's near Norwich, in Maidstone. The eighth in Harborough, Hereford, and Bishop's Stortford. On St. Edward's Day, in Royston, Gravesend, Windsor, and Marshfield. The ninth day in Colchester. On St. Luke's Eve, in Elie, Wrickle, Upane, Thirst, Bridgnorth, Stanton, Charing, Burton upon Trent, Charleton, Wigan, Friswides in Oxford, Tisdale, Middlewich, and Holt in Wales. The twenty-first day in Saffron Walden, Newmarket, Hertford, Cicester, and Stokesley. The twenty-third, in Preston, Bikelsworth, Ritchdale, and Whitechurch. The [Page 414] twenty-eighth, in Newmarket and Hertford. On All Saints' Eve, in Wakefield and Rithen.

Faires in Nouember.

The second at Blechinglie, at Kingston, at Maxfield, at Epping. The sixt day at Newport pond, at Stanleie, at Tregnie, at Salford, at Lesford, and Wetshod faire at Hertford. The tenth, at Leuton. The eleuenth, at Marleborough, at Douer. The thirtenth, at saint Edmundsburie, at Gilford. The seventeenth day, at Low, at Hide. The ninéetenth, at Horsham. On saint Edmunds day, at Hith, at Ingerstone. The twentie third day, at Sandwich. On saint Andrews day at Colingbourgh, at Rochester, at Peterfield, at Maidenhed, at Bewdleie, at Warington in Lancashire, at Bedford in Yorkeshire, at Osestrie in Wales, and at Powles Belcham.

The second at Blechinglie, at Kingston, at Maxfield, at Epping. The sixth day at Newport pond, at Stanleie, at Tregnie, at Salford, at Lesford, and Wetshod fair at Hertford. The tenth, at Leuton. The eleventh, at Marlborough, at Dover. The thirteenth, at Saint Edmundsbury, at Guildford. On the seventeenth day, at Low, at Hide. The nineteenth, at Horsham. On Saint Edmund's day, at Hith, at Ingerstone. The twenty-third day, at Sandwich. On Saint Andrew's day at Colingbourgh, at Rochester, at Petersfield, at Maidenhead, at Bewdley, at Warrington in Lancashire, at Bedford in Yorkshire, at Oswestry in Wales, and at Paul's Belcham.

Faires in December.

On the fift day, at Pluckeleie. On the sixt, at Cased, at Hedningham, at Spalding, at Excester, at Sinocke, at Arnedale, and at Northwich in Chesshire. The seuenth day at Sandhurst. The eight day being the conception of our ladie, at Clitherall in Lancashire, at Malpas in Cheshire. The twentie ninth, at Canturburie, and at Salisburie.

On the fifth day, at Pluckeleie. On the sixth, at Cased, at Hedningham, at Spalding, at Exeter, at Sinocke, at Arnedale, and at Northwich in Cheshire. On the seventh day at Sandhurst. The eighth day, which is the Feast of the Conception of Our Lady, at Clitherall in Lancashire, at Malpas in Cheshire. On the twenty-ninth, at Canterbury, and at Salisbury.

OF OUR INNES AND THOROWFAIRES.
CHAP. XVI.

Those townes that we call thorowfaires haue great and sumptuous innes builded in them, for the receiuing of such trauellers and strangers as passe to and fro. The manner of harbouring wherein, is not like to that of some other countries, in which the host or goodman of the house dooth chalenge a lordlie authoritie ouer his ghests, but cleane otherwise, sith euerie man may vse his inne as his owne house in England, and haue for his monie how great or little varietie of vittels, and what other seruice himselfe shall thinke expedient to call for. Our innes are also verie well furnished with naperie, bedding, and tapisserie, especiallie with naperie: for beside the linnen vsed at the tables, which is commonlie washed dailie, is such and so much as belongeth vnto the estate and calling of the ghest. Ech commer is sure to lie in cleane sheets, wherein no man hath béene lodged since they came from the landresse, or out of the water wherein they were last washed. If the traueller haue an horsse, his bed dooth cost him nothing, but if he go on foot he is sure to paie a penie for the same: but whether he be horsseman or footman if his chamber be once appointed he may carie the kaie with him, as of his owne house so long as he lodgeth there. If he loose oughts whilest he abideth in the inne, the host is bound by a generall custome to restore the damage, so that there is no greater securitie anie where for trauellers than in the gretest ins of England. Their horsses in like sort are walked, dressed and looked vnto by certeine hostelers or hired seruants, appointed at the charges of the goodman of the house, who in hope of extraodinarie reward will deale verie diligentlie after outward appéerance in this their function and calling. Herein neuerthelesse are manie of them blameworthie, in that they doo not onelie deceiue the beast oftentimes of his allowance by sundrie meanes, except their owners looke well to them; but also make such packs with slipper merchants which hunt after preie (for what place is sure from euill & wicked persons) that manie an honest man is spoiled of his goods as he trauelleth to and fro, in which feat also the counsell of the tapsters or drawers of drinke, and chamberleins is not seldome behind or wanting. Certes I beleeue not that chapman or traueller in England is robbed by the waie without the knowledge of some of them, for when he commeth into the inne, & alighteth from his horsse, the hostler forthwith is verie busie to take downe his budget or capcase in the yard from his sadle bow, which he peiseth slilie in his hand to féele the weight thereof: or if he misse of this pitch, when the ghest [Page 415] hath taken vp his chamber, the chamberleine that looketh to the making of the beds, will be sure to remooue it from the place where the owner hath set it as if it were to set it more conuenientlie some where else, whereby he getteth an inkling whether it be monie or other short wares, & therof giueth warning to such od ghests as hant the house and are of his confederacie, to the vtter vndoing of manie an honest yeoman as he iournieth by the waie. The tapster in like sort for his part dooth marke his behauiour, and what plentie of monie he draweth when he paieth the shot, to the like end: so that it shall be an hard matter to escape all their subtile practises. Some thinke it a gay matter to commit their budgets at their comming to the goodman of the house: but thereby they oft bewraie themselues. For albeit their monie be safe for the time that it is in his hands (for you shall not heare that a man is robbed in his inne) yet after their departure the host can make no warrantise of the same, sith his protection extendeth no further than the gate of his owne house: and there cannot be a surer token vnto such as prie and watch for those booties, than to sée anie ghest deliuer his capcase in such maner. In all our innes we haue plentie of ale, béere, and sundrie kinds of wine, and such is the capacitie of some of them that they are able to lodge two hundred or three hundred persons, and their horsses at ease, & therto with a verie short warning make such prouision for their diet, as to him that is vnacquainted withall may seeme to be incredible. Howbeit of all in England there are no worse ins than in London, and yet manie are there far better than the best that I haue heard of in anie forren countrie, if all circumstances be dulie considered. But to leaue this & go in hand with my purpose. I will here set downe a table of the best thorowfaires and townes of greatest trauell of England, in some of which there are twelue or sixtéene such innes at the least, as I before did speake of. And it is a world to sée how ech owner of them contendeth with other for goodnesse of interteinement of their ghests, as about finesse & change of linnen, furniture of bedding, beautie of roomes, seruice at the table, costlinesse of plate, strength of drinke, varietie of wines, or well vsing of horsses. Finallie there is not so much omitted among them as the gorgeousnes of their verie signes at their doores, wherein some doo consume thirtie or fortie pounds, a méere vanitie in mine opinion, but so vaine will they néeds be, and that not onelie to giue some outward token of the inne kéepers welth, but also to procure good ghests to the frequenting of their houses in hope there to be well vsed. Lo here the table now at hand, for more of our innes I shall not néed to speake.

Those towns that we call thoroughfares have large and luxurious inns built in them, for the accommodation of travelers and strangers who come and go. The way they host guests here is quite different from some other countries, where the innkeeper or proprietor claims a dominant authority over their guests. Here, every person can use the inn like their own home in England and can choose from a wide variety of food and services, depending on their budget. Our inns are also very well-equipped with linens, bedding, and tapestries, especially linens: aside from the tablecloths that are usually washed daily, there is enough of it to suit the status and position of the guest. Each guest can expect to sleep in clean sheets, where no one has stayed since they came from the laundress or were last washed. If a traveler has a horse, their bed is free; but if they are on foot, they will definitely pay a penny for it. However, whether they are a horse rider or a pedestrian, once their room is assigned, they can keep the key, just like it’s their own house, as long as they stay there. If they lose anything while they are at the inn, the host is generally obliged by custom to compensate them, which means there is no greater security anywhere for travelers than in the largest inns of England. Their horses, too, are walked, groomed, and attended to by certain hired help or servants designated at the expense of the innkeeper, who, hoping for extra tips, are very diligent in their appearance and duties. Nonetheless, many of them are blameworthy, as they often shortchange the animals without their owners noticing; and they also collude with dubious merchants who target unsuspecting travelers (as no place is truly safe from bad people), resulting in many honest individuals losing their possessions while on their journey. I believe that no traveler in England gets robbed along the way without some of these people knowing about it, for when he arrives at the inn and dismounts from his horse, the hostler quickly busies himself with taking down his bag or case from the saddle, subtlety weighing it in his hand to gauge its contents. If he misses this opportunity, once the guest has settled into their room, the chamberlain—responsible for preparing the beds—will make sure to move it from where the owner left it, under the pretext of arranging it more conveniently elsewhere. This way, he can find out whether it contains money or other valuable items, and tip off shady guests who frequent the house, ultimately leading to the downfall of many honest travelers. The bartender similarly observes the guest's behavior and how much money they spend when settling their bill, for the same purpose. Therefore, it is quite difficult to escape all their cunning schemes. Some people think it wise to hand over their bags to the innkeeper upon arrival, but this often leads to their own undoing. Even though their money is safe while it’s with him (since robbery in inns is rare), once they leave, the host can’t guarantee its safety, as his protection only extends to the gate of his establishment. There can be no clearer sign to those lurking for opportunity than seeing a guest leave their case like that. In all our inns, there is plenty of ale, beer, and various kinds of wine, and some can accommodate two hundred or three hundred guests and their horses comfortably, while quickly providing food that seems incredible to the unacquainted. However, of all the inns in England, none are worse than those in London, although many are far superior to the best I’ve heard of in any foreign country, all things considered. But let’s move on to my main point. Here, I will list the best thoroughfares and towns with the most traffic in England, where at least twelve or sixteen inns like I mentioned earlier can be found. It’s fascinating to see how each inn owner competes with others for the best service to their guests, focusing on the quality and cleanliness of linens, comfort of bedding, aesthetics of rooms, table service, quality of tableware, strength of drinks, variety of wines, and how well they care for horses. Lastly, nothing is overlooked, including the extravagant signs at their doors, where some spend thirty or forty pounds—a pure vanity, in my opinion—but they are determined to do this, not only to show off the innkeeper's wealth but also to attract good guests hoping for excellent service at their establishments. So here is the table now at hand; I won't need to discuss more of our inns.

The waie from Walsingham to London.

From Walsingham to Picknam 12.miles
From Picknam to Brandonferie 10.miles
From Brandonfarie to Newmarket 10.miles
From Newmarket to Brabram 10.miles
From Brabram to Barkewaie 20.miles
From Barkewaie to Puchrich 7.miles
From Puchrich to Ware 5.miles
From Ware to Waltham 8.miles
From Waltham to London 12.miles

The waie from Barwike to Yorke, and so to London.

From Barwike to Belford 12.miles
From Belford to Anwike 12.miles
From Anwike to Morpit 12.miles
From Morpit to Newcastell 12.miles
From Newcastell to Durham 12.miles
From Durham to Darington 13.miles
From Darington to Northalerton 14.miles
From Northalerton to Toplife 7.miles
From Toplife to Yorke 16.miles
From Yorke to Tadcaster 8.miles
From Tadcaster to Wantbridge 12.miles
From Wantbridge to Dancaster 8.miles
From Dancaster to Tutford 18.miles
From Tutford to Newarke 10.miles
From Newarke to Grantham 10.miles
From Grantham to Stanford 16.miles
From Stanford to Stilton 12.miles
From Stilton to Huntington 9.miles
From Huntington to Roiston 15.miles
From Roiston to Ware 12.miles
From Ware to Waltham 8.miles
From Waltham to London 12.miles

The waie from Carnaruan to Chester, and so to London.

From Carnaruan to Conwaie 24.miles
From Conwaie to Denbigh 12.miles
[Page 416]From Denbigh to Flint12.miles
From Flint to Chester 10.miles
From Chester to Wich 14.miles
From Wich to Stone 15.miles
From Stone to Lichfield 16.miles
From Lichfield to Colsill 12.miles
From Colsill to Couentrie 8.miles
And so from Couentrie to London, as hereafter followeth.

The waie from Cockermouth to Lancaster, and so to London.

From Cockermouth to Kiswike 6.miles
From Kiswike to Grocener 8.miles
From Grocener to Kendale 14.miles
From Kendale to Burton 7.miles
From Burton to Lancaster 8.miles
From Lancaster to Preston 20.miles
From Preston to Wigam 14.miles
From Wigam to Warington 20.miles
From Warington to Newcastell 20.miles
From Newcastell to Lichfield 20.miles
From Lichfield to Couentrie 20.miles
From Couentrie to Daintrie 14.miles
From Daintrie to Tocester 10.miles
From Tocester to Stonistratford 6.miles
From Stonistratford to Brichill 7.miles
From Brichill to Dunstable 7.miles
From Dunstable to saint Albons10.miles
From saint Albons to Barnet 10.miles
From Barnet to London 10.miles

The waie from Yarmouth to Colchester, and so to London.

From Yarmouth to Becclis 8.miles
From Becclis to Blibour 7.miles
From Blibour to Snapbridge 8.miles
From Snapbridge to Woodbridge 8.miles
From Woodbridge to Ipswich 5.miles
From Ipswich to Colchester 12.miles
From Colchester to Eastford 8.miles
From Eastford to Chelmesford 10.miles
From Chelmesford to Brentwood 10.miles
From Brentwood to London 15.miles

The waie from Douer to London.

From Douer to Canturburie 12.miles
From Canturburie to Sittingborne 12.miles
From Sittingborne to Rochester 8.miles
From Rochester to Grauesend 5.miles
From Grauesend to Datford 6.miles
From Datford to London 12.miles

The waie from saint Burien in Cornewall to London.

From S. Burien to the Mount 20.miles
From the Mount to Thurie 12.miles
From saint Thurie to Bodman 20.miles
From Bodman to Launstone 20.miles
From Launstone to Ocomton 15.miles
From Ocomton to Crokehornewell 10.miles
From Crokehornewell to Excester 10.miles
From Excester to Honiton 12.miles
From Honiton to Chard 10.miles
From Chard to Crokehorne 7.miles
From Crokehorne to Shirborne 10.miles
From Shirborne to Shaftsburie 10.miles
From Shaftsburie to Salisburie 18.miles
From Salisburie to Andeuor 15.miles
From Andeuor to Basingstocke 18.miles
From Basingstocke to Hartford 8.miles
From Hartford to Bagshot 8.miles
From Bagshot to Stanes 8.miles
From Stanes to London 15.miles

The waie from Bristowe to London.

From Bristow to Maxfield 10.miles
From Maxfield to Chipnam 10.miles
From Chipnam to Marleborough 15.miles
From Marleborough to Hungerford 8.miles
From Hungerford to Newburie 7.miles
From Newburie to Reading 15.miles
From Reading to Maidenhead 10.miles
From Maidenhead to Colbrooke 7.miles
From Colbrooke to London 15.miles

The waie from saint Dauids to London.

From saint Dauids to Axford 20.miles
From Axford to Carmarden 10.miles
From Carmarden to Newton 10.miles
From Newton to Lanburie 10.miles
From Lanburie to Brechnocke 16.miles
From Brechnocke to Haie 10.miles
From Haie to Harford 14.miles
From Harford to Roso 9.miles
From Roso to Glocester 12.miles
From Glocester to Cicester 15.miles
From Cicester to Farington 16.miles
From Farington to Habington 7.miles
From Habington to Dorchester 7.miles
From Dorchester to Henleie 12.miles
From Henleie to Maidenhead 7.miles
From Maidenhead to Colbrooke 7.miles
From Colbrooke to London 15.miles
[Page 417]

Of thorowfares from Douer to Cambridge.

From Douer to Canturburie 12.miles
From Canturburie to Rofchester 20.miles
From Rofchester to Grauesend 5.miles
From Grauesend ouer the Thames to Hornedon 4.miles
From Hornedon to Chelmesford 12.miles
From Chelmesford to Dunmow 10.miles
From Dunmow to Thaxsted 5.miles
From Thaxsted to Radwinter 3.miles
From Radwinter to Linton 5.miles
From Linton to Babrenham 3.miles
From Babrenham to Cambridge 4.miles

From Canturburie to Oxford.

From Canturburie to London 43.miles
From London to Vxbridge or Colbrooke 15.miles
From Vxbridge to Baccansfield 7.miles
From Baccansfield to east Wickham 5.miles
From Wickham to Stocking church 5.miles
From Stocking church to Thetisford 5.miles
From Thetisford to Whatleie 6.miles
From Whatleie to Oxford 4.miles

From London to Cambridge.

From London to Edmonton 6.miles
From Edmonton to Waltham 6.miles
From Waltham to Hoddesdon 5.miles
From Hoddesdon to Ware 3.miles
From Ware to Pulcherchurch 5.miles
From Pulcherchurch to Barkewaie 7.miles
From Barkewaie to Fulmere 6.miles
From Fulmere to Cambridge 6.miles

Or thus better waie.

From London to Hoddesdon 17.miles
From Hoddesdon to Hadham7.miles
From Hadham to Saffron Walden 12.miles
From Saffron Walden to Cambridge 10.miles

OF CERTEINE WAIES IN SCOTLAND,
OUT OF REGINALD WOLFES HIS ANNOTATIONS.
From Barwijc to Edenborow.

From Barwijc to Chirneside 10.miles
From Chirneside to Coldingham 3.miles
From Coldingham to Pinketon 6.miles
From Pinketon to Dunbarre 6.miles
From Dunbarre to Linton 6.miles
From Linton to Haddington 6.miles
From Haddington to Seaton 4.miles
From Seaton to Aberladie or Muskelborow 8.miles
From thence to Edenborow 8.miles

From Edenborow to Barwijc another waie.

From Edenborow to Dalketh 5.miles
From Dalketh to new Battell & Lander 5.miles
From Lander to Vrsildon 6.miles
From Vrsildon to Driburg 5.miles
From Driburg to Cariton 6.miles
From Cariton to Barwijc 14.miles

From Edenborow to Dunbrittaine westward.

From Edenborow to Kirkelifton 6.miles
From Kirkelifton to Lithco 6.miles
From Lithco to Farekirke ouer Forth 6.miles
From thence to Striuelin vpon Forth 6.miles
From Striuelin to Dunbrittaine 24.miles

From Striuelin to Kinghorne eastward.

From Striuelin to Downe in Menketh 3.miles
From Downe to Campskenell 3.miles
From Campskenell to Alwie vpon Forth 4.miles
From Alwie to Culrose on Fiffe 10.miles
From Culrose to Dunfermelin 2.miles
From Dunfermelin to Euerkennin 2.miles
From Euerkennin to Aberdore on Forth 3.miles
From Aberdore to Kinghorne vpon Forth 3.miles

From Kinghorne to Taimouth.

From Kinghorne to Dissard in Fiffe 3.miles
From Dissard to Cowper 8.miles
From Cowper to S. Andrews 14.miles
From S. Andrews to the Taimouth 6.miles

From Taimouth to Stockeford.

From Taimouth to Balmerinoth abbeie 4.miles
From thence to Londores abbeie 4.miles
From Londores to S. Iohns towne 12.miles
From S. Iohns to Schone 5.miles
From thence to Abernithie, where the Erne runneth
into the Taie
15.miles
From Abernithie to Dundée 15.miles
From Dundee to Arbroth and Muros 24.miles
From Muros to Aberden 20.miles
From Aberden to the water of Doneie 20.miles
From thense to the riuer of Spaie 30.miles
From thence to Stockeford in Rosse, and so
to the Nesse of Haben, a famous point on the west side
30.miles
[Page 418]

From Carleill to Whitehorne westward.

From Carleill ouer the Ferie against Redkirke 4.miles
From thence to Dunfrées 20.miles
From Dunfrées to the Ferie of Cre 40.miles
From thence to Wigton 3.miles
From thence to Whitherne 12.miles

Hitherto of the common waies of England and Scotland, wherevnto I will adioine the old thorowfaires ascribed to Antoninus, to the end that by their conference the diligent reader may haue further consideration of the same than my leisure will permit me. In setting foorth also thereof, I haue noted such diuersitie of reading, as hath happened in the sight of such written and printed copies, as I haue séene in my time. Notwithstanding I must confesse the same to be much corrupted in the rehearsall of the miles.

Up to now, about the common roads of England and Scotland, to which I will add the ancient thoroughfares attributed to Antoninus, so that by comparing them, the attentive reader can gain a deeper understanding of the topic than my time allows me to explore. In presenting this, I have noted various readings that have appeared in the written and printed copies I have encountered during my life. However, I must admit that the details of the miles have been significantly corrupted.

Britain.

ITER BRITANNIARUM.

A GESSORIACO.

De Gallis Ritupis in portu Britanniarum stadia numero. CCCCL.

A Limite, id est, a vallo Prætorio vsque M. P. CLVI. sic:

A Bramenio Corstopitum, m. p. xx  
Vindomora m. p. ix  
Viconia * m. p. xix Vinouia Vinouium
Cataractoni m. p. xxii Darington.
Isurium m. p. xxiiii Aldborow   aliàs  Topcliffe.
Eburacum legio vi Victrix m. p. xvii   York.
Deruentione m. p. vii Tadcaster.
Delgouitia m. p. xiii Wentbridge.
Praetorio m. p. xxv Tudford.

Item a Vallo ad portum Ritupis m. p. 481, 491 sic,

Ablato Bulgio * castra exploratorum m. p. x, 15 aliàs à Blato
Lugu-vallo * m. p. xii aliàs à Lugu-valio.   Cairleill.
Voreda m. p. xiiii  
Brouonacis * m. p. xiii Brauoniacis
Verteris m. p. xx, 13  
Lauatris m. p. xiiii  
Cataractone * m. p. xxi Caturractonium.   Darington.
Isuriam * m. p. xxiiii Isoriam.   Aldborow   aliàs  Topcliffe.
Eburacum * m. p. xviii Eboracum.   York.
Calcaria * m. p. ix Cacaria.
Camboduno m. p. xx  
Mammuncio * m. p. xviii Manucio
Condate m. p. xviii  
Deua legio xxiii.ci. m. p. xx  
Bouio * m. p. x Bonió
Mediolano m. p. xx  
Rutunio m. p. xii  
Vrio Conio * m. p. xi Viroconium.   Shrewsbury  propè.
Vxacona m. p. xi  
Penno-Crucio m. p. xii  
Etoceto m. p. xii  
Mandues Sedo m. p. xvi  
Venonis m. p. xii  
[Page 419]Bennauenta * m. p. xviiBannaventa
Lactorodo * m. p. xii Lactodoro
Maginto * m. p. xvii. 12 Magiouintum
Duro-Cobriuis m. p. xii Dunstable.
Vero-Lamio m. p. xii St. Alban's.
Sullomacis * m. p. ix Barnet.
Longidinio m. p. xii. Londinio.   London.
Nouiomago m. p. xii  
Vagniacis m. p. vi  
Durobrouis m. p. v Duroprouis.   Rochester.
Duroleuo m. p. xvi. 8  
Duror-Verno * m. p. xii Drouerno Durouerno
Ad portum Ritupis m. p. xii Duraruenno Daruerno

Item a Londinio ad portum Dubris m. p. 56, 66 sic:

Dubobrus * m. p. xxvii Durobrouis Durobrius.   Rochester.
Duraruenno m. p. xv, 25 Canterbury.
Ad portum Dubris m. p. xiiii Do we have?

Item a Londinio ad portum Lemanis m. p. 68 sic:

Durobrius m. p. xxvii Rochester.
Duraruenno m. p. xv, 25 Canterbury.
Ad portum * Lemanis m. p. xvi Limming haven.

Item a Londinio Lugu-Valio ad Vallum m. p. 443, sic:

Cæsaromago m. p. xxviii  
Colonia m. p. xxiiii  
Villa Faustini m. p. xxxv, 25  
Icianos m. p. xviii  
Camborico m. p. xxxv  
Duroliponte m. p. xxv  
Durobriuas m. p. xxxv  
Gausennis m. p. xxx  
Lindo m. p. xxvi  
Segeloci m. p. xiiii  
Dano m. p. xxi  
Lege-Olio * m. p. xvi Logetium
Eburaco m. p. xxi  
Isubrigantum * m. p. xvi Isurium Brigantum
Cataractoni m. p. xxiiii  
Leuatris * m. p. xviii Leuatrix
Verteris m. p. xiiii  
Brocouo * m. p. xx Brocouicum
Lugu-Vallo m. p. xxv, 22  

Item a Londinio Lindo m. p. 156 sic:

Verolami m. p. xxi  
Duro Cobrius m. p. xii  
Magiouinio * m. p. XII leftbrace Maginto
Magis
Lactodoro m. p. xvi  
Isanna Vantia * m. p. XII leftbrace Isanna vatia
Isanna varia
Tripontio m. p. xii  
Venonis m. p. ix  
Ratas m. p. xii [a id="page420">[Page 420] 
Verometo m. p. xiii  
Margi-duno m. p. xii  
Ad Pontem * m. p. vii Pons Aelij
Croco Calana * m. p. vii Crorolana
Lindo m. p. xii  

Item a Regno Londinio m. p. 116, 96 sic:

Clausentum m. p. xx  
Venta Belgarum m. p. x  
Gelleua * Atrebatum m. p. XXII leftbrace Gelleua,   Wallingford.
Calliua,
Pontibus m. p. xxii   Reading.  
Londinio m. p. xxii  

Item ab Ebvraco Londinium m. p. 227 sic:

Lagecio m. p. xxi  
Dano m. p. xvi Dancaster.
Ageloco * m. p. xxi Segoloco
Lindo m. p. xiiii  
Crococalano m. p. xiiii  
Margi-duno m. p. xiiii  
Vernemeto * m. p. xii Verometo
Ratis m. p. xii  
Vennonis m. p. xii  
Bannauanto m. p. xix  
Magio Vinio m. p. xxviii  
Durocobrius m. p. xii Dunstable.
Verolamo m. p. xii St. Alban's.
Sullomaca m. p. ix Barnet.
Londinio m. p. xii London.

Item a Venta Icinorvm Londinio m. p. 128 sic:

Sitomago m. p. xxxi  
Combrerouio * m. p. xxii Cumbretonio
Ad Ansam m. p. xv  
Camoloduno m. p. vi  
Canonio m. p. ix  
Cæsaromago m. p. xii  
Durolito m. p. xvi  
Londinio m. p. xv  

Item a Glamoventa Mediolano m. p. 150 sic:

Galaua m. p. xviii  
Alone * m. p. xii Alauna * Aliona Alione
Galacum * m. p. xix Galacum Brigantum
Bremetonaci m. p. xxvii  
Coccio m. p. xx  
Mancunio * m. p. xviii Mammucio vel Manucio
Condate m. p. xviii  
Mediolano m. p. xix  

Item a Segoncio Deuam m. p. 74 sic:

Canouio m. p. xxiiii  
Varis m. p. xix [Page 421] 
Deua m. p. xxxii  

Item a Calleva aliàs Mvridono aliàs Viroconiorum. Per Viroconium.

Vindonu * m. p. xv Vindomi
Venta Belgarum m. p. xxi  
Brige * m. p. xi Brage
Soruioduni m. p. ix  
Vindogladia m. p. xiii, 15  
Durnouaria m. p. viii  
Muriduno m. p. xxxvi  
Scadum Nunniorum * m. p. xv, 12 Iscadum
Leucaro m. p. xv  
Bomio m. p. xv  
Nido m. p. xv  
Iscelegua Augusti * m. p. xiiii Iscelegia
Burrio m. p. ix  
Gobannio m. p. xii  
Magnis m. p. xxii Brouenio
Brauinio * m. p. xxiiii  
Viriconio m. p. xxvii  

Item ab Isca Calleua m. p. 109 sic:

Burrio m. p. ix  
Blestio m. p. xi  
Ariconio m. p. xi  
Cleuo m. p. xv  
Durocornouio m. p. xiiii  
Spinis m. p. xv  
Calleua m. p. xv  

Item alio Itinere ab Isca Calleua m. p. 103 sic:

Venta Silurum m. p. ix  
Abone m. p. ix  
Traiectus m. p. ix  
Aquis Solis m. p. vi  
Verlucione m. p. xv  
Cunetione m. p. xx  
Spinis m. p. xv  
Calleua m. p. xv  

Item a Calleua Iscadvm Nunniorum m. p. 136 sic:

Vindomi m. p. xv  
Venta Belgarum m. p. xxi  
Brige m. p. xi  
Sorbiodoni m. p. viii  
Vindocladia m. p. xii  
Durnonouaria m. p. viii Durnonaria
Moriduno m. p. xxxvi  
Iscadum Nunniorum m. p. xv  

FINIS.

THE END.

[Page 422]

[Page 422]

[Page 423]

[Page 423]


[Page 424]

[Page 424]

THE

THE

History of England,

FROM

FROM

THE TIME THAT IT WAS FIRST INHABITED,

THE TIME IT WAS FIRST INHABITED,

VNTILL

VNTILL

THE TIME THAT IT WAS LAST CONQUERED:

THE LAST TIME IT WAS CONQUERED:

WHEREIN THE SUNDRIE ALTERATIONS OF THE STATE VNDER FORREN PEOPLE IS DECLARED;
AND OTHER MANIFOLD OBSERVATIONS REMEMBRED:

WHERE THE VARIOUS CHANGES IN THE STATE UNDER FOREIGN PEOPLE ARE STATED;
AND OTHER MULTIPLE OBSERVATIONS RECORDED:


BY RAPHAEL HOLINSHED

BY RAPHAEL HOLINSHED


NOW NEWLIE READ OVER, AND DILIGENTLIE DIGESTED INTO BOOKES AND CHAPTERS,
WITH THEIR SEUERALL ARGUMENTS PREFIXED, CONTEINING AN ABRIDGEMENT
OF THE WHOLE HISTORIE, FOR THE HELPE OF THE READERS
IUDGEMENT AND MEMORIE:

NOW READ THROUGH AGAIN, AND CAREFULLY ORGANIZED INTO BOOKS AND CHAPTERS,
WITH THEIR INDIVIDUAL SUMMARIES AT THE BEGINNING, CONTAINING A SUMMARY
OF THE ENTIRE STORY, TO ASSIST THE READERS
IN THEIR UNDERSTANDING AND MEMORY:

WITH TWO TABLES OF PARTICULARS,

WITH TWO TABLES OF DETAILS,

THE ONE SERVING THE DESCRIPTION, THE OTHER THE HISTORIE:

THE ONE PROVIDING THE DESCRIPTION, THE OTHER THE STORY:

BY ABRAHAM FLEMING.

BY ABRAHAM FLEMING.


LAUS HISTORIÆ EX I. LELANDO.

LAUS HISTORIÆ FROM I. LELANDO.

QUOD SOL ÆTHEREO PRÆSTAT PULCHERRIMUS ORDI,
HISTORIA HUMANIS VBIBUS HOC TRIBUIT.

THE SUN IN THE HEAVENS PROVIDES A BEAUTIFUL ORDER,
HUMAN HISTORY GRANTS THIS TO OUR LIVES.

[Page 425]

[Page 425]

TO
THE READERS STUDIOUS IN HISTORIES.


The order obserued in the description of Britaine, by reason of the necessarie diuision thereof into bookes and chapters growing out of the varietie of matters therein conteined, seemed (in my iudgement) so conuenient a course deuised by the writer, as I was easilie induced thereby to digest the historie of England immediatlie following into the like method: so that as in the one, so likewise in the other, by summarie contents foregoing euerie chapter, as also by certeine materiall titles added at the head of euerie page of the said historie, it is a thing of no difficultie to comprehend what is discoursed and discussed in the same.

The way the author organized the description of Britain, breaking it down into books and chapters due to the variety of topics covered, seemed to me to be a smart approach. Because of this, I was easily encouraged to arrange the history of England that follows in a similar way. So, just like in the first part, in the second part, with summary contents at the beginning of each chapter and certain key titles at the top of every page of that history, it's easy to understand what is discussed throughout.

Wherein (sith histories are said to be the registers of memorie and the monuments of veritie) all louers of knowlege, speciallie historicall, are aduisedlie to marke (among other points) the seuerall and successiue alterations of regiments in this land: whereof it was my Pag. 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 26, 27, 28, 49, 50, 51, of the description: and pag. 765, 766, of the historie of England. meaning to haue made an abstract, but that the same is sufficientlie handled in the first booke and fourth chapter of the description of Britaine; whereto if the seuenth chapter of the same booke be also annexed, there is litle or no defect at all in that case wherof iustlie to make complaint.

Whereas (since histories are said to be the records of memory and the monuments of truth) all lovers of knowledge, especially historical, are wisely advised to note (among other things) the various and successive changes in governance in this land: I had intended to create a summary, but it's adequately addressed in the first book and fourth chapter of the description of Britain; if the seventh chapter of the same book is also included, there is hardly any shortcoming to complain about. Pages 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 26, 27, 28, 49, 50, 51 of the description, and pages 765, 766 of the history of England.

Wherfore by remitting the readers to those, I reape this aduantage, namelie a discharge of a forethought & purposed labour, which as to reduce into some plausible forme was a worke both of time, paine and studie: so seeming vnlikelie to be comprised in few words (being a matter of necessarie and important obseruation) occasion of tediousnes is to and fro auoided; speciallie to the reader, who is further to be aduertised, that the computations of yeares here and there expressed, according to the indirect direction of the copies whense they were deriued and drawne, is not so absolute (in some mens opinion) as it might haue beene: howbeit iustifiable by their originals.

Therefore, by directing readers to those sources, I gain an advantage, namely, a release from the prior thought and planned effort, which to put into a convincing form would have required considerable time, effort, and study. Since it seems unlikely to summarize such a necessary and important observation in just a few words, it avoids unnecessary lengthiness for the reader. The reader should also be informed that the year calculations mentioned here and there, based on the indirect direction of the original sources from which they were derived, may not be considered completely accurate by some people, though they are justified by their originals.

Wherin hereafter (God prolonging peace in the church and commonwelth[Page 426] that the vse of bookes may not be abridged) such diligent care shall be had, that in whatsoeuer the helpe of bookes will doo good, or conference with antiquaries auaile, there shall want no will to vse the one and the other. And yet it is not a worke for euerie common capacitie, naie it is a toile without head or taile euen for extraordinarie wits, to correct the accounts of former ages so many hundred yeares receiued, out of vncerteinties to raise certeinties, and to reconcile writers dissenting in opinion and report. But as this is vnpossible, so is no more to be looked for than may be performed: and further to inquire as it is against reason, so to vndertake more than may commendablie be atchiued, were fowle follie.

In the future (with God's grace keeping peace in the church and community[Page 426] so that the use of books isn't limited), we will be very careful to make sure that whenever books can help or discussions with experts are useful, we will fully embrace both. However, this task isn't for everyone; it's quite challenging, even for extraordinarily talented people, to correct the records from hundreds of years ago, to turn uncertainties into certainties, and to reconcile differing opinions and accounts from various writers. While that may be impossible, we shouldn't expect more than can realistically be accomplished, and to investigate further would be unreasonable; attempting more than can be commendably achieved would be sheer folly.

ABRAHAM FLEMING.

ABRAHAM FLEMING.


[Page 427]

[Page 427]

THE FIRST BOOKE
OF THE
History of England.


  Page
THE FIRST CHAPTER 427
THE SECOND CHAPTER 428
AN APPENDIX TO THE FORMER CHAPTER 431
THE THIRD CHAPTER 432

Who inhabited this Iland before the comming of Brute: of Noah & his three sonnes, among whom the whole earth was diuided: and to which of their portions this Ile of Britaine befell.

Who lived on this island before Brute arrived: Noah and his three sons, to whom the entire earth was divided: and which of their portions this island of Britain belonged to.

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

What manner of people did first inhabite this our country, which hath most generallie and of longest continuance béene knowne among all nations by the name of Britaine as yet is not certeinly knowne; neither can it be decided frō whence the first inhabitants there of came, by reason of such diuersitie in iudgements as haue risen amongst the The originall of nations for the most part vncerteine. learned in this behalfe. But sith the originall in maner of all nations is doubtfull, and euen the same for the more part fabulous (that alwaies excepted which we find in the holie scriptures) I wish not any man to leane to that which shall be here set downe as to an infallible truth, sith I doo but onlie shew other mens conjectures, grounded neuerthelesse vpon likelie reasons, concerning that matter whereof there is now left but little other certeintie, or rather none at all.

What kind of people first inhabited this country, which is widely known among all nations as Britain, is still uncertain. It's also unclear where the first inhabitants came from due to the diverse opinions that have arisen among the learned in this area. Since the origins of most nations are doubtful and often rather mythical (except for what we find in the holy scriptures), I don't expect anyone to take what is presented here as infallible truth. I am merely sharing other people's speculations, which are nonetheless based on reasonable grounds, about a matter that now has little certainty, or perhaps none at all.

Whither Britaine were an Iland at the first.
Geog. com. lib.
No Ilands at the first, as some coniecture. To fetch therefore the matter from the farthest, and so to stretch it forward, it séemeth by the report of Dominicus Marius Niger that in the beginning, when God framed the world, and diuided the waters apart from the earth, this Ile was then a parcell of the continent, and ioined without any separation of sea to the maine land. But this opinion (as all other the like vncerteinties) I leaue to be discussed of by the learned: howbeit for the first inhabitation of this Ile with people, I haue thought good to set downe in part, what may be gathered out of such writers as haue touched that matter, and may séeme to giue some light vnto the knowledge thereof.

Britain started as an island.
Geog. com. lib.
No islands at the beginning, as some believe. To begin the matter from the very beginning and to move it forward, it seems from the account of Dominicus Marius Niger that initially, when God created the world and separated the waters from the land, this island was part of the mainland, connected without any separation by sea. But I leave this opinion (like all other uncertainties) to the learned to discuss; however, regarding the first settlement of this island by people, I thought it would be good to outline, in part, what can be gathered from writers who have addressed this topic and might seem to shed some light on the knowledge of it.

In the first part of the acts of the English votaries.
Britaine inhabitied before the floud.
Genesis 6.
Berosus ant. lib. 1.
First therefore Iohn Bale our countrieman, who in his time greatlie trauelled in the search of such antiquities, dooth probablie coniecture, that this land was inhabited and replenished with people long before the floud, at that time in the which the generation of mankind (as Moses writeth) began to multiplie vpon the vniuersall face of the earth: and therfore it followeth, that as well this land was inhabited with people long before the daies of Noah, as any the other countries and parts of the world beside. But when they had once forsaken the ordinances appointed them by God, and betaken them to new waies inuented of themselues, such loosenesse of life ensued euerie where, as brought vpon them the great deluge and vniuersall floud, in the which perished as well the inhabitants of these quarters, as the residue of the race of mankind, generallie dispersed in euerie other part of the whole world, onelie Noah & his familie excepted, who by the prouidence and pleasure of almightie God was preserued from the rage of those waters, to recontinue and repaire the new generation of man of vpon earth.

In the first part of the accounts of the English believers.
Britain was settled before the flood.
Genesis 6.
Berosus ant. lib. 1.
First, therefore, John Bale, our countryman, who greatly explored the search for such historical facts in his time, reasonably suggests that this land was populated long before the flood, at a time when, as Moses wrote, the human race began to multiply across the entire earth. Thus, it follows that this land was inhabited by people long before Noah's days, just like any other countries and regions of the world. However, when they forsook the rules set by God and turned to new ways of their own invention, a moral decline occurred everywhere, leading to the great flood that destroyed not only the inhabitants of these lands but also the rest of humanity that was spread throughout the world, except for Noah and his family, who, by the providence and will of Almighty God, were preserved from the devastation of those waters to continue and restore the new generation of mankind on earth.


NOAH. In comment. super 4. lib.
Berosus de antiquit. lib. 1
Annius vt suor.
After the flood (as Annius de Viterbo recordeth) and reason also[Page 428] enforceth, Noah was the onlie monarch of all the world, and as the same Annius gathereth by the account of Moses in the 100. yeare after the flood, Noah diuided the earth among his thrée sonnes; assigning to the possession of his eldest sonne all that portion of land which now is knowne by the name of Asia; to his second sonne Cham, he appointed all that part of the world which now is called Affrica: and to his third sonne Iaphet was allotted all Europa, with all the Iles therto belonging, wherin among other was conteined this our Ile of Britaine, with the other Iles thereto perteining.


NOAH. In comment. super 4. lib.
Berosus on antiquities, book 1
Annius as per his own
After the flood (as Annius de Viterbo notes) and reason also[Page 428] supports, Noah was the only ruler of the entire world. According to Annius based on the account of Moses, in the 100th year after the flood, Noah divided the earth among his three sons; he gave to his oldest son all the land that is now known as Asia; to his second son Ham, he assigned all the part of the world now called Africa; and to his third son Japheth was given all of Europe, along with all the islands belonging to it, including our Isle of Britain and the other nearby islands.

IAPHET AND HIS SONNES. Johannes Bodinus ad fac. hist. cogn.
Franciscus Tarapha.
Iaphet the third son of Noah, of some called Iapetus, and of others, Atlas Maurus (because he departed this life in Mauritania) was the first (as Bodinus affirmeth by the authoritie and consent of the Hebrue, Gréeke & Latine writers) that peopled the countries of Europe, which afterward he diuided among his sonnes: of whom Tuball (as Tarapha affirmeth) obteined the kingdome of Spaine. Gomer had dominion ouer the Italians, and (as Berosus and diuers other authors agrée) Samothes was the founder of Celtica, which conteined in it (as Bale witnesseth) a great part of Europe, but speciallie those countries which now are called by the names of Gallia and Britannia.

Iaphet and his sons. Johannes Bodinus ad fac. hist. cogn.
Franciscus Tarapha.
Iapetus, the third son of Noah, known by some as Iapetus and by others as Atlas Maurus (because he passed away in Mauritania), was the first (as Bodinus asserts with the backing of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin writers) to populate the regions of Europe, which he later divided among his sons. Among them, Tuball (as Tarapha claims) received the kingdom of Spain. Gomer ruled over the Italians, and (as Berosus and several other authors agree) Samothes was the founder of Celtica, which included (as Bale notes) a large part of Europe, especially those areas now known as Gallia and Britannia.

Britaine inhabited shortlie after the floud. Thus was this Iland inhabited and peopled within 200 yéeres after the floud by the children of Iaphet the sonne of Noah: & this is not onlie prooued by Annius, writing vpon Berosus, but also confirmed by Moses in the scripture, where he writeth, that of the offspring of Iaphet, the Iles of the Gentiles (wherof Britain is one) were sorted into regions in the time of Phaleg the sonne of Hiber, who was borne at the time of Theophilus episcop. Antioch. ad Anfol lib. 2.
The words of Theophilus a doctor of the church, who liued an. Dom. 160.
the diuision of languages. Herevpon Theophilus hath these words: "Cúm priscis temporibus pauci forent homines in Arabia & Chaldaea, post linguarum diuisionem aucti & multiplicati paulatim sunt: hinc quidam abierunt versus orientem, quidam concessere ad partes maioris continentis, alij porrò profecti sunt ad septentrionem sedes quaesituri, nec priùs desierunt terram vbiq; occupare, quàm etiam Britannos in Arctois climatibus accesserint, &c." That is; "When at the first there were not manie men in Arabia and Chaldaea, it came to passe, that after the diuision of toongs, they began somewhat better to increase and multiplie, by which occasion some of them went toward the east, and some toward the parts of the great maine land: diuers of them went also northwards to seeke them dwelling places, neither staid they to replenish the earth as they went, till they came vnto the Iles of Britaine, lieng vnder the north pole." Thus far Theophilus.

Britain was settled shortly after the flood. This island was populated within 200 years after the flood by the children of Japheth, the son of Noah. This is supported not only by Annius, writing on Berosus, but also confirmed by Moses in scripture, where he states that the descendants of Japheth were divided into regions, including the Isles of the Gentiles (of which Britain is one), during the time of Peleg, the son of Eber, who was born during the period of theTheophilus, Bishop of Antioch, to Anfol, Book 2. The words of Theophilus, a church doctor, who lived in A.D. 160. the division of languages. In this context, Theophilus says: "When there were few people in Arabia and Chaldea in ancient times, after the division of languages, they gradually increased and multiplied. Some went east, some settled in other parts of the mainland, and others moved north to seek dwelling places. They didn’t stop to fill the earth until they reached the Isles of Britain, lying beneath the North Pole." Thus far Theophilus.

These things considered, Gildas the Britaine had great reason to thinke, that this countrie had bene inhabited from the beginning. And Polydor Virgil was with no lesse consideration hereby induced to confesse, that the Ile of Britaine had receiued inhabitants foorthwith after the floud.

These points taken into account, Gildas the Briton had plenty of reason to believe that this country had been inhabited from the very start. And Polydor Virgil was similarly prompted to admit that the Isle of Britain received inhabitants right after the flood.


Of Samothes, Magus, Sarron, Druis, and Bardus, fiue kings succeeding each other in regiment ouer the Celts and Samotheans, and how manie hundred yeeres the Celts inhabited this Iland.

Samothes, Magus, Sarron, Druis, and Bardus were five kings who ruled consecutively over the Celts and Samotheans, and for how many hundreds of years the Celts lived on this island.

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

Gen. 2. De migr. gen. Samothes the sixt begotten sonne of Iaphet called by Moses Mesech, by others Dis, receiued for his portion (according to the report of Wolfgangus Lazius) all the countrie lieng betwéene the riuer of Rhene and the Pyrenian mountains, where he founded the kingdome of Celtica Cent. 1. ouer his people called Celtae. Which name Bale affirmeth to haue bene indifferent to the inhabitants both of the countrie of Gallia, and the Ile of Britaine, & that he planted colonies of men (brought foorth of the east parts) in either of them, first in the maine land, and after Anti. lib. 1.
Bale Script.
Brit. cent. 1.
in the Iland. He is reported by Berosus to haue excelled all men of that age in learning and knowledge: and also is thought by Bale to haue[Page 429] imparted the same among his people; namelie, the vnderstanding Caesar. comment. lib. 8. of the sundrie courses of the starres, the order of inferiour things, with manie other matters incident to the morall and politike gouernment of mans life: and to haue deliuered the same in the Phenician letters: out of which the Greekes (according to the opinion of Archilochus) In epithet. temp.
De aequinorus contra Appionem.
deuised & deriued the Gréeke characters, insomuch that Xenophon and Iosephus doo constantlie report (although Diogenes Laertius be against it) that both the Gréekes and other nations receiued their letters and learning first from these countries. Of this king and his learning Lib. de Magic. success. lib. 22. arose a sect of philosophers (saith Annius) first in Britaine, and after in Gallia, the which of his name were called Samothei. They (as Aristotle and Secion write) were passing skilfull both in the law of God and man: and for that cause exceedinglie giuen to religion, Script. Brit. cent. 1. especiallie the inhabitants of this Ile of Britaine, insomuch that the whole nation did not onelie take the name of them, but the Iland it De ant. Cant. cent. lib. 1. This Ile called Samothea. selfe (as Bale and doctor Caius agree) came to be called Samothea, which was the first peculiar name that euer it had, and by the which it was especiallie knowne before the arriuall of Albion.

Gen. 2. On Migration Samothes, the sixth son of Iaphet, known as Mesech by Moses and Dis by others, received as his territory (according to Wolfgangus Lazius) all the land between the Rhine River and the Pyrenees, where he established the kingdom of Celtica Cent. 1. over his people called Celtae. Bale claims that this name was used for the inhabitants of both Gaul and Britain, and that he sent settlers from the eastern regions to both places, first to the mainland and then Anti. lib. 1.
Bale Script.
British century. 1.
to the island. Berosus reports that he surpassed everyone of his time in learning and knowledge, and Bale also believes he shared this knowledge with his people, specifically the understanding of the various movements of the stars, the order of earthly things, and many other matters relevant to moral and political governance in human life, and that he taught this using Phoenician letters. From these, the Greeks (according to Archilochus) developed and derived their own characters, to the extent that both Xenophon and Josephus consistently report (although Diogenes Laertius disagrees) that both the Greeks and other nations first received their letters and learning from these regions. From this king and his knowledge Book of Magic. Success. Lib. 22. arose a group of philosophers (says Annius) first in Britain, and later in Gaul, who were named after him, the Samothei. They (as Aristotle and Secion write) were very knowledgeable about both the laws of God and man, and for this reason they were incredibly devoted to religion, Script. Brit. cent. 1. especially among the people of this island of Britain, to the point that the entire nation not only took their name, but the island itself De ant. Cant. cent. lib. 1. This island called Samothea. became known as Samothea, which was the first unique name it ever had and by which it was especially recognized before the arrival of Albion.

MAGUS THE SON OF SAMOTHES. Lib. 9.
Annius in commen. super eundem. Geogr.
Magus the sonne of Samothes, after the death of his father, was the second king of Celtica, by whome (as Berosus writeth) there were manie townes builded among the Celts, which by the witnesse of Annius did beare the addition of their founder Magus: of which townes diuers are to be found in Ptolomie. And Antoninus a painfull surueior of the world and searcher of cities, maketh mention of foure of them here in Britaine, Sitomagus, Neomagus, Niomagus, and Nouiomagus. Neomagus sir Thomas Eliot writeth to haue stood where the citie of Chester now standeth; Niomagus, George Lillie placeth where the towne of Buckingham is now remaining. Beside this, Bale dooth so highlie commend the foresaid Magus for his learning renowmed ouer all the world, that he would haue the Persians, and other nations of the south and west parts, to deriue the name of their diuines called Magi from him. In déed Rauisius Textor, and sir Iohn Prise affirme, that in the daies of Plinie, the Britons were so expert in art magike, that they might be thought to haue first deliuered the same to the Persians. What the name De diui. lib. 1.
De fastis li. 5.
of Magus importeth, and of what profession the Magi were, Tullie declareth at large, and Mantuan in briefe, after this maner:

MAGUS, SON OF SAMOTHES. Lib. 9.
Annius in commentary on the same. Geography.
Mage the son of Samothes, after his father's death, became the second king of Celtica. According to Berosus, he was responsible for building many towns among the Celts, which, as Annius attests, were named after their founder, Magus. Some of these towns can be found in Ptolemy's records. Antoninus, a dedicated surveyor of the world and explorer of cities, mentions four of them here in Britain: Sitomagus, Neomagus, Niomagus, and Noviomagus. Sir Thomas Eliot claims that Neomagus was located where the city of Chester now stands, while George Lillie places Niomagus where the town of Buckingham is currently situated. Additionally, Bale praises Magus so highly for his learning renowned across the world that he suggests the Persians and other nations from the south and west derived the name for their scholars, called Magi, from him. Indeed, Rauisius Textor and Sir John Prise assert that during Pliny's time, the Britons were so skilled in the arts of magic that they could be thought to have introduced it to the Persians. The significance of the name Magus and the profession of the Magi is thoroughly explained by Tullie and briefly summarized by Mantuan as follows:

Ille penes Persas Magus est, qui sidera norit,

Ille penes Persas Magus est, qui sidera norit,

Qui sciat herbarum vires cultumq; deorum,

Qui sciat herbarum vires cultumq; deorum,

Persepoli facit ista Magos prudentia triplex.

Persepoli does this through the wise skill of the triple Magi.

H.F.

H.F.

The Persians terme him Magus, that

The Persians called him Magus, that

the course of starres dooth knowe,

the path of stars does know,

The power of herbs, and worship due

The power of herbs, and the worship they deserve

to God that man dooth owe,

to God that man owes,

By threefold knowledge thus the name

By threefold knowledge, therefore, the name

of Magus then dooth growe.

of Magus then does grow.

SARRON THE SON OF MAGUS. De ant. Cant. lib. 1.
Bale. script.
Brit. cent. I.
Sarron the third king of the Celts succéeded his father Magus in gouernement of the countrie of Gallia, and the Ile Samothea, wherein as (D. Caius writeth) he founded certaine publike places for them that professed learning, which Berosus affirmeth to be done, to the intent to restraine the wilfull outrage of men, being as then but raw and void of all ciuilitie. Also it is thought by Annius, that he was the first author of those kind of philosophers, which were called Sarronides, of whom Diodorus Siculus writeth in this sort: "There are (saith he) among Lib. 6. the Celts certaine diuines and philosophers called Sarronides, whom aboue all other they haue in great estimation. For it is the manner among them, not without a philosopher to make anie sacrifice: sith they are of beleefe, that sacrifices ought onelie to be made by such as are skilfull in the diuine mysteries, as of those who are neerest vnto God, by whose intercession they thinke all good things are to be required of God, and whose aduise they vse and follow, as well in warre as in peace."

Sarron, the son of Magus. De ant. Cant. lib. 1.
Bale. script.
Brit. cent. I.
Sarron, the third king of the Celts, succeeded his father Magus in governing the country of Gaul and the island of Samothea, where he established public places for those who pursued learning, as D. Caius writes. Berosus confirms that this was done to curb the reckless behavior of people, who were then unrefined and lacking in civility. Annius also suggests that he was the first to create the group of philosophers known as Sarronides, about whom Diodorus Siculus states: "There are, among the Celts, certain diviners and philosophers called Sarronides, whom they hold in great esteem above all others. It is their custom to not make any sacrifice without a philosopher present, as they believe that sacrifices should only be offered by those skilled in divine mysteries—those who are closest to God. They think that through their intercession, all good things should be sought from God, and they rely on and follow their counsel in both war and peace."

DRUIS THE SON OF SARRON. De morte Claud. Druis, whom Seneca calleth Dryus, being the sonne of Sarron, was after his father established the fourth king of Celtica, indifferentlie reigning as wel ouer the Celts as Britons, or rather (as the inhabitants of this Ile were then called) Samotheans. This prince is commended by Berosus to be so plentifullie indued with wisedome and[Page 430] learning, that Annius taketh him to be the vndoubted author of the begining and name of the philosophers called Druides, whome Caesar and all other ancient Greeke and Latine writers doo affirme to haue had their begining in Britaine, and to haue bin brought from thence into Gallia, insomuch that when there arose any doubt in that countrie touching any point of their discipline, they did repaire to be resolued therein into Britaine, where, speciallie in the Ile of Anglesey (as Anti. lib. 5.
Annius super eundem.
De bello Gallico. 6.
Humfrey Llhoyd witnesseth) they made their principall abode. Touching their vsages many things are written by Aristotle, Socion, Plinie, Laertius, Bodinus, and others: which I will gather in briefe, and set downe as followeth. They had (as Caesar saith) the charge of common & priuate sacrifices, the discussing of points of religion, the bringing vp of youth, the determining of matters in variance with full power to interdict so manie from the sacrifice of their gods and the companie of Hist. an. lib. 1. men, as disobeied their award. Polydore affirmeth, how they taught, that mens soules could not die, but departed from one bodie to another, De diui. lib. 1. and that to the intent to make men valiant and dreadlesse of death. Tullie writeth, that partlie by tokens, and partlie by surmises, they would foretell things to come. And by the report of Hector Boetius, some of them were not ignorant of the immortalitie of the one and Hist. Scoti. li. 2.
De migr. gen. lib. 2.
Marcellinus.
euerlasting God. All these things they had written in the Greeke toong, insomuch that Wolf. Lazius (vpon the report of Marcellinus) declareth how the Gréeke letters were first brought to Athens by Timagenes from the Druides. And herevpon it commeth also to passe, that the British toong hath in it remaining at this day some smacke of the Gréeke. Among other abuses of the Druides, they had (according to Diodorus) one custome to kill men, and by the falling, bleeding, and dismembring of them, to diuine of things to come: for the which and other wicked practises, their sect was first condemned for abhominable (as some haue written) and dissolued in Gallia (as Auentinus witnesseth) by Tiberius Anna. Boiorum. lib. 22. and Claudius the emperours; and lastlie abolished here in Britaine (by the report of Caius) when the gospell of Christ by the preaching of De ant. Cant. Fugatius and Damianus was receiued among the Britaines, vnder Lucius king of Britaine, about the yeare of our sauior, 179.

DRUIS, SON OF SARRON. On the Death of Claudius Druis, whom Seneca calls Dryus, was the son of Sarron and became the fourth king of Celtica after his father. He ruled over both the Celts and the Britons, or rather (as the inhabitants of this island were called at the time) the Samotheans. This prince is praised by Berosus for being so rich in wisdom and knowledge that Annius considers him to be the undeniable founder of the philosophers known as Druides, who Caesar and other ancient Greek and Latin writers claim originated in Britain and were brought from there to Gaul. When there were any uncertainties regarding their teachings in that region, they would travel back to Britain to find resolution, especially in the Isle of Anglesey (as testified by Anti. lib. 5.
Annius on the same topic.
On the Gallic War. 6.
Humfrey Llhoyd). Many things are documented about their practices by Aristotle, Socion, Pliny, Laertius, Bodinus, and others, which I will summarize as follows: They had, as Caesar stated, the responsibility for public and private sacrifices, resolving religious matters, educating the youth, and settling disputes with full authority to exclude anyone who disregarded their decisions from the worship of their gods and the company of others. Polydore claims they taught that human souls could not die but would transition from one body to another to instill bravery and fearlessness of death. Tully writes that they would predict future events partly through signs and partly through intuition. According to Hector Boetius, some among them were aware of the immortality of the one eternal God. All these teachings were written in Greek, so much so that Wolf. Lazius (reporting from Marcellinus) states that the Greek alphabet was first brought to Athens by Timagenes from the Druides. Consequently, the British language today still retains some influence from Greek. Among other practices of the Druides, they had a custom (according to Diodorus) of killing people and using their falling, bleeding, and dismemberment to predict the future. Because of these and other wicked actions, their sect was initially condemned as abhorrent (as some have noted) and dissolved in Gaul (as Auentinus reports) by the emperors Tiberius and Claudius; ultimately abolished in Britain (as reported by Caius) when the gospel of Christ was accepted among the Britons through the preaching of De ant. Cant. Fugatius and Damianus during the reign of King Lucius of Britain, around the year 179 AD.

BARDUS THE SONNE OF DRUIS. Berosus ant. lib. 2.
Annius in commen. super eundem.
Ant. Cant li. 1.
script. Britan. cent. 1.
Nonnius.
Marcel.
Strabo.
Diodor. Sicul. lib. 6.
Carol. Stepha. in dict. hist.
Bale.
Iohn Prise.
Bardus the sonne of Druis succéeded his father in the kingdome of Celtica, and was the fift king ouer the Celtes and Samotheans, amongst whom he was highlie renoumed (as appeareth by Berosus) for inuention of dities and musicke, wherein Annius of Viterbo writeth, that he trained his people: and of such as excelled in this knowledge, he made an order of philosophicall poets or heraulds, calling them by his owne name Bardi. And it should séeme by doctor Caius and master Bale, that Caesar found some of them here at his arriuall in this Ile, and reported that they had also their first begining in the same. The profession and vsages of these Bardi, Nonnius, Strabo, Diodorus, Stephanus, Bale, and sir Iohn Prise, are in effect reported after this sort. They did vse to record the noble exploits of the ancient capteins, and to drawe the pedegrées and genealogies of such as were liuing. They would frame pleasant dities and songs, learne the same by heart, and sing them to instruments at solemne feasts and assemblies of noble men and gentlemen. Wherefore they were had in so high estimation, that if two hosts had bene readie ranged to ioine in battell, and that any of them had fortuned to enter among them, both the hosts (as well the enimies as the friends) would haue holden their hands, giuen eare vnto them, and ceassed from fight, vntill these Bards had gone out of the battell. Lucan. lib. 1. Of these Bards Lucane saith,

Bardus, the son of Druis. Berosus ant. lib. 2.
Annius in commen. super eundem.
Ant. Cant li. 1.
script. Britan. cent. 1.
Nonnius.
Marcel.
Strabo.
Diodor. Sicul. lib. 6.
Carol. Stepha. in dict. hist.
Bale.
Iohn Prise.
Bardus the son of Druis succeeded his father as the king of Celtica and was the fifth king over the Celts and Samotheans. He was highly renowned (as shown by Berosus) for his invention of poetry and music, which Annius of Viterbo noted he taught to his people. He created a group of philosophical poets or heralds who he named after himself, Bardi. It seems from doctor Caius and master Bale that Caesar encountered some of them upon his arrival on this island and reported that they also had their origins here. The role and practices of these Bards, as discussed by Nonnius, Strabo, Diodorus, Stephanus, Bale, and Sir John Prise, were essentially as follows: they used to commemorate the heroic deeds of ancient leaders and track the lineages and genealogies of those alive. They would compose enjoyable poems and songs, memorize them, and perform them with instruments at grand feasts and gatherings of nobles and gentlemen. Therefore, they were held in such high regard that if two armies were prepared to clash in battle and one of the Bards happened to step among them, both armies (both enemies and friends) would stop fighting, listen to them, and refrain from conflict until the Bards had exited the battlefield. Lucan. lib. 1. Of these Bards, Lucan says,

Vos quoq; qui fortes animas bellóq; peremptas,

Vos quoq; qui fortes animas bellóq; peremptas,

Laudius in longum vares dimittitis aeuum,

Laudius, you let the long hours pass.

Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi:

You created many songs about Bardi:

H. F.

H. F.

And you ô poet Bards from danger

And you, poet Bards, stay safe from danger

void that dities sound,

void that duties sound,

Of soules of dreadlesse men, whom rage

Of the souls of fearless men, whose anger

of battell would confound,

of battle would confound,

And make their lasting praise to time

And let their lasting praise endure through time.

of later age rebound.

of older age rebound.

Because the names of these poets were neither discrepant from the[Page 431] ciuilitie of the Romans, nor repugnant to the religion of the Christians, they (of all the other sects before specified) were suffered onlie to continue vnabolished in all ages, insomuch that there flourished of them among the Britains (according to Bale) before the Iohn Bale script.
Britan. cent. 2.
John Prise defen. hist. Brit.
Caius de ant.
Cant. lib. 1.
Iohn Leland.
syllab. ant dict.
Hum. Lloyd de Mona insula.
birth of Christ, Plenidius and Oronius: after Christ (as Prise recounteth) Thalestine, and the two Merlins, Melkin, Elaskirion, and others: and of late daies among the Welshmen, Dauid Die, Ioslo Gough, Dauid ap William, with an infinite number more. And in Wales there are sundrie of them (as Caius reporteth) remaining vnto this day, where they are in their language called (as Leland writeth) Barthes. Also by the witnes of Humfrey Llhoyd, there is an Iland neere vnto Wales, called Insula Bardorum, and Bardsey, whereof the one name in Latine, and the other in Saxon or old English, signifieth the Iland of the Bardes or Barthes.

Because the names of these poets were neither different from the[Page 431] civilization of the Romans nor opposed to the religion of Christians, they (unlike all the other groups previously mentioned) were allowed to continue unabolished throughout all ages. So much so that among the Britons (according to Bale), before theJohn Bale script.
Britain, Century 2.
John Prise, Defense of British History.
Caius on Antiquities.
Cant. lib. 1.
John Leland.
syllab. ant dict.
Hum. Lloyd on the Isle of Mona.
birth of Christ, Plenidius and Oronius thrived: after Christ (as Prise recounts) Thalestine, along with the two Merlins, Melkin, Elaskirion, and others: and more recently among the Welsh, David Die, Ioslo Gough, David ap William, along with countless others. In Wales, there are several of them (as Caius reports) still around to this day, where they are referred to in their language (as Leland writes) as Barthes. Also, according to Humfrey Lloyd, there is an island near Wales called Insula Bardorum, or Bardsey, where one name is Latin and the other is Saxon or Old English, both meaning the Island of the Bards or Barthes.

Thus farre the gouernement of the Celts in this Ile.

So far, the government of the Celts on this island.


AN APPENDIX TO THE FORMER CHAPTER.

Bale After Bardus, the Celts (as Bale saith) loathing the streict ordinances of their ancient kings, and betaking themselues to pleasure and idlenesse, were in short time, and with small labour brought vnder the subiection of the giant Albion, the sonne of Neptune, who altering the state of things in this Iland, streicted the name of Celtica and the Celts within the bounds of Gallia, from whence they came first to inhabit this land vnder the conduct of Samothes, as before ye haue Annius. heard, accordinglie as Annius hath gathered out of Berosus the Chaldean, who therein agréeth also with the scripture, the saieng of Theophilus. Theophilus the doctor, and the generall consent of all writers, which fullie consent, that the first inhabitants of this Ile came out of the parties of Gallia, although some of them dissent about the time and Sir Brian Tuke. maner of their comming. Sir Brian Tuke thinketh it to be ment of the arriuall of Brute, when he came out of those countries into this Ile. Caesar.
Tacitus.
Bodinus.
Caesar and Tacitus seeme to be of opinion, that those Celts which first inhabited here, came ouer to view the countrie for trade of merchandize. Bodinus would haue them to come in (a Gods name) from Languedoc, and so to name this land Albion, of a citie in Languedoc Beda.
Polydor.
named Albie. Beda, and likewise Polydore (who followeth him) affirme that they came from the coasts of Armorica, which is now called little Britaine.

Bale After Bardus, the Celts (as Bale says) grew tired of the strict rules of their ancient kings and turned to pleasure and laziness. Soon, with little effort, they fell under the control of the giant Albion, the son of Neptune, who changed the situation on this island, limiting the name Celtica and the Celts to the area of Gaul, from where they originally came to settle this land under the guidance of Samothes, as you've heard before. Annius. Annius gathered this from Berosus the Chaldean, who also agrees with scripture, as does Theophilus. Theophilus the doctor and the general consensus of all writers agree that the first inhabitants of this island came from the regions of Gaul, although some disagree about the time and Sir Brian Tuke. Sir Brian Tuke thinks it refers to the arrival of Brutus when he came from those countries to this island. Caesar.
Tacitus.
Bodinus.
Caesar and Tacitus seem to believe that those Celts who first settled here came over to explore the country for trade. Bodinus claims they came (in the name of God) from Languedoc, which would explain why this land is called Albion, after a city in Languedoc Beda.
Polydor.
Beda, along with Polydore (who follows him), asserts that they came from the shores of Armorica, now known as Little Britain.

But that the authorities afore recited are sufficient to proue the time that this Iland was first inhabited by the Celts, the old possessors of Gallia; not onelie the néernesse of the regions, but the congruence of languages, two great arguments of originals doo fullie confirme the Bodinus. same. Bodinus writeth vpon report, that the British and Celtike language was all one. But whether that be true or not, I am not able to affirme, bicause the Celtike toong is long sithens growne wholie out of vse. Howbeit some such Celtike words as remaine in the writings of old authours may be perceiued to agrée with the Welsh toong, being the Pausanias. vncorrupted spéech of the ancient Britains. In déed Pausanias the Grecian maketh mention how the Celts in their language called a horsse Marc: and by that name doo the Welshmen call a horsse to this day: and the word Trimarc in Pausanias, signifieth in the Celtike toong, thrée horsses.

But the authorities mentioned earlier are enough to prove the time when this island was first inhabited by the Celts, the original inhabitants of Gaul; not only the proximity of the regions but also the similarity of languages, two strong points of origin, fully confirm this. Bodinus. Bodinus writes based on reports that the British and Celtic languages were the same. Whether that is true or not, I cannot confirm because the Celtic language has long since fallen out of use. However, some Celtic words that remain in the writings of old authors can be seen to align with the Welsh language, which is the Pausanias. uncorrupted speech of the ancient Britains. Indeed, Pausanias the Greek mentions how the Celts called a horse Marc, and that’s still the term the Welsh use for a horse today: the word Trimarc in Pausanias means "three horses" in the Celtic language.

Thus it appeared by the authoritie of writers, by situation of place, and by affinitie of language, that this Iland was first found and inhabited by the Celts, that there name from Samothes to Albion continued here the space of 310 yeares or there abouts. And finallie it Iohn Bale. is likelie, that aswell the progenie as the spéech of them is partlie remaining in this Ile among the inhabitants, and speciallie the British, euen vnto this day.

So, it seems from the authority of writers, the location of the place, and the similarity of language that this island was first discovered and inhabited by the Celts, who used the name from Samothes to Albion for about 310 years or so. Finally, it’s likely that both their descendants and their language remain in this island among the people, especially the British, even to this day. John Bale.


[Page 432]

[Page 432]

Of the giant Albion, of his comming into this Iland, diuers opinions why it was called Albion: why Albion and Bergion were slaine by Hercules: of Danaus and of his 50 daughters.

About the giant Albion, his arrival on this island, various opinions on why it was called Albion: why Albion and Bergion were killed by Hercules: about Danaus and his 50 daughters.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

Bale.
Annius de Viterbo.
Diodorus Sicubis.
Pinnesses or gallies.
Higinus.
Pictonius.
Neptunus called by Moses (as some take it) Nepthuim, the sixt sonne of Osiris, after the account of Annius, and the brother of Hercules, had appointed him of his father (as Diodorus writeth) the gouernement of the ocean sea: wherefore he furnished himselfe of sundrie light ships for the more redie passage by water, which in the end grew to the number of a full nauie: & so by continuall exercise he became so skilfull, and therewith so mightie vpon the waters (as Higinus & Pictonius doo write) that he was not onelie called the king, but also estéemed the god of the seas. He had to wife a ladie called Amphitrita, who was also honored as goddesse of the seas, of whose bodie he begat sundrie children: and (as Bale reporteth) he made euerie one of them Scrip. Bri. cent. 1. king of an Iland. In the Ile of Britaine he landed his fourth son called Albion the giant, who brought the same vnder his subjection. And Ioh. Textor.
Polydor.
herevpon it resteth, that Iohn Textor, and Polydor Virgil made mention, that light shippes were first inuented in the British seas, and that the same were couered round with the hides of beasts, for defending them from the surges and waues of the water.

Bale.
Annius de Viterbo.
Diodorus Sicubis.
Pinnesses or galleys.
Higinus.
Pictonius.
Neptune, referred to by Moses (as some interpret) as Nepthuim, the sixth son of Osiris according to Annius, and the brother of Hercules, was appointed by his father (as Diodorus writes) to govern the ocean. To prepare for this, he equipped various light ships for easier travel by water, which eventually turned into a full fleet. Through continuous training, he became so skilled and powerful on the waters (as Higinus and Pictonius write) that he was not only called king but also regarded as a god of the seas. He married a woman named Amphitrite, who was also revered as a goddess of the seas, and with her, he had several children. According to Bale, he made each of them king of an island. In the island of Britain, he landed his fourth son, Albion the giant, who brought it under his control. Consequently, John Textor and Polydor Virgil noted that light ships were first invented in the British seas, and these ships were covered with animal hides to protect them from the waves and surges of the water.

This Albion being put by his father in possession of this Ile of Britaine, within short time subdued the Samotheans, the first inhabitantes thereof, without finding any great resistance, for that (as before ye haue heard) they had giuen ouer the practise of all warlike and other painefull exercises, and through vse of effeminate pleasures, wherevnto they had giuen themselues ouer, they were become now vnapt to withstand the force of their enimies: and so (by the Nichol. Perot.
Rigmanus Philesius.
Aristotle.
Hum. Lhoyd.
testimonie of Nicholaus Perottus, Rigmanus Philesius, Aristotle, and Humfrey Llhoyd, with diuers other, both forraine & home-writers) this Iland was first called by the name of Albion, hauing at one time both the name and inhabitants changed from the line of Iaphet vnto the accursed race of Cham.

This Albion, placed in charge of the Isle of Britain by his father, soon conquered the Samotheans, the first inhabitants, without facing much resistance. As you've heard before, they had given up all military and strenuous activities, and due to their indulgence in delicate pleasures, they had become unfit to withstand the attacks of their enemies. Thus, according to the accounts of Nicholaus Perottus, Rigmanus Philesius, Aristotle, and Humfrey Llhoyd, along with various other foreign and local writers, this island was initially named Albion, having at one time changed both its name and its inhabitants from the line of Japheth to the cursed race of Cham.

This Albion (that thus changed the name of this Ile) and his companie, are called giants, which signifieth none other than a tall kind of men, of that vncorrupt stature and highnesse naturallie incident to the Berosus. first age (which Berosus also séemeth to allow, where he writeth, that Noah was one of the giants) and were not so called only of their monstrous greatnesse, as the common people thinke (although in deed they exceeded the vsuall stature of men now in these daies) but also for that they tooke their name of the soile where they were borne: for What Gigantes signifie. Gigantes signifieth the sons of the earth: the Aborigines, or (as Cesar calleth them) Indigenae; that is, borne and bred out of the earth where they inhabited.

This Albion (who changed the name of this island) and his company are called giants, which simply means a tall type of men, with that uncorrupted stature and height naturally characteristic of the first age (which Berosus seems to support when he writes that Noah was one of the giants). They weren't called giants only because of their monstrous size, as most people think (although they did exceed the usual height of men today), but also because they took their name from the land where they were born. The term Gigantes means the sons of the earth: the Aborigines, or (as Caesar calls them) Indigenae; that is, born and raised from the earth where they lived.

Thus some thinke, but verelie although that their opinion is not to be allowed in any condition, which maintaine that there should be any Against the opinion of the Aborigines. Aborigines, or other kind of men than those of Adams line; yet that there haue beene men of far greater stature than are now to be found, is sufficientlie prooued by the huge bones of those that haue beene found in our time, or lately before: whereof here to make further relation it shall not need, sith in the description of Britaine ye shall find it sufficientlie declared.

Thus some believe, but truly, even though their opinion should not be accepted under any circumstances, claiming that there should be any In opposition to the views of the Aboriginal people. Aborigines or any other kind of people than those of Adam's lineage; it is well established that there have been people of much greater height than those we see today, as evidenced by the large bones that have been discovered in our time or just before. There is no need to elaborate further here, as you will find it adequately explained in the description of Britain.

Bale.
Bergion brother to Albion.
Hercules Lybicus.
But now to our purpose. As Albion held Britaine in subiection, so his brother Bergion kept Ireland and the Orkenies vnder his rule and dominion, and hearing that their coosine Hercules Lybicus hauing finished his conquests in Spaine, meant to passe through Gallia into Italie, against their brother Lestrigo that oppressed Italie, vnder subiection of him & other of his brethren the sons also of Neptune; as well Albion as Bergion assembling their powers togither, passed ouer into Gallia, to stoppe the passage of Hercules, whose intention was to vanquish and destroie those tyrants the sonnes of Neptune, & their complices that kept diuers countries and regions vnder the painefull yoke of their heauie thraldome.

Bale.
Bergion, brother of Albion.
Hercules of Libya.
Now, back to our topic. While Albion ruled over Britain, his brother Bergion governed Ireland and the Orkney Islands. Upon hearing that their cousin Hercules Lybicus had completed his conquests in Spain and was planning to pass through Gaul into Italy to confront their brother Lestrigo, who was oppressing Italy along with other brothers, the sons of Neptune, both Albion and Bergion gathered their forces and crossed into Gaul to block Hercules’s path. Hercules aimed to defeat and eliminate those tyrants, the sons of Neptune, and their allies, who were keeping various countries and regions under the painful burden of heavy bondage.

The cause why Hercules pursued his cousins. The cause that moued Hercules thus to pursue vpon those tyrants now[Page 433] reigning thus in the world, was, for that not long before, the greatest part of them had conspired togither and slaine his father Osiris, notwithstanding that they were nephues to the same Osiris, as sonnes to his brother Neptune, and not contented with his slaughter, they diuided his carcase also amongst them, so that each of them got a peece in token of reioising at their murtherous atchiued enterprise.

The reason Hercules pursued his cousins. Hercules was driven to pursue those tyrants now[Page 433] ruling the world because, not long before, most of them had conspired together and killed his father Osiris. Even though they were all nephews of Osiris, being the sons of his brother Neptune, they weren't satisfied with just the murder; they also chopped up his body and divided it among themselves, each taking a piece as a way to celebrate their murderous accomplishment.

For this cause Hercules (whome Moses calleth Laabin) proclamed warres against them all in reuenge of his fathers death: and first he killed Triphon and Busiris in Aegypt, then Anteus in Mauritania, & the Gerions in Spaine, which enterprise atchiued, he led his armie towardes Italie, and by the way passed through a part of Gallia, where Albion and Pomp. Mela. Bergion hauing vnited their powers togither, were readie to receiue him with battell: and so néere to the mouth of the riuer called Rhosne, in Latine Rhodanus, they met & fought. At the first there was a right terrible and cruell conflict betwixt them. And albeit that Hercules had the greatest number of men, yet was it verie doubtfull a great while, to whether part the glorie of that daies worke would bend. Whereupon when the victorie began outright to turne vnto Albion, and to his brother Bergion, Hercules perceiuing the danger and likelihood of vtter losse of that battell, speciallie for that his men had wasted their weapons, he caused those that stood still and were not otherwise occupied, to stoope downe, and to gather vp stones, whereof in that place there was great plentie, which by his commandement they bestowed Hercules discomfiteth his enimies.
Albion is slaine.
so fréelie vpon their enimies, that in the end hée obteined the victorie, and did not only put his adversaries to flight, but also slue Albion there in the field, togither with his brother Bergion, and the most part of all their whole armie. This was the end of Albion, and his brother Bergion, by the valiant prowesse of Hercules, who as one appointed by Gods prouidence to subdue the cruell & vnmercifull tyrants, spent his time to the benefit of mankind, deliuering the oppressed from the heauie yoke of miserable thraldome, in euerie place where he came.

For this reason, Hercules (whom Moses calls Laabin) declared war on all of them in revenge for his father's death. First, he killed Triphon and Busiris in Egypt, then Anteus in Mauritania, and the Geryons in Spain. After achieving these feats, he led his army toward Italy, passing through a part of Gaul, where Albion and Bergion had joined forces and were ready to face him in battle. Near the mouth of the river called Rhone, in Latin Rhodanus, they encountered each other and fought. At first, there was a very fierce and brutal conflict between them. Although Hercules had a larger number of men, it was uncertain for a long time which side would claim the glory of that day's battle. As victory began to turn in favor of Albion and his brother Bergion, Hercules, aware of the imminent danger and the likely loss of the battle—especially since his men had exhausted their weapons—ordered those who were standing idle to crouch down and gather stones, of which there was plenty in that place. By his command, they freely hurled them at their enemies, which ultimately secured the victory for him. He not only routed his opponents but also killed Albion on the battlefield, along with his brother Bergion and most of their entire army. This marked the end of Albion and his brother Bergion by the brave prowess of Hercules, who, as appointed by divine providence to conquer cruel and merciless tyrants, dedicated his efforts to the benefit of humanity, freeing the oppressed from the heavy yoke of miserable bondage wherever he went.

The occasion of the fable of Jupiter helping his son Hercules. And by the order of this battell wée maye learne whereof the poets had their inuention, when they faine in their writings, that Jupiter holpe his sonne Hercules, by throwing downe stones from heauen in this battell against Albion and Bergion. Moreouer, from henceforth was this How this Ile was called Albion, of the giant Albion.
Iohn Bale.
Ile of Britaine called Albion (as before we haue said) after the name of the said Albion: because he was established chiefe ruler and king thereof both by his grandfather Osiris and his father Neptune that cunning sailour reigning therein (as Bale saith) by the space of 44. yeares, till finally he was slaine in maner afore remembred by his vncle Hercules Libicus.

The story of Jupiter helping his son Hercules. And from this battle, we can understand where poets got their inspiration when they tell stories about Jupiter helping his son Hercules by throwing down stones from heaven during the fight against Albion and Bergion. Additionally, from this point on, this This island was called Albion, named after the giant Albion.
Iohn Bale.
island of Britain was called Albion (as we mentioned earlier) after the giant Albion, who was established as the chief ruler and king there by both his grandfather Osiris and his father Neptune, that skilled sailor who ruled for 44 years until he was eventually killed, as previously mentioned, by his uncle Hercules Libicus.

After that Hercules had thus vanquished and destroied his enimies, hée passed to and fro thorough Gallia, suppressing the tyrants in euerie part where he came, and restoring the people vnto a reasonable kinde of libertie, vnder lawfull gouernours. This Hercules (as we find) builded the citie Alexia in Burgongne, nowe called Alize. Moreouer, by Lilius Giraldus in the life of Hercules it is auouched, that the same Hercules came ouer hither into Britaine. And this dooth Giraldus write by warrant of such Britons as (saith he) haue so written themselues, which thing peraduenture he hath read in Gildas the ancient Briton poet: a booke that (as he confesseth in the 5. dialog of his histories of poets) he hath séene. The same thing also is confirmed by the name of an head of land in Britaine called Promontorium Herculis, as in Ptolomie ye may read, which is thought to take name of his arriuall at that place. Thus much for Albion and Hercules.

After Hercules defeated and destroyed his enemies, he traveled throughout Gaul, putting down tyrants everywhere he went and restoring the people to a reasonable level of freedom under lawful governors. This Hercules, as we know, built the city of Alexia in Burgundy, now known as Alize. Furthermore, Lilius Giraldus claims in the life of Hercules that the same Hercules came over to Britain. Giraldus writes this based on accounts from certain Britons who, he says, have written it themselves—something he may have read in Gildas, the ancient British poet, in a book he admits to having seen in the 5th dialogue of his histories of poets. The same is also supported by the name of a headland in Britain called Promontorium Herculis, as you can read in Ptolemy, which is thought to be named after his arrival at that location. This is all we have about Albion and Hercules.

Diuers opinions why this Ile was called Albion. Sée more hereof in the discription. But now, whereas it is not denied of anie, that this Ile was called ancientlie by the name of Albion: yet there be diuers opinions how it came by that name: for manie doo not allow of this historie of Albion the giant. But for so much as it apperteineth rather to the description than to the historie of this Ile, to rip vp and lay foorth the secret mysteries of such matters: and because I thinke that this opinion which is here auouched, how it tooke that name of the forsaid Albion, sonne to Neptune, may be confirmed with as good authoritie as some of the other, I here passe ouer the rest, & procéed with the historie.

There are different opinions on why this island was named Albion. Check out more about this in the description. But now, while no one denies that this island was once called Albion, there are several opinions on how it got that name. Many people do not accept the story of Albion the giant. However, since this topic relates more to the description rather than the history of this island, I won’t delve into the intricate details of such matters. And because I believe that the view presented here—about its name coming from the aforementioned Albion, son of Neptune—can be supported with as much authority as some of the others, I will skip over the rest and continue with the history.

When Albion chiefe capteine of the giants was slaine, the residue that[Page 434] remained at home in the Ile, continued without any rule or restraint of law, in so much that they fell to such a dissolute order of life, that they séemed little or nothing to differ from brute beasts: and those are they which our ancient chronicles call the giants, who were so named, as well for the huge proportion of their stature (sithens as before is said, that age brought foorth far greater men than are now liuing) as also for that they were the first, or at the least the furthest in remembrance of any that had inhabited this countrie. For this word Gigines, or Gegines, from whence our word giant (as some take it) is deriued, is a Gréeke word, and signifieth, Borne or bred of or in the earth, for our fore-elders, specially the Gentiles, being ignorant of the true beginning of mankind, were persuaded, that the first inhabitants of any countrie were bred out of the earth, and therefore when they could go no higher, reckoning the descents of Terrae filius what it signifieth. their predecessours, they would name him Terrae filius, The sonne of the earth: and so the giants whom the poets faine to haue sought to make battell against heauen, are called the sonnes of the earth: and the first inhabitants generally of euery countrie were of the Gréekes Aborigines.
Indigenae.
called Gigines, or Gegines, and of the Latines Aborigines, and Indigenae, that is, People borne of the earth from the beginning, and comming from no other countrie, but bred within the same.

When Albion, the chief captain of the giants, was killed, the others who stayed behind on the Isle lived without any rules or laws. They fell into such a reckless way of life that they seemed hardly any different from animals. These are the giants referred to in our ancient records, named not only for their enormous size (since, as mentioned before, that era produced much larger individuals than those alive today) but also because they were either the first inhabitants or at least the most memorable ones in the history of this land. The word Gigines, or Gegines, from which we get the word giant (as some believe), is of Greek origin, meaning born or bred from the earth. Our ancestors, especially the pagans, were unaware of the true origin of humanity and believed that the first inhabitants of any region emerged from the earth. Thus, when they couldn't trace their ancestry further back, they referred to him as Terrae filius, the son of the earth. Consequently, the giants, whom poets imagined battling against heaven, are called the sons of the earth. The first inhabitants of every country were generally referred to as Gigines, or Gegines by the Greeks, and Aborigines and Indigenae by the Latins, meaning people born of the earth from the beginning and coming from no other place, but raised within it.

These giants and first inhabitants of this Ile continued in their beastlie kind of life vnto the arriuall of the ladies, which some of our chronicles ignorantly write to be the daughters of Dioclesian the king of Assyria, whereas in déed they haue béene deceiued, in taking The mistaking of the name of Dioclesianus for Danaus. the word Danaus to be short written for Dioclesianus: and by the same meanes haue diuers words and names béene mistaken, both in our chronicles, and in diuers other ancient written woorks. But this is a fault that learned men should not so much trouble themselues about, considering the same hath bin alreadie found by sundrie authors ling Hugh the Italian.
Harding.
Iohn Rous out of Dauid Pencair.
sithens, as Hugh the Italian, Iohn Harding, Iohn Rouse of Warwike, and others, speciallie by the helpe of Dauid Pencair a British historie, who recite the historie vnder the name of Danaus and his daughters. And because we would not any man to thinke, that the historie of these daughters of Danaus is onelie of purpose deuised, and brought in place of Dioclesianus, to excuse the imperfection of our writers, whereas there was either no such historie (or at the least no such women that Nennius. arriued in this Ile) the authoritie of Nennius a Briton writer may be auouched, who wrote aboue 900. yeares past, and maketh mention of the arriuall of such ladies.

These giants and the first inhabitants of this island continued their savage way of life until the arrival of the ladies. Some of our chronicles mistakenly claim they were the daughters of Dioclesian, the king of Assyria, but they have been misled by interpreting the name Danaus as a shortened version of Dioclesianus. This confusion has affected various words and names in our chronicles and in several other ancient writings. However, this is an issue that scholars shouldn't worry too much about, since it has already been identified by several authors, including Hugh the Italian, John Harding, John Rous of Warwick, and others, particularly with the help of David Pencair, a British historian, who tells the story under the name of Danaus and his daughters. We also want to clarify that we don't want anyone to think that the story of these daughters of Danaus was merely created to replace Dioclesianus as an excuse for the shortcomings of our writers, especially since there either wasn't such a story (or at least no such women who arrived in this island). The authority of Nennius, a British writer who wrote over 900 years ago, supports the mention of the arrival of such ladies.

Belus priscus.
Dictionarium poeticum.
To be short, the historie is thus. Belus the sonne of Epaphus, or (as some writers haue) of Neptune and Libies (whome Isis after the death of Apis maried) had issue two sonnes: the first Danaus, called also Armeus; and Aegyptus called also Rameses: these two were kings among the Aegyptians, Danaus the elder of the two, hauing in his rule the Danaus.
Aegyptus.
Higinus.
vpper region of Aegypt, had by sundrie wiues 50. daughters, with whome his brother Aegyptus, gaping for the dominion of the whole, did instantlie labour, that his sonnes being also 50. in number, might match. But Danaus hauing knowledge by some prophesie or oracle, that a sonne in law of his should be his death, refused so to bestow his daughters. Hereupon grew warre betwixt the brethren, in the end whereof, Danaus being the weaker, was inforced to flée his countrie, and so prepared a nauie, imbarked himselfe and his daughters, and with them passed ouer into Gréece, where he found meanes to dispossesse Gelenor (sonne to Stenelas king of Argos) of his rightfull inheritance, driuing him out of his countrie, and reigned in his place by the assistance of the Argiues that had conceiued an hatred towardes Gelenor, and a great liking towardes Danaus, who in verie deed did so farre excell the kings that had reigned there before him, that the Gréekes in remembrance of him were after called Danai.

Belus the ancient.
Poetic Dictionary.
In short, here's the story. Belus, the son of Epaphus, or as some writers say, of Neptune and Libies (whom Isis married after the death of Apis), had two sons: the first was Danaus, also known as Armeus, and the second was Aegyptus, also known as Rameses. These two were kings among the Egyptians, with Danaus being the elder and ruling the upper region of Egypt. He had 50 daughters from various wives, and his brother Aegyptus, eager for total control, pushed for his sons, who also numbered 50, to marry Danaus's daughters. However, Danaus, having learned through prophecy or an oracle that one of his sons-in-law would lead to his death, refused to let his daughters marry. This led to a war between the brothers, and in the end, Danaus, being the weaker, was forced to flee his country. He prepared a fleet, took his daughters on board, and sailed to Greece, where he managed to take over the rightful inheritance of Gelenor, the son of Stenelas, king of Argos, driving him out of his land. With the help of the Argives, who had developed a hatred for Gelenor and a strong liking for Danaus, he reigned in his place. In fact, Danaus excelled so much compared to the kings who had ruled before him that the Greeks later referred to themselves as Danai in his memory.

But his brother Aegyptus, taking great disdaine for that he and his sonnes were in such sort despised of Danaus, sent his sonnes with a great armie to make warre against their vncle, giuing them in charge not to returne, till they had either slaine Danaus, or obtained his daughters in mariage. The yoong gentlemen according to their fathers commandement, being arriued in Greece, made such warre against Danaus, that in the end he was constrained to giue vnto those his 50. nephues[Page 435] his 50. daughters, to ioine with them in mariage, and so they were. But as the prouerbe saith, "In trust appeared treacherie." For on the first night of the mariage, Danaus deliuered to ech of his daughters a sword, charging them that when their husbands after their bankets and pastimes were once brought into a sound sléepe, ech of them should slea hir husband, menacing them with death vnlesse they fulfilled his commandement. They all therefore obeied the will of their father, Hypermnestra onely excepted, with whom preuailed more the loue of kinred and wedlocke, than the feare of hir fathers displeasure: for shee alone spared the life of hir husband Lynceus, waking him out of his sléepe, and warning him to depart and flee into Aegypt to his father. He therefore hauing all the wicked practises reuealed to him by his wife, followed hir aduice, and so escaped.

But his brother Aegyptus, feeling very angry that he and his sons were treated so poorly by Danaus, sent his sons with a large army to wage war against their uncle, instructing them not to return until they had either killed Danaus or married his daughters. The young men, following their father's orders, arrived in Greece and fought against Danaus so fiercely that eventually he was forced to give his 50 daughters to their 50 nephews in marriage. However, as the saying goes, "Betrayal hides in trust." On the first night of the wedding, Danaus gave each of his daughters a sword, instructing them that when their husbands fell into a deep sleep after the celebrations, each of them should kill her husband, threatening them with death if they did not obey. All of them complied with their father's wishes, except for Hypermnestra, who was overcome by her love for her kin and husband more than the fear of her father's anger. She alone spared her husband Lynceus, waking him from his sleep and warning him to escape to Egypt to his father. After learning of all the evil plans from his wife, he followed her advice and managed to escape.

Pausanias. Now when Danaus perceiued how all his daughters had accomplished his commandement, sauing onelie Hypermnestra, he caused hir to be brought forth into iudgement, for disobeieng him in a matter wherein both the safetie and losse of his life rested: but she was acquitted by the Argiues, & discharged. Howbeit hir father kept hir in prison, and séeking to find out other husbands for his other daughters that had obeied his pleasure in sleaing their first husbands, long it was yer he could find any to match with them: for the heinous offense committed in the slaughter of their late husbands, was yet too fresh in memorie, and their bloud not wiped out of mind. Neuerthelesse, to bring his purpose the better to passe, he made proclamation, that his daughters should demand no ioinctures, and euerie suter should take his choise without respect to the age of the ladie, or abilitie of him that came to make his choise, but so as first come best serued, according to their owne phantasies and likings. Howbeit when this policie also failed, & would not serue his turne, he deuised a game of running, ordeining therewith, that whosoeuer got the best price should haue the first choise among all the sisters; and he that got the second, should choose next to the first; and so foorth, ech one after an other, according to the triall of their swiftnesse of foote.

Pausanias. When Danaus saw that all his daughters had followed his orders, except for Hypermnestra, he had her brought forth for judgment because she disobeyed him in a matter that could have cost him his life. However, the Argives acquitted her and set her free. Despite this, her father kept her imprisoned and tried to find new husbands for his other daughters who had complied with his wishes by killing their first husbands. It took a long time before he could find anyone willing to marry them because the brutal act of killing their former husbands was still too fresh in everyone's mind. To better achieve his goal, he announced that his daughters would not ask for dowries and that each suitor could choose without considering the age of the lady or the suitor's status; the first to arrive would get to pick first based on their own preferences. However, when this strategy failed as well and didn’t work out for him, he devised a race, stating that whoever won would have the first choice among all the sisters; the person who came in second would choose next, and so on, each selecting in order based on their speed.

How much this practise auailed, I know not: but certeine it is, diuers of them were bestowed, either by this or some other meanes, for we find that Autonomes was maried to Architeles, Chrysanta or (as Pausanias saith) Scea was matched with Archandrus, Amaome with Neptunus Equestris, on whome he begat Nauplius.

How effective this practice was, I can’t say: but it’s certain that several of them were given away, either by this or other means, as we see that Autonomes was married to Architeles, Chrysanta or (as Pausanias says) Scea was paired with Archandrus, and Amaome with Neptunus Equestris, with whom he fathered Nauplius.

Higinus. But now to returne vnto Lynceus, whome his wife Hypermnestra preserued, as before ye haue heard. After he was once got out of the reach and danger of his father in law king Danaus, he gaue knowledge thereof to Pausanias. his wife, in raising a fire on heigth beaconwise, accordingly as she had requested him to doo at his departure from hir: and this was at a place which afterwards tooke name of him, and was called Lyncea. Upon his returne into Aegypt, he gaue his father to vnderstand the whole circumstance of the trecherous crueltie vsed by his vncle and his daughters in the murder of his brethren, and how hardly he himselfe had escaped death out of his vncles handes. Wherevpon at time conuenient he was furnished foorth with men and ships by his father, for the spéedie reuenge of that heinous, vnnaturall and most disloiall murder, in which enterprise he sped him foorth with such diligence, that in short time he found meanes to dispatch his vncle Danaus, set his wife Hypermnestra at libertie, and subdued the whole kingdome of the Argiues.

Higinus. Now, let's go back to Lynceus, whom his wife Hypermnestra saved, as you've heard before. Once he was out of the reach and danger of his father-in-law, King Danaus, he let his wife know by lighting a high beacon fire, just as she had asked him to do before he left her. This place later became known as Lyncea. Upon returning to Egypt, he informed his father about the treacherous cruelty of his uncle and his daughters in the murder of his brothers, and how narrowly he had escaped death at the hands of his uncle. As a result, when the time was right, his father supplied him with men and ships for the swift revenge of that heinous, unnatural, and most disloyal murder. Lynceus acted with such urgency that, in a short time, he managed to eliminate his uncle Danaus, free his wife Hypermnestra, and conquer the entire kingdom of the Argives.

This done, he caused the daughters of Danaus (so many as remained within the limits of his dominion) to be sent for, whome he thought not worthie to liue, bicause of the cruell murther which they had committed on his brethren: but yet for that they were his wiues sisters, he would not put them to death, but commanded them to be thrust into a ship, without maister, mate or mariner, and so to be turned into the maine ocean sea, and to take and abide such fortune as should chance vnto Harding and Iohn Rouse out of David Pencair. them. These ladies thus imbarked and left to the mercy of the seas, by hap were brought to the coasts of this Ile then called Albion, where they tooke land, and in séeking to prouide themselues of victuals by pursute of wilde beasts, met with no other inhabitants, than the rude and sauage giants mentioned before, whome our historiens for their[Page 436] beastlie kind of life doo call diuells. With these monsters did these ladies (finding none other to satisfie the motions of their sensuall lust) ioine in the act of venerie, and ingendred a race of people in proportion nothing differing from their fathers that begat them, nor in conditions from their mothers that bare them.

Once this was done, he summoned the daughters of Danaus (as many as were still under his rule), whom he believed were unworthy to live because of the brutal murder they committed against his brothers. However, since they were the sisters of his wife, he refused to kill them. Instead, he ordered them to be put on a ship without a captain, crew, or sailor, and to be cast into the main ocean, left to whatever fate might come their way. These ladies, thus set adrift and at the mercy of the seas, eventually found themselves on the shores of a land then called Albion. Upon landing and trying to find food by hunting wild animals, they encountered no other inhabitants but the wild and savage giants mentioned earlier, whom our historians, due to their beastly lifestyle, refer to as devils. These ladies, finding no one else to satisfy their sensual desires, consorted with these monsters and bore a lineage that was in no way different from their fathers or in character from their mothers.

But now peraduenture ye wil thinke that I haue forgotten my selfe, in rehearsing this historie of the ladies arriuall here, bicause I make no mention of Albina, which should be the eldest of the sisters, of whome this land should also take the name of Albion. To this we answer, that as the name of their father hath bene mistaken, so likewise hath the whole course of the historie in this behalfe. For though we shall admit that to be true which is rehearsed (in maner as before ye haue heard) of the arriuall here of those ladies; yet certeine it is that none of them bare the name of Albina, from whome this land might be called Albion. For further assurance whereof, if any man be desirous to know Higinus. The names of the daughters of Danaus. all their names, we haue thought good here to rehearse them as they be found in Higinus, Pausanias, and others. 1 Idea, 2 Philomela, 3 Scillo, 4 Phicomene, 5 Euippe, 6 Demoditas, 7 Hyale, 8 Trite, 9 Damone, 10 Hippothoe, 11 Mirmidone, 12 Euridice, 13 Chleo, 14 Vrania, 15 Cleopatra, 16 Phylea, 17 Hypareta, 18 Chrysothemis, 19 Heranta, 20 Armoaste, 21 Danaes, 22 Scea, 23 Glaucippe, 24 Demophile, 25 Autodice, 26 Polyxena, 27 Hecate, 28 Achamantis, 29 Arsalte, 30 Monuste, 31 Amimone, 32 Helice, 33 Amaome, 34 Polybe, 35 Helicte, 36 Electra, 37 Eubule, 38 Daphildice, 39 Hero, 40 Europomene, 41 Critomedia, 42 Pyrene, 43 Eupheno, 44 Themistagora, 45 Paleno, 46 Erato, 47 Autonomes, 48 Itea, 49 Chrysanta, 50 Hypermnestra. These were the names of those ladies the daughters of Danaus: howbeit, which they were that should arriue in this Ile, we can not say: but it sufficeth to vnderstand, that none of them hight Albina. So that, whether the historie of their landing here should be true or not, it is all one for the matter See more in the description. concerning the name of this Ile, which vndoubtedlie was called Albion, either of Albion the giant (as before I haue said) or by some other occasion.

But now you might think that I’ve lost track of things by talking about the arrival of the ladies here without mentioning Albina, who is supposed to be the oldest sister and after whom this land should be named Albion. To this, we respond that just as the name of their father has been misunderstood, so has the entire story regarding this matter. Though we will accept as true what has been told (as you have heard before) about the arrival of those ladies, it is certain that none of them were named Albina, from whom this land might be called Albion. To further clarify, if anyone wants to know all their names, we thought it would be good to list them here as found in Higinus, Pausanias, and others. 1 Idea, 2 Philomela, 3 Scillo, 4 Phicomene, 5 Euippe, 6 Demoditas, 7 Hyale, 8 Trite, 9 Damone, 10 Hippothoe, 11 Mirmidone, 12 Euridice, 13 Chleo, 14 Vrania, 15 Cleopatra, 16 Phylea, 17 Hypareta, 18 Chrysothemis, 19 Heranta, 20 Armoaste, 21 Danaes, 22 Scea, 23 Glaucippe, 24 Demophile, 25 Autodice, 26 Polyxena, 27 Hecate, 28 Achamantis, 29 Arsalte, 30 Monuste, 31 Amimone, 32 Helice, 33 Amaome, 34 Polybe, 35 Helicte, 36 Electra, 37 Eubule, 38 Daphildice, 39 Hero, 40 Europomene, 41 Critomedia, 42 Pyrene, 43 Eupheno, 44 Themistagora, 45 Paleno, 46 Erato, 47 Autonomes, 48 Itea, 49 Chrysanta, 50 Hypermnestra. These were the names of those ladies, the daughters of Danaus; however, we cannot say which ones arrived on this Isle, but it’s enough to know that none of them were named Albina. So, whether the story of their landing here is true or not, it doesn't change the fact regarding the name of this Isle, which was undoubtedly called Albion, either after Albion the giant (as I’ve mentioned before) or for some other reason.

And thus much for the ladies, whose strange aduenture of their arriuall here, as it may séeme to manie & (with good cause) incredible, so without further auouching it for truth I leaue it to the consideration of the reader, to thinke thereof as reason shall moue him sith I sée not how either in this, or in other things of such antiquitie, we cannot haue sufficient warrant otherwise than by likelie coniectures. Which as in this historie of the ladies they are not most probable, yet haue we shewed the likeliest, that (as we thinke) may be déemed to agrée with those authors that haue written of their comming into this Ile. But as for an assured proofe that this Ile was inhabited with people before the comming of Brute, I trust it may suffice which before is recited out of Annius de Viterbo, Theophilus, Gildas, and other, although much more might be said: as of the comming hither of Osiris, Vlysses in Britaine. as well as in the other parties of the world: and likewise of Vlysses his being here, who in performing some vow which he either then did make, or before had made, erected an altar in that part of Scotland Iulius Solinus. which was ancientlie called Calidonia, as Iulius Solinus Polyhistor in plaine words dooth record.

And that's enough about the ladies, whose unusual arrival here seems unbelievable to many (and understandably so). Without further claiming it as the truth, I leave it to the reader's judgment to think about it as reason leads them, since I don’t see how we can have enough proof on this or other ancient matters, except through likely guesses. While these guesses regarding the ladies' story might not be the most convincing, we have presented the most plausible ones that we think align with what authors have written about their arrival on this island. However, as for reliable evidence that this island was inhabited before Brute's arrival, I believe the references from Annius of Viterbo, Theophilus, Gildas, and others I've mentioned earlier should be enough, although much more could be said. This includes the arrival of Osiris and Ulysses in Britain, as well as Ulysses being here, who, while fulfilling a vow he had made—either then or earlier—built an altar in that part of Scotland that was once called Calidonia, as clearly recorded by Julius Solinus Polyhistor.

¶ Vpon these considerations I haue no doubt to deliuer vnto the reader, the opinion of those that thinke this land to haue bene inhabited before the arriuall here of Brute, trusting it may be taken in good part, sith we haue but shewed the coniectures of others, till time that some sufficient learned man shall take vpon him to decipher the doubts of all these matters. Neuerthelesse, I thinke good to aduertise the reader that these stories of Samothes, Magus, Sarron, Druis, and Bardus, doo relie onelie vpon the authoritie of Berosus, whom most diligent antiquaries doo reiect as a fabulous and counterfet author, and Vacerius hath laboured to prooue the same by a speciall treatise latelie published at Rome.

¶ Given these considerations, I have no doubt in sharing with the reader the views of those who believe this land was inhabited before Brute's arrival. I trust it will be taken in good faith, as we are merely presenting the conjectures of others until a qualified scholar takes on the task of clarifying all these matters. Nevertheless, I think it's important to inform the reader that the stories of Samothes, Magus, Sarron, Druis, and Bardus rely solely on the authority of Berosus, who is dismissed by most diligent historians as a fictional and fraudulent author. Vacerius has made efforts to prove this in a specific treatise recently published in Rome.


[Page 437]

[Page 437]

THE SECOND BOOKE
OF THE
History of England.


  Page
THE FIRST CHAPTER 437
THE SECOND CHAPTER 439
THE THIRD CHAPTER 441
THE FOURTH CHAPTER. 443
THE FIFT CHAPTER. 444
THE SIXT CHAPTER. 448
THE SEUENTH CHAPTER. 449
THE EIGHT CHAPTER. 449

Of Brute and his descent, how he slue his father in hunting, his banishment, his letter to king Pandrasus, against whom he wageth battell, taketh him prisoner, and concludeth peace vpon conditions.

About Brute and his lineage, how he killed his father while hunting, his exile, his letter to King Pandrasus, against whom he fights, takes him prisoner, and makes peace on certain terms.

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

Hitherto haue we spoken of the inhabitants of this Ile before the comming of Brute, although some will néeds haue it, that he was the first which inhabited the same with his people descended of the Troians, some few giants onelie excepted whom he vtterlie destroied, and left not one of them aliue through the whole Ile. But as we shall not doubt of Brutes comming hither, so may we assuredly thinke, that he found the Ile peopled either with the generation of those which Albion the giant had placed here, or some other kind of people whom he did subdue, and so reigned as well ouer them as ouer those which he brought with him.

So far, we've talked about the inhabitants of this island before Brute arrived, even though some insist that he was the first to settle here with his people who came from the Trojans, except for a few giants whom he completely destroyed, leaving not a single one alive across the entire island. While we surely accept Brute's arrival here, we can confidently believe that he found the island already populated, either by the descendants of those giants that Albion had placed here or by some other group that he conquered, ruling over them just as much as those he brought with him.

Humfr. Lhoyd. This Brutus, or Brytus [for this letter (Y) hath of ancient time had the sounds both of V and I] (as the author of the booke which Geffrey of Monmouth translated dooth affirme) was the sonne of Siluius, the sonne of Ascanius, the sonne of Aeneas the Troian, begotten of his wife Creusa, & borne in Troie, before the citie was destroied. But as Harding.
Alex. Neuil.
W. Har.
other doo take it, the author of that booke (whatsoeuer he was) and such other as follow him, are deceiued onelie in this point, mistaking the matter, in that Posthumus the sonne of Aeneas (begotten of his wife Lauinia, and borne after his fathers deceasse in Italie) was called Ascanius, who had issue a sonne named Iulius, who (as these other doo coniecture) was the father of Brute, that noble chieftaine and aduenturous leader of those people, which being descended (for the more part in the fourth generation) from those Troians that escaped with life, when that roiall citie was destroied by the Gréekes, got possession of this woorthie and most famous Ile.

Humfr. Lhoyd. This Brutus, or Brytus [since the letter (Y) has historically represented both V and I] (as the author of the book that Geoffrey of Monmouth translated claims) was the son of Silvius, the son of Ascanius, the son of Aeneas the Trojan, born to his wife Creusa, in Troy, before the city was destroyed. However, as Harding.
Alex. Neuil.
W. Har.
others interpret it, the author of that book (whoever he was) and those who follow him are mistaken only in this regard, misinterpreting the situation since Posthumus, the son of Aeneas (born of his wife Lavinia and after his father’s death in Italy) was called Ascanius, who had a son named Julius, who (as others speculate) was the father of Brute, that noble chief and adventurous leader of those people, who descended mainly in the fourth generation from those Trojans that survived when that royal city was destroyed by the Greeks, and took possession of this worthy and most famous Isle.

To this opinion Giouan Villani a Florentine in his vniuersall historie, speaking of Aeneas and his ofspring kings in Italie, séemeth to agrée, where he saith: "Siluius (the sonne of Aeneas by his wife Lauinia) fell in loue with a néece of his mother Lauinia, and by hir had a sonne, of whom she died in trauell, and therefore was called Brutus, who after as he grew in some stature, and hunting in a forrest slue his father vnwares, and therevpon for feare of his grandfather Siluius Posthumus he fled the countrie, and with a retinue of such as followed him, passing through diuers seas, at length he arriued in the Ile of Britaine."

To support this view, Giouan Villani, a Florentine in his universal history, discussing Aeneas and his descendant kings in Italy, seems to agree when he says: "Silvius (the son of Aeneas and his wife Lavinia) fell in love with a niece of his mother Lavinia, and with her he had a son, who caused her death in childbirth, and was therefore named Brutus. As he grew up, while hunting in a forest, he accidentally killed his father. Fearful of his grandfather Silvius Posthumus, he fled the country, and, with a group of followers, sailed through various seas, eventually arriving on the Isle of Britain."

Concerning therefore our Brute, whether his father Iulius was sonne to Ascanius the sonne of Aeneas by his wife Creusa, or sonne to Posthumus called also Ascanius, and sonne to Aeneas by his wife Lauinia, we will not further stand. But this, we find, that when he came to the age of 15. yéeres, so that he was now able to ride abrode with his father into the forrests and chases, he fortuned (either by mishap, or by Gods Brute killeth his father. prouidence) to strike his father with an arrow, in shooting at a déere, of which wound he also died. His grandfather (whether the same was[Page 438] Posthumus, or his elder brother) hearing of this great misfortune that had chanced to his sonne Siluius, liued not long after, but died for verie greefe and sorow (as is supposed) which he conceiued thereof. And the young gentleman, immediatlie after he had slaine his father (in maner before alledged) was banished his countrie, and therevpon got him into Grecia, where trauelling the countrie, he lighted by chance among some of the Troian ofspring, and associating himselfe with them, grew by meanes of the linage (whereof he was descended) in proces of time into great reputation among them: chieflie by reason there were yet diuers of the Troian race, and that of great authoritie in that Pausanias. countrie. For Pyrrhus the sonne of Achilles, hauing no issue by his wife Hermione, maried Andromache, late wife vnto Hector: and by hir had thrée sonnes, Molossus, Pileus, and Pergamus, who in their time grew to be of great power in those places and countries, and their ofspring likewise: whereby Brutus or Brytus wanted no friendship. For euen at his first comming thither, diuers of the Troians that remained in seruitude, being desirous of libertie, by flocks resorted vnto him. And amongst other, Assaracus was one, whom Brute intertained, receiuing at his hands the possession of sundrie forts and places of defense, before that the king of those parties could haue vnderstanding or knowledge of any such thing. Herewith also such as were readie to make the aduenture with him, repaired to him on ech side, wherevpon he first placed garisons in those townes which had bene thus deliuered vnto him, and afterwards with Assaracus and the residue of the multitude he withdrew into the mountains néere adioining. And thus being made strong with such assistance, by consultation had with them that were of most authoritie about him, wrote vnto the king of that countrie called Pandrasus, in forme as followeth.

Regarding our Brute, we won't go further into whether his father Iulius was the son of Ascanius, the son of Aeneas and his wife Creusa, or the son of Posthumus, also called Ascanius, and son of Aeneas by his wife Lavinia. What we do find is that when he turned 15, he was old enough to ride into the forests and hunting grounds with his father. Unfortunately, either by accident or by the will of the gods, he accidentally struck his father with an arrow while hunting a deer, causing a fatal wound. His grandfather (whether that was Posthumus or his elder brother) hearing about this tragedy that befell his son Silvius, didn't live long after and is believed to have died from grief and sorrow due to it. Immediately after he killed his father, as noted earlier, the young man was banished from his country and went to Greece. While traveling through the land, he unexpectedly came across some of the Trojan descendants and teamed up with them. Thanks to his noble lineage, he gradually gained great respect among them, particularly because there were still several Trojans of significant authority in that area. For instance, Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, had no heirs with his wife Hermione, so he married Andromache, the widow of Hector. Together they had three sons: Molossus, Pileus, and Pergamus, who became powerful in those regions, as did their descendants. This meant that Brutus or Brytus had no shortage of allies. Even upon his arrival there, many Trojans still in servitude, eager for freedom, gathered around him in large numbers. Among them was Assaracus, whom Brute welcomed, gaining control of several forts and places of defense before the local king could even catch wind of it. At the same time, those willing to join him rallied around him, prompting him to first establish garrisons in the towns that had been handed over to him. Later, with Assaracus and the rest of the crowd, he retreated into the nearby mountains. Thus, becoming fortified with such support and consulting with his most authoritative advisers, he wrote to the king of that land, Pandrasus, in the following manner.

A letter of Brute to Pandrasus, as I find it set downe in Galfride Monumetensis.

A letter from Brute to Pandrasus, as I found it recorded in Geoffrey of Monmouth.

"Brute leader of the remnant of the Troian people, to Pandrasus king of the Greekes, sendeth greeting. Bicause it hath beene thought a thing vnworthie, that the people descended of the noble linage of Dardanus should be otherwise dealt with than the honour of their nobilitie dooth require: they haue withdrawne themselues within the close couert of the woods. For they haue chosen rather (after the maner of wild beasts) to liue on flesh and herbs in libertie, than furnished with all the riches in the world to continue vnder the yoke of seruile thraldome. But if this their dooing offend thy mightie highnesse, they are not to be blamed, but rather in this behalfe to be pardoned, sith euerie captiue prisoner is desirous to be restored vnto his former estate and dignitie. You therefore pitieng their case, vouchsafe to grant them their abridged libertie, and suffer them to remaine in quiet within these woods which they haue got into their possession: if not so, yet giue them licence to depart forth of this countrie into some other parts."

"Brutish, leader of the remaining Trojan people, sends greetings to Pandrasus, king of the Greeks. It has been deemed unworthy that the descendants of the noble lineage of Dardanus should be treated otherwise than their nobility deserves: they have withdrawn into the shelter of the woods. They have chosen, like wild animals, to live on meat and herbs in freedom rather than enjoy all the riches in the world while remaining under the burden of servitude. But if their actions offend your mighty highness, they should not be blamed, but rather pardoned, as every captive longs to return to their former state and dignity. Therefore, out of compassion for their situation, please grant them their limited freedom and allow them to live peacefully in these woods they have claimed as their own; if not, at least give them permission to leave this country for other lands."

Pandrasus prepareth an armie to supress the Troian ofspring. The sight of these letters, and request in them conteined, made Pandrasus at the first somewhat amazed, howbeit deliberating further of the matter, and considering their small number, he made no great account of them, but determined out of hand to suppresse them by force, before they should grow to a greater multitude. And to bring his Sparatinum. intention the better to passe, he passed by a towne called Sparatinum, & marching toward the woods where he thoght to haue found his enimies, he was suddenlie assalted by Brute, who with three thousand men came foorth of the woods, and fiercelie setting vpon his enimies, made great slaughter of them, so that they were vtterlie discomfited, & sought by flight to saue themselues in passing a riuer néere hand Peraduenture Achelous. called Akalon. Brute with his men following fast upon the aduersaries, caused them to plunge into the water at aduenture, so that manie of Antigonus, the brother of Pandrasus. them were drowned. Howbeit Antigonus the brother of Pandrasus did what he could to stay the Grecians from fléeing, and calling them backe againe did get some of them togither, placed them in order, and began a new field: but it nothing auailed, for the Troians, preasing vpon him, tooke him prisoner, slue and scattred his companie, and ceased not till[Page 439] they had rid the fields of all their aduersaries.

Pandrasus is assembling an army to eliminate the Trojans’ descendants. The sight of these letters and their request initially surprised Pandrasus. However, after thinking it over and realizing their small numbers, he didn’t take them seriously and quickly decided to crush them by force before they could grow into a larger threat. To carry out his plan, he passed through a town called Sparatinum, and while marching toward the woods where he expected to find his enemies, he was suddenly attacked by Brute, who emerged from the woods with three thousand men. They fiercely engaged Pandrasus' forces, inflicting heavy casualties, causing them to be completely defeated, and they fled in panic to cross a nearby riverMaybe Achelous. called Akalon. Brute and his men chased after the fleeing enemies, forcing many of them to plunge into the river, resulting in numerous drownings. However, Antigonus, Pandrasus' brother, did his best to stop the Greeks from fleeing. He called them back, gathered some of them together, organized them, and started a new battle. But it was of no use, as the Trojans pressed against him, captured him, killed his men, and did not stop until[Page 439] they had cleared the fields of all their adversaries.

Brute entreth into Sparatinum. This doone, Brute entering the towne, furnished it with six hundred able souldiours, and afterwards went backe to the residue of his people that were incamped in the woods, where he was receiued with vnspeakeable ioy for this prosperous atchiued enterprise. But although this euill successe at the first beginning sore troubled Pandrasus, as well for the losse of the field, as for the taking of his brother, yet was he rather kindled in desire to séeke reuenge, than otherwise discouraged. And therefore assembling his people againe togither that were scattered here and there, he came the next day before the towne of Sparatinum, where he thought to haue found Brute inclosed togither with the prisoners, and therfore he shewed his whole endeuour by hard siege and fierce assaults to force them within to yeeld.

Brute enters Sparatinum. Having done this, Brute entered the town and equipped it with six hundred capable soldiers. He then returned to the rest of his people who were camped in the woods, where he was welcomed with indescribable joy for this successful undertaking. However, even though this unfortunate outcome initially troubled Pandrasus greatly—both for the loss of the battlefield and for the capture of his brother—he felt more driven by a desire for revenge than feeling discouraged. So, gathering his scattered troops once again, he arrived the next day at the town of Sparatinum, where he expected to find Brute trapped along with the prisoners. Therefore, he exerted all his efforts through a hard siege and intense assaults to force them inside to surrender.

To conclude, so long he continued the siege, till victuals began to waxe scant within, so that there was no way but to yeeld, if present succour came not to remoue the siege: wherevpon they signified their necessitie vnto Brute, who for that he had not power sufficient to fight with the enimies in open field, he ment to giue them a camisado in the night season, and so ordered his businesse, that inforsing a prisoner (named Anacletus whome he had taken in the last battell) to serue his turne, by constreining him to take an oth (which he durst not for conscience sake breake) he found means to encounter with his enimies vpon the aduantage, that he did not onelie ouerthrowe their Pandrasus taken prisoner. whole power, but also tooke Pandrasus prisoner, whereby all the trouble was ended: and shortlie after a perfect peace concluded, vpon these conditions following.

To sum up, he kept up the siege until supplies started to run low, leaving them no choice but to surrender if help didn’t arrive soon to lift the siege. They notified Brute of their dire situation, and since he didn’t have enough power to confront the enemies in open battle, he planned to stage a surprise attack at night. He arranged his strategy by using a prisoner named Anacletus, whom he had captured in the last battle, forcing him to swear an oath (which he wouldn’t dare break for reasons of conscience). This way, Brute found a way to catch his enemies off guard, defeating their entire force and capturing Pandrasus, which resolved the conflict. Shortly after, a lasting peace was established under the following conditions.

The conditions of the agréement betwixt Brute & Pandrasus. First, that Pandrasus should giue his daughter Innogen vnto Brute in mariage, with a competent summe of gold and siluer for hir dowrie.

The terms of the agreement between Brute & Pandrasus. First, that Pandrasus should give his daughter Innogen to Brute in marriage, along with a reasonable amount of gold and silver for her dowry.

Secondlie, to furnish him and his people with a nauie of ships, and to store the same with victuals and all other necessaries.

Second, to provide him and his people with a fleet of ships, and to stock them with food and all other essentials.

Thirdlie, that Brute with his people should haue licence to depart the countrie, to séeke aduentures whither so euer it should please them to direct their course, without let, impeachment, or trouble to be offered anie waies by the Gréeks.

Thirdly, that the brute and his people should be allowed to leave the country to seek adventures wherever they wish, without any hindrance, obstruction, or trouble from the Greeks.

To all these conditions (bicause they touched not the prerogatiue of his kingdome) Pandrasus did willinglie agrée, and likewise performed.

To all these conditions (because they didn't affect his kingdom's authority), Pandrasus willingly agreed and also followed through.


Brute and his wife Innogen arriue in Leogitia, they aske counsell of an oracle where they shall inhabit, he meeteth with a remnant of Troians on the coasts neere the shooting downe of the Pyrenine hills into the sea.

Brute and his wife Innogen arrive in Leogitia, and they ask an oracle for advice on where they should live. He encounters a group of Trojans on the shores near the drop of the Pyrenees into the sea.

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

Al things being thus brought to passe according to Brutes desire, wind also and wether seruing the purpose, he with his wife Innogen and his people imbarked, and hoising vp sailes departed from the coasts of Grecia. Now after two daies and a nights sailing, they arriued at Leogitia (in some old written bookes of the British historie noted downe Lergetia) an Iland, where they consulted with an oracle. Brute himselfe knéeling before the idoll, and holding in his right hand a boll prepared for sacrifice full of wine, and the bloud of a white hinde, spake in this maner as here followeth:

All things being set in motion according to Brute's wishes, with the wind and weather also working in his favor, he, along with his wife Innogen and his people, boarded their ship, raised the sails, and departed from the shores of Greece. After two days and nights of sailing, they arrived at Leogitia (which some old British history books refer to as Lergetia), an island where they consulted an oracle. Brute himself knelt before the idol, holding in his right hand a bowl prepared for sacrifice, filled with wine and the blood of a white hind, and spoke as follows:

Diua potens nemorum, terror syluestribus apris,

Diua poderosa dos bosques, temor de los jabalíes salvajes,

Cui licet anfractus ire per æthereos,

Cui licet anfractus ire per æthereos,

Infernasq; domos, terrestria iura resolue,

Infernasq; homes, resolve earthly rights,

Et die quas terras nos habitare velis:

Et die quas terras nos habitare velis:

Dic certam sedem qua te venerabor in æuum,

Dic certam sedem qua te venerabor in ævum,

Qua tibi virgineis templa dicabo choris.

Qua tibi I'll dedicate temples to the virgin choruses.

These verses (as Ponticus Virumnius and others also doo gesse) were written by Gildas Cambrius in his booke intituled Cambreidos, and may thus be Englished:

These verses (as Ponticus Virumnius and others also think) were written by Gildas Cambrius in his book titled Cambreidos, and can be translated like this:

Thou goddesse that doost rule

You goddess who rules

the woods and forrests greene,

the green woods and forests,

And chasest foming boares

And chased forming boars

that flee thine awfull sight,

that flee your awful sight,

Thou that maist passe aloft

You who can soar above

in airie skies so sheene,

in airy skies so bright,

And walke eke vnder earth

And also walk underground

in places void of light,

in places without light,

Discouer earthlie states,

Discover earthly states,

direct our course aright,

steer us in the right direction,

And shew where we shall dwell,

And show where we will live,

according to thy will,

according to your will,

In seates of sure abode,

In seats of certain comfort,

where temples we may dight

where we may set up temples

For virgins that shall sound

For virgins that will sing

thy laud with voices shrill.

your praise with high voices.

After this praier and ceremonie done, according to the pagane rite and custome, Brute abiding his answer, fell asléepe: in which sléepe appeared to him the said goddesse vttering this answer in the verses following expressed.

After this prayer and ceremony were done, following the pagan rite and custom, Brute waited for his answer and fell asleep. In that sleep, the goddess appeared to him, delivering the answer in the verses that follow.

Brute, sub occasum solis trans Gallica regna,

Brute, under the setting sun across the Gallic kingdoms,

Insula in oceano est, vndiq; clausa mari,

Insula in oceano est, vndiq; clausa mari,

Insula in oceano est, habitata gigantibus olim,

Insula in oceano est, habitata gigantibus olim,

Nunc deserta quidèm, gentibus apta tuis:

Nunc deserta quidem, gentibus apta tuis:

Hanc pete, námq; tibi sedes erit ilia perennis,

Hanc pete, námq; tibi sedes erit ilia perennis,

Hîc fiet natis altera Troia tuis:

Hîc fiet natis altera Troia tuis:

Hîc de prole tua reges nascentur, & ipsis

Hîc de prole tua reges nascentur, & ipsis

Totius terræ subditus orbis erit.

The whole world will submit.

Brute, farre by-west beyond the Gallike

Brute, way far to the west beyond the Gallic

land is found,

land is located,

An Ile which with the ocean seas

An island that is surrounded by the ocean

inclosed is about,

enclosed is about,

Where giants dwelt sometime,

Where giants once lived,

but now is desart ground,

but now is desert ground,

Most meet where thou maist plant

Most meet where you can plant.

thy selfe with all thy rout:

thy selfe with all thy rout:

Make thitherwards with speed,

Hurry over there,

for there thou shalt find out

for there you will find out

An euerduring seat,

An everlasting seat,

and Troie shall rise anew,

and Troie will rise again,

Vnto thy race, of whom

To your race, of whom

shall kings be borne no dout,

shall kings be born no doubt,

That with their mightie power

That with their mighty power

the world shall whole subdew.

the world shall be subdued.

After he awaked out of sléepe, and had called his dreame to remembrance, he first doubted whether it were a verie dreame, or a true vision, the goddes hauing spoken to him with liuelie voice. Wherevpon calling such of his companie vnto him as he thought requisite in such a case, he declared vnto them the whole matter with the circumstances, whereat they greatlie reioising, caused mightie bonfires to be made, in the which they cast wine, milke, and other liquors, with diuers gums and spices of most sweet smell and sauour, as in the pagan religion was[Page 441] accustomed. Which obseruances and ceremonies performed and brought to end, they returned streightwaies to their ships, and as soone as the wind served, passed forward on their iournie with great ioy and gladnesse, as men put in comfort to find out the wished seats for their firme and sure habitations. From hence therefore they cast about, and Brute with his companie landed in Affrike. making westward, first arrived in Affrica, and after kéeping on their course, they passed the straits of Gibralterra, and coasting alongst the shore on the right hand, they found another companie that were likewise descended of the Troian progenie, on the coasts nere where the Pyrenine hils shoot downe to the sea, whereof the same sea by good The mistaking of those that haue copied the British historie putting Mare Tyrrhenum, for Pyrenæum reason (as some suppose) was named in those daies Mare Pyrenæum, although hitherto by fault of writers & copiers of the British historie receiued, in this place Mare Tyrrhenum, was slightlie put downe in stead of Pyrenæum.

After he woke up from sleep and remembered his dream, he first wondered whether it was just a dream or a true vision, since the gods had spoken to him with a vivid voice. Calling together some of his companions whom he thought were needed for such a situation, he shared the entire story along with the details, which made them very happy. They had huge bonfires made, where they poured wine, milk, and other liquids, along with various sweet-smelling gums and spices, as was customary in their pagan rituals. Once these observances and ceremonies were completed, they quickly returned to their ships, and as soon as the wind was right, they continued their journey with great joy and happiness, hopeful to find the desired places for their stable and secure homes. Therefore, they changed direction and Brute and his friends arrived in Africa. Heading westward, they first reached Africa, and then continued on their course, passing through the straits of Gibraltar. They traveled along the right shore and found another group that was also descended from the Trojan lineage, near the coasts where the Pyrenees mountains meet the sea. This sea was, for good reason (as some believe), called Mare Pyrenæum in those days, although due to the errors of writers and copyists of British history, it has mistakenly been recorded here as Mare Tyrrhenum instead of Pyrenæum.

The ofspring of those Troians, with whom Brute and his companie thus did méet, were a remnant of them that came away with Antenor. Their capteine hight Corineus, a man of great modestie and approoued wisedome, and thereto of incomparable strength and boldnesse.

The descendants of those Trojans, with whom Brute and his companions met, were a remnant of those who left with Antenor. Their leader was named Corineus, a man of great humility and proven wisdom, as well as unmatched strength and courage.


Brute and the said Troians with their capteine Corineus doo associat, they take landing within the dominion of king Goffarus, he raiseth an armie against Brute and his power, but is discomfited: of the citie of Tours: Brutes arrivall in this Iland with his companie.

Brute and the Trojans under their leader Corineus team up, landing in the territory of King Goffarus. He gathers an army against Brute and his forces but is defeated: of the city of Tours: Brute’s arrival in this island with his companions.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

Brute and Corineus ioin their companies together. After that Brute and the said Troians, by conference interchangeablie had, vnderstood one anothers estates, and how they were descended from one countrie and progenie, they vnited themselves togither, greatlie reioising that they were so fortunatlie met: and hoising vp their They arrive on the coasts of Gallia, now called France. sailes, directed their course forward still, till they arriued within the mouth of the riuer of Loire, which diuideth Aquitaine from Gall Celtike, where they tooke land within the dominion of a king called Goffarius, surnamed Pictus, by reason he was descended of the people Goffarius surnamed Pictus Les annales d'Aquitaine.
Agathyrsi, otherwise called Picts, of painting their bodies.
Marcellus Plinie.
Herodotus li. 4.
Agathyrsi, otherwise named Picts, bicause they used to paint their faces and bodies, insomuch that the richer a man was amongst them, the more cost he bestowed in painting himselfe; and commonlie the haire of their head was red, or (as probable writers say) of skie colour. Herodotus calleth them χρυσοθόρους bicause they did weare much gold about them. They vsed their wives in common, and bicause they are all supposed to be brethren, there is no strife nor discord among them. Of these Agathyrsi, it is recorded by the said Herodotus, that they refused to succour the Scythians against Darius, giving this reason of their refusall; bicause they would not make warre against him who had doone them no wrong. And of this people dooth the poet make mention, saieng,

Brute and Corineus combine their teams. After that, Brute and the Trojans learned about each other's situations and how they both came from the same country and lineage through mutual conversation. They came together, greatly pleased that they had met so fortuitously. Hoisting up their They arrive on the shores of Gallia, now known as France. sails, they set their course forward until they reached the mouth of the Loire River, which separates Aquitaine from Gall Celtique. There, they landed in the territory of a king named Goffarius, nicknamed Pictus, because he was descended from the Agathyrsi, also known as Picts, who were known for painting their bodies. Goffarius, known as Pictus Les annales d'Aquitaine.
Agathyrsi, also known as Picts, because they painted their faces and bodies.
Marcellus Pliny.
Herodotus vol. 4.
The Agathyrsi, known as Picts because they painted their faces and bodies, believed that the wealthier a man was, the more he would spend on his appearance. Typically, their hair was red or (as some writers suggest) sky-colored. Herodotus called them χρυσοθόρους because they wore a lot of gold. They shared their wives, and since they were all thought to be brothers, there was no conflict or discord among them. According to Herodotus, this group refused to help the Scythians against Darius, stating that they wouldn't wage war against someone who had done them no harm. The poet mentions this people, saying,

Virg. Aeneid. 4.

Virgil. Aeneid. 4.

Cretésq; Dryopésq; fremunt pictíq; Agathyrsi.

Cretans; Dryopes; they paint; Agathyrsi.

Cæsar com. li. 5. To paint their faces not for amiablenesse, but for terriblenesse, the Britons in old time vsed, and that with a kind of herbe like vnto plantine. In which respect I sée no reason why they also should not be called Picts, as well as the Agathyrsi; séeing the denomination sprang P. Mart. com. part. 2. sect. 60. of a vaine custome in them both. And here by the way, sithens we have touched this follie in two severall people, let it not séeme tedious to read this one tricke of the Indians, among whom there is great plentie of pretious stones, wherewith they adorne themselves in this maner; namelie, in certein hollow places which they make in their flesh, they inclose and riuet in precious stones, and that as well in their forheads as their chéekes, to none other purpose, than the Agathyrsi in the vse of their painting.

César com. li. 5. In ancient times, the Britons painted their faces not to be attractive, but to be frightening, using a type of herb similar to plantain. For this reason, I see no reason why they shouldn’t also be called Picts, just like the Agathyrsi, since the name comes from a similar custom in both groups. Now, since we’ve mentioned this practice in two different cultures, let’s not find it boring to look at this one custom of the Indians, who have a lot of precious stones that they use to adorn themselves. Specifically, they create hollow spaces in their skin where they embed and secure precious stones, both on their foreheads and cheeks, just like the Agathyrsi do with their face paint.

The countrie of Poictou (as some hold) where the said Goffarius reigned, tooke name of this people: & likewise a part of this our Ile of Britaine now conteined within Scotland, which in ancient time Pightland or Pictland.[Page 442] was called Pightland or Pictland, as elsewhere both in this historie of England, and also of Scotland may further appeare. But to our purpose.

The country of Poictou (as some believe) where the said Goffarius ruled, took its name from this people; and likewise a part of our Isle of Britain now contained within Scotland, which in ancient times was called Pightland or Pictland. This can be seen elsewhere in this history of England and also of Scotland. But to our point.

Goffarius sendeth vnto Brute. When Goffarius the king of Poictou was aduertised of the landing of these strangers within his countrie, he sent first certeine of his people to vnderstand what they ment by their comming a land within his dominion, without licence or leaue of him obteined. They that were thus sent, came by chance to a place where Corineus with two hundred of the companie were come from the ships into a forrest néere the sea side, to kill some veneson for their sustenance: and being rebuked with some Corineus answereth the messengers.
Imbert.
disdainfull speach of those Poictouins, he shaped them a round answer: insomuch that one of them whose name was Imbert, let driue an arrow at Corineus: but he auoiding the danger thereof, shot againe at Imbert, in Imbert is slaine by Corineus. reuenge of that iniurie offered, and claue his head in sunder. The rest of the Poictouins fled therevpon, and brought word to Goffarius what
Goffarius raiseth an armie.
had happened: who immediatlie with a mightie armie made forward to encounter with the Troians, and comming to ioine with them in battell, after a sharpe and sore conflict, in the end Brute with his armie Goffarius is discomfited. obteined a triumphant victorie, speciallie through the noble prowesse of Corineus.

Goffarius sends a message to Brute. When Goffarius, the king of Poictou, heard about the arrival of these strangers in his territory, he first sent some of his men to understand what they meant by coming ashore in his land without permission or consent. The men he sent happened to arrive at a spot where Corineus and two hundred of his crew had come ashore from the ships into a nearby forest by the sea to hunt for food. When they were confronted with some disrespectful words from the Poictouins, Corineus responded sharply. One of the Poictouins named Imbert then shot an arrow at Corineus, but Corineus dodged it and shot back at Imbert, avenging the insult by splitting his head in two. The rest of the Poictouins fled and reported back to Goffarius about what had happened. He immediately gathered a powerful army to confront the Trojans. When they met in battle, after a fierce and intense conflict, Brute and his army ultimately claimed a triumphant victory, largely thanks to the brave efforts of Corineus.

Goffarius séeketh aid against Brute. Goffarius escaping from the field, fled into the inner parts of Gallia, making sute for assistance vnto such kings as in those daies reigned in diuers prouinces of that land, who promised to aid him with all their forces, and to expell out of the coasts of Aquitaine, such strangers as without his licence were thus entred the countrie. But Brute in the Brute spoileth the countrie. meane time passed forward, and with fire and sword made hauocke in places where he came: and gathering great spoiles, fraught his ships with plentie of riches. At length he came to the place, where Turonium or Tours built by Brute. afterwards he built a citie named Turonium, that is, Tours.

Goffarius needs help against Brute. Goffarius, escaping from the battlefield, fled into the heart of Gaul, seeking assistance from the kings who ruled various provinces at that time. They promised to help him with all their forces and to drive out the strangers who had entered Aquitaine without his permission. Meanwhile, Brute moved forward, wreaking havoc wherever he went with fire and sword, and gathering large amounts of treasure to fill his ships with riches. Eventually, he arrived at the location where he later built a city named Turonium, which is now Tours.

Goffarius hauing renewed his forces, fighteth eftsoones with Brute. Here Goffarius with such Galles as were assembled to his aid, gaue battell againe vnto the Troians that were incamped to abide his comming. Where after they had fought a long time with singular manhood on both parties: the Troians in fine oppressed with multitudes of aduersaries (euen thirtie times as manie mo as the Troians) were constreined to retire into their campe, within the which the Galles kept them as besieged, lodging round about them, and purposing by famine to compell them to yéeld themselues vnto their mercie. But Corineus taking counsell with Brute, deuised to depart in the darke of the night out of the campe, to lodge himselfe with thrée thousand chosen souldiers secretlie in a wood, and there to remaine in couert till the morning that Brute should come foorth and giue a charge vpon the enimies, wherewith Corineus should breake foorth and assaile the Galles on the backes.

Goffarius, having rebuilt his forces, battles Brute once more. Here, Goffarius, along with the Gauls who had gathered to support him, launched another attack against the Trojans who were camped, waiting for his arrival. After a long battle characterized by remarkable bravery from both sides, the Trojans, overwhelmed by a sheer number of adversaries (even thirty times more than the Trojans), were forced to retreat into their camp. The Gauls surrounded them, treating them like besieged enemies, planning to force them to surrender through starvation. However, Corineus, consulting with Brute, devised a plan to sneak out of the camp under the cover of darkness with three thousand elite soldiers, hiding in a nearby forest. They would stay concealed until morning when Brute would lead a charge against the enemies, allowing Corineus to break out and attack the Gauls from behind.

This policie was put in practise, and tooke such effect as the deuisers themselues wished: for the Galles being sharplie assailed on the front by Brute and his companie, were now with the sudden comming of Corineus (who set vpon them behind on their backes) brought into such a feare, that incontinentlie they tooke them to flight, whom the Troians egerlie pursued, making no small slaughter of them as they did ouertake them. In this battell Brute lost manie of his men, and amongst other one of his nephues named Turinus, after he had shewed maruellous proofe of his manhood. Of him (as some haue written) the foresaid citie of Tours tooke the name, and was called Turonium, bicause the said Turinus was there buried.

This policy was put into practice and had the effect that the designers themselves hoped for: as the Gauls were fiercely attacked from the front by Brute and his companions, they were suddenly thrown into panic by the unexpected arrival of Corineus, who attacked them from behind. They quickly took flight, and the Trojans eagerly pursued them, slaughtering many as they caught up. In this battle, Brute lost many of his men, including one of his nephews named Turinus, who had shown remarkable bravery. Some have written that the city of Tours got its name from him, called Turonium, because Turinus was buried there.

Theuet. Andrew Theuet affirmeth the contrarie, and mainteineth that one Taurus the nephue of Haniball was the first that inclosed it about with a pale of wood (as the maner of those daies was of fensing their townes) in 3374. the yeare of the world 3374. and before the birth of our sauiour 197.

Theuet. Andrew Theuet argues the opposite and maintains that a man named Taurus, the nephew of Hannibal, was the first to surround it with a wooden fence (as was the custom of those days to protect their towns) in 3374. the year of the world 3374, and 197 years before the birth of our Savior.

But to our matter concerning Brute, who after he had obteined so famous a victorie, albeit there was good cause for him to reioise, yet it sore troubled him to consider that his numbers dailie decaied, and his enimies still increased, and grew stronger: wherevpon resting doubtfull Brute in dout what to doo. what to doo, whether to procéed against the Galles, or returne to his ships to séeke the Ile that was appointed him by oracle, at length he chose the surest and best way, as he tooke it, and as it proued. For whilest the greater part of his armie was yet left aliue, and that the victorie remained on his side, he drew to his nauie, and lading his ships with excéeding great store of riches which his people had got abroad in the countrie, he tooke the seas againe. After a few daies[Page 443]
Brute with his remnant of Troians arriue in this ile.
Anno mundi. 2850.
sailing they landed at the hauen now called Totnesse, the yeare of the world 2850, after the destruction of Troy 66, after the deliuerance of the Israelites from the captiuitie of Babylon 397, almost ended; in the 18 yeare of the reigne of Tineas king of Babylon, 13 of Melanthus king of Athens, before the building of Rome 368, which was before the 1116. (B.C.) natiuitie of our Sauior Christ 1116, almost ended, and before the reigne of Alexander the great 783.

But regarding Brute, who after achieving such a famous victory, had good reason to rejoice, he was still troubled by the thought of his dwindling numbers and the increasing strength of his enemies. Unsure what to do, whether to advance against the Gauls or return to his ships to seek the island foretold to him by the oracle, he ultimately decided on what he believed was the safest and best option, which turned out to be the case. Since the majority of his army was still alive and victory was on his side, he returned to his navy and loaded his ships with a significant amount of riches his people had gathered from the land, then took to the seas once more. After a few days, he landed at the harbor now known as Totnes, in the year 2850 of the world, after the fall of Troy 66, after the Israelites were freed from Babylonian captivity 397, nearly over; in the 18th year of the reign of Tineas, king of Babylon, 13 of Melanthus, king of Athens, before the founding of Rome 368, which was before the birth of our Savior Christ 1116, almost over, and before the reign of Alexander the Great 783.


Brute discouereth the commodities of this Iland, mightie giants withstand him, Gogmagog and Corineus wrestle together at a place beside Douer: he buildeth the citie of Trinouant now termed London, calleth this Iland by the name of Britaine, and diuideth it into three parts among his three sonnes.

Brute discovers the advantages of this island; mighty giants oppose him. Gogmagog and Corineus wrestle near Dover. He builds the city of Trinouant, now called London, names this island Britain, and divides it into three parts among his three sons.

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

When Brute had entred this land, immediatlie after his arriuall (as writers doo record) he searched the countrie from side to side, and from end to end, finding it in most places verie fertile and plentious of wood and grasse, and full of pleasant springs and faire riuers. As Brute encountered by the giants. he thus trauelled to discouer the state and commodities of the Iland, he was encountred by diuers strong and mightie giants, whome he destroied and slue, or rather subdued, with all such other people as he found in the Iland, which were more in number than by report of some authors it should appeare there were. Among these giants (as Geffrey of Monmouth writeth) there was one of passing strength and great Cornieus wrestleth with Gogmagog. estimation, named Gogmagog, whome Brute caused Corineus to wrestle at a place beside Douer, where it chanced that the giant brake a rib in the side of Corineus while they stroue to claspe, and the one to ouerthrow the other: wherewith Corineus being sore chafed and stirred to wrath, did so double his force that he got the vpper hand of the giant, and cast him downe headlong from one of the rocks there, not farre from Gogmagog is slaine. Douer, and so dispatched him: by reason whereof the place was named long after, The fall or leape of Gogmagog, but afterward it was called The fall of Douer. For this valiant déed, and other the like Cornwall giuen to Cornineus. seruices first and last atchiued, Brute gaue vnto Corineus the whole countrie of Cornwall. To be briefe, after that Brute had destroied such as stood against him, and brought such people vnder his subiection as he found in the Ile, and searched the land from the one end to the other: he was desirous to build a citie, that the same might be the seate roiall of his empire or kingdome. Wherevpon he chose a plot of ground lieng on the north side of the riuer of Thames, which by good consideration séemed to be most pleasant and conuenient for any great multitude of inhabitants, aswell for holsomnesse of aire, goodnesse of soile, plentie of woods, and commoditie of the riuer, seruing as well to bring in as to carrie out all kinds of merchandize and things necessarie for the gaine, store, and vse of them that there should inhabit.

When Brute entered this land, right after his arrival (as writers have recorded), he explored the country from side to side and from end to end, finding it mostly very fertile and abundant with wood and grass, as well as full of pleasant springs and beautiful rivers. As Brute faced by the giants. he traveled to discover the state and resources of the island, he came across several strong and mighty giants, whom he defeated or, rather, subdued, along with all the other people he found on the island, which were actually more numerous than some authors suggest. Among these giants (as Geoffrey of Monmouth wrote) was one of remarkable strength and great Cornieus wrestles with Gogmagog. renown, named Gogmagog, whom Brute had Corineus wrestle at a place near Dover. During their struggle, the giant broke a rib in Corineus's side, which made Corineus extremely angry and fueled his rage, driving him to double his strength until he gained the upper hand against the giant and threw him headlong from one of the rocks nearby, not far from Gogmagog is slain. Dover, thus dispatching him. Because of this, the place was long after known as The fall or leap of Gogmagog, but later it was called The fall of Dover. For this brave deed, and other similar services gained first and last, Brute granted Corineus the entire area of Cornwall. In short, after Brute had defeated those who opposed him and brought those he found in the island under his control, he searched the land thoroughly and wanted to build a city that would serve as the royal seat of his empire or kingdom. So, he chose a plot of land located on the north side of the River Thames, which seemed to be the most pleasant and suitable for a large population, thanks to its healthy air, quality soil, abundant woods, and the convenience of the river, which would serve to bring in and carry out all kinds of merchandise and necessities for the wealth, storage, and needs of those who would live there.

Here therefore he began to build and lay the foundation of a citie, in the tenth or (as other thinke) in the second yeare after his arriuall, which he named (saith Gal. Mon.) Troinouant, or (as Hum. Llhoyd saith) Troinewith, that is, new Troy, in remembrance of that noble citie of Troy from whence he and his people were for the greater part descended.

Here, he started building and laying the foundation of a city, either in the tenth year or, as some believe, in the second year after his arrival. He named it, according to Gal. Mon., Troinouant, or as Hum. Llhoyd says, Troinewith, which means new Troy, in honor of the famous city of Troy, from which he and most of his people were descended.

When Brutus had builded this citie, and brought the Iland fullie vnder his subiection, he by the aduise of his nobles commanded this Ile (which before hight Albion) to be called Britaine, and the inhabitants Britons after his name, for a perpetuall memorie that he was the first bringer of them into the land. In this meane while also he had by his wife. iii. sonnes, the first named Locrinus or Locrine, the second Cambris or Camber, and the third Albanactus or Albanact. Now when the time of his death drew néere, to the first he betooke the gouernment of that part of the land nowe knowne by the name of England: so that the same was long after called Loegria, or Logiers, of the said Locrinus. To the second he appointed the countrie of Wales, which of him was[Page 444] first named Cambria, diuided from Loegria by the riuer of Seuerne. To his third sonne Albanact he deliuered all the north part of the Ile, afterward called Albania, after the name of the said Albanact: which portion of the said He lieth beyond the Humber northward. Thus when Brutus had diuided the Ile of Britaine (as before is mentioned) into 3. In the daies of this our Brute Saule and Samuell gouerned Israell. parts, and had gouerned the same by the space of 15. yeares, he died in the 24 yeare after his arriuall (as Harison noteth) and was buried at Troinouant or London: although the place of his said buriall there be now be growne out of memorie.

When Brutus had built this city and fully brought the island under his control, he, with the advice of his nobles, commanded that this island (which was previously called Albion) be named Britain, and its inhabitants Britons after his name, to serve as a lasting memory that he was the first to bring them to the land. In the meantime, he had three sons with his wife: the first was named Locrinus or Locrine, the second Cambris or Camber, and the third Albanactus or Albanact. As his death approached, he assigned the first son to govern the area now known as England, which was long afterward called Loegria, or Logiers, after Locrinus. He appointed the second son to the country of Wales, which was first named Cambria, divided from Loegria by the river Severn. To his third son Albanact, he gave all the northern part of the island, later called Albania, named after Albanact; this region lies beyond the Humber to the north. Thus, when Brutus had divided the Isle of Britain (as mentioned earlier) into three parts and governed it for 15 years, he died in the 24th year after his arrival (as Harison noted) and was buried at Troinouant or London, although the exact location of his burial there has now been forgotten.


Of Locrine the eldest sonne of Brute, of Albanact his yoongest sonne, and his death: of Madan, Mempricius, Ebranke, Brute Greenesheeld, Leill, Ludhurdibras, Baldud, and Leir, the nine rulers of Britaine successiuelie after Brute.

About Locrine, the oldest son of Brute, Albanact, his youngest son, and his death: about Madan, Mempricius, Ebranke, Brute Greenesheeld, Leill, Ludhurdibras, Baldud, and Leir, the nine rulers of Britain who followed Brute in succession.

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

LOCRINE THE SECOND RULER OF BRITAIN.
Gal. Mon.
Mat. West.
Fa. out of G. de Co.
Locrinus or Locrine the first begotten sonne of Brute began to reigne ouer the countrie called Logiers, in the yeare of the world 1874, and held to his part the countrie that reached from the south sea vnto the riuer of Humber. While this Locrinus gouerned Logiers, his brother Albanact ruled in Albania, where in fine he was slaine in a battell by a king of the Hunnes or Scythians, called Humber, who inuaded that part of Britaine, and got possession thereof, till Locrinus with his brother Gal Mon.
Mat. West.
Camber, in reuenge of their other brothers death, and for the recouerie of the kingdome, gathered their powers togither, and comming against the said king of the Hunnes, by the valiancie of their people they discomfited him in battell, and chased him so egerlie, that he himselfe It should séeme that he was come over the Humber. and a great number of his men were drowned in the gulfe that then parted Loegria and Albania, which after tooke name of the said king, and was called Humber, and so continueth vnto this daie.

LOCRINE, THE SECOND RULER OF BRITAIN.
Gal. Mon.
Mat. West.
Fa. from G. de Co.
Locrinus or Locrine, the firstborn son of Brute, began to rule over the land called Logiers in the year 1874. He governed the territory that stretched from the south sea up to the River Humber. While Locrinus was in charge of Logiers, his brother Albanact ruled Albania, where he was ultimately killed in battle by a king of the Huns or Scythians named Humber, who invaded that part of Britain and took control of it. In response to their brother's death and to reclaim the kingdom, Locrinus and his brother Camber mustered their forces and confronted the Hun king. With the bravery of their people, they defeated him in battle, chasing him so fiercely that he and many of his men drowned in the gulf that once separated Loegria and Albania, which later took its name from this king and is still called Humber to this day.

Gal. Mon. Moreouer in this battell against the Hunnes were thrée yong damsels taken of excellent beautie, specially one of them, whose name was Estrild, daughter to a certeine king of Scythia. With this Estrild king Locrine fell so farre in loue, notwithstanding a former contract made betwixt him and the ladie Guendoloena, daughter to Corineus duke of Cornwall, that he meant yet with all spéed to marie the same Estrild. But being earnestlie called vpon, and in manner forced thereto by Corineus, hée changed his purpose, and married Guendoloena, kéeping neuertheles the aforesaid Estrild as paramour still after a secret sort, during the life of Corineus his father in law.

Gal. Mon. In this battle against the Huns, three young women of remarkable beauty were captured, especially one named Estrild, the daughter of a certain king of Scythia. King Locrine fell deeply in love with Estrild, despite having a prior engagement with Lady Guendoloena, the daughter of Corineus, Duke of Cornwall. He intended to marry Estrild as soon as possible. However, under pressure from Corineus, he changed his mind and married Guendoloena, while still keeping Estrild as his secret lover throughout the life of his father-in-law Corineus.

Now after that Corineus was departed this world, Locrine forsooke Guendoloena, and maried Estrild. Guendoloena therefore being cast off by hir husband, got hir into Cornewall to hir friends and kinred, and there procured them to make warre against the said Locrine hir husband, in the which warres hée was slaine, and a battell fought néere to the Mat. West. riuer of Sture, after he had reigned (as writers affirme) twentie yeares, & was buried by his father in the citie of Troinouant, leauing behind him a yoong sonne (begotten of his wife Guendoloena) named Madan, as yet vnméete to gouerne.

Now that Corineus has passed away, Locrine abandoned Guendoloena and married Estrild. Guendoloena, being cast aside by her husband, went to Cornwall to her friends and family, where she convinced them to wage war against Locrine, her husband. In that conflict, he was killed, and a battle was fought near the Mat. West. River of Sture, after he had reigned (as writers say) for twenty years. He was buried by his father in the city of Troinouant, leaving behind a young son (born to his wife Guendoloena) named Madan, who was still unfit to rule.

Shée is not numbred amongst those that reigned as rulers in this land by Mat. West. Guendoloena or Guendoline the wife of Locrinus, and daughter of Corineus duke of Cornewall, for so much as hir sonne Madan was not of yeeres sufficient to gouerne, was by common consent of the Britons made ruler of the Ile, in the yéere of the world 2894, and so hauing the administration in hir hands, she did right discreetlie vse hir selfe therein, to the comfort of all hir subiects, till hir sonne Madan came Gal. Mon. to lawfull age, and then she gaue ouer the rule and dominion to him, after she had gouerned by the space of fifteene yeares.

Shée is not considered one of those who ruled in this land according to Mat. West. Guendoloena, or Guendoline, the wife of Locrinus and daughter of Corineus, Duke of Cornwall, since her son Madan was not old enough to govern, was made ruler of the Isle by the unanimous agreement of the Britons in the year 2894 of the world. Having the administration in her hands, she conducted herself very wisely, bringing comfort to all her subjects, until her son Madan reached adulthood. After ruling for fifteen years, she then handed over the control and authority to him. Gal. Mon.

MADAN THE THIRD RULER. Madan the sonne of Locrine and Guendoline entred into the gouernement of Britaine in the 2909, of the world. There is little left in writing of his doings, sauing that he vsed great tyrannie amongst his Britons: and therefore after he had ruled this land the tearme of 40. yeares, he was deuoured of wild beastes, as he was abroad in hunting. He left[Page 445] behind him two sonnes, Mempricius and Manlius. He builded (as is reported) Madancaistre, now Dancastre, which reteineth still the later part of his name.

Madan, the Third Ruler. Madan, the son of Locrine and Guendoline, took over the rule of Britain in 2909 AD. There isn't much written about his reign, except that he was very tyrannical towards his Britons. After ruling for 40 years, he was killed by wild animals while out hunting. He left behind two sons, Mempricius and Manlius. He is said to have built Madancaistre, now known as Dancastre, which still retains part of his name.

MEMPRICIUS THE FOURTH RULER. Mempricius the eldest sonne of Madan began his reigne ouer the Britons in the yeare of the world 2949, he continued not long in peace. For his brother Manlius vpon an ambitious mind prouoked the Britons to rebell against him, so that sore and deadly warre continued long betweene Fabian.
Manlius is slaine.
them. But finallie, vnder colour of a treatie, Manlius was slaine by his brother Mempricius, so that then he liued in more tranquillitie and rest. Howbeit, being deliuered thus from trouble of warres, he fell
Gal. Mon.
Slouth engendred lecherie. into slouth, and so into vnlawfull lust of lecherie, and thereby into the hatred of his people, by forcing of their wiues and daughters: and finallie became so beastlie, that he forsooke his lawfull wife and all his concubines, and fell into the abhominable sinne of Sodomie. And thus from one vice he fell into another, till he became odious to God and man, and at length, going on hunting, was lost of his people, and Mempricius is deuoured of beastes. destroied of wild beastes, when he had reigned twentie yeares, leauing behind him a noble yoong sonne named Ebranke, begotten of his lawfull wife.

Mempricius IV Ruler. Mempricius, the eldest son of Madan, began his reign over the Britons in the year 2949 of the world; however, he didn't enjoy peace for long. His brother Manlius, driven by ambition, incited the Britons to rebel against him, leading to a prolonged and fierce war between them. Manlius is killed. Eventually, under the pretense of a treaty, Manlius was killed by his brother Mempricius, allowing him to live in greater tranquility and peace. However, freed from the troubles of war, he fell into laziness and then into unlawful desires, which caused him to be hated by his people for abusing their wives and daughters. He became so depraved that he abandoned his legal wife and all his mistresses, descending into the disgusting sin of sodomy. Thus, he moved from one vice to another, becoming repugnant to both God and man. In the end, while out hunting, he was lost to his people and killed by wild beasts after reigning for twenty years, leaving behind a noble young son named Ebranke, born of his lawful wife.

EBRANKE THE FIFT RULER.
Ebranke had 21. wiues: his thirtie daughters sent into Italie.
Bergomas lib. 6.
Ebranke the sonne of Mempricius began to rule ouer the Britons in the yeare of the world 2969. He had as writers doo of him record, one and twentie wiues, on whom he begot 20. sonnes and 30. daughters, of the which the eldest hight Guales, or Gualea. These daughters he sent to Alba Syluius, which was the eleuenth king of Italie, or the sixt king of the Latines, to the end they might be married to his noble men of the bloud of Troians, because the Sabines refused to ioine their daughters with them in marriage. Furthermore, he was the first prince of his land that euer inuaded France after Brute, and is commended as author and originall builder of many cities, both in his owne kingdome, and else where. His sonnes also vnder the conduct of Assaracus, one of their eldest brethren, returning out of Italie, after they had conducted their sisters thither, inuaded Germanie, being first molested by the people of that countrie in their rage, and by the helpe of the said Alba subdued a great part of that countrie, & there planted themselues. Our histories say, that Ebracus their father married them in their returne, and aided them in their conquests, and that he The citie of Caerbranke builded. Matth. West. builded the citie of Caerbranke, now called Yorke, about the 14, yeare of his reigne. He builded also in Albania now called Scotland, the castle of Maidens, afterward called Edenburgh of Adian one of their kings. The citie of Alclud was builded likewise by him (as some write) now decaied. After which cities thus builded, he sailed ouer into Gallia, now called France, with a great armie, and subduing the Galles as is aforesaid, he returned home with great riches and triumph. Now when he had guided the land of Britaine in noble wise by the tearme of Fortie yeares hath Math. West. and Gal. Monuine. fortie yeares, he died, and was buried at Yorke.

EBRANKE THE FIFTH RULER.
Ebranke had 21 wives, and his thirty daughters were sent to Italy.
Bergomas lib. 6.
Ebranke the son of Mempricius began to rule over the Britons in the year of the world 2969. Writers record that he had twenty-one wives, with whom he fathered 20 sons and 30 daughters, the eldest of whom was named Guales, or Gualea. He sent these daughters to Alba Sylvius, who was the eleventh king of Italy or the sixth king of the Latins, so they could marry his noblemen, who were of Trojan descent, because the Sabines refused to allow their daughters to marry them. Furthermore, he was the first prince of his land to invade France after Brute and is celebrated as the founder of many cities, both in his own kingdom and beyond. His sons, under the leadership of Assaracus, one of their eldest brothers, returned from Italy after they had escorted their sisters there, invaded Germany, initially facing resistance from the locals in their rage, and with the help of Alba, they subdued a significant part of that land and established themselves there. Our histories say that Ebracus, their father, married them off on their return and supported them in their conquests, and that heThe city of Caerbranke is built. Matth. West. built the city of Caerbranke, now called York, around the 14th year of his reign. He also constructed the castle of Maidens in Albania, now called Edinburgh, after one of their kings named Adian. The city of Alclud was also built by him (as some write), though it has since decayed. After building these cities, he sailed over to Gaul, now called France, with a large army, and after subduing the Gauls, he returned home with great wealth and triumph. After ruling the land of Britain nobly for the term ofForty years have Math. West. and Gal. Monuine. forty years, he died and was buried at York.

BRUTE GREENESHIELD THE SIXT RULER.
Iacobus Lef.
Brute Greeneshield, the sonne of Ebranke, was made gouernor of this land in the yeare of the world 3009, Asa reigning in Iuda, and Baasa in Israell. This prince bare alwaies in the field a gréene shield, whereof he tooke his surname, and of him some forraine authors affirme, that he made an attempt to bring the whole realme of France vnder his subiection, which he performed, because his father susteined some dishonor and losse in his last voiage into that countrie. Howbeit they say, that when he came into Henaud, Brinchild a prince of that quarter gaue him also a great ouerthrow, and compelled him to retire home againe into his countrie. This I borrow out of William Harison, who in his chronologie toucheth the same at large, concluding in the end, that the said passage of this prince into France is verie likelie to be true, and that he named a parcell of Armorica lieng on the south, and in manner vpon the verie loine after his owne name, and also a citie which he builded there Britaine. For (saith he) it should séeme by Strabo lib. 4. Strabo. lib. 4. that there was a noble citie of that name long before his time in the said countrie, whereof Plinie also speaketh lib. 4. cap. 7. albeit that he ascribe it vnto France after a disordered maner. More I find not of this foresaid Brute, sauing that he ruled the land a certeine time, his father yet liuing, and after his decease the tearme[Page 446] of twelue yeares, and then died, and was buried at Caerbranke now called Yorke.

BRUTE GREENESHIELD THE SIXTH RULER.
Iacobus Lef.
Brute Greeneshield, the son of Ebranke, became the governor of this land in the year 3009 A.M., with Asa ruling in Judah and Baasha in Israel. This prince always carried a green shield in battle, which is how he got his name. Some foreign authors claim that he attempted to bring all of France under his control, partly because his father suffered some dishonor and loss during his last expedition there. However, they say that when he reached Hainaut, a local prince named Brinchild defeated him significantly, forcing him to retreat back to his own country. I took this from William Harrison, who discusses it in detail in his chronology, concluding that the prince's journey into France is quite likely true, and that he named part of Armorica in the south after himself, as well as a city he built there called Britain. Because, as he states, it seems from Strabo lib. 4. Strabo's book 4 that there was a notable city of that name long before his time in that region, which Pliny also mentions in book 4, chapter 7, even though he wrongly attributes it to France. I find nothing more about this Brute, except that he ruled the land for a certain time while his father was still alive, and for twelve years after his father's death, before he died and was buried at Caerbranke, now known as York.

LEILL THE SEVENTH RULER.
Carleil builded.
Chester repaired.
Leill the sonne of Brute Greeneshield, began to reigne in the yeare of the world 3021, the same time that Asa was reigning in Iuda, and Ambri in Israell. He built the citie now called Carleil, which then after his owne name was called Caerleil, that is, Leill his citie, or the citie of Leill. He repaired also (as Henrie Bradshaw saith) the citie of Caerleon now called Chester, which (as in the same Bradshaw appeareth) was built before Brutus entrie into this land by a giant named Leon Gauer. But what authoritie he had to auouch this, it may be doubted, for Ranulfe Higden in his woorke intituled "Polychronicon," saith in plaine wordes, that it is vnknowen who was the first founder of Chester, but that it tooke the name of the soiourning there of some Romaine legions, by whome also it is not vnlike that it might be first built by P. Ostorius Scapula, who as we find, after he had subdued Caratacus king of the Ordouices that inhabited the countries now called Lancashire, Cheshire, and Salopshire, built in those parts, and among the Silures, certeine places of defense, for the better harbrough of his men of warre, and kéeping downe of such Britaines as were still readie to moue rebellion.

LEILL THE SEVENTH RULER.
Carleil constructed.
Chester renovated.
Leil, the son of Brute Greeneshield, began to reign in the year of the world 3021, at the same time that Asa was ruling in Judah and Ambri in Israel. He built the city now known as Carleil, which was originally called Caerleil, meaning Leill's city, or the city of Leill. He also repaired (as Henry Bradshaw states) the city of Caerleon, now called Chester, which (as noted in the same Bradshaw) was built before Brutus arrived in this land by a giant named Leon Gauer. However, the validity of this claim is questionable, as Ranulfe Higden in his work titled "Polychronicon" plainly states that it is unknown who the first founder of Chester was, but it took its name from the presence of some Roman legions that stayed there, and it’s likely that it may have been initially built by P. Ostorius Scapula, who, as we find, after he had defeated Caratacus, the king of the Ordovices who inhabited the areas now known as Lancashire, Cheshire, and Shropshire, built certain defensive outposts in those regions and among the Silures for the better accommodation of his soldiers and to keep down any Britons who were still ready to rebel.

But now to the purpose concerning K. Leill. We find it recorded that he was in the beginning of his reigne verie vpright, and desirous to sée iustice executed, and aboue all thinges loued peace & quietnesse; but as yeares increased with him, so his vertues began to diminish, in so much that abandoning the care for the bodie of the commonwealth, he suffered his owne bodie to welter in all vice and voluptuousnesse, and so procuring the hatred of his subiects, caused malice and discord to rise amongst them, which during his life he was neuer able to appease. But leauing them so at variance, he departed this life, & was buried at Carleil, which as ye haue heard he had builded while he liued.

But now, let's talk about K. Leill. It's recorded that at the beginning of his reign, he was very upstanding and eager to see justice served, and above all else, he loved peace and quiet. However, as the years went by, his virtues started to fade. He neglected the welfare of the state and allowed himself to indulge in all sorts of vices and pleasures, which led to the resentment of his subjects and caused strife and conflict among them—something he was never able to resolve during his life. Leaving them in discord, he passed away and was buried in Carlisle, which, as you've heard, he had built while he was alive.

LUD or LUDHURDIBRAS THE EIGHT RULER.
Kaerkin or Canterburie is builded.
Caerguent is builded.
Paladour is builded.
Lud or Ludhurdibras the sonne of Leill began to gouerne in the yeare of the world 3046. In the beginning of his reigne, hée sought to appease the debate that was raised in his fathers daies, and bring the realme to hir former quietnesse, and after that he had brought it to good end, he builded the towne of Kaerkin now called Canterburie: also the towne of Caerguent now cleped Winchester, and mount Paladour now called Shaftsburie. About the building of which towne of Shaftsburie, Aquila a prophet of the British nation wrote his prophesies, of which some fragments remaine yet to be seene, translated into the Latine by some ancient writers. When this Lud had reigned 29 yeares, he died, and left a sonne behind him named Baldud.

LUD or LUDHURDIBRAS THE EIGHT RULER.
Kaerkin or Canterbury has been established.
Caerguent has been established.
Paladour has been established.
Lud or Ludhurdibras, the son of Leill, began to rule in the year of the world 3046. At the start of his reign, he aimed to resolve the disputes that arose during his father’s time and restore the kingdom to its former peace. After successfully achieving this, he built the town of Kaerkin, now known as Canterbury; the town of Caerguent, now called Winchester; and Mount Paladour, now referred to as Shaftsbury. Regarding the building of the town of Shaftsbury, Aquila, a prophet of the British nation, wrote his prophecies, some fragments of which still exist today, translated into Latin by some ancient writers. After Lud had ruled for 29 years, he died and left a son named Baldud.

BALDUD OR BLADUD THE NINTH RULER.
Gal. Mon. The king was learned. Hot bathes.
Baldud the sonne of Ludhurdibras began to rule ouer the Britaines in the yeare of the world 3085. This man was well séene in the sciences of astronomie and nigromancie, by which (as the common report saith) he made the hot bathes in the citie of Caerbran now called Bath. But William of Malmesburie is of a contrarie opinion, affirming that Iulius Cesar made those bathes, or rather repaired them when he was here in England: which is not like to be true: for Iulius Cesar, as by good coniecture we haue to thinke, neuer came so farre within the land that way forward. But of these bathes more shall be said in the description. Now to procéed. This Baldud tooke such pleasure in artificiall practises & magike, that he taught this art throughout all his realme. And to shew his cunning in other points, vpon a presumptuous Mat. West. The prince did flie. pleasure which he had therein, he tooke vpon him to flie in the aire, but he fell vpon the temple of Apollo, which stood in the citie of Troinouant, and there was torne in péeces after he had ruled the Britaines by the space of 20 yeares.

BALDUD OR BLADUD THE NINTH RULER.
Gal. Mon. The king was well-informed. Hot baths.
Baldud the son of Ludhurdibras began to rule over the Britons in the year 3085 Anno Mundi. This man was well-versed in the sciences of astronomy and magic, which (as common reports say) he used to create the hot baths in the city of Caerbran, now known as Bath. However, William of Malmesbury disagrees, claiming that Julius Caesar established those baths or at least repaired them during his time in England, which is unlikely to be true; Julius Caesar, as we can reasonably assume, never ventured that far inland. More about these baths will be discussed in the description. Now to continue. Baldud took such pleasure in artificial practices and magic that he taught this art throughout his entire realm. To demonstrate his skill in other areas, driven by a reckless desire, he attempted to fly in the air, but he fell onto the temple of Apollo, which stood in the city of Troinouant, and there he was torn to pieces after ruling the Britons for 20 years.

LEIR THE 10. RULER.
Leicester is builded.
Mat. West. Leir the sonne of Baldud was admitted ruler ouer the Britaines, in the yeare of the world 3105, at what time Ioas reigned in Iuda. This Leir was a prince of right noble demeanor, gouerning his land and subiects in great wealth. He made the towne of Caerleir now called Leicester, which standeth vpon the riuer of Sore. It is written that he had by his[Page 447] wife three daughters without other issue, whose names were Gonorilla, Regan, and Cordeilla, which daughters he greatly loued, but specially Cordeilla the yoongest farre aboue the two elder. When this Leir Gal. Mon. therefore was come to great yeres, & began to waxe vnweldie through age, he thought to vnderstand the affections of his daughters towards him, and preferre hir whome he best loued, to the succession ouer the kingdome. Whervpon he first asked Gonorilla the eldest, how well she A triall of loue. loued him: who calling hir gods to record, protested that she "loued him more than hir owne life, which by right and reason should be most déere vnto hir. With which answer the father being well pleased, turned to the second, and demanded of hir how well she loued him: who answered (confirming hir saiengs with great othes) that she loued him more than toong could expresse, and farre aboue all other creatures of the world."

LEIR THE 10. RULER.
Leicester has been established.
Matt. West. Leir, the son of Baldud, became the ruler over the Britons in the year 3105, while Joas was reigning in Judah. This Leir was a prince of noble character, governing his land and subjects in great prosperity. He founded the town of Caerleir, now called Leicester, which is located by the River Sore. It’s said that he had three daughters with his wife, named Gonorilla, Regan, and Cordeilla—whom he loved deeply, especially Cordeilla, the youngest, more than the two older ones. As this Leir grew older and began to feel the burdens of age, he wanted to gauge his daughters’ feelings for him and decide who he loved the most to succeed him in the kingdom. He first asked Gonorilla, the eldest, how much she loved him. Calling on the gods to witness, she declared that she "loved him more than her own life, which should be the most precious to her by right and reason." Pleased with her answer, the father then turned to the second daughter and asked how well she loved him. She replied, supporting her statement with oaths, that she loved him more than words could express and far more than any other creature in the world.

Then called he his yoongest daughter Cordeilla before him, and asked of hir what account she made of him, vnto whome she made this answer as The answer of the yoongest daughter. followeth: "Knowing the great loue and fatherlie zeale that you haue alwaies borne towards me (for the which I maie not answere you otherwise than I thinke, and as my conscience leadeth me) I protest vnto you, that I haue loued you euer, and will continuallie (while I liue) loue you as my naturall father. And if you would more vnderstand of the loue that I beare you, assertaine your selfe, that so much as you haue, so much you are woorth, and so much I loue you, and no more. The two eldest daughters are maried.
The realme is promised to his two daughters.
The father being nothing content with this answer, married his two eldest daughters, the one vnto Henninus the duke of Cornewall, and the other vnto Maglanus the duke of Albania, betwixt whome he willed and ordeined that his land should be diuided after his death, and the one halfe thereof immediatlie should be assigned to them in hand: but for the third daughter Cordeilla he reserued nothing."

Then he called his youngest daughter Cordelia before him and asked her how she viewed him. She replied as follows: The youngest daughter's response. "Knowing the great love and fatherly care that you have always shown me (for which I cannot answer you in any way other than I truly feel, and as my conscience guides me), I swear to you that I have always loved you and will continue to love you as my natural father for as long as I live. And if you wish to understand more about the love I have for you, know this: you are worth only as much as you have, and I love you just that much, and no more. The two oldest daughters are married.
The kingdom is promised to his two daughters.
The father was not satisfied with this answer. He married his two eldest daughters, one to Henninus, the Duke of Cornwall, and the other to Maglanus, the Duke of Albania. He ordered that his land be divided between them after his death, and that half of it should be immediately assigned to them. However, for his third daughter Cordelia, he reserved nothing."

Neuertheles it fortuned that one of the princes of Gallia (which now is called France) whose name was Aganippus, hearing of the beautie, womanhood, and good conditions of the said Cordeilla, desired to haue hir in mariage, and sent ouer to hir father, requiring that he might haue hir to wife: to whome answer was made, that he might haue his daughter, but as for anie dower he could haue none, for all was promised and assured to hir other sisters alreadie. Aganippus notwithstanding this answer of deniall to receiue anie thing by way of dower with Cordeilla, tooke hir to wife, onlie moued thereto (I saie) for respect of hir person and amiable vertues. This Aganippus was one He gouerned the third part of Gallia as Gal. Mon. saith. of the twelue kings that ruled Gallia in those daies, as in the British historie it is recorded. But to proceed.

Nevertheless, it happened that one of the princes of Gaul (which is now called France) named Aganippus, upon hearing about the beauty, womanhood, and good qualities of the said Cordelia, wanted to marry her. He sent a message to her father, requesting her hand in marriage. The response was that he could have his daughter, but there would be no dowry, as everything had already been promised to her other sisters. Despite this denial of receiving anything as a dowry with Cordelia, Aganippus still took her as his wife, motivated solely by his admiration for her character and admirable virtues. This Aganippus was one of the twelve kings who ruled Gaul at that time, as recorded in British history. But to continue.

After that Leir was fallen into age, the two dukes that had married his two eldest daughters, thinking it long yer the gouernment of the land did come to their hands, arose against him in armour, and reft from him the gouernance of the land, vpon conditions to be continued for terme of life: by the which he was put to his portion, that is, to liue after a rate assigned to him for the maintenance of his estate, which in processe of time was diminished as well by Maglanus as by Henninus. But the greatest griefe that Leir tooke, was to see the vnkindnesse of his daughters, which seemed to thinke that all was too much which their father had, the same being neuer so little: in so much that going from the one to the other, he was brought to that miserie, that scarslie they would allow him one seruant to wait vpon him.

After that, Leir fell into old age, and the two dukes who had married his two oldest daughters, thinking it was time for them to take over the governance of the land, rose up against him in armor and took control from him. They allowed him to govern for the rest of his life under certain conditions, which meant he had to live on a set allowance for his needs. Over time, this allowance was reduced by both Maglanus and Henninus. But the greatest pain for Leir was witnessing the unkindness of his daughters, who seemed to think that their father had too much, no matter how little it actually was. In fact, as he moved from one daughter to the other, he fell into such misery that they hardly even allowed him one servant to take care of him.

In the end, such was the vnkindnesse, or (as I maie saie) the vnnaturalnesse which he found in his two daughters, notwithstanding their faire and pleasant words vttered in time past, that being constreined of necessitie, he fled the land, & sailed into Gallia, there to seeke some comfort of his yongest daughter Cordeilla, whom before time he hated. The ladie Cordeilla hearing that he was arriued in poore estate, she first sent to him priuilie a certeine summe of monie to apparell himselfe withall, and to reteine a certeine number of seruants that might attend vpon him in honorable wise, as apperteined to the estate which he had borne: and then so accompanied, she appointed him to come to the court, which he did, and was so ioifullie, honorablie, and louinglie receiued, both by his sonne in law Aganippus, and also by his daughter Cordeilla, that his hart was greatlie comforted: for he was no lesse honored, than if he had beene king of the whole countrie himselfe.

In the end, the unkindness, or (as I might say) the unnaturalness he found in his two daughters, despite their nice and pleasant words in the past, forced him to flee the country and sail to Gaul to seek some comfort from his youngest daughter Cordelia, whom he had previously hated. Lady Cordelia, upon hearing he had arrived in a poor state, secretly sent him a sum of money to buy new clothes and hire a group of servants to properly attend to him, as was fitting for his former status. With this support, she invited him to the court, where he was received joyfully, honorably, and affectionately by his son-in-law Aganippus and his daughter Cordelia, greatly comforting his heart, as he was honored just as if he had been king of the whole country himself.

Now when he had informed his sonne in law and his daughter in what sort[Page 448] he had béene vsed by his other daughters, Aganippus caused a mightie armie to be put in a readinesse, and likewise a great nauie of ships to be rigged, to passe ouer into Britaine with Leir his father in law, to sée him againe restored to his kingdome. It was accorded, that Cordeilla should also go with him to take possession of the land, the which he promised to leaue vnto hir, as the rightfull inheritour after his decesse, notwithstanding any former grant made to hir sisters or to their husbands in anie maner of wise.

Now that he had told his son-in-law and daughter how his other daughters had treated him, Aganippus prepared a powerful army and organized a large fleet of ships to cross over to Britain with Leir, his father-in-law, to help him reclaim his kingdom. It was agreed that Cordelia would also go with him to take possession of the land, which he promised to leave to her as the rightful heir after his death, despite any earlier agreements made with her sisters or their husbands.

Herevpon, when this armie and nauie of ships were readie, Leir and his daughter Cordeilla with hir husband tooke the sea, and arriuing in Britaine, fought with their enimies, and discomfited them in battell, in the which Maglanus and Henninus were slaine: and then was Leir restored to his kingdome, which he ruled after this by the space of two Matth. West. yéeres, and then died, fortie yeeres after he first began to reigne. His bodie was buried at Leicester in a vaut vnder the chanell of the riuer of Sore beneath the towne.

Once the army and fleet of ships were ready, Leir and his daughter Cordelia, along with her husband, set sail. They arrived in Britain and fought against their enemies, defeating them in battle, during which Maglanus and Henninus were killed. Afterward, Leir was restored to his kingdom, which he ruled for two more years before he died, forty years after he first began to reign. His body was buried in Leicester in a vault under the channel of the river Sore beneath the town.


The gunarchie of queene Cordeilla, how she was vanquished, of hir imprisonment and selfe-murther: the contention betweene Cunedag and Margan nephewes for gouernement, and the euill end thereof.

The rule of Queen Cordelia, how she was defeated, her imprisonment and suicide: the conflict between Cunedag and Margan, her nephews, for control, and the tragic outcome of it all.

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

QUEENE CORDEILLA. Cordeilla the yoongest daughter of Leir was admitted Q. and supreme gouernesse of Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3155, before the bylding of Rome 54, Vzia then reigning in Iuda, and Ieroboam ouer Israell. This Cordeilla after hir fathers deceasse ruled the land of Britaine right worthilie during the space of fiue yéeres, in which meane time hir husband died, and then about the end of those fiue yéeres, hir two nephewes Margan and Cunedag, sonnes to hir aforesaid sisters, disdaining to be vnder the gouernment of a woman, leuied warre against hir, and destroied a great part of the land, and finallie tooke hir prisoner, and laid hir fast in ward, wherewith she tooke such griefe, being a woman of a manlie courage, and despairing to recouer libertie, there she slue hirselfe, when she had reigned (as before is mentioned) the tearme of fiue yéeres.

Queen Cordelia. Cordeilla, the youngest daughter of Leir, became Queen and the supreme ruler of Britain in the year 3155 of the world, 54 years before the founding of Rome, while Uzziah was reigning in Judah and Jeroboam in Israel. After her father's death, Cordeilla ruled the land of Britain very honorably for five years. During that time, her husband passed away, and at the end of those five years, her two nephews, Margan and Cunedag, the sons of her aforementioned sisters, refused to be governed by a woman. They waged war against her, causing great destruction across the land, and eventually captured her, imprisoning her. Overcome with grief, as a woman of strong character and despairing of ever regaining her freedom, she took her own life after ruling for the five years mentioned earlier.

CUNEDAG AND MARGAN. Cunedagius and Marganus nephewes to Cordeilla, hauing recouered the land out of hir hands, diuided the same betwixt them, that is to saie, the countrie ouer and beyond Humber fell to Margan, as it stretcheth euen to Catnesse, and the other part lieng south and by-west, was assigned to Cunedagius. This partition chanced in the yéere of the world 3170, before the building of Rome 47, Uzia as then reigning in Iuda, and Ieroboam in Israell. Afterwards, these two cousins, Cunedag and Margan, had not reigned thus past a two yéeres, but thorough some seditious persons, Margan was persuaded to raise warre against Cunedag, telling him in his eare, how it was a shame for him being come of the elder sister, not to haue the rule of the whole Ile in his hand. Herevpon ouercome with pride, ambition, and couetousnesse, he raised an Margan inuadeth his cousine Cunedag. armie, and entring into the land of Cunedag, he burned and destroied the countrie before him in miserable maner.

CUNEDAG AND MARGAN. Cunedagius and Marganus, nephews to Cordeilla, having taken back the land from her, divided it between themselves. The area across and beyond the Humber went to Margan, stretching all the way to Catnesse, while the southern and western part was given to Cunedagius. This division occurred in the year 3170 of the world, 47 years before the founding of Rome, with Uzia reigning in Judah and Jeroboam in Israel. Afterward, the two cousins, Cunedag and Margan, had not ruled for more than two years when some rebellious individuals convinced Margan to go to war against Cunedag, whispering to him that it was shameful for him, being from the elder sister, not to have control over the entire island. Overcome by pride, ambition, and greed, he gathered an army and invaded Cunedag's territory, burning and destroying the land in a devastating manner.

Cunedag in all hast to resist his aduersarie, assembled also all the power he could make, and comming with the same against Margan, gaue him battell, in the which he slue a great number of Margans people, and put the residue to flight, and furthermore pursued him from countrie to countrie, till he came into Cambria, now called Wales, where the said Margan gaue him eftsoones a new battell: but being too weake in number Margan is slaine. Matt. West. of men, he was there ouercome and slaine in the field, by reason whereof that countrie tooke name of him, being there slaine, and so is called to this daie Glau Margan, which is to meane in our English toong, Margans land. This was the end of that Margan, after he had reigned with his brother two yéeres, or thereabouts.

Cunedag quickly gathered all the forces he could to stand against his enemy, and marched with them against Margan, where he fought a battle, killing many of Margan's people and forcing the rest to flee. He even chased Margan from country to country until he reached Cambria, now known as Wales, where Margan once again faced him in battle. However, being outnumbered, he was defeated and killed in the field. Because of this, the region was named after him, and it is still called Glau Margan, which means Margan's land in our English language. This was the end for Margan, who had ruled alongside his brother for about two years.

CUNEDAGUS ALONE. After the death of Margan, Cunedag the sonne of Hennius and Ragaie (middlemost daughter of Leir before mentioned) became ruler of all the whole land of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3172, before the building of Rome 45, Vzia still reigning in Iuda, and Ieroboam in[Page 449] Israell. He gouerned this Ile well and honourablie for the tearme of 33 yeares, and then dieng, his bodie was buried at Troinouant or London. Moreouer, our writers doo report, that he builded thrée temples, one to Mars at Perth in Scotland, another to Mercurie at Bangor, and the third to Apollo in Cornewall.

CUNEDAGUS ALONE. After Margan's death, Cunedag, the son of Hennius and Ragaie (the middle daughter of Leir mentioned earlier), became the ruler of all of Britain in the year 3172 since creation, which was 45 years before the founding of Rome, while Vzia was still reigning in Judah and Jeroboam in[Page 449] Israel. He governed the island well and honorably for 33 years, and then, upon his death, his body was buried at Troinouant, or London. Additionally, our writers report that he built three temples: one to Mars in Perth, Scotland, another to Mercury in Bangor, and the third to Apollo in Cornwall.


Of Riuallus, Gurgustius, Sysillius, Iago, and Kinimacus, rulers of Britaine by succession, and of the accidents coincident with their times.

About Riuallus, Gurgustius, Sysillius, Iago, and Kinimacus, who ruled Britain in succession, and the events that happened during their reigns.

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

RIUALLUS THE 13. RULER. Riuallus, the sonne of Cunedag, began to reigne ouer the Britaines in the yeare of the world 3203, before the building of Rome 15, Ioathan as then being king of Iuda, and Phacea king of Israel. This Riuall gouerned the Iland in great welth and prosperitie. In his time it It rained blood.
Matth. West.
rained bloud by the space of thrée daies togither; after which raine ensued such an excéeding number and multitude of flies, so noisome and contagious, that much people died by reason thereof. When he had reigned 46 yeares he died, and was buried at Caerbranke now called Rome builded. Yorke. In the time of this Riuals reigne was the citie of Rome builded, after concordance of most part of writers. Perdix also a wizard, and a learned astrologian florished and writ his prophesies, and Herene also.

RIUALLUS XIII. RULER. Riuallus, the son of Cunedag, began his reign over the Britons in the year 3203 of the world, 15 years before the founding of Rome, with Ioathan then being king of Judah and Phacea king of Israel. Riuallus governed the island in great wealth and prosperity. During his time, itIt rained blood.
Matth. West.
rained blood for three days straight; after this, an overwhelming number of flies appeared, so foul and contagious that many people died because of them. After 46 years of reign, he died and was buried at Caerbranke, now calledRome was built. York. During Riuallus’s reign, the city of Rome was founded, according to most writers. Perdix, a wizard and learned astrologer, also flourished and wrote his prophecies, along with Herene.

GURGUSTIUS THE 14. RULER. Gurgustius, the son of the before named Riuall, began to gouerne the Britaines in the yeare after the creation of the world 3249, and after the first foundation of Rome 33, Ezechias reigning in Iuda. This Gurgustius in the chronicle of England, is called Gorbodian the sonne of Reignold, he reigned 37 yeares, then departing this life, was buried at Caerbranke (now called Yorke) by his father.

Gurgustiusthe 14th, Ruler. Gurgustius, the son of the previously mentioned Riuall, began to rule the Britons in the year 3249 after the creation of the world, and 33 years after the founding of Rome, during the reign of Ezechias in Judah. In the chronicle of England, this Gurgustius is referred to as Gorbodian, the son of Reignold. He ruled for 37 years, and after passing away, he was buried at Caerbranke (now known as York) next to his father.

SYSILLIUS THE 15. RULER. Sysillius, or after some writers SYLUIUS, the brother of Gurgustius, was chosen to haue the gouernance of Britaine, in the yere of the world 3287, and after the building of Rome 71, Manasses still reigning in Iuda. This Sysillius in the English chronicle is named Secill. He reigned 49 yeares, and then died, and was buried at Carbadon, now called Bath.

SYSILLIUS XV. RULER. Sysillius, also referred to by some writers as SYLUIUS, the brother of Gurgustius, was chosen to govern Britain in the year 3287 of the world and 71 after the founding of Rome, while Manasses was still reigning in Judah. This Sysillius is called Secill in the English chronicle. He ruled for 49 years, then died and was buried in Carbadon, now known as Bath.

JAGO THE 16. RULER. Iago or Lago, the cousin of Gurgustius, as next inheritor to Sysillius, tooke vpon him the gouernement of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3386, and after the building of Rome 120, in whose time the citie of Ierusalem was taken by Nabuchodonozar and the king of Iuda, Mathania, otherwise called Zedechias, being slaine. This Iago or Lago died without issue, when he had reigned 28 yeares, and was buried at Yorke.

Jago the 16th, Ruler. Iago or Lake, the cousin of Gurgustius, took on the rule of Britain as the next heir to Sysillius in the year 3386 from creation, and 120 after the founding of Rome. During his reign, the city of Jerusalem was captured by Nebuchadnezzar, and the king of Judah, Mathania, also known as Zedekiah, was killed. This Iago or Lago died without leaving children after reigning for 28 years and was buried in York.

KINIMACUS THE 17. RULER. Kinimacus or Kinmarus the sonne of Sysillius as some write, or rather the brother of Iago, began to gouerne the land of Britain, in the yere of the world 3364, and after the building of Rome 148, the Iewes as then being in the third yeare of their captiuitie of Babylon. This Kinimacus departed this life, after he had reigned 54 yeares, and was buried at Yorke.

Kinimacus the 17th, Ruler. Kinimacus or Kinmarus, the son of Sysillius according to some accounts, or more accurately the brother of Iago, began to govern the land of Britain in the year 3364 since the creation of the world, and 148 years after the founding of Rome, while the Jews were in the third year of their captivity in Babylon. Kinimacus passed away after reigning for 54 years and was buried in York.


Of Gorbodug and his two sonnes Ferrex and Porrex, one brother killeth another, the mother sluieth hir sonne, and how Britaine by ciuill warres (for lacke of issue legitimate to the government) of a monarchie became a pentarchie: the end of Brutes line.

About Gorboduc and his two sons Ferrex and Porrex, one brother kills the other, the mother kills her son, and how Britain, due to civil wars (because of the lack of legitimate heirs to the throne), went from a monarchy to a pentarchy: the end of Brutus's line.

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

GORBODUG THE 18. RULER. Gorbodug the sonne of Kinimacus began his reigne ouer the Britains, in the yeare after the creation of the world 3418, from the building of the citie of Rome 202, the 58 of the Iews captiuitie at Babylon. This Gorbodug by most likelihood to bring histories to accord, should reigne[Page 450] about the tearme of 62 yeares, and then departing this world, was buried at London, leauing after him two sonnes Ferrex and Porrex, or after some writers, Ferreus and Porreus.

GORBODUG THE 18TH. RULER. Gorbodug, the son of Kinimacus, began his reign over the Britains in the year 3418 after the creation of the world, 202 years after the founding of Rome, and the 58th year of the Jewish captivity in Babylon. Gorbodug is thought to have ruled for about 62 years, and after passing away, he was buried in London, leaving behind two sons, Ferrex and Porrex, or according to some writers, Ferreus and Porreus.

FERREX THE 19. RULER. Ferrex with Porrex his brother began iointlie to rule ouer the Britaines, in the yeare of the world 3476, after the building of Rome 260, at which time, the people of Rome forsooke their citie in their rebellious mood. These two brethren continued for a time in good friendship and amitie, till at length through couetousnesse, and desire of greater dominion, prouoked by flatterers, they fell at variance and Ferrex fled into Gallia. discord, wherby Ferrex was constreined to flée into Gallia, and there purchased aid of a great duke called Gunhardus or Suardus, and so returned into Britaine, thinking to preuaile and obteine the dominion of the whole Iland. But his brother Porrex was readie to receiue him with battell after he was landed, in the which battell Ferrex was slaine, with the more part of his people. The English chronicle saith, that Porrex was he that fled into France, & at his returne, was slaine, and that Ferrex suruiued. But Geffrey of Monmouth & Matth. West. Polychronicon are of a contrarie opinion. Matthew Westmonasteriensis writeth, that Porrex deuising waies to kill Ferrex, atchiued his purpose and slue him. But whether of them so euer suruiued, the mother of them was so highlie offended for the death of him that was slaine, whom she most intierlie loued, that setting apart all motherlie affection, she found the meanes to enter the chamber of him that suruiued in the night season, and as he slept, she with the helpe of The mother killeth hir son. hir maidens slue him, and cut him into small péeces, as the writers doo affirme. Such was the end of these two brethren, after they had reigned by the space of foure or fiue yeares.

FERREX THE 19TH. RULER. Ferrex and his brother Porrex started to jointly rule over the Britons in the year 3476 of the world, 260 years after Rome was founded, at a time when the people of Rome abandoned their city due to rebellion. The two brothers maintained a good friendship for a while, but eventually, driven by greed and a desire for more power, influenced by flatterers, they began to quarrel and Ferrex escaped to Gaul. This discord forced Ferrex to flee to Gaul, where he sought help from a powerful duke named Gunhardus or Suardus. He then returned to Britain, hoping to gain control of the entire island. However, his brother Porrex was ready to confront him with battle upon his arrival, and in that battle, Ferrex was killed along with most of his supporters. The English chronicle states that Porrex was the one who fled to France and was killed upon his return, while Ferrex survived. However, Geoffrey of Monmouth & Matth. West. Polychronicon offer a different perspective. Matthew of Westminster writes that Porrex plotted to kill Ferrex and succeeded in his plan. Regardless of who survived, their mother was so deeply hurt by the death of her favorite son that, setting aside all maternal feelings, she found a way to enter the surviving son's chamber during the night. As he slept, she, with the help of her maidens, killed him and cut him into small pieces, as the writers affirm. Thus ended the lives of these two brothers after they ruled for about four or five years.

After this followed a troublous season, full of cruell warre, and seditious discord, whereby in the end, and for the space of fiftie yeares, the monarchie or sole gouernement of the Lland became a pentarchie, that is, it was diuided betwixt fiue kings or rulers, till Dunwallon of Cornewall ouercame them all. Thus the line of Brute Robert Record. (according to the report of most writers) tooke an end: for after the death of the two foresaid brethren, no rightfull inheritor was left aliue to succéed them in the kingdome. The names of these fiue kings are found in certeine old pedegrées: and although the same be much corrupted in diuers copies, yet these vndernamed are the most agréeable.

After this came a troubled time, filled with brutal war and rebellious conflict, which eventually led to fifty years of rule divided among five kings. This was when the monarchy of the land became a pentarchy until Dunwallon of Cornwall defeated them all. Thus, the line of Brute Robert Record. (as most writers report) came to an end: after the death of the two aforementioned brothers, no rightful heir was left alive to succeed them in the kingdom. The names of these five kings can be found in some old family trees: although these records are quite corrupted in various copies, the names listed below are the most accurate.

But of these fiue kings or dukes, the English chronicle alloweth Cloton king of Cornewall for most rightfull heire. There appeareth not any time certeine by report of ancient authors, how long this variance Fabian. Ciuill warres 51. yeares. continued amongst the Britains: but (as some say) it lasted for the space of 51 yeres, coniecturing so much by that which is recorded in Polychron, who saith, who it endured euen till the beginning of the reigne of Mulmucius Dunwallon, who began to gouerne from the time that Brute first entred Britaine, about the space of 703 thrée yeares.

But among these five kings or dukes, the English chronicle recognizes Cloton, king of Cornwall, as the rightful heir. There's no definite timeline from ancient authors about how long this conflict lasted among the Britains; however, some suggest it went on for 51 years, based on what is recorded in Polychron, who states it continued until the beginning of the reign of Mulmucius Dunwallon. He began to rule around the time Brute first entered Britain, which was about 703 years ago.

¶ Here ye must note, that there is difference amongst writers about the supputation and account of these yeares, insomuch that some making their reckoning after certeine writers, and finding the same to varie aboue thrée C. yeares, are brought into further doubt of the truth of the whole historie: but whereas other haue by diligent search tried out the continuance of euerie gouernors reigne, and reduced the same to a likelihood of some conformitie, I haue thought best to follow the same, leauing the credit thereof with the first authors.

¶ Here you should note that there is a difference among writers regarding the calculation and account of these years, such that some, relying on certain authors, find their estimates vary by more than three hundred years, leading to further doubt about the truth of the entire history. However, others have diligently worked to determine the duration of each governor's reign and have brought their findings to a more plausible consistency. I think it's best to follow their work, leaving the credibility of it to the original authors.

THE PENTARCHIE.

THE PENTARCHY.

1 Rudacus king of Wales.
2 Clotenus king of Cornewall.
3 Pinnor king of Loegria.
4 Staterus king of Albania.
5 Yewan king of Northumberland.

THE END OF THE SECOND BOOKE.

THE END OF THE SECOND BOOK.


[Page 451]

[Page 451]

THE THIRD BOOKE
OF THE
History of England.


  Page
THE FIRST CHAPTER 451
THE SECOND CHAPTER 452
THE THIRD CHAPTER 453
THE FOURTH CHAPTER. 455
THE FIFT CHAPTER. 457
THE SIXT CHAPTER. 458
THE SEUENTH CHAPTER. 459
THE EIGHT CHAPTER. 461
THE NINTH CHAPTER. 463
THE TENTH CHAPTER. 464
THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER. 466
THE TWELFT CHAPTER. 467
THE XIIJ CHAPTER. 468
THE XIIIJ CHAPTER. 471
THE XV CHAPTER. 473
THE XVJ CHAPTER. 475
THE XVIJ CHAPTER. 477
THE XVIIJ CHAPTER. 478
THE XIX CHAPTER. 480

Of Mulmucius the first king of Britaine, who was crowned with a golden crowne, his lawes, his foundations, with other his acts and deeds.

About Mulmucius, the first king of Britain, who was crowned with a golden crown, his laws, his foundations, along with other acts and deeds.

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

MULMUCIUS. Matth. West.
Polyd.
Now to proceede with the aforesaid authors, Mulmucius Dunwallō, or as other saie Dunuallo Mulmucius, the sonne of Cloton (as testifieth th'english chronicle and also Geffrey of Monmouth) got the vpper hand of the other dukes or rulers: and after his fathers deceasse began his reigne ouer the whole monarchie of Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3529, after the building of Rome 314, and after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 97, and about the 26 yéere of Darius Artaxerxes Longimanus, the fift king of the Persians. This Mulmucius Dunuallo is named in the english chronicle Donebant, and prooued a right worthie prince. He builded within the citie of London then called Fabian. See more in the description. Troinouant, a temple, and named it the temple of peace: the which (as some hold opinion, I wote not vpon what ground) was the same which now is called Blackwell hall, where the market for buieng and selling of cloths is kept. The chronicle of England affirmeth, that Mulmucius Malmesburie and the Vies built.
Matth. West.
Lawes made.
(whome the old booke nameth Molle) builded the two townes Malmesburie and the Vies. He also made manie good lawes, which were long after vsed, called Mulmucius lawes, turned out of the British spéech into the Latine by Gildas Priscus, and long time after translated out of latine into english by Alfred king of England, and mingled in his statutes. He moreouer gaue priuileges to temples, to plowes, to cities, and to high waies leading to the same, so that whosoeuer fled to them, should be in safegard from bodilie harme, and from thence he might depart into what Caxton and Polychron. countrie he would, with indemnitie of his person. Some authors write, that he began to make the foure great high waies of Britaine, the which were finished by his sonne Blinus, as after shall be declared.

MULMUCIUS. Matth. West.
Polyd.
Now, continuing with the previously mentioned authors, Mulmucius Dunwallō, or as others say Dunuallo Mulmucius, the son of Cloton (as testified by the English chronicle and also Geoffrey of Monmouth), gained the upper hand over the other dukes or rulers: and after his father's death, he began his reign over the entire monarchy of Britain, in the year 3529 of the world, 314 after the founding of Rome, 97 after the Israelites were freed from captivity, and around the 26th year of Darius Artaxerxes Longimanus, the fifth king of the Persians. This Mulmucius Dunuallo is called Donebant in the English chronicle and proved to be a very worthy prince. He built within the city of London, then called Fabian. Check the description for details. Troinouant, a temple, and named it the Temple of Peace: which (as some believe, though I don’t know on what basis) is the same place now known as Blackwell Hall, where the market for buying and selling cloth is held. The chronicle of England states that Mulmucius Malmesbury and the Vies constructed.
Matth. West.
Laws established.
(who the old book names Molle) built the two towns Malmesbury and the Vies. He also created many good laws, which were used for a long time, called the Mulmucius laws, translated from British into Latin by Gildas Priscus, and much later translated from Latin into English by Alfred, king of England, and incorporated into his statutes. He also granted privileges to temples, to farms, to cities, and to major roads leading to them, so that anyone who fled to them would be safe from physical harm and could depart to any Caxton and Polychron. country they chose, without personal risk. Some authors claim that he began to construct the four great highways of Britain, which were completed by his son Blinus, as will be explained later.

The first king that was crowned with a golden crowne. After he had established his land, and set his Britains in good and conuenient order, he ordeined him by the aduise of his lords a crowne of gold, & caused himselfe with great solemnitie to be crowned, according to the custome of the pagan lawes then in vse: & bicause he was the first that bare a crowne héere in Britaine, after the opinion of some writers, he is named the first king of Britaine, and all the other before rehearsed are named rulers, dukes, or gouernors.

The first king to be crowned with a golden crown. After he established his land and organized his Britains well, he decided, with the advice of his lords, to have a crown made of gold. He then had himself crowned with great ceremony, following the customs of the pagan laws that were in use at the time. Because he was the first to wear a crown here in Britain, some writers call him the first king of Britain, while all the others mentioned before are referred to as rulers, dukes, or governors.

Polyd.
Weights and measures.
Amongst other of his ordinances, he appointed weights and measures, with the which men should buy and sell. And further he deuised sore and Theft punished.
Fabian.
streight orders for the punishing of theft. Finallie, after he had guided the land by the space of fortie yéeres, he died, and was buried in the foresaid temple of peace which he had erected within the citie of Troinouant now called London, as before ye haue heard, appointing in[Page 452] his life time, that his kingdome should be diuided betwixt his two sonnes, Brennus and Belinus (as some men doo coniecture.)

Weights and measures. Among other regulations he set up standards for weights and measures that people should use for buying and selling. He also implemented strict rules for punishing theft. Finally, after ruling the land for forty years, he died and was buried in the temple of peace he had built in the city of Troinouant, now known as London, as you have heard before, designating during his lifetime that his kingdom be divided between his two sons, Brennus and Belinus (as some people speculate).[Page 452]


The ioint-gouernment of Belinus and Brennus the two sonnes of Mulmucius, their discontentment, the stratagems of the one against the other, the expulsion of Brennus out of Britaine.

The joint government of Belinus and Brennus, the two sons of Mulmucius, their dissatisfaction, the schemes of one against the other, and the banishment of Brennus from Britain.

SECOND CHAPTER.

Belinus and Brennus. 3574. Brennus and Belinus began to reigne iointlie as kings in Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3574, after the building of the citie of Rome 355, and after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 142, which was about the seuenth yéere of Artaxerxes surnamed Mnenon, the Matth. West. seuenth king of the Persians. Belinus held vnder his gouernment Loegria, Wales, and Cornwall: and Brennus all those countries ouer and beyond Humber. And with this partition were they contented by the Polyd. saith 5.
Brennus not content with his portion.
tearme of six or seuen yéeres, after which time expired, Brennus coueting to haue more than his portion came to, first thought to purchase himselfe aid in forreine parties, & therefore by the prouocation and counsell of yong vnquiet heads, sailed ouer into Elsingius. Norway, and there married the daughter of Elsung or Elsing, as then duke or ruler of that countrie. Beline, offended with his brother, that he should thus without his aduice marrie with a stranger, now in his absence seized all his lands, townes, and fortresses into his owne hands, placing garisons of men of warre where he thought conuenient.

Belinus and Brennus. 3574. Brennus and Belinus started ruling together as kings in Britain in the year 3574, after the founding of the city of Rome in 355, and after the Israelites were freed from captivity in 142, which was around the seventh year of Artaxerxes, nicknamed Mnenon, the Matth. West. seventh king of the Persians. Belinus governed Loegria, Wales, and Cornwall, while Brennus ruled over all the lands beyond the Humber. They were satisfied with this division for about six or seven years, but after that time, Brennus, wanting more than his share, first considered seeking help from foreign allies. Encouraged by some ambitious young people, he sailed to Elsingius. Norway and married the daughter of Elsung or Elsing, who was then the duke or ruler of that region. Belinus, upset with his brother for marrying a stranger without consulting him, took control of all Brennus's lands, towns, and fortresses in his absence, placing garrisons of soldiers wherever he thought was necessary.

In the meane time, Brenne aduertised hereof, assembled a great nauie of ships, well furnished with people and souldiers of the Norwegians, with the which he tooke his course homewards, but in the waie he was Guilthdacus king of Denmarke. encountred by Guilthdacus king of Denmarke, the which had laid long in wait for him, bicause of the yoong ladie which Brenne had maried, for whome he had béene a sutor to hir father Elsing of long time. When these two fléetes of the Danes and Norwegians met, there was a sore battell betwixt them, but finallie the Danes ouercame them of Norway, and tooke the ship wherein the new bride was conueied, and then was she brought aboord the ship of Guilthdacus. Brenne escaped by flight as well as he might. But when Guilthdacus had thus obtained the victorie A tempest. and prey, suddenlie therevpon arose a sore tempest of wind and weather, which scattered the Danish fleete, and put the king in danger to haue béene lost: but finallie within fiue daies after, being driuen by force Guilthdacus landed in the north. of wind, he landed in Northumberland, with a few such ships as kept togither with him.

In the meantime, Brenne learned about this and assembled a large fleet of ships, fully equipped with people and soldiers from Norway. He set sail for home, but along the way, he was intercepted by Guilthdacus, the king of Denmark, who had been waiting for him because of the young lady Brenne had married. Guilthdacus had long been pursuing her father, Elsing, for her hand. When the two fleets of Danes and Norwegians met, a fierce battle broke out between them, but ultimately, the Danes defeated the Norwegians and captured the ship carrying the new bride, bringing her aboard Guilthdacus's vessel. Brenne escaped as best as he could. However, after Guilthdacus had secured victory and the prize, a sudden severe storm arose, scattering the Danish fleet and putting the king in danger of being lost. Eventually, after five days of being driven by the storm, he landed in Northumberland with just a few ships that had stayed together with him.

Beline being then in that countrie, prouiding for defense against his brother, vpon knowledge of the king of Denmarks arriuall, caused him to be staied. Shortlie after, Brenne hauing recouered and gotten togither the most part of his ships that were dispersed by the discomfiture, and then newlie rigged and furnished of all things necessarie, sent word to his brother Beline, both to restore vnto him his wife wrongfullie rauished by Guilthdacus, and also his lands iniuriouslie by him seized into his possession. These requests being plainlie and shortlie denied, Brenne made no long delaie, but spéedilie made toward Albania, and landing with his armie in a part thereof, incountred with his brother Calater wood is in Scotland. Beline néere vnto a wood named as then Calater, where (after cruell fight, and mortall battell betwixt them) at length the victorie abode with the Britains, and the discomfiture did light so on the Norwegians, that the most of them were wounded, slaine, and left dead vpon the ground.

Beline, being in that country and preparing for defense against his brother, upon learning of the King of Denmark's arrival, had him detained. Soon after, Brenne, having gathered most of his ships that had been scattered due to the defeat, and having newly equipped them with everything necessary, sent word to his brother Beline, demanding the return of his wife, who had been wrongfully taken by Guilthdacus, as well as his lands that had been unjustly seized. These requests were clearly and swiftly denied, so Brenne wasted no time and quickly headed toward Albania. After landing with his army in a part of the region, he encountered his brother Beline near a wood called Calater, where (after a brutal fight and deadly battle between them) the victory ultimately belonged to the Britains, and the defeat fell heavily on the Norwegians, with most of them wounded, killed, and left dead on the ground.

Hereby Brenne being forced to flée, made shift, and got ouer into Gallia, where after he had sued to this prince, at length he abode, and Seguinus or Seginus duke of the Allobrogs, now the Delphinat of Sauoy. was well receiued of one Seguinus or Seginus duke of the people called then Allobrogs (as Galfrid of Monmouth saith) or rather Armorica, which now is called Britaine, as Polychronicon, and the english historie printed by Caxton, more trulie maie seeme to affirme. But Beline hauing got the vpper hand of his enimies, assembling his councell at Caerbranke, now called York, tooke aduise what he should doo with the king of Denmarke: where it was ordeined, that he should be set at[Page 453] libertie, with condition and vnder couenant, to acknowledge himselfe by The Danes tributarie of the Britains. dooing homage, to hold his land of the king of Britaine, and to paie him a yéerelie tribute. These couenants being agréed vpon, and hostages taken for assurance, he was set at libertie, and so returned into his countrie. The tribute that he couenanted to paie, was a thousand pounds, as the English chronicle saith.

Brenne, being forced to flee, managed to escape and made his way over to Gaul, where he eventually sought the help of a prince and settled there. He was well received by Seguinus, duke of the Allobrogs, now the Dauphiné of Savoy. Seguinus was gracious to him, and the Allobrogs, referred to by Galfrid of Monmouth, were actually part of Armorica, which is now known as Britain, as indicated by Polychronicon and the English history printed by Caxton. Meanwhile, Beline, having gained the upper hand over his enemies, gathered his council at Caerbranke, now known as York, to deliberate on what to do about the king of Denmark. It was decided that he would be freed under the condition that he would recognize himself as a tributary of the Britains by doing homage, hold his land from the king of Britain, and pay an annual tribute. Once these terms were agreed upon and hostages taken for assurance, he was released and returned to his country. The tribute he agreed to pay was a thousand pounds, as noted in the English chronicle.

The foure high waies finished. When Beline had thus expelled his brother, and was alone possessed of all the land of Britaine, he first confirmed the lawes made by his father: and for so much as the foure waies begun by his father were not brought to perfection, he therefore caused workmen to be called foorth and assembled, whom he set in hand to paue the said waies with stone, for the better passage and ease of all that should trauell through the countries from place to place, as occasion should require.

The four highways are done. After Beline had driven out his brother and taken control of all the land of Britain, he first reaffirmed the laws established by his father. Since the four highways started by his father had not been completed, he called for workers to be assembled and set them to work paving these highways with stone, to make passage easier for anyone traveling through the country as needed.

The Fosse. The first of these foure waies is named Fosse, and stretcheth from the south into the north, beginning at the corner of Totnesse in Cornewall, and so passing foorth by Deuonshire, and Somersetshire, by Tutherie, on Cotteswold, and then forward beside Couentrie vnto Leicester, and from thence by wild plaines towards Newarke, and endeth at the citie of Watling stréet. Lincolne. The second waie was named Watling stréete, the which stretcheth ouerthwart the Fosse, out of the southeast into the northeast, beginning at Douer, and passing by the middle of Kent ouer Thames beside London, by-west of Westminster, as some haue thought, and so foorth by S. Albons, and by the west side of Dunstable, Stratford, Toucester, and Wedon by-south of Lilleborne, by Atherston, Gilberts hill, that now is called the Wreken, and so foorth by Seuerne, passing beside Worcester, vnto Stratton to the middle of Wales, and so vnto a place called Cardigan, at the Irish sea. The third way was named Erming stréet. Ermingstréet, which stretched out of the west northwest, vnto the east southeast, and beginneth at Meneuia, the which is in Saint Dauids land in west Wales, and so vnto Southampton. The fourth and last waie hight Hiknelstréet. Hiknelstréete, which leadeth by Worcester, Winchcombe, Birmingham, Lichfield, Darbie, Chesterfield, and by Yorke, and so foorth vnto Priuilegs granted to the waies. Tinmouth. After he had caused these waies to be well and sufficientlie raised and made, he confirmed vnto them all such priuileges as were granted by his father.

The Fosse. The first of these four routes is called Fosse, stretching from the south to the north, starting at the corner of Totnes in Cornwall, and then passing through Devon and Somerset, by Tutherie, through Cotswold, and then onward alongside Coventry to Leicester. From there, it goes across open plains toward Newark and ends at the city of Watling Street. Lincoln. The second route is called Watling Street, which crosses over Fosse, running from the southeast to the northeast, starting at Dover, and traveling through the center of Kent, over the Thames near London, just west of Westminster, as some say, and then through St. Albans, along the west side of Dunstable, Stratford, Toucester, and south of Lillborne, through Atherston and Gilbert's Hill, now known as Wreken, before continuing past Severn, going by Worcester, to Stratton, reaching the center of Wales, and then to a place called Cardigan, by the Irish Sea. The third route is called Erming Street. Erming Street runs from the west-northwest to the east-southeast, starting at Meneuia, which is in St. David's land in west Wales, and continues to Southampton. The fourth and final route is called Hiknel Street. Hiknel Street leads through Worcester, Winchcombe, Birmingham, Lichfield, Derby, Chesterfield, and York, eventually reaching Privileges granted to the methods. Tynemouth. After he had these roads properly built and maintained, he confirmed to them all the privileges that had been granted by his father.


Brennus marrieth with the duke of Alobrogs daughter, groweth into great honour, commeth into Britaine with an armie against his brother Beline, their mother reconcileth them, they ioine might & munition and haue great conquests, conflicts betweene the Galles and the Romans, the two brethren take Rome.

Brennus marries the daughter of the Duke of Alobrog, rises to great honor, comes to Britain with an army against his brother Beline. Their mother reconciles them, they combine forces and resources, and achieve great victories, facing conflicts between the Gauls and the Romans, and the two brothers take Rome.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

In the meane time that Beline was thus occupied about the necessarie affaires of his realme and kingdome, his brother Brenne that was fled into Gallia onelie with 12. persons, bicause he was a goodlie gentleman, and séemed to vnderstand what apperteined to honour, grew shortlie into fauour with Seginus the duke afore mentioned, and declaring vnto him his aduersitie, and the whole circumstance of his mishap, at length was so highlie cherished of the said Seginus, deliting in such worthie qualities as he saw in him dailie appearing, Brenne marieth the duke of Alobrogs daughter. that he gaue to him his daughter in mariage, with condition, that if he died without issue male, should he inherit his estate & dukedome: and if it happened him to leaue anie heire male behind him, then should he yet helpe him to recouer his land and dominion in Britaine, béereft from him by his brother.

While Beline was busy with the essential matters of his realm and kingdom, his brother Brenne, who had fled to Gaul with only 12 people, quickly gained favor with Seginus, the duke mentioned earlier. Being a noble gentleman who understood the meaning of honor, Brenne shared his misfortunes and the details of his plight with Seginus. Eventually, Seginus was so impressed by Brenne's worthy qualities that he offered him his daughter in marriage, on the condition that if Brenne died without a male heir, Seginus’ estate and dukedom would pass to him. If Brenne did have a male heir, Seginus would still help him recover his land and domain in Britain, which had been taken from him by his brother. Brenne marries the daughter of the duke of Alobrog.

These conditions well and surelie vpon the dukes part by the assent of the nobles of his land concluded, ratified, and assured, the said duke within the space of one yéere after died. And then after a certeine time, being knowne that the duches was not with child, all the lords of that countrie did homage to Brenne, receiuing him as their lord and supreme gouernour, vpon whome he likewise for his part in recompense of[Page 454] their curtesie, bestowed a great portion of his treasure.

These conditions were definitely agreed upon by the duke with the consent of the nobles of his land, confirmed and guaranteed. Within a year, the duke passed away. After some time, when it became known that the duchess was not pregnant, all the lords of that country paid homage to Brenne, accepting him as their lord and supreme ruler. In return for their courtesy, he also granted a large portion of his treasure.

Brenne with an armie returneth into Britaine. Shortlie after also, with their assent he gathered an armie, and with the same eftsoones came ouer into Britaine, to make new warre vpon his brother Beline. Of whose landing when Beline was informed, he assembled his people, and made himselfe readie to méete him: but as they were at Brenne and Beline made friends by intercession of their mother. point to haue ioined battell, by the intercession of their mother that came betwixt them, and demeaned hirselfe in all motherlie order, and most louing maner towards them both, they fell to an agréement, and were made friends or euer they parted asunder.

Brenne comes back to Britain with an army. Shortly after, with their agreement, he gathered an army and soon came back to Britain to wage new war against his brother Beline. When Beline heard about his landing, he gathered his people and prepared to confront him. Just as they were about to join battle, their mother intervened, approaching them with all the care and love a mother can show. Thanks to her mediation, they reached an agreement and became friends before they parted ways.

After this they repaired to London, and there taking aduice togither with their peeres and councellors, for the good order and quieting of the land, at length they accorded to passe with both their armies into Gallia, to subdue that whole countrie, and so following this determination, they tooke shipping and sailed ouer into Gallia, where beginning the warre with fire and sword, they wrought such maisteries, that within a short time (as saith Geffrey of Monmouth) they conquered They inuade Gallia and Italie. a great part of Gallia, Italie, and Germanie, and brought it to their subiection. In the end they tooke Rome by this occasion (as writers report) if these be the same that had the leading of those Galles, which in this season did so much hurt in Italie and other parts of the world.

After this, they went to London, where they consulted with their peers and advisors about how to bring order and peace to the land. Eventually, they agreed to march both their armies into Gaul to conquer that entire region. Following this decision, they took to the sea and sailed over to Gaul, where they began the war with fire and sword. They achieved such victories that, in a short time (as Geoffrey of Monmouth states), they conquered a large part of Gaul, Italy, and Germany, bringing it under their control. In the end, they took Rome for this reason (as writers report), if these are indeed the same leaders of the Gauls who caused so much destruction in Italy and other parts of the world during this time.

After they had passed the mountaines, & were entred into Tuscan, they Now Clusi. besieged the citie of Clusium, the citizens whereof being in great danger, sent to Rome for aid against their enimies. Wherevpon the Romanes, considering with themselues that although they were not in anie league of societie with the Clusians, yet if they were ouercome the danger of the next brunt were like to be theirs: with all spéed Ambassadours sent from Rome. they sent ambassadours to intreat betwixt the parties for some peace to be had.

After they passed the mountains and entered Tuscany, they Now Clusi. besieged the city of Clusium. The citizens, facing great danger, sent to Rome for help against their enemies. The Romans, realizing that even though they were not in any alliance with the Clusians, if the Clusians were defeated, they would likely face the next threat themselves, quickly Ambassadors sent from Rome. sent ambassadors to negotiate peace between the parties.

They that were sent, required the capteines of the Galles, in the name of the senat and citizens of Rome, not to molest the friends of the Brennus answere. Romans. Wherevnto answere was made by Brennus, that for his part he could be content to haue peace, if it were so that the Clusians would be agréeable that the Galles might haue part of the countrie which they held, being more than they did alreadie well occupie, for otherwise (said he) there could be no peace granted.

They who were sent asked the leaders of the Gauls, in the name of the Senate and citizens of Rome, not to harm the friends of the Romans. In response, Brennus stated that he would be willing to have peace if the Clusians agreed that the Gauls could have a share of the territory they occupied, which was more than they already occupied properly; otherwise, he said, no peace could be granted.

The Romane ambassadours being offended with these wordes, demanded what the Galles had to doo in Tuscan, by reason of which and other the like ouerthwart wordes, the parties began to kindle in displeasure so farre, The treatie of peace breaketh off. that their communication brake off, and so they from treating fell againe to trie the matter by dint of sword.

The Roman ambassadors were upset by these words and asked what the Gauls were doing in Tuscany. Because of this and other similar insults, the parties started to get angry, The peace treaty has ended. which led to their conversation ending, and they returned to settling the matter through battle.

The Romane ambassadours also to shew of what prowesse the Romans were, contrarie to the law of nations (forbidding such as came in ambassage about anie treatie of peace to take either one part or other) tooke weapon in hand, and ioined themselues with the Clusians, wherewith the Galles were so much displeased, that incontinentlie with one voice, they required to haue the siege raised from Clusium, that they might go to Rome. But Brennus thought good first to send messengers thither, to require the deliuerie of such as had broken the law, that punishment might be done on them accordinglie as they had deserued. This was done, and knowledge brought againe, that the ambassadors were not onelie not punished, but also chosen to be tribunes for the next yeare.

The Roman ambassadors also showed how powerful the Romans were. Contrary to the law of nations, which forbids those who come for peace talks from taking sides, they took up arms and joined forces with the Clusians. This angered the Gauls so much that they unanimously demanded the siege be lifted from Clusium so they could go to Rome. However, Brennus thought it was best to send messengers first to demand the punishment of those who had broken the law, so they could face consequences for their actions. This was done, and it was reported back that not only were the ambassadors not punished, but they were also elected as tribunes for the following year.

The Galles then became in such a rage (because they saw there was nothing to be looked for at the hands of the Romans, but warre, injurious wrongs, and deceitfull traines) that they turned all their The Galles make towards Rome.
The Romans incountring with the Galles are overthrown.
force against them, marching streight towardes Rome, and by the waie destroied all that stood before them. The Romans aduertised thereof, assembled themselues togither to the number of 40. thousand, and encountring with Beline and Brenne, neare to the riuer Allia, about 11. miles on this side Rome, were slaine and quite discomfited.

The Gauls were so furious (because they realized that the Romans would only bring war, harm, and deceit) that they directed all their The Gauls are heading towards Rome.
The Romans fighting the Gauls are defeated.
forces against them, marching straight towards Rome and destroying everything in their path. The Romans, having been informed, gathered together a force of 40,000 and, encountering Beline and Brenne near the river Allia, about 11 miles from Rome, were killed and completely defeated.

The Galles could scarse beléeue that they had got the victorie with so small resistance: but when they perceiued that the Romans were quite ouerthrowne and that the field was clearelie rid of them, they got togither the spoile, and made towards Rome it selfe, where such feare The Romans in despaire withdraw into the capitoll. and terror was striken into the heartes of the people, that all men[Page 455] were in despaire to defend the citie: and therefore the senate with all the warlike youth of the citizens got them into the capitoll, which they furnished with victuals and all things necessarie for the maintenance of the same against a long siege. The honorable fathers and all the multitude of other people not apt for warres, remained still in the citie, as it were to perish with their countrie if hap so befell.

The Gauls could hardly believe that they had won with so little resistance. But when they realized that the Romans were completely defeated and that the battlefield was clear of them, they gathered the spoils and headed toward Rome itself, where such fear and terror filled the hearts of the people that everyone was desperate to defend the city. Therefore, the Senate, along with all the able-bodied youth of the citizens, retreated to the Capitol, which they stocked with food and everything necessary to withstand a long siege. The honorable elders and all the many others not fit for war stayed in the city, as if to perish with their country if the worst came to pass.

The Galles enter into Rome. In the meane time came the Galles to the citie, and entring by the gate Collina, they passed forth the right way vnto the market place, maruelling to sée the houses of the poorer sort to be shut against them, and those of the richer to remaine wide open; wherefore being doubtfull of some deceitfull traines, they were not ouer rash to enter the same; but after they had espied the ancient fathers sit in their The Reuerend aspect of the senators. chaires apparelled in their rich robes, as if they had bin in the senat, they reuerenced them as gods, so honorable was their port, grauenesse in countenance, and shew of apparell.

The Gauls invade Rome. Meanwhile, the Gauls arrived in the city and entered through the Collina gate, making their way straight to the marketplace. They were amazed to see that the houses of the poor were shut tight against them, while those of the wealthy remained wide open. Unsure of any deceitful traps, they were cautious about entering. However, after spotting the ancient elders seated in their chairs, dressed in their rich robes as if they were in the Senate, they showed them great respect, thinking of them as gods due to their honorable demeanor, serious expressions, and impressive attire. The respectful nature of the senators.

Marcus Papirius. In the meane time it chanced, that Marcus Papirius stroke one of the Galles on the head with his staffe, because he presumed to stroke his beard: with which iniurie the Gall being prouoked, slue Papirius (as he sat) with his sword, and therewith the slaughter being begun with one, all the residue of those ancient fatherlie men as they sat in their chaires were slaine and cruellie murthered. After this all the people found in the citie without respect or difference at all, were put to Rome sacked. the sword, and their houses sacked. And thus was Rome taken by the two 365. brethren, Beline and Brenne, 365 yeares after the first building thereof. Besides this, the Galles attempted in the night season to haue entred the capitoll: and in déed ordered their enterprise so secretlie, The capitoll defended. that they had atchieued their purpose, if a sort of ganders had not with their crie and noise disclosed them, in wakening the Romans that were asléepe: & so by that meanes were the Galles beaten backe and repelled.

Marcus Papirius. In the meantime, it happened that Marcus Papirius hit one of the Gauls on the head with his staff because the Gaul dared to touch his beard. Provoked by this insult, the Gaul killed Papirius (while he was sitting) with his sword, and once the slaughter began with one, all the other aged men sitting in their chairs were killed and brutally murdered. After this, all the people found in the city, without any distinction at all, were put to the sword, and their houses were looted. And thus, Rome was taken by the two brothers, Beline and Brenne, 365 years after its initial construction. Moreover, the Gauls tried at night to enter the Capitol, and indeed had planned their attempt so secretly that they would have succeeded if a group of geese hadn’t loudly honked and revealed them, waking the Romans who were asleep; and so, because of that, the Gauls were driven back and repelled.


Camillus reuoked from exile, made dictator, and receiueth peremptorie authoritie, he ouerthroweth the Galles in a pitcht field, controuersie betweene writers touching Brennus and Belinus left vndetermined; of diuers foundations, erections and reparations doone and atchiued by Belinus, the burning of his bodie in stead of his burieng.

After Camillus returned from exile and was made dictator, he received absolute authority, and he defeated the Gauls in a decisive battle. The debate among writers regarding Brennus and Belinus remains unresolved; there are various accounts of the foundations, constructions, and repairs made by Belinus, and instead of a burial, his body was burned.

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

The Romans being thus put to their extreame shift, deuised among themselues how to reuoke Furius Camillus from exile, whom not long before they had vniustlie banished out of the citie. In the end they did not onelie send for him home, but also created him dictator, committing into his handes (so long as his office lasted) an absolute power ouer all men, both of life and death. Camillus forgetfull of the iniurie done to him, and mindfull of his dutie towards his countrie, and lamenting the state thereof, without delay gathered such an armie as the present time permitted.

The Romans, in a desperate situation, figured out a way to bring Furius Camillus back from exile, a man they had unjustly banished not long before. Ultimately, they not only called him back but also appointed him as dictator, giving him complete power over everyone, including decisions of life and death, for the duration of his term. Camillus, putting aside the wrongs done to him and focusing on his duty to his country and its troubling state, quickly assembled the best army he could under the circumstances.

In the meane time those that kept the capitoll (being almost famished A composition. for lacke of vittels) compounded with Brenne and Beline, that for a thousand pounds weight in gold, the Romans should redéeme their liberties, and the said Brenne and Beline depart with their armie out of the citie and all the territories of Rome. But at the deliuerie of the monie, and by a certeine kind of hap, the Romans name was preserued at that time from such dishonor and ignominie as was likelie to haue insued. For some of the couetous sort of the Galles, not contented with the iust weight of the gold, did cast their swords also into the balance where the weights lay, thereby to haue ouer weight: wherevpon the Romans refused to make paiment after that weight.

In the meantime, those who were holding the Capitol (almost starving due to a lack of food) negotiated with Brennus and Belinus. They agreed that for a thousand pounds of gold, the Romans would redeem their freedoms, and Brennus and Belinus would withdraw their army from the city and all of Rome's territories. However, when the money was delivered, and by a stroke of luck, the Romans' name was saved at that moment from such dishonor and disgrace that would likely have followed. Some of the greedy Gauls, not satisfied with the proper weight of the gold, threw their swords onto the balance where the weights were, trying to add extra weight. Because of this, the Romans refused to pay based on that weight.

And thus whilest they were in altercation about this matter, the one importunnate to haue, the other not willing to grant, the time passed, till in the meane season Camillus came in amongst them with his power, Camillus disappointeth the Galles of their paiment. commanding that the gold should be had away, and affirming that without consent of the dictator, no composition or agréement might be concluded[Page 456] by the meaner magistrate. He gaue a signe to the Galles to prepare themselues to battell, whervnto they lightlie agréed, and togither they went. The battell being once begun, the Galles that looked earst for The Galles overthrowne. gold, and not for battell, were easilie ouercome, such as stood to the brunt were slaine, and the rest by flight constreined to depart the citie.

And so while they were arguing about this issue, one wanting to have it and the other unwilling to agree, time passed until Camillus arrived with his troops, Camillus lets the Gauls down by not paying them. ordering that the gold should be taken away and stating that without the dictator's consent, no arrangement could be made [Page 456] by the lesser magistrate. He signaled to the Gauls to get ready for battle, which they quickly agreed to, and they went together. Once the battle started, the Gauls, who were expecting gold and not a fight, were easily defeated; those who stood their ground were killed, and the rest were forced to flee the city.

Polybius writeth, that the Galles were turned from the siege of the citie, through wars which chanced amongst their owne people at home, and therefore they concluded a peace with the Romans, and leauing them in libertie returned home againe.

Polybius writes that the Gauls were driven away from the siege of the city due to conflicts that arose among their own people back home. As a result, they made peace with the Romans and, leaving them free, returned home again.

But howsoeuer the matter passed, thus much haue we stept from our purpose, to shew somwhat of that noble and most famous capteine Brennus, who (as not onelie our histories, but also Giouan Villani the Florentine dooth report) was a Britaine, and brother to Beline (as before is mentioned) although I know that manie other writers are not of that mind, affirming him to be a Gall, and likewise that after this present time of the taking of Rome by this Brennus 110 yeares, or there abouts, there was another Brennus a Gall by nation (say they) vnder whose conduct an other armie of the Gals inuaded Grecia, which Brennus had a brother that hight Belgius, although Humfrey Llhoyd and sir Iohn Prise doo flatlie denie the same, by reason of some discordance in writers, & namelie in the computation of the yeares set downe by them that haue recorded the dooings of those times, whereof the error is growen. Howbeit I doubt not but that the truth of this matter shall be more fullie sifted out in time by the learned and studious of such antiquities. But now to our purpose.

But however the matter went, we've strayed from our topic to mention a bit about the noble and famous captain Brennus, who (as both our histories and Giovanni Villani from Florence report) was a Briton and brother to Beline (as previously mentioned), although I know many other writers disagree, claiming he was a Gaul. They also say that about 110 years after this Brennus took Rome, there was another Brennus, a Gaul by nationality, who led a different army of Gauls to invade Greece, and this Brennus had a brother named Belgius. However, Humfrey Lhoyd and Sir John Prise outright deny this due to inconsistencies among writers, especially regarding the timeline set by those who recorded the events of that time, which is where the confusion arose. Nevertheless, I have no doubt that the truth of this matter will be thoroughly examined in time by scholars and enthusiasts of such antiquities. But now, back to our topic.

This is also to be noted, that where our histories make mention, that Beline was abroad with Brennus in the most part of his victories, both Titus Liu. Polydor. in Gallia, Germanie, and Italie; Titus Liuius speaketh but onlie of Brennus: wherevpon some write, that after the two brethren were by their mothers intreatance made friends, Brennus onlie went ouer to Gallia, and there through proofe of his woorthie prowesse, atteined to such estimation amongst the people called Galli Senones, that he was chosen to be their generall capteine at their going ouer the mountaines Matth. West. into Italie. But whether Beline went ouer with his brother, and finallie returned backe againe, leauing Brennus behind him, as some write, or that he went not at all, but remained still at home whilest his brother was abroad, we can affirme no certeintie.

It's also worth noting that where our histories mention that Beline was abroad with Brennus during most of his victories in Gaul, Germany, and Italy, Titus Livius only speaks of Brennus. Some write that after the two brothers were reconciled through their mother's efforts, only Brennus went over to Gaul. There, through his notable bravery, he gained such respect among the people known as the Gallic Senones that he was chosen as their general when they crossed the mountains into Italy. However, whether Beline went over with his brother and eventually returned, leaving Brennus behind, as some say, or whether he stayed home while his brother was away, we cannot confirm with certainty.

Most part of all our writers make report of manie woorthie deeds accomplished by Beline, in repairing of cities decaied, & erecting of Polychr.
Gal. M.
Caerleon Wiske built by Belline. other new buildings, to the adorning and beautifieng of his realme and kingdome. And amongst other works which were by him erected, he builded a citie in the south part of Wales, neare to the place where the riuer of Vske falleth into Seuerne, fast by Glamorgan, which citie hight Caerleon, or Caerlegion Ar Wiske. This Caerleon was the principall citie in time past of all Demetia, now called Southwales. Manie notable monuments are remaining there till this day, testifieng the great magnificence and roiall buildings of that citie in old time. In which citie also sith the time of Christ were thrée churches, one of saint Iulius the martyr, an other of saint Aron, and the third was the mother church of all Demetia, and the chiefe sée: but after, the same sée was translated vnto Meneuia, (that is to say) saint Dauid in Westwales. In this Caerleon was Amphibulus borne, who taught and instructed saint Albon.

Most of our writers report many worthy deeds accomplished by Beline, such as restoring decayed cities and constructing new buildings to enhance and beautify his realm and kingdom. Among other projects, he founded a city in the southern part of Wales, near where the River Usk flows into the Severn, close to Glamorgan. This city is called Caerleon, or Caerlegion Ar Wiske. Caerleon was once the principal city of all Demetia, now known as South Wales. Many notable monuments still exist there today, showcasing the great magnificence and royal buildings of that city in ancient times. In this city, since the time of Christ, there were three churches: one dedicated to Saint Julius the Martyr, another to Saint Aaron, and the third was the mother church of all Demetia and the chief see. However, later, that see was transferred to Menevia, which is to say, Saint David in West Wales. It was in Caerleon that Amphibulus was born, who taught and instructed Saint Alban.

Fabian. This Beline also builded an hauen, with a gate ouer the same, within the citie of Troinouant now called London, in the summitie or highest part wherof afterwards was set a vessell of brasse, in the which were put the ashes of his bodie, which bodie after his deceasse was burnt, Iohn Leland. as the maner of burieng in those daies did require. This gate was long after called Belins gate, and at length by corruption of language Billings gate. He builded also a castell eastward from this gate (as The Tower of London built by Beline. some haue written) which was long time after likewise called Belins castell, and is the same which now we call the tower of London. Thus Beline studieng dailie to beautifie this land with goodlie buildings and famous workes, at length departed this life, after he had reigned with his brother iointlie and alone the space of 26 yeres.

Fabian. Beline also built a haven, with a gate over it, within the city of Troinouant, now known as London. At the highest point of this haven, a brass vessel was placed, containing the ashes of his body, which was burned after his death, Iohn Leland. as was the custom of burial in those days. This gate was later referred to as Belin's gate, eventually becoming known through language evolution as Billingsgate. He also constructed a castle to the east of this gate (as some have written), which was later called Belin's castle and is what we now call the Tower of London. Thus, Beline, striving daily to beautify the land with impressive buildings and notable works, eventually passed away after reigning jointly with his brother and alone for a total of 26 years.


[Page 457]Of Gurguintus, Guintolinus, and Sicilius, three kings of Britaine succeeding ech other by lineall descent in the regiment, and of their acts and deeds, with a notable commendation of Queene Martia.

[Page 457]About Gurguintus, Guintolinus, and Sicilius, three kings of Britain who ruled in a succession of direct descent, and their actions and accomplishments, along with a significant praise for Queen Martia.

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

GURGUINTUS. Gurguintus the sonne of Beline began to reigne ouer the Britains, in the yeare of the world 1596, after the building of Rome 380, after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 164 complet, which was about the 33 yeare of Artaxerxes Mnenon, surnamed Magnus, the seuenth king of the Persians. This Gurguint in the English chronicle is named Matth. West. Corinbratus, and by Matthew Westmin. he is surnamed Barbiruc, the which bicause the tribute granted by Guilthdag king of Denmarke in perpetuitie vnto the kings of Britaine was denied, he sailed with a mightie nauie and armie of men into Denmarke, where he made such warre Gal. M. Gurguint cōstrained the Danes by force to pay their tribute. with fire and sword, that the king of Denmarke with the assent of his barons was constreined to grant eftsoones to continue the paiment of the aforesaid tribute.

GURGUINTUS. Gurguintus, the son of Beline, began to rule over Britain in the year 1596 Anno Mundi, 380 after the founding of Rome, and 164 years after the Israelites were freed from captivity, which was around the 33rd year of Artaxerxes Mnenon, known as Magnus, the seventh king of Persia. In the English chronicle, this Gurguint is referred to as Matth. West. Corinbratus, and by Matthew of Westminster, he is called Barbiruc. Because the tribute granted by Guilthdag, king of Denmark, to the kings of Britain was denied, he sailed with a mighty fleet and army into Denmark, where he waged such a war Gal. M. Gurguint made the Danes pay their tribute. with fire and sword that the king of Denmark, with the agreement of his nobles, was compelled to agree to resume the payment of the aforementioned tribute.

After he had thus atchiued his desire in Denmarke, as he returned backe towards Britaine, he encountred with a nauie of 30 ships beside the Iles of Orkenies. These ships were fraught with men and women, and had Matth. West.
Gal. Mon.
to their capteine one called Bartholin or Partholin, who being brought to the presence of king Gurguint, declared that he with his people were Basques. banished out of Spaine, and were named Balenses or Baselenses, and had sailed long on the sea, to the end to find some prince that would assigne them a place to inhabit, to whom they would become subiects, & hold of him as of their souereigne gouernor. Therefore he besought the Sée more hereof in Ireland. king to consider their estate, and of his great benignitie to appoint some void quarter where they might settle. The king with the aduice of his barons granted to them the Ile of Ireland, which as then (by report Polychron. of some authors) lay waste and without habitation. But it should appeare by other writers, that it was inhabited long before those daies, by the people called Hibernenses, of Hiberus their capteine that brought them also out of Spaine.

After he had achieved his goals in Denmark, as he was returning to Britain, he ran into a fleet of 30 ships near the Orkney Islands. These ships were filled with men and women and were led by a captain named Bartholin or Partholin. When he was brought before King Gurguint, he declared that he and his people were Basques who had been exiled from Spain. They were called Balenses or Baselenses and had been at sea for a long time, seeking a prince who would grant them a place to settle, to whom they would pledge their loyalty and acknowledge as their sovereign ruler. Therefore, he asked the king to consider their situation and, out of his great kindness, to designate some unoccupied area for them to inhabit. The king, with the advice of his barons, granted them the island of Ireland, which at that time (according to some authors) was reported to be desolate and uninhabited. However, other writers suggest that it had long been inhabited by people called Hibernenses, led by Hiberus, who also came from Spain.

After that Gurguintus was returned into his countrie, he ordeined that the laws made by his ancestors should be dulie kept and obserued. And thus administring iustice to his subiects for the tearme of 19 yeares, he finallie departed this life, and was buried at London, or as some Caius. haue at Caerleon. In his daies was the towne of Cambridge with the vniuersitie first founded by Cantaber, brother to the aforesaid Bartholin (according to some writers) as after shall appeare.

After that, Gurguintus returned to his country and ordered that the laws made by his ancestors should be properly kept and followed. He administered justice to his subjects for 19 years, and finally passed away, being buried in London, though some say at Caerleon. During his time, the town of Cambridge and its university were first founded by Cantaber, brother to the aforementioned Bartholin (according to some writers), as will be shown later.

GUINTOLINUS. Guintolinus or Guintellius the sonne of Gurguintus was admitted king of Britaine in the yere of the world 3614, after the building of the citie of Rome 399, and second yere of the 206 Olimpiad. This Guintoline was a wise prince, graue in counsell, and sober in behauior. He had also a wife named Martia, a woman of perfect beautie, & wisedome incomparable, as by hir prudent gouernement and equall administration of iustice after hir husbands deceasse, during hir sonnes minoritie, it most manifestlie appeared.

GUINTOLINUS. Guintolinus or Guintellius, the son of Gurguintus, became king of Britain in the year 3614 of the world, in 399 after the founding of Rome, and in the second year of the 206th Olympiad. Guintoline was a wise ruler, serious in counsel and reserved in behavior. He also had a wife named Martia, a woman of perfect beauty and unmatched wisdom, as clearly demonstrated by her wise governance and fair administration of justice after her husband's death, during her son's minority.

It is thought that in an happie time this Guintoline came to the gouernement of this kingdome, being shaken and brought out of order with ciuill dissentions, to the end he might reduce it to the former estate, which he earnestlie accomplished: for hauing once got the place, he studied with great diligence to reforme anew, and to adorne with iustice, lawes and good orders, the British common wealth, by other kings not so framed as stood with the quietnesse thereof. But afore all things he vtterlie remooued and appeased such ciuill discord, as séemed yet to remaine after the maner of a remnant of those seditious factions and partakings, which had so long time reigned in this land. But as he was busie in hand herewith, death tooke him out of this life, after he had reigned 27 yeares, and then was he buried at London.

It is believed that during a prosperous time, this Guintoline came to rule this kingdom, which was unsettled and disordered due to civil conflicts, with the aim of restoring it to its former state, a goal he earnestly achieved. After securing his position, he worked diligently to reform and enhance the British commonwealth with justice, laws, and good governance, unlike other kings who had not prioritized its peace. Above all, he completely removed and calmed the civil discord that still lingered from the remnants of the seditious factions that had long dominated this land. However, while he was busy with this task, death took him out of this life after he had reigned for 27 years, and he was then buried in London.

SICILIUS.[Page 458] Sicilius the sonne of Guintoline, being not past seuen yeares of age when his father died, was admitted king, in the yeare 3659, after the building of Rome 430, & after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 218, & in the sixt after the death of Alexander. By reason Queene Martia gouerneth in hir sonnes roome. that Sicilius was not of age sufficient of himselfe to guide the kingdoms of the Britains, his mother that worthie ladie called Martia, had the gouernance both of his realme and person committed to hir charge.

Sicilius.[Page 458] Sicilian, the son of Guintoline, was only seven years old when his father died. He became king in the year 3659, 430 years after the founding of Rome, 218 years after the Israelites were freed from captivity, and six years after Alexander's death. Since Sicilius was too young to manage the kingdom of Britain on his own, his capable mother, Queen Martia, was in charge of both his realm and his upbringing.

She was a woman expert and skilfull in diuers sciences, but chiefelie being admitted to the gouernance of the realme, she studied to preserue the common wealth in good quiet and wholsome order, and therefore She maketh lawes. deuised and established profitable and conuenient lawes, the which after were called Martian lawes, of hir name that first made them. These lawes, as those that were thought good and necessarie for the preseruation of the common wealth, Alfred, or Alured, that was long after king of England, translated also out of the British toong, into the English Saxon speech, and then were they called after that Matt. West. translation Marchenelagh, that is to meane, the lawes of Martia. To conclude, this worthie woman guided the land during the minoritie of hir sonne right politikelie; and highlie to hir perpetuall renowme and commendation. And when hir sonne came to lawfull age, she deliuered Matt. Westm. vp the gouernance into his handes. How long he reigned writers varie, some auouch but seuen yeares, though other affirme 15. which agréeth not so well with the accord of other histories and times. He was buried at London.

She was a skilled woman expert in various sciences, but primarily, when she was given control of the kingdom, she worked hard to maintain peace and order for the common good. She creates laws. She created and established beneficial and appropriate laws, which later became known as Martian laws, named after her since she was the first to create them. These laws, deemed good and necessary for the preservation of the commonwealth, were later translated by Alfred, or Alured, who became king of England, from the British language into Old English. After that, they were referred to as Matthew West Marchenelagh, meaning the laws of Martia. In conclusion, this remarkable woman effectively governed the land during her son's minority, enhancing her everlasting fame and reputation. When her son came of age, she handed over the governance to him. There are differing accounts of how long he reigned; some say just seven years, while others claim fifteen, which doesn't align well with other historical records. He was buried in London.


Of Kimarus and his sudden end, of Elanius and his short regiment, of Morindus and his beastlie crueltie, all thrée immediatlie succeeding each other in the monarchie of Britaine, with the exploits of the last.

About Kimarus and his abrupt demise, Elanius and his brief rule, and Morindus and his brutal cruelty, all three succeeding each other in the monarchy of Britain, along with the actions of the last.

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

KIMARUS. Fabian. Kimarus the sonne of Sicilius began to reigne ouer the Britaines, in the yeare of the world 3657, and after the building of Rome 442, & in the first yeare of the 117. Olimpiad. This Kimarus being a wild yoong man, and giuen to follow his lusts and pleasures, was slaine by some that were his enimies, as he was abroad in hunting, when he had reigned scarselie three yeares.

KIMARUS. Fabian. Kimarus, the son of Sicilius, started to rule over the Britains in the year 3657 Anno Mundi, 442 years after the founding of Rome, and in the first year of the 117th Olympiad. This Kimarus, being a wild young man who indulged in his desires and pleasures, was killed by some of his enemies while he was out hunting, having barely reigned for three years.

ELANIUS. Elanius the sonne of Kimarus, or (as other haue) his brother, began to rule the Britaines in the yeare after the creation of the world 3361, Matth. West. after the building of Rome 445, after the deliuerance of the Israelites 229, and in the fourth yeare of the Seleuciens, after which account the bookes of Machabees doo reckon, which began in the 14, after the death of Alexander. This Elanius in the English Chronicle is named also Haran; by Mat. Westm. Danius; and by an old chronicle which Fabian much followed, Elanius and Kimarus should seeme to be one person: but other hold the contrarie, and saie that he reigned fullie 8. yeares.

ELANIUS. Elanius, the son of Kimarus, or (as some say) his brother, started to rule the Britons in the year 3361 after the creation of the world, Matthew West 445 years after the founding of Rome, 229 years after the Israelites' deliverance, and in the fourth year of the Seleucid era, according to which the books of Maccabees count, beginning in the 14th year after Alexander's death. This Elanius is also referred to as Haran in the English Chronicle; by Mat. Westm. he's called Danius; and by an old chronicle that Fabian heavily referenced, Elanius and Kimarus appear to be the same person. However, others disagree and claim he reigned for a full 8 years.

MORINDUS. Morindus the bastard sonne of Elanius was admitted king of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3667, after the building of Rome 451, after the deliuerance of the Israelites 236, and in the tenth yeare of Cassander K. of Macedonia, which hauing dispatched Olimpias the mother of Alexander the great, and gotten Roxanes with Alexanders sonne into his hands, vsurped the kingdome of the Macedonians, and held it 15 yéeres. This Morindus in the English chronicle is called Morwith, and was a man of worthie fame in chiualrie and martiall dooings, but so cruell withall, that his vnmercifull nature could scarse be satisfied with the torments of them that had offended him, although oftentimes with his owne hands he cruellie put them to torture and execution. He was also beautifull and comelie of personage, liberall and bounteous, and of a maruellous strength.

MORINDUS. Morindus, the illegitimate son of Elanius, became the king of Britain in the year 3667 of the world, 451 years after the founding of Rome, 236 years after the Israelites' deliverance, and in the tenth year of Cassander, King of Macedonia. Cassander, after dealing with Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great, and gaining control of Roxane and Alexander's son, seized the Macedonian throne and held it for 15 years. In the English chronicle, this Morindus is referred to as Morwith. He was renowned for his chivalry and martial achievements but was also incredibly cruel, with a nature so merciless that he could seldom be satisfied with the torments he inflicted on those who wronged him, often torturing and executing them himself. He was also handsome and striking in appearance, generous and kind, and possessed extraordinary strength.

G. Mon. In his daies, a certeine king of the people called Moriani, with a great armie landed in Northumberland, and began to make cruell warre vpon the inhabitants. But Morindus aduertised héerof, assembled his Britains, came against the enimies, and in battell putting them to[Page 459] flight, chased them to their ships, and tooke a great number of them prisoners, whome to the satisfieng of his cruell nature he caused to be slaine euen in his presence. Some of them were headed, some strangled, some panched, and some he caused to be slaine quicke.

G. Mon. In his time, a certain king of the people called Moriani landed with a large army in Northumberland and began to wage a brutal war against the locals. But Morindus, alerted to this situation, gathered his Britons, confronted the enemies, and in battle routed them, chasing them to their ships and capturing a significant number of them. To satisfy his cruel nature, he ordered them to be killed right in front of him. Some were beheaded, some were strangled, others were stabbed, and some he had killed while still alive.

The like may be thought of those Murreis or Morauians of whom H.B. speaketh. Fabian. ¶ These people (whome Gal. Mon. nameth Moriani) I take to be either those that inhabited about Terrouane and Calice, called Morini, or some other people of the Galles or Germaines, and not as some estéeme them, Morauians, or Merhenners, which were not known to the world (as Humfrey Llhoyd hath verie well noted) till about the daies of the emperour Mauricius, which misconstruction of names hath brought the British historie further out of credit than reason requireth, if the circumstances be dulie considered.

These can be considered the Murreis or Moravians that H.B. refers to. Fabian. ¶ I believe these people (whom Gal. Mon. refers to as Moriani) are either those who lived around Terrouane and Calice, called Morini, or another group from the Gauls or Germans, and not, as some believe, Moravians or Merhenners, who were unknown to the world (as Humfrey Llhoyd has rightly pointed out) until around the time of Emperor Mauritius. This misunderstanding of names has cast British history into doubt more than it should, if we consider the circumstances carefully.

But now to end with Morindus. At length this bloudie prince heard of a monster that was come a land out of the Irish sea, with the which when he would néeds fight, he was deuoured of the same, after he had reigned the terme of 8 yeeres, leauing behind him fiue sonnes, Gorbonianus, Archigallus, Elidurus, Vigenius, or Nigenius, and Peredurus.

But now, let's wrap up with Morindus. Eventually, this bloodthirsty prince heard about a monster that had come ashore from the Irish Sea. When he insisted on fighting it, he was consumed by the creature after reigning for 8 years, leaving behind five sons: Gorbonianus, Archigallus, Elidurus, Vigenius (or Nigenius), and Peredurus.


Of Gorbonianus, Archigallus, Elidurus, Vigenius, and Peredurus, the fiue sons of Morindius, the building of Cambridge, the restitution of Archigallus to the regiment after his depriuation, Elidurus three times admitted king, his death and place of interrement.

About Gorbonianus, Archigallus, Elidurus, Vigenius, and Peredurus, the five sons of Morindius, the founding of Cambridge, the restoration of Archigallus to power after his removal, Elidurus being crowned king three times, his death, and where he was buried.

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

GORBOMEN OR GORBONIANUS. Gorbonianus the first son of Morindus succéeded his father in the kingdome of Britain, in the yéere of the world 3676, after the building of Rome 461, and fourth yéere of the 121. Olimpiad. This Gorbonianus in the English chronicle is named Granbodian, and was a righteous prince A righteous and religious prince. in his gouernment, and verie deuout (according to such deuotion as he had) towards the aduancing of the religion of his gods: and thervpon he repaired all the old temples through his kingdome, and erected some new.

Gorbomen or Gorbonianus. Gorbonianus, the first son of Morindus, succeeded his father in the kingdom of Britain in the year 3676 of the world, 461 years after the founding of Rome, and in the fourth year of the 121st Olympiad. This Gorbonianus is called Granbodian in the English chronicle and was a just and devoted ruler. A virtuous and devout prince. He was very dedicated (as much as he could be) to promoting the worship of his gods: because of this, he restored all the old temples throughout his kingdom and built some new ones.

He also builded the townes of Cambridge and Grantham (as Caxton writeth) and was beloued both of the rich and poore, for he honoured the rich, and relieued the poore in time of their necessities. In his time was more plentie of all things necessarie for the wealthfull state of man, than had béene before in anie of his predecessors daies. He died without issue, after he had reigned (by the accord of most writers) about the terme of ten yeares.

He also built the towns of Cambridge and Grantham (as Caxton wrote) and was loved by both the rich and the poor, as he honored the wealthy and helped the needy in their time of need. During his reign, there was more abundance of all necessary things for the prosperous state of humanity than there had been in any of his predecessors' times. He died without heirs after reigning, according to most writers, for about ten years.

Cambridge by whome it was built. Some write that this Gorbonian built the townes of Cairgrant, now called Cambridge, & also Grantham, but some thinke that those which haue so written are deceiued, in mistaking the name; for that Cambridge was at the first called Granta: and by that meanes it might be that Gorbonian built onlie Grantham, and not Cambridge, namelie because other write how that Cambridge (as before is said) was built in the daies of Gurguntius the sonne of Beline, by one Cantaber a Spaniard, brother to Partholoin, which Partholoin by the aduice of the same Gurguntius, got seates for himselfe and his companie in Ireland (as before ye haue heard.)

Cambridge, created by its builders. Some say that this Gorbonian founded the towns of Cairgrant, now known as Cambridge, and Grantham. However, others believe those who wrote this are mistaken regarding the name; because Cambridge was originally called Granta. This means Gorbonian may have only built Grantham, not Cambridge, especially since other sources mention that Cambridge (as previously stated) was established during the time of Gurguntius, the son of Beline, by a Spaniard named Cantaber, who was the brother of Partholoin. Partholoin, with the advice of Gurguntius, secured land for himself and his company in Ireland (as you have heard before).

The said Cantaber also obteining licence of Gurguntius, builded a towne vpon the side of the riuer called Canta, which he closed with walles, and fortified with a strong tower or castell, and after procuring philosophers to come hither from Athens (where in his youth he had bene a student) he placed them there, and so euen then was that place furnished (as they saie) with learned men, and such as were readie to instruct others in knowledge of letters and philosophicall doctrine. But by whome or in what time soeuer it was built, certeine it is that there was a citie or towne walled in that place before the comming of the Saxons, called by the Britaines Caergrant, and by the Saxons Granchester.

The Cantaber, having obtained permission from Gurguntius, built a town on the bank of the river called Canta. He enclosed it with walls and fortified it with a strong tower or castle. Afterward, he brought philosophers from Athens, where he had studied in his youth, and placed them there. Even then, that place was said to be filled with learned men ready to teach others about letters and philosophical doctrines. However, no matter who built it or when, it’s certain that there was a walled city or town there before the arrival of the Saxons, known by the Britons as Caergrant and by the Saxons as Granchester.

This towne fell so to ruine by the inuasion of the Saxons, that at length it was in maner left desolate, and at this day remaineth as a village. But néere therevnto vnder the Saxon kings, an other towne was[Page 460] built, now called Cambridge, where by the fauour of king Sigebert and Felix a Burgundian, that was bishop of Dunwich, a schoole was erected, as in place conuenient shall appeare.

This town was nearly destroyed by the invasion of the Saxons, to the point that it became mostly deserted, and today it still exists as a village. However, nearby during the reign of the Saxon kings, another town was[Page 460] built, now known as Cambridge, where, with the support of King Sigebert and Felix, a Burgundian who was the bishop of Dunwich, a school was established, as will be shown in a suitable place.

ARCHIGALLUS. Archigallus, the second sonne of Morindus, and brother vnto Gorbonianus, was admitted king of Britaine, in the yeare 3686, after the building of the citie of Rome 470, after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 255, and in the first yeare of Sosthenes king of Macedonia. This Archigallus (in the English chronicle called Artogaill) followed not the steppes of his brother, but giuing himselfe He is giuen to nourish dissention. to dissention and strife, imagined causes against his nobles, that he might displace them, and set such in their roomes as were men of base birth and of euill conditions. Also he sought by vnlawfull meanes to bereaue his wealthie subiects of their goods and riches, so to inrich himselfe and impouerish his people. For the which his inordinate dooings, his nobles conspired against him, and finallie depriued him of all his honor and kinglie dignitie, after he had reigned about the space of one yeare.

ARCHIGALLUS. Archigallus, the second son of Morindus and brother to Gorbonianus, became king of Britain in the year 3686, after the founding of the city of Rome 470, after the liberation of the Israelites from captivity 255, and in the first year of Sosthenes, king of Macedonia. This Archigallus (referred to as Artogaill in the English chronicle) did not follow his brother’s path but instead embraced conflict and strife, creating reasons to target his nobles so he could remove them and replace them with individuals of low status and poor character. He also attempted to illegally seize the possessions and wealth of his richer subjects to enrich himself and impoverish his people. As a result of his excessive actions, his nobles conspired against him and ultimately stripped him of all his honor and royal dignity after he had reigned for about a year.

ELIDURUS. Elidurus the third sonne of Morindus, and brother to Archigallus, was by one consent of the Britains chosen to reigne ouer them in his brothers stead, after the creation of the world 3687, and after the building of the citie of Rome 471, after the deliuerance of the Israelites 256, & in the first yeare of Sosthenes king of Macedonia. This Elidurus in the English chronicle named Hesider, or Esoder, prooued a most righteous prince, and doubting least he should doo otherwise than became him, if he did not take care for his brother Archigallus estate, a man might woonder what diligence he shewed in trauelling with the nobles of the realme to haue his brother restored to the crowne againe.

ELIDURUS. Elidurus, the third son of Morindus and brother of Archigallus, was unanimously chosen by the Britains to rule over them in place of his brother after the creation of the world in 3687, after the founding of Rome in 471, after the liberation of the Israelites in 256, and in the first year of Sosthenes, king of Macedonia. This Elidurus, known in the English chronicles as Hesider or Esoder, proved to be a truly just ruler. Worrying that he might not live up to his responsibilities if he didn't attend to his brother Archigallus's situation, one could marvel at how hard he worked to persuade the nobles of the realm to restore his brother to the throne.

Now as it chanced one day (being abroad on hunting in the wood called Calater) neare vnto Yorke, he found his brother Archigall wandering there in the thickest of that wildernesse, whom in most louing maner he secretlie conueied home to his house, being as then the citie of Aldud, By this it should séeme that Acliud should not be in Scotland, contrarie to the Scotish authors. otherwise called Acliud. Shortlie after he feined himselfe sicke, and in all hast sent messengers about to assemble his barons, who being come at the day appointed, he called them one after another into his priuie chamber, and there handled them in such affectuous sort with wise and discréet words, that he got their good wils to further him to their powers, for the reducing of the kingdome eftsoones into the hands of his brother Archigallus.

One day, while out hunting in the woods called Calater near York, he came across his brother Archigall wandering in the depths of the wilderness. He kindly brought him back to his house, which at the time was in the city of Aldud, also known as Acliud. Shortly after, he pretended to be sick and urgently sent messengers to gather his barons. When they arrived on the designated day, he called them into his private chamber one by one and spoke to them with such heartfelt and wise words that he gained their support to help restore the kingdom back into the hands of his brother Archigallus.

After this he assembled a councell at Yorke, where he so vsed the matter with the commons, that in conclusion, when the said Elidurus had gouerned the land well and honourablie the space of thrée yeares, he resigned wholie his crowne and kinglie title vnto his brother Archigallo, who was receiued of the Britaines againe as king by An example of brotherlie loue. mediation of his brother in manner as before is said. ¶ A rare example of brotherlie loue, if a man shall reuolue in his mind what an inordinate desire remaineth amongst mortall men to atteine to the supreme souereintie of ruling, and to kéepe the same when they haue it once in possession. He had well learned this lesson (as may appeare by his contentation and resignation) namelie, that

After this, he gathered a council in York, where he handled the situation with the common people in such a way that eventually, after Elidurus had governed the land well and honorably for three years, he completely resigned his crown and royal title to his brother Archigallo, who was received by the Britons again as king through his brother's mediation, just as noted before. A perfect example of brotherly love. A rare example of brotherly love, considering the strong desire that exists among mortals to attain the highest power of ruling and to hold onto it once they have it. He had clearly learned this lesson (as shown by his satisfaction and resignation), namely that

Nec abnuendum si dat imperium Deus,

Nec abnuendum si dat imperium Deus,

Nec appetendum,

Nec appetendum,

Sen. in Thiess. otherwise he would not haue béene led with such an equabilitie of mind. For this great good will and brotherlie loue by him shewed thus toward his brother, he was surnamed the godlie and vertuous.

Sen. in Thiess. otherwise he would not have been carried with such calmness of mind. Because of this great goodwill and brotherly love he showed toward his brother, he was nicknamed the godly and virtuous.

ARCHIGALLUS AGAIN. When Archigallus was thus restored to the kingdome, and hauing learned by due correction that he must turne the leafe, and take out a new lesson, by changing his former trade of liuing into better, if he would reigne in suertie: he became a new man, vsing himselfe vprightlie in the administration of iustice, and behauing himselfe so woorthilie in all his doings, both toward the nobles & commons of his realme, that he was both beloued and dread of all his subiects. And so continuing the whole tearme of his life, finallie departed out of this world, after he had reigned this second time the space of ten yeares, and was buried at[Page 461] Yorke.

ARCHIGALLUS STRIKES BACK. When Archigallus was restored to the kingdom, he learned through the right guidance that he needed to turn over a new leaf and adopt a better way of living if he wanted to reign securely. He became a changed man, acting fairly in his administration of justice and behaving so commendably in all his actions, both toward the nobles and the common people of his realm, that he was both loved and respected by all his subjects. Continuing this way throughout his life, he eventually passed away after reigning for ten years during his second term and was buried at [Page 461] York.

ELIDURUS AGAINE. Matt. West. Elidurus brother to this Archigallus was then againe admitted king by consent of all the Britaines, 3700 of the world. But his two yonger brethren, Vigenius and Peredurus, enuieng the happie state of this woorthie prince, so highlie for his vertue and good gouernance esteemed Brother against brother. of the Britains, of a grounded malice conspired against him, and assembling an armie, leuied warre against him, and in a pitcht field tooke him prisoner, and put him in the tower of London, there to be Elidure committed to prison. kept close prisoner, after he had reigned now this last time the space of one yeare.

ELIDURUS AGAIN. Matthew West Elidurus, the brother of this Archigallus, was once again made king with the agreement of all the Britons, totaling 3,700 of the world. But his two younger brothers, Vigenius and Peredurus, envious of the fortunate position of this worthy prince, esteemed so highly for his virtue and good governance among the Britons, conspired against him out of deep-seated malice. They gathered an army, waged war against him, captured him in a pitched battle, and imprisoned him in the Tower of London, keeping him closely confined after he had reigned for one year this last time.

VIGENIUS AND PEREDURUS. Vigenius and Peredurus, the yoongest sonnes of Morindus, and brethren to Elidurus, began to reigne iointlie as kings of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3701, after the building of Rome 485, after the deliuerance of the Israelites 266 complet, and in the 12 yeare of Antigonus Gonatas, the sonne of Demetrius king of the Macedonians. These two brethren in the English chronicles are named Higanius and Britaine divided into two realmes. Petitur, who (as Gal. Mon. testifieth) diuided the realme betwixt them, so that all the land from Humber westward fell to Vigenius, or Higanius, the other part beyond Humber northward Peredure held. But other affirme, that Peredurus onelie reigned, and held his brother Elidurus in prison by his owne consent, forsomuch as he was not willing to gouerne.

Vigenius and Peredurus. Vigenius and Peredurus, the youngest sons of Morindus and brothers to Elidurus, started ruling together as kings of Britain in the year 3701 of the world, 485 years after the founding of Rome, and 266 years after the Israelites were delivered. This was also in the 12th year of Antigonus Gonatas, the son of Demetrius, king of the Macedonians. In the English chronicles, these two brothers are called Higanius and Britain split into two kingdoms. Petitur, who (as stated by Gal. Mon.) divided the kingdom between them, so that all the land from Humber westward belonged to Vigenius, or Higanius, while Peredurus held the northern part beyond Humber. However, others claim that Peredurus solely reigned and kept his brother Elidurus imprisoned with his consent, as he was unwilling to govern.

But Gal. Mon. saith, that Vigenius died after he had reigned 7 yeares, and then Peredurus seized all the land into his owne rule, and gouerned it with such sobrietie and wisedome, that he was praised aboue all his brethren, so that Elidurus was quite forgotten of the Britains. But Varitie in writers. others write that he was a verie tyrant, and vsed himselfe verie cruellie towards the lords of his land, wherevpon they rebelled and slue him. But whether by violent hand, or by naturall sicknesse, he Caxton. finallie departed this life, after the consent of most writers, when Eth. Bur. he had reigned eight yeares, leauing no issue behind him to succéed in the gouernance of the kingdome. He builded the towne of Pikering, where his bodie was buried.

But Gal. Mon. says that Vigenius died after he had ruled for 7 years, and then Peredurus took control of all the land and governed it with such temperance and wisdom that he was praised above all his brothers, so much so that Elidurus was completely forgotten by the Britons. But Diverse writers. others say that he was a very cruel tyrant and treated the lords of his land harshly, which led them to rebel and kill him. However, whether by violent means or by natural causes, he Caxton. ultimately passed away, according to most writers, after he had ruled for eight years, leaving no heirs to succeed him in governing the kingdom. He built the town of Pikering, where his body was buried.

ELIDURUS THE THIRD TIME. Elidurus then, as soone as his brother Peredurus was dead, for as much as he was next heire to the crowne, was deliuered out of prison, and now the third time admitted king of Britaine, who vsed himselfe (as before) verie orderlie in ministring to all persons right and iustice all the daies of his life, and lastlie being growne to great age died, when he had reigned now this third time (after most concordance of He is buried at Caerleill. writers) the tearme of foure yeares: and was buried at Caerleill.

ELIDURUS THE THIRD TIME. Elidurus then, as soon as his brother Peredurus died, since he was the next heir to the crown, was released from prison and, for the third time, became king of Britain. He conducted himself (as he had before) very orderly in administering justice and fairness to everyone all the days of his life. Finally, having reached a great age, he died after ruling for this third time (according to most sources) for a term of four years; he was buried at Caerleill.


A Chapter of digression, shewing the diuersitie of writers in opinion, touching the computation of yeares from the beginning of the British kings of this Iland downewards; since Gurguintus time, till the death of Elidurus; and likewise till King Lud reigned in his roialtie, with the names of such kings as ruled betweene the last yeare of Elidurus, and the first of Lud.

A chapter of digression, showing the diversity of opinions among writers regarding the calculation of years from the beginning of the British kings of this island down to the time of Gurguintus, until the death of Elidurus; and also until King Lud reigned in his royalty, along with the names of the kings who ruled between the last year of Elidurus and the first of Lud.

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

Here is to be noted, that euen from the beginning of the British kings, which reigned here in this land, there is great diuersitie amongest writers, both touching the names, and also the times of their reignes, speciallie till they come to the death of the last mentioned king Polydor. Elidurus. Insomuch that Polydor Virgil in his historie of England, finding a manifest error (as he taketh it) in those writers whome he followeth touching the account, from the comming of Brute, vnto the sacking of Rome by Brennus, whome our histories affirme to be the brother of Beline, that to fill vp the number which is wanting in the reckoning of the yeares of those kings which reigned after Brute, till the daies of the same Brenne & Beline, he thought good to change the order, least one error should follow an other, and so of one error making manie, he hath placed those kings which after other writers should séeme to follow Brenne and Beline, betwixt Dunuallo and Mulmucius, father to the said Beline and Brenne, and those fiue kings[Page 462] which stroue for the gouernement after the deceasse of the two brethren, Ferrex and Porrex, putting Guintoline to succéed after the fiue kings or rulers, and after Guintoline his wife Martia, during the minoritie of hir sonne, then hir said sonne named Sicilius.

It's important to note that even from the beginning of the British kings who reigned in this land, there is significant disagreement among writers regarding both the names and the timelines of their reigns, especially until the death of the last king mentioned, Polydor. Elidurus. Polydor Virgil, in his history of England, found a clear error (as he sees it) in the writings of those he followed regarding the timeline from the arrival of Brute to the sacking of Rome by Brennus, whom our histories claim is the brother of Beline. To address the gap in the calculation of the years for the kings who ruled after Brute, leading up to the time of Brenne and Beline, he decided to rearrange the order to prevent one mistake from leading to another. Thus, to correct the issues, he placed those kings who, according to other writers, should seem to follow Brenne and Beline, between Dunuallo and Mulmucius, the father of Beline and Brenne. He arranged the five kings[Page 462] who contested for power after the death of the two brothers, Ferrex and Porrex, placing Guintoline to succeed the five kings or rulers, and after Guintoline, his wife Martia, during her son's minority, then her son named Sicilius.

After him succéeded these whose names follow in order, Chimarius, Danius, Morindus, Gorbonianus, Archigallo, who being deposed, Elidurus was made king, and so continued till he restored the gouernement (as ye haue heard) to Archigallo againe, and after his death Elidurus was eftsoones admitted, and within awhile againe deposed by Vigenius and Peredurus, and after their deceasses the third time restored. Then after his deceasse followed successiuelie Veginus, Morganus, Ennanus, Idunallo, Rimo, Geruntius, Catellus, Coilus, Porrex the second of that name, Cherinus, Fulgentius, Eldalus, Androgeus, Vrianus and Eliud, after whom should follow Dunuallo Molmucius, as in his proper place, if the order of things doone, & the course of time should be obserued, as Polydor gathereth by the account of yeares attributed to those kings that reigned before and after Dunuallo, according to those authours whom (as I said) he followeth, if they will that Brennus which led the Galles to Rome be the same that was sonne to the said Dunuallo Mulmucius, and brother to Beline.

After him, the following kings succeeded in order: Chimarius, Danius, Morindus, Gorbonianus, and Archigallo. After Archigallo was deposed, Elidurus became king and continued until he restored the government (as you have heard) to Archigallo again. After Archigallo's death, Elidurus was admitted once more, but shortly afterward was deposed again by Vigenius and Peredurus. After their deaths, he was restored for the third time. Following his death, the kings that succeeded him were Veginus, Morganus, Ennanus, Idunallo, Rimo, Geruntius, Catellus, Coilus, Porrex the second of that name, Cherinus, Fulgentius, Eldalus, Androgeus, Vrianus, and Eliud. After them would come Dunuallo Molmucius, as noted in the proper place, if the order of events and the passage of time is respected. This is as Polydor gathers from the timeline attributed to those kings who reigned before and after Dunuallo, according to those sources he follows, if they agree that Brennus, who led the Gauls to Rome, was the son of Dunuallo Molmucius and the brother of Beline.

But sith other haue in better order brought out a perfect agréement in the account of yeares, and succession of those kings, which reigned and gouerned in this land before the sacking of Rome; and also another such as it is after the same, and before the Romans had anie perfect knowledge thereof; we haue thought good to follow them therein, leauing to euerie man his libertie to iudge as his knowledge shall serue him in a thing so doubtfull and vncerteine, by reason of variance amongst the ancient writers in that behalfe.

But since others have presented a clearer and more accurate timeline of the years and succession of the kings who ruled this land before the sack of Rome, as well as another timeline for the period afterward, before the Romans had any definite understanding of it, we have decided to follow their lead, allowing each person the freedom to judge as their knowledge permits in such a uncertain and questionable matter, due to the discrepancies among ancient writers on this topic.

And euen as there is great difference in writers since Gurguintus, till the death of Elidurus, so is there as great or rather greater after his deceasse, speciallie till king Lud atteined the kingdóme. But as maie Fabian. be gathered by that which Fabian and other whome he followeth doo write, there passed aboue 185 yeares betwixt the last yeare of Elidurus, and the beginning of king Lud his reigne, in the which time there reigned 32, or 33, kings, as some writers haue mentioned, whose names (as Gal. Mon. hath recorded) are these immediatlie héere named; Regnie the sonne of Gorbolian or Gorbonian, a worthie prince, who iustlie and mercifullie gouerned his people; Margan the sonne of Archigallo a noble prince likewise, and guiding his subiects in good quiet; Emerian brother to the same Margan, but far vnlike to him in maners, so that he was deposed in the sixt yeare of his reigne; Ydwallo sonne to Vigenius; Rimo the sonne of Peredurus; Geruntius the sonne of Elidurus; Catell that was buried at Winchester; Coill that was buried at Nottingham; Porrex a vertuous and most gentle prince; Cherinus a drunkard; Fulginius, Eldad, and Androgeus; these thrée were sonnes to Chercinus, and reigned successiuelie one after another; after them a Vrianus. sonne of Androgeus; then Eliud, Dedaicus, Clotinius, Gurguntius, Merianus, Bledius, Cop, Owen, Sicilius, Bledgabredus an excellent musician: after him his brother Archemall; then Eldol, Red, Rodiecke, Samuill, Penisell, Pir, Capoir; after him his sonne Gligweil an vpright dealing prince, and a good iusticiarie; whom succeeded his sonne Helie, which reigned 60 yeares, as the forsaid Gal. Mon. writeth, where other affirme that he reigned 40 yeares, and some againe say that he reigned but 7 moneths.

And just as there was a significant difference in writers from Gurguintus until the death of Elidurus, there was an even greater difference after his death, especially until King Lud came to power. But as can be gathered from what Fabian and others following him write, more than 185 years passed between the last year of Elidurus and the beginning of King Lud's reign. During that time, 32 or 33 kings ruled, as mentioned by some writers, whose names (as recorded by Gal. Mon.) are listed right here: Regnie, the son of Gorbolian or Gorbonian, a worthy prince who justly and mercifully governed his people; Margan, the son of Archigallo, another noble prince who led his subjects peacefully; Emerian, brother to the same Margan, but very different in character, so much so that he was deposed in the sixth year of his reign; Ydwallo, son of Vigenius; Rimo, son of Peredurus; Geruntius, son of Elidurus; Catell, who was buried in Winchester; Coill, who was buried in Nottingham; Porrex, a virtuous and gentle prince; Cherinus, a drunkard; Fulginius, Eldad, and Androgeus—these three were sons of Chercinus and ruled consecutively one after another; after them came Vrianus, son of Androgeus; then Eliud, Dedaicus, Clotinius, Gurguntius, Merianus, Bledius, Cop, Owen, Sicilius, Bledgabredus, an excellent musician; after him came his brother Archemall; then Eldol, Red, Rodiecke, Samuill, Penisell, Pir, Capoir; after him, his son Gligweil, an upright prince and a good justice; who was succeeded by his son Helie, who ruled for 60 years, as Gal. Mon. writes, while others claim he ruled for 40 years, and some again say he ruled for only 7 months.

There is great diuersitie in writers touching the reignes of these kings, and not onlie for the number of yéeres which they should continue in their reignes but also in their names: so that to shew the diuersitie of all the writers, were but to small purpose, sith the dooings of the same kings were not great by report made thereof by any approoued author. But this maie suffice to aduertise you, that by conferring the yéeres attributed to the other kings which reigned before them, since the comming of Brute, who should enter this land (as by the best writers is gathered) about the yéere before the building of Rome 367, which was in the yéere after the creation of the world 2850 (as is said) with their time, there remaineth 182 yéeres to be dealt amongst these 33 kings, which reigned betwixt the said Elidure & Lud,[Page 463] which Lud also began his reigne after the building of the citie of Rome (as writers affirme) about 679 yéeres, and in the yéere of the world 3895, as some that will séeme the precisest calculators doo gather.

There is a lot of variation among writers regarding the reigns of these kings, not only in how many years they claim these kings ruled but also in their names. To demonstrate the differences among all the writers would be pointless since none of the approved authors have reported significant events from these kings. However, it may be enough to inform you that by comparing the years attributed to the other kings who ruled before them, starting with Brute, who supposedly entered this land (as the best writers agree) about the year before the founding of Rome, 367, which was in the year after the creation of the world, 2850 (as it is said), there are 182 years to consider among these 33 kings, who reigned between Elidure and Lud. Lud began his reign after the founding of the city of Rome (as writers state) around 679 years later, in the year of the world 3895, as some of the more precise calculators have gathered.[Page 463]

Polydor Virgil changing (as I haue shewed) the order of succession in the British kings, in bringing diuerse of those kings, which after other writers followed Beline and Brenne, to precéed them so successiuelie after Beline and Brenne, reherseth those that by his coniecture did by likelihood succéed, as thus. After the decesse of Beline, his sonne Gurguntius, being the second of that name, succeeded in gouernment of the land, and then these in order as they follow: Merianus, Bladanus, Capeus, Duinus, Sicilius, Bledgabredus, Archemallus, Eldorus, Rodianus, Redargius, Samulius, Penisellus, Pyrrhus, Caporus, Dinellus, and Helie, who had issue, Lud, Cassibellane, and Neurius.

Polydor Virgil, as I have shown, altered the order of succession among the British kings by placing several kings who, according to other writers, followed Beline and Brenne, to succeed them in order after Beline and Brenne. He lists those he conjectures likely succeeded as follows: After the death of Beline, his son Gurguntius, the second of that name, took over the governance of the land, followed in order by: Merianus, Bladanus, Capeus, Duinus, Sicilius, Bledgabredus, Archemallus, Eldorus, Rodianus, Redargius, Samulius, Penisellus, Pyrrhus, Caporus, Dinellus, and Helie, who had children: Lud, Cassibellane, and Neurius.


Of king Helie who gaue the name to the Ile of Elie, of king Lud, and what memorable edifices he made, London sometimes called Luds towne, his bountifulnes, and buriall.

About King Helie, who named the Isle of Elie, King Lud, and the notable buildings he constructed, with London sometimes referred to as Lud's Town, his generosity, and his burial.

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

Here note by the waie a thing not to be forgotten, that of the foresaid Whereof the Ile of Elie tooke name. Helie the last of the said 33 kings, the Ile of Elie tooke the name, bicause that he most commonlie did there inhabit, building in the same a goodly palace, and making great reparations of the sluces, ditches & causies about that Ile, for conueiance awaie of the water, that els would sore haue indamaged the countrie. There be that haue mainteined, that this Ile should rather take name of the great abundance of éeles that are found in these waters and fennes wherwith this Ile is inuironed. But Humfrey Llhoyd holdeth, that it tooke name of this British word Helig, which signifieth willowes, wherwith those fennes abound.

Here’s a note along the way about something important not to forget: the Isle of Elie got its name from Helie, the last of the 33 kings, because he commonly lived there. He built a beautiful palace on the island and made extensive repairs to the sluices, ditches, and causeways around it to manage the water that could have otherwise damaged the land. Some say the island got its name because of the abundance of eels found in the waters and marshes surrounding it. However, Humfrey Llhoyd argues that the name comes from the British word "Helig," which means willows, as those marshes are rich in them.

LUD. After the decesse of the same Helie, his eldest son Lud began his reigne, in the yéere after the creation of the world 3895, after the building of the citie of Rome 679, before the comming of Christ 72, and A worthie prince. before the Romanes entred Britaine 19 yéeres. This Lud proued a right worthie prince, amending the lawes of the realme that were defectiue, abolishing euill customs and maners vsed amongst his people, and repairing old cities and townes which were decaied: but speciallie he delited most to beautifie and inlarge with buildings the citie of London inclosed with a wal. Iohn Hard. Troinouant, which he compassed with a strong wall made of lime and stone, in the best maner fortified with diuerse faire towers: and in the west part of the same wall he erected a strong gate, which he commanded to be called after his name, Luds gate, and so vnto this daie it is called Ludgate, (S) onelie drowned in pronuntiation of the word.

Loud. After the death of Helie, his eldest son Lud began his reign in the year 3895 after the creation of the world, 679 years after the founding of Rome, 72 years before the coming of Christ, and 19 years before the Romans entered Britain. Lud proved to be a truly worthy prince, improving the flawed laws of the realm, abolishing bad customs and practices among his people, and repairing old cities and towns that had fallen into disrepair. He especially loved to beautify and expand the city of London surrounded by a wall. Iohn Hard. Troinouant, which he surrounded with a strong wall made of lime and stone, fortified in the best way with several beautiful towers. In the western part of this wall, he built a strong gate, which he commanded to be called after his name, Lud's gate, and it is still called Ludgate to this day, just slightly altered in pronunciation.

Fabian.
Gal. Mon.
Matt. West.
In the same citie also he soiorned for the more part, by reason whereof the inhabitants increased, and manie habitations were builded to receiue them, and he himselfe caused buildings to be made betwixt London stone and Ludgate, and builded for himselfe not farre from the The bishops palace. said gate a faire palace, which is the bishop of Londons palace beside Paules at this daie, as some thinke; yet Harison supposeth it to haue bin Bainards castell, where the blacke friers now standeth. He also builded a fairer temple néere to his said palace, which temple (as some take it) was after turned to a church, and at this daie called Paules. By reason that king Lud so much esteemed that citie before all other of his realme, inlarging it so greatlie as he did, and continuallie in The name of Troinouant changed and called London. manner remained there, the name was changed, so that it was called Caerlud, that is to saie, Luds towne: and after by corruption of spéech it was named London.

Fabian.
Gal. Mon.
Matt. West.
He mostly stayed in the same city, which led to a growing population, and many houses were built to accommodate them. He himself had structures erected between London Stone and Ludgate, and built a beautiful palace for himself not far from the The bishop's residence. mentioned gate, which is considered the Bishop of London’s palace next to St. Paul's today, according to some. However, Harrison believes it might have been Baynard's Castle, where the Blackfriars now stands. He also constructed a nicer temple near this palace, which some believe was later turned into a church, now known as St. Paul's. Because King Lud valued this city above all others in his realm, expanding it so significantly and frequently residing there, the name changed to Caerlud, meaning Lud's town, and over time, it became known as London.

Beside the princelie dooings of this Lud touching the aduancement of the common wealth by studies apperteining to the time of peace, he was also strong & valiant in armes, in subduing his enimies, bountious and liberall both in gifts and kéeping a plentifull house, so that he was greatlie beloued of all the Britaines. Finallie, when he had reigned with great honour for the space of 11 yéeres, he died, and was buried néere Ludgate, leauing after him two sons, Androgeus and Theomancius or[Page 464] Tenancius.

Alongside the noble actions of Lud aimed at advancing the common good through the studies relevant to peacetime, he was also strong and brave in battle, overcoming his enemies. He was generous and hospitable, known for his gifts and for hosting a plentiful household, which earned him great love from all the Britons. Finally, after reigning honorably for 11 years, he died and was buried near Ludgate, leaving behind two sons, Androgeus and Theomancius or Tenancius.


Of Cassibellane and his noble mind, Iulius Cæsar sendeth Caius Volusenus to suruey the coasts of this Iland, he lieth with his fleet at Calice, purposing to inuade the countrie, his attempt is bewraied and withstood by the Britains.

About Cassibellane and his noble mindset, Julius Caesar sends Caius Volusenus to survey the coasts of this island. He is stationed with his fleet at Calais, planning to invade the country, but his attempt is discovered and resisted by the Britons.

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

CASSIBELLANE. Cassibellane, the brother of Lud was admitted king of Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3908, after the building of Rome 692, and before the comming of Christ 58 complet. For sith the two sonnes of Lud were not of age able to gouerne, the rule of the land was committed to Gal. Mon.
Matt. West.
Fabian.
Cassibellane: but yet (as some haue written) he was not created king, but rather appointed ruler & protector of the land, during the nonage Gal. Mon. of his nephewes. Now after he was admitted (by whatsoeuer order) to the administration of the common wealth, he became so noble a prince and so bountious, that his name spred farre and néere, and by his vpright dealing in seeing iustice executed he grew in such estimation, that the Britaines made small account of his nephewes, in comparison of the fauour which they bare towards him. But Cassibellane hauing respect to his honour, least it might be thought that his nephewes were expelled by him out of their rightfull possessions, brought them vp verie Matt. West. honourablie; assigning to Androgeus, London and Kent; and to Theomantius the countrie of Cornwall. Thus farre out of the British histories, whereby it maie be gathered, that the yéeres assigned to these kings that reigned before Cassibellane, amount to the summe of 1058.

CASSIBELLANE. Cassibellane, the brother of Lud, was made king of Britain in the year 3908 of the world, 692 years after the founding of Rome, and 58 years before the birth of Christ. Since Lud's two sons were too young to govern, the rule of the land was entrusted to Gal. Mon.
Matt. West.
Fabian.
Cassibellane. However, as some have noted, he was not technically made king, but rather appointed as the ruler and protector of the land during his nephews' minority. After taking on the responsibilities of government, he became such a noble leader and generous individual that his reputation spread far and wide. His commitment to ensuring justice earned him such respect that the Britons regarded his nephews with little importance compared to the favor they showed him. Nevertheless, mindful of his honor and concerned that it might be seen as if he had displaced his nephews from their rightful inheritance, he raised them very Matt. West. respectfully, assigning Androgeus to London and Kent, and Theomantius to the region of Cornwall. Thus far from the British histories, it can be gathered that the years attributed to these kings who reigned before Cassibellane total 1058.

Polydor. But whether these gouernors (whose names we haue recited) were kings, or rather rulers of the common wealth, or tyrants and vsurpers of the gouernment by force, it is vncerteine: for not one ancient writer of anie approued authoritie maketh anie remembrance of them: and by that which Iulius Cesar writeth, it maie and dooth appéere, that diuerse cities in his daies were gouerned of themselues, as héereafter it shall more plainlie appéere. Neither doth he make mention of those townes which the British historie affirmeth to be built by the same kings. In déed both he and other Latine writers speake of diuerse people that inhabited diuers portions of this land, as of the Brigantes, Trinobantes, Iceni, Silures, and such other like, but in what parts most of the said people did certeinlie inhabit, it is hard to auouch for certeine truth.

Polydor. But whether these leaders (whose names we have mentioned) were kings, or simply rulers of the commonwealth, or tyrants and usurpers who took control by force, is uncertain. No ancient writer of any established authority makes any mention of them. Based on what Julius Caesar wrote, it seems clear that several cities in his time were self-governed, as will become more evident later. He also doesn’t mention the towns that British history claims were established by those same kings. In fact, both he and other Latin writers refer to various groups that inhabited different parts of this land, like the Brigantes, Trinobantes, Iceni, Silures, and others like them, but it’s difficult to determine exactly where most of these people lived.

But what Iohn Leland thinketh héereof, being one in our time that curiouslie searched out old antiquities, you shall after heare as Hector Boetius his fault. occasion serueth: and likewise the opinions of other, as of Hector Boetius, who coueting to haue all such valiant acts as were atchiued by the Britains to be ascribed to his countriemen the Scots, draweth both the Silures and Brigantes, with other of the Britains so farre northward, that he maketh them inhabitants of the Scotish countries. And what particular names soeuer they had, yet were they all Scots with him, and knowne by that generall name (as he would persuade vs to beléeue) saieng that they entred into Britaine out of Ireland 330 yéeres before the incarnation of our Sauiour.

But what John Leland thinks about this, being one who diligently explored old antiques in our time, you'll hear later as Hector Boetius’ fault. The occasion serves: and also the views of others, like Hector Boetius, who, eager to credit all the brave deeds achieved by the Britains to his fellow countrymen, the Scots, pushes both the Silures and Brigantes, along with other Britains, so far north that he makes them inhabitants of Scottish lands. And whatever specific names they had, to him they were all Scots, known by that general name (as he would have us believe), saying that they came into Britain from Ireland 330 years before the birth of our Savior.

Neuerthelesse, how generall soeuer the name of Scots then was, sure it is, that no speciall mention of them is made by anie writer, till about 300 yeares after the birth of our sauiour. And yet the Romans, which ruled this land, and had so much adoo with the people thereof, make mention of diuerse other people, nothing so famous as Boetius would make his Scotish men euen then to be. But to leaue to the Scots the antiquitie of their originall beginning, as they and other must doo vnto vs our descent from Brute and the other Troians, sith the More certeintie from hence forth appeareth in the historie. contrarie dooth not plainelie appeare, vnlesse we shall leane vnto presumptions: now are we come to the time in the which what actes were atchiued, there remaineth more certeine record, and therefore may we the more boldlie procéed in this our historie.

Nevertheless, no matter how widespread the name of Scots was back then, it's certain that no specific mention of them exists from any writer until about 300 years after the birth of our Savior. And yet, the Romans, who ruled this land and had so much interaction with its people, mentioned various other groups, none of whom were as famous as Boetius claimed the Scots to be at the time. But let's leave the Scots to discuss the ancient origins of their beginnings, just as they and others must allow us our descent from Brute and the Trojans, since the contrary isn’t clearly evident unless we rely on assumptions. Now we have reached a time when the actions accomplished are recorded more reliably, and therefore we can proceed with greater confidence in telling our history.

Iulius Cesar.[Page 465] In this season that Cassibellane had roiall gouernment héere in Britaine, Caius Iulius Cesar being appointed by the senat of Rome to conquer Gallia, was for that purpose created consull, and sent with a mightie army into the countrie, where after he had brought the Galles Cesar de bello Gal. lib. 4. Britains unknowne to the Romans. vnto some frame, he determined to assaie the winning of Britaine, which as yet the Romans knew not otherwise than by report. The chiefest cause that mooued him to take in hand that enterprise, was for that he did vnderstand, that there dailie came great succours out of that Ile to those Galles that were enimies vnto the Romans. And though the season Cesar de bello Gall. lib. 4. Causes of the warre.
Cesars purpose.
of that yéere to make warre was farre spent (for summer was almost at an end) yet he thought it would be to good purpose, if he might but passe ouer thither, and learne what maner of people did inhabit there, and discouer the places, hauens, and entries apperteining to that Ile.

Julius Caesar.[Page 465] During the time when Cassivellaunus was in charge of Britain, Caius Julius Caesar was appointed by the Roman Senate to conquer Gaul. He was made consul for this mission and sent with a powerful army to the region. After he had subdued the Gauls to some extent, he decided to attempt to conquer Britain, which the Romans only knew about from hearsay. The main reason that prompted him to undertake this venture was his awareness that significant reinforcements from that island were continuously aiding the Gauls, who were enemies of the Romans. Although the season for waging war that year was nearly over (as summer was almost finished), he believed it would be beneficial to at least cross over there, learn about the kinds of people living there, and discover the locations, harbors, and entrances associated with that island.

Héerevpon calling togither such merchants as he knew to haue had traffike thither with some trade of wares, he diligentlie inquired of them the state of the Ile: but he could not be throughlie satisfied in anie of those things that he coueted to know. Therefore thinking it good to vnderstand all things by view that might apperteine to the vse of that warre which he purposed to follow: before he attempted the Caius Volusenus sent ouer into Britaine. same, he sent one Caius Volusenus with a gallie or light pinesse to surueie the coasts of the Ile, commanding him (after diligent search made) to returne with spéed to him againe. He him selfe also drew downewards towards Bullenois, from whence the shortest cut lieth to passe ouer into Britaine.

After gathering together the merchants he knew had traded there, he asked them about the situation on the island, but he couldn't get clear answers about the things he wanted to know. So, thinking it would be best to understand everything by seeing it for himself, before he made any moves on the war he was planning, he sent Caius Volusenus with a small ship to survey the island's coasts, instructing him to return quickly after a thorough search. He himself also moved down toward Boulogne, which is the quickest route to cross over to Britain.

Iohn Leland.
Polydor.
In that part of Gallia there was in those daies an hauen called Itius Portus (which some take to be Calice) and so the word importeth, an harbourgh as then able to receiue a great number of ships. Vnto this hauen got Cesar all the ships he could out of the next borders & parties, and those speciallie which he had prouided and put in a readinesse the last yeare for the warres (against them of Vannes in Armorica, now called Britaine in France) he caused to be brought thither, there to lie till they should heare further. In the meane time Vannes in Britane. (his indeuour being knowne, and by merchants reported in Britaine) all such as were able to beare armour, were commanded and appointed to repaire to the sea side, that they might be readie to defend their countrie in time of so great danger of inuasion.

John Leland.
Polydor.
In that part of France, there was back then a harbor called Itius Portus (which some believe to be Calais), and the name suggests it was a harbor capable of receiving a large number of ships. To this harbor, Caesar assembled all the ships he could from nearby regions, especially those he had prepared and readied the previous year for the war (against the people of Vannes in Armorica, now known as Britain in France), and had them brought there to wait for further instructions. In the meantime, Vannes, UK. (Word of his plan spread and was reported by merchants in Britain), all able-bodied men were ordered and called to gather by the seaside to be ready to defend their country during this time of great threat of invasion.

¶ Cesar in his commentaries agréeth not with our historiographers: for he writeth that immediatlie vpon knowledge had that he would inuade Britaine, there came to him ambassadours from diuers cities of the Ile to offer themselues to be subiects to the Romans, and to deliuer hostages. Whome after he had exhorted to continue in their good mind, Comius. he sent home againe, and with them also one Comius gouernor of Artois, commanding him to repaire vnto as manie cities in Britaine as he might, and to exhort them to submit themselues to the Romans. He maketh no mention of Cassibellane, till the second iournie that he made into the Ile, at what time the said Cassibelane was chosen (as ye shall heare) to be the generall capteine of the Britains, and to haue the whole administration of the warre for defense of the countrie: but he nameth him not to be a king. Howbeit in the British historie it is contained, Which is more likelie in this behalfe, as appeared by the sequel. that Cesar required tribute of Cassibelane, and that he answered how he had not learned as yet to liue in seruage, but to defend the libertie of his countrie, and that with weapon in hand (if néede were) as he should well perceiue, if (blinded through couetousnesse) he should aduenture to séeke to disquiet the Britains.

¶ Caesar doesn't agree with our historians: he writes that as soon as he learned he would invade Britain, ambassadors from various cities on the island came to him, offering to submit to the Romans and deliver hostages. After encouraging them to stay committed to their decision, Comius. he sent them home, along with one Comius, governor of Artois, instructing him to visit as many cities in Britain as he could and encourage them to submit to the Romans. He doesn't mention Cassibelane until his second journey to the island, at which point Cassibelane was chosen (as you’ll hear) to be the general captain of the Britons and to oversee the war effort to defend the country; however, he does not refer to him as a king. However, the British history states, This is more likely in this regard, as the sequel demonstrates. that Caesar demanded tribute from Cassibelane, who replied that he had not yet learned to live in servitude but to defend the freedom of his country, and that he would do so with weapon in hand (if necessary), as Caesar would see if he pursued to disturb the Britons, driven by greed.


[Page 466]Caius Volusenus discouereth to Cæsar his observations in the Ile of Britaine, he maketh haste to conquere it, the Britains defend their countrie against him, Cæsar after consultation had changeth his landing place, the Romans are put to hard shifts, the Britains begin to giue backe, the courage of a Roman ensigne-bearer, a sharpe encounter betweene both armies.

[Page 466]Caius Volusenus tells Caesar about his observations in Britain. He rushes to conquer it, but the Britons defend their land against him. After some discussion, Caesar changes his landing spot. The Romans face tough challenges, and the Britons start to retreat. A Roman standard-bearer shows great courage in a fierce battle between both armies.

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

Volusenus returneth. Caius Volusenus within fiue daies after his departure from Cesar, returned vnto him with his gallie, and declared what he had séene touching the view which he had taken of the coasts of Britan. Cesar hauing got togither so manie saile as he thought sufficient for the Cesar with two legions of souldiers passeth ouer into Britain. transporting of two legions of souldiers, after he had ordered his businesse as he thought expedient, and gotten a conuenient wind for his purpose, did embarke himselfe and his people, and departed from Calice in the night about the third watch (which is about three or foure of the clocke after midnight) giuing order that the horssemen should take ship at an other place 8 miles aboue Calice, and follow him. Howbeit when they somewhat slacked the time, about ten of the clocke in the next day, hauing the wind at will, he touched on the coast of Britaine, where he might behold all the shore set and couered with men of warre. The Britans readie to defend their countrie. For the Britains hearing that Cesar ment verie shortlie to come against them, were assembled in armour to resist him: and now being aduertised of his approch to the land, they prepared themselues to withstand him.

Volusenus is back. Caius Volusenus returned to Caesar within five days after leaving him with his ship and reported on what he had observed regarding the coasts of Britain. After gathering as many ships as he deemed necessary for the Caesar crosses into Britain with two legions of soldiers. transport of two legions of soldiers, and after finalizing his plans and securing a favorable wind, he and his troops boarded the ships and set sail from Calais at night around the third watch (which is about three or four in the morning), instructing the cavalry to embark at another location eight miles above Calais and follow him. However, when they delayed a bit and set off around ten o'clock the next day, with the wind in their favor, he landed on the coast of Britain, where he saw the entire shore lined with warriors. The Britons are prepared to defend their country. The Britons, hearing that Caesar intended to come against them soon, had gathered in armor to resist him; and now, having been notified of his approach to the land, they prepared themselves to stand against him.

Cesar calleth a councell. Cesar perceiuing this, determined to staie till the other ships were come, and so he lay at anchor till about 11 of the clocke, and then called a councell of the marshals and chiefe capteines, vnto whome he declared both what he had learned of Volusenus, and also further what he would haue doone, willing them that all things might be ordered as the reason of warre required. And because he perceiued that this place where he first cast anchor was not méete for the landing of his people, sith (from the heigth of the cliffes that closed on ech side the narrow créeke into the which he had thrust) the Britains might annoy his people with their bowes and dartes, before they could set foote on land, hauing now the wind and tide with him, he disanchored from This was about day. thence, and drew alongst the coast vnder the downes, the space of 7 or 8 miles, and there finding the shore more flat and plaine, he approched néere to the land, determining to come to the shore.

Caesar summons a council. Seeing this, Caesar decided to wait for the other ships to arrive, so he anchored until around 11 o'clock. Then he called a meeting with the marshals and chief captains, where he shared what he had learned from Volusenus and what further actions he wanted to take, urging them to organize everything according to the needs of war. Since he realized that the location where he first anchored wasn’t suitable for landing his troops—because the steep cliffs on both sides of the narrow creek he had entered would allow the Britons to attack his men with arrows and darts before they could set foot on land—he took advantage of the wind and tide, unanchored, and moved along the coast beneath the downs for about 7 or 8 miles. There, finding the shore to be flatter and more open, he approached closer to the land, planning to come ashore.

The Britains perceiuing Cesars intent, with all spéed caused their horssemen and charets or wagons, which Cesar calleth Esseda, out of the which in those daies they vsed to fight, to march forth toward the place whither they saw Cesar drew, and after followed with their maine armie. Wherefore Cesar being thus preuented, inforced yet to land with his people, though he saw that he should haue much a doo. For as the Britains were in redinesse to resist him, so his great and huge ships could not come néere the shore, but were forced to kéepe the déepe, so The Romans put to their shifts. that the Romane soldiers were put to verie hard shift; to wit, both to leape forth of their ships, and being pestered with their heauie armour and weapons, to fight in the water with their enimies, who knowing the flats and shelues, stood either vpon the drie ground, or else but a little waie in the shallow places of the water; and being not otherwise encumbred either with armour or weapon, but so as they might bestir themselues at will, they laid load vpon the Romans with their arrowes and darts, and forced their horsses (being thereto inured) to enter the water the more easilie, so to annoy and distresse the Romans, who wanting experience in such kind of fight, were not well able to helpe themselues, nor to keepe order as they vsed to doo on land: wherfore they fought nothing so lustilie as they were woont to doo. Cesar perceiuing this, commanded the gallies to depart from the great ships, and to row hard to the shore, that being placed ouer against the open sides of the Britains, they might with their shot of arrows, darts, and slings, remoue the Britains, and cause them to withdraw further off from the water side.

The Britons, noticing Caesar's intentions, quickly sent out their horsemen and chariots, which Caesar called Esseda, the vehicles they used to fight in those days, to move towards the place they saw Caesar approaching, followed closely by their main army. Because of this preparation, Caesar was forced to land his troops despite recognizing the challenges ahead. The Britons were ready to resist him, while his large ships couldn't get close to shore and had to stay in deeper water. Consequently, the Roman soldiers faced a tough situation, needing to jump out of their ships and fight in the water while weighed down by their heavy armor and weapons. The Britons, well aware of the shallows, stood on dry ground or just a short distance into the water. With no heavy armor to hinder their movements, they were able to move freely and attacked the Romans with arrows and darts. The horses, accustomed to such conditions, also waded into the water to harass and trouble the Romans, who lacked experience in this type of combat and struggled to maintain their formation as they normally did on land. As a result, they fought far less vigorously than they usually did. Seeing this, Caesar ordered the galleys to leave the larger ships and row hard towards the shore, positioning them to fire arrows, darts, and sling shots at the Britons to drive them back from the water’s edge.

The Britans astonied.[Page 467] This thing being put in execution (according to his commandement) the Britains were not a little astonied at the strange sight of those gallies, for that they were driuen with ores, which earst they had not séene, and shrewdlie were they galled also with the artillerie which the Romans discharged vpon them, so that they began to shrinke and retire somewhat backe. Herewith one that bare the ensigne of the legion The valiant courage of an ensigne bearer. surnamed Decima, wherein the eagle was figured, as in that which was the chiefe ensigne of the legion, when he saw his fellowes nothing eager to make forward, first beséeching the gods that his enterprise might turne to the weale, profit, and honor of the legion, he spake with a lowd voice these words to his fellowes that were about him; "Leape forth now euen you woorthie souldiers (saith he) if you will not betraie your ensigne to the enimies: for surelie I will acquit my selfe according to my duetie both towards the common wealth, and my generall:" and therewith leaping forth into the water, he marched with his ensigne streight vpon the enimies. The Romans douting to lose their ensigne, which should haue turned them to great reproch, leapt out of their ships so fast as they might, and followed their standard, so that there ensued a sore re-encounter: and that which troubled the Romans most, was because they could not keepe their order, neither find anie sure footing, nor yet follow euerie man his owne ensigne, but to put themselues vnder that ensigne which he first met withall after their first comming forth of the ship.

The Britains were shocked.[Page 467] Once this plan was put into action (as per his orders), the Britains were quite amazed by the unusual sight of those galleys, which were powered by oars—something they had never seen before. They were also seriously affected by the artillery fired by the Romans, causing them to start pulling back a bit. At this point, a standard-bearer of the legion named Decima, who carried the eagle emblem that represented the main standard of the legion, noticed that his comrades were hesitant to advance. He first prayed to the gods for his mission to benefit the legion and then shouted these words to those around him: "Step forward now, you brave soldiers (he said) if you do not want to betray your standard to the enemy! I will certainly fulfill my duty to both our commonwealth and my general." With that, he jumped into the water, marching towards the enemy with his standard. The Romans, fearing the loss of their standard—which would have brought them great shame—quickly leapt out of their ships to follow their banner, leading to a fierce clash. The biggest challenge for the Romans was that they couldn’t maintain their formation, find stable footing, or follow their individual standards, but instead had to gather under the first standard they encountered after getting out of the ship.

The Britains that were inured with the shelues and shallow places of the water, when they saw the Romans thus disorderlie come out of their The fiercenesse of the Britains. ships, ran vpon them with their horsses, and fiercelie assailed them, and now and then a great multitude of the Britains would compasse in and inclose some one companie of them: and other also from the most open places of the shore bestowed great plentie of darts vpon the whole number of the Romans, and so troubled them verie sore.

The Britains who were familiar with the shores and shallow waters, when they saw the Romans clumsily coming out of their The fierceness of the Britains. ships, charged at them on horseback and attacked them fiercely. From time to time, a large group of Britains would surround and trap a particular company of Romans, while others from the more open areas of the shore rained down a lot of spears on the whole group of Romans, causing them significant distress.


The Romans get to land on the English coast, the Britains send to Cæsar for a treatie of peace, they staie the Romane ambassadour as prisoner, Cæsar demandeth hostages of the Britains, the Romane nauie is driuen diuers waies in a great tempest, the British princes steale out of Cæsars campe and gather a fresh power against the Romans, their two armies haue a sharpe encounter.

The Romans land on the English coast, and the Britons send a message to Caesar asking for a peace treaty. They hold the Roman ambassador as a prisoner. Caesar demands hostages from the Britons. The Roman fleet is scattered in a fierce storm, and the British leaders sneak out of Caesar's camp to rally fresh troops against the Romans. The two armies have a fierce clash.

THE TWELFT CHAPTER.

Caesar perceiuing the maner of this fight, caused his men of warre to enter into boates and other small vessels, which he commanded to go to such places where most néed appeared. And relieuing them that fought The Romans get to land. with new supplies, at length the Romans got to land, and assembling togither, they assailed the Britains a fresh, and so at last did put The want of horssemen. them all to flight. But the Romans could not follow the Britains farre, because they wanted their horssemen which were yet behind, & through slacking of time could not come to land. And this one thing séemed onelie to disappoint the luckie fortune that was accustomed to follow Cesar in all his other enterprises.

Caesar noticing how the fight was going, ordered his soldiers to get into boats and small vessels, which he directed to the areas where they were most needed. By providing fresh reinforcements to those who were fighting, the Romans eventually managed to reach the shore and regroup. They then launched a renewed attack on the Britains, ultimately driving them all into flight. However, the Romans couldn't pursue the Britains very far because they were missing their cavalry, who had yet to land due to delays. This issue seemed to be the only thing that interrupted the usual success that Caesar had enjoyed in all his other ventures.

The Britans send to Cesar. The Britains after this flight were no sooner got togither, but that with all speed they sent ambassadours vnto Cesar to treat with him of peace, offering to deliuer hostages, and further to stand vnto that order that Cesar should take with them in anie reasonable sort. With Comius of Arras. these ambassadours came also Comius, whome Cesar (as you haue heard) had sent before into Britaine, whome notwithstanding that he was an ambassadour, and sent from Cesar with commission and instructions sufficientlie furnished, yet had they staied him as a prisoner. But now after the battell was ended, they set him at libertie, and sent him backe with their ambassadours, who excused the matter, laieng the blame on the people of the countrie; which had imprisoned him through lacke of vnderstanding what apperteined to the law of armes and nations in that behalfe.

The Britons contact Caesar. After this flight, the Britons quickly gathered and promptly sent ambassadors to Caesar to negotiate peace, offering to deliver hostages and agreeing to follow any reasonable terms Caesar proposed. With Comius from Arras. the ambassadors also included Comius, whom Caesar (as you've heard) had sent to Britain earlier. Even though he was an ambassador with proper authorization and instructions from Caesar, they had held him captive. But now that the battle was over, they freed him and sent him back with their ambassadors, who defended their actions by blaming the local people, claiming they had imprisoned him due to misunderstanding the laws of war and diplomacy.

Cesar found great fault with their misdemenor, not onelie for[Page 468] imprisoning his ambassador, but also for that contrarie to their promise made by such as they had sent to him into Gallia to deliuer hostages, in lieu thereof they had receiued him with warre: yet in the end he said he would pardon them, and not séeke anie further reuenge of Cesar demandeth hostages. their follies. And herewith required of them hostages, of which, part were deliuered out of hand, and made promise that the residue should likewise be sent after, crauing some respit for performance of the same, bicause they were to be fetched farre off within the countrie.

Cesar was very critical of their wrongdoing, not only for imprisoning his ambassador but also for breaking the promise made by those they sent to him in Gaul to deliver hostages. Instead, they had responded with war. Yet in the end, he said he would forgive them and wouldn’t seek any further revenge for their mistakes. He then requested hostages from them, some of which were handed over immediately, and they promised that the rest would be sent later, asking for some time to fulfill this because they needed to be retrieved from far away within the country.

Peace being thus established after the fourth day of the Romans arriuall in Britaine, the 18 ships which (as ye haue heard) were appointed to conuey the horssemen ouer, loosed from the further hauen with a soft wind. Which when they approched so néere the shore of Britaine, that the Romans which were in Cesars campe might see them, suddenlie there arose so great a tempest, that none of them was able to kéepe his course, so that they were not onelie driuen in sunder (some being caried againe into Gallia, and some westward) but also the other ships that lay at anchor, and had brought ouer the armie, were so pitifullie beaten, tossed and shaken, that a great number of them did not onelie lose their tackle, but also were caried by force of wind into the high sea; the rest being likewise so filled with water, that they were in danger by sinking to perish and to be quite lost. For the moone in the same night was at the full, & therefore caused a spring tide, which furthered the force of the tempest, to the greater perill of those ships and gallies that lay at anchor. There was no way for the Romans to helpe the matter: wherefore a great number of those ships were so bruised, rent and weather-beaten, that without new reparation they would serue to no vse of sailing. This was a great discomfort to the Romans that had brought ouer no prouision to liue by in the winter season, nor saw anie hope how they should repasse againe into Gallia.

Peace being established after the fourth day of the Romans' arrival in Britain, the 18 ships that were assigned to transport the horsemen set sail from the harbor with a gentle wind. When they got close enough to the British shore for the Romans in Caesar's camp to see them, suddenly a huge storm arose, making it impossible for any of them to maintain their course. They were not only scattered (some were carried back to Gaul and others westward), but the other ships that were anchored and had brought the army over were also severely battered, tossed, and shaken. A significant number of them not only lost their gear but were also blown out to sea by the force of the wind; the rest filled with water, putting them at risk of sinking and being completely lost. That night, the moon was full, causing a spring tide that intensified the storm, increasing the peril for the ships and galleys at anchor. There was no way for the Romans to help, so many of those ships were so damaged and weather-worn that they would be useless for sailing without major repairs. This was a major setback for the Romans, who had brought no supplies to survive the winter and saw no hope of returning to Gaul.

In the meane time the British princes that were in the Romane armie, perceiuing how greatlie this mishap had discouraged the Romans, and again by the small circuit of their campe, gessing that they could be no great number, and that lacke of vittels sore oppressed them, they stale priuilie away one after another out of the campe, purposing to assemble their powers againe, and to forestall the Romans from vittels, and so to driue the matter off till winter: which if they might doo (vanquishing these or closing them from returning) they trusted that none of the Romans from thencefoorth would attempt eftsoones to come into Britaine. Cesar mistrusting their dealings, because they staid to deliuer the residue of their hostages, commanded vittels to be brought out of the parties adioining, and not hauing other stuffe to repaire his ships, he caused 12 of those that were vtterlie past recouerie by the hurts receiued through violence of the tempest, to be broken, wherewith the other (in which some recouerie was perceiued) might be repaired and amended.

In the meantime, the British princes in the Roman army saw how much this disaster had demoralized the Romans. Noticing the small size of their camp, they guessed their numbers were limited and realized that their lack of supplies was severely affecting them. So, they quietly left the camp one by one, planning to gather their forces again and cut off the Romans' access to supplies, hoping to delay any conflict until winter. If they succeeded in defeating or preventing the Romans from returning, they believed that no Romans would attempt to invade Britain again. Caesar, suspicious of their actions since they had not delivered the remaining hostages, ordered supplies to be sent from neighboring areas. Lacking materials to repair his ships, he had 12 of those that were beyond repair due to storm damage broken apart so that the others, which were somewhat salvageable, could be fixed and improved.


The maner of the Britains fighting in charets, the Romans giue a fresh sallie to the Britains and put them to flight, they sue to Cæsar for peace; what kings and their powers were assistants to Cassibellane in the battell against Cæsar, and the maner of both peoples encounters by the report of diuers Chronologers.

The way the Britons fought in chariots, the Romans launched a sudden attack on the Britons and sent them running; they appealed to Caesar for peace. It details which kings and their forces supported Cassivellaunus in the battle against Caesar, as well as how both sides engaged in combat according to various historians.

THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.

Whilest these things were a dooing, it chanced that as one of the Romane legions named the seuenth, was sent to fetch in corne out of the countrie adioining (as their custome was) no warre at that time being suspected, or once looked for, when part of the people remained abroad in the field, and part repaired to the campe: those that warded before the campe, informed Cesar, that there appeared a dust greater than was accustomed from that quarter, into the which the legion was gone to fetch in corne. Cesar iudging therof what the matter might meane, commanded those bands that warded to go with him that way foorth, and appointed other two bands to come into their roomes, and the residue of[Page 469] his people to get them to armor, and to follow quicklie after him.

While all this was happening, it happened that one of the Roman legions, called the seventh, was sent to collect grain from the nearby countryside (as was their custom) with no war expected or even anticipated at that time. While part of the people stayed out in the field, the others returned to the camp. Those stationed in front of the camp informed Caesar that there was more dust than usual coming from the direction where the legion had gone to collect grain. Caesar, considering what this could mean, ordered the guards to go with him in that direction and assigned two more units to take their places. The rest of his troops were to put on their armor and follow him quickly.

He was not gone anie great way from the campe, when he might sée where his people were ouermatched by the enimies, and had much a doo to beare out the brunt: for the legion being thronged together, the Britains pelted them sore with arrowes and darts on ech side: for sithens there was no forrage left in anie part of the countrie about, but onelie in this place, the Britains iudged that the Romans would come thither for it: therefore hauing lodged themselues within the woods in ambushes the night before; on the morrowe after when they saw the Romans dispersed here & there, and busie to cut downe the corne, they set vpon them on a sudden, and sleaing some few of them, brought the residue out of order, compassing them about with their horssemen and charets, so that they were in great distresse.

He hadn’t gone too far from the camp when he saw that his people were outnumbered by the enemies and were struggling to withstand the attack. The legion was packed tightly together, and the Britains were hitting them hard with arrows and darts from all sides. Since there was no forage left anywhere in the country except in this spot, the Britains figured that the Romans would come there for it. So, after setting up ambushes in the woods the night before, the next morning, when they saw the Romans scattered around and busy cutting down the grain, they suddenly attacked them. They killed a few of them and threw the rest into disarray, surrounding them with their horsemen and chariots, causing them great distress.

The maner of fight with these charets was such, that in the beginning of a battell they would ride about the sides and skirts of the enimies host, and bestow their darts as they sate in those charets, so that oftentimes with the braieng of the horsses, and craking noise of the charet whéeles they disordered their enimies, and after that they had woond themselues in amongst the troops of horssemen, they would leape out of the charets and fight on foot. In the meane time those that guided the charets would withdraw them selues out of the battell, placing themselues so, that if their people were ouermatched with the multitude of enimies, they might easilie withdraw to their charets, and mount vpon the same againe, by meanes wherof they were as readie to remooue as the horssemen, and as stedfast to stand in the battell as the footmen, and so to supplie both duties in one. And those charetmen by exercise and custome were so cunning in their feat, that although their horsses were put to run and gallop, yet could they stay them and hold them backe at their pleasures, and turne and wind them to and fro in a moment, notwithstanding that the place were verie stéepe and dangerous: and againe they would run vp and downe verie nimblie vpon the cops, and stand vpon the beame, and conuey themselues quicklie againe into the charet.

The way they fought with these chariots was such that at the start of a battle, they would ride around the edges and outskirts of the enemy's forces, throwing their darts while seated in the chariots. Often, the noise of the horses and the cracking of the chariot wheels would disrupt their enemies. After they managed to weave their way into the cavalry troops, they would jump out of the chariots and fight on foot. Meanwhile, those driving the chariots would pull back from the battle, positioning themselves so that if their side was overwhelmed by the enemy's numbers, they could easily retreat to their chariots and mount them again. This way, they were as quick to escape as the horsemen and as steady in battle as the foot soldiers, fulfilling both roles at once. The charioteers became so skilled through practice that even if their horses were running and galloping, they could control them and hold them back at will, turning and maneuvering them quickly, even in steep and dangerous terrain. They would also dash up and down rapidly on the yoke and swiftly get back into the chariot.

Cesar thus finding his people in great distresse and readie to be destroied, came in good time, and deliuered them out of that danger: for the Britains vpon his approch with new succors, gaue ouer to assaile their enimies any further, & the Romans were deliuered out of the feare wherein they stood before his comming. Furthermore, Cesar considering the time serued not to assaile his enimies, kept his ground, and shortlie after brought backe his legions into the campe.

Cesar, seeing his people in great distress and about to be destroyed, arrived just in time to rescue them from danger. When the Britains saw him approaching with fresh reinforcements, they stopped attacking their enemies, and the Romans were relieved from the fear they had faced before his arrival. Furthermore, realizing it wasn't the right time to attack his enemies, Cesar maintained his position and soon afterward returned his legions to the camp.

While these things were thus a dooing, & all the Romans occupied, the rest that were abroad in the fields got them away. After this there followed a sore season of raine and fowle weather, which kept the Romans within their campe, and staid the Britains from offering battell. But in the meane time they sent messengers abroad into all parts of the countrie, to giue knowledge of the small number of the Romans, and what hope there was both of great spoile to be gotten, and occasion to deliuer themselues from further danger for euer, if they might once expell the Romans out of their campe. Herevpon a great multitude both of horssemen and footmen of the Britains were spéedilie got togither, and approched the Romane campe.

While all these things were happening and the Romans were occupied, the others who were out in the fields managed to escape. After this, there was a harsh period of rain and bad weather, which kept the Romans stuck in their camp and prevented the Britons from attacking. In the meantime, they sent messengers all over the country to inform everyone about the small number of Romans present and how much wealth they could gain, along with the chance to free themselves from future danger forever if they could just drive the Romans out of their camp. As a result, a large crowd of both cavalry and infantry from the Britons quickly gathered and approached the Roman camp.

Cesar although he saw that the same would come to passe which had chanced before, that if the enimies were put to the repulse, they would easilie escape the danger with swiftnesse of foot; yet hauing now with him thirtie horssemen (which Comius of Arras had brought ouer with him, when he was sent from Cesar as an ambassador vnto the Britains) he placed his legions in order of battell before his campe, and so comming to ioine with the Britains, they were not able to susteine the violent impression of the armed men, and so fled. The Romans pursued them so farre as they were able to ouertake anie of them, and so slaieng manie of them, & burning vp all their houses all about, came backe againe to their campe. Immediatlie wherevpon, euen the same day, they sent ambassadors to Cesar to sue for peace, who gladlie accepting their offer, commanded them to send ouer into Gallia, after he should be returned thither, hostages in number duble to those that were agréed vpon at the first. After that these things were thus ordered, Cesar because the moneth of[Page 470] September was well-neare halfe spent, and that winter hasted on (a season not méet for his weake and bruised ships to brooke the seas) determined not to staie anie longer, but hauing wind and weather for his purpose, got himselfe aboord with his people, and returned into Gallia.

Cesar, even though he realized that the same outcome would likely happen again as before—that if the enemies were pushed back, they would quickly escape due to their speed—now had thirty horsemen with him (which Comius of Arras had brought over when he was sent by Cesar as an ambassador to the Britons). He arranged his legions in battle order in front of his camp, and when he engaged with the Britons, they couldn't withstand the fierce assault from the armed men and fled. The Romans pursued them as far as they could catch any of them, killing many and burning down all their houses nearby before returning to their camp. Shortly after, on the same day, they sent ambassadors to Cesar to ask for peace, which he gladly accepted and instructed them to send hostages to Gaul, double the number that had been agreed upon initially, after he returned there. Once these matters were settled, Cesar, noting that the month of [Page 470] September was nearly half over and that winter was approaching (a time unsuitable for his weak and damaged ships to handle the seas), decided not to stay any longer. Taking advantage of the favorable wind and weather, he boarded his ship with his men and returned to Gaul.

Cæsar de bello Gallico. lib. 4. ¶ Thus writeth Cesar touching his first iournie made into Britaine. But the British historie (which Polydor calleth the new historie) declareth that Cesar in a pitcht field was vanquished at the first encounter, and so withdrew backe into France. Beda also writeth, that Cesar comming into the countrie of Gallia, where the people then called Morini inhabited (which are at this day the same that inhabit the diocesse of Terwine) from whence lieth the shortest passage ouer into Britaine, now called England, got togither 80 saile of great ships and row gallies, wherewith he passed ouer into Britaine, & there at the first being wearied with sharpe and sore fight, and after taken with a grieuous tempest, he lost the greater part of his nauie, with no small number of his souldiers, and almost all his horssemen: and therwith being returned into Gallia, placed his souldiers in stéeds to soiourne there for the winter season. Thus saith Bede. The British historie moreouer maketh mention of thrée vnder-kings that aided Cassibellane in this first battell fought with Cesar, as Cridiorus alias Ederus, king of Albania, now called Scotland: Guitethus king of Venedocia, that is Northwales: and Britaell king of Demetia, at this day called Southwales.

Cesar on the Gallic War. book. 4. ¶ This is what Caesar wrote about his first journey to Britain. However, the British history (which Polydor refers to as the new history) states that Caesar was defeated in a pitched battle during the first encounter, and he withdrew back to France. Bede also writes that when Caesar came into the region of Gaul, where the people then known as the Morini lived (who are now the same people living in the diocese of Terwine), from where the shortest crossing to Britain, now called England, is made, he gathered 80 large ships and row galleys, with which he crossed over to Britain. There, at first, he was exhausted from intense fighting, and later was caught in a severe storm, losing most of his fleet, a significant number of his soldiers, and almost all of his cavalry. After that, he returned to Gaul and stationed his soldiers to stay there for the winter season. This is what Bede claims. Additionally, the British history mentions three sub-kings who assisted Cassivellaunus in this first battle fought against Caesar: Cridiorus, also known as Ederus, king of Albania, which is now called Scotland; Guitethus, king of Venedocia, which is North Wales; and Britaell, king of Demetia, now known as South Wales.

The same historie also maketh mention of one Belinus that was generall of Cassibellanes armie, and likewise of Nenius brother to Cassibellane, who in fight happened to get Cesars swoord fastened in his shield by a blow which Cesar stroke at him. Androgeus also and Tenancius were at the battell in aid of Cassibellane. But Nenius died within 15 daies after the battell of the hurt receiued at Cesars hand, although after he was so hurt, he slue Labienus one of the Romane tribunes: all which may well be true, sith Cesar either maketh the best of things for his owne honour, or else coueting to write but commentaries, maketh no account to declare the néedeles circumstances, or anie more of the matter, than the chiefe points of his dealing.

The same history also mentions a guy named Belinus who was the general of Cassibellane's army, as well as Nenius, Cassibellane's brother. During the fight, Nenius got Caesar's sword stuck in his shield from a blow Caesar delivered. Androgeus and Tenancius were also at the battle supporting Cassibellane. However, Nenius died within 15 days after the battle from injuries he sustained from Caesar, although after he was hurt, he killed Labienus, one of the Roman tribunes. This could all be true since Caesar either glorifies things for his own reputation or, wanting to keep things brief, doesn’t bother to mention the unnecessary details or more about the situation than the main points of his actions.

Hector Boet. Againe, the Scotish historiographers write, that when it was first knowne to the Britains, that Cesar would inuade them, there came from Cassibellane king of Britaine an ambassador vnto Ederus king of Scots, who in the name of king Cassibellane required aid against the common enimies the Romains, which request was granted, and 10 thousand Scots sent to the aid of Cassibellane. At their comming to London, they were most ioifullie receiued of Cassibellane, who at the same time had knowledge that the Romans were come on land, and had beaten such Britains backe as were appointed to resist their landing. Wherevpon Cassibellane with all his whole puissance mightilie augmented, not onlie with the succours of the Scots, but also of the Picts (which in that common cause had sent also of their people to aid the Britains) set forward towards the place where he vnderstood the enimies to be.

Hector Boet. Again, the Scottish historians write that when the Britons first learned that Caesar would invade them, an ambassador came from Cassivellaunus, king of Britain, to Ederus, king of the Scots. On behalf of King Cassivellaunus, he asked for help against the common enemy, the Romans. This request was granted, and 10,000 Scots were sent to assist Cassivellaunus. Upon their arrival in London, they were joyfully received by Cassivellaunus, who had just learned that the Romans had landed and had pushed back the Britons who were supposed to defend against them. Therefore, Cassivellaunus, with all his forces greatly reinforced—not only by the support of the Scots but also by the Picts, who had sent their people to aid the Britons in this common cause—set off toward the place where he understood the enemies to be.

At their first approch togither, Cassibellane sent foorth his horssemen and charets called Esseda, by the which he thought to disorder the araie of the enimies. Twice they incountred togither with doubtfull victorie. At length they ioined puissance against puissance, and fought a verie sore and cruell battell, till finally at the sudden comming of the Welshmen and Cornishmen, so huge a noise was raised by the sound of bels hanging at their trappers and charets, that the Romans astonied therewith, were more easilie put to flight. The Britains, Scots, and Picts following the chase without order or araie, so that by reason the Romans kept themselues close togither, the Britains, Scots, & Picts did scarse so much harme to the enimies as they themselues receiued. But yet they followed on still vpon the Romans till it was darke night.

At their first encounter together, Cassibellane sent out his cavalry and chariots called Esseda, which he believed would disrupt the enemy’s formation. They clashed twice with uncertain outcomes. Eventually, they faced each other with full strength and fought a very intense and brutal battle, until the sudden arrival of the Welshmen and Cornishmen raised such a loud noise from the bells hanging from their horses and chariots that the Romans, caught off guard, were more easily routed. The Britains, Scots, and Picts pursued without order, and since the Romans kept themselves tightly together, the Britains, Scots, and Picts hardly inflicted any damage on the enemy compared to what they suffered themselves. Still, they continued to chase the Romans until it got dark.

Cesar after he had perceiued them once withdrawne, did what he could to assemble his companies togither, minding the next morning to séeke his reuenge of the former daies disaduantage. But forsomuch as knowledge was giuen him that his ships (by reason of a sore tempest) were so beaten and rent, that manie of them were past seruice, he doubted least such newes would incourage his enimies, and bring his people into despaire. Wherfore he determined not to fight till time more conuenient, sending all his wounded folks vnto the ships, which he[Page 471] commanded to be newlie rigged and trimmed. After this, kéeping his armie for a time within the place where he was incamped without issuing foorth, he shortlie drew to the sea side, where his ships laie at anchor, and there within a strong place fortified for the purpose he lodged his host, and finallie without hope to atchieue anie other exploit auaileable for that time, he tooke the sea with such ships as were apt for sailing, and so repassed into Gallia, leauing behind him all the spoile and baggage for want of vessels and leisure to conueie it ouer. ¶ Thus haue the Scots in their chronicles framed the matter, more to the conformitie of the Romane histories, than according to the report of our British and English writers: and therefore we haue thought good to shew it héere, that the diuersitie of writers and their affections may the better appéere.

Cesar, after seeing them retreat, did his best to gather his troops, planning to seek revenge for the previous day's defeat the next morning. However, he learned that his ships had been severely damaged and torn apart due to a fierce storm, making many of them unserviceable. He worried that this news might encourage his enemies and demoralize his troops. So, he decided not to fight until a more opportune time, sending all his wounded men to the ships, which he ordered to be re-rigged and repaired. After this, he kept his army camped in place without venturing out for a while. He soon moved to the seaside, where his ships were anchored, and there he set up a fortified camp. Finally, realizing he couldn't achieve any significant victory at that moment, he took to the sea with the ships that were fit for sailing and crossed back to Gaul, leaving behind all the spoils and baggage due to a lack of vessels and time to transport them. ¶ Thus, the Scots in their chronicles have shaped the story more to align with Roman histories than according to the accounts of our British and English writers; therefore, we thought it best to present it here so that the differences among writers and their perspectives may be better understood.

Of this sudden departing also, or rather fléeing of Iulius Cesar out of Britaine, Lucanus the poet maketh mention, reciting the saieng of Pompeius in an oration made by him vnto his souldiers, wherin he reprochfullie and disdainfullie reprooued the dooings of Cesar in Britaine, saieng:

Of this sudden departure, or rather fleeing of Julius Caesar from Britain, the poet Lucan mentions, recalling Pompey's words in a speech he gave to his soldiers, where he harshly and scornfully criticized Caesar's actions in Britain, saying:

Territa quæsitis ostendit terga Britannis.

Territa questioned the British.


Cæsar taketh a new occasion to make warre against the Britains, he arriueth on the coast without resistance, the number of his ships, both armies incounter, why Cæsar forbad the Romans to pursue the discomfited Britains, he repaireth his nauie, the Britains choose Cassibellane their cheefe gouernour, and skirmish afresh with their enimies, but haue the repulse in the end.

Cæsar takes a new opportunity to wage war against the Britons. He arrives on the coast without facing any resistance. The number of his ships allows the two armies to clash. Cæsar forbids the Romans from pursuing the defeated Britons. He repairs his fleet, while the Britons choose Cassibellane as their chief leader and engage in skirmishes with their enemies again, but ultimately face a setback.

THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.

Now will we returne to the sequele of the matter, as Cesar himselfe reporteth. After his comming into Gallia, there were but two cities of all Britaine that sent ouer their hostages according to their couenant, Dion Cassius. which gaue occasion to Cesar to picke a new quarrell against them, which if it had wanted, he would yet (I doubt not) haue found some other: for his full meaning was to make a more full conquest of that Ile. Therefore purposing to passe againe thither, as he that had a great desire to bring the Britains vnder the obedience of the Romane estate, he caused a great number of ships to be prouided in the winter season and put in a readinesse, so that against the next spring there were found to be readie rigged six hundred ships, beside 28 gallies. Cæsar de bello Gal. lib. 5. Héerevpon hauing taken order for the gouernance of Gallia in his absence, about the beginning of the spring he came to the hauen of Calice, whither (according to order by him prescribed) all his ships were come, except 40 which by tempest were driuen backe, and could not as yet come to him.

Now we will return to the continuation of the story, as Caesar himself reports. After he arrived in Gaul, only two cities in all of Britain sent their hostages as they had promised, Dion Cassius. which gave Caesar a reason to start a new conflict with them. If this reason hadn't existed, I’m sure he would have found another, because his main goal was to achieve a complete conquest of that island. So, planning to go back there, driven by a strong desire to bring the Britains under Roman control, he had a large number of ships prepared during the winter, so that by the next spring, there were six hundred ships ready, in addition to 28 galleys. Caesar On the Gallic War 5. So, having arranged for the governance of Gaul in his absence, he arrived at the harbor of Calais at the beginning of spring, where all his ships had gathered, except for 40 that were blown back by a storm and had not yet reached him.

After he had staied at Calice (as well for a conuenient wind, as for other incidents) certeine daies, at length when the weather so changed that it serued his purpose, he tooke the sea, & hauing with him fiue legions of souldiers, and about two thousand horssemen, he departed out of Calice hauen about sun setting with a soft southwest wind, directing his course forward: about midnight the wind fell, & so by a calme he was carried alongst with the tide, so that in the morning when the day appéered, he might behold Britaine vpon his left hand. Then following the streame as the course of the tide changed, he forced with oares to fetch the shore vpon that part of the coast, which he had discouered, and tried the last yeere to be the best landing place for the armie. The diligence of the souldiers was shewed héere to be great, who with continuall toile droue foorth the heauie ships, to kéepe course with the gallies, & so at length they landed in Britaine about noone on the next day, finding not one to resist his comming ashore: for as he learned by certeine prisoners which were taken after his comming to land, the Britains being assembled in purpose to haue resisted him, through feare striken into their harts, at the discouering of such an huge number of ships, they forsooke the shore and got them vnto the[Page 472] mountaines. There were in deed of vessels one and other, what with vittellers, & those which priuat men had prouided and furnished foorth for their owne vse, being ioined to the ordinarie number, at the least eight hundred saile, which appeering in sight all at one time, made a wonderfull muster, and right terrible in the eies of the Britains.

After staying in Calais for several days, waiting for a good wind and other circumstances, he finally found the weather suitable for his plans. He set sail with five legions of soldiers and about two thousand horsemen, leaving the Calais harbor around sunset with a gentle southwest wind, heading forward. Around midnight, the wind calmed down, and he was carried along by the tide, so that by morning, when daylight broke, he could see Britain on his left. As the tide changed, he followed the current and rowed toward the shore at the part of the coast he had discovered and deemed the best landing spot for the army last year. The soldiers showed great diligence, working tirelessly to pull the heavy ships along and keep pace with the galleys, and finally, they landed in Britain around noon the next day, finding no one to resist their arrival. As he learned from certain prisoners taken after landing, the Britons, who had gathered to resist him, were so struck with fear at the sight of such a massive fleet that they abandoned the shore and retreated to the mountains. In fact, counting the supply ships and those privately outfitted by individuals alongside the usual number, there were at least eight hundred vessels. This sight, all together at once, created a spectacular and terrifying presence in the eyes of the Britons.

But to procéed: Cesar being got to land, incamped his armie in a place conuenient: and after learning by the prisoners, into what part the enimies were withdrawne, he appointed one Quintus Atrius to remaine vpon the safegard of the nauie, with ten companies or cohorts of footmen, and thrée hundred horssemen: and anon after midnight marched foorth himselfe with the residue of his people toward the Britains, and hauing made 12 miles of way, he got sight of his enimies host, who sending downe their horssemen and charets vnto the riuer side, skirmished with the Romans, meaning to beate them backe from the higher ground: but being assailed of the Romane horssemen, they were repelled, & tooke the woods for their refuge, wherein they had got a place verie strong, both by nature and helpe of hand, which (as was to be thought) had béene fortified before, in time of some ciuill warre amongst them: for all the entries were closed with trées which had béene cut downe for that purpose. Howbeit the souldiers of the 7 legion casting a trench before them, found meanes to put backe the Britains from their defenses, and so entring vpon them, droue them out of the woods. But Cesar would not suffer the Romans to follow the Britains, bicause the nature of the countrie was not knowne vnto them: and againe the day was farre spent, so that he would haue the residue thereof bestowed in fortifieng his campe.

But to continue: Caesar managed to land, set up his army in a suitable location, and after finding out from the prisoners where the enemies had retreated, he assigned Quintus Atrius to stay behind to protect the navy, with ten companies of foot soldiers and three hundred cavalry. Shortly after midnight, he marched out with the rest of his troops toward the Britons, and after covering 12 miles, he spotted the enemy camp. The enemy sent out their cavalry and chariots to the riverbank and skirmished with the Romans, intending to push them back from the higher ground. However, they were attacked by the Roman cavalry and forced to retreat into the woods, where they had fortified a very strong position, both naturally and through construction, likely built during a previous civil war. All the entrances were blocked with trees that had been cut down for that purpose. Nevertheless, the soldiers of the 7th legion dug a trench in front of them, managing to push the Britons back from their defenses and drove them out of the woods. But Caesar did not allow the Romans to pursue the Britons because they were unfamiliar with the terrain, and also, the day was nearly over, so he wanted the remaining time spent on strengthening his camp.

The next day, as he had sent foorth such as should haue pursued the Britains, word came to him from Quintus Atrius, that his nauie by rigour of a sore and hideous tempest was gréeuouslie molested, and throwne vpon the shore, so that the cabels and tackle being broken and destroied with force of the vnmercifull rage of wind, the maisters and mariners were not able to helpe the matter. Cesar calling backe those which he had sent foorth, returned to his ships, and finding them in such state as he had heard, tooke order for the repairing of those that were not vtterlie destroied, and caused them so to be drawne vp to the land, that with a trench he might so compasse in a plot of ground, that might serue both for defense of his ships, and also for the incamping of those men of warre, which he should leaue to attend vpon the safegard of the same. And bicause there were at the least a fortie ships lost by violence of this tempest, so as there was no hope of recouerie in them, he saw yet how the rest with great labour and cost might be repaired: wherefore he chose out wrights among the legions, sent for other into Gallia, and wrote ouer to such as he had left there in charge with the gouernment of the countrie, to prouide so manie ships as they could, and to send them ouer vnto him. He spent a ten daies about the repairing of his nauie, and in fortifieng the campe for defense thereof, which done, he left those within it that were appointed there before, and then returned towards his enimies.

The next day, after he had sent out those who should have pursued the Britains, he received word from Quintus Atrius that his fleet had been severely affected by a fierce and terrible storm, and was thrown onto the shore. The cables and equipment had broken and been destroyed by the relentless force of the wind, leaving the masters and sailors unable to fix the situation. Caesar recalled those he had sent out and returned to his ships. Finding them in the state he had been told, he took action to repair the ones that were not completely ruined. He had them moved ashore in such a way that he could surround a piece of land with a trench, which would serve both to protect his ships and to camp the soldiers he would leave to ensure their safety. Since at least forty ships had been lost due to the storm, leaving no hope for recovery, he saw that the remaining ships could still be repaired with considerable effort and expense. Therefore, he selected shipwrights from among the legions, summoned others from Gaul, and wrote to those he had left in charge of the country to gather as many ships as they could and send them to him. He spent ten days repairing his fleet and fortifying the camp for its protection. Once that was done, he left the appointed men there and turned back towards his enemies.

At his comming backe to the place where he had before incamped, he found them there readie to resist him, hauing their numbers hugelie increased: for the Britains hearing that he was returned with such a mightie number of ships assembled out of all parts of the land, and had by general consent appointed the whole rule and order of all things touching the warre vnto Cassiuellane or Cassibelane, whose dominion was diuided from the cities situat néere to the sea coast, by the riuer of Cassibellane as should séeme, ruled in the parties of Oxfordshire, Barkshire, Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire. Thames, 80 miles distant from the sea coast. This Cassibellane before time had bin at continuall warre with other rulers, and cities of the land: but now the Britains moued with the comming of the Romans, chose him to be chiefe gouernour of all their armie, permitting the order and rule of all things touching the defense of their countrie against the Romans onelie to him. Their horssemen and charets skirmished by the waie with the Romans, but so as they were put backe oftentimes into the woods and hills adioining: yet the Britains slue diuers of the Romans as they followed anie thing egerlie in the pursute.

Upon his return to the place where he had previously camped, he found them ready to resist him, their numbers having greatly increased. The Britons, hearing that he had come back with such a powerful fleet gathered from all parts of the land, and that he had, by common agreement, placed the entire leadership and organization of everything concerning the war under Cassivellaunus, whose territory was separated from the cities near the coastline by the River Thames, 80 miles from the sea. This Cassivellaunus had previously been in continuous conflict with other leaders and cities of the land, but now, inspired by the arrival of the Romans, the Britons chose him to be the chief governor of their entire army, granting him exclusive authority over all matters concerning the defense of their country against the Romans. Their cavalry and chariots skirmished along the way with the Romans, often forcing them back into the nearby woods and hills. However, the Britons killed several Romans as they eagerly pursued any opportunity.

Also within a while after, as the Romans were busie in fortifieng their[Page 473] campe, the Britains suddenlie issued out of the woods, and fierselie assailed these that warded before the campe, vnto whose aid Cesar sent two of the chiefest cohorts of two legions, the which being placed but a little distance one from another, when the Romans began to be discouraged with this kind of fight, the Britains therewith burst through their enimies, and came backe from thence in safetie. That daie Quintus Laberius Durus a tribune was slaine. At length Cesar sending sundrie other cohorts to the succour of his people that were in fight, and shrewdlie handled as it appéered, the Britains in the end were put backe. Neuerthelesse, that repulse was but at the pleasure of fortune; for they quited themselues afterwards like men, defending their territories with such munition as they had, vntill such time as either by policie or inequalitie of power they were vanquished; as you shall sée after in the course of the historie. Howbeit in fine they were ouer-run and vtterlie subdued, but not without much bloudshed and slaughter.

Also, after a while, while the Romans were busy fortifying their[Page 473] camp, the Britons suddenly charged out of the woods and fiercely attacked those who were guarding the camp. To help them, Caesar sent two of the best cohorts from two legions. When the Romans started to lose confidence in this kind of fight, the Britons broke through their enemies and safely retreated. That day, Quintus Laberius Durus, a tribune, was killed. Eventually, Caesar sent various other cohorts to assist his troops who were in a tough spot, and in the end, the Britons were pushed back. However, that defeat was mostly due to luck; they later fought back like men, defending their land with whatever resources they had until they were defeated, whether by strategy or unequal power, as you will see later in the story. In the end, they were overwhelmed and completely subdued, but not without significant bloodshed and slaughter.


The Romans heauie armor their great hinderance, the maner of the Britains fighting in warre, their incounter with their enimies, their discomfiture, the worthie stratagems or martiall exploits of Cassibellane, the Troinouants submission to Cæsar, and their sute touching Mandubratius, manie of the Britains are taken and slaine of the Romans.

The Romans had heavy armor which was a major obstacle, the way the Britons fought in war, their battles with their enemies, their defeats, the notable strategies or military exploits of Cassibellane, the surrender of the Trinovantes to Caesar, and their request regarding Mandubratius, many of the Britons were captured and killed by the Romans.

THE XV. CHAPTER.

In all this maner of skirmishing and fight which chanced before the campe, euen in the sight and view of all men, it was perceiued that the The Romans heauie armor. Romans, by reason of their heauie armour (being not able either to follow the Britains as they retired, or so bold as to depart from their ensignes, except they would runne into danger of casting themselues awaie) were nothing méete to match with such kind of enimies: and as for their horssemen, they fought likewise in great hazard, bicause the Britains would oftentimes of purpose retire, and when they had trained the Romane horssemen a litle from their legions of footmen, they would leape out of their charrets and incounter with them on foot. And so the battell of horssemen was dangerous, and like in all points whether they pursued or retired.

During all the skirmishes and battles that took place in front of the camp, right in view of everyone, it was clear that the Roman heavy armor. Romans, due to their heavy armor (which made it impossible for them to chase the Britons as they retreated, or to confidently leave their standards without risking abandonment), were not well-suited to face such enemies. As for their cavalry, they fought in great danger as well, because the Britons often deliberately fell back. When they had lured the Roman cavalry away from their foot soldiers, they would jump out of their chariots and engage them on foot. Thus, the battle for the cavalry was perilous, whether they were pursuing or retreating.

The manner of Britains in the warres. This also was the maner of the Britains: they fought not close togither, but in sunder, and diuided into companies one separated from another by a good distance, and had their the troopes standing in places conuenient, to the which they might retire, and so reléeue one another with sending new fresh men to supplie the roomes of them that were hurt or wearie. The next day after they had thus fought before the campe of the Romans, they shewed themselues aloft on the hills, and began to skirmish with the Romane horssemen, but not so hotlie as they had doone the day before. But about noone, when Cesar had sent foorth thrée legions of footemen and all his horssemen vnder the leading of Caius Trebonius. his lieutenant Caius Trebonius to fetch in forrage, they suddenlie brake out on euerie side, and vpon the forragers. The Romans so far foorth as they might, not breaking their arraie, nor going from their Dion Cassius saith, that the Britains vanquished the Roman footmen at this time, but were put to the worst by the horssemen. ensignes or guidons, gaue the charge on them, and fiercelie repelled them, so that the horssemen hauing the legions of footemen at their backs, followed the Britains so long as they might haue the said legions in sight readie to succour them of néed were: by reason whereof, they slue a great number of the Britains, not giuing them leasure to recouer themselues, nor to staie that they might haue time to get out of their charrets. After this chase and discomfiture, all such as were come from other parties to the aid of their fellowes departed home, & after that day the Britains aduentured to fight against Cesar with their maine power; and withdrawing beyond the riuer of * Thames, determined to stop the enimies from passing the same, if by *(which is to be supposed was at Kingston) or not far from thence. anie meanes they might: and whereas there was but one foord by the which they might come ouer, Cassibellane caused the same to be set full[Page 474] of sharpe stakes, not onlie in the middest of the water, but also at the comming foorth on that side where he was lodged with his armie in good order, readie to defend the passage. Cesar learning by relation of prisoners which he tooke, what the Britains intended to doo, marched foorth to the riuer side, where the foord was, by the which his armie might passe the same on foot though verie hardlie. At his comming thither, he might perceiue how the Britains were readie on the further side to impeach his passage, and how that the banke at the comming foorth of the water was pight full of sharpe stakes, and so likewise was the chanell of the riuer set with piles which were couered with the water.

The British approach to warfare. This was also how the Britains fought: they didn't engage closely together, but kept their distance apart in groups, separated by a good space. They positioned their troops in convenient places where they could retreat and relieve each other by sending fresh men to fill in for those who were injured or tired. The day after their battle outside the Roman camp, they showed themselves on the hills and began skirmishing with the Roman cavalry, though not as fiercely as they had the day before. Around noon, when Caesar sent out three legions of infantry and all his cavalry, under the command of Caius Trebonius. his lieutenant Caius Trebonius, to gather forage, they suddenly attacked from all sides against the foragers. The Romans, as much as possible, kept their formation and didn't stray from their Dion Cassius says that the Britons defeated the Roman infantry at this time but were overrun by the cavalry. standards or flags, charged back fiercely and drove them off, so that the cavalry, with the legions of infantry behind them, pursued the Britains as long as they could see the legions ready to support them if needed. Because of this, they killed a large number of Britains, not giving them time to recover or stay long enough to get out of their chariots. After this chase and defeat, all those who had come from other places to support their comrades went home, and after that day, the Britains dared to fight against Caesar with their full strength; retreating beyond the River *Thames, they decided to block the enemies from crossing, if by *(which is believed to have been at Kingston) or close by. any means they could. Since there was only one ford where they might cross, Cassibellane had it filled with sharp stakes, not only in the middle of the water but also at the edge on the side where he had positioned his army in good order, ready to defend the passage. Caesar, learning from prisoners he captured what the Britains intended to do, marched to the riverbank where the ford was, through which his army could cross on foot, though very difficult. When he arrived there, he could see that the Britains were ready on the other side to block his passage and that the bank at the river's edge was lined with sharp stakes, and the riverbed was also filled with piles hidden under the water.

These things yet staied not Cesar, who appointing his horssemen to passe on before, commanded the footemen to follow. The souldiers entring the water, waded through with such spéed and violence (nothing appéering of them aboue water but their heads) that the Britains were constreined to giue place, being not able to susteine the brunt of the Romane horssemen, and the legions of their footemen, and so abandoning the place betooke them to flight. Cassibellane not minding to trie the matter anie more by battell, sent awaie the most part of his people, but yet kept with him about a foure thousand charretmen or wagoners, and still watched what waie the Romans tooke, coasting them euer as they marched, and kept somewhat aside within the couert of woods, and other combersome places. And out of those quarters through which he vnderstood the Romans wold passe, he gathered both men and cattell into the woods & thicke forrests, leauing nothing of value abroad in the champion countrie. And when the Roman horssemen did come abroad into the countrie to séeke booties, he sent out his charrets vnto the knowne waies and passages to skirmish with the same horssemen, so much to the disaduantage of the Romans, that they durst not straie farre from their maine armie. Neither would Cesar permit them (least they might haue béene vtterlie distressed by the Britains) to depart further than the maine battels of the footemen kept pace with them, by reason whereof the countrie was not indamaged by fire and spoile, but onlie where the armie marched.

These things didn't stop Caesar, who ordered his cavalry to go ahead and commanded the infantry to follow. The soldiers entered the water and waded through with such speed and force (only their heads visible above the surface) that the Britons were forced to give way, unable to withstand the onslaught of the Roman cavalry and the legions of infantry. They abandoned the area and fled. Cassivellaunus, not wanting to try battle again, sent most of his people away but kept around four thousand charioteers or wagon drivers with him, watching which way the Romans took, always trailing them as they marched, while staying partly hidden in the woods and other difficult terrain. From those areas where he understood the Romans would pass, he gathered both men and livestock into the woods and dense forests, leaving nothing of value out in the open countryside. When the Roman cavalry came into the countryside looking for spoils, he sent out his chariots to the known paths and crossings to skirmish with them, putting the Romans at such a disadvantage that they didn't dare stray far from their main army. Nor would Caesar allow them to go further than the main lines of infantry could keep up, which is why the countryside was not damaged by fire and looting, except where the army marched.

Troinouants where they inhabited. In the meane time, the Troinouants which some take to be Middlesex & Essex men, whose citie was the best fensed of all those parties, and thought to be the same that now is called London, sent ambassadours vnto Cesar, offering to submit themselues vnto him, and to obeie his ordinances, and further besought him to defend Mandubratius from the iniuries of K. Cassibellane, which Mandubratius had fled vnto Cesar into France, after that Cassibellane had slaine his father named Imanuentius. Imanuentius, that was chiefe lord and king of the Troinouants, and so now by their ambassadors the same Troinouants requested Cesar, not onelie to receiue Mandubratius into his protection, but also to send him vnto them, that he might take the gouernment and rule of their citie into his hands. Cesar commanded them to deliuer vnto him 40 hostages, and graine for his armie, and therewith sent Mandubratius Some take the Troinouants to be Londoners. vnto them. The Troinouants accomplished his commandements with all spéed, sending both the appointed number of hostages, and also graine for the armie. And being thus defended and preserued from iniurie of the souldiers, the people called Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and Cassi, submitted themselues vnto Cesar, by whom he vnderstood that the towne of Cassibellane was not far from the place where he was then incamped fensed with wooddes and marishes, into the which a great number of people with their cattell and other substance was withdrawne. The Britains in those daies (as Cesar writeth) called that a towne or hold, which they had fortified with anie thicke combersome wood, with trench and rampire, into the which they vsed to get themselues for the auoiding of inuasion.

Troinouants where they lived. Meanwhile, the Troinouants, who some believe to be people from Middlesex and Essex, whose city was the best fortified among those regions and is thought to be what we now call London, sent ambassadors to Caesar, offering to submit to him and obey his orders. They also asked him to protect Mandubratius from the abuses of King Cassibellane, from whom Mandubratius had fled to Caesar in France after Cassibellane killed his father, named Imanuentius. Imanuentius was the chief lord and king of the Troinouants, and through their ambassadors, the Troinouants requested Caesar not only to take Mandubratius into his protection but also to send him back to them so he could take charge of their city. Caesar ordered them to deliver 40 hostages and grain for his army, and he sent Mandubratius Some consider the Troinouants to be Londoners. to them. The Troinouants quickly fulfilled his commands, sending both the required number of hostages and grain for the army. With this protection and relief from the soldiers’ abuses, the people called Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and Cassi submitted to Caesar, who learned that Cassibellane’s town was not far from where he was camped, surrounded by woods and marshes, into which a large number of people had withdrawn with their livestock and other belongings. The Britons of that time (as Caesar wrote) referred to a town or stronghold as any area they had fortified with thick, cumbersome woods, trenches, and ramparts, where they would retreat to avoid invasion.

Cesar with his legions of souldiers therfore marched thither, and finding the place verie strong both by nature and helpe of hand, assaulted it on two partes. The Britains defending their strength a while, at length not able longer to endure the impression of the Romans, fled out on the contrarie side of the towne where the enimies were not. Within this place a great number of cattell was found, and manie of the Romans taken by the Britains that followed them in chase,[Page 475] and manie also slaine.

Cesar, with his legions of soldiers, marched there and found the place very well-fortified, both by its natural defenses and human efforts. He attacked it from two sides. The Britains defended their position for a while, but eventually, unable to withstand the Roman offensive any longer, they fled out the opposite side of the town where the enemies weren't present. Inside the town, a large number of cattle was found, and many Romans were captured by the Britains who pursued them, along with many others who were slain.[Page 475]


Cassibellane dooth send vnto the foure kings of Kent for aid against Cæsars host, he offereth submission to Cæsar, the Britains become his tributaries, he returneth into Gallia with the remnant of his armie: the differing report of Cæsars commentaries and our historiographers touching these warlike affaires; of a sore fray with bloudshed and manslaughter vpon a light occasion; Cæsar taketh opportunitie to get the conquest of the land by the division betweene Cassibellane and Androgeus, the time of the Britains subiection to the Romans.

Cassibellane sends word to the four kings of Kent for help against Caesar's army. He offers to submit to Caesar, and the Britons become his subjects. He returns to Gaul with what's left of his army. There are conflicting accounts between Caesar's writings and our historians regarding these military events, including a brutal clash with bloodshed and loss of life over a minor issue. Caesar seizes the opportunity to conquer the land due to the conflict between Cassibellane and Androgeus, marking the time of the Britons' subjugation to the Romans.

THE XVJ. CHAPTER.

Foure kings in Kent Now whilest these thinges passed on this sort in those parts, Cassibellane sent messengers into Kent vnto foure kings (which ruled that side of the land in those daies) Cingetorix, Caruilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax, commanding them, that assembling togither their whole puissance, they should assaile the campe of the Romans by the sea side where certeine bands lay (as ye haue heard) for safegard of the nauie. They according to his appointment came suddenlie thither, and by the Romans that sailed forth vpon them were sharplie fought with, and lost diuers of their men that were slaine and taken, and amongst the prisoners that the Romans tooke, Cingetorix was one. When Cassibellane heard these newes, being sore troubled for these losses thus chancing one in the necke of an other, but namelie most discouraged, for that diuers cities had yéelded vnto the Romans: he sent ambassadours by means of Romius of Arras vnto Cesar, offering to submit himselfe.

Four kings in Kent While these events were unfolding, Cassibellane sent messengers to four kings in Kent (who ruled that area at the time): Cingetorix, Caruilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax. He ordered them to gather their entire forces and attack the Roman camp by the seaside, where certain groups were stationed (as you’ve heard) for the protection of the navy. They quickly assembled and went there, but the Romans, who sailed out to confront them, engaged them fiercely, resulting in many of their men being killed or captured, including Cingetorix among the prisoners taken by the Romans. When Cassibellane learned of these events, he was greatly troubled by the losses, especially since several cities had surrendered to the Romans. He sent ambassadors through Romius of Arras to Caesar, offering to submit himself.

Cesar meaning to winter in Gallia, and therefore because summer drew towards an end, willing to dispatch in Britaine, commanded that hostages should be deliuered, and appointed what tribute the Britains should yéerelie send vnto the Romans. He also forbad and commanded Cassibellane, that he should not in anie wise trouble or indamage Madubratius or the Londoners. After this, when he had receiued the hostages, he brought his armie to the sea, and there found his ships well repaired, decked, and in good point: therefore he commanded that they should be had downe to the sea. And because he had a great number of prisoners, and diuers of his ships were lost in the tempest, he appointed to transport his armie ouer into Gallia at two conueies, which was doone with good successe about the middest of September, though the ships returning for the residue of the armie, after the first conueie, were driuen so with force of weather, that a great number of them could not come to land at the place appointed: so that Cesar was constreined to fraught those that he could get with a greater burden, and so departed from the coast of Britaine, and safelie landed with the remnant of his people in Gallia with as good spéed as he could Dion Cassius. haue desired. He thought not good to leaue anie of his people behind him, knowing that if he should so doo, they were in danger to be cast awaie. And so because he could not well remaine there all the winter season for doubt of rebellion in Gallia, he was contented to take vp, and returne thither, sith he had doone sufficientlie for the time, least in coueting the more, he might haue come in perill to lose that which he had alreadie obteined.

Cesar planned to spend the winter in Gaul, and since summer was coming to an end, he wanted to wrap things up in Britain. He ordered that hostages be delivered and set the annual tribute that the Britons should send to the Romans. He also prohibited Cassibellane from bothering or harming Madubratius and the Londoners. After receiving the hostages, he led his army to the coast, where he found his ships well repaired, outfitted, and ready to go. He then ordered them to be brought down to the sea. Since he had a large number of prisoners and several of his ships were lost in a storm, he arranged to transport his army back to Gaul in two trips, which was successfully done around mid-September. However, the ships returning for the remainder of the army were driven off course by the storm, and many of them could not land at the designated spot. As a result, Cesar had to burden those ships that he could find with extra weight and left the coast of Britain, safely landing with the rest of his men in Gaul as quickly as possible. He thought it was unwise to leave any of his troops behind, knowing they would be at risk of being lost. Unable to remain there all winter due to fears of rebellion in Gaul, he decided it was better to withdraw and return, considering he had done enough for the time being, lest his desire for more put him at risk of losing what he had already gained.

Thus according to that which Cesar himselfe and other autentike authors haue written, was Britaine made tributarie to the Romans by the conduct Gal. Mon.
Matt. West.
of the same Cesar. ¶ But our histores farre differ from this, affirming that Cesar comming the second time, was by the Britains with valiancie and martiall prowesse beaten and repelled, as he was at the first, and speciallie by meanes that Cassibellane had pight in the Thames great piles of trées piked with yron, through which his ships being entred[Page 476] the riuer, were perished and lost. And after his comming a land, he was vanquished in battell, and constrained to flee into Gallia with those ships that remained. For ioy of this second victorie (saith Galfrid) Cassibellane made a great feast at London, and there did sacrifice to the gods.

According to what Caesar himself and other reliable authors have written, Britain was made a tribute state to the Romans under the leadership of Caesar. Gal. Mon.
Matt. West.
However, our historians tell a different story, claiming that when Caesar returned for the second time, he was bravely defeated and driven back by the Britons, just as he was the first time, especially because Cassibellane had set up large wooden stakes tipped with iron in the Thames. As Caesar's ships entered the river, they were destroyed and lost. After landing, he was defeated in battle and forced to flee to Gaul with the remaining ships. Celebrating this second victory, Cassibellane held a grand feast in London and offered sacrifices to the gods.

At this feast there fell variance betwixt two yoong gentlemen, the one named Hirilda, nephew to Cassibellane, and the other Euelie or Eweline, being of aliance to Androgeus earle of London. They fell at discord about wrestling, and after multiplieng of words, they came to dealing of blowes, by meanes whereof parts were taken, so that there ensued a sore fraie, in the which diuerse were wounded and hurt, and amongst other Hirilda the kings nephew was slaine by the hands of Eweline. The king sore displeased herewith, meant to punish Eweline according to the order of his lawes, so that he was summoned to appeare in due forme to make answer to the murder: but Eweline by the comfort of Androgeus disobeied the summons, & departed the court with Androgeus, in contempt of the king and his lawes. The king to be reuenged vpon Androgeus, gathered a power, and began to make warre vpon him.

At this feast, there was a disagreement between two young men, one named Hirilda, nephew to Cassibellane, and the other Euelie or Eweline, who was related to Androgeus, the Earl of London. They argued over wrestling, and after exchanging many words, they ended up fighting, leading to a serious brawl in which several people were injured, and among them, Hirilda, the king's nephew, was killed by Eweline. The king was very angry about this and planned to punish Eweline according to his laws, so he summoned him to appear and answer for the murder. However, Eweline, backed by Androgeus, ignored the summons and left the court, showing contempt for the king and his laws. In retaliation against Androgeus, the king gathered an army and started a war against him.

Androgeus perceiuing himselfe not able to withstand the kings puissance, sent letters to Iulius Cesar, exhorting him to returne into Britaine, and declaring the whole matter concerning the variance betwixt him and the king, promising to aid the Romans in all that he might. Iulius Cesar ioifull of this message, prepared his nauie, and with all spéed with a mightie host imbarked in the same, came toward Britaine: but yer he would land, doubting some treason in Androgeus, he receiued from him in hostage his sonne named Scena, and thirtie other of the best and most noble personages of all his dominion. After this he landed, and ioining with Androgeus, came into a vallie néere to Canturburie, and there incamped. Shortlie after came Cassibellane with all his power of Britains, and gaue battell to the Romans. But after the Britains had long fought and knightlie borne themselues in that battell, Androgeus came with his people on a wing, and so sharplie assailed them, that the Britains were constrained to forsake the field, and tooke themselues to flight. The which flight so discomforted them, that finallie they all fled, and gaue place to the Romans, the which pursued and slue them without mercie, so that Cassibellane with the residue of his people withdrew to a place of suertie, but being enuironed about with the puissance of the Romans, and of Androgeus, who had with him seuen thousand men there in the aid of the Romans, So saith Campion, but Galfrid Monu. saith fiue thousand. Cassibellane in the end was forced to fall to a composition, in couenanting to paie a yearelie tribute of thrée thousand pounds. When Cesar had ordered his businesse as he thought conuenient, he returned and with him went Androgeus, fearing the displeasure of Cassibellane.

Androgeus, realizing he couldn't resist the king's power, sent letters to Julius Caesar, urging him to come back to Britain and explaining the entire situation between him and the king, promising to support the Romans in any way he could. Julius Caesar, pleased with this message, prepared his fleet and quickly boarded with a strong army to head for Britain. But before he landed, suspecting treachery from Androgeus, he took his son Scena and thirty other noble figures from his realm as hostages. After this, he landed, teamed up with Androgeus, and set up camp in a valley near Canterbury. Soon after, Cassibellane arrived with all his British forces and engaged the Romans in battle. Although the Britons fought bravely for a long time, Androgeus attacked them on the flank with his troops, forcing the Britons to abandon the field and flee. This retreat demoralized them so much that they all fled, giving the Romans the upper hand, who pursued and killed them mercilessly. Cassibellane and the rest of his people retreated to a safe location, but they were surrounded by the power of the Romans and Androgeus, who had seven thousand men supporting the Romans, So says Campion, but Galfrid Monu. claims it's five thousand. In the end, Cassibellane was forced to agree to a settlement, agreeing to pay an annual tribute of three thousand pounds. After Caesar had arranged his affairs as he deemed fit, he returned, accompanied by Androgeus, who feared Cassibellane's anger.

The reuerend father Bede writing of this matter, saith thus: After that Cesar being returned into Gallia, had placed his souldiors abroad in the countrie to soiorne for the winter season, he caused ships to be made readie, to the number of 600, with the which repassing into Britaine, whilest he marched foorth with a mightie armie against the enimies, his ships that lay at anchor being taken with a sore tempest, were either beaten one against another, or else cast vpon the flats and sands, and so broken; so that fortie of them were vtterlie perished, and the residue with great difficultie were repaired. The horssemen of the Romans at the first encounter were put to the worsse, and Labienus the tribune slaine. In the second conflict he vanquished the Britains, not without great danger of his people. After this, he marched to the riuer of Thames, which as then was passable by foord onelie in one place and not else, as the report goeth. On the further banke of that riuer, Cassibellane was incamped with an huge multitude of enimies, and had pitcht and set the banke, and almost all the foord vnder the water The stakes remained to be séene in Bedes daies. full of sharpe stakes, the tokens of which vnto this day are to be séene, and it séemeth to the beholders that euerie of these stakes are as big as a mans thigh, sticking fast in the bottome of the riuer closed with lead. This being perceiued of the Romans, and auoided, the Britains not able to susteine the violent impression of the Roman legions, hid themselues in the woods, out of the which by often issues, they gréeuouslie and manie times assailed the Romans, and did them great damage. In the meane time the strong citie of Troinouant with hir duke Androgeus deliuering fortie hostages, yéelded vnto Cesar, whose[Page 477] example manie other cities following, allied themselues with the Romans, by whose information Cesar with sore fight tooke at length the towne of Cassibellane, situat betwixt two marches, fensed also with the couert of woods, & hauing within it great plentie of all things. After this Cesar returned into France, and bestowed his armie in places to soiorne there for the winter season.

The reverend father Bede writes about this matter as follows: After Caesar returned to Gaul, he stationed his soldiers throughout the country to stay for the winter season. He arranged for 600 ships to be prepared, with which he crossed back to Britain while marching forward with a powerful army against the enemies. His ships, anchored during a fierce storm, either collided with each other or were driven onto the flats and sands, resulting in their destruction. Forty of the ships were completely lost, and the rest were repaired with great difficulty. The Roman cavalry initially suffered defeat, and Tribunus Labienus was killed. In the second battle, Caesar defeated the Britons, though not without significant danger to his troops. After this, he advanced to the River Thames, which, according to reports, was only passable by ford at one spot. On the opposite bank of the river, Cassivellaunus was camped with a vast number of enemies and had fortified the bank, almost entirely covering the ford under water with sharp stakes. The stakes were still to be determined in Bede's time. To this day, these stakes can be seen, and it appears to observers that each stake is as thick as a man's thigh, firmly planted in the riverbed and capped with lead. When the Romans noticed and avoided this, the Britons, unable to withstand the force of the Roman legions, took refuge in the woods, from which they frequently launched strong assaults on the Romans, causing them considerable damage. In the meantime, the strong city of Trinovantum, under Duke Androgeus, surrendered to Caesar, delivering forty hostages. Following his example, many other cities allied themselves with the Romans, and due to this intelligence, Caesar eventually captured the town of Cassivellaunus after fierce fighting. This town was located between two borders, fortified by woods, and rich in resources. After this, Caesar returned to France and arranged for his army to stay in various locations for the winter season.

The Scotish writers report, that the Britains, after the Romans were the first time repelled (as before ye haue heard) refused to receiue the aid of the Scotish men the second time, and so were vanquished, as in the Scotish historie ye may sée more at length expressed. Thus much touching the war which Iulius Cesar made against the Britains, in bringing them vnder tribute to the Romans. But this tributarie subiection was hardlie mainteined for a season.

The Scottish writers say that the Britons, after being pushed back by the Romans for the first time (as you’ve heard before), refused to accept help from the Scottish the second time and were defeated. You can find more details about this in the Scottish history. This is about the war that Julius Caesar waged against the Britons to bring them under Roman tribute. However, this subjugation was difficult to maintain for long.

¶ Now here is to be noted, that Cesar did not vanquish all the Britains: for he came not amongst the northerne men, onlie discouering and subduing that part which lieth towards the French seas: so that sith other of the Roman emperors did most earnestlie trauell to bring Cornelius Tacitus. In uit. Agr.
Dion Cassius.
the Britains vnder their subiection (which were euer redie to rebell so manie sundrie times) Cesar might séeme rather to haue shewed Britaine to the Romans, than to haue deliuered the possession of the same. This subiection, to the which he brought this Ile (what maner of one soeuer it was) chanced about the yeare of the world 3913, after the building of Rome 698, before the birth of our sauior 53, the first and second yeare of the 181 Olympiad, after the comming of Brute 1060, before the conquest made by William duke of Normandie 1120, and 1638 yeres before this present yere of our Lord 1585, after Harisons account.

¶ It's important to note that Caesar did not conquer all the Britons; he only explored and took control of the area closest to the French coast and never ventured into the northern regions. Other Roman emperors worked hard to bring the Britons under their rule, as they were always ready to rebel multiple times. So, it seems that Caesar did more to introduce Britain to the Romans than to actually take possession of it. This control that he established in the island, however it was, happened around the year 3913 of the world, 698 years after the founding of Rome, 53 years before the birth of our Savior, during the first and second years of the 181st Olympiad, 1060 years after Brute's arrival, 1120 years before William the Conqueror's invasion, and 1638 years before the current year of our Lord, 1585, according to Harrison's account.


The state of Britaine when Cæsar offered to conquer it, and the maner of their gouernement, as diuerse authors report the same in their bookes: where the contrarietie of their opinions is to be obserued.

The state of Britain when Caesar proposed to conquer it, and the way they were governed, as various authors report in their books: noting the differences in their opinions.

THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.

After that Iulius Cesar had thus made the Britains tributaries to the Romans, and was returned into Gallia, Cassibellane reigned 7 yeares, and was vanquished in the ninth or tenth yeare after he began first to reigne so that he reigned in the whole about 15 or as some haue 17 yeares, and then died, leauing no issue behind him. There hath bin an Fabian. old chronicle (as Fabian recordeth) which he saw and followeth much in his booke, wherein is conteined, that this Cassibellane was not brother to Lud, but eldest sonne to him: for otherwise as may be thought (saith he) Cesar hauing the vpper hand, would haue displaced him from the gouernement, and set vp Androgeus the right heire to the crowne, as sonne to the said Lud. But whatsoeuer our chronicles or the British histories report of this matter, it should appere by that which Cesar writeth (as partlie ye haue heard) that Britaine in those daies was not Cæsar. gouerned by one sole prince, but by diuers, and that diuers cities were estates of themselues, so that the land was diuided into sundrie gouernements, much after the forme and maner as Germanie and Italie are in our time, where some cities are gouerned by one onelie prince, some by the nobilitie, and some by the people. And whereas diuers of the rulers in those daies here in this land were called kings, those had Cassibellane a King. more large seigniories than the other, as Cassibellane, who was therefore called a king.

After Julius Caesar had made the Britons pay tribute to the Romans and returned to Gaul, Cassibellane ruled for 7 years and was defeated in the ninth or tenth year after he began to reign, which means his total reign was about 15 or, as some say, 17 years. He died without leaving any heirs. There is an old chronicle (as Fabian records) that he referred to heavily in his book, which states that Cassibellane was not the brother of Lud, but his oldest son. Otherwise, as he suggests, if Caesar had the upper hand, he would have removed him from power and appointed Androgeus, the rightful heir to the throne as the son of Lud. Regardless of what our chronicles or British histories say about this, it seems from what Caesar wrote (as you have partly heard) that Britain at that time was not governed by a single ruler, but by multiple leaders, and that various cities were independent entities, so the land was divided into different governments, much like Germany and Italy today, where some cities are governed by one single ruler, some by the nobility, and some by the people. While many of the rulers in those days were referred to as kings, those who had larger territories than the others, like Cassibellane, were called kings.

And though we doo admit this to be true, yet may it be, that in the beginning, after Brute entered the land, there was ordeined by him a monarchie, as before is mentioned, which might continue in his posteritie manie yeares after, and yet at length before the comming of Cesar, through ciuil dissention, might happilie be broken, and diuided[Page 478] into parts, and so remained not onelie in the time of this Cassibellane, but also long after, whilest they liued as tributaries to the Romans, till finallie they were subdued by the Saxons. In which meane time, through the discord, negligence, or rather vnaduised rashnes of writers, hard it is to iudge what may be affirmed and receiued in their writings for a truth; namelie, concerning the succession of the kings that are said to haue reigned betwixt the daies Cor. Tacit. in uita. lib. Agr. of Cassibellane, and the comming of the Saxons. The Roman writers (and namelie Tacitus) report, that the Britains in times past were vnder the rule of kings, and after being made tributaries, were drawne so by princes into sundrie factions, that to defend and kéepe off a common ieopardie, scarselie would two or thrée cities agrée togither, and take weapon in hand with one accord, so that while they fought by parts, the whole was ouercome. And after this sort they say that Britaine was brought into the forme of a prouince by the Romans, from whom gouernors vnder the name of legats and procurators were sent that had the rule of it.

And while we agree that this is true, it may be that in the beginning, after Brute entered the land, he established a monarchy, as mentioned earlier, which could last in his descendants for many years. Yet eventually, before Caesar's arrival, due to civil strife, it could have been broken and divided into parts, and it remained this way not only during the time of Cassibellan but also long after, while they lived as tributaries to the Romans, until finally they were conquered by the Saxons. In the meantime, due to discord, negligence, or rather careless rashness of writers, it's hard to judge what can be claimed and accepted in their writings as truth, particularly regarding the succession of the kings said to have reigned between the days of Cassibellan and the arrival of the Saxons. Roman writers, especially Tacitus, report that the Britons were once under the rule of kings, and after becoming tributaries, they were so divided by princes into various factions that to defend against a common danger, scarcely two or three cities would agree and take up arms together; thus, while they fought in parts, the whole was defeated. In this way, they say Britain was brought under the form of a province by the Romans, who sent governors with the titles of legates and procurators to govern it.[Page 478]

But yet the same authors make mention of certeine kings (as hereafter shall appeare) who while the Romane emperors had the most part of the Gildas in epist. earth in subiection, reigned in Britaine. The same witnesseth Gildas, saieng: Britaine hath kings, but they are tyrants: iudges it hath, but the same are wicked, oftentimes spoiling and tormenting the innocent people. And Cesar (as ye haue heard) speaketh of foure kings that ruled in Kent, and thereabouts. Cornelius Tacitus maketh mention of Some take Prasutagus and Aruiragus to be one man. Prasutagus, and Cogidunus, that were kings in Britaine: and Iuuenal speaketh of Aruiragus: and all the late writers, of Lucius. Hereby it appeareth, that whether one or mo, yet kings there were in Britain, bearing rule vnder the Romane emperors.

But the same authors also mention certain kings (as will be shown later) who reigned in Britain while the Roman emperors had most of the world under their control. Gildas confirms this by saying: Britain has kings, but they are tyrants; it has judges, but they are wicked, often robbing and tormenting the innocent people. And Caesar (as you have heard) speaks of four kings who ruled in Kent and nearby areas. Cornelius Tacitus refers to Prasutagus and Cogidunus, who were kings in Britain: and Juvenal talks about Aruiragus; all the recent writers mention Lucius. This shows that whether there was one king or more, there were kings in Britain ruling under the Roman emperors.

Gal. Mon. On the other part, the common opinion of our chronicle-writers is, that the chiefe gouernment remained euer with the Britains, & that the Romane senat receiuing a yearelie tribute, sent at certeine times (Ex officio) their emperors and lieutenants into this Ile, to represse the rebellious tumults therein begun, or to beat backe the inuasion of the enimies that went about to inuade it. And thus would these writers inferre, that the Britains euer obeied their king, till at length they were put beside the gouernement by the Saxons. But whereas in the common historie of England, the succession of kings ought to be kept, so oft as it chanceth in the same that there is not anie to fill the place, then one while the Romane emperors are placed in their steads, and another while their lieutenants, and are said to be created kings of the Britains, as though the emperors were inferiors vnto the kings of Britaine, and that the Romane lieutenants at their appointments, and not by prescript of the senat or emperours, administred the prouince.

Gal. Mon. On the other hand, the general view of our chroniclers is that the main governance always stayed with the Britons, and that the Roman Senate, receiving an annual tribute, would send their emperors and governors at certain times (Ex officio) to this island to suppress the rebellious uprisings that started there or to fend off the invasions from enemies attempting to attack it. These writers would then conclude that the Britons always obeyed their king until eventually they were sidelined from governance by the Saxons. However, in the common history of England, whenever there is a gap in the succession of kings, it is often noted that at times the Roman emperors are placed in their position, and at other times their governors are said to be crowned as kings of the Britons, as if the emperors were subordinate to the kings of Britain, and that the Roman governors administered the province at their appointment, and not by decree of the Senate or emperors.

This may suffice here to aduertise you of the contrarietie in writers. Now we will go foorth in following our historie, as we haue doone heretofore, sauing that where the Romane histories write of things done here by emperors, or their lieutenants, it shall be shewed as reason requireth, sith there is a great appearance of truth oftentimes in the same, as those that be authorised and allowed in the opinion of the learned.

This is enough to inform you about the contradictions in writers. Now we will continue with our story as we have before, except that where the Roman histories write about events here involving emperors or their governors, we will present it as needed, since there is often strong evidence of truth in these accounts, as those deemed credible by experts agree.


Of Theomantius, the tearme of yeares that he reigned, and where he was interred; of Kymbeline, within the time of whose gouernment Christ Iesus our sauiour was borne, all nations content to obeie the Romane emperors and consequentlie Britaine, the customes that the Britaines paie the Romans as Strabo reporteth.

About Theomantius, the years he reigned, and where he was buried; about Kymbeline, during whose rule Jesus Christ our Savior was born, all nations willingly obeying the Roman emperors and consequently Britain, the customs that the Britons pay the Romans as Strabo reports.

THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.

THEOMĀDEUS After the death of Cassibellane, Theomantius or Tenantius the yoongest sonne of Lud was made king of Britaine in the yéere of the world 3921, Fabian. after the building of Rome 706, & before the comming of Christ 45. He[Page 479] is named also in one of the English chronicles Tormace: in the same chronicle it is conteined, that not he, but his brother Androgeus was Gal. Mon. king, where Geffrey of Monmouth & others testifie, that Androgeus abandoned the land clerelie, & continued still at Rome, because he knew the Britains hated him for treason he had committed in aiding Iulius Cesar against Cassibellane. Theomantius ruled the land in good quiet, and paid the tribute to the Romans which Cassibellane had granted, and finallie departed this life after he had reigned 22 yeares, and was buried at London.

THEOMĀDEUS After Cassibellane died, Theomantius, or Tenantius, the youngest son of Lud, became king of Britain in the year 3921 since the world began, Fabian. that is, 706 years after the founding of Rome, and 45 years before the coming of Christ. He[Page 479] is also referred to in one of the English chronicles as Tormace; that same chronicle states that it wasn't he, but his brother Androgeus who was king. Geffrey of Monmouth and others confirm that Androgeus entirely abandoned the land and stayed in Rome because he knew the Britons despised him for the treason he committed by helping Julius Caesar against Cassibellane. Theomantius ruled the land peacefully and paid the tribute to the Romans that Cassibellane had agreed to, and eventually passed away after reigning for 22 years, being buried in London.

KYMBELINE Kymbeline or Cimbeline the sonne of Theomantius was of the Britains made king after the deceasse of his father, in the yeare of the world 3944, after the building of Rome 728, and before the birth of our Fabian out of Guido de Columna. Sauiour 33. This man (as some write) was brought vp at Rome, and there made knight by Augustus Cesar, vnder whome he serued in the warres, and was in such fauour with him, that he was at libertie to pay his tribute or not. Little other mention is made of his dooings, except that during Christ our saviour borne. his reigne, the Sauiour of the world our Lord Iesus Christ the onelie sonne of God was borne of a virgine, about the 23 yeare of the reigne of this Kymbeline, & in the 42 yeare of the emperour Octauius Augustus, that is to wit, in the yeare of the world 3966, in the second yeare of 3966. the 194 Olympiad, after the building of the citie of Rome 750 nigh at an end, after the vniuersall floud 2311, from the birth of Abraham 2019, after the departure of the Israelits out of Egypt 1513, after the captiuitie of Babylon 535, from the building of the temple by Salomon 1034, & from the arriuall of Brute 1116, complet. Touching the continuance of the yeares of Kymbelines reigne, some writers doo varie, but the best approoued affirme, that he reigned 35 years and then died, & was buried at London, leauing behind him two sonnes, Guiderius and Aruiragus.

KYMBELINE Cymbeline or Cymbeline, the son of Theomantius, was made king of the Britains after his father passed away, in the year of the world 3944, after the founding of Rome 728, and before the birth of our Fabian out of Guido de Columna. Savior 33. According to some, this man was raised in Rome and was knighted by Augustus Caesar, under whom he served in wars, gaining such favor that he had the option to pay his tribute or not. There is little other mention of his actions, except that during his reign, our Lord Jesus Christ, the only son of God, was born of a virgin, around the 23rd year of Kymbeline's reign, and in the 42nd year of Emperor Octavius Augustus, which is to say, in the year of the world 3966, in the second year of the 194th Olympiad, just before the founding of the city of Rome 750 near its end, after the great flood 2311, from the birth of Abraham 2019, after the Israelites left Egypt 1513, after the Babylonian captivity 535, from the building of the temple by Solomon 1034, and from the arrival of Brutus 1116, complete. Regarding the duration of Kymbeline's reign, some writers disagree, but the most reliable sources affirm that he reigned for 35 years before dying and was buried in London, leaving behind two sons, Guiderius and Arviragus.

¶ But here is to be noted, that although our histories doo affirme, that as well this Kymbeline, as also his father Theomantius liued in quiet with the Romans, and continuallie to them paied the tributes which the Britains had couenanted with Iulius Cesar to pay, yet we find in the Romane writers, that after Iulius Cesars death, when Augustus had taken vpon him the rule of the empire, the Britains refused to paie Cor. Tacitus. in uita lib. Agr.
Dion Cassius.
that tribute: whereat as Cornelius Tacitus reporteth, Augustus (being otherwise occupied) was contented to winke; howbeit, through earnest calling vpon to recouer his right by such as were desirous to sée the vttermost of the British kingdome; at length, to wit, in the tenth yeare after the death of Iulius Cesar, which was about the thirtéenth yeare of the said Theomantius, Augustus made prouision to passe with an Dion Cassius. armie ouer into Britaine, & was come forward vpon his iournie into Gallia Celtica: or as we maie saie, into these hither parts of France.

¶ It's important to note that while our histories confirm that both Kymbeline and his father Theomantius lived peacefully with the Romans and continuously paid the tributes the Britains had agreed to pay Julius Caesar, we find in Roman writings that after Julius Caesar's death, when Augustus took control of the empire, the Britains refused to pay that tribute. Cor. Tacitus. in vita lib. Agr.
Dion Cassius.
Cornelius Tacitus reports that Augustus, being otherwise occupied, chose to overlook it; however, due to persistent demands from those eager to see the full extent of the British kingdom, Augustus eventually made plans, ten years after Julius Caesar's death, which was around the thirteenth year of Theomantius's reign, to send an army into Britain. He had already started his journey into Gallia Celtica, or what we now call this part of France.

But here receiuing aduertisements that the Pannonians, which inhabited the countrie now called Hungarie, and the Dalmatians whome now we call Slauons had rebelled, he thought it best first to subdue those rebells neere home, rather than to séeke new countries, and leaue such in hazard whereof he had present possession, and so turning his power against the Pannonians and Dalmatians, he left off for a time the warres of Britaine, whereby the land remained without feare of anie inuasion to be made by the Romans, till the yeare after the building of the citie of Rome 725, and about the 19 yeare of king Theomantius reigne, that Augustus with an armie departed once againe from Rome to passe ouer into Britaine, there to make warre. But after his comming into Gallia, when the Britains sent to him certeine ambassadours to treat with him of peace, he staied there to settle the state of things among the Galles, for that they were not in verie good order. And hauing finished there, he went into Spaine, and so his iournie into Britaine was put off till the next yeare, that is, the 726 after the building of Rome, which fell before the birth of our sauiour 25, about which time Augustus eftsoons meant the third time to haue made a voiage He kept not promise with the Romans.
Those of Calice and Biskaie.
into Britaine, because they could not agrée vpon couenants. But as the Pannonians and Dalmatians had aforetime staied him, when (as before is said) he meant to haue gone against the Britans: so euen now the Salassians (a people inhabiting about Italie and Switserland) the Cantabrians and Asturians by such rebellious sturrs as they raised, withdrew him from his purposed iournie. But whether this controuersie[Page 480] which appeareth to fall forth betwixt the Britains and Augustus, was occasioned by Kymbeline, or some other prince of the Britains, I haue not to auouch: for that by our writers it is reported, that Kymbeline being brought vp in Rome, & knighted in the court of Augustus, euer shewed himselfe a friend to the Romans, & chieflie was loth to breake with them, because the youth of the Britaine nation should not be depriued of the benefit to be trained and brought vp among the Romans, whereby they might learne both to behaue themselues like ciuill men, and to atteine to the knowledge of feats of warre.

But upon receiving news that the Pannonians, who lived in the area now called Hungary, and the Dalmatians, whom we now refer to as Slavs, had rebelled, he thought it was wiser to first tackle those rebels nearby rather than seek out new territories, leaving those he already held in jeopardy. So, he directed his forces against the Pannonians and Dalmatians and temporarily set aside the wars in Britain, which left the land free from any Roman invasion until the year 725 after the founding of the city of Rome and around the 19th year of King Theomantius's reign. In that year, Augustus left Rome with an army once again to invade Britain and wage war. However, after arriving in Gaul, when the Britons sent ambassadors to negotiate peace, he paused to stabilize matters among the Gauls since they were not in great order. Once that was completed, he traveled to Spain, postponing his journey to Britain until the following year, which was 726 after the founding of Rome, before the birth of our Savior by 25 years. Around this time, Augustus intended for the third time to make a voyage into Britain, but he couldn't reach an agreement with the Romans. Just as the Pannonians and Dalmatians had previously delayed him when he planned to go against the Britons, now the Salassians (a people living in Italy and Switzerland), along with the Cantabrians and Asturians, stirred up rebellion and pulled him away from his intended journey. It's unclear whether this dispute between the Britons and Augustus was initiated by Kymbeline or some other British prince; our historians report that Kymbeline, raised in Rome and knighted at Augustus's court, always acted as a friend to the Romans and was especially reluctant to break ties with them. He believed that the youth of the British nation should not lose the opportunity to be educated and trained among the Romans, allowing them to learn how to behave like civilized individuals and gain knowledge of military skills.

But whether for this respect, or for that it pleased the almightie God so to dispose the minds of men at that present, not onlie the Britains, but in manner all other nations were contented to be obedient to the Romane empire. That this was true in the Britains, it is euident enough Strab. Geog. by Strabos words, which are in effect as followeth. "At this present (saith he) certeine princes of Britaine, procuring by ambassadors and dutifull demeanors the amitie of the emperour Augustus, haue offered in the capitoll vnto the gods presents or gifts, and haue ordeined the whole Ile in a manner to be appertinent, proper, and familiar to the Romans. They are burdened with sore customs which they paie for wares, either to be sent foorth into Gallia, or brought from thence, which are commonlie yuorie vessels, shéeres, ouches, or earerings, and other conceits made of amber & glasses, and such like manner of merchandize: so that now there is no néed of anie armie or garrison of men of warre to kéepe the Ile, for there néedeth not past one legion of footmen, or some wing of horssemen, to gather vp and receiue the tribute: for the charges are rated according to the quantitie of the tributes: for otherwise it should be néedfull to abate the customs, if the tributes were also raised: and if anie violence should be vsed, it were dangerous least they might be prouoked to rebellion." Thus farre Strabo.

But whether it was due to this respect or because it pleased Almighty God to influence the minds of people at that time, not only the Britons but almost all other nations were willing to obey the Roman Empire. This is clearly evident in Britain, as Strabo states, which can be summarized as follows: "At this time, certain princes of Britain, seeking friendship with Emperor Augustus through ambassadors and respectful behavior, have offered gifts to the gods in the Capitol and have arranged for the whole island to be almost entirely aligned with the Romans. They are burdened with heavy customs fees for goods being sent to Gaul or brought back, which typically include ivory vessels, shears, brooches, earrings, and other items made of amber and glass, along with similar merchandise. Therefore, there is now no need for any army or garrison to occupy the island; only one legion of foot soldiers or some cavalry is needed to collect and receive the tribute, as the costs are determined by the amount of the tributes. Otherwise, it would be necessary to lower the customs fees if the tributes were also increased, and if any force were used, it could provoke them to rebellion." Thus far Strabo.


Of Guiderius, who denied to paie tribute to the Romans, preparation for war on both sides, of the ridiculous voiage of the Emperour Caligula against the Britains, his vanitie and delight in mischiefe: Aulus Plautius a Romane senator accompanied with souldiers arrive on the British coasts without resistance, the Britains take flight and hide themselues.

About Guiderius, who refused to pay tribute to the Romans, preparations for war on both sides, the absurd campaign of Emperor Caligula against the Britons, his vanity and love for chaos: Aulus Plautius, a Roman senator, arrived on the British shores with soldiers without facing any resistance, while the Britons fled and hid themselves.

THE XIX. CHAPTER.

GUIDERIUS. Guiderius the first sonne of Kymbeline (of whom Harison saieth nothing) began his reigne in the seuententh yeere after th' incarnation of Christ. This Guiderius being a man of stout courage, gaue occasion of breach of peace betwixt the Britains and Romans, denieng to paie them tribute, and procuring the people to new insurrections, which by one meane or other made open rebellion, as Gyldas saith. Wherevpon the Caligula. emperour Caligula (as some thinke) tooke occasion to leauie a power, and as one vtterlie misliking the negligence (as he called it) of Augustus and Tiberius his predecessors, he ment not onlie to reduce the Iland vnto the former subiection, but also to search out the vttermost bounds thereof, to the behoofe of himselfe, and of the Romane monarchie.

GUIDERIUS. Guiderius, the first son of Kymbeline (whom Harison says nothing about), began his reign in the seventeenth year after the birth of Christ. Guiderius, being a man of great bravery, sparked a conflict between the Britains and the Romans by refusing to pay them tribute and encouraging the people to start new uprisings, which eventually led to open rebellion, as Gyldas notes. This prompted the emperor Caligula (as some believe) to gather an army, and, disapproving of the negligence (as he called it) of his predecessors, Augustus and Tiberius, he intended not only to bring the island back under Roman control but also to explore its farthest boundaries for his own benefit and that of the Roman Empire.

Great prouision therefore was made by the said Caligula to performe that noble enterprise, and this was in the fourth yeere of his reigne. The like preparation was made on the other side by Guiderius, to resist the forren enimies, so that hauing all things in a readinesse, he ceassed not dailie to looke for the comming of the emperour, whome he Dion Cassius. lib. 59. ment to receiue with hard enterteinment if he durst aduenture to set toward Britaine. But see the sequele: the maine armie being thus in a readinesse, departed from Rome in the 79 yeere after the building of the citie, and marching foorth, at length came vnto the Belgike shore, from whence they might looke ouer, and behold the cliffes and coast of Britaine, which Caligula and his men stood gazing vpon with great[Page 481] admiration and woonder.

Great preparations were made by Caligula to undertake that noble mission, and this occurred in the fourth year of his reign. Similarly, Guiderius made his own preparations to fend off foreign enemies, so that having everything ready, he didn't stop daily to await the arrival of the emperor, whom he intended to greet with a tough reception if he dared to venture toward Britain. But here's what happened next: the main army, fully prepared, left Rome in the 79th year after the founding of the city, and after marching on, they finally reached the Belgic shore, from where they could look across and see the cliffs and coast of Britain, which Caligula and his men gazed upon with great admiration and wonder.

Furthermore he caused them to stand in battell arraie vpon the coast, where he heard how the Britains were in a redinesse to withstand his entrance. But entring into his gallie, as nothing discouraged with these newes, he rowed a flight shot or two from the shore, and forthwith returned, and then going vp into an high place like a pulpit, framed and set vp there for the nonce, he gaue the token to fight vnto his souldiers by sound of trumpet, and therewith was ech man charged to The spoile of the Ocean. gather cockle shells vpon the shore, which he called the spoile of the Ocean, and caused them to be laid vp vntill a time conuenient. With the atchiuing of this exploit (as hauing none other wherewith to beautifie his triumph) he séemed greatlie exalted, thinking that now he had subdued the whole Ocean, and therefore highlie rewarded his souldiers for their paines susteined in that collection of cockle shells, as if they had doone him some notable péece of seruice. He also caried of the same shells with him to Rome, to the end he might there boast of his voyage, and brag how well he had sped: and required therefore verie earnestlie haue of * a triumph decreed vnto him for the accomplishment [* sic.] of this enterprise.

He had his men line up for battle on the coast when he learned that the Britons were prepared to resist his entry. Unfazed by this news, he boarded his galley and rowed a short distance from the shore. Then he returned and went up to a high platform that looked like a pulpit, which he had set up for the occasion. He signaled his soldiers to fight with a trumpet sound and instructed everyone to gather cockle shells on the beach, which he referred to as the spoils of the Ocean. He ordered them to be collected and stored for a more suitable time. After achieving this task, since he had nothing else to show for his triumph, he felt immensely proud, believing he had conquered the entire Ocean. He greatly rewarded his soldiers for their efforts in collecting the cockle shells, as if they had performed a significant service. He also took some of the shells back to Rome to boast about his voyage and how successful he had been, and he earnestly requested a triumph in recognition of this accomplishment.

But when he saw the senat grudge at the free & liberall granting of a grace in that behalfe, and perceiued how they refused to attribute diuine honors vnto him, in recompense of so foolish an enterprise, it wanted little that he had not slaine them euerie one. From thence therefore he went vp into a throne or royall seate, and calling therewith the common people about him, he told them a long tale what aduentures had chanced to him in his conquest of the Ocean. And when he had perceiued them to shout and crie, as if they had consented that he should haue béene a god for this his great trauell and valiant prowesse, he to increase their clamour, caused great quantities of gold & siluer to be scattered amongst them, in the gathering whereof, manie were pressed to death, and diuers also slaine with the inuenomed caltrops of iron, which he did cast out with the same monie, of purpose to doo mischiefe, the same caltrops being in forme small & sharp, so that by reason of the prease of people, much hurt was doone by them yer they were perceiued. And this was the end of the ridiculous voiage of Caligula attempted against the Britains.

But when he saw the Senate's resentment towards the generous granting of a favor in that regard, and realized how they refused to give him divine honors as a reward for such a foolish endeavor, he came very close to killing them all. Therefore, he went up to a throne or royal seat, and calling the common people around him, he recounted a long story about the adventures he had encountered in his conquest of the Ocean. When he noticed them shouting and cheering, as if they agreed that he should have been made a god for his great efforts and bravery, he wanted to encourage their excitement even more by scattering large amounts of gold and silver among them. In the rush to gather it, many were trampled to death, and several were also killed by the sharp iron caltrops he threw out with the money, intending to cause harm. These caltrops were small and pointed, so due to the crowd's pressure, a lot of damage was done before anyone noticed. And this was the end of Caligula's ridiculous expedition against the Britains.

Suetonius. But after the death of this Caligula, the emperour Claudius (as Suetonius saith) moued warre against the Britains, because of a sturre and rebellion raised in that land, for that such fugitiues as were fled from thence, were not againe restored when request was made for the same.

Suetonius. But after Caligula's death, Emperor Claudius (as Suetonius says) waged war against the Britons because of an uprising and rebellion in that land, as the fugitives who had fled from there were not returned when a request was made for their return.

Dion Cassius. Dion Cassius writeth, that one Bericus, being expelled out of Britaine, persuaded the emperour Claudius to take the warre in hand at this time against the Britains, so that one Aulus Plautius a senatour, and as then pretor, was appointed to take the armie that soiourned in France then called Gallia, and to passe ouer with the same into Britaine. The souldiers hearing of this voiage, were loth to go with him, as men not willing to make warre in another world: and therefore delaied time, till at length one Narcissus was sent from Claudius, as it were to appease the souldiers, & procure them to set forward. But when this Narcissus went vp into the tribunall throne of Plautius, to declare the cause of his comming, the souldiers taking great indignation therewith cried, O Saturnalia, as if they should haue celebrated their feast daie so called.

Dio Chrysostom. Dion Cassius writes that a man named Bericus, after being expelled from Britain, convinced Emperor Claudius to start a war against the Britons at this time. As a result, Aulus Plautius, a senator and then praetor, was tasked with taking the army that was stationed in France, then known as Gaul, and to cross over into Britain with them. The soldiers, upon hearing about this mission, were reluctant to go with him, as they didn't want to fight in another world. They dragged their feet, making excuses, until eventually, Narcissus was sent by Claudius to calm the soldiers down and encourage them to move forward. However, when Narcissus went up to the tribunal of Plautius to explain the reason for his presence, the soldiers, feeling very upset, shouted, O Saturnalia, as if they were about to celebrate their holiday by that name.

When the seruants apparelled in their maisters robes, represented the roome of their maisters, and were serued by them, as if they had béene their seruants, and thus at length constreined, through verie shame, they agréed to follow Plautius. Herevpon being embarked, he diuided his nauie into thrée parts, to the end that if they were kept off from arriuing in one place, yet they might take land in another. The ships suffered some impeachment in their passage by a contrarie wind that droue them backe againe: but yet the marriners and men of warre taking good courage vnto them, the rather because there was séene a fierie leame to shoot out of the east towards the west, which way their course lay, made forwards againe with their ships, and landed without finding anie resistance. For the Britains looked not for their comming: wherefore, when they heard how their enimies were on land, they got them into the woods and marishes, trusting that by lingering of time the Romans would be constreined to depart, as it had chanced in time past to Iulius Cesar aforesaid.

When the servants dressed in their masters' robes, acted like their masters, and were served by them as if they were their own servants, they eventually felt so ashamed that they agreed to follow Plautius. After they boarded the ships, he divided his fleet into three parts so that if they were prevented from landing in one place, they could still reach another. The ships faced some delays due to a contrary wind that pushed them back, but the sailors and soldiers stayed motivated, especially after they saw a fiery light shooting from the east toward the west, which was their direction. They pressed on with their ships and landed without encountering any resistance because the Britons were not expecting them. When they learned that their enemies were on land, they retreated to the woods and marshes, hoping that by delaying, the Romans would be forced to leave, just like it happened before with Julius Caesar.

THE END OF THE THIRD BOOKE.

THE END OF THE THIRD BOOK.


[Page 482]

[Page 482]

THE FOVRTH BOOKE
OF THE
History of England.


  Page
THE FIRST CHAPTER 492
THE SECOND CHAPTER 483
THE THIRD CHAPTER 484
THE FOURTH CHAPTER 485
THE FIFT CHAPTER 486
THE SIXT CHAPTER 488
THE SEUENTH CHAPTER 490
THE EIGHT CHAPTER 492
THE NINTH CHAPTER 494
THE TENTH CHAPTER 495
THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER 496
THE TWELFE CHAPTER 499
THE XIIJ CHAPTER 500
THE XIIIJ CHAPTER 502
THE XV CHAPTER 503
THE 16. CHAPTER 504
THE XVIJ CHAPTER 507
THE XVIIJ CHAPTER 509
THE 19. CHAPTER 510
THE XX CHAPTER 152
THE XXJ CHAPTER 515
THE XXIJ CHAPTER 516
THE XXIIJ CHAPTER 519
THE XXIIIJ CHAPTER 521
THE XXV CHAPTER 526
THE XXVJ CHAPTER 527
THE XXVIJ CHAPTER 528
THE XXVIIJ CHAPTER 530
THE XXIX CHAPTER 532
THE XXX CHAPTER 535
THE XXXJ CHAPTER 537
THE XXXIJ CHAPTER 539
THE XXXIIJ CHAPTER 540
THE XXXIIIJ CHAPTER 543
THE XXXV CHAPTER 549

The Britains discomfited, sore wounded, slaine, and disabled by Plautius and his power, Claudius the Romane taketh the chiefe citie of Cymbeline the king of Britaine, he bereaueth the Britains of their armour, and by vertue of his conquest ouer part of the land is surnamed Britannicus.

The Britons were defeated, badly injured, killed, and weakened by Plautius and his forces. Claudius, the Roman, took the main city of Cymbeline, the king of Britain, stripped the Britons of their armor, and because of his conquest over part of the land, he earned the title Britannicus.

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

Now Plautius had much adoo to find out the Britains in their lurking holes and couerts; howbeit when he had traced them out, first he vanquished Cataratacus, and after Togodumnus the sonnes of Cynobellinus: for their father was dead not verie long before. These therefore fléeing their waies, Plautus receiued part of the people Bodumni.
Catuellani.
called Bodumni (which were subiects vnto them that were called Catuellani) into the obeisance of the Romans: and so leauing there a garrison of souldiors, passed further till he came to a riuer which could not well be passed without a bridge: wherevpon the Britains tooke small regard to defend the passage, as though they had béene sure inough. But Plautius appointed a certeine number of Germans which he had there with him (being vsed to swim ouer riuers although neuer so swift) to get ouer, which they did, sleaing and wounding the Britains horsses, which were fastened to their wagons or chariots, so that the Britains were not able to doo anie péece of their accustomed seruice with the same.

Now Plautius had a hard time finding the Britons in their hiding spots; however, once he located them, he first defeated Caratacus, and then Togodumnus, the sons of Cynobellinus, since their father had died not long before. As these two fled, Plautius brought part of their people, called Bodumni (who were subjects of those known as Catuellani), under Roman control. He left a garrison of soldiers there and continued on until he reached a river that couldn’t easily be crossed without a bridge. The Britons paid little attention to defending the passage, as if they felt secure. But Plautius assigned a certain number of Germans who were with him (used to swimming across rivers, no matter how swift) to cross over. They managed to do so, killing and wounding the British horses, which were tied to their wagons or chariots, leaving the Britons unable to carry out their usual tasks.

Herewithall was Flauius Vespasianus (that afterwards was emperour) with his brother Sabinus sent ouer that riuer, which being got to the further side, slue a great number of the enimies. The residue of the Britains fled, but the next day proffered a new battell, in the which they fought so stoutlie, that the victorie depended long in doubtfull balance, till Caius Sidius Geta being almost at point to be taken, did so handle the matter, that the Britains finallie were put to flight: for the which his valiant dooings, triumphant honors were bestowed vpon him, although he was no consull.

Flavius Vespasianus (who later became emperor) was sent across the river with his brother Sabinus. Once they reached the other side, they killed a significant number of the enemy. The remaining Britons fled, but the next day they challenged them to another battle. They fought so fiercely that the outcome hung in the balance for a long time, until Caius Sidius Geta, who was on the verge of being captured, managed the situation so well that the Britons were finally routed. For his brave actions, he was awarded triumphant honors, even though he wasn't a consul.

The Britains after this battell, withdrew to the riuer of Thames, néere[Page 483] to the place where it falleth into the sea, and knowing the shallowes and firme places thereof, easilie passed ouer to the further side, whom the Romans following, through lacke of knowledge in the nature of the places, they fell into the marish grounds, and so came to lose manie of their men, namelie of the Germans, which were the first that passed ouer the riuer to follow the Britains, partlie by a bridge which lay within the countrie ouer the said riuer, and partlie by swimming, and other such shift as they presentlie made.

The Britains, after this battle, withdrew to the River Thames, close to where it flows into the sea, and knowing the shallow areas and solid ground, easily crossed to the other side. The Romans, following them, fell into the marshy grounds due to their lack of understanding of the terrain, losing many of their men, especially the Germans, who were the first to cross the river to pursue the Britains, partly using a bridge located inland over the river and partly by swimming, along with other makeshift methods they quickly devised.

Togodumnus. The Britains hauing lost one of their rulers, namelie Togodumnus (of whom ye haue heard before) were nothing discouraged, but rather more egerlie set on reuenge. Plautius perceiuing their fiercenesse, went no further, but staid and placed garrisons in steeds where néed required, to keepe those places which he had gotten, and with all spéed sent aduertisement vnto Claudius, according to that he had in commandement, if anie vrgent necessitie should so mooue him. Claudius therefore hauing all things before hand in a readinesse, straightwaies vpon the receiuing of the aduertisement, departed from Rome, and came by water vnto Ostia, and from thence vnto Massilia, and so through France sped his iournies till he came to the side of the Ocean sea, and then imbarking himselfe with his people, passed ouer into Britaine, and came to his armie which abode his comming néere the Thames side, where being ioined, they passed the riuer againe, fought with the Britains in a pitcht field, and getting the victorie, tooke the towne of Camelodunum (which some count to be Colchester) being the chiefest citie apperteining vnto Cynobelinus. He reduced also manie other people into his subiection, some by force, and some by surrender, whereof he was called oftentimes by the name of emperour, which was against the ordinance of the Romans: for it was not lawfull for anie to take that name vpon him oftener than once in anie one voiage. Moreouer, Claudius tooke from the Britains their armor and weapons, and committed the gouernment of them vnto Plautius, commanding him to endeuour himselfe to subdue the residue.

Togodumnus. The Britons, having lost one of their leaders, namely Togodumnus (whom you have heard about before), were not discouraged at all; instead, they were even more eager for revenge. Plautius, noticing their fierceness, decided not to advance further but instead stayed and stationed garrisons where needed to hold the territories he had captured. He quickly sent a report to Claudius, as he had been instructed to do if any urgent necessity arose. Therefore, Claudius, having everything prepared in advance, immediately set off from Rome upon receiving the message. He traveled by water to Ostia, then from there to Massilia, and made his way through France until he reached the coast of the ocean. After boarding a ship with his men, he crossed over to Britain and met up with his army, which was waiting for him near the Thames. Once reunited, they crossed the river again, fought the Britons in a pitched battle, and won, capturing the town of Camelodunum (which some identify as Colchester), the chief city belonging to Cynobelinus. He also brought many other tribes under his control, some by force and others through surrender, earning him the title of emperor, which went against Roman custom because no one was supposed to take that title more than once during any single campaign. Additionally, Claudius took the Britons' armor and weapons and assigned their governance to Plautius, instructing him to make every effort to subdue the remaining tribes.

Dion Cassius Thus hauing brought vnder a part of Britaine, and hauing made his abode therin not past a sixtene daies, he departed and came backe againe to Rome with victorie in the sixt month after his setting foorth from thence, giuing after his returne, to his sonne, the surname of Suetonius Britannicus. This warre he finished in maner as before is said, in the fourth yéere of his reigne, which fell in the yéere of the world 4011, after the birth of our Sauiour 44, and after the building of Rome 797.

Dion Cassius After successfully taking control of part of Britain and staying there for no more than sixteen days, he left and returned to Rome with victory six months after he set out, giving his son the title of Suetonius Britannicus upon his return. He ended this war in the way that has been previously mentioned, in the fourth year of his reign, which was in the year 4011 of the world, 44 years after the birth of our Savior, and 797 years after the founding of Rome.


The diuerse opinions and variable reports of writers touching the partile conquest of this Iland by the Romans, the death of Guiderius.

The different opinions and varied reports from writers regarding the partial conquest of this island by the Romans, and the death of Guiderius.

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

There be that write, how Claudius subdued and added to the Romane empire, the Iles of Orknie situate in the north Ocean beyond Britaine: which might well be accomplished either by Plautius, or some other his lieutenant: for Plautius indéed for his noble prowesse and valiant acts atchieued in Britaine, afterwards triumphed. Titus the sonne of Vespasian also wan no small praise for deliuering his father out of danger in his time, being beset with a companie of Britains, which the said Titus bare downe, and put to flight with great slaughter. Beda following the authoritie of Suetonius, writeth bréeflie of this matter, and saith, that Claudius passing ouer into this Ile, to the which neither before Iulius Cesar, neither after him anie stranger durst come, within few daies receiued the most part of the countrie into his subiection without battell or bloudshed.

There are those who write about how Claudius conquered and expanded the Roman Empire to include the Orkney Islands located in the North Sea beyond Britain. This could have been achieved either by Plautius or some other lieutenant of his; indeed, Plautius earned a triumph for his noble bravery and valiant deeds accomplished in Britain. Titus, the son of Vespasian, also received considerable praise for rescuing his father from danger when he was besieged by a group of Britons, whom Titus defeated and routed with great slaughter. Bede, following the authority of Suetonius, briefly discusses this matter and states that Claudius, crossing over to this island—where neither Julius Caesar nor any other foreigner had dared to venture before or after him—quickly brought most of the country under his control without battle or bloodshed.

Gyldas also writing of this reuolting of the Britains, saith thus: "When information thereof was giuen to the senate, and that hast was made with a spéedie armie to reuenge the same, there was no warlike nauie prepared in the sea to fight valiantlie for the defense of the[Page 484] countrie, no square battell, no right wing, nor anie other prouision appointed on the shore to be séene, but the backes of the Britains in stead of a shield are shewed to the persecutors, and their necks readie to be cut off with the sword through cold feare running through their bones, which stretched foorth their hands to be bound like womanlie creatures; so that a common prouerbe followed thereof, to wit, That the Britains were neither valiant in warre, nor faithfull in peace: and so the Romans sleaing manie of the rebels, reseruing some, and bringing them to bondage, that the land should not lie altogither vntilled and desert, returned into Italie out of that land which was void of wine and oile, leauing some of their men there for gouernors to chastise the people, not so much with an armie of men, as with scourge and whip, and if the matter so required, to applie the naked sword vnto their sides: so that it might be accounted Rome and not Britaine. And what coine either of brasse, siluer or gold there was, the same to be stamped with the image of the emperour." Thus farre Gildas.

Gyldas, writing about the rebellion of the Britons, says this: "When the Senate received news of this, they quickly sent a speedy army to take revenge. However, there was no warlike navy ready at sea to bravely defend the country, no organized battle, no right wing, nor any preparations visible on the shore. Instead, the Britons turned their backs to the attackers as if they were shields, with their necks ready to be cut by swords because of cold fear running through their bones, stretching out their hands to be bound like helpless creatures. This led to a common saying that the Britons were neither brave in war nor faithful in peace. The Romans killed many of the rebels, capturing some and bringing them into bondage, so the land wouldn't be left completely uncultivated and empty. They returned to Italy from a land lacking wine and oil, leaving some of their men there as governors to discipline the people, not so much with an army, but with whips and lashes, and if necessary, to apply the naked sword to their sides; so it could be considered Rome and not Britain. Any coins made of bronze, silver, or gold were to be stamped with the image of the emperor." Thus far Gildas.

Gal. Mon.
Matth. West.
In the British historie we find other report as thus, that Claudius at his comming aland at Porchester, besieged that towne, to the rescue whereof came Guiderius, and giuing battell to the Romans, put them to the woorse, till at length one Hamo, being on the Romans side, changed his shield and armour, apparelling himselfe like a Britaine, and so entring into the thickest prease of the British host, came at length where the king was, and there slue him. But Aruiragus perceiuing this mischiefe, to the end the Britains should not be discouraged therewith, caused himselfe to be adorned with the kings cote-armor, and other abiliments, and so as king continued the fight with such manhood, that the Romans were put to flight. Claudius retired backe to his ships, and Hamo to the next woods, whom Aruiragus pursued, and at length droue him vnto the sea side, and there slue him yer he could take the hauen which was there at hand; so that the same tooke name of him, and was called a long time after, Hamons hauen, and at length by corruption of speach it Hampton, why so called. was called Hampton, and so continueth vnto this day, commonlie called by the name of Southhampton. Thus haue you heard how Guiderius or Guinderius (whether you will) came to his end, which chanced (as some write) in the 28 yéere of his reigne.

Gal. Mon.
Matth. West.
In British history, there's another account that says when Claudius landed at Porchester, he laid siege to the town. Guiderius came to its rescue and fought the Romans, giving them a hard time until eventually, a man named Hamo, who was on the Roman side, switched his shield and armor to dress like a Briton. He then infiltrated the heart of the British army and managed to kill the king. However, Aruiragus noticing this misfortune, adorned himself in the king's battle gear to inspire the Britons and continued the fight with such bravery that the Romans were routed. Claudius retreated to his ships, and Hamo fled to the nearby woods, where Aruiragus pursued him and eventually cornered him by the sea, killing him before he could reach the harbor there. This location was named after him and was known for a long time as Hamo's haven, which, through corruption of speech, later became known as Hampton, and it still goes by that name today, commonly referred to as Southhampton. Thus, you have learned how Guiderius or Guinderius (as you prefer) met his end, which some records state occurred in the 28th year of his reign.


Aruiragus the Britaine & Claudius the Romane with their armies doo incounter, a composition concerning mariage concluded betweene them, Claudius returneth to Rome.

Aruiragus the Briton and Claudius the Roman encounter each other with their armies, and they reach an agreement about marriage. Claudius returns to Rome.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

ARUIRAGUS. Hector Boet. Aruiragus the yoongest son of Kymbeline, and brother to Guinderius (bicause the same Guinderius left no issue to succéed him) was admitted king of Britaine in the yeere of our Lord 45, or rather 46.

ARUIRAGUS. Hector Boet. Aruiragus, the youngest son of Kymbeline and brother to Guinderius (because the same Guinderius left no heirs to succeed him), was declared king of Britain in the year of our Lord 45, or rather 46.

This Aruiragus, otherwise called by the Britains Meuricus or Mauus, of Caxton. Tacitus Prasutagus, is also named Armiger in the English chronicle, by which chronicle (as appéereth) he bare himselfe right manfullie against Gal. Mon. Claudius and his Romans in the war which they made against him: in so much that when Claudius had renewed his force and woone Porchester, and after came to besiege Winchester (in the which Aruiragus as then was inclosed) Aruiragus assembling his power, was readie to come foorth and giue Claudius battell: wherevpon Claudius doubting the sequele of the thing, sent messengers vnto Aruiragus to treat of concord, and so by composition the matter was taken vp, with condition, that Claudius should giue his daughter Genissa in marriage vnto Aruiragus, & Aruiragus should acknowledge to hold his kingdome of the Romans.

This Aruiragus, also known by the Britons as Meuricus or Mauus, Caxton. Tacitus Prasutagus, is also referred to as Armiger in the English chronicle, which shows that he fought valiantly against Gal. Mon. Claudius and his Romans in the war they waged against him. When Claudius had strengthened his forces and captured Porchester, he later came to besiege Winchester, where Aruiragus was enclosed at that time. Aruiragus gathered his troops and was ready to confront Claudius in battle. Fearing the outcome, Claudius sent messengers to Aruiragus to negotiate a truce, and so an agreement was reached, in which Claudius would give his daughter Genissa in marriage to Aruiragus, and Aruiragus would recognize his kingdom as a vassal of the Romans.

Ranulfus Cestrensis. Some write that Claudius in fauour of the valiant prowesse which he saw & found in Aruiragus, honored not onlie him with the mariage of his[Page 485] daughter the said Genissa, but also to the end to make the towne more famous where this marriage was solemnized, he therefore called it Claudiocestria, after his name, the which in the British toong was called before that daie Caerleon, and after Glouernia, of a duke that ruled in Demetia that hight Glunie, but now it is called Glocester.

Ranulfus Cestrensis. Some say that Claudius, impressed by the bravery he saw in Aruiragus, not only honored him by marrying him to his daughter Genissa but also aimed to make the town where the wedding took place more famous. He named it Claudiocestria, after himself, while it was previously known in Welsh as Caerleon and later as Glouernia, after a duke named Glunie who ruled in Demetia. Now, it's known as Gloucester.

Other there be that write, how Claudius being vanquished in battell by Aruiragus, was compelled by the said Aruiragus to giue vnto him his said daughter to wife, with condition as before is mentioned: and that Sueton. then Aruiragus was crowned king of Britaine. But Suetonius maie séeme to reprooue this part of the British historie, which in the life of Claudius witnesseth, that he had by thrée wiues onlie three daughters, that is to saie, Claudia, Antonia, and Octauia: and further, that reputing Claudia not to be his, caused hir to be cast downe at the doore of his wife Herculanilla, whome he had forsaken by waie of diuorcement: & that he bestowed his daughter Antonia first on C. Pompeius Magnus, and after on Faustus Silla, verie noble yoong gentlemen; and Octauia he matched with Nero his wiues son. Whereby it should appéere, that this supposed marriage betwixt Aruiragus and the daughter of Claudius is but a feined tale.

Others write that Claudius, after being defeated in battle by Arviragus, was forced by Arviragus to give him his daughter in marriage, with the same condition mentioned earlier: and then Arviragus was crowned king of Britain. But Suetonius may seem to challenge this part of British history, which states in the life of Claudius that he had only three daughters through three wives, namely Claudia, Antonia, and Octavia. Furthermore, considering Claudia not to be his, he had her cast out at the door of his wife Herculanilla, whom he had left by way of divorce; and he first married his daughter Antonia to C. Pompeius Magnus, and later to Faustus Sulla, both very noble young men; and he matched Octavia with Nero, the son of his wife. This suggests that the supposed marriage between Arviragus and Claudius’s daughter is just a fictional tale.

¶ And héere to speake my fansie also what I thinke of this Aruiragus, and other the kings (whome Galfrid and such as haue followed him doo register in order, to succéed one after another) I will not denie but such persons there were, and the same happilie bearing verie great rule in the land, but that they reigned as absolute kings ouer the whole, or that they succéeded one after another in manner as is auouched by the same writers, it seemeth most vnlike to be true: for rather it maie be gessed by that, which as well Gyldas as the old approoued Romane writers haue written, that diuerse of these kings liued about one time, or in times greatlie differing from those times which in our writers we find noted. As for example, Iuuenal maketh this Aruiragus, of whom we now intreat, to reigne about Domitians time. For my part therefore, sith this order of the British kinglie succession in this place is more easie to be flatlie denied and vtterlie reprooued, than either wiselie defended or trulie amended, I will referre the reforming therof vnto those that haue perhaps séene more than I haue, or more déepelie considered the thing, to trie out an vndoubted truth: in the meane time, I haue thought good, both to shew what I find in our histories, and likewise in forren writers, to the which we thinke (namelie in this behalfe, whilest the Romans gouerned there) we maie safelie giue most credit, doo we otherwise neuer so much content our selues with other vaine and fond conceits.

¶ Here, I’d like to share my thoughts on Aruiragus and the other kings that Galfrid and his followers document in succession. I won’t deny that there were such figures, and they likely held significant power in the land, but it seems highly unlikely that they ruled as absolute kings over everything, or that they succeeded one another in the way these writers claim. Instead, it appears that, according to both Gildas and the old reliable Roman writers, several of these kings lived around the same time, or in times that differ greatly from what we find noted in our own writers. For example, Juvenal places this Aruiragus, whom we are discussing, during the time of Domitian. Therefore, since the order of British royal succession here is easier to outright deny and completely refute than to defend wisely or correct accurately, I will leave the reforming of this to those who may have seen more than I have or who have considered it more deeply, to determine an undeniable truth. In the meantime, I thought it would be good to present what I find in our histories, as well as in foreign writers, to whom we think (especially in this regard, while the Romans were in control) we can safely give the most credit, even if we otherwise find ourselves content with other empty and foolish ideas.

To procéed yet with the historie as we find it by our writers set foorth: it is reported, that after the solemnization of this marriage, which was doone with all honour that might Legions of souldiers sent into Ireland. be deuised, Claudius sent certeine legions of souldiers foorth to go into Ireland to subdue that countrie, and returned himselfe to Rome.

To continue with the story as our writers present it: it's said that after the wedding, which was held with all the honor possible, Claudius sent certain legions of soldiers to Ireland to conquer that country and returned to Rome himself. Troops dispatched to Ireland.


Aruiragus denieth subiection to the Romans, Vespasian is sent to represse him and his power, the Romane host is kept backe from landing, queene Genissa pacifieth them after a sharpe conflict: & what the Romane writers say of Vespasians being in Britaine, the end of Aruiragus.

Aruiragus refuses to submit to the Romans, so Vespasian is sent to suppress him and his power. The Roman army is held back from landing, but Queen Genissa calms them down after a fierce battle. This is what Roman writers say about Vespasian's time in Britain and the downfall of Aruiragus.

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

Then did king Aruiragus ride about to view the state of his realme, repairing cities and townes decaied by the warre of the Romans, and saw his people gouerned with such iustice and good order, that he was both feared and greatlie beloued: so that in tract of time he grew verie welthie, and by reason thereof fell into pride, so that he denied his
Vespasian in Britaine.
Rutupium.
Cornel. Tacit. in uit. Agr. lib. 3 & li. 6.
Gal. Mon.
subiection to the Romans. Wherevpon Claudius appointed Vespasian with[Page 486] an armie to go as lieutenant into Britaine. This iournie was to him the beginning of his advancement to that honour, which after to him most luckilie befell. But if we shall credit our Britaine writers, he gained not much at Aruiragus hands, for where he would haue landed at Sandwich or Richborough, Aruiragus was readie to resist him, so as he durst not once enter the hauen: for Aruiragus had there such a puissant number of armed men, that the Romans were afraid to approach the land.

Then King Aruiragus rode around to inspect his kingdom, restoring cities and towns damaged by the Romans' war, and he saw his people governed with such justice and good order that he was both feared and greatly loved. Over time, he became very wealthy, and because of this, he became prideful and denied his submission to the Romans. In response, Claudius appointed Vespasian with an army to serve as lieutenant in Britain. This journey marked the beginning of Vespasian's rise to the honor that would later come to him quite fortunately. However, if we are to believe our British writers, he didn't gain much from Aruiragus, for when he tried to land at Sandwich or Richborough, Aruiragus was ready to resist him, so he didn't dare to enter the harbor. Aruiragus had such a powerful number of armed men there that the Romans were afraid to approach the shore.

Vespasian therefore withdrew from thence, and coasting westward, landed at Totnesse, and comming to Excester, besieged that citie: but about the seuenth day after he had planted his siege, came Aruiragus, and gaue him battell, in the which both the armies sustained great losse of men, and neither part got anie aduantage of the other. On the morrow after quéene Genissa made them friends, and so the warres ceassed for that time, by hir good mediation.

Vespasian then moved away from there and sailed west, landing at Totnes. When he arrived at Exeter, he besieged the city. However, about seven days after he started the siege, Aruiragus came and engaged him in battle, resulting in heavy losses for both armies, with neither side gaining an advantage. The next day, Queen Genissa brokered peace between them, and the fighting stopped for the time being, thanks to her good mediation.

¶ But séeing (as before I haue said) the truth of this historie maie be greatlie mistrusted, ye shall heare what the Romane writers saie of Vespasianus being héere in Britaine, beside that which we haue alreadie recited out of Dion in the life of Guiderius.

¶ But seeing (as I mentioned earlier) that the truth of this story can be greatly doubted, you will hear what the Roman writers say about Vespasian being here in Britain, in addition to what we have already recounted from Dion in the life of Guiderius.

In the daies of the emperor Claudius, through fauour of Narcissus (one Vespasian. Suetonius.
Salcellicus.
that might doo all with Claudius) the said Vespasian was sent as coronell or lieutenant of a legion of souldiers into Germanie, and being remooued from thence into Britaine, he fought thirtie seuerall times with the enimies, and brought vnto the Romane obeisance two most mightie nations, and aboue twentie townes, togither with the Ile of Wight; and these exploits he atchiued, partlie vnder the conduct of Aulus Plautius ruler of Britaine for the emperor Claudius, and partlie vnder the same emperor himselfe. For as it is euident by writers of good credit, he came first ouer into Britaine with the said Aulus Plautius, and serued verie valiantlie vnder him, as before in place we haue partlie touched. By Tacitus it appeareth, that he was called to be partener in the gouernment of things in Britaine with Claudius, and had such successe, as it appéered to what estate of honour he was predestinate, hauing conquered nations, and taken kings prisoners. But now to make an end with Aruiragus: when he perceiued that his force was too weake to preuaile against the Romane empire, and that he should Gal. Mon. striue but in vaine to shake the yoke of subiection from the necks of the Britains, he made a finall peace with them in his old age, and so continued in quiet the residue of his reigne, which he lastlie ended by death, after he had gouerned the land by the space of thirtie yéeres, or but eight and twentie, as some other imagine. He died in the yéere 73. Matth. West. of Grace 73, as one author affirmeth, and was buried at Glocester.

In the days of Emperor Claudius, with the support of Narcissus (who had significant influence with Claudius), Vespasian was sent as a colonel or lieutenant of a legion of soldiers to Germany, and after being moved from there to Britain, he fought thirty separate battles against the enemies and brought two mighty nations and over twenty towns, along with the Isle of Wight, under Roman control. He achieved these feats partly under the leadership of Aulus Plautius, the governor of Britain for Emperor Claudius, and partly under Claudius himself. As credible writers note, he first came to Britain with Aulus Plautius and served very valiantly under him, as we have partially mentioned earlier. Tacitus suggests that he was called to share in the governance of Britain with Claudius, and he succeeded so well that it indicated the high honor he was destined for, having conquered nations and captured kings. To conclude with Aruiragus: when he realized that his forces were too weak to succeed against the Roman Empire, and that it would be in vain to try to shake off the yoke of subjection from the Britons, he made a final peace with them in his old age and continued to rule peacefully for the rest of his reign, which ended with his death after he had governed the land for thirty years, or perhaps only twenty-eight, as some others believe. He died in the year 73, as one author states, and was buried at Gloucester.


Ioseph of Aramathia came into Britaine and Simon Zelotes, the antiquitie of christian religion, Britaine gouerned by Lieutenants and treasurers of the Romane emperors, the exploits of Ostorius Scapula and the men of Oxfordshire, he vanquisheth the Welshmen, appeaseth the Yorkshiremen, and brideleth the rage of the Silures.

Joseph of Arimathea arrived in Britain along with Simon Zealot, during the early days of Christianity. At that time, Britain was ruled by lieutenants and treasurers of the Roman emperors. Ostorius Scapula's achievements included defeating the Welsh, calming the Yorkshiremen, and controlling the fury of the Silures.

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

In the daies of the said Aruiragus, about the yeare of Christ 53, Ioseph of Arimathia, who buried the bodie of our sauiour, being sent by Philip the Apostle (as Iohn Bale following the authoritie of Gildas and other British writers reciteth) after that the Christians were dispersed out of Gallia, came into Britaine with diuers other godlie Polydorus. christian men, & preaching the gospell there amongst the Britains, & instructing them in the faith and lawes of Christ, conuerted manie to the true beliefe, and baptised them in the wholsome water of regeneration, & there continued all the residue of his life, obteining of the king a plot of ground where to inhabit, not past a foure miles from Wells, and there with his fellowes began to laie the first[Page 487] foundation of the true and perfect religion, in which place (or néere thereinto) was afterward erected the abbeie of Glastenburie.

In the days of Aruiragus, around the year 53 AD, Joseph of Arimathia, who buried the body of our Savior, was sent by Philip the Apostle (as John Bale, following the authority of Gildas and other British writers, recounts). After the Christians were scattered from Gaul, he came to Britain with various other devout Christian men. He preached the gospel among the Britons, teaching them the faith and laws of Christ, converting many to true belief, and baptizing them in the life-giving water of regeneration. He continued to live there for the rest of his life, receiving a plot of land from the king to settle, not more than four miles from Wells, where he and his companions laid the first foundation of the true and perfect religion. In that place (or close to it), the abbey of Glastonbury was later established.

Nicephorus writeth in his second booke and fourth chapter, that one Simon Zelotes came likewise into Britaine. And Theodoretus in his 9. booke "De curandis Græcorum affectibus," sheweth that Paule being released of his second imprisonment, and suffered to depart from Rome, preached the gospell to the Britains and to other nations in the west. The same thing in manner dooth Sophronius the patriarch of Ierusalem witnesse, Tertullian also maie be a witnesse of the ancientnes of the faith receiued here in Britaine, where he writing of these times saith: Those places of the Britains, to the which the Romans could not approch, were subiect vnto Christ, as were also the countries of Sarmatia, Dacia, Germania, Scithia, and others. ¶ Thus it maie appeare, that the christian religion was planted here in this land shortlie after Christes time, although it certeinlie appeareth not who were the first that preached the gospell to the Britains, nor whether they were Gréeks or Latins.

Nicephorus writes in his second book and fourth chapter that Simon Zelotes also came to Britain. And Theodoret in his 9th book "On Healing the Afflictions of the Greeks" shows that Paul, after being released from his second imprisonment and allowed to leave Rome, preached the gospel to the Britains and other nations in the west. Sophronius, the patriarch of Jerusalem, supports this claim, and Tertullian can also testify to the ancient faith received here in Britain, where he writes about those times: The areas of Britain that the Romans could not reach were subject to Christ, just like the regions of Sarmatia, Dacia, Germania, Scythia, and others. ¶ Thus, it may appear that the Christian religion was established in this land shortly after Christ's time, although it is not clear who were the first to preach the gospel to the Britains or whether they were Greeks or Latins.

Cornelius Tacitus writeth, that the Romane emperours in this season Treasurers or receiuers. gouerned this land by lieutenants and treasurers, the which were called by the name of legats and procurators, thereby to kéepe the vnrulie inhabitants the better in order.

Cornelius Tacitus writes that the Roman emperors at this time Treasurers or collectors. governed this land through lieutenants and treasurers, who were referred to as legates and procurators, to keep the unruly inhabitants better in line.

Aulus Plautius.
Ostorius Scapula.
And Aulus Plautius a noble man of Rome of the order of consuls, was sent hither as the first legat or lieutenant (in maner as before ye haue heard) & after him Ostorius Scapula, who at his comming found the Ile in trouble, the enimies hauing made inuasion into the countrie of those that were friends to the Romans, the more presumptuouslie, for Cor. Tacitus lib. 12. that they thought a new lieutenant, with an armie to him vnacquainted and come ouer now in the beginning of winter, would not be hastie to march foorth against them. But Ostorius vnderstanding that by the first successe and chance of warre, feare or hope is bred and augmented, hasted forward to encounter with them, and such as he found abroad in the countrie he slue out right on euerie side, and pursued such as fled, to the end they should not come togither againe. Now for that a displeasing and a doubtfull peace was not like to bring quietnesse either to him or to his armie, he tooke from such as he suspected, their armour. And after this, he went about to defend the riuers of Auon & Seuerne, with placing his souldiers in camps fortified néere to the same. But the Oxfordshire men and other of those parties would not suffer him to accomplish his purpose in anie quiet sort, being a puissant kind of people, and not hitherto weakened by warres: for they willinglie at the first had ioined in amitie with the Romans. The Cornelius Tacit. lib. 12. countries adjoining also being induced by their procurement, came to them, & so they chose forth a plot of ground, fensed with a mightie ditch, vnto the which there was no waie to enter but one, & the same verie narrow, so as the horssemen could not haue anie easie passage to breake in vpon them. Ostorius, although he had no legionarie souldiers, but certeine bands of aids, marched foorth towards the place within the which the Britains were lodged, and assaulting them in the same, brake through into their campe, where the Britains being impeached with their owne inclosures which they had raised for defense of the place, knowing how that for their rebellion they were like to find small mercie at the Romans hands, when they saw now no waie to escape, laid about them manfullie, and shewed great proofe of their valiant stomachs.

Aulus Plautius.
Ostorius Scapula.
Aulus Plautius, a distinguished Roman from the consul class, was sent here as the first legate or lieutenant (as you’ve heard before), and after him came Ostorius Scapula. When Ostorius arrived, he found the island in turmoil, with enemies invading the territories of those friendly to the Romans. They were overly confident, thinking that a new lieutenant with an army unfamiliar to him, arriving at the beginning of winter, wouldn’t be quick to act against them. However, Ostorius recognized that the initial outcomes of warfare generate fear or hope, so he rushed to confront them. He killed anyone he encountered out in the countryside and pursued those who fled, ensuring they wouldn’t regroup. Since a displeasing and uncertain peace wouldn’t bring calm for him or his army, he confiscated weapons from those he suspected. After this, he focused on securing the rivers Avon and Severn, placing his soldiers in fortified camps nearby. However, the people of Oxfordshire and others in the area wouldn’t let him achieve his goals easily, as they were a strong group not yet worn down by wars; they had originally allied willingly with the Romans. The neighboring territories, influenced by their actions, also joined them, and they selected a piece of land surrounded by a massive ditch, accessible only by a single narrow entrance, making it difficult for cavalry to break in. Although Ostorius had no legionary soldiers, just some auxiliary troops, he moved forward toward the location where the Britons were stationed. He attacked them and broke into their camp. The Britons, hindered by their own defenses, realizing they would likely receive little mercy from the Romans due to their rebellion, fought fiercely and showed great courage in the face of danger.

In this battell, the sonne of Ostorius the lieutenant deserued the price and commendation of preseruing a citizen out of the cruell which was a certaine crowne, to be set on his head called ciuica corona. enimies hands. But now with this slaughter of the Oxfordshire men, diuers of the Britains that stood doubtfull what waie to take, either to rest in quiet, or to moue warres, were contented to be conformable vnto a reasonable order of peace, in so much that Ostorius lead his Cangi. armie against the people called Cangi, who inhabited that part of Wales now called Denbighshire, which countrie he spoiled on euerie side, no enimie once daring to encounter him: & if anie of them aduentured priuilie to set vpon those which they found behind, or on the outsids of his armie, they were cut short yer they could escape out of danger. Wherevpon he marched straight to their campe and giuing them battell, vanquished them: and vsing the victorie as reason moued him, he lead his armie against those that inhabited the inner parts of Wales,[Page 488] spoiling the countrie on euerie side. And thus sharplie pursuing the rebels, he approched néere vnto the sea side, which lieth ouer against Ireland. While this Romane capteine was thus occupied, he was called backe by the rebellion of the Yorkshire men, whome forthwith vpon his comming vnto them, he appeased, punishing the first authors of that tumult with death.

In this battle, the son of Ostorius, the lieutenant, earned the reward and praise for saving a citizen from the cruel enemies' hands, which was a special crown known as the civic corona. However, after the slaughter of the Oxfordshire men, many of the Britons who were unsure whether to stay peaceful or go to war decided to accept a reasonable peace agreement. As a result, Ostorius led his army against a group called the Cangi, who lived in what is now Denbighshire in Wales. He ravaged the area on all sides, with no enemy daring to confront him. If any of them dared to secretly attack those who were lagging behind or on the outskirts of his army, they were cut down before they could escape danger. Therefore, he marched straight to their camp and fought them, defeating them. Using his victory wisely, he then led his army against those who lived in the interior parts of Wales, pillaging the countryside on all sides. By sharply pursuing the rebels, he got close to the coastline that faces Ireland. While this Roman captain was occupied with these actions, he was called back due to the rebellion of the Yorkshire men. As soon as he arrived, he quelled the rebellion, punishing the instigators of the unrest with death.

Cor. Tacitus. lib. 12. In the meane time, the people called Silures, being a verie fierce kind of men, and valiant, prepared to make warre against the Romans, for they might not be bowed neither with roughnesse, nor yet with any courteous handling, so that they were to be tamed by an armie of legionarie souldiers to be brought among them.

Cor. Tacitus. book. 12. In the meantime, the people known as the Silures, who were very fierce and brave, got ready to go to war against the Romans. They couldn't be subdued by harsh treatment or even friendly gestures, so it would take an army of legion soldiers to bring them under control.

Therefore to restraine the furious rage of those people and their neighbours, Ostorious peopled a towne néere to their borders, called Camelodunum with certeine bands of old souldiers, there to inhabit with their wiues and children, according to such maner as was vsed in like cases of placing naturall Romans in anie towne or citie, for the more suertie and defense of the same. Here also was a temple builded in the honor of Claudius the emperour, where were two images erected, one of the goddesse Victoria, and an other of Claudius himselfe.

Therefore, to contain the furious anger of those people and their neighbors, Ostorius established a town near their borders called Camelodunum, populated by certain groups of veteran soldiers who settled there with their wives and children, just as was done in similar cases of settling native Romans in any town or city, for the sake of safety and defense. Here, a temple was also built in honor of Emperor Claudius, featuring two statues, one of the goddess Victoria and the other of Claudius himself.


The coniectures of writers touching the situation of Camelodunum supposed to be Colchester, of the Silures a people spoken of in the former chapter, a foughten field betwene Caratacus the British prince, and Ostorius the Romaine, in the confines of Shropshire; the Britains go miserablie to wracke, Caratacus is deliuered to the Romans, his wife and daughter are taken prisoners, his brethren yeeld themselues to their enimies.

The theories by writers about the location of Camelodunum, believed to be Colchester, and about the Silures, a group mentioned in the previous chapter, describe a battle between Caratacus, the British prince, and Ostorius, the Roman general, in what is now Shropshire. The Britons end up in misery; Caratacus is captured and handed over to the Romans, while his wife and daughter are taken prisoner, and his brothers surrender to their enemies.

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

But now there resteth a great doubt among writers, where this citie or towne called Camelodunum did stand, of some (and not without good ground of probable coniectures gathered vpon the aduised consideration of the circumstances of that which in old authors is found written of Camelodunum, Colchester. this place) it is thought to be Colchester. But verelie by this place of Tacitus it maie rather seeme to be some other towne, situat more westward than Colchester, sith a colonie of Romane souldiers were Silures where they inhabited. planted there to be at hand, for the repressing of the vnquiet Silures, which by consent of most writers inhabited in Southwales, or néere the Welsh marshes.

But now there’s a big debate among writers about where the town called Camelodunum was located. Some believe, with good reason based on a careful look at what old authors wrote about Colchester, Camelodunum. this place, that it is Colchester. However, based on Tacitus's description, it may actually refer to a different town located further west than Colchester, since a colony of Roman soldiers was Silures where they lived. stationed there to keep an eye on the restless Silures, who most writers agree lived in South Wales or near the Welsh marshes.

There was a castell of great fame in times past that hight Camaletum, or in British Caermalet, which stood in the marshes of Summersetshire; but sith there is none that hath so written before this time, I will not saie that happilie some error hath growne by mistaking the name of Camelodunum for this Camaletum, by such as haue copied out the booke of Cornelius Tacitus; and yet so it might be doon by such as found it short or vnperfectlie written, namelie, by such strangers or others, to whom onelie the name of Camelodunum was onelie knowne, and Camaletum peraduenture neuer séene nor heard of. As for example, an Englishman that hath heard of Waterford in Ireland, and not of Wexford, might in taking foorth a copie of some writing easilie commit a fault in noting the one for the other. We find in Ptolomie Camedolon to be a citie belonging to the Trinobants, and he maketh mention also of Camelodunum, but Humfrey Lhoyd thinketh that he meaneth all one citie.

There was a famous castle in the past called Camaletum, or in British Caermalet, which stood in the marshes of Somerset; but since no one has written this before now, I won't say that perhaps an error has arisen from confusing the name Camelodunum with this Camaletum, by those who copied the book of Cornelius Tacitus. Yet, it's possible that this happened to those who found it short or poorly written, especially strangers or others who only knew the name Camelodunum and may have never seen or heard of Camaletum. For example, an Englishman who has heard of Waterford in Ireland but not of Wexford might easily mix them up when copying a document. We find in Ptolemy that Camedolon is a city belonging to the Trinobantes, and he also mentions Camelodunum, but Humfrey Lhoyd thinks he is referring to the same city.

Notwithstanding Polydor Virgil is of a contrarie opinion, supposing the one to be Colchester in déed, and the other that is Camelodunum to be Doncaster or Pontfret. Leland esteeming it to be certeinelie Colchester taketh the Iceni men also to be the Northfolke men. But howsoeuer we shall take this place of Tacitus, it is euident inough that Camelodunum stood not farre from the Thames. And therefore to séeke it with Hector Boetius in Scotland, or with Polydor Virgil so far as Doncaster or[Page 489] Pontfret, it maie be thought a plaine error.

Despite Polydor Virgil's opposing view, believing one location to be Colchester and the other, Camelodunum, to be Doncaster or Pontefract, Leland firmly identifies it as Colchester and considers the Iceni to be the Norfolk men. Regardless of how we interpret Tacitus's reference, it's clear that Camelodunum was not far from the Thames. Therefore, to search for it alongside Hector Boethius in Scotland, or with Polydor Virgil at Doncaster or[Page 489] Pontefract, could be seen as a straightforward mistake.

But to leaue each man to his owne iudgement in a matter so doubtfull, we will procéed with the historie as touching the warres betwixt the Romans and the Silurians, against whome (trusting not onelie vpon their owne manhood, but also vpon the high prowesse & valiancie of Caratacus) Cornelius Tacitus lib. Anna. 12. Ostorius set forward. Caratacus excelled in fame aboue all other the princes of Britaine, aduanced thereto by manie doubtfull aduentures and so in power of souldiers he was ouermatched. And therefore he remoued manie prosperous exploits, which in his time he had atchiued: but as he was in policie and aduantage of place better prouided than the Romans: Hu. Lhoyd. the battell into the parts of that countrie where the Ordouices inhabited, which are thought to haue dwelled in the borders of Shropshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire, which people together with other that misliked of the Romane gouernment, he ioined in one, and chose a plot of ground for his aduantage, determining there to trie the vttermost hazard of battell.

But to leave each person to their own judgment in a matter so uncertain, we will continue with the history regarding the wars between the Romans and the Silurians, against whom (not just relying on their own bravery, but also on the great skill and courage of Caratacus) Cornelius Tacitus, Annals, Book 12. Ostorius set out. Caratacus stood out in fame above all the other leaders of Britain, having achieved this through many challenging ventures, and so he was outnumbered in military strength. Therefore, he withdrew from many successful campaigns that he had accomplished during his time; however, he was better prepared than the Romans in strategy and advantageous terrain: Hu. Lhoyd. he brought the battle into the regions inhabited by the Ordovices, who were believed to have lived on the borders of Shropshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire. This people, along with others who opposed Roman rule, he united and chose a favorable piece of land, intending to test the ultimate risk of battle there.

The place which he thus chose was such, as the entries, the backwaies, and the whole situation thereof made for the Britains aduantage, and cleane contrarie to the Romans, as inclosed among high hils. And if there were anie easie passage to enter it vpon anie side, the same was shut vp with mightie huge stones in manner of a rampire, and afore it there ran a riuer without anie certeine foord to passe ouer it. This place is supposed to lie in the confines of Shropshire aloft vpon the top of an high hill there, enuironed with a triple rampire and ditch of great depth, hauing thrée entries into it, not directlie one against an other, but aslope. It is also (they saie) compassed about with two riuers, to wit, on the left hand with the riuer called Clun, & on the right hand with an other called Teuid. On thrée sides thereof the clime is verie stéepe and headlong, and no waie easie to come or reach vnto it, but onelie one.

The place he chose was situated in a way that the paths, backroads, and overall location provided a strategic advantage for the Britons, completely opposite to the Romans, as it was surrounded by high hills. If there was any easy way to access it from any side, it was blocked off with massive stones like a rampart, and in front of it flowed a river with no clear crossing point. This location is believed to be in the borders of Shropshire, high on a hilltop, surrounded by a triple rampart and a deep ditch, with three entrances that aren't directly opposite each other but are angled. It is also said to be encircled by two rivers: on the left, the river Clun, and on the right, another called Teuid. Three sides of it are very steep, making it difficult to approach except from one way.

Caratac hauing thus fortified himselfe within this place, and brought his armie into it: to encourage his people, he exhorted them to shew their manhood, affirming that to be the day, and that armie to be the same wherein should appeare the beginning either of libertie then to be recouered, or else of perpetuall bondage for euer to be susteined. He rehersed also speciallie by name those their elders, which had resisted Iulius Cesar, by whose high valiancie they liued free from the bloudie thraldome and tributes of the Romans, and enioied their wiues and children safe and vndefiled. Thus discoursing of manie things with them, in such hope of assured victorie, that they began to raise their cries, each one for him selfe, declaring that he was bound by the dutie he owght to the gods of his countrie, not to shrinke for feare of anie wounds or hurts that might chance vnto them by the enimies weapon.

Caratacus had fortified himself in this place and brought his army inside. To motivate his people, he encouraged them to show their bravery, claiming that this was the day and this army was the one that would determine whether they would regain their freedom or endure lifelong bondage. He specifically mentioned their elders who had resisted Julius Caesar, praising their courage that allowed them to live free from the bloody oppression and taxes of the Romans, enjoying their wives and children safe and unharmed. As he spoke to them about many topics, instilling hope for certain victory, they began to shout, each declaring that they were committed, out of respect for the gods of their country, not to back down in fear of any wounds or harm that might come from the enemy’s weapon.

This chéerefulnesse of the Britains greatlie astonished the Romane lieutenant. The hideous course also of the riuer before his face, the fortifications and craggie higth of the hils, all set full of enimies readie to beat him backe, put him in great feare: for nothing he saw afore him, but that which séemed dreadfull to those that should assaile. But the souldiers yet séemed to be verie desirous of battell, requesting him to bring them to it, protesting that nothing was able to resist the force of noble prowes. Herewith the capteins and tribunes discoursing the like, pricked forward the earnest willes which their souldiers had to fight.

This cheerfulness of the Britons greatly surprised the Roman lieutenant. The terrifying course of the river in front of him, the fortifications, and the steep high hills, all filled with enemies ready to fight him off, filled him with fear; for nothing he saw ahead seemed anything but dreadful to those preparing to attack. Yet, the soldiers appeared very eager for battle, urging him to lead them into it, insisting that nothing could withstand the power of noble bravery. With this, the captains and tribunes discussed the same, encouraging the strong desire the soldiers had to fight.

Ostorius perceiuing such courage and readie wils in the men of warre, as well souldiers as capteins, began to bestirre himselfe, and left nothing vndone that might serue to set forward their earnest desire to battell. And hauing aduisedlie considered which waies were hard and Cornelius Tacitus Annal. lib. 12. vnpossible to be entered vpon, and which were most easie for his people to find passage by, he led them foorth, being most earnestlie bent to cope with the enimie.

Ostorius, seeing such bravery and willingness in the soldiers and their leaders, started to take action and did everything possible to encourage their strong desire to fight. After carefully considering which routes were difficult or impossible to take and which were the easiest for his men to travel, he led them forward, determined to engage the enemy. Cornelius Tacitus Annals Book 12.

Now hauing passed the water without any great difficultie, but comming to the rampire, he lost manie of his people, so long as the fight was continued with shot and casting of darts: but after that the Romans couering themselues with their targets, came once close togither, and approched vnder the rampire, they remooued away the stones which the Britains had roughlie couched togither, and so came to ioine with them at handblowes. The Britains being vnarmed, and not able to abide the[Page 490] force of the armed men, withdrew to the top of the hilles, but as well their enimies that were light armed, as the other with heauie armour, followed and brake in among them, so as the Britains could not turne them anie way to escape, for the light armed men with shot a farre off, and the heauie armed with weapons at hand, sought to make slaughter and wracke of them on ech side, so that this was a verie dolefull day to the Britains.

Now having crossed the water without much difficulty, when they reached the rampart, he lost many of his troops as long as the fight continued with gunfire and darts being thrown. But after the Romans, protecting themselves with their shields, got close together and approached under the rampart, they removed the stones that the Britons had hastily stacked, and came to engage with them in hand-to-hand combat. The Britons, being unarmed and unable to withstand the force of the armed soldiers, retreated to the top of the hills. However, both their lightly armed enemies and those in heavy armor followed and broke in among them, so the Britons had no way to escape. The lightly armed soldiers were attacking from a distance, while the heavily armed ones engaged them up close, trying to slaughter and destroy them on all sides, making this a very grim day for the Britons.

The wife and daughter of Caratake were taken prisoners, and his brethren also yéelded themselues. He himselfe escaped, and committing his person vnto the assurance & trust of Cartemandua queene of the Brigants, was by hir deliuered into the hands of the Romans. All this happened about nine yeres after the warres in Britaine first began.

The wife and daughter of Caratake were captured, and his brothers also surrendered. He himself escaped and entrusted his safety to Cartemandua, the queen of the Brigants, who then handed him over to the Romans. All of this took place about nine years after the wars in Britain first began.


The name of Caratacus famous in Italie, the maner how he and his alies were led captiues by the Romans in triumph, his courage and manlie speech to the emperour Claudius, whereby he and his obteine mercie and pardon: the Britains vndertake a new reuenge against the Romans; the cause why the Silures hated the Romans, Ostorius Scapula dieth, the citie of Chester builded.

The name of Caratacus is well-known in Italy, the way he and his allies were taken captive by the Romans in triumph, his bravery and manly speech to Emperor Claudius, through which he obtained mercy and pardon: the Britons prepare for a new revenge against the Romans; the reasons why the Silures hated the Romans, Ostorius Scapula dies, the city of Chester is built.

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

Cornelius Tacit. lib. 12. Carataks name renowmed. The name of Caratacus being brought out of the Iles was alreadie spred ouer the prouinces adioining, and began now to grow famous through Italie. Men therefore were desirous to sée what maner of man he was that had so manie yéeres set at naught the puissant force of the empire. For in Rome the name of Caratacus was much spoken of, insomuch that the emperour whilest he went about to preferre his owne honour, aduanced the glorie of him also that was vanquished: for the people were called foorth as vnto some great notable sight or spectacle. The pretorian bands stood in order of battell armed in the field that laie before their lodgings, through which field Caratake shuld come. Then passed by the traine of his friends and seruants; and such armor, riches, iewels, and other things as had béene gotten in those warres, were borne forward, and openlie shewed, that all men might behold the same.

Cornelius Tacit. lib. 12. Caratacus's name is famous. The name of Caratacus, having come from the Isles, was already spreading across the neighboring provinces and was beginning to gain fame throughout Italy. People were eager to see what kind of man he was who had defied the powerful force of the empire for so many years. In Rome, the name Caratacus was widely discussed, to the extent that the emperor, while trying to enhance his own honor, also promoted the glory of the defeated one: the citizens were summoned as if for a great and significant event. The praetorian guards stood in battle formation armed in the field outside their quarters, through which Caratacus would pass. Following him was a procession of his friends and servants; all the armor, wealth, jewels, and other items acquired in those wars were displayed openly for everyone to see.

After these followed his brethren, wife, and daughters: and last of all came Caratacus himselfe, whose countenance was nothing like to theirs that went afore him. For whereas they fearing punishment for their rebellion with wailefull countenance craued mercie, he neither by countenance nor words shewd anie token of a discouraged mind, but being presented before the emperour Claudius sitting in his tribunall seat, he vttered this speach as followeth.

After them came his brothers, wife, and daughters; and finally, Caratacus himself arrived, looking nothing like those who had come before him. While they, fearing punishment for their rebellion, approached with sorrowful expressions pleading for mercy, he showed no signs of discouragement either in his demeanor or his words. When he was brought before Emperor Claudius, who was sitting in his judgment seat, he delivered the following speech.

"If there had béene in me so much moderation in time of prosperitie, as there was nobilitie of birth and puissance, I had come to this citie rather as a friend than as a capteine: neither should I haue thought scorne, being borne of most noble parents, and ruling ouer many people, to haue accepted peace by waie of ioining with you in league. My present estate as it is to me reprochfull, so to you it is honorable. I had at commandement, horsses, men, armor, and great riches; what maruell is it if I were loth to forgo the same? For if you shall looke to gouerne all men, it must néeds follow that all men must be your slaues. If I had at the first yéelded my selfe, neither my power nor your glorie had béene set foorth to the world, & vpon mine execution I should straight haue béene forgotten. But if you now grant me life, I shall be a witnesse for euer of your mercifull clemencie."

"If I had shown as much restraint during better times as I have nobility of birth and power, I would have come to this city more as a friend than as a captain. I wouldn't have felt ashamed—being born to noble parents and ruling over many—to accept peace by joining you in alliance. My current situation is shameful for me, but it’s honorable for you. I had horses, men, armor, and great wealth at my command; is it any wonder that I was reluctant to give that up? If you intend to rule over everyone, it inevitably means that everyone will have to be your slaves. If I had surrendered from the start, neither my power nor your glory would have been recognized, and following my execution, I would have been quickly forgotten. But if you grant me my life now, I will be a forever witness to your merciful kindness."

The emperour with these words being pacified, granted life both to Caratake, and also to his wife and brethren, who being loosed from their bands, went also to the place where the empresse Agrippina sat (not farre off) in a chaire of estate, whom they reuerenced with the[Page 491] like praise and thanks as they had doone before to the emperour. After this the senat was called togither, who discoursed of manie things touching this honourable victorie atchiued by the taking of Caratake, estéeming the same no lesse glorious, than when P. Scipio shewed in Siphax.
L. Paulus.
triumph Siphax king of the Numidians, or L. Paulus the Macedonian king Perses, or other Romane capteins anie such king whom they had vanquished.

The emperor, calmed by these words, granted life to Caratacus, along with his wife and brothers, who, freed from their chains, went to where Empress Agrippina sat not far away in a position of authority. They honored her with the same praise and gratitude they had shown to the emperor before. After this, the Senate was called together to discuss various matters related to the honorable victory achieved by capturing Caratacus, considering it no less glorious than when P. Scipio triumphed over Siphax, the king of the Numidians, or when L. Paulus defeated the Macedonian king Perseus, or any other Roman commanders who had conquered such kings.

Héerevpon it was determined, that Ostorius should enter the citie of Rome with triumph like a conqueror, for such prosperous successe as hitherto had followed him: but afterwards his procéedings were not so luckie, either for that after Caratake was remooued out of the waie, or bicause the Romans (as though the warre had béene finished) looked negligentlie to themselues, either else for that the Britains taking compassion of the miserable state of Caratake, being so worthie a prince, through fortunes froward aspect cast into miserie, were more earnestlie set to reuenge his quarrell. Héerevpon they incompassed the maister of the campe, and those legionarie bands of souldiers which were left amongst the Silures to fortifie a place there for the armie to lodge in: and if succour had not come out of the next towns and castels, the Romans had béene destroied by siege. The head capteine yet, and eight centurions, and euerie one else of the companies being most forward, were slaine. Shortlie after they set vpon the Romane forragers, and put them to flight, and also such companies of horssemen as were appointed to gard them. Héerevpon Ostorius set foorth certeine bands of light horssemen, but neither could he staie the flight by that meanes, till finallie the legions entred the battell, by whose force they were staid, and at length the Romans obteined the better: but the Britains escaped by flight without great losse, by reason the daie was spent.

From that point on, it was decided that Ostorius should enter the city of Rome in triumph like a conqueror, due to the successful outcomes he had experienced so far. However, his subsequent actions were not as fortunate, either because Caratacus was out of the way or because the Romans, thinking the war was over, became negligent, or perhaps because the Britons, feeling sympathy for the unfortunate state of Caratacus, a worthy prince brought low by the whims of fate, were more determined to avenge him. In response, they surrounded the commander and the legionary soldiers who had been left among the Silures to secure a place for the army to rest. If reinforcements had not come from nearby towns and castles, the Romans would have been overwhelmed. The main captain, eight centurions, and many others from the units were killed. Shortly after, they attacked the Roman foragers and drove them into retreat, as well as the cavalry units assigned to protect them. Consequently, Ostorius sent out several units of light cavalry, but he couldn't stop the flight until the legions entered the battle, which helped to turn the tide, and eventually the Romans gained the upper hand. However, the Britons managed to escape with minimal losses, as the day was drawing to a close.

After this, manie bickerings chanced betwixt the Britains and Romans, & oftentimes they wrought their feats more like the trade of them that vse to rob by the high waies, than of those that make open warre, taking their enimies at some aduantage in woods and bogs, as hap or force ministred occasion vpon malice conceiued, or in hope of prey, sometimes by commandement, and sometimes without either commandement or knowledge of capteine or officer.

After this, many arguments broke out between the Britons and the Romans, and often they carried out their actions more like bandits than like soldiers in open warfare, ambushing their enemies when they had the upper hand in forests and swamps, sometimes out of spite or hope of loot, sometimes on orders, and sometimes without the captain’s or officer’s permission or knowledge.

At one time the Britains surprised two bands of footmen that were with the Romans in aid, and sent foorth to forreie abroad vnaduisedlie, through couetousnesse of the capteins. This feat was atchiued by the Silures also, the which in bestowing prisoners and part of the spoile vpon other of their neighbours, procured them likewise to rebell against the Romans, and to take part with them. The Silures were the more earnestlie set against the Romans, by occasion of words which the emperor Claudius had vttered in their disfauour, as thus: that euen as the Sicambres were destroied and remooued into Gallia, so likewise must the Silures be dealt with, and the whole nation of them extinguished. These words being blowne abroad, and knowne ouer all, caused the Silures to conceiue a woonderfull hatred against the Romans, so that they were fullie bent, either to reteine their libertie, or to die in defense thereof vpon the enimies swoord.

At one time, the Britons surprised two groups of foot soldiers who were with the Romans, sent out to forage abroad carelessly due to the captains' greed. This act was also accomplished by the Silures, who, by distributing prisoners and part of the spoils to their neighbors, incited them to rebel against the Romans and join their cause. The Silures were particularly resolute against the Romans because of remarks made by Emperor Claudius that were derogatory towards them, suggesting that just as the Sicambrians were destroyed and moved to Gaul, the Silures must be dealt with the same way, and their entire nation wiped out. Once these words spread and were known everywhere, they fueled a tremendous hatred among the Silures for the Romans, leading them to be fully committed to either maintaining their freedom or dying in defense of it against the enemy's sword.

In the meane time Ostorius Scapula departed this life, a right noble warrior, and one who by litle & litle insuing the steps of Aulus Plautius his predecessor, did what he could to bring the Ile into the forme of a prouince, which in part he accomplished.

In the meantime, Ostorius Scapula passed away, a truly noble warrior, who gradually followed in the footsteps of Aulus Plautius, his predecessor, doing his best to shape the island into a province, which he partly succeeded in doing.

W.H. in his chronologie. There be some led by coniecture grounded vpon good aduised considerations, that suppose this Ostorius Scapula began to build the citie of Chester after the ouerthrow of Caratacus: for in those parties he fortified sundrie holds, and placed a number of old souldiers either there in that selfe place, or in some other néere therevnto by waie of a colonie. And for somuch (saie they) as we read of none other of anie name thereabouts, it is to be thought that he planted the same in Chester, where his successors did afterwards vse to harbour their legions for the winter season, and in time of rest from iournies which they haue to make against their common enimies.

W.H. in his timeline. Some people believe, based on well-thought-out considerations, that Ostorius Scapula started building the city of Chester after the defeat of Caratacus. In those areas, he fortified several strongholds and settled a number of veteran soldiers either right there or in nearby locations as a colony. And since we don’t read about any other notable figures in that region, it seems likely that he established this colony in Chester, where his successors later used to station their legions for the winter and during breaks from their campaigns against common enemies.

In déed it is a common opinion among the people there vnto this daie, that the Romans built those vaults or tauerns (which in that citie are Ran. Hig. alias Cestrensis.[Page 492] vnder the ground) with some part of the castell. And verelie as Ranulfe Higden saith, a man that shall view and well consider those buildings, maie thinke the same to be the woorke of Romans rather than of anie other people. That the Romane legions did make their abode there, no man séene in antiquities can doubt thereof, for the ancient name Caer leon ardour deuy, that is, The citie of legions vpon the water of Dée, proueth it sufficientlie enough.

Indeed, it's a common belief among the locals to this day that the Romans constructed those underground vaults or taverns in the city. As noted by Ranulfe Higden, anyone who views and carefully examines those buildings might think they were built by the Romans rather than anyone else. It's undeniable to anyone familiar with ancient history that the Roman legions lived there, as the ancient name Caer leon ardour deuy, meaning The city of legions on the River Dee, proves this sufficiently.

Corn. Tacit. But to returne vnto Ostorius Scapula, we find in Corn. Tacitus, that during his time of being lieutenant in this Ile, there were certeine Cogidune a king in Britane. cities giuen vnto one Cogidune a king of the Britains, who continued faithfull to the Romans vnto the daies of the remembrance of men liuing in the time of the said Cornelius Tacitus, who liued and wrote in the emperor Domitianus time. This was doone after an old receiued custom of the people of Rome, to haue both subiects and kings vnder their rule and dominion, as who so shall note the acts and déeds of the Roman emperours from C. Iulius Cesar (who chased Pompeie out of Italie, and was the first that obteined the Romane empire to himselfe; of whom also the princes and emperours succéeding him were called Cesars) to Octauian, Tiberius, Caligula, &c: maie easilie marke and obserue. For they were a people of singular magnanimitie, of an ambitious spirit, gréedie of honour and renowme, and not vnaptlie termed "Romani rerum domini, &c."

Corn. Silent. But to return to Ostorius Scapula, we find in Cornelius Tacitus that during his time as lieutenant on this island, certain Cogidune, a king in Britain. cities were given to a king of the Britons named Cogidune, who remained loyal to the Romans until the days known to living men in the time of Cornelius Tacitus, who lived and wrote during the reign of Emperor Domitian. This was done according to an old tradition of the Roman people, to have both subjects and kings under their control and dominion, as anyone who examines the actions and deeds of the Roman emperors from Gaius Julius Caesar (who drove Pompey out of Italy, and was the first to gain the Roman Empire for himself; from him, the princes and emperors who followed were called Caesars) to Octavian, Tiberius, Caligula, etc., can easily notice and observe. For they were a people of remarkable greatness, driven by ambition, eager for honor and fame, and aptly called "Romani rerum domini, etc."


A. Didius is sent to supplie Ostorius his roome in Britaine, the trecherie and lecherie of queene Cartimanda, Venutius keepeth the kingdome in spite of the Romans, by what meanes their confines in this Ile were inlarged; the error of Hector Boetius and others touching the Silures, Brigants, and Nouants notified, the Britains giue the Romans a shamefull ouerthrow.

A. Didius is sent to take Ostorius' place in Britain, while the treachery and infidelity of Queen Cartimandua allow Venutius to maintain control over the kingdom despite the Romans. The mistakes of Hector Boetius and others regarding the Silures, Brigants, and Novantes are pointed out, and the Britons give the Romans a humiliating defeat.

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

A. Didius lieutenant. After the deceasse of Ostorius Scapula, one A. Didius was sent to supplie his roome, but yer he could come, things were brought out of order, and the Britains had vanquished the legion whereof Manlius Valens had the conduct: this victorie was set foorth by the Britains to the vttermost, that with the bruit thereof they might strike a feare into the lieutenants hart, now vpon his first comming ouer. And he himselfe reported it by letters to the emperour after the largest manner, to the end that if he appeased the matter, he might win the more praise; or if he were put to the woorst, and should not preuaile, that then his excuse might séeme the more reasonable and woorthie of pardon. The Silures were they that had atchiued this victorie, and kept a fowle stur ouer all the countries about them, till by the comming of Didius against them, they were driuen backe and repelled.

A. Didius's lieutenant. After the death of Ostorius Scapula, A. Didius was sent to take his place, but before he could arrive, things had fallen into chaos, and the Britons had defeated the legion under the command of Manlius Valens. This victory was proclaimed by the Britons to its fullest extent to instill fear in the lieutenant’s heart upon his arrival. Didius himself reported it in detail to the emperor, hoping that if he was able to resolve the situation, he would gain more praise; or if things went poorly and he did not succeed, his excuses would seem more reasonable and deserving of forgiveness. The Silures were the ones who achieved this victory and created a big disturbance across the surrounding territories until Didius arrived to confront them and pushed them back.

But héerewith began trouble to be raised in another part: for after that Caratac was taken, the chiefest and most skillfull capteine which Venutius ruler of the Iugants. the Britains had, was one Venutius, a ruler of the people named Iugants, a man that remained a long time faithfull to the Romans, and by their power was defended from his enimies, who had married with Cartimanda. Cartimanda queene of the Brigants or Yorkeshire men. This Cartimanda (as ye haue heard) had deliuered Catarac into the Romans hands, thereby ministring matter for the emperour Claudius to triumph, by which pleasure shewed to the Romans, she increased thorough their friendship in power and wealth, whereof followed riotous lust to satisfie hir wanton appetite, so as she falling at square with hir husband, married Vellocatus. Vellocatus, one of his esquires, to whom she gaue hir kingdome, and so dishonoured hir selfe. Héerevpon insued cruell warre, in so much that in the end Venutius became enimie also to the Romans. But first they tugged togither betwixt themselues, & the quéene by a craftie policie found meanes to catch the brother and coosens of Venutius, but hir enimies nothing therewith discouraged, but kindled the more in wrath against hir, ceassed not to go forward with their purpose.

But here trouble started brewing in another area: after Caratacus was captured, the most prominent and skilled captain the Britons had was Venutius, a leader of the Iugants. He had remained loyal to the Romans for a long time, protected by their power from his enemies. Venutius was married to Cartimanda, the queen of the Brigants, who delivered Caratacus into the Romans' hands, giving Emperor Claudius a reason to celebrate. By demonstrating her loyalty to the Romans, she gained power and wealth, which led to her indulgent desires. Eventually, after a falling out with her husband, she married Vellocatus, one of his knights, and gave him her kingdom, dishonoring herself in the process. This led to a brutal war, ultimately causing Venutius to become an enemy of the Romans as well. But first, they battled it out among themselves, and the queen, using cunning tactics, managed to capture Venutius's brother and cousins. However, her enemies were not discouraged but instead grew angrier and continued with their plans.

Manie of the Brigants disdaining to be subiect vnto a womans rule that[Page 493] had so reiected hir husband, reuolted vnto Venutius: but yet the quéenes sensuall lust mixed with crueltie, mainteined the adulterer. Venutius therefore calling to him such aid as he could get, and strengthened now by the reuolting of the Brigants, brought Cartimanda to such a narrow point, that she was in great danger to fall into the hands of hir enimies: which the Romans forséeing, vpon suit made, sent certeine bands of horssemen and footmen to helpe hir. They had diuerse incounters with the enimies at the first, with doubtfull successe: but Venutius kéepeth the kingdome in despite of the Romans. at length they preuailed, and so deliuered the quéene out of perill, but the kingdome remained to Venutius: against whom the Romans were constreined still to mainteine warre.

Manie of the Brigants, refusing to be ruled by a woman who had rejected her husband, revolted to Venutius. However, the queen's sensual desires mixed with cruelty continued to support the adulterer. Venutius, gathering whatever allies he could and bolstered by the Brigants' revolt, put Cartimanda in a position where she faced serious danger from her enemies. Anticipating this, the Romans, upon request, sent several troops of cavalry and infantry to assist her. They had various encounters with the enemies initially, with uncertain outcomes: Venutius holds onto the kingdom despite the Romans. Eventually, they succeeded, rescuing the queen from danger, but the kingdom remained with Venutius, forcing the Romans to continue the war against him.

About the same time, the legion also which Cesius Nasica led, got the vpper hand of those Britains against whom he was sent. For Didius being aged, and by victories past inough renowmed, thought it sufficient for him to make warre by his capteins, so to staie and kéepe off the enimie. Certeine castels and holds in déed he caused to be built and fortified, further within the countrie than had béene afore attempted by anie of his predecessors, and so thereby were the confines of the Romans in this Ile somewhat inlarged. Thus haue ye heard with what successe the Britains mainteined warre in defense of their libertie against the Romans, whilest Claudius ruled the empire (according to the report of the Romane writers.)

Around the same time, the legion led by Cesius Nasica gained the upper hand over the Britons he was sent to confront. Didius, being older and already renowned for his past victories, believed it was enough for him to conduct the war through his captains to keep the enemy at bay. He did indeed have certain forts and strongholds built and reinforced further into the country than any of his predecessors had attempted, thereby expanding the Roman territory in this island somewhat. So, you have heard how successfully the Britons defended their freedom against the Romans while Claudius ruled the empire (according to Roman historians).

The error of Hector Boetius. ¶ But here you must note, that Hector Boetius, following the authoritie of one Veremond a Spaniard, of Cornelius Hibernicus, & also of Campbell, remooueth the Silures, Brigants, and Nouants, so farre northward, that he maketh them inhabitants of those countries which the Scots haue now in possession, and were euen then inhabited (as he affirmeth) partlie by the Scots, and partlie by the Picts (as in the Scotish historie ye may sée more at large) so that what notable feat soeuer was atchiued by the old Britains against the Romans, the same by him is ascribed to the Scots and Picts throughout his whole historie, whereas (in verie truth) forsomuch as may be gathered by coniecture und presumption of that which is left in writing by ancient authors, the Brigants inhabited Yorkshire, the Silures Wales and the Marches, and the Nouants the countrie of Cumberland.

The error of Hector Boetius. ¶ But you should note that Hector Boetius, following the authority of one Veremond, a Spaniard, Cornelius Hibernicus, and Campbell, moves the Silures, Brigants, and Nouants so far north that he claims they inhabited the regions currently held by the Scots, which were already inhabited (as he states) partly by the Scots and partly by the Picts (as you can see in more detail in Scottish history). Therefore, whatever significant accomplishments the ancient Britons achieved against the Romans, he attributes those to the Scots and Picts throughout his entire history. In reality, from what can be inferred from ancient texts, the Brigants lived in Yorkshire, the Silures in Wales and the Marches, and the Nouants in the region of Cumberland.

But forsomuch as he hath diligentlie gathered in what maner the warres were mainteined by those people against the Romans, and what valiant exploits were taken in hand and finished thorough their stoutnesse and valiancie, ye may there read the same, and iudge at your pleasure what A note to be considered in the reading of Hect. Boetius. people they were whome he so much praiseth: aduertising you hereof by the way, that as we haue before expressed, none of the Romane writers mentioneth any thing of the Scots, nor once nameth them, till the Romane empire began to decay, about the time of the emperor Constantius, father of Constantine the great: so that if they had béene in this Ile then so famous both in peace and warre, as they are reported by the same Boetius; maruell might it séeme, that the Romane writers would so passe them ouer with silence.

But since he has diligently gathered how the wars were fought by those people against the Romans, and what brave deeds were accomplished due to their strength and courage, you can read about it there and judge for yourself what kind of people he praises so highly: A note to keep in mind while reading Hect. Boetius. Let me remind you that, as we've mentioned before, none of the Roman writers say anything about the Scots or even mention them until the Roman Empire began to decline, around the time of Emperor Constantius, father of Constantine the Great. So if they had been so famous in this island for both peace and war, as Boetius states, it’s surprising that the Roman writers would ignore them completely.

Cor. Tac. lib. annal. 15. After the death of Claudius the emperor of Rome, Claudius Domitianus Nero succéeded him in gouernement of the empire. In the seuenth yéere of whose reigne, which was after the incarnation 53, the Romans receiued a great ouerthrow in Britaine, where neither the lieutenant A. Didius Gallus (whom in this place Cornelius Tacitus calleth Auitus) could during the time of his rule doo no more but hold that which was alreadie gotten, beside the building of certeine castels (as before ye haue heard) neither his successor Verannius, beating and forreieng the woods, could atchiue anie further enterprise, for he was by death preuented, so as he could not procéed forward with his purpose touching the warres which he had ment to haue folowed, whose last words (in his testament expressed) detected him of manifest ambition: for adding manie things by way of flatterie to content Neros mind, he wished to haue liued but two yéeres longer, in which space he might haue subdued prouinces vnto his dominion, meaning therby the whole Ile of Britaine. But this was a Romans brag, sauouring rather of ambition than of truth or likelihood.

Cor. Tac. annals. 15. After the death of Claudius, the emperor of Rome, Claudius Domitianus Nero succeeded him in governing the empire. In the seventh year of his reign, which was 53 years after the incarnation, the Romans suffered a significant defeat in Britain, where neither the governor A. Didius Gallus (whom Cornelius Tacitus refers to here as Auitus) could do anything more than maintain what had already been secured, aside from constructing a few forts (as you have heard before), nor could his successor Verannius, who was busy clearing the forests, achieve any further goals. He was cut short by death, preventing him from following through with his plans regarding the wars he intended to pursue, and his last words (as stated in his will) revealed his obvious ambition: in order to please Nero, he flattered him by wishing he could have lived just two more years to conquer provinces and, thereby, the entire Isle of Britain. However, this was merely an empty claim from a Roman, driven more by ambition than by truth or probability.


[Page 494]The gouernment of P. Suetonius in this Iland, he inuadeth Anglesey, and winneth it, a strange kind of women, of the Druides, the Britains lament their miserie and seruitude, and take aduise by weapon to redresse it against the Romans their enimies.

[Page 494]The rule of P. Suetonius on this island, he invades Anglesey and conquers it, a strange group of women from the Druids. The Britons mourn their misery and servitude and decide to take up arms to fight back against the Romans, their enemies.

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

P. Suetonius lieutenant. But now when this great losse chanced to the Romans Paulinus Suetonius did gouerne here as lieutenant, a man most plentifullie furnished with all gifts of fortune and vertue, and therewith a right skilfull warrior. This Suetonius therefore wishing to tame such of the Britains Anglesey inuaded. as kept out, prepared to assaile the Ile of Anglesey, a countrie full of inhabitants, and a place of refuge for all outlawes and rebels. He builded certeine brigantins with flat kéeles to serue for the ebbes and shallow shelues here and there, lieng vncerteinlie in the straits which he had to passe. The footmen ferried ouer in those vessels, the horssemen following by the foords, and swimming when they came into the deepe, got likewise to the shore, where stood in order of battell and huge number of armed men close togither, redie to beat backe the Romans, and to staie them from comming to land. Amongst the men, a A strange maner of women. number of women were also running vp and downe as they had béene out of their wits, in garments like to wild roges, with their haire hanging downe about their shoulders, and bearing firebrands in their hands. There was also a companie of their priests or philosophers called The Druids. Druides, who with stretched forth hands towards heauen, thundered out curssings against the Romans in most bitter wise.

P. Suetonius' lieutenant. When this great loss struck the Romans, Paulinus Suetonius was in charge as lieutenant, a man richly endowed with all the gifts of fortune and virtue, as well as being a highly skilled warrior. Suetonius, wanting to subdue those Britons who were resisting, prepared to attack the Isle of Anglesey, a land full of inhabitants and a refuge for outlaws and rebels. He built a number of flat-bottomed boats to navigate the uncertain waters of the straits he had to cross. The foot soldiers crossed over in these vessels, while the cavalry followed via fords and swam into the deeper parts to reach the shore. There, they found a massive number of armed men gathered in battle formation, ready to repel the Romans and stop them from landing. Among them were also a number of women running around as if out of their minds, dressed like wild rogues, their hair flowing down over their shoulders, and carrying torches in their hands. There was also a group of their priests or philosophers known as The Druids. They raised their hands toward the sky and shouted curses at the Romans in the most bitter manner.

The souldiers were so amazed with the strangenesse of this sight, that (as men benummed of their lims and senses) they suffred themselues to be wounded and slaine like senselesse creatures, till by the calling vpon of their generall, and ech one incouraging other in no wise to feare a sort of mad & distract women, they preassed forward vnder their ensignes, bearing downe such as stood in their way, and with their owne fire smooldered and burnt them to ashes.

The soldiers were so astonished by the unusual sight that (like people frozen in their limbs and senses) they allowed themselves to be injured and killed like mindless beings, until their general called out to them, and each one encouraged the others not to fear a group of crazed and disturbed women. They pushed forward under their banners, overcoming anyone who got in their way, and burned them to ashes with their own fire.

Anglesey won by the Romans. To conclude, the Romane lieutenant got possession of the whole Ile, wherein he placed garisons of men of warre to kéepe the people there in Woods cut downe. subiection. He also caused their woods to be cut downe, that were consecrated to their gods, within the which they were accustomed to sacrifice such as they tooke prisoners, and by the view of their intrailes, in dismembring them, to learne of their gods some oracles and such other things as should come to passe.

Anglesey was taken over by the Romans. In summary, the Roman lieutenant took control of the entire island, where he stationed troops to keep the local people under control. He also ordered the cutting down of their sacred woods, where they used to sacrifice prisoners. By examining their entrails during these rituals, they sought to learn from their gods about future events and other matters. Trees felled.

But now in the meane time, whilest Paulinus was abroad about this enterprise, the Britains began to conferre togither of they great and importable miseries, of their grieuous state of seruitude, of their iniuries and wrongs, which they dailie susteined: how that by sufferance they profited nothing, but still were oppressed with more heauie burthens. Ech countrie in times past had onelie one king to rule Lieutenant & procurator. them: now had they two, the lieutenant by his capteins and souldiers spilling their bloud, and the procurator or receiuer (as we may call him) bereauing them of their goods and substance. The concord or discord betwixt those that were appointed to rule ouer them, was all alike hurtfull vnto the subiects, the lieutenant oppressing them by his capteins and men of warre, and the procurator or receiuer by force and reprochfull demeanours, polling them by insufferable exactions.

But now, while Paulinus was out on this mission, the Britons started to come together to discuss their huge and unbearable struggles, their harsh state of servitude, and the injuries and wrongs they faced daily: how their patience brought them no benefit, only increasing heavy burdens. Each region had once just one king to rule them; now they had two: the lieutenant, whose captains and soldiers were spilling their blood, and the procurator or collector (as we might call him), who was taking away their goods and wealth. The agreement or disagreement between those appointed to govern them was equally harmful to the subjects; the lieutenant was oppressing them through his captains and soldiers, while the procurator or collector was exploiting them with force and disgraceful behavior, taxing them with unbearable demands.

There was nothing frée from the couetous extortion and filthie concupiscence of these vnsatiable persons, for in these daies (say they) the greatest spoiler is the valiantest man, and most commonlie our houses are robbed and ransacked by a sort of cowardlie raskals that haue no knowledge of anie warlike feats at all. Our children are taken from us, we are forced to go to the musters, and are set foorth to serue in forren parties, as those that are ignorant which way to spend our liues in the quarell of our owne countrie. What a number of souldiers haue beene transported ouer from hence to serue in other lands, if a iust account were taken thereof: The Germans by manhood[Page 495] haue cast (said they) from their shoulders the heauie yoke of bondage, and are not defended as we are with the maine Ocean sea, but onelie with a riuer. Where the Britains haue their countrie, their wiues and parents, as iust causes of war to fight for: the Romans haue none at all, but a couetous desire to gaine by rapine, and to satisfie their excessiue lusts.

There was nothing free from the greedy extortion and filthy desires of these insatiable people, for nowadays (they say) the greatest plunderer is the bravest man, and most often our homes are robbed and ransacked by a bunch of cowardly thugs who have no idea about any military feats at all. Our children are taken from us, we are forced to attend musters, and we are sent off to serve in foreign armies, like those who don't know how to spend our lives in the struggle for our own country. What a number of soldiers have been sent from here to fight in other lands, if a fair account were taken of it: The Germans have bravely thrown off the heavy yoke of oppression, and they are not protected like we are by the vast ocean, but only by a river. Where the Britons have their country, their wives, and their parents as just causes of war to fight for: the Romans have none of that, only a greedy desire to gain through plunder and to satisfy their excessive lusts.

They might easilie be compelled to depart the countrie, as Iulius Cesar was, if the Britains would shew some proofe of the noble prowesse that was euidentlie found in their woorthie ancestors, and not shrinke or quaile in courage for the misaduenture that should happilie chance by fighting one battell or two. Greatest force and constancie alwaies remaineth with those that séek to deliuer themselues from miserie. Now appeared it that the gods had taken some pitie of the poore Britains, who by their diuine power did withhold the chiefe capteine of the Romans with his armie, as it were banished in an other Iland. Let vs Occasion not be neglected. then (said they) take the oportunitie of time and good occasion offered, and foorthwith procéed in our businesse: for lesse danger it is manfullie to aduenture, and to go forward with our purpose, than to be bewraied and taken in these our consultations. Thus hauing taken aduise togither, and wholie misliking their present state, they determined to take weapon in hand, and so by force to seeke for reformation.

They could easily be forced to leave the country, just like Julius Caesar was, if the Britons would show some proof of the noble bravery that was clearly found in their worthy ancestors, and not back down or falter in courage over the misfortune that might happen from fighting one battle or two. The greatest strength and determination always remains with those who seek to free themselves from misery. It now seemed that the gods had taken some pity on the poor Britons, who, by their divine power, held back the chief Roman captain and his army, as if he were exiled to another island. Let us Don't neglect the occasion. then (they said), seize the opportunity of time and the good circumstances presented, and immediately proceed with our business: for it is less dangerous to bravely take a risk and move forward with our purpose than to be discovered and caught in our plans. Thus, having consulted together and being entirely displeased with their current situation, they decided to take up arms and forcefully seek change.


A catalog of causes or greeuances inciting the Britains to rebell against the Romans, wherein is shewed what iniuries they susteined: of diuers strange wonders and apparitions; the chiefe cause of the Britains insurging against the Romans, they admitted as well women as men to publike gouernement. A description of queene Voadicia, hir personage and maner of attire.

A list of reasons or complaints that pushed the Britons to rebel against the Romans, showing the injuries they suffered: various strange wonders and sightings; the main reason for the Britons rising up against the Romans was that they allowed both women and men to participate in public government. A description of Queen Boudica, her appearance and style of dress.

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

Cor. Tac. lib. 14. The Britains indeed were occasioned to doo as they purposed, thorough manie euill parts practised by the Romans greatlie to their griefs and Prasutagus. displeasures. For whereas Prasutagus (who is supposed by Hector Boetius The Oxfordshire and Glocestershire men. to be Aruiragus, king of the people called Iceni) had made the emperour and two of his owne daughters his heires, supposing by that meane to haue his kingdome and familie preserued from all iniurie: it happened quite contrarie to that his expectation. For his kingdome was spoiled Voadicia alias Bunduica. by the Romane capteins, his wife named Voadicia beaten by the souldiers, his daughters rauished, the péeres of the realme bereft of their goods, and the kings friends made and reputed as bondslaues.

Cor. Tac. lib. 14. The Britons were forced to act according to their plans due to the many malicious actions carried out by the Romans, which caused them great distress and anger. Prasutagus (who Hector Boetius believes to be Aruiragus, king of the Iceni people) had made the emperor and two of his own daughters his heirs, thinking this would protect his kingdom and family from any harm. However, the outcome was completely opposite to what he expected. His kingdom was plundered by Roman commanders, his wife Voadicia was beaten by soldiers, his daughters were raped, the nobles of the realm lost their possessions, and the king’s allies were treated as slaves.

Dion Cassius. There was also an other great cause that stirred the Britains to this rebellion, which was the confiscating of their goods: for whereas Claudius himselfe had pardoned the chiefest persons of the forfeitures, Decianus Catus the procurator of that Ile mainteined that the same Vsurie. ought to be renewed againe. To this an other griefe was added, that where Seneca had lent to the nobilitie of the Ile, foure hundred sestercies, ech hundred being 500000 pounds starling, or thereabout, vpon great interest, he required the whole summe togither by great rigor and violence, although he forced them at the first to take this monie to vsurie.

Dion Cassius. Another major reason that fueled the Britains' rebellion was the seizure of their property. While Claudius had forgiven the leading individuals for their forfeitures, Decianus Catus, the procurator of the island, insisted that those debts should be enforced again. To this, another grievance was added: Seneca had lent the nobility of the island four hundred sesterces, each worth about 500,000 pounds sterling, at high interest, and he demanded the entire amount all at once with harshness and force, even though he had initially pressured them to take the money on loan.

Also such old souldiers as were placed by waie of a colonie, to inhabit the towne of Camelodunum, expelled manie of the Britains out of their houses, droue them out of their possessions and lands, and accounted the Britains as slaues, and as though they had bene captiue prisoners or bondmen. Besides this, the temple there that was built in honor of Claudius, as an altar of eternall rule and gouernment, was serued with préests, the which vnder colour of religion did spoile, consume and deuoure the goods of all men.

Also, the old soldiers who were settled as a colony to live in the town of Camelodunum forced many of the Britons out of their homes, drove them from their properties and land, and treated the Britons like slaves, as if they were captured prisoners or bondmen. In addition, the temple there that was built in honor of Claudius, as a symbol of eternal rule and government, was served by priests who, under the guise of religion, plundered, wasted, and consumed the goods of everyone.

Moreouer, such strange sights and woonders as chanced about the same time, pricked the Britains the rather forward. For the image of the goddesse Victoria in the temple at Camelodunum, slipping downe, turned hir backe (as who should saie she gaue place as vanquished) to the[Page 496] Dion Cassius. enimies. Also in the hall where the courts of iustice were kept, there was a maruellous great noise heard, with much laughing, and a sturre in Strange woonders. the theatre, with great wéeping and lamentable howling, at such time as it was certeinlie knowne that there was no creature there to make anie noise. The sea at a spring tide appeared of a bloudie colour, and when the tide was gone backe, there were séene on the sands the shapes & Dion Cassius. figures of mens bodies. Women also as rauished of their wits, and being as it were in a furie, prophesied that destruction was at hand, so that the Britains were put greatlie in hope, and the Romans in feare.

Moreover, strange sights and wonders that happened around the same time pushed the Britons to take action. For instance, the statue of the goddess Victoria in the temple at Camelodunum slipped down and turned her back (as if to say she was yielding) to the[Page 496] Dion Cassius. enemy. Also, in the hall where the courts of justice were held, there was an incredibly loud noise, filled with laughter and commotion in Bizarre wonders. the theater, accompanied by great weeping and lamenting, even though it was certain that no one was there to make any noise. The sea at high tide appeared blood-red, and when the tide receded, the shapes and Dion Cassius. figures of human bodies were seen on the sands. Women, seemingly driven mad and in a frenzy, prophesied that destruction was imminent, filling the Britons with hope and instilling fear in the Romans.

Polydor. But those things, whether they chanced by the craft of man, or illusion of the diuell; or whether they procéeded of some naturall cause, which the common people oftentimes taketh superstitiouslie, in place of strange woonders signifieng things to follow, we would let passe, least we might be thought to offend religion; the which teaching all things to be doone by the prouidence of God, despiseth the vaine predictions of haps to come, if the order of an historie (saith Polydor Virgil) would so permit, the which requireth all things to be written in maner as they fall out and come to passe.

Polydor. But whether those events happened due to human skill, the devil's trickery, or some natural cause that common people often mistakenly see as superstitious signs of future wonders, we would rather skip over them, so we don't offend religion; since it teaches that everything is done by God's providence and dismisses the meaningless predictions of future events. If the flow of the story requires it (says Polydor Virgil), then everything should be described as it happens.

Cor. Tac. li. 15. Voadicia by Dion Cassius is called Bunuica. But the Britains were chiefelie mooued to rebellion by the iust complaint of Voadicia, declaring how vnséemelie she had beene vsed and intreated at the hands of the Romans: and because she was most earnestlie bent to séeke reuenge of their iniuries, and hated the name of the Romans most of all other, they chose hir to be capteine (for
The ancient Britains admitted as well women as men to publike gouernment.
they in rule and gouvernment made no difference then of sex, whether they committed the same to man or woman) and so by a generall conspiracie, the more part of the people hauing also allured the Essex men vnto rebellion, rose and assembled themselues togither to make warre against the Romans. There were of them a hundred and twentie thousand got togither in one armie vnder the leading of the said Voadicia, or Bunduica (as some name hir.)

Cor. Tac. li. 15. Voadicia is called Bunuica by Dion Cassius. The Britons were primarily stirred to rebellion by Voadicia's legitimate grievances, expressing how poorly she had been treated by the Romans. Because she was fiercely determined to seek revenge for their wrongs and despised the Romans more than anyone else, they chose her as their leader (for
The ancient Britons welcomed both women and men in public leadership roles.
they made no distinction of gender in governance, whether it was assigned to a man or a woman). Thus, through a collective conspiracy, the majority of the people, having also persuaded the men of Essex to join the rebellion, rose up and gathered together to wage war against the Romans. They assembled a total of one hundred and twenty thousand in one army under the command of Voadicia, or Bunduica (as some refer to her).

She therefore to encourage hir people against the enimies, mounted vp into an high place raised vp of turfes & sods made for the nonce, out of the which she made a long & verie pithie oration. Hir mightie tall personage, comelie shape, seuere countenance, and sharpe voice, with hir long and yellow tresses of heare reaching downe to hir thighes, hir braue and gorgeous apparell also caused the people to haue hir in great reuerence. She ware a chaine of gold, great and verie massie, and was clad in a lose kirtle of sundrie colours, and aloft therevpon she had a thicke Irish mantell: hereto in hir hand (as hir custome was) she bare a speare, to shew hirselfe the more dreadfull.

She climbed up to a raised platform made of earth and grass to inspire her people against their enemies and gave a long, powerful speech. Her tall and striking figure, composed expression, and strong voice, along with her long yellow hair that reached down to her thighs, and her impressive and colorful clothing commanded great respect from the crowd. She wore a heavy gold chain and was dressed in a loose, multicolored gown, topped with a thick Irish cloak. As was her custom, she held a spear in her hand to make herself look even more formidable.


The oration of quéene Voadicia full of prudence and spirit to the Britains, for their encouragement against the Romans, wherein she rippeth vp the vile seruitude and shamefull wrongs which their enimies inflicted vpon them, with other matters verie motiue, both concerning themselues and their enimies, hir supplication and praier for victorie.

The speech of Queen Boudica, filled with wisdom and passion, aimed at inspiring the Britons to stand against the Romans. In it, she highlights the cruel servitude and disgraceful wrongs inflicted by their enemies, along with other very motivating topics, both about themselves and their foes, and she makes a plea and prayer for victory.

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

Now Voadicia being prepared (as you heare) set foorth with such maiestie, that she greatlie incouraged the Britains; vnto whome for their better animating and emboldening, she vttered this gallant oration in manner and forme following.

Now Voadicia, being ready (as you hear), set out with such majesty that she greatly encouraged the Britains; to further inspire and embolden them, she delivered this impressive speech in the following manner.

The oration of Voadicia. "I doo suppose (my louers and friends) that there is no man here but dooth well vnderstand how much libertie and fréedome is to be preferred before thraldome and bondage. But if there haue bene anie of you so deceiued with the Romane persuasions, that ye did not for a time see a difference betwéene them, and iudged whether of both is most to be desired: now I hope that hauing tried what it is to be vnder both, ye[Page 497] will with me reforme your iudgement, and by the harmes alreadie taken, acknowledge your ouersight, and forsake your former error. Againe, in that a number of you haue rashlie preferred an externall souereigntie before the customes and lawes of your owne countrie, you doo at this time (I doubt not) perfectlie vnderstand how much free pouertie is to be preferred before great riches, wherevnto seruitude is annexed; and much wealth in respect of captiuitie vnder forren magistrats, wherevpon slauerie attendeth. For what thing (I beséech you) can there be so vile & grieuous vnto the nature of man, that hath not happened vnto vs, sithens the time that the Romans haue bene acquainted with this Iland?

Voadicia's speech. "I suppose, my lovers and friends, that everyone here understands how much liberty and freedom are to be valued over servitude and bondage. But if any of you have been so misled by Roman persuasion that you did not, for a time, see the difference between the two and considered which one is more desirable, I hope that now, having experienced both, you will join me in changing your minds. By recognizing the harms already inflicted, acknowledge your earlier mistakes and abandon your former views. Furthermore, since many of you have foolishly favored an external authority over the customs and laws of your own country, I trust you now fully understand how free poverty is to be preferred over great wealth tied to servitude, and how much wealth brings captivity under foreign rulers, leading to slavery. For what could be more despicable and painful to human nature than what we have endured since the Romans became familiar with this island?

"Are we not all in manner bereaued of our riches & possessions? Doo not we (beside other things that we giue, and the land that we till for their onelie profit) paie them all kinds of tributs, yea for our owne carcases? How much better is it to be once aloft and fortunate in deed, than vnder the forged and false title of libertie, continuallie to paie for our redemption a fréedome? How much is it more commendable to lose our liues in defense of our countrie, than to carie about not so much as our heads toll frée, but dailie oppressed & laden with innumerable exactions? But to what end doo I remember and speake of these things, since they will not suffer by death to become frée? For what and how much we paie for them that are dead, there is not one here but he dooth well vnderstand. Among other nations such as are brought into seruitude, are alwaies by death discharged of their bondage: onelie to the Romans the dead doo still liue, and all to increase their commoditie and gaine.

"Are we not all, in a way, stripped of our wealth and belongings? Don’t we, aside from the other things we give and the land we work solely for their benefit, pay all kinds of taxes, even for our own bodies? How much better is it to be once successful and fortunate than to live under a false and fabricated title of freedom, constantly paying for our so-called liberty? How much more honorable is it to lose our lives defending our country than to go around with not even our heads free, but daily burdened and weighed down by countless demands? But why do I bring up these points, since they will not allow us to be free even in death? Everyone here understands what and how much we pay for the dead. In other nations, those who are enslaved are always freed from their bondage by death: only among the Romans do the dead still live, all to increase their profit and gain."

"If anie of vs be without monie (as I know not well how and which way we should come by anie) then are we left naked, & spoiled of that which remaineth in our houses, & we our selues as men left desolate & dead. How shall we looke for better dealing at their hands hereafter, that in the beginning deale so vncourteouslie with vs: since there is no man that taketh so much as a wild beast, but at the first he will cherish it, and with some gentlenesse win it to familiaritie? But we ourselues (to saie the trueth) are authors of our owne mischiefe, which suffered them at the first to set foot within our Iland, and did not by and by driue them backe as we did Cesar, or slue them with our swords when they were yet farre off, and that the aduenturing hither was dangerous: as we did sometime to Augustus and Caligula.

"If any of us are without money (and I honestly don’t know how we’re supposed to get any), then we are left exposed and stripped of what remains in our homes, and we ourselves feel desolate and lifeless. How can we expect better treatment from them in the future when they’ve treated us so poorly from the start? After all, no one captures even a wild beast without first nurturing it and trying to win its trust. But we, to be honest, are the authors of our own misfortune; we allowed them to step onto our island in the first place and didn’t immediately push them back, like we did with Caesar, or kill them with our swords when they were still far away, even though coming here was dangerous, just like we did with Augustus and Caligula."

"We therefore that inhabit this Iland, which for the quantitie thereof maie well be called a maine, although it be inuironed about with the Ocean sea, diuiding vs from other nations, so that we séeme to liue vpon an other earth, & vnder a seuerall heauen: we, euen we (I saie) whose name hath béene long kept hid from the wisest of them all, are now contemned and troden vnder foot, of them who studie nothings else but how to become lords & haue rule of other men. Wherefore my welbeloued citizens, friendes, and kinsfolkes (for I thinke we are all of kin, since we were borne and dwell in this Ile, and haue one name common to vs all) let vs now, euen now (I saie, because we haue not doone it heretofore, and whilest the remembrance of our ancient libertie remaineth) sticke togither, and performe that thing which dooth perteine to valiant and hardie courages, to the end we maie inioie, not onelie the name of libertie, but also fréedome it selfe, and thereby leaue our force and valiant acts for an example to our posteritie: for if we which haue béene liberallie and in honest maner brought vp, should vtterlie forget our pristinate felicitie: what may we hope for in those that shall sucéed vs, and are like to be brought vp in miserie and thraldome?

"We, the people living on this island, which could easily be called a mainland despite being surrounded by the ocean and separated from other nations, seem to live on a different earth and under a separate sky. We, whose name has long been hidden from even the wisest among them, are now disrespected and trampled upon by those who only study ways to become lords and control others. So, my dear citizens, friends, and family (for I believe we are all related since we were born here, live here, and share one common name), let us now, right now (since we haven't done it before, and while the memory of our ancient freedom still exists), stick together and do what is fitting for brave and strong hearts, so that we can enjoy not just the name of freedom, but true liberty itself. This way, we can leave our strength and courageous actions as an example for our descendants. For if we, who have been brought up generously and honorably, were to completely forget our former happiness, what can we expect for those who come after us, and who are likely to grow up in misery and servitude?"

"I doo not make rehearsall of these things vnto you, to the end I would prouoke you to mislike of this present estate of things (for well I know you abhorre it sufficientlie alreadie) neither to put you in feare of those things that are likelie to fall hereafter (because you doo feare and sée them verie well before hand) but to the end I maie giue you heartie thankes and woorthie commendations, for that of your owne accord and meanes you determine so well to prouide for things necessarie (thereby to helpe both me and your selues with willing[Page 498] minds) as men that are nothing in doubt of all the Romane puissance.

"I’m not bringing all this up to make you dislike the current situation (because I know you already hate it enough) or to scare you about what might happen in the future (since you’re already aware of those dangers). I just want to sincerely thank you and give you the credit you deserve for deciding on your own to prepare for what’s necessary, which will help both me and yourselves with willing hearts, as people who are completely confident about the power of Rome."

"If you consider the number of your enimies, it is not greater than yours: if you regard their strength, they are no stronger than you: and all this dooth easilie appéere by the bassinets, habergeons, & greiues wherewith you be armed; and also by the walls, ditches and trenches that you haue made for your own defense, to kéepe off their excursions, who had rather fight with vs a farre off, than cope & deale with vs at hand strokes, as our custome of the warres and martiall discipline dooth require. Wherefore we doo so farre exceed them in force, that in mine opinion, our armie is more strong than stone walls, and one of our targets woorth all the armour that they doo beare vpon them: by meanes whereof, if the victorie be ours, we shall soone make them captiues: or if we lose the field, we shall easilie escape the danger.

"If you look at the number of your enemies, it's not greater than yours; if you consider their strength, they are no stronger than you. This is easily seen in the helmets, armor, and protective gear you wear, as well as in the walls, ditches, and trenches you've built for your defense to keep off their attacks. They would rather fight us from a distance than face us up close, as our martial customs require. Therefore, we surpass them in strength to such an extent that, in my opinion, our army is stronger than stone walls, and one of our shields is worth all the armor they wear. Because of this, if victory is ours, we will soon make them captives; or if we lose the battle, we will easily escape the danger."

"Furthermore, if after the flight we shall indeuour to méet anie where, we haue the marishes héere beneath to hide vs in, and the hils round about to kéepe them off, so that by no meanes they shall haue their purpose of vs, whereas they being ouercharged with heavie armour, shall neither be able to follow, if we flée; nor escape out of our danger, if they be put to flight: if they happen to breake out at anie time as desirous to make a rode, they returne by and by to their appointed places, where we maie take them as birds alreadie in cage. In all which things, as they are farre inferior to vs, so most of all in this, that they can not indure hunger, thirst, cold, heat, and sunneshine, as we can doo.

"Furthermore, if after the flight we try to meet anywhere, we have the marshes here below to hide in, and the hills all around to keep them away, so that they won’t succeed in their plans against us. Since they are weighed down by heavy armor, they won’t be able to pursue us if we flee, nor escape danger if we drive them back. If they happen to break out at any time, eager to make a raid, they quickly return to their designated places, where we can catch them like birds already in a cage. In all these matters, while they are far inferior to us, they are especially lacking in their ability to endure hunger, thirst, cold, heat, and sunlight, unlike us."

"In their houses also and tents, they make much account of their baked meates, wine, oile, and abroad of the shadow, that if anie of these doo faile them, they either die foorthwith, or else in time they languish and consume: whereas to vs euerie hearbe and root is meat, euerie iuice an oile, all water pleasant wine, and euerie trée an house. Beside this, there is no place of the land vnknowne to vs, neither yet vnfriendlie to succour vs at néed; whereas to the Romans they are for the most part vnknowne and altogither dangerous, if they should stand in néed: we can with ease swim ouer euerie riuer both naked and clad, which they with their great ships are scarse able to performe. Wherefore with hope and good lucke let vs set vpon them couragiouslie, and teach them to vnderstand, that since they are no better than hares and foxes, they attempt a wrong match, when they indeuour to subdue the grehounds and the woolues." With which words the quéene let an hare go out of hir lap, as it were thereby to giue prognostication of hir successe, which comming well to passe, all the companie showted, and cried out vpon such as not long before had doone such violence to so noble a personage. Presentlie vpon this action, Voadicia calling them togither againe, procéeded forward with hir praier, which she made before them all, holding vp hir hands after this manner:

"In their homes and tents, they really value their baked meats, wine, and oil, and they rely on shade so much that if any of these things fail them, they either die immediately or gradually weaken and waste away. For us, every herb and root is food, every juice is an oil, all water is pleasant wine, and every tree is like a house. Besides this, there's no part of the land that's unknown to us or unfriendly when we need help; whereas for the Romans, it's mostly unknown and completely dangerous if they find themselves in need. We can easily swim across any river, whether we're naked or dressed, which they struggle to do even with their large ships. So, with hope and good luck, let’s boldly go after them and show them that since they are no better than hares and foxes, they are making a mistake by trying to dominate the greyhounds and wolves." With these words, the queen let a hare go from her lap, seemingly to predict her success; when it turned out well, everyone cheered and shouted against those who had recently committed such violence against such a noble person. Right after this, Voadicia gathered them again and continued with her prayer, holding up her hands like this:

"I giue thée thanks O Adraste, and call vpon thee thou woman of women, which reignest not ouer the burthen-bearing Aegyptians, as Nitocris; neither ouer their merchants, as dooth Semiramis, for these trifles we haue learned latelie of the Romans: neither ouer the people of Rome, as a little héeretofore Messalina, then Agrippina, and now Nero, who is called by the name of a man, but is in déed a verie woman, as dooth appéere by his voice, his harpe, and his womans attire: but I call vpon thee as a goddesse which gouernest the Britains, that haue learned not to till the field, nor to be handicrafts men, but to lead their liues in the warres after the best manner: who also as they haue all other things, so haue they likewise their wiues and children common, whereby the women haue the like audacitie with the men, and no lesse boldnesse in the warres than they.

"I give you thanks, O Adraste, and I call upon you, woman of women, who does not rule over the burden-bearing Egyptians like Nitocris; nor over their merchants, as Semiramis does, for these trivial matters we have recently learned from the Romans. Nor do you reign over the people of Rome, as Messalina did not long ago, then Agrippina, and now Nero, who is called by the name of a man but is truly a woman, as is evident from his voice, his harp, and his feminine attire. But I call upon you as a goddess who governs the Britons, who have not learned to till the fields or be craftsmen, but to lead their lives in war in the best possible way. They also, like they possess all other things, have their wives and children in common, which gives the women the same audacity as the men and no less boldness in battle."

"Therefore sithens I haue obteined a kingdome among such a mightie people, I beséech thée to grant them victorie, health, and libertie, against these contentious, wicked, and vnsatiable men (if they maie be called men, which vse warme bathings, delicate fare, hot wines, swéet oiles, soft beds, fine musicke, and so vnkindlie lusts) who are altogither giuen to couetousnesse and crueltie, as their dooings doo declare. Let not I beséech thée, the Neronian or Domitian tyrannie anie more preuaile vpon me, or (to saie truth) vpon thée, but let them rather serue thée, whose heauie oppression thou hast borne withall a long season, and that thou wilt still be our helper onlie, our defender, our fauourer, and our furtherer, O noble ladie, I hartilie[Page 499] beséech thée."

"Since I have gained a kingdom among such a powerful people, I ask you to grant them victory, health, and freedom against these contentious, wicked, and greedy men (if we can even call them men, who indulge in hot baths, gourmet food, fine wines, sweet oils, soft beds, beautiful music, and such unkind lusts) who are completely driven by greed and cruelty, as their actions show. I sincerely request that the tyranny reminiscent of Nero or Domitian no longer prevail over me, or (to be honest) over you, but rather let them serve you, whose heavy oppression you have endured for a long time. I ask that you continue to be our only helper, our defender, our supporter, and our guide, O noble lady, I earnestly request you."


Queene Voadicia marcheth against the Romans, to whom she giueth a shamefull and bloudie ouerthrow without anie motion of mercie, dredfull examples of the Britains crueltie indifferentlie executed without exception of age or sex.

Queen Boudica marches against the Romans, delivering a shameful and bloody defeat without any hint of mercy, showcasing dreadful examples of the brutality of the Britons, executed indiscriminately without regard for age or sex.

THE TWELFE CHAPTER.

When Voadicia had made an end of hir praier, she set forward against hir enimies, who at that time were destitute in déed of their lieutenant Paulinus Suetonius, being as then in Anglesey (as before ye haue heard.) Wherefore the Romans that were in Camelodunum sent for aid Corn. Tacit. Catus Decianus procurator. vnto Catus Decianus the procurator, that is, the emperours agent, treasurer, or receiuer, for in that citie (although it were inhabited by Romans) there was no great garrison of able men. Wherevpon the procurator sent them such aid as he thought he might well spare, which was not past two hundred men, and those not sufficientlie furnished either with weapon or armour.

When Voadicia finished her prayer, she moved against her enemies, who at that time were indeed without their leader Paulinus Suetonius, who was in Anglesey (as you've heard before). So the Romans in Camelodunum called for help Corn. Silent. Catus Decianus, procurator. from Catus Decianus, the procurator, meaning the emperor's agent, treasurer, or receiver, because in that city (although it was inhabited by Romans) there was not a large garrison of capable men. As a result, the procurator sent them as much help as he thought he could spare, which was no more than two hundred men, and they were not adequately equipped with either weapons or armor.

The citie was not compassed with anie rampire or ditch for defense, such as happilie were priuie to the conspiracie, hauing put into the heads of the Romans that no fortification néeded: neither were the aged men nor women sent awaie, whereby the yoong able personages might without trouble of them the better attend to the defense of the citie: but euen as they had béene in all suertie of peace, and frée from suspicion of anie warre, they were suddenlie beset with the huge armie of the Britains, and so all went to spoile and fire that could be found without the inclosure of the temple, into the which the Romane souldiers (striken with sudden feare by this sudden comming of the enimies) had thronged themselues. Where being assieged by the Britains, within the space of two daies the place was woonne, and they that were found within it, slaine euerie mothers sonne.

The city wasn't surrounded by any walls or ditches for protection, which may have led the Romans to think no fortifications were necessary. Neither the older men nor women were sent away so that the young and able-bodied could focus on defending the city without being distracted by them. Instead, they lived as if they were completely at peace and free from the suspicion of any war, when suddenly they were attacked by the large army of the Britains. Everything outside the temple was destroyed and burned, as the Roman soldiers, gripped by sudden fear from the unexpected arrival of the enemy, rushed into the temple for safety. Once the Britains laid siege, the place was taken in just two days, and everyone inside was killed.

After this, the Britains incouraged with this victorie, went to méet with Petus Cerealis lieutenant of the legion, surnamed the ninth, and boldlie incountering with the same legion, gaue the Romans the ouerthrow and slue all the footmen, so that Cerealis with much adoo escaped with his horssemen, and got him backe to the campe, and saued himselfe within the trenches. Catus the procurator being put in feare with this ouerthrow, and perceiuing what hatred the Britains bare towards him, hauing with his couetousnesse thus brought the warre vpon the head of the Romans, got him ouer into Gallia.

After this, the Britons, encouraged by their victory, went to confront Petus Cerealis, the lieutenant of the ninth legion. Boldly engaging with the same legion, they defeated the Romans and killed all the foot soldiers. Cerealis, with great difficulty, escaped with his cavalry and made it back to the camp, saving himself within the trenches. Catus, the procurator, frightened by this defeat and realizing the hatred the Britons had for him—after having brought this war upon the Romans with his greed—fled over to Gaul.

But Suetonius aduertised of these dooings, came backe out of Anglesey, and with maruellous constancie marched through the middest of his enimies to London, being as then not greatlie peopled with Romans, though there was a colonie of them, but full of merchants, and well prouided of vittels: he was in great doubt at his comming thither, whether he might best staie there as in a place most conuenient, or rather séeke some other more easie to be defended. At length considering the small number of his men of warre, and remembring how Cerealis had sped by his too much rashnesse, he thought better with the losing of one towne to saue the whole, than to put all in danger of irrecouerable losse. And therewith nothing mooued at the praier & teares of them which besought him of aid and succour, he departed, and those that would go with him he receiued into his armie, those that taried behind were oppressed by the enimies: and the like destruction happened to them of Verolanium, a towne in those daies of great fame, situat néere to the place where the towne of Saint Albons now standeth.

But Suetonius, aware of these events, returned from Anglesey and, with remarkable determination, marched straight through the heart of his enemies to London. At that time, it wasn’t heavily populated by Romans, although there was a colony there, but it was full of merchants and well-stocked with supplies. He was uncertain when he arrived whether he should stay in what seemed like the most convenient place or look for somewhere easier to defend. Eventually, considering the small number of his soldiers and remembering how Cerealis had failed due to his overconfidence, he decided that losing one town to save the whole was better than risking everything for an irretrievable loss. Unmoved by the pleas and tears of those who begged him for help and support, he left. He took with him those who wanted to join his army, while those who stayed behind were overwhelmed by the enemies. A similar fate befell the inhabitants of Verolanium, a town that was quite famous back then, located near where the town of Saint Albans stands now.

The Britains leauing the castels and fortresses vnassaulted, followed[Page 500] their game in spoiling of those places which were easie to get, and where great plentie of riches was to be found, vsing their victorie with such crueltie, that they slue (as the report went) to the number 80000, saith Dion. of 70 thousand Romans, and such as tooke their part in the said places by the Britains thus woon and conquered. For there was nothing with the Britains but slaughter, fire, gallowes, and such like, so earnestlie were they set on reuenge. They spared neither age nor sex: women of great nobilitie and woorthie fame they tooke and hanged vp naked, and cutting off their paps, sowed them to their mouthes, that they might séeme as if they sucked and fed on them, and some of their bodies they stretched out in length, and thrust them on sharpe stakes. All these things they did in great despite whilest they sacrificed in their temples, and made feasts, namelie in the wood consecrated to the honour of Andates, for so they called the goddesse of victorie whom they worshipped most reuerentlie.

The Britons left the castles and fortresses untouched and focused on looting the places that were easy to seize, where they could find a lot of wealth. They used their victory with such cruelty that they reportedly killed around 70,000 Romans and their supporters in these regions taken by the Britons. The Britons were relentless in their quest for revenge, showing no mercy to anyone, regardless of age or gender. They captured women of high nobility and great reputation, hanged them up naked, and cut off their breasts, sewing them to their mouths so that it looked like they were sucking and feeding on them. Some of their bodies were stretched out and impaled on sharp stakes. They carried out these acts in great contempt while they offered sacrifices in their temples and held feasts, particularly in the sacred woods dedicated to the goddess Andate, whom they revered the most.


P. Suetonius the Romane with a fresh power assalteth the Britains, whose armie consisted as well of women as men: queene Voadicia incourageth hir souldiers, so dooth Suetonius his warriors, both armies haue a sharpe conflict, the Britains are discomfited and miserablie slaine, the queene dieth, Penius Posthumus killeth himselfe, the Britains are persecuted with fire, swoord, and famine, the grudge betweene Cassicianus and Suetonius, whome Polycletus is sent to reconcile, of his traine, and how the Britains repined at him.

P. Suetonius the Roman attacks the Britains with renewed strength, whose army was made up of both women and men: Queen Boudicca inspires her soldiers, just as Suetonius does his warriors. Both armies engage in a fierce battle, the Britains are defeated and brutally killed, the queen dies, and Penius Posthumus takes his own life. The Britains face persecution by fire, sword, and famine, and there is tension between Cassicianus and Suetonius, whom Polycletus is sent to mediate, and how the Britains resented him.

THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.

In this meane time there came ouer to the aid of Suetonius, the legion surnamed the 14, and other bands of souldiers and men of warre, to the number of ten thousand in the whole, wherevpon (chieflie bicause vittels began to faile him) he prepared to giue battell to his enimies, and chose out a plot of ground verie strong within straits, and backed with a wood, so that the enimies could not assault his campe but on the front: yet by reason of their great multitude and hope of victorie The Britains were at that time 230000 men, (as Dion writeth.) conceiued by their late prosperous successe, the Britains vnder the conduct of quéene Voadicia aduentured to giue battell, hauing their women there to be witnesses of the victorie, whome they placed in charrets at the vttermost side of their field.

In the meantime, Suetonius received help from the legion known as the 14th, along with other groups of soldiers and warriors, amounting to a total of ten thousand. Because he was running low on supplies, he decided to engage his enemies in battle and selected a very strong piece of land that was surrounded by a forest, so that the enemies could only attack his camp from the front. However, due to their large numbers and the hope of victory fueled by their recent successes, the Britons, led by Queen Boudica, dared to fight, with their women positioned in chariots at the farthest edge of their battlefield to witness the victory.

Corn. Tacit. li. 15 Dion Cassius. Voadicia, or Boudicia (for so we find hir written by some copies, and Bonuica also by Dion) hauing hir daughters afore hir, being mounted into a charret, as she passed by the souldiers of ech sundrie countrie, told them "it was a thing accustomed among the Britains to go to the warres vnder the leading of women; but she was not now come foorth as one borne of such noble ancestors as she was descended from, to fight for hir kingdome and riches; but as one of the meaner sort, rather to defend hir lost libertie, and to reuenge hir selfe of the enimie, for their crueltie shewed in scourging hir like a vagabond, and shamefull deflouring of hir daughters: for the licentious lust of the Romans was so farre spred and increased, that they spared neither the bodies of old nor yoong, but were readie most shamefullie to abuse them, hauing whipped hir naked being an aged woman, and forced hir daughters to satisfie their filthie concupiscence: but (saith she) the gods are at hand readie to take iust reuenge.

Cornelius Tacitus, Book 15, Dion Cassius. Boudicia, or Voadicia (as some copies spell it, and also Bonuica by Dion), riding in a chariot with her daughters beside her, addressed the soldiers from various regions. She told them, "It's common for the British to go to war led by women; but I'm not here as someone of noble lineage fighting for my kingdom and wealth. I'm here as one of the common people, fighting to defend my lost freedom and to take revenge on our enemies for their cruelty in whipping me like a common vagabond and shamefully violating my daughters. The Romans' lust has become so rampant that they spare neither the young nor the old, ready to abuse them in the most disgraceful ways. They've whipped me, an elderly woman, and forced my daughters to satisfy their vile desires. But," she said, "the gods are ready to deliver just retribution."

"The legion that presumed to incounter with vs is slaine and beaten downe. The residue kéepe them close within their holds, or else séeke waies how to flée out of the countrie: they shall not be once able so much as to abide the noise and clamor of so manie thousands as we are héere assembled, much lesse the force of our great puissance and dreadfull hands. If ye therefore (said she) would wey and consider with your selues your huge numbers of men of warre, and the causes why ye haue mooued this warre, ye would surelie determine either in this battell to die with honour, or else to vanquish the enimie by plaine[Page 501] force, for so (quoth she) I being a woman am fullie resolued, as for you men ye maie (if ye list) liue and be brought into bondage."

"The army that thought it could face us is defeated and scattered. The rest are hiding in their strongholds or trying to find ways to escape the country. They won't be able to withstand the noise and commotion of the thousands of us gathered here, let alone the strength of our great power and fearsome might. If you (she said) would consider your massive number of warriors and the reasons for this war, you would surely decide either to die with honor in this battle or to defeat the enemy through sheer strength, because (she said) I, being a woman, am fully resolved; as for you men, you can choose to live or be taken captive."

"Neither did Suetonius ceasse to exhort his people: for though he trusted in their manhood, yet as he had diuided his armie into three battels, so did he make vnto ech of them a seuerall oration, willing them not to feare the shrill and vaine menacing threats of the Britains, sith there was among them more women than men, they hauing no skill in warrelike discipline, and heereto being naked without furniture of armour, would foorthwith giue place when they should féele the sharpe points of the Romans weapons, and the force of them by whom they had so often béene put to flight. In manie legions (saith he) the number is small of them that win the battell. Their glorie therefore should be the more, for that they being a small number should win the fame due to the whole armie, if they would (thronging togither) bestow their weapons fréelie, and with their swoords and targets preasse forward vpon their enimies, continuing the slaughter without regard to the spoile, they might assure themselues when the victorie was once atchiued to haue all at their pleasures."

"Suetonius also continued to encourage his troops: even though he had faith in their bravery, he divided his army into three divisions and delivered a separate speech to each. He urged them not to be afraid of the loud and empty threats from the Britons, pointing out that there were more women than men among them, who had no experience in warfare and were lacking armor. He believed they would quickly retreat when faced with the sharp points of Roman weapons and the might of those who had often defeated them. 'In many legions,' he said, 'the number of those who win the battle is small. Therefore, their glory should shine even brighter, as a smaller group could earn the fame belonging to the whole army if they came together and fought bravely. If they pressed forward with their swords and shields, continuing the fight without thinking of the loot, they could be assured that once victory was achieved, everything would be theirs to enjoy.'"

Such forwardnesse in the souldiers followed vpon this exhortation of the couragious generall, that euerie one prepared himselfe so readilie to doo his dutie, and that with such a shew of skill and experience, that Suetonius hauing conceiued an assured hope of good lucke to follow, caused the trumpets to sound to the battell. The onset was giuen in the straits, greatlie to the aduantage of the Romans, being but a handfull in comparison to their enimies. The fight in the beginning was verie sharpe and cruell, but in the end the Britains being a let one to another (by reason of the narrownesse of the place) were not able to susteine the violent force of the Romans their enimies, so that they were constreind to giue backe, and so being disordered were put to flight, and vtterlie discomfited.

The soldiers were so motivated by their brave general's encouragement that everyone got ready to fulfill their duty, showing a lot of skill and experience. Suetonius, feeling confident about a favorable outcome, ordered the trumpets to sound for battle. The attack began in the narrow passages, which was a big advantage for the Romans, who were outnumbered. The fighting started off very intense and brutal, but eventually, the Britains got in each other's way due to the tight conditions and couldn’t withstand the fierce assault from their Roman enemies. They were forced to retreat, became disorganized, and were ultimately defeated.

80000 Britains slaine. There were slaine of the Britains that day few lesse than 80000 [*sic] thousand *, as Tacitus writeth. For the straits being stopped with the charrets, staied the flight of the Britains, so as they could not easilie escape: and the Romans were so set on reuenge, that they spared neither man nor woman, so that manie were slaine in the battell, manie amongst the charrets, and a great number at the woods side, which way they made their flight, and manie were taken prisoners. Those that escaped, would haue fought a new battell, but in the meane time Voadicia, or Bonuica deceassed of a naturall infirmitie, as Dion Cassius writeth, but other say that she poisoned hir selfe, and so died, because she would not come into the hands of hir bloodthirstie enimies. There died of the Romans part in this most notable battell 400, and about the like number were grieuouslie hurt and most pitifullie wounded.

80,000 Britons killed. On that day, nearly 80,000 Britons were killed, as Tacitus wrote. The narrow paths were blocked by carts, trapping the Britons and making it difficult for them to escape easily. The Romans were driven by revenge, sparing neither men nor women, resulting in many being killed in battle, many among the carts, and a great number by the edge of the woods where they tried to flee. Many were also captured. Those who escaped wanted to fight again, but in the meantime, Voadicia, or Bonuica, died of a natural illness, according to Dion Cassius; however, others claim she poisoned herself to avoid falling into the hands of her bloodthirsty enemies. On the Roman side, 400 died in this significant battle, and a similar number were seriously injured and lamentably wounded.

Penius Posthumous sleieth himselfe. Penius Posthumous maister of the campe of the second legion, vnderstanding the prosperous successe of the other Romane capteins, because he had defrauded his legion of the like glorie, and had refused to obeie the commandements of the generall, contrarie to the vse of warre, slue himselfe.

Penius Posthumous ends his own life. Penius Posthumous, commander of the camp of the second legion, knowing about the successful achievements of the other Roman captains, and feeling that he had denied his legion the same glory by refusing to follow the general's orders, which was against the rules of war, killed himself.

After this all the Romane armie was brought into the field to make an end of the residue of the warre. And the emperour caused a supplie to be sent out of Germanie being 2000 legionarie souldiers, and 8 bands of aids, with 1000 horssemen, by whose comming the bands of the ninth legion were supplied with legionarie souldiers, and those bands and wings of horssemen were appointed to places where they might winter, and such people of the Britains as were either enimies, or else stood in doubt whether to be friends or enimies in déed, were persecuted with fire and sword.

After this, all the Roman army was brought into the field to finish off the rest of the war. The emperor ordered a supply to be sent from Germany, consisting of 2,000 legionary soldiers and 8 units of auxiliary troops, along with 1,000 cavalry. With their arrival, the bands of the ninth legion were reinforced with legionary soldiers, and these units and groups of cavalry were assigned to winter quarters. The Britons who were either enemies or uncertain whether to be friends or foes were pursued with fire and sword.

But nothing more afflicted them than famine, for whilest euerie man gaue himselfe to the warre, and purposed to haue liued vpon the prouision of the Romans and other their enimies, they applied not themselues to tillage, nor to anie husbanding of the ground, and long Julius Cassickinus procurator. it was yer they (being a fierce kind of people) fell to embrace peace, by reason that Iulius Cassicianus, who was sent into Britaine as successor to Catus, fell at square with Suetonius, and by his priuat grudge hindered the prosperous successe of publike affaires. He sticked not to write to Rome, that except an other were sent to succéed in the[Page 502] roome that Suetonius did beare, there would be no end of the warres. Herevpon one Polycletus, which sometime had béene a bondman, was sent into Britaine, as a commissioner to surueie the state of the countrie, to reconcile the legat and procurator, & also to pacifie all troubles within the Ile.

But nothing troubled them more than famine. While everyone was focused on war and hoped to live off the supplies from the Romans and their enemies, they neglected farming and taking care of the land. It took a long time before they, being a fierce people, decided to embrace peace because Julius Cassicianus, who was sent to Britain as the successor to Catus, had a disagreement with Suetonius and, due to his personal grudge, hindered the successful management of public affairs. He didn’t hesitate to write to Rome, stating that unless someone else was sent to replace Suetonius, there would be no end to the wars. Consequently, a man named Polycletus, who had once been a slave, was sent to Britain as a commissioner to assess the state of the country, reconcile the legate and procurator, and also to calm the unrest within the island.

The port which Polycletus bare was great, for he was furnished with no small traine that attended vpon him, so that his presence seemed verie dreadfull to the Romans. But the Britains that were not yet pacified, thought great scorne to see such honorable capteins and men of warre as the Romans were, to submit themselues to the order of such a one as had béene a bondslaue.

The port that Polycletus had was impressive, as he was accompanied by a significant entourage. His presence appeared very intimidating to the Romans. However, the Britons, who were still not subdued, looked down on the sight of such honorable captains and warriors like the Romans submitting to someone who had once been a slave.


In what state the Iland stood whiles Aruiragus reigned; the dissolute and loose gouernement of Petronius Turpilianus, Trebellius Maximus, and Victius Volanus, thrée lieutenants in Britaine for the Romane emperours, of Iulius Frontinus who vanquished the Silures.

The condition of the island during Aruiragus's reign was marked by the irresponsible and chaotic governance of Petronius Turpilianus, Trebellius Maximus, and Victius Volanus, three lieutenants in Britain for the Roman emperors, including Julius Frontinus who defeated the Silures.

THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.

PETRONIUS TURPILIANUS LIEUTENANT. In place of Suetonius, was Petronius Turpilianus (who had latelie béene consull) appointed to haue gouernance of the armie in Britaine, the which neither troubling the enimie, nor being of the enimie in anie wise troubled or prouoked, did colour slouthfull rest with the honest name of peace and quietnesse, and so sat still without exploiting anie notable enterprise.

Lieutenant Petronius Turpilianus. Instead of Suetonius, Petronius Turpilianus (who had recently been consul) was appointed to lead the army in Britain. He neither bothered the enemy nor was he troubled or provoked by them in any way. He disguised his lazy inactivity with the respectable label of peace and quiet, and thus remained still without undertaking any significant actions.

TREBELLIUS MAXIMUS LIEUTENANT. After Turpilianus, Trebellius Maximus was made lieutenant of Britaine, who likewise with courteous demeanour sought to kéepe the Britains in rest rather than by force to compell them. And now began the people of the Ile to beare with pleasant faults and flattering vices, so that the ciuill warres that chanced in those daies after the death of the emperour Nero at home, might easilie excuse the slouthfulnesse of the Romane lieutenants.

TREBELLIUS MAXIMUS LIEUTENANT. After Turpilianus, Trebellius Maximus was appointed lieutenant of Britain, who also maintained a friendly attitude, trying to keep the Britons at peace rather than using force to control them. Around this time, the people of the island started to tolerate foolish behaviors and flattering vices, so the civil wars that occurred in those days after Emperor Nero's death could easily justify the laziness of the Roman lieutenants.

Moreouer, there rose dissention amongest their men of warre, which being vsed to lie abroad in the field, could not agrée with the idle life; so that Trebellius Maximus was glad to hide himselfe from the sight of the souldiers being in an vprore against him, till at length humbling himselfe vnto them further than became his estate, he gouerned by waie of intreatie, or rather at their courtesie. And so was the commotion staied without bloudshed, the armie as it were hauing by couenant obtained to liue licentiouslie, and the capteine suertie to liue without danger to be murthered.

Moreover, there was conflict among the soldiers, who, used to being out in the field, couldn’t deal with the idle life. Trebellius Maximus was eager to avoid the soldiers who were upset with him until, in the end, he humbled himself to them more than was appropriate for his rank, ruling through requests, or rather under their goodwill. This way, the unrest was calmed without bloodshed, as the army essentially managed to secure a deal to live freely, and the captain ensured he wouldn’t be in danger of being murdered.

VICTIUS VOLANUS LIEUTENAT. Neither Victius Volanus that succéeded Maximus whilest the time of the ciuill warres as yet endured, did trouble the Britains, vsing the same slacknesse and slouth that the other lieutenants had vsed before him, and permitted the like licence to the presumptuous souldiers: but yet was Volanus innocent as touching himselfe, and not hated for anie notable crime or vice: so that he purchased fauour, although authoritie wanted.

VICTIUS VOLANUS LIEUTENANT. Victius Volanus, who took over from Maximus while the civil wars were still ongoing, didn't disturb the Britains, showing the same laziness and negligence that previous lieutenants had displayed. He allowed his arrogant soldiers the same freedom as before. However, Volanus was blameless in his own conduct and wasn’t disliked for any significant crime or vice, so he gained favor, even though he lacked authority.

But after that the emperour Vsepasianus had subdued his aduersaries, and atteined the imperiall gouernment, as well ouer Britaine as ouer Cor. Tacitus. other parts of the world, there were sent hither right noble capteins, with diuers notable bands of souldiers, and Petilius Cerialis being appointed lieutenant, put the Britains in great feare, by inuading the Brigants the mightiest nation of all the whole Iland: and fighting manie battels, and some right bloudie with those people, he subdued a great part of the countrie at the last.

But after that the emperor Vespasian had defeated his enemies and taken control of the empire, both over Britain and other parts of the world, noble leaders were sent here with various distinguished groups of soldiers. Petilius Cerialis was appointed as lieutenant, and he instilled great fear in the Britons by invading the Brigantes, the strongest nation on the entire island. After fighting many battles, some quite bloody, with these people, he ultimately conquered a large part of the country.

IULIUS FRONTINUS LIEUTENAT. After him succéeded as lieutenant of Britaine, one Iulius Frontinus, who vanquished and brought to the Romane subiection by force of armes the people called Silures, striuing not onelie against the stout resistance of the men, but also with the hardnesse & combersome[Page 503] troubles of the places.

Iulius Frontinus, Lieutenant. After him, Julius Frontinus took over as lieutenant of Britain. He defeated and brought the people known as the Silures under Roman control through military force, facing not only the strong resistance of the men but also the challenges and difficulties of the terrain. [Page 503]

¶ Thus may you perceiue in what state this Ile stood in the time that Aruiragus reigned in the same, as is supposed by the best histories of the old Britains: so that it may be thought that he gouerned rather a part of this land, than the whole, and bare the name of a king, the Romans not hauing so reduced the countrie into the forme of a prouince, but that the Britains bare rule in diuerse parts thereof, and that by the permission of the Romans, which neuerthelesse had their lieutenants and procuratours here, that bare the greatest rule vnder the aforesaid emperours.

¶ Thus, you can see the state this Isle was in during the reign of Arviragus, as suggested by the best histories of the ancient Britains. It appears that he governed more of a part of this land than the whole and held the title of king, since the Romans had not fully transformed the country into a province. The Britains still held power in various areas, with the Romans allowing it, although they had their own lieutenants and procurators here, who exercised the greatest authority under the aforementioned emperors.


The state of this Iland under Marius the sonne of Aruiragus, the comming in of the Picts with Roderike their king, his death in the field, the Picts and Scots enter into mutuall aliance, the monument of Marius, his victorie ouer the Picts, his death and interrement.

The condition of this island under Marius, the son of Aruiragus, the arrival of the Picts with their king Roderick, his death in battle, the Picts and Scots forming a mutual alliance, the memorial of Marius, his victory over the Picts, his death, and burial.

THE XV. CHAPTER.

MARIUS. Hector Boetius saith that his Marius was a Romane. 73. After the decease of Aruiragus, his sonne Marius succeeded him in the estate, and began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 73. In the old English chronicle he is fondlie called Westmer, & was a verie wise man, gouerning the Britains in great prosperitie, honour and wealth.

Marius. Hector Boetius states that this Marius was a Roman. 73. After the death of Aruiragus, his son Marius took over the position and began his reign in the year 73 AD. In the old English chronicle, he is affectionately referred to as Westmer, and he was a very wise man, governing the Britains with great prosperity, honor, and wealth.

In the time of this mans reigne, the people called Picts inuaded this land, who are iudged to be descended of the nation of the Scithians, Of these you maie reade more in pag. 9 (441-2 = Book 2, Ch. 3.). Matth. West. neare kinsmen to the Goths, both by countrie and maners, a cruell kind of men and much giuen to the warres. This people with their ringleader Roderike, or (as some name him) Londorike, entering the Ocean sea after the maner of rouers, arriued on the coasts of Ireland, where they required of the Scots new seats to inhabit in: for the Scots which (as some thinke) were also descended of the Scithians, did as then inhabit in Ireland: but doubting that it should not be for their profit to receiue so warlike a nation into that Ile, feining as it were a friendship, and excusing the matter by the narrownesse of the countrie, declared to the Picts, that the Ile of Britaine was not farre from thence, being a large countrie and a plentifull, and not greatly inhabited: wherefore they counselled them to go thither, promising vnto them all the aid that might be.

During this man's reign, the people known as the Picts invaded this land. They are believed to be descended from the Scythians, You can read more about these on page 9 (441-2 = Book 2, Chapter 3). Matth. West. They are closely related to the Goths, both in origin and behavior, being a fierce group and very inclined to warfare. Led by their chief Roderike, or as some call him, Londorike, they sailed into the ocean like raiders and landed on the coasts of Ireland, where they asked the Scots for new territories to settle in. The Scots, who some believe also descended from the Scythians, were already living in Ireland. Concerned that it wouldn't be beneficial for them to accept such a warlike nation onto the island, they pretended to be friendly and made excuses about the limited space in their territory. They told the Picts that the island of Britain was not far away, a large and abundant land that was not heavily populated. Therefore, they advised them to go there, promising them all the support they could offer.

The Picts more desirous of spoile than of rule or gouernment without delaie returned to the sea, and sailed towards Britaine, where being arriued, they first inuaded the north parts thereof, and finding there but few inhabiters, they began to wast and forrey the countrie: whereof when king Marius was aduertised, with all speed he assembled his people, and made towards his enimies, and giuing them battell, obtained Roderike king of Picts slaine. the victorie, so that Roderike was there slaine in the field, and his people vanquished.

The Picts, eager for plunder rather than rule or governance, quickly returned to the sea and sailed toward Britain. Upon arrival, they first attacked the northern regions, finding only a few inhabitants. They started to ravage and plunder the land. When King Marius heard about this, he quickly gathered his people and went to confront his enemies. In battle, he secured victory, resulting in the death of Roderike, king of the Picts, and his forces were defeated.

Vnto those that escaped with life, Marius granted licence that they might inhabit in the north part of Scotland called Catnesse, being as then a countrie in maner desolate without habitation: wherevpon they withdrew thither, and setled themselues in those parties. And bicause the Britains disdained to grant vnto them their daughters in mariage, they sent vnto the Scots into Ireland, requiring to haue wiues of their nation. The Scots agréed to their request, with this condition, that where there wanted lawfull issue of the kings linage to succéed in the kingdome of the Picts, then should they name one of the womans side to be their king: which ordinance was receiued and obserued euer after amongst the Picts, so long as their kingdome endured.

To those who survived, Marius allowed them to settle in the northern part of Scotland known as Catnesse, which was pretty much a deserted area at that time. They moved there and established their presence in that region. Since the Britains refused to give their daughters in marriage to them, they reached out to the Scots in Ireland, asking for wives from their nation. The Scots agreed to their request with the condition that if there were no legitimate heirs from the royal family to succeed in the kingdom of the Picts, then they would name someone from the women's side to be their king. This agreement was accepted and followed by the Picts as long as their kingdom lasted.

Thus the Picts next after the Romans were the first of anie strangers that came into this land to inhabit as most writers affirme, although the Scotish chronicles auouch the Picts to be inhabiters here before Polydor.
Matth. West.
the incarnation of our sauiour. But the victorie which Marius obteined against their king Roderike, chanced in the yéere after the incarnation 87. In remembrance of which victorie, Marius caused a stone to be[Page 504] erected in the same place where the battell was fought, in which stone was grauen these words, Marij victoria. The English chronicle saith that this stone was set vp on Stanesmoore, and that the whole countrie thereabout taking name of this Marius, was Westmaria, now called Westmerland.

So, after the Romans, the Picts were the first outsiders to settle in this land, as most writers agree, although the Scottish chronicles claim the Picts were already living here before Polydor.
Matthew West.
the birth of our Savior. However, the victory that Marius achieved over their king Roderick occurred in the year 87 AD. In honor of this victory, Marius had a stone erected at the site of the battle, with the words Marij victoria. The English chronicle states that this stone was placed on Stanesmoore, and the surrounding area took on the name Westmaria, which is now called Westmerland.

King Marius hauing thus subdued his enimies, and escaped the danger of their dreadfull inuasion, gaue his mind to the good gouernement of his people, and the aduancement of the common wealth of the realme, continuing the residue of his life in great tranquillitie, and Matt. West. Thus find we in the British and English histories touching this Marius. finallie departed this life, after he had reigned (as most writers say) 52, or 53 yéeres. Howbeit there be that write, that he died in the yéere of our Lord 78, and so reigned not past fiue or six yéeres at the most. He was buried at Caerleill, leauing a sonne behind him called Coill.

King Marius, after defeating his enemies and avoiding the threat of their terrifying invasion, focused on the good governance of his people and the advancement of the kingdom's welfare. He spent the rest of his life in great peace, and finally passed away after reigning for (as most writers say) 52 or 53 years. However, some write that he died in the year 78 AD, meaning he reigned for no more than five or six years at most. He was buried at Caerleill, leaving behind a son named Coill.

Humfrey Lhoyd séemeth to take this man and his father Aruiragus to be all one person, whether mooued thereto by some catalog of kings which he saw, or otherwise, I cannot affirme: but speaking of the time when the Picts and Scots should first come to settle themselues in this land, he hath these words; Neither was there anie writers of name, that made mention either of Scots or Picts before Vespasianus time, about the yeere of the incarnation 72: at what time Meurig or Maw, or Aruiragus reigned in Britaine, in which time our annales doo report, that a certeine kind of people liuing by pirasie and rouing on the sea, came foorth of Sueden, or Norwaie, vnder the guiding of one Rhithercus, who landed in Albania, wasting all the countrie with robbing and spoiling so farre as Caerleill, where he was vanquished in battell, and slaine by Muragus, with a great part of his people; the residue that escaped by flight, fled to their ships, and so conueied themselues into the Iles of Orkney and Scotland, where they abode quietlie a great while after.

Humfrey Lhoyd seems to consider this man and his father Aruiragus to be the same person, whether influenced by some list of kings he saw or for other reasons, I can't say. But when discussing the time when the Picts and Scots first settled in this land, he writes these words: There were no notable writers who mentioned either the Scots or the Picts before the time of Vespasian, around the year 72 AD, when Meurig or Maw, or Aruiragus ruled in Britain. Our records state that during this time, a certain group of people living by piracy and raiding at sea came from Sweden or Norway, led by someone named Rhithercus. They landed in Albania, devastating the countryside with looting and destruction as far as Carlisle, where they were defeated in battle and killed by Muragus, along with many of their people. The survivors who managed to escape fled to their ships and made their way to the Orkney and Scotland islands, where they stayed quietly for a long time afterward.

Thus farre haue I thought good to shew of the foresaid Lhoyds booke, for that it seemeth to carie a great likelihood of truth with it, for the historie of the Picts, which vndoubtedlie I thinke were not as yet inhabiting in Britaine, but rather first placing themselues in the Iles of Orkney, made inuasion into the maine Ile of Britaine afterwards, as occasion was offred. In the British toong they are called Pightiaid, that is Pightians, and so likewise were they called in the Scotish, and in their owne toong. Now will we shew what chanced in this Ile, during the time of the foresaid Marius his supposed reigne, as is found in the Romane histories.

So far, I have thought it important to share what’s in Lloyd’s book because it seems to carry a strong likelihood of truth. The history of the Picts, which I believe were not yet inhabiting Britain but instead first settled in the Orkney Islands and later invaded the main island of Britain as opportunities arose. In the British language, they are called Pightiaid, meaning Pightians, and they were also referred to as such in Scots and their own language. Now we will discuss what happened on this island during the supposed reign of Marius, as recorded in Roman histories.


Iulius Agricola is deputed by Vespasian to gouerne Britaine, he inuadeth the Ile of Anglesey, the inhabitants yeeld vp them selues, the commendable gouernement of Agricola, his worthie practises to traine the Britains to ciuilitie, his exploits fortunatelie atchiued against diuerse people, as the Irish, &c.

Julius Agricola is appointed by Vespasian to govern Britain. He invades the Isle of Anglesey, and the locals surrender. Agricola's commendable leadership, his worthy efforts to train the Britons in civility, and his successful exploits against various peoples, including the Irish, are notable.

THE 16. CHAPTER.

Iulius Agricola lieutenant.
Cor. Tacit. in uit. Agr.
The first yéere of Agricola his gouernment. After Iulius Frontinus, the emperor Vespasian sent Iulius Agricola to succéed in the gouernement of Britaine, who comming ouer about the midst of summer, found the men of warre thorough want of a lieutenant negligent inough, so those that looking for no trouble, thought themselues out of all danger, where the enimies neuerthelesse watched vpon the next occasion to worke some displeasure, and were readie on ech hand to mooue rebellion. For the people called Ordouices, that inhabited in the countrie of Chesshire, Lancashire and part of Shropshire, had latelie before ouerthrowne, and in maner vtterlie destroied a wing of such horssemen as soiourned in their parties, by reason whereof all the prouince was brought almost into an assured hope to recouer libertie.

Iulius Agricola, lieutenant.
Cor. Tacit. in vit. Agr.
The first year of Agricola's rule. After Iulius Frontinus, Emperor Vespasian sent Iulius Agricola to take over the governance of Britain. Arriving around mid-summer, he found the soldiers lacking a diligent lieutenant, leading those who expected no trouble to believe they were out of danger. However, the enemies were still on the lookout for an opportunity to cause trouble and were ready to incite rebellion. The Ordovices, a people living in what is now Cheshire, Lancashire, and part of Shropshire, had recently defeated and almost completely destroyed a contingent of cavalry stationed in their territory, which gave the whole province a strong hope of regaining their freedom.

Agricola vpon his comming ouer, though summer was now halfe past, and that the souldiers lodging here & there abroad in the countrie, were[Page 505] more disposed to take rest, than to set forward into the field against the enimies, determined yet to resist the present danger: and therewith assembling the men of warre of the Romans, and such other aids as he might make, he inuaded their countrie that had done this foresaid displeasure, and slue the most part of all the inhabitants thereof. Not thus contented (for that he thought good to follow the steps of fauourable fortune, and knowing that as the begining proued, so would the whole sequele of his affaires by likelihood come to passe) he The Ile of Anglesey. purposed to make a full conquest of the Ile of Anglesey, from the conquest wherof the Romane lieutenant Paulinus was called backe by the rebellion of other of the Britains, as before ye haue heard.

Agricola, upon his arrival, saw that summer was already halfway over, and that the soldiers stationed here and there in the countryside were more inclined to rest than to venture into battle against the enemies. Nevertheless, he decided to confront the immediate threat. He gathered the Roman troops and other support he could muster, and launched an invasion into the territory that had caused this previous outrage, killing most of the inhabitants. Not satisfied with that (since he believed in following the path of good fortune, knowing that the way things began would likely determine the outcome of his entire campaign), he aimed to achieve a complete conquest of the Isle of Anglesey, from which the Roman lieutenant Paulinus had been recalled due to the rebellion of other Britons, as you have heard before.

But whereas he wanted ships for the furnishing of his enterprise, his wit and policie found a shift to supplie that defect: for choosing out a piked number of such Britains as he had there with him in aid, which knew the foords and shallow places of the streames there, and withall were verie skilfull in swimming (as the maner of the countrie then was) he appointed them to passe ouer on the sudden into the Ile, onelie with their horsses, armor, and weapon: which enterprise they so spéedilie, and with so good successe atchiued, that the inhabitants much amazed with that dooing (which looked for a nauie of ships to haue transported ouer their enimies by sea, and therefore watched on the coast) began to thinke that nothing was able to be defended against such kind of warriors that got ouer into the Ile after such sort and maner.

But while he needed ships for his plan, his intelligence and strategy found a way to cover that gap: he selected a specific number of Britons who were with him, those who knew the fords and shallow spots of the streams there, and were very skilled swimmers (as was customary in the country at the time). He instructed them to suddenly cross over to the Isle, taking only their horses, armor, and weapons. They accomplished this task so quickly and successfully that the locals, who had been expecting a fleet of ships to transport their enemies by sea and were therefore watching the coast, began to think that nothing could withstand such warriors who managed to get to the Isle in this way.

Anglesey yéelded to Agricola. And therefore making sute for peace, they deliuered the Ile into the hands of Agricola, whose fame by these victories dailie much increased, as of one that tooke pleasure in trauell, and attempting to atchiue dangerous enterprises, in stead whereof his predecessors had delighted, to shew the maiesties of their office by vaine brags, statelie ports, and ambitious pomps. For Agricola turned not the prosperous successe of his procéedings into vanitie, but rather with neglecting his fame, increased it to the vttermost, among them that iudged what hope was to be looked for of things by him to be atchiued, which with silence kept secret these his so woorthie dooings.

Anglesey gave in to Agricola. So, seeking peace, they handed over the island to Agricola, whose reputation grew daily through these victories. He was known for enjoying travel and taking on challenging endeavors, unlike his predecessors who preferred to flaunt their power through empty boasts, grand displays, and ambitious spectacles. Agricola didn’t turn his successful campaigns into bragging rights; instead, by downplaying his own fame, he actually increased it among those who understood the potential of what he could achieve, keeping his remarkable accomplishments discreet.

Moreouer, perceiuing the nature of the people in this Ile of Britaine, and sufficientlie taught by other mens example, that armor should little auaile where iniuries followed to the disquieting of the people, he thought best to take away and remooue all occasions of warre. And Agricola his good gouernment. first beginning with himselfe and his souldiers, tooke order for a reformation to be had in his owne houshold, yéelding nothing to fauor, but altogither in respect of vertue, accounting them most faithfull which therein most excelled. He sought to know all things, but not to doo otherwise than reason mooued, pardoning small faults, and sharpelie punishing great and heinous offenses, neither yet deliting alwaies in punishment, but oftentimes in repentance of the offendor. Exactions and tributes he lessened, qualifieng the same by reasonable equitie. And thus in reforming the state of things, he wan him great praise in time of peace, the which either by negligence or sufferance of the former lieutenants, was euer feared, and accounted woorse than open warre. This was his practise in the winter time of his first yéere.

Moreover, recognizing the nature of the people in this island of Britain, and having learned enough from others’ examples that armor is of little use when injustices disturb the populace, he believed it best to remove all causes of war. And Agricola's effective governance. starting with himself and his soldiers, took steps to reform his own household, giving no favors but focusing entirely on virtue, considering those most trustworthy who excelled in this regard. He aimed to understand everything, but acted only as reason dictated, forgiving minor faults and harshly punishing serious and disgraceful offenses, not always relishing punishment but often feeling compassion for the offender. He reduced taxes and tributes, adjusting them based on fair equity. Thus, by reforming the state of affairs, he earned great praise during peacetime, a condition that had always been feared and considered worse than open warfare due to the negligence or tolerance of previous lieutenants. This was his practice during the winter of his first year.

His diligence. But when summer was come, he assembled his armie, and leading foorth the same, trained his souldiers in all honest warlike discipline, commending the good, and reforming the bad and vnrulie. He himselfe to giue example, tooke vpon him all dangers that came to hand, and suffered not the enimies to liue in rest, but wasted their countries with sudden inuasions. And when he had sufficientlie chastised them, and put them in feare by such manner of dealing, he spared them, that they might againe conceiue some hope of peace. By which meanes manie countries which vnto those daies had kept themselues out of bondage, laid rancor aside, and deliuered pledges, and further were contented to suffer castels to be builded within them, and to be kept with garrisons, so that no part of Britaine was frée from the Romane power, but stood still in danger to be brought vnder more and more.

His hard work. But when summer arrived, he gathered his army and, leading them forward, trained his soldiers in proper military discipline, praising the good and correcting the bad and unruly. To set an example, he faced all dangers head-on and did not allow the enemies to rest, but devastated their lands with sudden attacks. After he had sufficiently punished them and instilled fear through this strategy, he showed mercy so they could regain some hope for peace. As a result, many regions that had previously avoided subjugation put aside their resentment, offered hostages, and agreed to allow forts to be built within their territories, garrisoned with troops, so that no part of Britain was free from Roman control, but all remained at risk of being further subjected.

The second yéere of Agricola his gouernment.
The woorthie practises of Agricola to traine the Britains to ciuilitie.
In the winter following, Agricola tooke paines to reduce the Britains from their rude manners and customs, vnto a more ciuill sort and trade of liuing, that changing their naturall fiercenesse and apt disposition[Page 506] to warre, they might through tasting pleasures be so inured therewith, that they should desire to liue in rest and quietnesse: and therefore he exhorted them priuilie, and holpe them publikelie to build temples, common halls where plées of law might be kept, and other houses, commending them that were diligent in such dooings, and blaming them that were negligent, so that of necessitie they were driuen to striue who should preuent ech other in ciuilitie. He also procured that noble mens sonnes should learne the liberall sciences, and praised the nature of the Britains more than the people of Gallia, bicause they studied to atteine to the knowledge of the Romane eloquence. By which meanes the Britains in short time were brought to the vse of good and commendable manners, and sorted themselues to go in comelie apparell after the Romane fashion, and by little and little fell to accustome themselues to fine fare and delicate pleasures, the readie prouokers of vices, as to walke in galleries, to wash themselues in bathes, to vse banketting, and such like, which amongst the vnskilfull was called humanitie or courtesie, but in verie deed it might be accounted a part of thraldome and seruitude, namelie being too excessiuelie vsed.

The second year of Agricola's leadership.
Agricola's admirable efforts to teach the Britons civility.
In the following winter, Agricola worked hard to transform the Britons from their rough ways and customs into a more civilized lifestyle and trade. He aimed to change their natural fierceness and readiness for war so that, by experiencing pleasures, they would become accustomed to it and desire to live in peace and quiet. Therefore, he discreetly encouraged them and publicly supported them in building temples, community halls for legal matters, and other facilities, praising those who were diligent in these efforts and criticizing those who were careless, so that they were compelled to compete with each other in civility. He also arranged for noblemen's sons to learn the liberal arts and praised the Britons more than the Gallic people because they aimed to master Roman eloquence. As a result, the Britons quickly adopted good and commendable manners, began dressing in neat clothing in the Roman style, and gradually got used to fine food and delicate pleasures, which easily led to vices, such as walking in galleries, bathing, feasting, and similar activities, which among the uneducated were called humanity or courtesy, but could actually be seen as a form of bondage and servitude when excessively practiced.

The third yéere. In the third yéere of Agricola his gouernment in Britaine, he inuaded the north parts thereof (vnknowne till those daies of the Romans) being the same where the Scots now inhabit: for he wasted the countrie vnto The water of Tay. the water of Tay, in such wise putting the inhabitants in feare, that they durst not once set vpon his armie, though it were so that the same was verie sore disquieted and vexed by tempest and rage of weather. Wherevpon finding no great let or hinderance by the enimies, he builded certeine castels and fortresses, which he placed in such conuenient stéeds, that they greatlie annoied his aduersaries, and were so able to be defended, that there was none of those castels which he builded, either woon by force out of the Romans hands, or giuen ouer by composition, for feare to be taken: so that the same beeing furnished with competent numbers of men of warre, were safelie kept from the enimies, the which were dailie vexed by the often issues made foorth by the souldiers that laie thus in garrison within them: so that where in times past the said enimies would recouer their losses susteined in summer by the winters aduantage, now they were put to the woorse, and kept backe as well in the winter as in the summer.

Third year. In the third year of Agricola's governance in Britain, he invaded the northern parts, which were unknown to the Romans until that time, the same regions where the Scots now live. He devastated the land all the way to the the Tay River water. This instilled such fear in the inhabitants that they didn’t dare to confront his army, even though it was severely troubled by storms and harsh weather. With no significant opposition from the enemies, he built several forts and castles in strategic locations, which greatly troubled his adversaries. The forts were so well defended that none were captured through force or surrendered out of fear of being taken. So, these strongholds, equipped with enough soldiers, were safely held against the enemies, who were constantly harassed by the frequent sorties made by the soldiers stationed within them. In past times, the enemies would recover their summer losses during the winter; now they found themselves worse off, facing setbacks in both summer and winter.

The fourth yéere of Agricola his gouernment. Clota Bodotria. In the fourth summer, after that Agricola was appointed vnto the rule of this land, he went about to bring vnder subiection those people, the which before time he had by incursions and forreies sore vexed and disquieted: and therevpon comming to the waters of Clide and Loughleuen, he built certeine fortresses to defend the passages and entries there, driuing the enimies beyond the same waters, as it had béene into a new Iland.

The fourth year of Agricola's rule. Clota Bodotria. In the fourth summer after Agricola was appointed to govern this land, he set out to subdue the people he had previously troubled and unsettled through raids and incursions. Consequently, he arrived at the waters of Clyde and Loughleven, where he built several fortresses to defend the crossings and entrances, pushing the enemies beyond those waters, as if into a new island.

The fift yéere. In the fift summer, Agricola causing his ships to be brought about, and appointing them to arriue on the north coasts of Scotland, he passed with his armie ouer the riuer of Clide; and subdued such people as inhabited those further parts of Scotland, which till those daies had not beene discouered by the Romans. And bicause he thought it should serue well to purpose, for some conquest to be made of Ireland, if that part of Scotland which bordereth on the Irish seas might be kept in due obedience, he placed garrisons of souldiers in those parties, in hope verelie vpon occasion to passe ouer into Ireland, and for the more easie aduancement of his purpose therein, he interteined with An Irish king expelled out of his countrie. honourable prouision one of the kings of Ireland, which by ciuill discord was expelled and driuen out of his countrie. In déed Agricola perceiued, that with one legion of souldiers, and a small aid of other men of warre it should be an easie matter to conquer Ireland, and to bring it vnder the dominion of the Romans: which enterprise he iudged verie necessarie to be exploited, for better kéeping of the Britains in obedience, if they should sée the iurisdiction of the Romans euerie where extended, and the libertie of their neighbours suppressed.

The 50th year. In the fiftieth summer, Agricola had his ships brought around and planned for them to arrive on the northern coasts of Scotland. He crossed the River Clyde with his army and conquered the tribes living in the more remote parts of Scotland that had not been explored by the Romans until that time. He believed it would be beneficial for any future conquest of Ireland to keep the part of Scotland that borders the Irish Sea under control, so he stationed garrisons of soldiers in those areas, hoping to eventually cross over into Ireland. To help with this plan, he made an alliance with An Irish king was forced out of his country. a displaced Irish king who had been ousted due to civil strife. Agricola recognized that with one legion of soldiers and a small support of other troops, it would be relatively easy to conquer Ireland and bring it under Roman rule. He thought this action was very necessary for better maintaining the Britons in obedience, as they would witness Roman authority extending everywhere and their neighbors' freedom suppressed.

The sixt yéere of Agricola his government. In the sixt summer of Agricola his gouernment, he proceeded in subduing the furthermost parts of Scotland northwards, causing his nauie to kéepe course against him by the coast as he marched foorth by land, so that the Britains perceiuing how the secret hauens and créekes of their countries were now discouered, and that all hope of refuge was in maner cut off from them, were in maruellous feare. On the other part the Romans were sore troubled with the rough mounteins and craggie rocks,[Page 507] by the which they were constreined to passe beside the dangerous riuers, lakes, woods, streicts, and other combersome waies and passages.

The sixth year of Agricola's administration. In the sixth summer of Agricola's rule, he continued to conquer the farthest parts of Scotland to the north, sending his fleet to keep pace along the coast while he marched on land. The Britons, realizing that the hidden harbors and creeks of their territory had now been discovered and that their hope for refuge was almost completely cut off, were filled with great fear. Meanwhile, the Romans faced significant challenges from the rough mountains and jagged rocks, which forced them to navigate precarious rivers, lakes, forests, narrow passages, and other difficult routes. [Page 507]

The danger also of them that were in the ships by sea was not small, by reason of winds and tempests, and high spring tides, which tossed and turmoiled their vessels verie cruellie: but by the painfull diligence of them that had béene brought vp and inured with continuall trauell and hardnesse, all those discommodities were ouercome to their great reioising, when they met and fell in talke of their passed perils. For oftentimes the armie by land incamped so by the shore, that those which kept the sea came on land to make merrie in the campe, and then ech one would recount to others the aduentures that had happened, as the manner is in semblable cases.

The danger for those in the ships at sea was significant due to strong winds, storms, and high spring tides that violently tossed their vessels around. However, thanks to the hardworking efforts of those who had been raised and trained with constant toil and hardship, they overcame all these challenges, leading to great relief when they gathered and shared stories of their past dangers. Often, the army camped near the shore, allowing those at sea to come ashore and enjoy themselves in the camp. Then everyone would share their adventures, as is usual in similar situations.


The Britains of Calenderwood assalt the Romans upon aduantage, bloudie battels fought betwixt them, great numbers slaine on both sides, the villanous dealing of certeine Dutch souldiers against their capteins and fellowes in armes, the miserie that they were driven vnto by famine to eate one another, a sharpe conflict betweene the Romans and Britains, with the losse of manie a mans life, and effusion of much bloud.

The people of Calenderwood attack the Romans when they have the upper hand, bloody battles fought between them, great numbers killed on both sides, the treacherous actions of certain Dutch soldiers against their captains and comrades in arms, the misery they faced from famine that drove them to cannibalism, a fierce conflict between the Romans and Britains, resulting in the loss of many lives and a lot of bloodshed.

THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.

Calenderwood. The Britains that inhabited in those daies about the parts of Calenderwood, perceiuing in what danger they were to be vtterlie subdued, assembled themselues togither, in purpose to trie the fortune of battell: whereof Agricola being aduertised, marched foorth with his armie diuided in three battels, so that the enimies doubting to trie the matter in open field, espied their time in the night, and with all their whole puissance set vpon one of the Romane legions, which they knew to be most féeble and weake, trusting by a camisado to distresse the same: and first sleaing the watch, they entred the campe, where the said legion laie, and finding the souldiers in great disorder, betwixt sléepe and feare, began the fight euen within the campe.

Calendar wood. The Britons living around Calenderwood at that time, realizing how close they were to being completely conquered, came together to test their luck in battle. Agricola was informed of this and marched out with his army divided into three divisions. The enemies, uncertain about facing them in open combat, seized the opportunity at night and attacked one of the Roman legions, which they knew was the weakest. They hoped that a surprise attack would catch them off guard: after killing the guards, they entered the camp where that legion was stationed and found the soldiers in disarray, caught between sleep and fear, and started fighting right there in the camp.

Agricola had knowledge of their purposed intent, and therefore with all speed hasted foorth to come to the succours of his people, sending first his light horssemen, and certeine light armed footmen to assaile the enimies on their backs, and shortlie after approched with his whole puissance, so that the Romane standards beginning to appéere in sight by the light of the daie that then began to spring, the Britains were sore discouraged, and the Romans renewing their force, fiercelie preassed vpon them, so that euen in the entrie of the campe, there was a sore conflict, till at length the Britains were put to flight and chased, so that if the mareshes and woods had not saued them from the pursute of the Romans, there had beene an end made of the whole warre euen by that one daies worke. But the Britains escaping as well as they might, and reputing the victorie to haue chanced not by the valiancie of the Romane soldiers, but by occasion, and the prudent policie of their capteine, were nothing abashed with that their present losse, but prepared to put their youth againe into armour: and therevpon they remooued their wiues and children into safe places, and then assembling the chiefest gouernours togither, concluded a league amongst themselues, ech to aid other, confirming their articles with dooing of sacrifice (as the manner in those daies was.)

Agricola was aware of their intentions, so he quickly set out to support his people, sending his light cavalry and some lightly armed foot soldiers to attack the enemies from the rear. Shortly after, he approached with his entire force, and as the Roman standards began to come into view with the dawn light, the Britons were greatly discouraged. The Romans, reenergized, aggressively pressed against them, leading to a fierce battle right at the entrance of the camp. Eventually, the Britons were routed and chased away, and if it hadn't been for the marshes and woods that offered them shelter, the entire war could have ended that day. However, the Britons, managing to escape, attributed their defeat not to the bravery of the Roman soldiers but to chance and the clever strategy of their leader. They weren’t disheartened by their loss; instead, they prepared to equip their young warriors again. They relocated their wives and children to safer areas and then gathered their top leaders to form an alliance, agreeing to support each other and solidifying their pact with sacrifices, as was customary in those days.

The seuenth yéere. The same summer, a band of such Dutch or Germaine souldiers as had béene leuied in Germanie & sent ouer into Britaine to the aid of the Romans, attempted a great and woonderfull act, in sleaing their capteine, and such other of the Romane souldiers which were appointed to haue the training and leading of them, as officers and instructors to them in the feats of warre: and when they had committed that murther, they got into thrée pinesses, and became rouers on the coasts of Britaine, and incountring with diuerse of the Britains that were[Page 508] readie to defend their countrie from spoile, oftentimes they got the vpper hand of them, and now and then they were chased awaie, insomuch that in the end they were brought to such extremitie for want of vittels, that they did eate such amongst them as were the weakest, and after, such as the lot touched, being indifferentlie cast amongst them: and so being caried about the coasts of Britaine, & losing their vessels through want of skill to gouerne them, they were reputed for robbers, and therevpon were apprehended, first by the Suabeners, and shortlie after by the Frizers, the which sold diuerse of them to the Romans and other, whereby the true vnderstanding of their aduentures came certeinlie to light.

Year seven. That summer, a group of Dutch or German soldiers who had been recruited in Germany and sent over to Britain to help the Romans attempted a bold and remarkable act by killing their captain and several other Roman soldiers who were supposed to train and lead them as officers and instructors in military tactics. Once they committed that murder, they got into three small ships and became pirates along the British coast. When they encountered various Britons who were ready to defend their country from looting, they often had the upper hand, but sometimes they were chased away. Eventually, they faced such extreme hunger that they resorted to eating their weakest members, and later, those chosen by lot among them. As they moved along the British coast and lost their ships due to poor navigation, they were labeled as robbers and were captured, first by the Suevi and shortly after by the Frisians, who sold several of them to the Romans and others, which led to the true details of their adventures being revealed.

The eight yéere of Agricola his gouernment. In summer next following, Agricola with his armie came to the mounteine of Granziben, where he vnderstood that his enimies were incamped, to the number of 30 thousand and aboue, and dailie there came to them more companie of the British youth, and such aged persons also as were lustie and in strength, able to weld weapon and beare armour. Amongst Galgagus whome the Scots name Gald and will néeds haue him a Scotish man. the capteins the chiefest was one Galgagus whom the Scotish chronicles name Gald. This man as chiefteine and head capteine of all the Britains there assembled, made to them a pithie oration, to incourage them to fight manfullie, and likewise did Agricola to his people: which being ended, the armies on both sides were put in order of battell. Agricola placed 8 thousand footmen of strangers which he had there in aid with him in the midst, appointing thrée thousand horssemen to stand on the sides of them as wings. The Romane legions stood at their backs in stéed of a bulworke. The Britains were imbattelled in such order, that their fore ward stood in the plaine ground, and the other on the side of an hill, as though they had risen on heigth one ranke aboue another. Corn. Tacit. The midst of the field was couered with their charrets and horssemen. Agricola doubting by the huge multitude of enimies, least his people should be assailed not onlie afront, but also vpon euerie side the battels, he caused the ranks so to place themselues, as their battels might stretch farre further in bredth than otherwise the order of warre required: but he tooke this to be a good remedie against such inconuenience as might haue followed, if the enimie by the narrownesse of the fronts of his battels should haue hemmed them in on ech side.

The eight years of Agricola's rule. In the summer that followed, Agricola and his army arrived at the mountain of Granziben, where he learned that his enemies were camped, numbering over 30,000, with more young British men and strong older individuals joining them daily, all capable of wielding weapons and wearing armor. Amongst them, the chief captain was Galgagus, whom the Scottish chronicles refer to as Gald. As the main leader of all the Britains gathered there, he gave them a stirring speech to encourage them to fight bravely, and Agricola did the same for his troops. Once the speeches were over, both armies organized themselves for battle. Agricola positioned 8,000 foreign foot soldiers in the center, placing 3,000 cavalry on the sides as wings. The Roman legions stood behind them as a bulwark. The Britains formed their ranks in such a way that their front line was on flat ground while the others were positioned on the slope of a hill, as if they were arranged in tiers. Corn. Understood. The middle of the field was covered with their chariots and cavalry. Agricola, concerned about the large number of enemies, worried that his forces might be attacked not only from the front but also from every side. He ordered the ranks to position themselves so their formations extended much wider than usual, which he thought would serve as a good strategy against the possible problems that could arise if the enemy managed to corner them from the narrow fronts of their formations.

This done, and hauing conceiued good hope of victorie, he alighted on foot, and putting his horsse from him, he stood before the standards as one not caring for anie danger that might happen. At the first they bestowed their shot and darts fréelie on both sides. The Britains aswell with constant manhood, as skilfull practise, with broad swords and little round bucklers auoided and beat from them the arrowes and darts that came from their enimies, and therewithall paid them home againe with their shot and darts, so that the Romans were néere hand oppressed therewith, bicause they came so thicke in their faces, till Betaui.
Congri.
at length Agricola caused thrée cohorts of Hollanders, & two of Lukeners to presse forward, & ioine with them at hand-strokes, so as the matter might come to be tried with the edge of the swoord, which thing as to them (being inured with that kind of fight) it stood greatlie with their aduantage, so to the Britains it was verie dangerous, that were to defend themselues with their mightie huge swoords and small bucklers. Also by reason their swoords were broad at the ends, and pointlesse, they auailed little to hurt the armed enimie. Wherevpon when the Hollanders came to ioine with them, they made fowle worke in sleaing and wounding them in most horrible wise.

Once this was done, and with a good sense of victory in mind, he got off his horse and, leaving it behind, stood before the banners as if he didn't care about any danger that might come his way. At first, both sides exchanged arrows and darts freely. The Britons, with steadfast bravery and skilled practice, used their broad swords and small round shields to deflect and fend off the arrows and darts from their enemies, while also returning fire with their own shots, so that the Romans were nearly overwhelmed by the sheer volume, as the projectiles came thick and fast. Eventually, Agricola ordered three cohorts of Dutchmen and two cohorts of Lukeners to push forward and engage in close combat, so that the fight could be settled with the sharp edge of the sword. For the Dutchmen, who were experienced in that style of fighting, this played to their advantage; however, it posed serious risks for the Britons, who had to defend themselves with their massive swords and small shields. Additionally, because their swords were broad at the ends and dull, they weren’t very effective against the armored enemy. Consequently, when the Dutchmen joined in with them, they wreaked havoc, killing and wounding in the most gruesome manner.

The horssemen also that made resistance they pulled from their horsses, and began to clime the hill vpon the Britains. The other bands desirous to match their fellowes in helping to atchiue the victorie, followed Hollanders. the Hollanders, and beat downe the Britains where they might approch to them: manie were ouerrun and left halfe dead, and some not once touched with anie weapon, were likewise ouerpressed, such hast the Romans made to follow vpon the Britains. Whilest the British horssemen fled, their charets ioined themselues with their footmen, and restoring the battell, put the Romans in such feare, that they were at a sudden stay: but the charets being troubled with prease of enimies, & vnéeuennesse[Page 509] of the ground, they could not worke their feat to anie purpose, neither had that fight anie resemblance of a battell of horssemen, when ech one so encumbred other, that they had no roome to stirre themselues. The charets oftentimes wanting their guiders were caried awaie with the horsses, that being put in feare with the noise and stur, ran hither and thither, bearing downe one another, and whomsoeuer else they met withall.

The horsemen who resisted dismounted and started to climb the hill toward the Britains. The other groups, eager to join their comrades in securing victory, followed the Hollanders and struck down the Britains wherever they could get close. Many were trampled and left half-dead, while some, untouched by any weapons, were also overwhelmed, as the Romans hurried to pursue the Britains. As the British horsemen fled, their chariots joined the foot soldiers, and regrouping the battle, put the Romans in such fear that they suddenly halted. However, the chariots, hindered by the press of enemies and uneven ground, couldn't maneuver effectively, and the fight bore no resemblance to a cavalry battle, as everyone was so crowded together that there was no space to move. The chariots, often without their drivers, were carried away by the horses, which, frightened by the noise and chaos, ran in every direction, trampling each other and anyone else they encountered.

Now the Britains that kept the top of the hils, and had not yet fought at all, despising the small number of the Romans, began to come downewards and to cast about, that they might set vpon the backs of their enimies, in hope so to make an end of the battell, and to win the victorie: but Agricola doubting no lesse, but that some such thing would come to passe, had aforehand foreséene the danger, and hauing reserued foure wings of horssemen for such sudden chances, sent them foorth against those Britains, the which horssemen with full randon charging vpon them as they rashlie came forwards, quicklie disordered them and put them all to flight, and so that purposed deuise and policie of the Britains turned to their owne hinderance. For their horssemen by their capteins appointment trauersing ouerthwart by the fronts of them that fought, set vpon that battell of the Britains which they found before them. Then in those open and plaine places a greeuous & heauie sight it was to behold, how they pursued, wounded, and tooke their enimies: and as they were aduised of other to slea those that they had before taken, to the end they might ouertake the other, there was nothing but fléeing, taking, and chasing, slaughter, spilling of bloud, scattering of weapons, grunting and groning of men and horsses that lay on the ground, gasping for breath, & readie to die.

Now the Britons who occupied the tops of the hills and hadn't yet fought, looking down on the small number of Romans, started to come down and strategize about attacking the backs of their enemies, hoping to end the battle and secure victory. But Agricola, suspecting this would happen, had already anticipated the danger. He had set aside four groups of horsemen for such emergencies and sent them against those Britons. The horsemen charged at them as they recklessly advanced, quickly disrupting their formation and sending them fleeing. The Britons' planned tactics turned against them. The horsemen, following their captain's orders, charged across the fronts of the Britons that were fighting, attacking the group they encountered. In those wide open areas, it was a grim sight to see how they pursued, wounded, and captured their enemies. As they thought about killing those they had captured to chase after others, it was chaos—there was nothing but fleeing, capturing, and chasing, slaughter, bloodshed, scattered weapons, and the groans of men and horses lying on the ground, gasping for breath and close to dying.

The Britains now and then as they saw their aduantage, namelie when they approched néere to the woods, gathered themselues togither, and set vpon the Romans as they followed vnaduisedlie, and further (through ignorance of the places) than stood with their suertie, insomuch that if Agricola had not prouided remedie, and sent foorth mightie bands of light armed men both on foot and horssebacke to close in the enimies, and also to beat the wood, some greater losse would haue followed through too much boldnes of them that too rashlie pursued vpon the Britains: who when they beheld the Romans thus to follow them in whole troops and good order of battell, they slipt awaie and tooke them to flight, ech one seeking to saue himselfe, and kept not togither in plumps as before they had doone. The night made an end of the chase which the Romans had followed till they were Ten thousand Britains slaine.
Aulus Atticus slaine.
throughlie wearied. There were slaine of the Britains that day 10000, and of the Romans 340, among whom Aulus Atticus a capteine of one of the cohorts or bands of footmen was one, who being mounted on horssebacke (through his owne too much youthfull courage, and fierce vnrulines of his horsse) was caried into the middle throng of his enimies, and there slaine.

The Britons, seeing their advantage, would often gather together as they got closer to the woods and launch attacks on the Romans, who followed carelessly and ventured further than was safe. If Agricola hadn't intervened by sending strong groups of lightly armed soldiers, both on foot and horseback, to surround the enemies and force them out of the woods, the Romans might have suffered greater losses due to the recklessness of those who pursued the Britons too aggressively. When the Britons saw the Romans advancing in large, organized groups, they scattered and fled, each trying to save themselves instead of staying grouped together as they had before. The chase ended with nightfall, leaving the Romans exhausted after pursuing the Britons until they were thoroughly worn out. Ten thousand Britons killed.
Aulus Atticus killed.
That day, 10,000 Britons were killed, compared to 340 Romans, among them Aulus Atticus, the captain of one of the cohorts. He was killed after being swept into the midst of his enemies due to his own youthful bravado and his horse's wildness.


The lamentable distresse and pitifull perplexitie of the Britains after their ouerthrow, Domitian enuieth Agricola the glorie of his victories, he is subtilie depriued of his deputiship, and Cneus Trebellius surrogated in his roome.

The unfortunate distress and sad confusion of the Britons after their defeat, Domitian envies Agricola for the glory of his victories; he is slyly stripped of his governorship, and Cneus Trebellius is appointed in his place.

THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.

The night insuing the foresaid ouerthrow of the Britains was spent of the Romans in great ioy & gladnes for the victorie atchiued. But among Britains, not Scots, neither yet Picts. the Britains there was nothing else heard but mourning and lamentation, both of men and women that were mingled togither, some busie to beare away the wounded, to bind and dresse their hurts; other calling for their sonnes, kinsfolkes and friends that were wanting. Manie of them forsooke their houses, and in their desperate mood set them on fire, and choosing foorth places for their better refuge and safegard,[Page 510] foorthwith misliking of the same, left them and sought others: herewith diuerse of them tooke counsell togither what they were best to doo, one while they were in hope, an other while they fainted, as people cast into vtter despaire: the beholding of their wiues and children oftentimes mooued them to attempt some new enterprise for the preseruation of their countrie and liberties. And certeine it is that some of them slue their wiues and children, as mooued thereto with a certeine fond regard of pitie to rid them out of further miserie and danger of thraldome.

The night after the mentioned defeat of the Britains was spent by the Romans in great joy and celebration for their victory. But among Britons, not Scots, and definitely not Picts. the Britains only heard mourning and lamentation, with men and women mixed together; some were busy carrying away the wounded, tending to their injuries, while others called out for their sons, relatives, and friends who were missing. Many of them abandoned their homes, and in their desperation set them on fire, searching for safer places, but often changed their minds and sought other locations. Along the way, several of them gathered to discuss what they should do next; sometimes they felt hopeful, while other times they despaired, like people thrown into utter hopelessness. Seeing their wives and children often prompted them to consider new actions for the preservation of their country and freedom. It's certain that some of them killed their wives and children, feeling a misguided sense of pity to spare them from further misery and the threat of slavery.

The next day the certeintie of the victorie more plainlie was disclosed, for all was quiet about, and no noise heard anie where: the houses appeared burning on ech side, and such as were sent foorth to discouer the countrie into euerie part thereof, saw not a creature stirring, for all the people were auoided and withdrawne a farre off.

The next day, the certainty of the victory became much clearer, as everything was quiet, and no noise was heard anywhere. The houses appeared to be burning on each side, and those who were sent out to explore the country in every direction saw not a single soul stirring, as all the people had fled and withdrawn far away.

When Agricola had thus ouerthrowne his enimies in a pitcht field at the mountaine of Granziben, and that the countrie was quite rid of all appearance of enimies: bicause the summer of this eight yéere of his gouernement was now almost spent, he brought his armie into the Hector Boet.
Cor. Tacitus.
confines of the Horrestians, which inhabited the countries now called Angus & Merne, and there intended to winter, and tooke hostages of the people for assurance of their loialtie and subiection. This doone, he appointed the admirall of the nauie to saile about the Ile, which accordinglie to his commission in that point receiued, luckilie accomplished his enterprise, and brought the nauie about againe into an An hauen called Trutulensis, peraduenture Rutupensis. hauen called Trutulensis.

When Agricola had defeated his enemies on the battlefield at the mountain of Granziben, and the country was completely free of any signs of foes, he brought his army into the territory of the Horrestians, who lived in the areas now known as Angus and Merne, intending to spend the winter there. He took hostages from the locals to ensure their loyalty and submission. After this, he instructed the admiral of the navy to sail around the island. Following his orders, the admiral successfully completed his mission and brought the navy back into a harbor called Trutulensis.

In this meane time, whiles Iulius Agricola was thus occupied in Britaine, both the emperour Vespasianus, and also his brother Titus that succéeded him, departed this life, and Domitianus was elected emperor, who hearing of such prosperous successe as Agricola had against the Britains, did not so much reioise for the thing well doone, as he enuied to consider what glorie and renowme should redound to Agricola thereby, which he perceiued should much darken the glasse of his fame, hauing a priuate person vnder him, who in woorthinesse of noble exploits atchiued, farre excelled his dooings.

In the meantime, while Julius Agricola was busy in Britain, both Emperor Vespasian and his brother Titus, who succeeded him, passed away, and Domitian was elected emperor. When he heard about Agricola’s successful campaigns against the Britons, he didn't rejoice in the achievement but instead envied the glory and recognition that would come to Agricola. He realized that Agricola’s success would overshadow his own reputation, as he had a subordinate who had far outperformed him in noble achievements.

To find remedie therefore herein, he thought not good to vtter his malice as yet, whilest Agricola remained in Britaine with an armie, which so much fauoured him, and that with so good cause, sith by his policie and noble conduct the same had obteined so manie victories, so much honor, and such plentie of spoiles and booties. Wherevpon to dissemble his intent, he appointed to reuoke him foorth of Britaine, as it were to honor him, not onelie with deserued triumphs, but also with the lieutenantship of Syria, which as then was void by the death of Aulius Rufus. Thus Agricola being countermanded home to Rome, deliuered Cneus Trebellius alias Salustius Lucullus as some thinke. his prouince vnto his successor Cneus Trebellius, appointed thereto by the emperour Domitianus, in good quiet and safegard.

To find a solution to this situation, he decided it wasn't a good idea to reveal his hostility yet, while Agricola was still in Britain with an army that supported him so well, and for good reason, since through his strategy and noble leadership, he had achieved so many victories, earned much honor, and gathered a great deal of spoils. Therefore, to hide his true intentions, he planned to recall him from Britain, as if to honor him not only with well-deserved triumphs but also with the governorship of Syria, which was vacant due to the death of Aulius Rufus. Thus, Agricola was ordered back to Rome, and he handed over his province to his successor, Cneus Trebellius, who had been appointed by Emperor Domitian, in good order and safety.

¶ Thus may you sée in what state Britaine stood in the daies of king Marius, of whome Tacitus maketh no mention at all. Some haue written, that the citie of Chester was builded by this Marius, though other (as before I haue said) thinke rather that it was the worke of Ostorius Fabian. Scapula their legat. Touching other the dooings of Agricola, in the Scotish chronicle you maie find more at large set foorth: for that which I haue written héere, is but to shew what in effect Cornelius Tacitus writeth of that which Agricola did here in Britaine, without making mention either of Scots or Picts, onelie naming them Britains, Horrestians, and Calidoneans, who inhabited in those daies a part of this Ile which now we call Scotland, the originall of which countrie, and the inhabitants of the same, is greatlie controuersed among writers; diuerse diuerslie descanting therevpon, some fetching their reason from the etymon of the word which is Gréeke, some from the opening of their ancestors as they find the same remaining in records; other some from comparing antiquities togither, and aptlie collecting the truth as néere as they can. But to omit them, and returne to the continuation of our owne historie.

¶ So you can see in what condition Britain was during the days of King Marius, of whom Tacitus makes no mention at all. Some have written that the city of Chester was built by this Marius, though others (as I mentioned before) believe it was actually the work of Ostorius Fabian. Scapula, their legate. Regarding the other actions of Agricola, you can find more detailed accounts in the Scottish chronicle; what I've written here is just to show what Cornelius Tacitus says about Agricola's activities in Britain, without mentioning the Scots or Picts, only referring to them as Britains, Horrestians, and Calidoneans, who inhabited part of this island that we now call Scotland. The origins of this country and its inhabitants are greatly debated among writers, with various opinions presented—some deriving their reasoning from the Greek etymology of the word, others examining the records of their ancestors, and yet others comparing antiquities and collecting the truth as closely as they can. But let’s set those aside and return to the continuation of our own history.


[Page 511]

[Page 511]

Of Coillus the sonne of Marius, his education in Rome, how long he reigned: of Lucius his sonne and successor, what time he assumed the gouernment of this land, he was an open professor of christian religion, he and his familie are baptised, Britaine receiueth the faith, 3 archbishops and 28 bishops at that time in this Iland, Westminster church and S. Peters in Cornehill builded, diuers opinions touching the time of Lucius his reigne, of his death, and when the christian faith was receiued in this Iland.

About Coillus, the son of Marius, his education in Rome, how long he reigned: about Lucius, his son and successor, when he took over the leadership of this land, he was an open advocate for the Christian faith, he and his family got baptized, Britain accepted Christianity, with 3 archbishops and 28 bishops at that time on this island, Westminster Church and St. Peter's in Cornhill built, various opinions regarding the time of Lucius' reign, his death, and when the Christian faith was accepted on this island.

THE 19. CHAPTER.

COILLUS. 125. Coillus the sonne of Marius was after his fathers deceasse made king of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord 125. This Coillus or Coill was brought vp in his youth amongst the Romans at Rome, where he spent his time not vnprofitablie, but applied himselfe to learning & seruice in the warres, by reason whereof he was much honored of the Romans, and he likewise honored and loued them, so that he paied his tribute truelie all the time of his reigne, and therefore liued in peace and good quiet. He was also a prince of much bountie, and verie liberall, whereby he obteined great loue both of his nobles and commons. Some Colchester built. saie, that he made the towne of Colchester in Essex, but others write, that Coill which reigned next after Asclepiodotus was the first founder of that towne, but by other it should séeme to be built long before, being called Camelodunum. Finallie when this Coill had reigned the space of 54 yeares, he departed this life at Yorke, leauing after him a sonne named Lucius, which succéeded in the kingdome.

COILLUS. 125. Coillus, the son of Marius, became king of Britain after his father's death in the year 125 AD. Coillus, or Coill, grew up among the Romans in Rome, where he spent his time valuably, engaging in learning and military service. Because of this, he was highly respected by the Romans and returned their respect and affection, paying his tribute honestly throughout his reign, which allowed him to live in peace and tranquility. He was also a generous and very liberal prince, earning great admiration from both his nobles and common people. Some say he established the town of Colchester in Essex, while others assert that Coill, who reigned after Asclepiodotus, was the first to found that town, though some believe it was built long before and was originally called Camelodunum. Finally, after reining for 54 years, Coill passed away in York, leaving behind a son named Lucius, who succeeded him as king.

LUCIUS. Lucius the sonne of Coillus, whose surname (as saith William Harison) is not extant, began his reigne ouer the Britains about the yeare of our Lord 180, as Fabian following the authoritie of Peter Pictauiensis saith, although other writers seeme to disagrée in that account, as by the same Fabian in the table before his booke partlie appeareth, wherevnto Matthæus Westmonasteriensis affirmeth, that this Lucius was borne in the yeare of our Lord 115, and was crowned king in the yeare 124, as successor to his father Coillus, which died the same yeare, being of great age yer the said Lucius was borne. It is noted by antiquaries, that his entrance was in the 4132 of the world, 916 after the building of Rome, 220 after the comming of Cesar into Britaine, and 165. 165 after Christ, whose accounts I follow in this treatise.

LUCIUS. Lucius, the son of Coillus, whose last name (as stated by William Harison) is unknown, began his reign over Britain around the year 180 AD. This is according to Fabian, who follows the account of Peter Pictaviensis, although other writers seem to disagree, as partially indicated by the same Fabian in the table before his book. In this, Matthæus Westmonasteriensis claims that Lucius was born in 115 AD and was crowned king in 124 AD, succeeding his father Coillus, who died that same year, having been quite old by the time Lucius was born. Antiquarians note that his reign began in the 4132nd year of the world, 916 years after the founding of Rome, 220 years after Caesar's arrival in Britain, and 165 years after Christ, which are the accounts I follow in this treatise.

This Lucius is highlie renowmed of the writers, for that he was the first king of the Britains that receiued the faith of Iesus Christ: for being inspired by the spirit of grace and truth, euen from the beginning of his reigne, he somewhat leaned to the fauoring of Christian religion, being moued with the manifest miracles which the Christians dailie wrought in witnesse and proofe of their sound and perfect doctrine. For euen from the daies of Ioseph of Arimathia and his fellowes, or what other godlie men first taught the Britains the gospell of our Sauiour there remained amongest the same Britains some christians which ceased not to teach and preach the word of God most sincerelie vnto them: but yet no king amongst them openlie professed that religion, till at length this Lucius perceiuing not onelie some of the Romane lieutenants in Britaine as Trebellius and Pertinax, with others, to haue submitted themselues to that profession, but also the emperour himselfe to begin to be fauorable to them that professed it, he tooke occasion by their good example to giue eare more attentiuelie vnto the gospell, and at length sent vnto Eleutherius bishop of Rome two learned men of the British nation, Eluane and Meduine, requiring him to send some such ministers as might instruct him and his people in the true faith more plentifullie, and to baptise them according to the rules of christian religion.

This Lucius is highly renowned among writers because he was the first king of the Britons to embrace the faith of Jesus Christ. Inspired by the spirit of grace and truth from the start of his reign, he leaned towards supporting the Christian religion, influenced by the evident miracles that Christians performed daily as evidence of their solid and perfect doctrine. From the days of Joseph of Arimathea and his companions, or other devout individuals who initially taught the Britons the gospel of our Savior, there were some Christians among them who continuously taught and preached the word of God sincerely. However, no king openly professed that faith until eventually Lucius, noticing that some of the Roman lieutenants in Britain, like Trebellius and Pertinax, along with others, had embraced that faith, and also seeing the emperor himself becoming favorable to those who professed it, took the opportunity to pay closer attention to the gospel. He eventually sent two educated men from Britain, Eluane and Meduine, to Eleutherius, the bishop of Rome, asking him to send ministers who could more thoroughly instruct him and his people in the true faith and to baptize them according to Christian principles.

Fol. 119. ¶ The reuerend father Iohn Iewell, sometime bishop of Salisburie, writeth in his * replie vnto Hardings answer, that the said Eleutherius, for generall order to be taken in the realme and churches héere, wrote his aduice to Lucius in maner and forme following. "You[Page 512] haue receiued in the kingdome of Britaine, by Gods mercie, both the law and faith of Christ; ye haue both the new and the old testament, out of the same through Gods grace, by the aduise of your realme make a law, and by the same through Gods sufferance rule you your kingdome of Britaine, for in that kingdome you are Gods vicar."

Fol. 119. ¶ The reverend Father John Jewel, former bishop of Salisbury, writes in his *reply to Harding's answer that Eleutherius, in seeking to establish order in the kingdom and churches here, sent his advice to Lucius in the following manner: "You[Page 512] have received in the kingdom of Britain, by God's mercy, both the law and faith of Christ; you have both the New and the Old Testament. By God's grace, with the counsel of your realm, make a law, and through God's will, govern your kingdom of Britain, for in this kingdom, you are God's representative."

Herevpon were sent from the said Eleutherius two godlie learned men, the one named Fugatius, and the other Damianus, the which baptised the king with all his familie and people, and therewith remoued the Britaine receiueth the faith. worshipping of idols and false gods, and taught the right meane and waie how to worship the true and immortall God. There were in those daies within the bounds of Britaine 28 Flamines, & thrée Archflamines, which were as bishops and archbishops, or superintendents of the pagan or heathen religion, in whose place (they being remoued) were instituted 28 bishops & thrée archbishops of the christian religion. One of the which archbishops held his sée at London, another at Yorke, Matth. West. and the third at Caerleon Arwiske in Glamorganshire. Vnto the archbishop of London was subiect Cornewall, and all the middle part of England, euen vnto Humber. To the archbishop of Yorke all the north parts of Britaine from the riuer of Humber vnto the furthest partes of Scotland. And to the archbishop of Caerleon was subiect all Wales, within which countrie as then were seuen bishops, where now there are but foure. The riuer of Seuern in those daies diuided Wales (then called Cambria) from the other parts of Britaine. Thus Britaine partlie Iosephus of Arimathia. by the meanes of Ioseph of Arimathia (of whome ye haue heard before) & partlie by the wholesome instructions & doctrines of Fugatius and Damianus, was the first of all other regions that openlie receiued the gospell, and continued most stedfast in that profession, till the cruell furie of Dioclesian persecuted the same, in such sort, that as well in Britaine as in all other places of the world, the christian religion was in manner extinguished, and vtterlie destroied.

Then, from Eleutherius, two devout learned men were sent, one named Fugatius and the other Damianus. They baptized the king along with his family and people, and removed the worship of idols and false gods, teaching the proper way to worship the true and immortal God. At that time, there were 28 Flamines and three Archflamines within the bounds of Britain, serving as bishops and archbishops, or overseers of the pagan religion. After their removal, 28 bishops and three archbishops of the Christian faith were appointed in their place. One of these archbishops held his seat in London, another in York, and the third in Caerleon Arwiske in Glamorgan. The archbishop of London oversaw Cornwall and all the central part of England, up to the Humber. The archbishop of York was responsible for all northern Britain from the Humber river to the farthest parts of Scotland. The archbishop of Caerleon had authority over all of Wales, which then had seven bishops, whereas now there are only four. The Severn River at that time separated Wales (then called Cambria) from the other parts of Britain. Thus, Britain, partly through the efforts of Joseph of Arimathea, whom you have heard of before, and partly through the teachings and guidance of Fugatius and Damianus, was the first of all regions to openly receive the gospel and remained steadfast in that belief until the brutal fury of Diocletian persecuted it, almost extinguishing the Christian faith, completely destroying it in Britain and in many other places around the world.

Polydor. Westminster Church built. There be that affirme, how this Lucius should build the church of saint Peter at Westminster, though manie attribute that act vnto Sibert king of the east Saxons, and write how the place was then ouergrowne with thornes and bushes, and thereof tooke the name, and was called Thorney. They ad moreouer that Thomas archbishop of London preached, read, and ministred the sacraments there to such as made resort vnto him. Howbeit by the tables hanging in the reuestrie of saint Paules at London, and also a table sometime hanging in saint Peters church in Cornehill, it should séeme that the said church of saint Peter in Cornehill was the same that Lucius builded. But herein (saith Harison anno mundi 4174) dooth lie a scruple. Sure Cornell might soone be mistaken for Thorney, speciallie in such old records, as time, age, & euill handling haue oftentimes defaced.

Polydor. Westminster Church constructed. Some believe that Lucius should build the church of Saint Peter at Westminster, although many credit this act to Sibert, king of the East Saxons, and mention that the area was then overgrown with thorns and bushes, which is how it got its name, Thorney. They also add that Thomas, the archbishop of London, preached, read, and administered sacraments there to those who came to him. However, from the tables that used to hang in the vestry of St. Paul's in London, and also a table that once hung in St. Peter's Church in Cornhill, it seems that the church of St. Peter in Cornhill is the same one that Lucius built. But here, Harison (in the year of the world 4174) points out that there is a discrepancy. It's easy to confuse Cornhill for Thorney, especially in such old records, which time, age, and poor handling have often damaged.

But howsoeuer the case standeth, truth it is, that Lucius reioising much, in that he had brought his people to the perfect light and vnderstanding of the true God, that they néeded not to be deceiued anie longer with the craftie temptations and feigned miracles of wicked spirits, he abolished all prophane worshippings of false gods, and conuerted all such temples as had béene dedicated to their seruice, vnto the vse of christian religion: and thus studieng onlie how to aduance the glorie of the immortall God, and the knowledge of his word, without seeking the vaine glorie of worldlie triumph, which is got with slaughter and bloudshed of manie a giltlesse person, he left his kingdome; though not inlarged with broder dominion than he receiued it, yet greatlie augmented and inriched with quiet rest, good ordinances, and (that which is more to be estéemed than all the rest) adorned with Christes religion, and perfectlie instructed with his most holie word Polydor.
Fabian.
Iohn Hard.
and doctrine. He reigned (as some write) 21 yeares, though other affirme but twelue yeares. Againe, some testifie that he reigned 77, others 54, and 43.

But however things were, the truth is that Lucius was very happy that he had brought his people to a clear understanding of the true God, so they no longer needed to be misled by the deceptive temptations and fake miracles of evil spirits. He ended all worship of false gods and converted the temples dedicated to them for the Christian faith. Focused solely on advancing the glory of the immortal God and spreading His word, without seeking the empty glory of worldly triumph, which comes from the slaughter and bloodshed of many innocent people, he left his kingdom. Although he didn’t expand his territory beyond what he received, he greatly enriched it with peace, good laws, and, most importantly, adorned it with Christ's religion and perfectly instructed with His most holy word and teachings. He is said to have reigned for 21 years, according to some, though others state it was only 12 years. Again, some sources claim he reigned for 77, others for 54, and others for 43. Polydor.
Fabian.
John Hard.

Moreouer here is to be noted, that if he procured the faith of Christ to be planted within this realme in the time of Eleutherius the Romane bishop, the same chanced in the daies of the emperour Marcus Aurelius Antonius; and about the time that Lucius Aurelius Commodus was ioined and made partaker of the empire with his father, which was seuen yéere after the death of Lucius Aelius, Aurelius Verus, and in the 177 after[Page 513] the birth of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, as by some chronologies is easie to be collected. For Eleutherius began to gouerne the sée of Rome in the yéere 169, according to the opinion of the most diligent chronographers of our time, and gouerned fiftéene yeeres and thirtéene Gal. Mon.
Matth. West.
daies. And yet there are that affirme, how Lucius died at Glocester in the yéere of our Lord 156. Other say that he died in the yere 201, and other 208. So that the truth of this historie is brought into doubt by the discord of writers, concerning the time and other circumstances, although they all agrée that in this kings daies the christian faith was first by publike consent openlie receiued and professed in this Polydor. land, which as some affirme, should chance in the twelfe yéere of his reigne, and in the yéere of our Lord 177. Other iudge that it came to passe in the eight yeere of his regiment, and in the yéere of our Lord 188, where other (as before is said) alledge that it was in the yéere Nauclerus. of the Lord 179. Nauclerus saith, that this happened about the yeare of
Hen. Herf.
our Lord 156. And Henricus de Herfordea supposeth, that it was in the yéere of our Lord 169, and in the nintéenth yéere of the emperor Marcus Antonius Verus; and after other, about the sixt yéere of the emperor Commodus.

Moreover, it should be noted that if he secured the spread of the faith of Christ in this realm during the time of Eleutherius, the Roman bishop, this also occurred during the reign of Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus; specifically around the time when Lucius Aurelius Commodus shared the empire with his father, seven years after the death of Lucius Aelius, Aurelius Verus, and in the year 177 after the birth of our Savior Jesus Christ, as can be easily gathered from some chronologies. Eleutherius began to govern the see of Rome in the year 169, according to the views of the most diligent chronographers of our time, and he ruled for fifteen years and thirteen days. However, some claim that Lucius died in Gloucester in the year 156 AD. Others say that he died in the year 201, while others argue for 208. Thus, the truth of this history is called into question by the conflicting accounts of writers regarding the timing and other details, although they all agree that during this king's reign, the Christian faith was first publicly embraced and professed in this land, which some say happened in the twelfth year of his reign, and in the year 177 AD. Others believe it occurred in the eighth year of his rule, and in the year 188 AD, while others (as stated before) claim it was in the year 179 AD. Nauclerus states that this took place around the year 156 AD. And Henricus de Hereford thinks it was in the year 169 AD, in the nineteenth year of Emperor Marcus Antonius Verus; and according to others, around the sixth year of Emperor Commodus.

But to conclude, king Lucius died without issue, by reason whereof after his deceasse the Britains fell at variance, which continued about Fabian. the space of fiftéene yéeres (as Fabian thinketh) howbeit the old English chronicle affirmeth, that the contention betwixt them remained Caxton.
Iohn Hard.
fiftie yéeres, though Harding affirmeth but foure yéeres. And thus much of the Britains, and their kings Coilus and Lucius. Now it resteth to speake somewhat of the Romans which gouerned here in the meane while. After that Agricola was called backe to Rome, the Britains (and namelie those that inhabited beyond Tweed) partlie being weakned of their former strength, and partlie in consideration of their pledges, which they had deliuered to the Romans, remained in peace certeine yéeres.

But to wrap things up, King Lucius died without an heir, which is why, after his death, the Britons fell into conflict, a struggle that lasted about fifteen years (according to Fabian). However, the old English chronicle states that the fighting among them went on for fifty years, though Harding claims it was only four years. This is the story of the Britons and their kings Coilus and Lucius. Now, it’s time to talk a bit about the Romans who were in charge during this time. After Agricola was called back to Rome, the Britons (especially those living beyond the Tweed) were partly weakened from their previous strength, and partly due to the pledges they had made to the Romans, they remained at peace for several years.


The Britains after the deceasse of Lucius (who died without issue) rebell against the Romans, the emperor Adrian comming in his owne person into Britaine appeaseth the broile, they go about to recouer their libertie against the Romans, but are suppressed by Lollius the Romane lieutenant; the vigilantnesse or wakefulnesie of Marcellus, and his policie to keepe the souldiers waking, the Britains being ruled by certeine meane gentlemen of Perhennis appointing doo falselie accuse him to the emperor Commodus, he is mangled and murthered of his souldiers.

After Lucius passed away (without an heir), the Britains rebelled against the Romans. Emperor Hadrian came to Britain himself to settle the conflict. They tried to regain their freedom from the Romans but were defeated by Lollius, the Roman lieutenant. The diligence of Marcellus and his strategies to keep the soldiers alert were effective, but the Britains, led by a few local gentlemen from Perhennis, falsely accused him to Emperor Commodus, resulting in his brutal murder at the hands of his own soldiers.

THE XX. CHAPTER.

CNEUS TREBELLIUS LIEUTENANT. In the meane time the Romane lieutenant Cneus Trebellius that succéeded Iulius Agricola, could not foresee all things so preciselie but that the souldiers waxing vnrulie by reason of long rest, fell at variance among themselues, and would not in the end obey the lieutenant, but disquieted the Britains beyond measure. Wherefore the Britains perceiuing themselues sore oppressed with intollerable bondage, and that dailie the same incresed, they conspired togither, vpon hope to recouer libertie, and to defend their countrie by all meanes possible, and herewith they tooke weapon in hand against the Romans, and boldlie assailed them: but this they did yet warilie, and so, that they might flie vnto the woods and bogs for refuge vpon necessitie, according to the maner of their countrie. Herevpon diuers slaughters were committed on both parties, and all the countrie was now readie to rebell: whereof when the emperour Adrian was aduertised from Trebellius the lieutenant, with all conuenient speed he passed ouer into Britaine, and quieted all the Ile, vsing great humanitie towards the inhabitants; and making small account of that part where the Scots now inhabit, either bicause of the barrennesse thereof, or for that by reason of the nature of the countrie he thought it would be hard to be kept vnder subiection, he[Page 514] The wall of Adrian built.
Spartianus.
deuised to diuide it from the residue of Britaine, and so caused a wall to be made from the mouth of Tine vnto the water of Eske, which wall contained in length 30 miles.

Cneus Trebellius, Lieutenant. In the meantime, the Roman lieutenant Cneus Trebellius, who succeeded Julius Agricola, couldn't predict everything precisely. As a result, the soldiers, growing restless from being on break for too long, started to fight among themselves and ultimately refused to obey the lieutenant. This caused significant distress for the Britons. Seeing themselves severely oppressed by unbearable control, and that the situation was only getting worse, they conspired together in hopes of regaining their freedom and defending their country by any means necessary. They armed themselves and boldly attacked the Romans, but they did so carefully, ensuring they could retreat to the woods and marshes for safety if needed, following their traditional ways. This led to many casualties on both sides, and the entire region was ready to rebel. Upon learning about this from Trebellius, Emperor Hadrian quickly traveled to Britain and pacified the entire island, showing great kindness towards the inhabitants. He paid little attention to the area where the Scots now live, perhaps due to its barrenness or because he believed it would be difficult to maintain control over it due to the nature of the landscape. He[Page 514] The wall built by Adrian.
Spartianus.
decided to separate it from the rest of Britain, and ordered the construction of a wall from the mouth of the Tyne to the river Esk, which would stretch 30 miles in length.

After this, the Britains bearing a malicious hatred towards the Romane souldiers, and repining to be kept vnder the bond of seruitude, eftsoones went about to recouer libertie againe. Whereof aduertisement Lollius Vrbicus lieutenant. being giuen, the emperour Pius Antoninus sent ouer Lollius Vrbicus as lieutenant into Britaine, who by sundrie battels striken, constreined the Britains to remaine in quiet, and causing those that inhabited in the north parts to remooue further off from the confines of the Romane Julius Capitol. An other wall built. prouince, raised another wall beyond that which the emperor Adrian had made, as is to be supposed, for the more suertie of the Romane subiects against the inuasion of the enimies. But yet Lollius did not so make an end of the warrs, but that the Britains shortlie after attempted afresh, either to reduce their state into libertie, or to bring the same into further danger.

After this, the Britons, harboring a deep resentment towards the Roman soldiers and unwilling to remain under the yoke of servitude, soon sought to regain their freedom. Upon hearing this news, Lollius Urbicus, the lieutenant, the Emperor Pius Antoninus sent Lollius Urbicus to Britain as lieutenant. Through various battles fought, he forced the Britons to settle down and made those living in the northern areas move further away from the borders of the Roman Julius Capitol. Another wall constructed. province. He constructed another wall beyond the one Emperor Hadrian had built, presumably for the greater safety of the Roman subjects against enemy invasions. However, Lollius did not completely end the wars, as the Britons shortly afterwards made another attempt, either to regain their freedom or to create further trouble.

CALPHURNIUS AGRICOLA.
Of the doings of this Calphurnius in Britaine ye may read more in the Scotish chronicle.
Dion Cassius. Wherevpon Marcus Antonius that succéeded Pius, sent Calphurnius Agricola to succéed Lollius in the gouernement of Britaine, the which easilie ouercame and subdued all his enimies. After this there chanced some trouble in the daies of the emperour Commodus the son of Marcus Antonius and his successor in the empire: for the Britans that dwelled northwards, beyond Adrians wall, brake through the same, and spoiled a great part of the countrie, against whom the Romane lieutenant for that time being come foorth, gaue them battell: but both he and the Romane souldiers that were with him, were beaten downe and slaine.

CALPHURNIUS AGRICOLA.
You can find out more about Calphurnius's actions in Britain in the Scottish chronicle.
Dion Cassius. After this, Marcus Antonius, who succeeded Pius, sent Calphurnius Agricola to take over from Lollius as the governor of Britain, where he easily defeated and subdued all his enemies. However, during the reign of Emperor Commodus, the son of Marcus Antonius and his successor, some trouble arose: the Britons living north of Hadrian's Wall broke through it and ravaged a large part of the country. In response, the Roman lieutenant at that time went out to confront them, but both he and the Roman soldiers with him were defeated and killed.

Vlpius Marcellus lieutenant. With which newes Commodus being sore amazed, sent against the Britains one Vlpius Marcellus, a man of great diligence and temperance, but therewith rough and nothing gentle. He vsed the same kind of diet that the common souldiers did vse. He was a capteine much watchfull, as one contented with verie little sléepe, and desirous to haue his souldiers also vigilant and carefull to kéepe sure watch in the night season. Euerie euening he would write twelue tables, such as they vsed to make on the lind trée, and deliuering them to one of his seruants, appointed him to beare them at seuerall houres of the night to sundrie souldiers, whereby supposing that their generall was still watching and not gone to bed, they might be in doubt to sléepe.

Lt. Vlpius Marcellus. When Commodus heard this news, he was very shocked and sent a man named Vlpius Marcellus to the Britains. Marcellus was very hardworking and disciplined, but he was also harsh and not at all gentle. He ate the same kind of food that the regular soldiers did. He was a very watchful captain, satisfied with very little sleep, and he wanted his soldiers to be alert and careful to keep a good watch at night. Every evening, he would write twelve notes, similar to those made on linden tree bark, and he would give them to one of his servants, instructing him to deliver them at different times during the night to various soldiers. This way, the soldiers would think that their general was still awake and hadn't gone to bed, which would make them hesitate to fall asleep.

And although of nature he could well absteine from sléepe, yet to be the better able to forbeare it, he vsed a maruellous spare kind of diet: for to the end that he would not fill himselfe too much with bread, he would eat none but such as was brought to him from Rome, so that more than necessitie compelled him he could not eat, by reason that the stalenesse tooke awaie the pleasant tast thereof, and lesse prouoked his appetite. He was a maruellous contemner of monie, so that bribes might not mooue him to doo otherwise than dutie required. This Marcellus being of such disposition, sore afflicted the Britains, and put them oftentimes to great losses: through fame wherof, Cōmodus enuieng his renowme was after in mind to make him away, but yet spared him for a further purpose, and suffered him to depart.

And even though he could easily go without sleep, he followed a remarkably strict diet to help him do so. To avoid overindulging in bread, he only ate what was sent to him from Rome, and he found that he could only eat as much as necessity required because the stale bread lost its pleasant taste and didn’t stimulate his appetite. He had a remarkable contempt for money, so no bribes could sway him to act against his duty. This disposition of Marcellus caused great suffering for the Britons, leading to significant losses for them. Because of his reputation, Commodus, envious of his fame, was later tempted to have him killed but ultimately held back for a different purpose and allowed him to go free.

Perhennis capteine of the emperours gard. After he was remooued from the gouernment of Britaine, one Perhennis capteine of the emperors gard (or pretorian souldiers as they were then called) bearing all the rule vnder the emperor Commodus, appointed certeine gentlemen of meane calling to gouerne the armie in Britaine. Which fond substituting of such petie officers to ouersée and ouerrule the people, was to them an occasion of hartgrudge, and to him a meanes of finall mischéefe: both which it is likelie he might haue auoided, had he béene prouident in his deputation. For the souldiers in the same Aelius Lampridius. armie grudging and repining to be gouerned by men of base degree, in respect of those that had borne rule ouer them before, being honorable personages, as senators, and of the consular dignitie, they fell at square among themselues, and about fiftéene hundred of them departed towards Rome to exhibit their complaint against Perhennis: for whatsoeuer was amisse, the blame was still laid to him. They passed foorth without impeachment at all, and comming to Rome, the emperour[Page 515] himselfe came foorth to vnderstand what they meant by this their comming in such sort from the place where they were appointed to serue. Their answer was, that they were come to informe him of the treason which Perhennis had deuised to his destruction, that he might make his son emperor. To the which accusation when Commodus too lightlie gaue eare, & beléeued it to be true, namelie, through the setting on of one Cleander, who hated Perhennis, for that he brideled him from dooing diuerse vnlawfull acts, which he went about vpon a wilfull mind (without all reason and modestie) to practise; the matter was so handled in the end, that Perhennis was deliuered to the souldiers, who cruellie mangled him, and presentlie put him to a pitifull death.

Perhennis, captain of the emperor's guard. After he was removed from governing Britain, Perhennis, the captain of the emperor’s guard (or praetorian soldiers as they were then called), appointed certain gentlemen of modest means to lead the army in Britain. This foolish choice of such low-ranking officers to oversee and control the people caused dissatisfaction among them and ultimately led to his downfall. It’s likely he could have avoided both issues had he been more careful with his appointments. The soldiers in that same Aelius Lampridius. army resented being governed by men of lower status, especially compared to those who had previously held authority over them—honorable individuals like senators and those of consular rank. They quarreled among themselves, and about fifteen hundred of them made their way to Rome to lodge their complaints against Perhennis; for whatever went wrong, he was always blamed. They proceeded without any interference and, upon arriving in Rome, the emperor[Page 515] himself came out to understand the reason for their unexpected arrival from their designated post. Their response was that they had come to inform him of the treason that Perhennis had plotted against him, intending to make his son emperor. When Commodus too readily listened to this accusation and believed it to be true—prompted by one Cleander, who disliked Perhennis because he had prevented him from carrying out various unlawful acts he wanted to pursue without thought or restraint—the matter was ultimately dealt with in such a way that Perhennis was handed over to the soldiers, who brutally mutilated him and swiftly executed him in a tragic manner.


Pertinax is sent as lieutenant into Britaine, he is in danger to be slaine of the souldiers, he riddeth himselfe of that perilous office: Albinus with an armie of Britains fighteth against Seuerus and his power neere to Lions, Seuerus is slaine in a conflict against the Picts, Geta and Bassianus two brethren make mutuall warre for the regiment of the land, the one is slaine, the other ruleth.

Pertinax is appointed as lieutenant in Britain, and he's at risk of being killed by the soldiers, so he gets out of that dangerous position. Albinus leads an army of Britons against Severus and his forces near Lyons. Severus is killed in a battle against the Picts. Geta and Bassianus, two brothers, engage in a civil war for control of the country; one is killed, and the other takes charge.

THE XXJ CHAPTER.

Pertinax lieutenant of Britaine. Now will we saie somewhat of the tumults in Britaine. It was thought néedfull to send some sufficient capteine of autoritie thither; and therefore was one Pertinax that had béene consull and ruler ouer foure seuerall consular prouinces, appointed by Commodus to go as lieutenant into that Ile, both for that he was thought a man most méet for such a charge, and also to satisfie his credit, for that he had béene discharged by Perhennis of bearing anie rule, and sent home into Liguria where he was borne, and there appointed to remaine. This Pertinax comming into Britaine, pacified the armie, but not without The lieutenant in danger. danger to haue béene slaine by a mutinie raised by one of the legions: for he was stricken downe, and left for dead among the slaine carcasses. But he woorthilie reuenged himselfe of this iniurie. At length, hauing chastised the rebels, and brought the Ile into méetelie good quiet, he sued and obteined to be discharged of that roome, because as he alledged, the souldiers could not brooke him, for that he kept them in dutifull obedience, by correcting such as offended the lawes of armes.

Pertinax, governor of Britain. Now let's talk a bit about the unrest in Britain. It was deemed necessary to send a capable leader with authority there, so Pertinax, who had been consul and overseen four different consular provinces, was appointed by Commodus to serve as lieutenant on that island. He was considered the best fit for this role, and it also helped recover his reputation since he had been dismissed by Perhennis from any leadership position and sent back to Liguria, where he was originally from, and where he was supposed to stay. When Pertinax arrived in Britain, he managed to calm the army, but not without the risk of being killed in a mutiny stirred up by one of the legions: he was struck down and left for dead among the fallen bodies. However, he rightly took revenge for this wrong. Eventually, after punishing the rebels and restoring a reasonably good order to the island, he requested and got discharged from that position, claiming that the soldiers couldn't tolerate him because he kept them in proper discipline by punishing those who broke the military laws.

CLODIUS ALBINUS LIEUTENAT. Then was Clodius Albinus appointed to haue the rule of the Romane armie in Britaine: whose destruction when Seuerus the emperour sought, Albinus perceiued it quicklie: and therefore choosing foorth a great power of Britains, passed with the same ouer into France to encounter with Seuerus, who was come thither towards him, so that néere to the citie of Lions they ioined in battell and fought right sore, in so much that Seuerus was at point to haue receiued the ouerthrow by the high prowesse and manhood of the Britains: but yet in the end Albinus lost the field, and was slaine. Then Heraclitus as lieutenant began to gouerne Britaine (as writeth Spartianus) being sent thither by Seuerus for that purpose before. And such was the state of this Ile about the yeare of our Lord 195. In which season, because that king Lucius was dead, and had left no issue to succéed him, the Britains (as before ye haue heard) were at variance amongst themselues, and so continued till the comming of Seuerus, whome the British chronographers affirme to reigne as king in this Ile, & that by right of succession in bloud, as descended of Androgeus the Britaine, which went to Rome with Iulius Cesar, as before ye haue heard.

Clodius Albinus, Lieutenant. Then Clodius Albinus was appointed to lead the Roman army in Britain. When Emperor Severus sought to destroy him, Albinus quickly realized this and chose a strong force of Britons to cross over into France to confront Severus, who was advancing towards him. They met in battle near the city of Lyon and fought fiercely, to the point where Severus was close to being defeated due to the bravery and skill of the Britons. However, in the end, Albinus lost the battle and was killed. Heraclitus then began to govern Britain as lieutenant (as stated by Spartianus), having been sent there by Severus for that purpose beforehand. This was the state of the island around the year 195 AD. At that time, since King Lucius had died and left no heir to succeed him, the Britons (as you've heard before) were in conflict with each other and continued to be so until Severus arrived, whom British chroniclers claim ruled as king in this island by right of bloodline, being a descendant of Androgeus the Briton who went to Rome with Julius Caesar, as you've heard before.

SEUERUS. This Seuerus as then emperour of Rome, began to rule this Ile (as authors affirme) in the yeare of our Lord 207, and gouerned the same 4 yeares and od moneths. At length hearing that one Fulgentius as then a leader of the Picts was entred into the borders of his countrie on this[Page 516] side Durham, he raised an host of Britains and Romans, with the which he marched towards his enimies: and méeting with the said Fulgentius in a place néere vnto Yorke, in the end after sore fight Seuerus was slaine, when he had ruled this land for the space almost of fiue yeares, as before is said, and was after buried at Yorke, leauing behind him two sonnes, the one named Geta, and the other Bassianus. This Bassianus being borne of a British woman, succéeded his father in the gouernement of Britaine, in the yeare of the incarnation of our Lord 211. The Romans would haue had Geta created king of Britaine, bearing more fauour to him because he had a Romane ladie to his mother: but the Britains moued with the like respect, held with Bassianus. And thervpon warre was raised betwixt the two brethren, who comming to trie their quarrell by battell, Geta was slaine, and Bassianus with aid of the Britains remained victor, and so continued king, till at length he was slaine by one Carausius a Britaine, borne but of low birth, howbeit right valiant in armes, and therefore well estéemed. In somuch that obteining of the senat of Rome the kéeping of the coasts of Britaine, that he might defend the same from the malice of strangers, as Picts and others, he drew to him a great number of souldiers and speciallie of Britains, to whome he promised that if they would make him king, he would cléerelie deliuer them from the oppression of the Roman seruitude. Wherevpon the Britains rebelling against Bassianus, ioined themselues to Carausius, who by their support vanquished and slue the said Bassianus, after he had reigned 6 or (as some affirme) 30 yeares.

SEUERUS. This Seuerus, who was then the emperor of Rome, started to rule this island (as authors claim) in the year 207 AD and governed for 4 years and a few months. Eventually, hearing that a leader of the Picts named Fulgentius had entered the borders of his territory on this side of Durham, he gathered an army of Britons and Romans and marched towards his enemies. When he confronted Fulgentius near York, after a fierce battle, Seuerus was killed after ruling this land for almost five years, as mentioned earlier, and he was later buried in York, leaving behind two sons: one named Geta and the other Bassianus. Bassianus, born of a British woman, succeeded his father as the ruler of Britain in the year 211 AD. The Romans wanted Geta to be declared king of Britain, favoring him more because he had a Roman woman as his mother, but the Britons, feeling the same loyalty, supported Bassianus. Consequently, a war broke out between the two brothers. When they fought to settle their dispute, Geta was killed, and with the help of the Britons, Bassianus emerged victorious, remaining king until he was eventually killed by Carausius, a Briton of humble origins but nonetheless very brave in battle. He gained the respect of many. So much so that, obtaining permission from the Senate of Rome to guard the coasts of Britain to protect it from the threats of outsiders like the Picts, he attracted a large number of soldiers, especially Britons, to whom he promised that if they made him king, he would free them completely from Roman oppression. As a result, the Britons rebelled against Bassianus and allied with Carausius, who, with their support, defeated and killed Bassianus after he had reigned for 6 or (as some claim) 30 years.

¶ Thus farre out of the English and British writers, the which how farre they varie from likelihood of truth, you shall heare in the next Herodianus. chapter what the approued historiographers, Gréekes and Latines, writing of these matters, haue recorded.

¶ So far, among the English and British writers, you will hear in the next Herodian. chapter how much they differ from the likelihood of truth, based on what the respected historians, both Greek and Latin, have recorded about these matters.


The ambitious mind of the old emperour Seuerus, he arriueth in Britaine with a mightie power to suppresse the rebellious Britains, the emperours politike prouision for his souldiers in the fens and bogs: the agilitie of the Britains, their nimblenesse, the painting of their bodies with diuerse colours, their furniture, their great sufferance of hunger, cold, &c: diuerse conflicts betweene the Romans and the Britains, their subtile traines to deceiue their enimies, the Romans pitifullie distressed, Seuerus constreineth the Caledonians to conclude a league with him; he falleth sicke, his owne sonne practiseth to make him away: the Britains begin a new rebellion, the cruell commandement of Seuerus to kill and slea all that came to hand without exception, his age, his death, and sepulchre: Bassianus ambitiouslie vsurpeth the whole regiment, he killeth his brother Geta, and is slaine himselfe by one of his owne souldiers.

The ambitious mind of the old Emperor Severus arrives in Britain with a large army to suppress the rebellious Britons. The emperor makes political arrangements for his soldiers in the swamps and marshes. The agility of the Britons, their quickness, the way they paint their bodies with various colors, their equipment, and their endurance of hunger and cold are notable. There are various conflicts between the Romans and the Britons, their clever tricks to deceive their enemies. The Romans are pitifully distressed, and Severus forces the Caledonians to make a treaty with him. He falls ill, and his own son schemes to take him out. The Britons start a new rebellion, and Severus issues a cruel command to kill everyone without exception. His age, his death, and burial: Bassianus ambitiously takes over the entire command, kills his brother Geta, and is himself slain by one of his own soldiers.

THE XXIJ CHAPTER.

The emperour Seuerus receiuing aduertisment from the lieutenant of Britaine, that the people there mooued rebellion, & wasted the countrie with roads and forraies, so that it was néedful to haue the prince himselfe to come thither with a great power to resist the enimies, he of an ambitious mind reioised not a little for those newes, bicause he saw occasion offered to aduance his renowme and fame with increase of new victories now in the west, after so manie triumphs purchased and got by him in the east and north parts of the world. Héerevpon though he was of great age, yet the desire that he had still to win honour, caused him to take in hand to make a iournie into this land, and so being furnished of all things necessarie, he set forwards, being carried for the more part in a litter for his more ease: for that beside his féeblenesse of age, he was also troubled with the gout. He Antoninus and Geta. tooke with him his two sonnes, Antoninus Bassianus and Geta, vpon purpose as was thought, to auoid occasions of such inconuenience as he[Page 517] perceiued might grow by discord mooued betwixt them through flatterers and malicious sycophants, which sought to set them at variance: which to bring to passe, he perceiued there should want no meane whilest they continued in Rome, amidst such pleasures & idle pastimes as were dailie there frequented: and therefore he caused them to attend him in this iournie into Britaine, that they might learne to liue soberlie, and after the manner of men of warre.

The Emperor Severus received word from the lieutenant of Britain that the people there were rebelling and plundering the countryside, making it necessary for the prince himself to come with a large force to fight the enemies. He was ambitious and felt quite pleased about this news, as it presented him with an opportunity to enhance his reputation and fame with new victories in the west, following many triumphs he had already achieved in the east and north. Even though he was quite old, his desire for honor motivated him to undertake a journey to this land. So, equipped with everything he needed, he set off, mostly being carried in a litter for comfort due to his age and gout. He took his two sons, Antoninus Bassianus and Geta, along with him, presumably to avoid potential conflicts stirred up by flatterers and malicious sycophants trying to create discord between them. He realized that while they stayed in Rome, surrounded by such pleasures and idle activities, there would be no shortage of means to cause problems, so he wanted them to accompany him on this journey to Britain to learn to live simply and like soldiers.

The emperor Seuerus arriueth in Britaine. Seuerus being thus on his iournie towards Britaine, staied not by the waie, but with all diligence sped him foorth, and passing the sea verie swiftlie, entred this Ile, and assembled a mightie power togither, meaning to assaile his enimies, and to pursue the warre against them to the vttermost. The Britains greatlie amazed with this sudden arriuall of the emperour, and hearing that such preparation was made against them, sent ambassadours to him to intreat of peace, and to excuse their rebellious dooings. But Seuerus delaieng time for answere, as he that was desirous to atchiue some high enterprise against the Britains, for the which he might deserue the surname of Britannicus, which he greatlie coueted, still was busie to prepare all things necessarie for the warre; and namelie, caused a great number of bridges to be made to lay ouer the bogs and mareshes, so that his souldiers might haue place to stand vpon, and not to be incumbered for lacke of firme ground when they should cope with their enimies: for the more part of Britaine in Herodianus. those daies (as Herodianus writeth) was full of fens & maresh ground, by reason of the often flowings and washings of the sea tides: by the He meaneth of the north Britains or sauage Britains as we may call them. which maresh grounds the enimies being thereto accustomed, would run and swim in the waters, and wade vp to the middle at their pleasure, going for the more part naked, so that they passed not on the mud and mires, for they knew not the vse or wearing cloths, but ware hoopes of iron about their middles and necks, esteeming the same as an ornament token of riches, as other barbarous people did gold.

Emperor Severus arrives in Britain. Severus, on his journey to Britain, didn’t stop along the way but hurried through, quickly crossing the sea and entering the island. He gathered a mighty force, intending to attack his enemies and pursue the war against them to the fullest extent. The Britons were greatly surprised by the emperor's sudden arrival, and upon learning of the preparations made against them, they sent ambassadors to him to seek peace and explain their rebellious actions. However, Severus delayed responding, eager to achieve some great feat against the Britons that would earn him the title Britannicus, which he greatly coveted. He stayed busy preparing everything necessary for the war, notably commanding the construction of many bridges to cross the marshes and bogs, so his soldiers would have solid ground to stand on and not be hindered by unstable footing when facing their enemies. Most of Britain in those days, as Herodian writes, was filled with fens and marshy ground due to frequent flooding and tidal erosion. The enemies, being accustomed to these marshy lands, would run, swim, and wade up to their waists as they pleased, mostly going naked since they didn’t understand wearing clothes, but sported rings of iron around their waists and necks, considering those as ornaments to signify wealth, similar to how other barbaric tribes viewed gold. Herodian.

Moreouer they marked, or (as it were) painted their bodies in diuerse sorts and with sundrie shapes and figures of beasts and fowles, and therefore they vsed not to weare anie garments, that such painting of their bodies might the more apparantlie be séene, which they estéemed a great brauerie.

Moreover, they decorated their bodies in various ways with different shapes and figures of animals and birds, and for this reason, they didn't wear any clothing so that the painting on their bodies would be more clearly visible, which they considered a great display of pride.

They were as the same Herodianus writeth, a people giuen much to war, and delighted in slaughter and bloudshed, vsing none other weapons or The furniture of the sauage Britains. armour but a slender buckler, a iaueline, and a swoord tied to their naked bodies: as for headpéece or habergeon, they estéemed not, bicause they thought the same should be an hinderance to them when they should passe ouer anie maresh, or be driuen to swim anie waters, or flée to the bogs.

They were, as the same Herodianus writes, a people very focused on war, enjoying slaughter and bloodshed, using only a thin shield, a javelin, and a sword tied to their bare bodies. They did not value helmets or armor because they believed these would hinder them when crossing marshes, swimming through waters, or fleeing into bogs.

Moreouer, to suffer hunger, cold, and trauell, they were so vsed and inured therewith, that they would not passe to lie in the bogs and mires couered vp to the chin, without caring for meate for the space of diuerse daies togither: and in the woods they would liue vpon roots and barks of trées. Also they vsed to prepare for themselues a certeine kind of meate, of the which if they receiued but so much as amounted to the quantitie of a beane, they would thinke themselues satisfied, and féele neither hunger nor thirst. The one halfe of the Ile or little lesse was subiect vnto the Romans, the other was gouerned of themselues, the people for the most part hauing the rule in their hands.

Moreover, they were so accustomed to suffering hunger, cold, and travel that they wouldn’t hesitate to lie in the bogs and swamps, covered up to their chins, without thinking about food for several days at a time. In the woods, they lived off roots and tree bark. They also used to prepare a certain kind of food, and if they received even as much as the size of a bean, they felt satisfied, experiencing neither hunger nor thirst. Half of the island, or a little less, was under Roman rule, while the other half was self-governed, with most of the people holding power in their hands.

Seuerus therefore meaning to subdue the whole, and vnderstanding their nature, and the manner of their making warre, prouided him selfe of all things expedient for the annoiance of them and helpe of his owne souldiers, and appointing his sonne Geta to remaine in that part of the Ile which was subiect to the Romans, he tooke with him his other sonne Antoninus, and with his armie marched foorth, and entred into the confines of the enimies, and there began to waste and forrey the countrie, whereby there insued diuerse conflicts and skirmishes betwixt the Romans and the inhabitants, the victorie still remaining on the Romans side: but the enimies easilie escaped without anie great losse vnto the woods, mountains, bogs, and such other places of refuge as they knew to be at hand, whither the Romans durst not follow, nor once approch, for feare to be intrapped and inclosed by the Britains that were readie to returne and assaile their enimies vpon euerie occasion[Page 518] of aduantage that might be offered.

Severus aimed to conquer the entire area, and understanding their nature and how they waged war, prepared everything necessary to annoy them and support his own soldiers. He left his son Geta in the part of the island that was under Roman control and took his other son Antoninus with him as he marched with his army into enemy territory. There, he began to devastate and plunder the land, resulting in various conflicts and skirmishes between the Romans and the locals, with the Romans consistently emerging victorious. However, the enemies easily retreated to the woods, mountains, bogs, and other places of refuge nearby, where the Romans were too afraid to follow, worried about being ambushed and surrounded by the Britons who were ready to attack at any opportunity that arose.

This maner of dealing sore troubled the Romans, and so hindered them in their procéedings, that no spéedie end could be made of that warre. The Dion Cassius. Britains would oftentimes of purpose laie their cattell, as oxen, kine, shéepe, and such like, in places conuenient, to be as a stale to the Romans; and when the Romans should make to them to fetch the same awaie, being distant from the residue of the armie a good space, they would fall vpon them and distresse them. Beside this, the Romans were much annoied with the vnwholesomnesse of the waters which they were forced to drinke, and if they chanced to straie abroad, they were snapped vp by ambushes which the Caledonians laid for them, and when they were so féeble that they could not through want of strength kéepe pace with their fellowes as they marched in order of battell, they were slaine by their owne fellowes, least they should be left behind for a prey to the enimies. Héereby there died in this iournie of the Romane armie, at the point of fiftie thousand men: but yet would not Seuerus returne, till he had gone through the whole Ile, and so came to the vttermost parts of all the countrie now called Scotland, and at last backe againe to the other part of the Ile subiect to the Romans, the inhabitants whereof are named (by Dion Cassius) Meatæ. But first he forced the other, whom the same Dion nameth Caledonij, to conclude a league with him, vpon such conditons, as they were compelled to depart with no small portion of the countrie, and to deliuer vnto him their armour and weapons.

This way of dealing really troubled the Romans and slowed down their progress, making it impossible to quickly end the war. The Dio Cassius Britons would often intentionally put their livestock, like oxen, cows, sheep, and others, in strategic locations to lure the Romans. When the Romans moved to collect them, far from the rest of their army, the Britons would attack and create chaos. Additionally, the Romans were greatly annoyed by the bad quality of the water they had to drink. If they strayed too far, they would fall into ambushes set by the Caledonians. When they became so weak that they couldn't keep up with their fellow soldiers in battle formation, they were killed by their own comrades to ensure they wouldn’t be left behind as easy targets for the enemy. As a result, about fifty thousand men from the Roman army died on this campaign. Nevertheless, Severus wouldn’t retreat until he had traveled through the entire island, reaching the farthest parts of what is now called Scotland, and then returning to the other side of the island under Roman control, whose inhabitants are called (by Dion Cassius) Meatæ. But first, he forced the others, whom Dion names Caledonians, to agree to a treaty with him, under conditions that forced them to cede a significant portion of their land and surrender their armor and weapons.

In the meane time, the emperour Seuerus being worne with age fell sicke, so that he was constreined to abide at home within that part of the Ile which obeied the Romans, and to appoint his sonne Antoninus to take charge of the armie abroad. But Antoninus not regarding the enimies, attempted little or nothing against them, but sought waies how to win the fauour of the souldiers and men of warre, that after his fathers death (for which he dailie looked) he might haue their aid and assistance to be admitted emperour in his place. Now when he saw that his father bare out his sicknesse longer time than he would haue wished, he practised with physicians and other of his fathers seruants to dispatch him by one meane or other.

In the meantime, Emperor Severus, worn out by age, fell ill and was forced to stay at home within the part of the island that was under Roman control. He appointed his son Antoninus to take charge of the army abroad. However, Antoninus paid little attention to the enemies and did very little against them; instead, he looked for ways to win the favor of the soldiers and warriors so that after his father's eventual death (which he was expecting daily), he could count on their support to become emperor in his father's place. When he noticed that his father was enduring his illness longer than he had hoped, he schemed with physicians and other servants of his father to find a way to hasten his death.

Whilest Antoninus thus negligentlie looked to his charge, the Britains began a new rebellion, not onlie those that were latelie ioined in league with the emperour, but the other also which were subjects to the Romane empire. Seuerus tooke such displeasure, that he called togither the souldiers, and commanded them to inuade the countrie, and to kill all such as they might méet within anie place without respect, and that his cruell commandement he expressed in these verses taken out of Homer:

While Antoninus was carelessly attending to his duties, the Britains started a new rebellion, not only those who had recently allied with the emperor but also others who were subjects of the Roman Empire. Severus was so displeased that he gathered the soldiers and ordered them to invade the country, killing anyone they encountered without mercy, and he expressed his brutal command in these lines taken from Homer:

Iliados. 3.

Iliad. 3.

Nemo manus fugiat vestras, cædémque cruentam,

Nemo will escape your hands, and the slaughter will be bloody,

Non foetus grauida mater quern gessit in aluo

Non foetus grauida mater quern gessit in aluo

Horrendam effugiat cædem.

Avoid horrifying slaughter.

But while he was thus disquieted with the rebellion of the Britains, and the disloiall practises of his sonne Antoninus, which to him were not vnknowne, (for the wicked sonne had by diuers attempts discouered his traitorous and vnnaturall meanings) at length, rather through Heriodianus.
Dion Cassius.
Eutropius.
Dion Cassius.
sorrow and griefe, than by force of sicknesse, he wasted awaie, and departed this life at Yorke, the third daie before the nones of Februarie, after he had gouerned the empire by the space of 17 yeares, 8 moneths, & 33 daies. He liued 65 yeres, 9 moneths, & 13 daies: he was borne the third ides of April. By that which before is recited out of Herodian and Dion Cassius, of the maners & vsages of those people, against whome Seuerus held warre here in Britaine, it maie be coniectured, that they were the Picts, the which possessed in those daies a great part of Scotland, and with continuall incursions and rodes wasted and destroyed the borders of those countries which were Eutropius.
Orosius.
subiect to the Romans. To kéepe them backe therefore and to represse their inuasions, Seuerus (as some write) either restored the former Dion Cassius. wall made by Adrian, or else newlie built an other ouerthwart the Ile, from the east sea to the west, conteining in length 232 miles. This Beda. wall was not made of stone, but of turfe and earth supported with[Page 519] stakes and piles of wood, and defended on the backe with a déepe trench Hector Boetius or ditch, and also fortified with diuerse towers and turrets built & erected vpon the same wall or rampire so néere togither, that the sound of trumpets being placed in the same, might be heard betwixt, and so warning giuen from one to another vpon the first descrieng of the enimies.

But while he was troubled by the rebellion of the Britons and the disloyal actions of his son Antoninus, which he was well aware of (since the wicked son had revealed his treacherous and unnatural intentions through various attempts), he ultimately wasted away and passed away in York, not from illness but from sorrow and grief, on the third day before the Nones of February. He had ruled the empire for 17 years, 8 months, and 33 days. He lived for 65 years, 9 months, and 13 days, born on the third Ides of April. From the earlier accounts by Herodian and Dion Cassius regarding the customs and habits of the people against whom Severus waged war in Britain, it can be inferred that they were the Picts, who occupied a large portion of Scotland at that time, continually raiding and destroying the borders of the territories under Roman control. To hold them back and suppress their invasions, Severus (as some say) either restored Hadrian's previous wall or newly built another across the island, stretching from the east coast to the west, measuring 232 miles in length. This wall wasn’t made of stone, but from turf and earth, supported by stakes and wooden piles, and protected on the backside by a deep trench or ditch. It was also fortified with various towers and turrets built on the wall or rampart, placed so closely together that the sound of trumpets from one could be heard by the next, providing warning to each other at the first sighting of the enemies.

Polydorus.
Herodianus.
211. Seuerus being departed out of this life in the yere of our Lord 211, his son Antoninus otherwise called also Bassianus, would faine haue vsurped the whole gouernment into his owne hands, attempting with bribes and large promises to corrupt the minds of the souldiers: but when he perceiued that his purpose would not forward as he wished in that behalfe, he concluded a league with the enimies, and making peace with them, returned backe towards Yorke, and came to his mother and brother Geta, with whome he tooke order for the buriall of his father. And first his bodie being burnt (as the maner was) the ashes were put into a vessell of gold, and so conueied to Rome by the two brethren and the empresse Iulia, who was mother to Geta the yonger brother, and mother in law to the elder, Antoninus Bassianus, & by all meanes possible sought to maintaine loue and concord betwixt the brethren, which now at the first tooke vpon them to rule the empire equallie togither. But the ambition of Bassianus was such, that finallie vpon desire to haue the whole rule himselfe, he found meanes to dispatch his brother Geta, breaking one daie into his chamber, and slaieng him euen in his mothers lap, and so possessed the gouernment alone, till at length he was slaine at Edessa a citie in Mesopotamia by one of his owne souldiers, as he was about to vntrusse his points to doo the office of nature, after he had reigned the space of 6 yeares, as is Sextus Aurelius. aforesaid. Where we are to note Gods judgment, prouiding that he which had shed mans bloud, should also die by the sword.

Polydorus.
Herodian.
211. Severus passed away in the year 211 AD. His son Antoninus, also known as Bassianus, wanted to take full control of the government for himself and tried to bribe the soldiers with promises to win their support. But when he realized that his plan wasn’t working as he hoped, he made an alliance with the enemies. After making peace with them, he returned to York to meet his mother and his brother Geta, with whom he arranged their father's burial. First, his body was cremated (as was the custom), and the ashes were placed in a gold vessel. The two brothers and their mother, Empress Julia, who was Geta's mother and Antoninus Bassianus's mother-in-law, took the ashes to Rome. She did everything she could to encourage love and harmony between the brothers, who initially aimed to co-rule the empire equally. However, Bassianus's ambition was so great that, in his desire to take full control, he found a way to eliminate his brother Geta. One day, he broke into Geta's room and killed him in their mother’s lap, taking sole power. Eventually, he was killed by one of his own soldiers in Edessa, a city in Mesopotamia, while he was about to relieve himself, after ruling for six years, as is noted by Sextus Aurelius. Here, we see God's judgment ensuring that he who spilled someone else's blood would also meet his end by the sword.


Of Carausius an obscure Britaine, what countries he gaue the Picts, and wherevpon, his death by Alectus his successor, the Romans foiled by Asclepiodotus duke of Cornewall, whereof Walbrooke had the name, the couetous practise of Carausius the usurper.

Regarding Carausius, an obscure Briton, the territories he granted to the Picts, and the circumstances of his death caused by Alectus, his successor, along with the Romans defeated by Asclepiodotus, the duke of Cornwall, which was named after Walbrooke, and the greedy schemes of Carausius, the usurper.

THE XXIIJ CHAPTER.

CARAUSIUS. Carausius a Britan of vnknowne birth, as witnesseth the British histories, after he had vanquisht & slaine Bassianus (as the same histories make mention) was of the Britains made king and ruler ouer 218. them, in the yeare of our Lord 218, as Galfridus saith: but W.H. noteth it to be in the yeare 286. This Carausius either to haue the aid & Galfrid.
Polychron.
Fabian.
support of the Picts, as in the British historic is conteined, either else to be at quietnesse with them, being not otherwise able to resist them, gaue to them the countries in the south parts of Scotland, which ioine to England on the east marshes, as Mers, Louthian, and others.

CARAUSIUS. Carausius, a Briton of unknown origin, as the British histories witness, after he defeated and killed Bassianus (as mentioned in those same histories), was made king and ruler over the Britons in the year 218 AD, according to Galfrid; but W.H. notes it to be in the year 286.

Galfridus. ¶ But here is to be noted, that the British writers affirme, that these Picts which were thus placed in the south parts of Scotland at this time, were brought ouer out of Scithia by Fulgentius, to aid him against Seuerus, and that after the death of Seuerus, and Fulgentius, which both died of hurts receiued in the batell fought betwixt them at Yorke: the Picts tooke part with Bassianus, and at length betraied him in the battell which he fought against Carausius: for he corrupting them by such subtile practises as he vsed, they turned to his side, to the ouerthrow and vtter destruction of Bassianus: for the which traitorous part they had those south countries of Scotland giuen vnto them for their habitation. But by the Scotish writers it should appeare, that those Picts which aided Fulgentius and also Carausius, were the same that long before had inhabited the north parts of Britaine, now called Scotland. But whatsoeuer they were, truth it is (as the British histories record) that at length one Alectus was sent[Page 520] from Rome by the senat with 3 legions of souldiers to subdue Carausius, which he did, and slue him in the field, as the same histories make mention, after he had reigned the space of 7, or 8, yeares: and in the yeare of our saluation two hundred, ninetie, three.

Galfrid. ¶ It should be noted that British writers claim that the Picts settled in the southern parts of Scotland at this time were brought over from Scythia by Fulgentius to assist him against Severus. After the deaths of both Severus and Fulgentius—who died from injuries sustained in the battle at York—the Picts sided with Bassianus and eventually betrayed him in the battle against Carausius. By using clever tactics, Carausius won them over, leading to the complete defeat and destruction of Bassianus. As a result of their treachery, they were granted the southern regions of Scotland to inhabit. However, Scottish writers suggest that the Picts who helped Fulgentius and Carausius were the same ones that had long before settled in the northern parts of Britain, now known as Scotland. Regardless of their origins, it is a fact (as recorded in British histories) that eventually, one Alectus was sent from Rome by the Senate with three legions of soldiers to conquer Carausius, which he did, killing him in battle after Carausius had ruled for about seven or eight years, in the year 293 AD.

ALECTUS.
Of whom our British histories doo write after their maner.
293.
Alectus in hauing vanquished and slaine Carausius tooke vpon him the rule and gouernment of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord 293. This Alectus, when he had restored the land to the subiection of the Romans, did vse great crueltie against such Britains as had maintained the part of Carausius, by reason whereof he purchased much euill will of the Britains, the which at length conspired against him, and purposing to chase the Romans altogither out of their countrie, they procured one Asclepiodotus (whome the British chronicles name duke of Cornewall) to take vpon him as chiefe captaine that enterprise. Wherevpon the same Asclepiodotus assembling a great armie, made such sharpe warres on the Romans, that they being chased from place to place, at length withdrew to the citie of London, and there held them till Asclepiodotus came thither, and prouoked Alectus and his Romans so much, that in the end they issued foorth of the citie, and gaue battell to the Britans, in the which much people on both parts were slaine, but the greatest number died on the Romans side: and amongst others, Alectus himselfe was slaine, the residue of the Romans that were left aliue, retired backe into the citie with a capteine of theirs named Liuius Gallus, and defended themselues within the walles for a time right valiantlie. Thus Fabian.
Matth. West.
was Alectus slaine of the Britains, after he had reigned (as some suppose) about the terme of six yeares, or (as some other write) thrée yeares.

ALECTUS.
About whom our British histories write in their own style.
293.
Alectus defeated and killed Carausius and took control of Britain in the year 293 AD. After bringing the land back under Roman rule, Alectus was brutal towards those Britons who had supported Carausius, which earned him significant resentment from the Britons. Eventually, they plotted against him and aimed to drive the Romans out of their country. They appointed one Asclepiodotus (whom British chronicles refer to as the Duke of Cornwall) to lead this effort. Asclepiodotus gathered a large army and waged fierce battles against the Romans, forcing them to retreat until they reached the city of London, where they stayed until Asclepiodotus arrived. He provoked Alectus and his Romans so much that they finally emerged from the city and fought the Britons. Many were killed on both sides, but the majority were from the Roman side. Among those killed was Alectus himself. The remaining Romans, led by a captain named Liuius Gallus, retreated into the city and bravely defended themselves within the walls for a time. Thus, Fabian. Matth. West. Alectus was killed by the Britons after reigning (according to some estimates) for about six years or (according to others) three years.

ASCLEPIODOTUS. Gal. Mon.
Matt. West.
Asclepiodotus, duke of Cornewall, began his reigne ouer the Britains in the yeare of our Lord 232. After he had vanquished the Romans in battell, as before is recited, he laid his siege about the citie of London, and finallie by knightlie force entred the same, and slue the forenamed Liuius Gallus néere vnto a brooke, which in those daies ran through the citie, & threw him into the same brooke: by reason whereof Walbrooke. long after it was called Gallus or Wallus brooke. And at this present the streete where the same brooke did run, is called Walbrooke.

ASCLEPIODOTUS. Gal. Mon.
Matt. West.
Asclepiodotus, Duke of Cornwall, began his reign over Britain in the year 232 AD. After defeating the Romans in battle, as previously mentioned, he besieged the city of London and ultimately, through knightly strength, entered it, killing the aforementioned Liuius Gallus near a brook that flowed through the city at that time, and threw him into the brook. Because of this, it was long referred to as Gallus or Wallus brook. Today, the street where that brook used to flow is called Walbrook.

Then after Asclepiodotus had ouercome all his enimies, he held this land a certeine space in good rest and quiet, and ministred iustice vprightlie, in rewarding the good, and punishing the euill. Till at length, through slanderous toongs of malicious persons, discord was raised betwixt the king and one Coill or Coilus, that was gouernour of Colchester: the occasion whereof appeareth not by writers. But whatsoeuer the matter was, there insued such hatred betwixt them, that on both parts great armies were raised, and meeting in the field, they fought a sore and mightie battell, in the which Asclepiodotus was Asclepiodotus slaine.
Matt. West. hath x. years.
slaine, after he had reigned 30 yeares. Thus haue Geffrey of Monmouth and our common chroniclers written of Carausius, Alectus, and Asclepiodotus, which gouerned héere in Britaine.

After Asclepiodotus defeated all his enemies, he maintained peace and order in the land for a time, administering justice fairly by rewarding the good and punishing the evil. Eventually, due to the slanderous tongues of malicious individuals, discord arose between the king and one Coill or Coilus, who was the governor of Colchester; the reasons for this conflict are not made clear by historians. Regardless of the cause, the enmity between them escalated to the point where both sides raised large armies, and they met in battle, which was fierce and intense, resulting in the death of Asclepiodotus, who had reigned for 30 years. Thus have Geoffrey of Monmouth and our common historians recorded the accounts of Carausius, Alectus, and Asclepiodotus, who governed here in Britain.

Eutropius. But Eutropius the famous writer of the Romane histories, in the acts of The couetous practising of Carausius. Dioclesian hath in effect these woords. "About the same time Carausius, the which being borne of most base ofspring, attained to high honour and dignitie by order of renowmed chiualrie & seruice in the warres, receiued charge at Bolein, to kéepe the seas quiet alongst the coasts of Britaine, France, and Flanders, and other countries thereabouts, bicause the Frenchmen, which yet inhabited within the bounds of Germanie, and the Saxons sore troubled those seas. Carausius taking oftentimes manie of the enimies, neither restored the goods to them of the countrie from whome the enimies had bereft the same, nor yet sent anie part therof to the emperours, but kept the whole to his owne use. Whervpon when suspicion arose, that he should of purpose suffer the enimies to passe by him, till they had taken some prises, that in their returne with the same he might incounter with them, and take that from them which they had gotten (by which subtile practise he was thought greatly to haue inriched him selfe) Maximianus that was fellow in gouernment of the empire with Dioclesianus, remaining then in Gallia,
Maximianus purposeth to slea Carusius.
and aduertised of these dooings, commanded that Carausius should be[Page 521] slaine, but he hauing warning thereof rebelled, and vsurping the imperiall ornaments and title, got possession of Britaine, against whom (being a man of great experience in all warlike knowledge) when warres Polydor. had béene attempted and folowed in vaine, at length a peace was concluded with him, and so he enioied the possession of Britaine by the
Eutropius.
space of seuen yéeres, & then was slaine by his companion Alectus, the which after him ruled Britaine for the space of thrée yéeres, and was in the end oppressed by the guile of Asclepiodotus gouernour of the pretorie, or (as I maie call him) lord lieutenant of some precinct and iurisdiction perteining to the Romane empire." And so was Britaine recouered by the foresaid Asclepiodotus about ten yeeres after that Carausius had first vsurped the gouernment there, and about the yéere 300. of our Lord 300, as Polydor iudgeth, wherein he varieth much from Fabian and others.

Eutropius. Eutropius, the well-known writer of Roman histories, conveys in the actions of Carausius's greedy actions. Diocletian these words: "Around the same time, Carausius, who came from the lowest origins, rose to high honor and dignity through recognized chivalry and service in wars. He was appointed at Boulogne to keep the seas calm along the coasts of Britain, France, Flanders, and other nearby countries since the French, who still lived within the bounds of Germany, and the Saxons severely troubled those seas. Carausius frequently captured many enemies but did not return the goods to the locals from whom the enemies had stolen them, nor did he send any part of it to the emperors, keeping everything for himself. As suspicion grew that he was intentionally allowing the enemies to pass by so they could seize some prizes, hoping to encounter them on their return and take what they had obtained (it was believed that this cunning plan greatly enriched him), Maximian, who was co-ruler of the empire with Diocletian and was then in Gaul, Maximian plans to assassinate Carausius. received news of these actions and ordered Carausius to be killed. However, warned of this, he rebelled, seizing the imperial insignia and title, and took control of Britain. After attempts at war against him, which were all in vain, a peace was finally established, allowing him to hold Britain for Polydor. seven years, until he was killed by his companion Alectus, who then ruled Britain for three years before being ultimately defeated by the deceit of Asclepiodotus, the governor of the praetorian guard, or what I might call the lord lieutenant of a territory under the Roman Empire." Thus, Britain was reclaimed by the aforementioned Asclepiodotus about ten years after Carausius first seized control there, around the year 300. of our Lord 300, according to Polydor, which greatly differs from Fabian and others.

¶ But to shew what we find further written of the subduing of Alectus, I Mamertinus. thinke it not amisse to set downe what Mamertinus in his oration written in praise of Maximianus dooth report of this matter, which shall be performed in the chapter following.

¶ But to show what we find further written about the defeat of Alectus, I Mamertinus. think it’s fitting to include what Mamertinus reports in his speech praising Maximianus, which will be covered in the following chapter.


The substance of that which is written touching Britaine in a panegyrike oration ascribed to Mamertinus, which he set foorth in praise of the emperors Dioclesian and Maximian: it is intituled onelie to Maximian, whereas neuerthelesse both the emperors are praised; and likewise (as ye may perceiue) Constantius who was father to Constantine the great is here spoken of, being chosen by the two foresaid emperors, to assist them by the name of Cæsar in rule of the empire: of whom hereafter more shall be said.

The content of what is written about Britain in a tribute oration attributed to Mamertinus, which he delivered in praise of the emperors Diocletian and Maximian: it's titled only to Maximian, although both emperors are praised; and also, as you can see, Constantius, who was the father of Constantine the Great, is mentioned here, having been chosen by the two aforementioned emperors to assist them in ruling the empire as Caesar: more will be said about him later.

THE XXIIIJ CHAPTER.

"All the compasse of the earth (most victorious emperor) being now recouered through your noble prowesse, not onelie so farre as the limits of the Romane empire had before extended, but also the enimies borders beeing subdued, when Almaine had beene so often vanquished, and Sarmatia so often restrained & brought vnder, the people called Vitungi, Quadi, Carpi, and people of Germanie and Polonie. Vitungi, Quadi, Carpi so often put to flight, the Goth submitting himselfe, the king of Persia by offering gifts suing for peace: one despitefull reproch of so mightie an empire and gouernement ouer the whole greeued vs to the heart, as now at length we will not sticke to confesse, and to vs it seemed the more intollerable, bicause it onlie remained to the accomplishing of your perfect renowme and glorie. And verilie as there is but one name of Britaine, so was the losse to be esteemed smal to the common wealth of a land so plentifull of corne, so abundant with store of pastures, so flowing with veines of mettall, so gainfull with reuenues rising of customs and tributes, so enuironed with hauens, so huge in circuit, the which when Cesar, the founder of this your honourable title, being the first that entered into it, writ that he had found an other world, supposing it to be so big, that it was not compassed with the sea, but that rather by resemblance the great Ocean was compassed with it. Now at that time Britaine was nothing furnished with ships of warre; so that the Romans, soone after the warres of Carthage and Asia, had latelie beene exercised by sea against pirats, and afterwards by reason of the warres against Mithridates, were practised as well to fight by sea as land; besides this, the British nation then alone was accustomed but onelie to the Picts and Irishmen. Picts and Irishmen, enimies halfe naked as yet & not vsed to weare armor, so that the Britains for lacke of skill, easilie gaue place to the Romane puissance, insomuch that Cesar might by that voiage onelie glorie in this, that he had sailed and passed ouer the Ocean sea.

"All the land of the earth (most victorious emperor) has now been reclaimed through your noble prowess, not only as far as the boundaries of the Roman Empire had previously extended but also with the submission of enemies' territories. After Germany was repeatedly defeated and Sarmatia was often subdued, people like the Vitungi, Quadi, Carpi, and those from Germany and Poland faced defeat; the Goths surrendered, and the king of Persia sought peace by offering gifts. One humiliating reproach for such a mighty empire and rule over the whole world grieved us deeply, and we now admit that it seemed even more intolerable because it was the last thing needed to complete your immense renown and glory. Indeed, just as there is only one name for Britain, the loss should be seen as minor for a land so rich in grain, so abundant in pastures, so full of mineral veins, so profitable with revenues from customs and tributes, and so surrounded by ports, vast in area. When Caesar, the founder of your honorable title, first entered it, he wrote that he found another world, believing it to be so large that it wasn’t bounded by the sea, but rather that it encompassed the great Ocean. At that time, Britain was not equipped with warships, so the Romans, having recently fought against pirates after the wars in Carthage and Asia, were experienced at sea, and later, due to the conflicts against Mithridates, had become skilled in both naval and land battles. Moreover, the British nation then was used only to the Picts and Irishmen. The Picts and Irishmen were half-naked enemies who were not accustomed to wearing armor, which caused the Britons, lacking skill, to easily yield to Roman power, allowing Caesar to take pride in nothing more than that he had sailed and crossed the Ocean."

"But in this wicked rebellious robberie, first the nauie that in times[Page 522] past defended the coasts of Gallia, was led away by the pirat when he fled his waies: and beside this, a great number of other ships were built after the mould of ours, the legion of Romane souldiers was woon, and brought to take part with the enimie, and diuers bands of strangers that were also souldiers were shut vp in the ships to serue also against vs. The merchants of the parties of Gallia were assembled and brought togither to the musters, and no small numbers of barbarous nations procured to come in aid of the rebels, trusting to inrich themselues by the spoile of the prouinces: and all these were trained in the wars by sea, through the instruction of the first attemptors of this mischieuous practise.

"But in this wicked rebellion, first the navy that once defended the coasts of Gaul was led away by the pirate when he escaped: and besides this, a large number of other ships were built in our design, the legion of Roman soldiers was won over and joined the enemy, and various groups of foreign soldiers were also confined in the ships to fight against us. The merchants from the regions of Gaul were gathered together for the muster, and many barbarous nations were recruited to aid the rebels, hoping to enrich themselves by plundering the provinces: and all these were trained in naval warfare through the guidance of the original perpetrators of this wicked scheme.

"And although our armies were inuincible in force and manhood, yet were they raw and not accustomed to the seas, so that the fame of a greeuous and great trouble by warre that was toward by this shamefull rebellious robberie was blowne and sounded in ech mans eare, although we hoped Long sufferance of euill increaseth boldnesse in the authors. well of the end. Vnto the enimies forces was added a long sufferance of their wicked practises without punishment, which had puffed vp the presumptuous boldnesse of desperate people, that they bragged of our stay, as it had bene for feare of them, whereas the disaduantage which we had by sea, seemed as it were by a fatall necessitie to deferre our victorie: neither did they beleeue that the warre was put off for a time by aduise and counsell, but rather to be omitted through despaire of dooing anie good against them, insomuch that now the feare of common Carausius slaine. punishment being laid aside, one of the mates slue the archpirat or capteine rouer as I may call him, hoping in reward of so great an exploit, to obteine the whole gouernement into his hands.

"And even though our armies were unbeatable in strength and bravery, they were inexperienced and not used to the seas. The news of a serious and great trouble arising from this shameful rebellious act spread in every person's ear, even as we hoped for a positive outcome. To the enemy's forces was added a long tolerance of their wicked actions without punishment, which inflated the reckless audacity of desperate people. They boasted of our hesitation, as if it were out of fear of them, while our disadvantage at sea seemed to be an unavoidable delay in our victory. They did not believe that the war was postponed for strategic reasons, but rather that it was being abandoned due to despair of achieving any success against them. Thus, with the fear of common punishment set aside, one of the crew killed the arch-pirate or captain, as I might call him, hoping that such a significant act would earn him complete control of the government."

"This warre then being both so necessarie, so hard to enter vpon, so growne in time to a stubborne stiffenesse, and so well prouided for of the enimies part, you noble emperour did so take it in hand, that so soone as you bent the thundering force of your imperiall maiestie against that enimie, ech man made account that the enterprise was alreadie atchiued. For first of all, to the end that your diuine power being absent, the barbarous nations should not attempt anie new trouble (a thing chieflie to be foreseene) it was prouided for aforehand by intercession made vnto your maiestie: for you your selfe, you (I say) mightie lord Maximian eternall emperour, vouchedsafe to aduance the comming of your diuine excellence by the neerest way that might be, which to you was not vnknowne. You therefore suddenlie came to the Rhine, and not with anie armie of horssemen or footmen, but with the terrour of your presence did preserue and defend all that frontire: for Maximian once being there vpon the riuage, counteruailed anie the greatest armies that were to be found. For you (most inuincible emperour) furnishing and arming diuers nauies, made the enimie so vncerteine of his owne dooing and void of counsell, that then at length he might perceiue that he was not defended, but rather inclosed with the Ocean sea.

"This war was both necessary and difficult to engage in, having grown stubborn over time and well-prepared by the enemy. You, noble emperor, took it upon yourself in such a way that as soon as you directed the overwhelming power of your imperial majesty toward that enemy, everyone believed the mission was already achieved. First and foremost, to prevent the barbarous nations from causing any new troubles while your divine power was absent (a scenario that needed to be anticipated), there was prior arrangement made through intercession to your majesty: for you, mighty lord Maximian, eternal emperor, graciously ensured the arrival of your divine presence by the quickest possible route, which you were well aware of. You suddenly appeared at the Rhine, not with an army of horsemen or foot soldiers, but with the sheer terror of your presence that safeguarded and defended all that border. For Maximian, being there by the river, was more formidable than any of the greatest armies that could be mustered. By equipping and sending out various fleets, you made the enemy so uncertain in their actions and devoid of strategy that they finally realized they were not defended, but rather trapped by the ocean."

"Here commeth to mind how pleasant and easefull the good lucke of those princes in gouerning the common wealth with praise was, which sitting still in Rome had triumphs and surnames appointed them of such nations Fronto counted Ciceros match. as their capteins did vanquish. Fronto therefore, not the second, but match with the first honor of the Romane eloquence, when he yeelded vnto the emperor Antoninus the renowme of the warre brought to end in Britaine, although he sitting at home in his palace within the citie, had committed the conduct and successe of that warre ouer vnto the same Fronto, it was confessed by him, that the emperour sitting as it were at the helme of the ship, deserued the praise, by giuing of perfect order to the full accomplishing of the enterprise. But you (most inuincible emperour) haue bene not onlie the appointer foorth how all this voiage by sea, and prosecuting the warre by land should bee demeaned, as apperteined to you by vertue of your imperiall rule and dignitie, but also you haue beene an exhorter and setter forward in the things themselues, and through example of your assured constancie, the victorie was atchiued. For you taking the sea at Sluice, did put an irreuocable desire into their hearts that were readie to take ship at the same time in the mouth of the riuer of Saine, insomuch that when the capteins of that armie did linger out the time, by reason the seas and aire was troubled, they cried to haue the sailes hoised vp, and signe giuen to lanch foorth, that they might passe forward on their[Page 523] iournie, despising certeine tokens which threatened their wrecke, and so set forward on a rainie and tempestuous day, sailing with a crosse wind, for no forewind might serue their turne.

Here comes to mind how pleasant and easy the good fortune of those princes was in governing the commonwealth with praise. They sat still in Rome while triumphs and titles were given to them based on the nations their leaders defeated. Fronto thought it was Cicero's match. Fronto, therefore, matched not with the second but with the first honor of Roman eloquence when he yielded the glory of the war concluded in Britain to Emperor Antoninus. Even though he was at home in his palace in the city, he entrusted the leadership and success of that war to Fronto. He acknowledged that the emperor, sitting as if at the helm of a ship, deserved the credit for providing perfect order to accomplish the entire endeavor. But you, most invincible emperor, have not only been the one to outline how this entire voyage by sea and the conduct of the war on land should be managed, as befitted your imperial authority and dignity, but you have also been an encourager and motivator in the very actions themselves. Through your steadfast example, victory was achieved. For you took to sea at Sluice and instilled an unwavering desire in the hearts of those ready to embark at the same time in the mouth of the river Seine, so much so that when the army's leaders delayed due to the troubled seas and skies, they shouted for the sails to be hoisted and for the signal to launch forth, disregarding warning signs of impending disaster. They set off on a rainy and stormy day, sailing with a crosswind, as no favorable wind would serve their purpose.

"But what was he that durst not commit himselfe vnto the sea, were the same neuer so vnquiet, when you were once vnder saile, and set forward? One voice and exhortation was among them all (as report hath gone thereof) when they heard that you were once got forth vpon the water, What doo we dout? what mean we to staie? He is now loosed from land, he is forward on his waie, and peraduenture is alreadie got ouer: Let vs put all things in proofe, let vs venter through anie dangers of sea whatsoeuer. What is there that we may stand in feare of? we follow the emperour. Neither did the opinion of your good hap deceiue them: for as by report of them selues we doo vnderstand, at that selfe time there fell such a mist and thicke fog vpon the seas, that the enimies nauie laid at the Ile of wight watching for their aduersaries, and lurking as it were in await, these your ships passed by, and were not once perceiued, neither did the enimie then staie although he could not resist.

"But what kind of person would hesitate to venture into the sea, no matter how turbulent it might be, once you're out sailing and on your way? There was a single voice and call to action among them all (or so the reports say) when they realized you were already out on the water. 'Why are we doubting? What are we waiting for? He has set sail, he's on his journey, and maybe he's already crossed over. Let's put everything to the test, let's take on any dangers the sea throws our way. What is there to be afraid of? We are following the emperor.' Their belief in your good fortune didn’t mislead them: as we hear from them, at that very moment, a thick mist and dense fog settled over the seas so that the enemy fleet, which was anchored at the Isle of Wight, waiting for their opponents and lurking in ambush, did not see your ships pass by. The enemy didn’t even attempt to engage, even though they couldn’t resist."

"But now as concerning that the same vnuanquishable army fighting vnder your ensignes and name, streightwaies after it came to land, set fire on their ships; what mooued them so to doo, except the admonitions of your diuine motion? Or what other reason persuaded them to reserue no furtherance for their flight, if need were, nor to feare the doubtfull chances of war, nor (as the prouerbe saith) to thinke the hazard of martiall dealings to be common, but that by contemplation of your prosperous hap, it was verie certeine that there needed no doubt to be cast for victorie to be obteined? There were no sufficient forces at that present among them, no mightie or puissant strength of the Romans, but they had onelie consideration of your vnspeakable fortunate successe comming from the heauens aboue. For whatsoeuer battell dooth chance to be offered, to make full account of victorie, resteth not so The good lucke in a capteine. much in the assurance of the souldiers, as in the good lucke and felicitie of the capteine generall.

"But now regarding the invincible army fighting under your banners and name, as soon as they landed, they set fire to their ships; what prompted them to do that, if not the guidance of your divine inspiration? Or what other reason made them choose not to prepare for a retreat if needed, not to fear the uncertain outcomes of battle, nor (as the saying goes) to consider the risks of warfare as normal, except that by reflecting on your successful destiny, it was clear there was no need to doubt that victory would be achieved? At that moment, they had no substantial forces with them, no mighty or powerful strength of the Romans, but they were solely driven by the thought of your incredible lucky success coming from the heavens above. For whatever battle may arise, the assurance of victory relies not so much on the soldiers' confidence, but on the good fortune and success of the general."

"That same ringleader of the vngratious faction, what ment he to depart from that shore which he possessed? Why did he forsake both his nauie and the hauen? But that (most inuincible emperour) he stood in feare of your comming, whose sailes he beheld readie to approch towards him, how soeuer the matter should fall out, he chose rather to trie his fortune with your capteins, than to abide the present force of your highnes. Ah mad man! that vnderstood not, that whither so euer he fled, the power of your diuine maiestie to be present in all places where your countenance & banners are had in reuerence. But he fleeing from your presence, fell into the hands of your people, of you was he ouercome, of your armies was he oppressed.

"That same leader of the ungrateful group, what was he thinking by leaving the shore he controlled? Why did he abandon both his fleet and the harbor? But (most unbeatable emperor) he was scared of your arrival, whose sails he saw ready to approach him. Regardless of how things might turn out, he preferred to take his chances with your captains than face the immediate power of your highness. Ah, foolish man! who did not understand that wherever he ran, the might of your divine majesty is present in all places where your presence and banners are respected. But as he fled from you, he fell into the hands of your people, he was defeated by you, he was overwhelmed by your armies."

"To be short, he was brought into such feare, and as it were still looking behind him, for doubt of your comming after him, that as one out of his wits and amazed, he wist not what to doo, he hasted forward to his death, so that he neither set his men in order of battell, nor marshalled such power as he had about him, but onlie with the old authors of that conspiracie, and the hired bands of the barbarous nations, as one forgetfull of so great preparation which he had made, ran headlong forwards to his destruction, insomuch (noble emperour) your felicitie yeeldeth this good hap to the common wealth, that the victorie being atchiued in the behalfe of the Romane empire, there almost died not one Romane: for as I heare, all those fields and hills lay couered with none but onelie with the bodies of most wicked enimies, the same being of the barbarous nations, or at the leastwise apparelled in the counterfet shapes of barbarous garments, glistering with their long yellow haires, but now with gashes of wounds and bloud all deformed, and lieng in sundrie manners, as the pangs of death occasioned by their wounds had caused them to stretch foorth or draw in their maimed lims and mangled parts of their dieng bodies. And among Alectus found dead. these, the chiefe ringleader of the theeues was found, who had put off He had despoiled himselfe of the imperiall robes, bicause he would not be knowne if he chanced to be slaine. those robes which in his life time he had vsurped and dishonoured, so[Page 524] as scarse was he couered with one peece of apparell whereby he might be knowne, so neere were his words true, vttered at the houre of his death, which he saw at hand, that he would not haue it vnderstood how he was slaine.

"To put it simply, he was filled with such fear, always looking over his shoulder, worried about your pursuit, that in a state of panic and confusion, he rushed towards his doom. He didn’t organize his troops or make use of the forces he had; instead, he acted solely with the old conspirators and the mercenaries from barbarian territories. Forgetting the significant plans he had made, he charged forward to his own destruction. Noble emperor, your good fortune has brought this success to the state because, with the victory achieved for the Roman Empire, it’s said that hardly any Romans died. From what I hear, the fields and hills were covered almost entirely with the bodies of the wicked enemies, who were either from barbarian nations or at least dressed in imitation of barbarian clothing, shining with their long yellow hair, but now disfigured, with wounds and blood covering them. They lay in various positions, contorted by the agony of death from their injuries. Among these, the main ringleader of the thieves was found, who had stripped off the imperial robes he had once usurped and disgraced, so that hardly a shred of clothing remained to identify him. It was almost true what he said at the moment of his impending death: he didn’t want it known how he had been killed."

"Thus verelie (most inuincible emperour) so great a victorie was appointed to you by consent of the immortall gods ouer all the enimies Francones siue Franci. whome you assailed, but namelie the slaughter of the Frankeners and those your souldiers also, which (as before I haue said) through missing their course by reason of the mist that lay on the seas, were now come to the citie of London, where they slue downe right in ech part of the same citie, what multitude soeuer remained of those hired barbarous people, which escaping from the battell, ment (after they had spoiled the citie) to haue got awaie by flight. But now being thus slaine by your souldiers, the subiects of your prouince were both preserued from further danger, and tooke pleasure to behold the slaughter of such cruell enimies. O what a manifold victorie was this, worthie vndoubtedlie of innumerable triumphes! by which victorie Britaine is restored to the empire, by which victorie the nation of the Frankeners is vtterlie destroied, & by which manie other nations found accessaries in the conspiracie of that wicked practise, are compelled to obedience. To conclude, the seas are purged and brought to perpetuall quietnesse.

"Truly, most invincible emperor, such a great victory was granted to you by the agreement of the immortal gods over all your enemies Franks or Franci. whom you attacked, particularly the slaughter of the Franks and those soldiers of yours who, as I mentioned earlier, lost their way due to the fog that covered the seas and ended up in the city of London. There, they killed every last one of the barbaric mercenaries who managed to escape from the battle and intended to flee after plundering the city. But now, as they were slain by your soldiers, the subjects of your province were both saved from further danger and found joy in witnessing the defeat of such cruel enemies. Oh, what a remarkable victory this is, undoubtedly deserving of countless triumphs! Through this victory, Britain is restored to the empire, the nation of the Franks is utterly destroyed, and many other nations that were complicit in that wicked scheme are forced into submission. In conclusion, the seas are cleared and restored to everlasting peace."

"Glorie you therefore, inuincible emperour, for that you haue as it were got an other world, & in restoring to the Romane puissance the glory of conquest by sea, haue added to the Romane empire an element greater than all the compasse of the earth, that is, the mightie maine ocean. You haue made an end of the warre (inuincible emperour) that seemed as present to threaten all prouinces, and might haue spred abroad and burst out in a flame, euen so largelie as the ocean seas stretch, and the mediterrane gulfs doo reach. Neither are we ignorant, although through feare of you that infection did fester within the bowels of Britaine onelie, and proceeded no further, with what furie it would haue aduanced it selfe else where, if it might haue beene assured of means to haue ranged abroad so far as it wished. For it was bounded in with no border of mounteine, nor riuer, which garrisons appointed were garded and defended but euen so as the ships, although we had your martiall prowes and prosperous fortune redie to releeue vs, & was still at our elbowes to put vs in feare, so farre as either sea reacheth or wind bloweth.

"Glory to you, invincible emperor, for you have, in a way, acquired another world. By restoring the Roman power and the glory of conquering the sea, you have added to the Roman Empire an element greater than all the expanse of the earth: the mighty ocean. You have brought an end to the war, invincible emperor, that seemed poised to threaten all provinces and could have spread like a wildfire as far as the ocean and the Mediterranean reach. We are also aware that, although fear of you kept this unrest contained within Britain, it could have advanced elsewhere with great fury if it had been assured of the means to spread as far as it desired. For it knew no boundaries, neither mountains nor rivers, and the garrisons designated to guard and protect it were as vulnerable as the ships, even though we had your military skill and good fortune ready to assist us, always at our side to instill fear, as far as the sea reaches or the wind blows."

"For that incredible boldnesse and vnwoorthie good hap of a few sillie The piracie of the Frankeners called Franci or Francones. captiues of the Frankeners in time of the emperour Probus came to our remembrance, which Frankeners in that season, conueieng awaie certeine vessels from the coasts of Pontus, wasted both Grecia and Asia, and not without great hurt and damage, ariuing vpon diuers parts of the shore of Libia, at length tooke the citie of Saragose in Sicile (an hauen towne in times past highlie renowmed for victories gotten by sea:) & after this passing thorough the streicts of Giberalterra, came into the Ocean, and so with the fortunate successe of their rash presumptuous attempt, shewed how nothing is shut vp in safetie from the desperate boldnesse of pirats, where ships maie come and haue accesse. And so therefore by this your victorie, not Britaine alone is deliuered from bondage, but vnto all nations is safetie restored, which might by the vse of the seas come to as great perils in time of warre, as to gaine of commodities in time of peace.

"For that incredible boldness and unworthy stroke of good luck of a few simple The pirates of the Frankeners were called Franci or Francones. captives of the Frankeners during the reign of Emperor Probus comes to mind, as these Frankeners, at that time, took certain ships from the coasts of Pontus, ravaged both Greece and Asia, causing significant harm and damage. They arrived upon various parts of the coast of Libya and ultimately captured the city of Saragossa in Sicily (a port town once highly renowned for its victories at sea). After this, they passed through the Strait of Gibraltar and entered the Atlantic Ocean. With the fortunate outcome of their reckless venture, they demonstrated that nothing is safe from the desperate boldness of pirates where ships can go and access exists. Therefore, through this victory of yours, not only is Britain freed from bondage, but safety is restored to all nations that might encounter great dangers during wartime through the use of the seas, just as they can gain commodities in times of peace."

"Now Spaine (to let passe the coasts of Gallia) with hir shores almost in sight is in suertie: now Italie, now Afrike, now all nations euen vnto the fens of Meotis are void of perpetuall cares. Neither are they lesse ioifull, the feare of danger being taken awaie, which to feele as yet the necessitie had not brought them: but they reioise so much the more for this, that both in the guiding of your prouidence, and also furtherance of fortune, so great a force of rebellion by seamen is calmed, vpon the entring into their borders, and Britaine it selfe Britains restored to quietnes. which had giuen harbour to so long a mischiefe, is euidentlie knowne to haue tasted of your victorie, with hir onelie restitution to quietnesse. Not without good cause therfore immediatlie, when you hir long wished reuenger and deliuerer were once arriued, your maiestie was met with great triumph, & the Britains replenished with all inward The Britains receiue Maximian with great ioy and humblenesse.[Page 525] gladnesse, came foorth and offered themselues to your presence, with their wiues and children, reuerencing not onlie your selfe (on whom they set their eies, as on one descended downe to them from heauen) but also euen the sailes and tackling of that ship which had brought your diuine presence vnto their coasts: and when you should set foot on land, they were readie to lie downe at your feet, that you might (as it were) march ouer them, so desirous were they of you.

"Now Spain (not to mention the coasts of France) is almost in sight and secure: now Italy, now Africa, and now all nations even up to the marshes of the Sea of Azov are free from constant worries. They are also much happier, having the fear of danger taken away, which they had not truly felt until this necessity arose. They rejoice even more because, through your guidance and the support of fortune, such a strong force of rebellion from seamen has been quelled upon entering their borders, and Britain itself, which had harbored such long-lasting trouble, is clearly known to have felt your victory, with its sole return to peace. It is not without reason, therefore, that immediately upon your long-awaited arrival as their avenger and deliverer, you were met with great celebration, and the Britons, filled with deep joy, came forth to offer themselves to your presence, with their wives and children, honoring not only you (whom they looked upon as descended from heaven) but also the sails and rigging of the ship that had brought your divine presence to their shores: and when you stepped on land, they were ready to lie down at your feet so you could, in a sense, walk over them, so eager were they for you."

"Neither was it anie maruell if they shewed them selues so ioifull, sith after their miserable captiuitie so manie yeeres continued, after so long abusing of their wiues, and filthie bondage of their children, at length yet were they now restored to libertie, at length made Romans, at length refreshed with the true light of the imperiall rule and gouernement: for beside the fame of your clemencie and pitie, which was set forth by the report of all nations, in your countenance (Cesar) they perceiued the tokens of all vertues, in your face grauitie, in your eies mildnesse, in your ruddie cheekes bashfulnesse, in your words iustice: all which things as by regard they acknowledged, so with voices of gladnesse they signified on high. To you they bound themselues by vow, to you they bound their children: yea and to your children they vowed all the posteritie of their race and ofspring.

"Neither was it surprising that they showed themselves so joyful, since after their miserable captivity lasted so many years, after so long abusing their wives and the filthy bondage of their children, they were finally restored to freedom, finally made Romans, finally refreshed by the true light of imperial rule and governance. For besides the fame of your kindness and compassion, which was known throughout all nations, they saw in your face (Cesar) the signs of all virtues: in your demeanor, seriousness; in your eyes, gentleness; in your rosy cheeks, modesty; in your words, justice. They recognized all these things and expressed their joy aloud. They pledged themselves to you, they committed their children to you; indeed, to your children they vowed the entire future of their race and offspring."

Dioclesian and Maximian. "We trulie (O perpetuall parents and lords of mankind) require this of the immortall gods with most earnest supplication and heartie praier, that our children and their children, and such other as shall come of them for euer hereafter, may be dedicated vnto you, and to those whom you now bring vp, or shall bring vp hereafter. For what better hap can we wish to them that shall succeed vs, than to be enioiers of that felicitie which now we our selues enioy? The Romane common wealth dooth now comprehend in one coniunction of peace, all whatsoeuer at sundrie times haue belonged to the Romans, and that huge power which with too great a burden was shroonke downe, and riuen in sunder, is now brought to ioine againe in the assured ioints of the imperiall gouernment. For there is no part of the earth nor region vnder heauen, but that either it remaineth quiet through feare, or subdued by force of armies, or at the lestwise bound by clemencie. And is there anie other thing else in other parts, which if will and reason should mooue men thereto, that might be obteined? Beyond the Ocean, what is there more than Britaine, Nations néere to Britaine obeie the emperours. which is so recouered by you, that those nations which are nere adioining to the bounds of that Ile, are obedient to your commandements? There is no occasion that may mooue you to passe further, except the ends of the Ocean sea, which nature forbiddeth should be sought for. All is yours (most inuincible princes) which are accounted woorthie of you, and thereof commeth it, that you may equallie prouide for euerie one, sith you haue the whole in your maiesties hands. And therefore as heretofore (most excellent emperour Dioclesian) by your commandement Asia did supplie the desert places of Thracia with inhabitants transported thither, as afterward (most excellent emperour Maximian) by your appointment, the Frankeners at length brought to a pleasant subiection, and admitted to liue vnder The printed booke hath Heruij, but I take the H, to be thrust in for N. lawes, hath peopled and manured the vacant fields of the Neruians, and those about the citie of Trier. And so now by your victories (inuincible Constantius Cesar) whatsoeuer did lie vacant about Amiens, Beauois, Trois, and Langres, beginneth to florish with inhabitants of sundrie nations: yea and moreouer that your most obedient citie of Autun, for whose sake I haue a peculiar cause to reioise, by meanes of this triumphant victorie in Britaine, it hath receiued manie & diuerse Artificers foorth of Britaine. artificers, of whom those prouinces were ful, and now by their workemanship the same citie riseth vp by repairing of ancient houses, and restoring of publike buildings and temples, so that now it accounteth that the old name of brotherlie incorporation to Rome, is againe to hir restored, when she hath you eftsoones for hir founder. I haue said (inuincible emperour) almost more than I haue beene able, & not so much as I ought, that I may haue most iust cause by your clemencies licence, both now to end, & often hereafter to speake: and thus I ceasse."

Diocletian and Maximian. "We truly (O eternal parents and rulers of humanity) earnestly request this of the immortal gods with our heartfelt pleas and prayers, that our children, their children, and all future generations may be dedicated to you and to those whom you currently nurture or will nurture in the future. For what greater fortune can we desire for those who will follow us than to enjoy the same happiness that we ourselves experience now? The Roman Empire encompasses in one unified peace all that has belonged to the Romans at various times, and that immense power, which was once too burdened and torn apart, is now united again under the secure foundations of imperial governance. For there is no part of the earth or region under heaven that is not either quiet out of fear, subdued by military force, or at least bound by mercy. Is there anything else in other lands that, if people were motivated by will and reason, could be obtained? Across the Ocean, what more is there than Britain, Nations near Britain obey the emperors. which you have so recovered that the nations near the borders of that island are obedient to your commands? There is no reason for you to go further, except for the ends of the ocean, which nature forbids you to pursue. All that is worthy of you (most invincible princes) is yours, and thus you can provide equally for everyone, since you have everything in your royal hands. Therefore, just as before (most excellent emperor Dioclesian) you commanded Asia to populate the deserted places of Thrace with relocated inhabitants, and later (most excellent emperor Maximian) you appointed the Franks to pleasant subjugation, allowing them to live under The printed book has "Heruij," but I think the H is mistakenly added for N. laws, which populated and cultivated the vacant lands of the Nervii and those around the city of Trier. And now, thanks to your victories (invincible Constantius Caesar), whatever lands lay vacant around Amiens, Beauvais, Troyes, and Langres are beginning to flourish with inhabitants from various nations: indeed, your most obedient city of Autun, for which I have a special reason to rejoice, has received many & diverse Artisans from Britain. craftsmen from Britain, who filled those provinces, and now through their skills this city is rising again by repairing ancient homes and restoring public buildings and temples, so that now it feels as if the old title of fraternal incorporation with Rome has been restored to it, having you once again as its founder. I have said (invincible emperor) almost more than I can, and not as much as I ought, so that I have just cause, by your clemency's permission, to conclude now and often in the future to speak: and thus I cease."


[Page 526]

[Page 526]

What is to be observed and noted out of the panegyrike oration of Mamertinus afore remembred, with necessarie collections out of other Antiquaries.

What should be observed and noted from the previously mentioned panegyric speech of Mamertinus, along with necessary excerpts from other historians.

THE XXV CHAPTER.

Now let vs consider what is to be noted out of this part of the foresaid oration. It should seeme that when the emperour Maximian was sent into Gallia by appointment taken betwixt him and Dioclesian, after he had quieted things there, he set his mind foorthwith to reduce Britaine vnder the obedience of the empire, which was at that present kept vnder subiection of such princes as mainteined their state, by the mightie forces of such number of ships as they had got togither, furnished with all things necessarie, & namelie of able seamen, as well Franci, or Frankeneres, people of Germanie. Britains as strangers, among whome the Frankeners were chiefe, a nation of Germanie, as then highly renowmed for their puissance by sea, néere to the which they inhabited, so that there were no rouers comparable to them.

Now let’s consider what we should take away from this part of the mentioned speech. It seems that when Emperor Maximian was sent to Gaul by an agreement made with Diocletian, after he had settled things there, he immediately focused on bringing Britain back under the control of the empire, which was at that time held under the rule of princes who maintained their power through a strong fleet of ships they had assembled, equipped with everything necessary, especially skilled sailors, including both British and foreign ones, among whom the Franks were prominent, a nation from Germania, known for their naval strength, living near the area, making them unmatched in terms of raiding.

But because none durst stirre on these our seas for feare of the British fléet that passed to and fro at pleasure, to the great annoiance of the Romane subiects inhabiting alongst the coasts of Gallia, Maximian both to recouer againe so wealthie and profitable a land vnto the obeisance of the empire, as Britaine then was, and also to deliuer the people of Gallia subiect to the Romans, from danger of being dailie spoiled by those rouers that were mainteined here in Britaine, he prouided with all diligence such numbers of ships as were thought requisite for so great an enterprise, and rigging them in sundrie places, tooke order for their setting forward to his most aduantage for the easie atchiuing of his enterprise. He appointed to passe himselfe from the coasts of Flanders, at what time other of capteines with their fleets from other parts should likewise make saile towards Britaine. By this meanes Alectus that had vsurped the title & dignitie of king or rather emperour ouer the Britains, knew not where to take héed, but yet vnderstanding of the nauie that was made readie in the mouth of Saine, he ment by that which maie be coniectured, to intercept that fléet, as it should come foorth and make saile forwards: and so for that purpose he laie with a great number of ships about the Ile of Wight.

But because no one dared to venture on our seas for fear of the British fleet that moved freely to and fro, much to the annoyance of the Roman subjects living along the coasts of Gaul, Maximian aimed to reclaim such a wealthy and profitable land for the empire as Britain was at that time and also to free the people of Gaul who were subject to the Romans from the threat of being daily plundered by those raiders supported by Britain. He diligently arranged for the necessary number of ships for this significant undertaking, rigging them in various locations and planning their departure to maximize his advantage for the easy achievement of his mission. He intended to set sail from the coasts of Flanders while other captains with their fleets from different areas also sailed toward Britain. Because of this, Alectus, who had usurped the title and dignity of king, or rather emperor, over the Britons, was caught off guard. However, upon learning of the fleet being prepared at the mouth of the Seine, he likely intended to intercept that fleet as it set forth. To that end, he stationed a large number of ships around the Isle of Wight.

But whether Asclepiodotus came ouer with that nauie which was rigged on the coasts of Flanders, or with some other, I will not presume to affirme either to or fro, because in déed Mamertinus maketh no expresse mention either of Alectus or Asclepiodotus: but notwithstanding it is euident by that which is conteined in his oration, that not Maximian, but some other of his capteins gouerned the armie, which slue Alectus, so that we maie suppose that Asclepiodotus was chiefteine ouer some number of ships directed by Maximians appointment to passe ouer into this Ile against the same Alectus: and so maie this, which Mamertinus Eutropius. writeth, agrée with the truth of that which we doo find in Eutropius.

But whether Asclepiodotus came over with the fleet that was assembled on the coasts of Flanders, or with some other, I won’t claim to know for sure, because Mamertinus doesn’t specifically mention either Alectus or Asclepiodotus. However, it’s clear from his speech that not Maximian, but another of his commanders led the army that killed Alectus. So we can assume that Asclepiodotus was in charge of a number of ships assigned by Maximian to cross over to this island against Alectus. Therefore, what Mamertinus Eutropius. wrote aligns with what we find in Eutropius.

Héere is to be remembred, that after Maximians had thus recouered Britaine out of their hands that vsurped the rule thereof from the Romans, it should séeme that not onelie great numbers of artificers & other people were conueied ouer into Gallia, there to inhabit and furnish such cities as were run into decaie, but also a power of warlike youths was transported thither to defend the countrie from the inuasion of barbarous nations. For we find that in the daies of this Maximian, the Britains expelling the Neruians out of the citie of Mons in Henaud, held a castell there, which was called Bretaimons after them, wherevpon the citie was afterward called Mons, retaining the last syllable onlie, as in such cases it hath often happened.

It's important to remember that after Maximian regained Britain from those who had taken control from the Romans, it seems that not only were large numbers of craftsmen and other people sent over to Gaul to live and restore cities that had fallen into decay, but a group of young warriors was also transported there to protect the country from barbarian invasions. In the time of this Maximian, the Britons drove the Nervii out of the city of Mons in Hainaut and held a castle there, which was called Bretaimons after them. This is why the city was later named Mons, keeping only the last syllable, as often happens in such cases.

Moreouer this is not to be forgotten, that as Humfrey Lhoyd hath very well noted in his booke intituled "Fragmenta historiæ Britannicæ," Mamertinus in this parcell of his panegyrike oration dooth make first mention of the nation of Picts, of all other the ancient Romane writers: so that not one before his time once nameth Picts or Scots. But now to returne where we left.

Moreover, it shouldn't be forgotten that, as Humfrey Lloyd pointed out well in his book titled "Fragmenta Historiæ Britannicæ," Mamertinus is the first of all ancient Roman writers to mention the nation of Picts in this part of his panegyric speech; no one before him referred to the Picts or Scots. But now, let's go back to where we left off.


[Page 527]

[Page 527]

The state of this Iland vnder bloudie Dioclesian the persecuting tyrant, of Alban the first that suffered martyrdome in Britaine, what miracles were wrought at his death, whereof Lichfield tooke the name; of Coilus earle of Colchester, whose daughter Helen was maried to Constantius the emperour, as some authours suppose.

The condition of this land under the bloody Diocletian, the tyrant who persecuted Christians, and of Alban, the first martyr in Britain, along with the miracles that occurred at his death, which is why Lichfield got its name; and of Coilus, the Earl of Colchester, whose daughter Helen married Constantius, the emperor, as some authors believe.

THE XXVJ CHAPTER.

After that Britaine was thus recouered by the Romans, Dioclesian and Maximian ruling the empire, the Iland tasted of the crueltie that Dioclesian exercised against the christians, in persecuting them with all extremities, continuallie for the space of ten yéeres. Amongst other, one Alban a citizen of Werlamchester, a towne now bearing his name, was the first that suffered here in Britaine in this persecution, being conuerted to the faith by the zealous christian Amphibalus, whom he receiued into his house: insomuch that when there came sergeants to Beda and Gyldas. séeke for the same Amphibalus, the foresaid Alban to preserue Amphibalus out of danger, presented himselfe in the apparell of the said Amphibalus, & so being apprehended in his stead, was brought before the iudge and examined: and for that he refused to doo sacrifice to the false gods, he was beheaded on the top of an hill ouer against the towne of Werlamchester aforesaid where afterwards was builded a church and monasterie in remembrance of his martyrdome, insomuch that the towne there restored, after that Werlamchester was destroied, tooke name of him, and so is vnto this day called saint Albons.

After Britain was reclaimed by the Romans, during the rule of Diocletian and Maximian, the island experienced the cruelty that Diocletian inflicted on Christians, persecuting them relentlessly for ten years. Among others, Alban, a citizen of Verulamium, a town now named after him, was the first to suffer in this persecution. He was converted to the faith by the devout Christian Amphibalus, whom he welcomed into his home. When officers came to capture Amphibalus, Alban, to protect him, dressed in Amphibalus's clothing. Being arrested in his place, he was brought before the judge and questioned. Because he refused to sacrifice to the false gods, he was beheaded on a hill overlooking Verulamium. Later, a church and monastery were built in his honor, and the town, which was rebuilt after Verulamium was destroyed, took his name and is still called St. Albans today.

It is reported by writers, that diuers miracles were wrought at the Beda. Sée the booke of acts and monuments set forth by master Fox. time of his death, insomuch that one which was appointed to doo the execution, was conuerted, and refusing to doo that office, suffered also with him: but he that tooke vpon him to doo it, reioised nothing thereat, for his eies fell out of his head downe to the ground, togither with the head of that holie man which he had then cut off. There were also martyred about the same time two constant witnesses of Christ his religion, Aaron and Iulius, citizens of Caerleon Arwiske. Iohn Rossus.
Warwicens. in lib. de Wigorniens. epis.
Moreouer, a great number of Christians which were assembled togither to heare the word of life, preached by that vertuous man Amphibalus, were Lichfield whereof it tooke name. slaine by the wicked pagans at Lichfield, whereof that towne tooke name, as you would say, The field of dead corpses.

Writers report that several miracles were performed at the Bede. Check out the book of Acts and Monuments published by Master Fox. time of his death, to the extent that one person assigned to carry out the execution was converted and, refusing to do the job, suffered alongside him. However, the person who went ahead with it felt no joy in that act, for his eyes fell out of his head to the ground, along with the head of that holy man he had just cut off. Around the same time, two steadfast witnesses of Christ's religion, Aaron and Julius, citizens of Caerleon Arwiske, were also martyred. John Rossus.
Warwickensis in the book about the bishops of Worcester.
Furthermore, a large number of Christians, gathered to hear the word of life preached by the virtuous man Amphibalus, were killed by wicked pagans at Lichfield, which is where the town got its name, essentially meaning, The field of dead bodies.

To be briefe, this persecution was so great and greeuous, and thereto Gyldas. so vniuersall, that in maner the Christian religion was thereby destroied. The faithfull people were slaine, their bookes burnt, and Ran. Cestren. churches ouerthrowne. It is recorded that in one moneths space in diuers places of the world there were 17000 godlie men and women put to Matth. West. Constantius. death, for professing the christian faith in the daies of that tyrant Dioclesian and his fellow Maximian.

To be brief, this persecution was so intense and severe, and so widespread, that it nearly destroyed the Christian religion. Faithful people were killed, their books were burned, and churches were destroyed. It's recorded that in the span of one month, in various places around the world, 17,000 righteous men and women were executed for professing the Christian faith during the reign of that tyrant Dioclesian and his associate Maximian.

COELUS.
262.
Coelus earle of Colchester began his dominion ouer the Britains in the yeere of our Lord 262. This Coelus or Coell ruled the land for a certeine time, so as the Britains were well content with his gouernement, and liued the longer in rest from inuasion of the Romans, bicause they were occupied in other places: but finallie they finding Fabian. time for their purpose, appointed one Constantius to passe ouer into this Ile with an armie, the which Constantius put Coelus in such dread, that immediatlie vpon his arriuall Coelus sent to him an ambassage, and concluded a peace with him, couenanting to pay the accustomed tribute, Gal. Mon.
Fabian.
Caxton.
& gaue to Constantius his daughter in mariage called Helen, a noble ladie and a learned. Shortlie after king Coell died, when he had reigned (as some write) 27 yeeres or (as other haue) but 13 yeeres.

COELUS.
262.
Sky, Earl of Colchester, began his rule over Britain in the year 262 AD. This Coelus, or Coell, governed the land for a certain period, during which the Britons were quite pleased with his leadership and enjoyed a longer period of peace from Roman invasions since the Romans were busy elsewhere. However, eventually, they found an opportunity and appointed a man named Constantius to invade the island with an army. Upon Constantius's arrival, Coelus became so fearful that he immediately sent an envoy to him and negotiated a peace agreement, agreeing to pay the usual tribute, Fabian. and gave Constantius his daughter, a noble and learned lady named Helen, in marriage. Shortly after, King Coell died, having reigned (according to some sources) for 27 years or (according to others) only 13 years.

¶ But by the way touching this Coelus, I will not denie, but assuredly such a prince there was: howbeit that he had a daughter named Helen, whom he maried vnto Constantius the Romane lieutenant that was after emperor, I leaue that to be decided of the learned. For if the whole course of the liues, as well of the father and the sonne Constantius and Constantine, as likewise of the mother Helen, be consideratelie[Page 528] marked from time to time, and yeere to yéere, as out of authors both Lib. 7. cap. 18. Greeke and Latine the same may be gathered, I feare least such doubt maie rise in this matter, that it will be harder to prooue Helen a Britane, than Constantine to be borne in Bithynia (as Nicephorus auoucheth.) But forsomuch as I meane not to step from the course of our countrie writers in such points, where the receiued opinion may séeme to warrant the credit of the historie, I will with other admit both the mother and sonne to be Britains in the whole discourse of the historie following, as though I had forgot what in this place I haue said.

¶ But regarding Coelus, I won’t deny that there was indeed a prince by that name; however, he had a daughter named Helen, whom he married to Constantius, the Roman lieutenant who later became emperor. I’ll leave that for scholars to decide. If we look carefully at the lives of both Constantius and his son Constantine, as well as the mother Helen, considering them from time to time and year to year, as the accounts from both Greek and Latin sources suggest, I worry that doubts may arise about this matter. It might be harder to prove that Helen was British than to establish that Constantine was born in Bithynia (as Nicephorus claims). But since I don’t want to stray from the views of our country’s historians on these points, where the accepted opinion seems to uphold the credibility of the history, I will also accept both the mother and son as Britons in the following history, as if I had forgotten what I just said here.


A further discourse of the forenamed Constantius and Helen, his regiment ouer this Iland, his behauiour and talke to his sonne and councellors as he lay on his death-bed, a deuise that he put in practise to vnderstand what true Christians he had in his court, his commendable vertues, that the Britains in his time imbraced the christian faith is prooued.

A further discussion about Constantius and Helen, his rule over this island, his behavior and conversations with his son and counselors as he lay on his deathbed, a plan he implemented to find out who the true Christians were in his court, his admirable virtues, and how the Britons embraced the Christian faith during his time is demonstrated.

THE XXVIJ CHAPTER.

CONSTANTIUS. Matth. West. saith 302.
289.
Constantius a senatour of Rome began to reigne ouer the Britains, in the yeere of our Lord 289, as our histories report. This Constantius (as before ye haue heard) had to wife Helen the daughter of the foresaid king Coel, of whome he begat a sonne named Constantinus, which after was emperour, and for his woorthie dooings surnamed Constantine the great. S. Ambrose following the common report, writeth that this Orosius.
Beda.
Helen was a maid in an inne: and some againe write, that she was concubine to Constantius, and not his wife.

CONSTANTIUS. Matth. West. says 302. 289. Constantius, a senator of Rome, began to reign over the Britons in the year 289 AD, according to our histories. This Constantius (as you have heard before) had a wife named Helen, the daughter of the aforementioned King Coel, with whom he had a son named Constantinus, who later became emperor and earned the title Constantine the Great for his worthy deeds. St. Ambrose, following the common story, writes that this Orosius.
Bede.
Helen was a maid at an inn; others, however, claim that she was Constantius's concubine and not his wife.

Cuspinian.
Fabian.
But whatsoeuer she was, it appeareth by the writers of the Romane histories, that Constantius being the daughters sonne of one Crispus, that was brother to the emperour Claudius, came into Britaine, and quieted the troubles that were raised by the Britains, and there (as some write) maried the foresaid Helen, being a woman of an excellent beautie, whom yet [after] he was constreined to forsake, and to marrie Theodora the daughter in law of Herculeus Maximianus, by whome he had six sonnes, and finallie was created emperour, togither with the said Galerius Maximianus, at what time Dioclesianus and his fellow Herculeus Maximianus renounced the rule of the empire, and committed the same vnto them. The empire was then diuided betwixt them, so that to Constantius the regions of Italie, Affrike, France Spaine and Britaine were assigned; & to Galerius, Illyricum, Grecia, and all the east parts. But Constantine being a man void of ambition, was contented to leaue Italie and Affrike, supposing his charge to be great inough to haue the gouernement in his hands of France, Spaine, and Britaine (as Eutropius saith.)

Cuspinian.
Fabian.
Regardless of who she was, it's clear from Roman historians that Constantius, the grandson of Crispus, who was the brother of Emperor Claudius, came to Britain and settled the unrest caused by the Britons. There, as some accounts say, he married the beautiful Helen, but he was later forced to leave her and marry Theodora, the daughter-in-law of Herculeus Maximianus, with whom he had six sons. Eventually, he was made emperor alongside Galerius Maximianus, at the time when Diocletian and his associate Herculeus Maximianus stepped down from power and handed the empire over to them. The empire was then split between them, with Constantius receiving Italy, Africa, France, Spain, and Britain, while Galerius took Illyricum, Greece, and all the eastern territories. However, Constantine, being someone without ambition, was satisfied with governing just France, Spain, and Britain, believing that was enough responsibility for him, as Eutropius noted.

But as touching his reigne ouer the Britains, we haue not to say further than as we find in our owne writers recorded: as for his gouernement in the empire, it is to be considered, that first he was admitted to rule as an assistant to Maximian vnder the title of Cesar: and so from that time if you shall account his reigne, it maie comprehend 11, 12, or 13 yeeres, yea more or lesse, according to the diuersitie found in writers. Howbeit, if we shall reckon his reigne from the time onelie that Dioclesian and Maximian resigned their title vnto the empire, we shall find that he reigned not fullie thrée yéeres. For whereas betwéene the slaughter of Alectus, and the comming of Constantius, are accounted 8 yéeres and od moneths, not onelie those eight yéeres, but also some space of time before maie be ascribed vnto Constantius: for although before his comming ouer into Britaine now this last time (for he had béene here afore, as it well appéereth) Asclepiodotus gouerning as legat, albeit vnder Constantius, who had a great portion of the west parts of the empire vnder his regiment, by the title, as I haue said, of Cesar, yet he was not said to reigne absolutelie till Dioclesian and Maximian resigned. But now to conclude with the dooings of Constantius, at length he fell sicke at Yorke, and 306. there died, about the yéere of our Lord 306.

But regarding his reign over Britain, we don't have much to add beyond what we've found recorded by our own writers. As for his governance in the empire, it should be noted that he was first appointed to rule as an assistant to Maximian with the title of Caesar. So, if you count his reign from that point, it could span 11, 12, or 13 years, give or take, depending on the variations found in different accounts. However, if we consider his reign only from the time when Diocletian and Maximian stepped down from their imperial titles, we'll see that he reigned for just under three years. Between the death of Alectus and the arrival of Constantius, there are said to be 8 years and a few months; not only those eight years but also some time before can be attributed to Constantius. For even though he had previously been in Britain, as we can see, Asclepiodotus was governing as legate under Constantius, who controlled a significant part of the western empire under the title of Caesar, he wasn't considered to reign completely until Diocletian and Maximian had abdicated. To wrap up, Constantius eventually fell ill in York and died around the year 306 AD.

This is not to be forgotten, that whilest he laie on his death-bed,[Page 529] somewhat before he departed this life, hearing that his sonne Constantine was come, and escaped from the emperours Dioclesian and Maximian, with whom he remained as a pledge (as after shall be partlie touched) he receiued him with all ioy, and raising himselfe vp in his bed, in presence of his other sonnes & counsellours, with a great number of other people and strangers that were come to visit him, he set the crowne vpon his sonnes head, and adorned him with other imperiall robes and garments, executing as it were him selfe the office Niceph. of an herald, and withall spake these woords vnto his said sonne, and Tripartit. histo. to his counsellours there about him: "Now is my death to me more welcome, and my departure hence more pleasant; I haue héere a large epitaph and monument of buriall, to wit, mine owne sonne, and one whome in earth I leaue to be emperour in my place, which by Gods good helpe shall wipe away the teares of the Christians, and reuenge the crueltie exercised by tyrants. This I reckon to chance vnto me in stéed of most felicitie."

This should not be forgotten: while he lay on his deathbed,[Page 529] shortly before he passed away, he heard that his son Constantine had arrived, having escaped from the emperors Dioclesian and Maximian, with whom he had been held as a hostage (as will be partially explained later). He welcomed him with great joy, sitting up in his bed in front of his other sons and advisors, along with a large crowd of people and strangers who had come to visit him. He placed the crown on his son's head and dressed him in other imperial robes and garments, effectively performing the role of a herald himself, and spoke these words to his son and to the counselors around him: "Now my death is more welcome, and my departure more pleasant; I have here a great epitaph and burial monument, namely, my own son, whom I leave behind on earth to be emperor in my place, who, with God's help, will wipe away the tears of Christians and avenge the cruelty inflicted by tyrants. I consider this my greatest fortune."

After this, turning himselfe to the multitude, he commanded them all to be of good comfort, meaning those that had not forsaken true vertue and godlinesse in Christ, which Christ he vndertooke should continue with his sonne Constantine in all enterprises, which in warres or otherwise he should take in hand. That deuise also is woorthie to be had in memorie, which he put in practise in his life time, to vnderstand what true and sincere Christians were remaining in his court. For whereas he had béene first a persecuter, and after was conuerted, it was a matter easie to persuade the world, that he was no earnest Christian: and so the policie which he thought to worke, was the sooner brought to passe, which was this.

After this, he turned to the crowd and encouraged them all to stay positive, referring to those who had not abandoned true virtue and godliness in Christ. He promised that Christ would remain with his son Constantine in all endeavors, whether in battles or other pursuits he undertook. This strategy is also worth remembering, as he implemented it during his lifetime to identify the genuine and sincere Christians still in his court. Having initially been a persecutor and later converted, it was easy for people to doubt his seriousness as a Christian. Therefore, the tactic he devised was quickly put into action, which was this.

He called togither all his officers and seruants, feining himselfe to choose out such as would doo sacrifice to diuels, and that those onelie should remaine with him and kéepe their office, and the rest that refused so to doo, should be thrust out, and banished the court. Héervpon all the courtiers diuided themselues into companies: and when some offered willinglie to doo sacrifice, and other some boldlie refused: the emperour marking their dealings, sharpelie rebuked those which were so readie to dishonour the liuing God, accounting them as treitours to his diuine maiestie, and not woorthie to remaine within the court gates: but those that constantlie stood in the profession of the christian faith, he greatlie commended, as men woorthie to be about a prince: and withall declared, that from thencefoorth they should be as chiefe counsellours and defenders both of his person and kingdome, estéeming more of them than of all the treasure he had in his coffers.

He gathered all his officers and servants, pretending to select those willing to sacrifice to demons, and declared that only they would remain with him and keep their positions, while those who refused would be expelled and banished from the court. In response, all the courtiers split into groups: some willingly offered to sacrifice, while others boldly refused. The emperor, observing their actions, harshly rebuked those eager to dishonor the living God, considering them traitors to his divine majesty and unworthy to stay within the court gates. However, he greatly praised those who steadfastly upheld the Christian faith, deeming them worthy to be around a prince, and announced that henceforth they would serve as his chief advisers and protectors of both himself and the kingdom, valuing them more than all the treasure in his coffers.

To conclude, he was a graue prince, sober, vpright, courteous and liberall, as he which kept his mind euer frée from couetous desire of great riches: insomuch that when he should make anie great feast to his friends, he was not ashamed to borow plate and siluer vessell to serue Pomponius Lænis. his turne, and to furnish his cupbord for the time, being contented for himselfe to be serued in cruses & earthen vessels. He was woont to haue this saieng in his mouth, that better it was that the subiects should haue store of monie and riches, than the prince to kéepe it close in his treasurie, where it serued to no vse. By such courteous dealing the prouinces which were in his charge flourished in great wealth and He died in the yéere 306. as Matt. West. hath noted, and reigned over the Britains but 11. yéeres as Galf. saith. quietnesse. He was a verie wise and politike prince in the ordering of all weightie matters, and verie skillfull in the practise of warres, so that he stood the Romane empire in great stéed, and was therefore highlie beloued of the souldiers, insomuch that immediatlie after his deceasse, they proclaimed his sonne Constantine emperour.

To conclude, he was a serious prince, sober, upright, courteous, and generous, always keeping his mind free from greedy desire for wealth. So much so that when he needed to host a big feast for his friends, he wasn't embarrassed to borrow plates and silverware to serve his guests, content to be served in plain jars and earthenware himself. He often said that it was better for the subjects to have plenty of money and riches than for the prince to hoard it in his treasury, where it served no purpose. Through such courteous behavior, the provinces he governed thrived in great wealth and peace. He was a very wise and political prince in handling significant matters and very skillful in military practice, thus being a great asset to the Roman Empire, which earned him the soldiers' deep affection. Immediately after his death, they proclaimed his son Constantine emperor.

That the Christian faith was imbraced of the Britains in this season, it maie appéere, in that Hilarias bishop of Poictiers writeth to his brethren in Britaine, and Constantine in an epistle (as Theodoretus saith in his first booke and tenth chapter) maketh mention of the churches in Britaine: which also Sozomenus dooth affirme. For the Britains after they had receiued the faith, defended the same euen with 291. Iohn Bale. the shedding of their bloud, as Amphibalus, who in this Constantius daies being apprehended, suffered at Redburne neere to Werlamchester, about 15 yéeres after the martyrdome of his host S. Albane.

That the Christian faith was accepted by the Britons during this time can be seen in Hilary, the bishop of Poitiers, who writes to his fellow believers in Britain. Constantine also mentions the churches in Britain in a letter, as Theodoret notes in his first book and tenth chapter, which Sozomen also confirms. After the Britons embraced the faith, they defended it even to the point of shedding their blood, like Amphibalus, who was captured during the time of Constantius and suffered at Redburne near Werlamchester, about 15 years after the martyrdom of his host, St. Alban.


[Page 530]

[Page 530]

Constantine created emperour in Britaine, he is sollicited to take vpon him the regiment of those countries that his father gouerned, he is requested to subdue Maxentius the vsurping tyrant, Maximianus his father seeketh to depose him, Constantines death is purposed by the said Maximianus the father & his sonne Maxentius, Fausta the daughter of Maximianus & wife to Constantine detecteth hir fathers trecherie to hir husband, Maximianus is strangled at Constantines commandement, lèague and alliance betweene him and Licinius, he is slaine, the empresse Helen commended, the crosse of Christ found with the inscription of the same, what miracles were wrought thereby, of the nailes wherewith Christ was crucified, Constantine commended, the state of Britaine in his time.

When Constantine was made emperor in Britain, he was urged to take control of the regions that his father used to govern. He was asked to defeat Maxentius, the usurping tyrant. Maximianus, his father, plotted to dethrone him, and both Maximianus and his son Maxentius schemed Constantine's death. Fausta, the daughter of Maximianus and wife of Constantine, revealed her father's treachery to her husband. As a result, Maximianus was killed on Constantine's orders. There was an alliance formed between Constantine and Licinius, and he was ultimately killed as well. Empress Helen was praised, and the cross of Christ was discovered with an inscription on it, along with the miracles that occurred because of it, including the nails that were used in Christ's crucifixion. Constantine was commended for his achievements, and the state of Britain was noted during his reign.

THE XXVIIJ CHAPTER.

CONSTANTINE. Constantine being the son of the forenamed Constantius, begot of his first wife Helen, the daughter (as some affirme) of Coell late king of
306.
the Britains, began to reigne in the yéere of our Lord 306. This worthie prince begotten of a British woman, & borne of hir in Britaine (as our writers doo affirme) and created certeinlie emperour in Britaine, did doubtlesse make his natiue countrie partaker of his high glorie and renowme, which by his great prowes, politike wisedome, woorthie gouernment, and other his princelie qualities most abundantlie planted in his noble person, he purchased and got thorough the circuit of the whole earth, insomuch that for the high enterprises and noble acts by him happilie brought to passe and atchiued, he was surnamed (as before is said) the great Constantine. Whilest this Constantine remained at Rome in manner as he had béene a pledge with Galerius in his fathers life time, he being then but yoong, fled from thence, and with all post hast returned to his father into Britaine, killing or howghing by the waie all such horsses as were appointed to stand at Eutropius.
Sextus Aurelius Victor.
innes readie for such as should ride in post, least being pursued, he should haue béene ouertaken, and brought backe againe by such as might be sent to pursue him.

CONSTANTINE. Constantine, the son of the aforementioned Constantius and his first wife Helen, who was reportedly the daughter of Coel, the former king of the 306. Britains, began his reign in the year 306 AD. This worthy prince, born of a British woman in Britain (as our writers claim), and certainly proclaimed emperor in Britain, undeniably brought fame and glory to his homeland. Through his great achievements, political wisdom, worthy governance, and other noble qualities, he earned respect and recognition throughout the world. For his significant endeavors and noble actions that he successfully accomplished, he was called (as mentioned before) the great Constantine. While this Constantine was in Rome, living almost as a hostage with Galerius during his father's lifetime, he was still young when he fled from there. He hurriedly returned to his father in Britain, slaying or maiming all the horses that were meant to be ready at Eutropius.
Sextus Aurelius Victor.
the inns for those riding post, to avoid being chased and captured by anyone sent after him.

At his comming into Britaine, he found his father sore vexed with sicknesse, whereof shortlie after he died, and then was he by helpe of such as were about him, incouraged to Erocus king of the Almains. take vpon him as emperour: and namelie one Erocus king of the Almains, which had accompanied his father thither, assisted him thereto, so that being proclaimed emperour, he tooke vpon him the rule of those countries which his father had in gouernment, that is to saie, France, Spaine, the Alpes, and Britaine, with other prouinces héere in the west: and ruling the same with great equitie and wisdome, he greatly wan the fauour of the people, insomuch that the fame of his politike gouernment and courteous dealing being spred abroad, when Maxentius the tyrant. Maxentius the tyrant that occupied the rule of the empire at Rome, and in Italie by wrongfull vsurping & abusing the same, was grown into the hatred of the Romans and other Italians, Constantine was earnestlie by them requested to come into Italie, and to helpe to subdue Maxentius, that he might reforme the state of things there.

When he arrived in Britain, he found his father seriously ill, and shortly after, he passed away. With the help of those around him, he was encouraged to take on the role of emperor, particularly by Erocus, the king of the Almains, who had accompanied his father. Once proclaimed emperor, he assumed control of the territories his father governed, including France, Spain, the Alps, and Britain, along with other provinces in the west. He ruled these lands with fairness and wisdom, winning the favor of the people. As news of his good governance and kind approach spread, Maxentius, the tyrant who had illegitimately seized control of the empire in Rome and Italy, became increasingly hated by the Romans and other Italians. They urged Constantine to come to Italy and help defeat Maxentius to restore order.

This Maxentius was sonne to Herculeus Maximianus, and Constantine had married Fausta the daughter of the said Maximianus. Now so it was, that Maximianus, immediatlie after that his sonne Maxentius had taken the rule vpon him, sought meanes to haue deposed him, and to haue resumed and taken eftsoones into his owne hands the gouernment of the empire. But solliciting Dioclesian to doo the like, he was much reprooued of him for his vnreasonable and ambitious purpose: so that when he perceiued that neither Dioclesian would be thereto agreeable, nor induce the souldiers to admit him, they hauing alreadie established his sonne, began to deuise waies how to assure the state more stronglie to his said sonne. And hearing that his sonne in law Constantine was minded to come into Italie against him, he purposed to practise Constantines destruction, insomuch that it was iudged by this which Dissimulation. followed, that Herculeus Maximianus did but for a colour séeme to mislike that which his said son Maxentius had doone, to the end he might the sooner accomplish his intent for the dispatching of[Page 531] Constantine out of the waie.

This Maxentius was the son of Herculeus Maximianus, and Constantine had married Fausta, the daughter of Maximianus. Right after his son Maxentius took power, Maximianus looked for ways to depose him and reclaim control of the empire for himself. However, when he urged Dioclesian to do the same, he was heavily criticized for his unreasonable and ambitious plan. Realizing that neither Dioclesian would agree to this nor persuade the soldiers to support him—since they had already backed his son—he started devising ways to strengthen his son’s position. Upon hearing that his son-in-law Constantine planned to come to Italy against him, he plotted Constantine's destruction, leading to the belief that Herculeus Maximianus only pretended to disapprove of his son Maxentius's actions so he could achieve his goal of getting rid of Constantine.

Ranulphus Cestrensis. Heerevpon (as it were) fléeing out of Italie, he came to Constantine, who as then hauing appointed lieutenants vnder him in Britaine, remained in France, and with all ioy and honour that might be, receiued his father in law: the which being earnestlie bent to compasse his Fausta the daughter of Maximianas and wife to Constantine. purpose, made his daughter Fausta priuie thereto: which ladie (either for feare least the concealing thereof might turne hir to displeasure, either else for the entire loue which she bare to hir husband) reuealed hir fathers wicked purpose. Wherevpon whilest Constantine went about to Marsiles. be reuenged of such a traitorous practise, Herculeus fled to Marsiles, purposing there to take the sea, and so to retire to his sonne Maxentius into Italie. But yer he could get awaie from thence, he was strangled by commandement of his sonne in law Constantine, and so ended Maximianus slaine.
Ann. Chri. 322.
his life, which he had spotted with manie cruell acts, as well in persecuting the professours of the christian name, as others.

Ranulphus Cestrensis. After fleeing from Italy, he arrived in the presence of Constantine, who had appointed lieutenants in Britain and was staying in France. With as much joy and honor as possible, he welcomed his father-in-law. This father-in-law, intent on fulfilling his secret plan, made his daughter Fausta aware of it. Fausta, either out of fear that keeping it hidden might lead to trouble or due to her deep love for her husband, revealed her father's wicked intentions. As a result, while Constantine sought revenge for this treacherous act, Herculeus fled to Marseilles with the intention of taking to the sea and retreating to Italy to join his son Maxentius. However, before he could escape, he was strangled by the command of his son-in-law Constantine, thus ending his life, which was marked by many cruel acts, both in persecuting Christians and others. Maximianus killed.
Ann. Chri. 322.

Licinius chosen fellow with Maximianus in the empire. In this meane time had Maximianus adopted one Licinius to assist him in gouernance of the empire, proclaiming him Cesar. So that now at one selfe time Constantine gouerned France and the west parts of the empire, Maxentius held Italie, Affrike, and Aegypt: and Maximianus which likewise had beene elected Cesar, ruled the east parts, and Licinius Illyrium and Grecia. But shortlie after, the emperour Constantine ioined in league with Licinius, and gaue to him his sister in marriage, named Constantia, for more suertie of faithfull friendship to indure betwixt them. He sent him also against Maximianus who gouerning in the east part of the empire, purposed the destruction of Constantine and all his partakers: but being vanquished by Licinius at Tarsus, he shortlie after died, being eaten with lice. Constantine after this was called into Italie, to deliuer the Romans and Italians from the tyrannie of Maxentius, which occasion so offered, Constantine gladlie accepting, passed into Italie, and after certeine victories got against Maxentius, at length slue him.

Licinius was selected to partner with Maximianus in the empire. Meanwhile, Maximianus had adopted Licinius to help him govern the empire, declaring him Caesar. At that time, Constantine was in charge of France and the western parts of the empire, Maxentius ruled Italy, Africa, and Egypt, while Maximianus, also elected as Caesar, governed the eastern regions, and Licinius oversaw Illyricum and Greece. Soon after, Emperor Constantine formed an alliance with Licinius and gave him his sister, Constantia, in marriage to strengthen their friendship. He also sent Licinius to confront Maximianus, who was in the east and intended to destroy Constantine and his supporters. However, Maximianus was defeated by Licinius at Tarsus and shortly after died from a lice infestation. After this, Constantine was called to Italy to free the Romans and Italians from Maxentius's tyranny. Constantine gladly accepted the opportunity, went to Italy, and after securing several victories against Maxentius, ultimately killed him.

After this, when Maximianus was dead, who prepared to make warre against Licinius, that had married Constantia the sister of Constantine, he finallie made warre against his brother in law the said Licinius, by reason of such quarrels as fell out betwixt them. In the which warre Licinius was put to the woorse, and at length comming into the hands of Constantine, was put to death, so that Constantine by this meanes got the whole empire vnder his rule and subiection. He was a great fauourer of the Christian religion, insomuch that to aduance the same, he tooke order for the conuerting of the temples dedicated to the honour of idols, vnto the seruice of the true and almightie God. He commanded also, that none should be admitted to serue as a souldier in Christians honoured and cherished. the warres, except he were a christian, nor yet to haue rule of anie countrie or armie. He also ordeined, the wéeke before Easter, and that which followed to be kept as holie, and no person to doo anie bodilie woorks during the same.

After this, when Maximianus died, who had planned to go to war against Licinius, who married Constantia, sister of Constantine, he finally waged war against his brother-in-law Licinius because of disputes that arose between them. In this war, Licinius was defeated, and eventually, he fell into the hands of Constantine, who had him executed, allowing Constantine to gain control of the entire empire. He was a strong supporter of Christianity, so much so that to promote it, he arranged for the conversion of temples dedicated to idol worship into places of service for the true and Almighty God. He also commanded that no one be allowed to serve as a soldier in the wars unless they were a Christian, nor to hold any governance over a country or army. He also declared that the week before Easter and the week after should be kept holy, with no person allowed to do any physical work during that time.

Polydor. The praise of the empresse Helen.
328.
He was much counselled by that noble and most vertuous ladie his mother, the empresse Helen, who being a godlie and deuout woman, did what in hir laie, to mooue him to the setting foorth of Gods honour and increase of the christian faith, wherein as yet he was not fullie instructed. ¶ Some writers alledge, that she being at Ierusalem, made diligent search to find out the place of the sepulchre of our Lord, and at length found it, though with much adoo: for the infidels had stopped it vp, and couered it with a heape of filthie earth, and builded aloft vpon the place, a chappell dedicated to Venus, where yoong women vsed to sing songs in honour of that vnchast goddesse. Helen caused the same to be ouerthrowne, the earth to be remooued, and the place cleansed, so that at length the sepulchre appéered, and fast by were found there buried in the earth thrée crosses and the nailes. But the crosse wherevpon our Sauiour was crucified, was knowne by the title written vpon it, though almost worne out, in letters of Hebrew, Gréeke, and Latine: the inscription was this, Iesus Nazarenus rex Iudæorum. It was also perceiued which was that crosse by a miracle (as it is reported, but how trulie I can not tell) that should be wrought thereby: for being laid to a sicke woman, onlie with the touching thereof she was healed. It was also said, that a dead man was raised from death to life, his bodie onlie being touched therewith. Wherevpon[Page 532] Constantine mooued with these things, forbad that from thencefoorth anie should be put to death on the crosse, to the end that the thing which afore time was accounted infamous and reprochfull, might now be had in honour and reuerence.

Polydor. The recognition of Empress Helen.
328.
He received a lot of advice from his noble and virtuous mother, Empress Helen, who, being a devout and godly woman, did everything she could to inspire him to honor God and promote the Christian faith, in which he was not yet fully educated. Some writers claim that while she was in Jerusalem, she made a thorough search to locate the tomb of our Lord and ultimately found it, though it was quite difficult: the infidels had blocked it up and covered it with a pile of filthy dirt, and built a chapel dedicated to Venus over the site, where young women sang songs in honor of that immoral goddess. Helen had the chapel torn down, the dirt removed, and the place cleaned up, so that eventually the tomb was revealed, and nearby, three crosses and the nails were found buried in the earth. The cross on which our Savior was crucified was identified by the inscription written on it, though nearly worn away, in letters of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin: the inscription read, Iesus Nazarenus rex Iudæorum. It was also believed that a miracle occurred to identify that cross (as it's reported, but I can't say how true it is): when it was placed on a sick woman, merely touching it healed her. It was also said that a dead man was brought back to life just by having his body touched by it. Because of these events, Constantine, moved by what he heard, prohibited anyone from being put to death on a cross from that point forward, so that what was once considered disgraceful and shameful might now be treated with honor and respect.

The empresse Helen hauing thus found the crosse, builded a temple there, & taking with hir the nailes, returned with the same to hir sonne Polydor. Constantine, who set one of them in the crest of his helmet, an other in the bridle of his horsse, and the third he cast into the sea, to asswage and pacifie the furious tempests and rage thereof. She also Polydor. brought with hir a parcell of that holie crosse, and gaue it to hir sonne the said Constantine, the which he caused to be closed within an image that represented his person, standing vpon a piller in the market place of Constantine, or (as some late writers haue) he caused it to be inclosed in a coffer of gold, adorned with rich stones and pearls, placing it in a church called Sessoriana, the which church he indued with manie great gifts and precious ornaments. Manie works of great zeale and vertue are remembered by writers to haue béene doone by this Constantine and his mother Helen, to the setting foorth of Gods glorie, and the aduancing of the faith of Christ.

Empress Helen found the cross and built a temple there. She took some of the nails and returned to her son, Polydor. Constantine used one of the nails as part of his helmet, another in his horse's bridle, and he threw the third into the sea to calm the raging storms. She also Polydor. brought back a piece of the holy cross and gave it to her son Constantine. He had it placed within a statue of himself standing on a pillar in the marketplace of Constantine, or as some later writers suggest, he had it enclosed in a gold chest decorated with precious stones and pearls, placing it in a church called Sessoriana, which he filled with many valuable gifts and ornaments. Many acts of great zeal and virtue are recorded by writers to have been done by Constantine and his mother Helen, aimed at promoting God’s glory and advancing the faith of Christ.

The commendation of Constantine. But to be briefe, he was a man in whome manie excellent vertues and good qualities both of mind and bodie manifestlie appéered, chieflie he was a prince of great knowledge and experience in warre, and therewith verie fortunate, an earnest louer of iustice, and to conclude, borne to all honour.

The praise of Constantine. But to be brief, he was a man in whom many excellent virtues and good qualities, both of mind and body, were clearly evident. Primarily, he was a prince with great knowledge and experience in war, and he was also very fortunate, a devoted lover of justice, and, to sum it up, destined for all honor.

But now to speake somewhat of the state of Britaine in his time, ye shall vnderstand, that as before is recorded, at his going ouer into France, after that he was proclaimed emperour, he left behind him in Britaine certeine gouernours to rule the land, and amongst other one Maximinus a right valiant capteine. He tooke with him a great part of the youth of Britaine, and diuerse of the chiefe men amongst the nobilitie, in whose approoued manhood, loialtie, and constancie, he conceiued a great hope to go thorough with all his enterprises, as with the which being accompanied and compassed about, he passed ouer into Gallia, entred into Italie, and in euerie place ouercame his enimies.

But now to discuss the state of Britain during his time, you should know that, as previously recorded, when he went over to France after being proclaimed emperor, he left behind some governors to rule the land, including a brave captain named Maximinus. He took with him a large part of Britain's youth and several of the leading figures among the nobility, in whom he had great confidence because of their proven bravery, loyalty, and steadfastness. With their support, he passed over into Gaul, entered Italy, and defeated his enemies everywhere.

Gulielmus Malmes. Britains seruing in the warres vnder Constantine. Some write that Constantine thus conueieng ouer sea with him a great armie of Britains, and by their industrie obteining victorie as he wished, he placed a great number of such as were discharged out of wages, and licenced to giue ouer the warre, in a part of Gallia towards the west sea coast, where their posteritie remaine vnto this daie, maruellouslie increased afterwards, and somewhat differing from our Britains, the Welshmen, in manners and language. Amongst those noble men which he tooke with him when he departed out of this land (as our Galfridus.
Matt. West.
writers doo testifie) were thrée vncles of his mother Helen, that is to say Hoelmus, Trahernus, and Marius, whome he made senators of Rome.

Guilielmus Malmes. Britons serving in the wars under Constantine. Some say that Constantine brought a large army of Britons with him across the sea and, through their efforts, achieved the victories he desired. He settled many of those who had been discharged from service and allowed to leave the war in a region of Gaul near the west coast, where their descendants still live today, significantly increased in number and somewhat different from our Britons, the Welsh, in customs and language. Among the noble men he took with him when he left this land (as our Galfridus. Matt. West. writers confirm) were three uncles of his mother Helen, namely Hoelmus, Trahernus, and Marius, whom he appointed as senators of Rome.


Of Octauius a British lord, his reigne ouer the Britains, he incountereth with Traherne first néere Winchester, and afterwards in Westmerland: Octauius being discomfited fléeth into Norway, Traherne is slaine, Octauius sendeth for Maximianus, on whom he bestoweth his daughter and the kingdome of Britaine: the death of Octauius, Helena builded the wals of Colchester and London, she dieth and is buried, Constantine departeth this life, Britaine reckoned among the prouinces that reteined the christian faith, Paulus a Spaniard is sent into Britaine, he dealeth roughlie with the people, Martinus the lieutenant excuseth them as innocent, his vnluckie end, Paulus returneth into Italie.

Octavius, a British lord, ruled over Britain and first faced Traherne near Winchester and then in Westmorland. After being defeated, Octavius fled to Norway. Traherne was killed, and Octavius called for Maximian, to whom he gave his daughter and the kingdom of Britain. After Octavius's death, Helena built the walls of Colchester and London, then she died and was buried. Constantine passed away, and Britain was counted among the provinces that maintained the Christian faith. A Spaniard named Paul was sent to Britain, where he treated the people harshly. Martinus, the lieutenant, defended them as innocent, leading to Paul's unfortunate end as he returned to Italy.

THE XXIX CHAPTER.

Now in the meane time that Constantine had obteined and ruled the whole empire, Britaine as it were hauing recouered libertie, in that one of hir children being hir king, had got the gouernment of the whole earth, remained in better quiet than afore time she had doone. But yet in the[Page 533] Octauius.
Caxton.
meane season, if we shall credit the British chronicle and Geffrey of Monmouth the interpretor thereof; there was a British lord, named Octauius or Octauian, as the old English chronicle nameth him, that was Gewisses inhabited the countrie which the west Saxons after held. duke of the Gewisses, and appointed by Constantine to be ruler of the
The name of Gewisses came in with the Saxons of Guuy, &c.
land in his absence, the which Octauius (after that Constantine had recouered Rome and Italie, and was so busied in the affaires of the empire in those parts, that as was thought, he could not returne backe into Britaine) seized into his hands the whole dominion of Britaine, and held himselfe for king.

Now, while Constantine had gained control of the entire empire, Britain seemed to have regained its freedom, with one of its own as king, who governed the whole world, leading to a more peaceful state than before. However, during this time, if we trust the British chronicle and Geoffrey of Monmouth, who interprets it, there was a British lord named Octavius or Octavian, as the old English chronicle refers to him. He was the duke of the Gewisses and appointed by Constantine to rule the land in his absence. Since Constantine had reconquered Rome and Italy and was caught up in the affairs of the empire there, it was believed he could not return to Britain. Octavius took the opportunity to seize control of the entire dominion of Britain and declared himself king.

OCTAUIUS.
329.
Galfridus. This Octauius then beginning his reigne ouer the Britains in the yéere of our Lord 329, prouoked Constantine to send against him one of his mothers vncles, the foresaid Traherne. This Trahernus, or as some name him Traherne, entred this land with three legions of souldiers, & in a field néere vnto Winchester, was incountered by Octauius and his Fabian.
Galfridus.
This agréeth not altogither with that which Hector Boetius writeth, as in the Scotish chronicle appéereth. Britains, by whome after a sore battell there striken betwixt them, in the end Traherne was put to flight and chased, insomuch that he was constreined to forsake that part of the land, and to draw towards Scotland. Octauius hauing knowledge of his passage, followed him, & in the countrie of Westmerland eftsoones gaue him battell, but in that battell Octauius was put to the woorsse, and constreined to forsake the land, fled into Norway, there to purchase aid: and being readie with such power as he there gathered, what of Britains and Norwegians, to returne into Britaine. Before his landing he was aduertised that an earle of Britaine which bare him heartie good will, had by treason Traherne slaine.
See in the Scotish chronicles more of these matters.
Matth. West. saith 316. slaine Traherne. Octauius then comming to land, eftsoones got possession of Britaine, which should be (as Fabian gathereth) about the yéere of our Lord 329, in the 20 yéere of the reigne of the emperour Constantine, and about two yéeres after that the said Octauius first tooke vpon him to rule as king.

OCTAUIUS.
329.
Galfridus. Octavius began his reign over Britain in the year 329 AD, which prompted Constantine to send one of his mother's uncles, the aforementioned Traherne, against him. Traherne, or as some refer to him, Trahernus, entered the land with three legions of soldiers and encountered Octavius and his forces in a field near Winchester. After a fierce battle between them, Traherne was ultimately defeated and forced to flee, which drove him to the northern parts of the land towards Scotland. Knowing of his passage, Octavius pursued him and fought him again in Westmorland, but in this battle, Octavius faced defeat and had to abandon the land, escaping to Norway to gather more troops. Once he had amassed a force composed of Britons and Norwegians, he prepared to return to Britain. Before he landed, he was informed that a loyal Earl of Britain had betrayed Traherne and had him killed. Traherne killed.
Check the Scottish chronicles for more on these events.
Matth. West. says 316. Upon landing, Octavius quickly regained control of Britain, which, according to Fabian, would have been around the year 329 AD, in the twentieth year of Emperor Constantine's reign, and about two years after Octavius first took on the role of king.

After this (as the British chronicle affirmeth) Octauius gouerned the land right noblie, and greatlie to the contentation of the Britains. At length when he was fallen in age, and had no issue but one daughter, he was counselled to send vnto Rome for one Maximianus, a noble yoong man, coosine to the emperour Constantine, on the part of his mother Helena, to come into Britaine, and to take to his wife the said daughter of Octauius, and so with hir to haue the kingdome. Octauius at the first Maximianus is sent for. Conan Meridoc duke of Cornewall. This agréeth not with that which is found in the Scotish chronicles. meant to haue giuen hir in mariage vnto one Conan Meridoc duke of Cornewall, which was his nephue: but when the lords would not thereto agrée, at the length he appointed one Maurice sonne to the said Conan to go to Rome to fetch the forenamed Maximianus.

After this (as the British chronicle states), Octavius ruled the land very nobly and greatly pleased the Britains. Eventually, as he grew older and had no heirs but one daughter, he was advised to send to Rome for a young nobleman named Maximianus, who was a cousin of Emperor Constantine through his mother Helena. The plan was for Maximianus to come to Britain and marry Octavius's daughter, thereby sharing in the kingdom. At first, Octavius intended to give her in marriage to his nephew Conan Meridoc, Duke of Cornwall. However, when the lords did not agree with that, he ultimately decided to send Maurice, the son of Conan, to Rome to bring back Maximianus.

Maurice according to his commission and instruction in that behalfe receiued, came to Rome, and declared his message in such effectuall Maximianus commeth into Britaine. sort, that Maximianus consented to go with him into Britaine, and so taking with him a conuenient number, set forward, and did so much by his iournies, that finallie he landed here in Britaine. And notwithstanding that Conan Meridoc past not so much to haue béene dooing with him, for malice that he conceiued towards him, because he saw that by his meanes he should be put beside the crowne, yet at length was Maximianus safelie brought to the kings presence, and of him honorablie receiued, and finallie the mariage was knit vp, and solemnized in all princelie maner. Shortlie after, Octauius departed Octauius departeth this life. out of this life, after he had reigned the terme of fiftie and foure yeares, as Fabian gathereth by that which diuers authors doo write, how he reigned till the daies that Gratian and Valentinian ruled the Roman
382.
empire which began to gouerne in the yeare of our Lord (as he saith) 382, which is to be vnderstood of Gratian his reigne after the deceasse of his vncle Valens, for otherwise a doubt maie rise, because Valentine the father of Gratian admitted the said Gratian to the title of Augustus in the yeare of our Lord 351.

Maurice, following his commission and the instructions he received, arrived in Rome and delivered his message in such an effective way that Maximianus agreed to accompany him to Britain. After gathering a suitable number of people, they set out and eventually landed in Britain. Even though Conan Meridoc didn’t seem very involved because of his resentment toward him—since he realized that Maximianus’ arrival meant he would be pushed aside for the crown—Maximianus was eventually brought safely to the king's presence, where he was honored. Ultimately, the marriage was arranged and celebrated in a royal manner. Shortly afterward, Octavius passed away after reigning for fifty-four years, as Fabian notes, based on various authors’ writings, stating that he ruled until the time of Gratian and Valentinian, who began their reign in the year of our Lord 382. This refers specifically to Gratian's reign after the death of his uncle Valens, as there could be confusion regarding the timeline since Valentinus, Gratian's father, had already conferred the title of Augustus to Gratian in the year of our Lord 351.

But to leaue the credit of the long reigne of Octauius, with all his and others gouernement and rule ouer the Britains since the time of Constantius, vnto our British and Scotish writers, let vs make an end with the gouernement of that noble emperour Constantine, and assured branch of the Britains race, as borne of that worthie ladie the empresse Helen, daughter to Coell earle of Colchester, and after king of Britaine (as our histories doo witnesse.) Vnto the which empresse[Page 534] Constantine bare such dutifull reuerence, that he did not onelie honour hir with the name of empresse, but also made hir as it were partaker with him of all his wealth, and in manie things was led and ruled by hir vertuous and godlie admonitions, to the aduancement of Gods honour, and maintenance of those that professed the true christian religion. For the loue that she bare vnto Colchester and London, she walled them about, and caused great bricke and huge tiles to be made for the performance of the same, whereof there is great store to be séene euen yet to this present, both in the walls of the towne and castell of Colchester, as a testimonie of the woorkemanship of those daies. She Nicephorus. The empresse Helen departeth this life. liued 79 yeares, and then departed this life about the 21 yeare of hir sonnes reigne. First she was buried at Rome without the walls of the citie with all funerall pompe, as to hir estate apperteined: but after hir corps was remoued and brought to Constantinople, where it was eftsoones interred. Hir sonne the emperour Constantine liued till about 340.
The deceasse of the emperour Constantine.
the yeare of Christ 340, and then deceassed at Nicomedia in Asia, after he had ruled the empire 32 yeares and od moneths.

But to leave the credit of the long reign of Octavius, along with his and others' governance over the Britains since the time of Constantius, to our British and Scottish writers, let's wrap up with the rule of that noble emperor Constantine, a true descendant of the Britains, born of the esteemed lady Empress Helen, daughter of Coel, Earl of Colchester, and later King of Britain (as our histories testify). To this empress[Page 534] Constantine showed such dutiful respect that he not only honored her with the title of empress, but also made her, in a way, a partner in all his wealth, often guided by her virtuous and godly counsel, which advanced God's honor and supported those who practiced the true Christian faith. Out of her love for Colchester and London, she surrounded them with walls and had large bricks and tiles made for this purpose, which can still be seen today in both the walls of the town and castle of Colchester, serving as a testament to the craftsmanship of those days. SheNicephorus. Empress Helen passes away. lived for 79 years and then passed away around the 21st year of her son's reign. Initially, she was buried in Rome outside the city's walls with all the funeral pomp befitting her status; later, her body was moved and brought to Constantinople, where it was once again interred. Her son, Emperor Constantine, lived until around 340.
The death of Emperor Constantine.
the year 340 AD, and then he passed away in Nicomedia, Asia, after ruling the empire for 32 years and a few months.

We find not in the Romane writers of anie great stur here in Britaine during his reigne more than the British and Scotish writers haue recorded: so that after Traherne had reduced this land to quietnesse, it maie be supposed, that the Britains liued in rest vnder his gouernement, and likewise after vnder his sonnes that succéeded him in 360. the empire, till about the yeare 360, at what time the Picts and Scots inuaded the south parts of the land.

We don’t find any major disturbances in Britain during his reign in the Roman writings, more than what the British and Scottish writers have recorded. So, after Traherne brought peace to this land, it can be assumed that the Britons lived in rest under his rule and also under his sons who succeeded him in 360 degrees. the empire, until around the year 360, when the Picts and Scots invaded the southern parts of the land.

But now to end with Octauius, that the christian faith remained still in Britaine, during the supposed time of this pretended kings reigne, it maie appeare, in that amongst the 36 prouinces, out of the which there were assembled aboue 300 bishops in the citie of Sardica in Synodus anno. 354 Dacia, at a synod held there against the Eusebians, Britaine is numbred by Athanasius in his second apologie to be one. And againe, the said Athanasius in an epistle which he writeth to the emperour Iouinianus reciteth, that the churches in Britaine did consent with the churches of other nations in the confession of faith articuled in the Nicene councell. Also mention is made by writers of certeine godlie & learned men, which liued in offices in the church in those daies, as Restitutus bishop of London, which went ouer to the synod held at Arles in France, and also one Kibius Corinnius sonne to Salomon duke of Cornewall, and bishop of Anglesey, who instructed the people that inhabited the parts now called Northwales, and them of Anglesey aforesaid verie diligentlie.

But now to conclude with Octavius, the Christian faith remained in Britain during this supposed king's reign. This is evident in that among the 36 provinces, over 300 bishops gathered in the city of Sardica in Synodus year. 354 Dacia, at a synod held there against the Eusebians. Britain is counted by Athanasius in his second apology as one of them. Furthermore, Athanasius mentions in a letter to Emperor Jovinianus that the churches in Britain agreed with the churches of other nations on the confession of faith outlined in the Nicene council. Additionally, writers reference certain godly and learned men who held positions in the church during that time, such as Restitutus, bishop of London, who attended the synod held at Arles in France, and Kibius Corinnius, son of Solomon, Duke of Cornwall, and bishop of Anglesey, who diligently instructed the people living in what we now call North Wales, as well as those in Anglesey.

But now to speake somewhat of things chancing in Britaine about this season (as we find recorded by the Romane writers) some trouble was likelie to haue growne vnto the Britains by receiuing certeine men of warre that fled out of Italie into Britaine, whome the emperour Marcellinus.
lib. 14.
Constantius would haue punished, because they had taken part with Paulus a notarie. Maxentius his aduersarie. Paulus a Spaniard and notarie was sent ouer by him, with commission to make inquirie of them, and to sée them brought to light to answere their transgressions: which Paulus began to deale roughlie in the matter, whereof he was called Catera, and to rage against the Britains and partakers with the fugitiues, in that they had receiued and mainteined them, as he alledged: but in the end being Martinus lieutenant. certified by Martinus the lieutenant of their innocencie, and fearing least his extreame rigour might alienate the hearts of the inhabitants altogither, and cause them to withdraw their obedience from the Romane empire, he turned the execution of his furie from them vnto the Romans, and made hauocke of those that he suspected, till the said Martinus fell at square with him, & thinking on a time to kill him, he drew his sword and smote at him. But such was his age and weakenesse, that he was not able to kill him or giue him anie deadlie wound: wherefore he turned the point of his sword against himselfe, and so ended his life, being contented rather to die than sée his countriemen and subiects of the empire so to be abused. After this the said Paulus returned backe againe into Italie from whence he came, after whose departure, it was not long yer he also was slaine, and then all the Scots and Picts sore disquieted the Romane subiects, for the suppressing of whose attempts Lupicinus was sent ouer out of Gallia by Iulianus, as shall be declared out of Amianus Marcellinus, after we haue first shewed what we find written in our owne writers concerning the Scots and Picts, who now[Page 535] began to rob and spoile the British inhabitants within the Romane prouinces here in this Ile, and that euen in most outragious maner.

But now let's talk about what was happening in Britain around this time (as recorded by Roman writers). There was a good chance that the Britons would face some trouble because they took in certain soldiers who had fled from Italy. The emperor Marcellinus.
book 14.
Constantius wanted to punish them for joining Paul the notary. his rival Maxentius. Paulus, a Spanish notary, was sent over by him with orders to investigate these men and ensure they were held accountable for their actions. Paulus began to handle the situation harshly, which earned him the nickname Catera, and he raged against the Britons for taking in and supporting the fugitives, as he claimed. However, after being informed of their innocence by Martinus, the lieutenant, and fearing that his extreme harshness might alienate the hearts of the locals and lead them to reject the Roman Empire, he redirected his fury toward the Romans and targeted those he suspected until Martinus had a falling out with him. At one point, he even attempted to kill Paulus, drawing his sword and striking at him. But due to his age and weakness, he was unable to inflict a deadly wound, so he turned the sword on himself and ended his life, choosing to die rather than witness his fellow countrymen and subjects of the empire being abused this way. After this, Paulus returned to Italy from where he came, and not long after his departure, he was also killed. Following that, the Scots and Picts troubled the Roman subjects greatly, prompting Julianus to send Lupicinus from Gaul to deal with the situation, as will be explained according to Amianus Marcellinus, after we first discuss what our own writers have said about the Scots and Picts, who had begun to rob and plunder the British inhabitants within the Roman provinces in this island in a particularly savage manner.


Maximianus or Maximus gouerneth this Ile, why writers speake ill of him, strife betwixt him and Conan duke of Cornewall, Maximus is proclaimed emperour in Britaine, he transporteth the British youth seruiceable for warres into France, little Britaine in France why so called, eleuen thousand maids sent thither to match with Conans people, whereof some were drowned, and other some murthered in the way by Guanius king of Hunnes and Melga king of Picts, they flie into Ireland, murther requited with murther, the words of Gyldas concerning Maximus.

Maximianus or Maximus rules this island, but writers speak poorly of him, especially regarding the conflict between him and Conan, the Duke of Cornwall. Maximus is declared emperor in Britain; he sends British youth, skilled for war, to France. The term "Little Britain" in France comes from this, where eleven thousand young women were sent to marry Conan's people. Some of them drowned, while others were killed on the way by Guanius, the King of the Huns, and Melga, the King of the Picts. They fled to Ireland, where murder was repaid with murder, as noted by Gyldas regarding Maximus.

THE XXX CHAPTER.

MAXIMIANUS OR MAXIMUS.
383.
After the deceasse of Octauius or Octauian (as the old English chronicle nameth him) Maximianus or Maximus (as the Romane writers call him) began to rule the Britains in the yéere of our Lord 383, he was the sonne of one Leonine, and coosen germane to Constantine the great, a valiant personage, & hardie of stomach: but yet because he was cruell of nature, and (as Fabian saith) somewhat persecuted the christians, he was infamed by writers: but the chiefe cause why he was euil reported, was for that he slue his souereigne lord the emperour Gratianus, as after shall appeare, for otherwise he is supposed woorthie to haue had the rule of the empire committed to his hands in ech respect. Betwixt him and the aboue-named Conan Meridoc duke of Cornewall, chanced strife and debate, so that Conan got him into Scotland, and there purchasing aid, returned, and comming ouer Humber, wasted the countrie on ech side. Maximianus thereof hauing aduertisement, raised his power and went against him, and so fighting with him diuers battels, sometime departed awaie with victorie, and sometime with losse. At length through mediation of friends, a peace was made betwixt them. Finallie this Maximianus, or (as the Romane histories say) Maximus, was by the souldiers chosen and proclaimed emperour here in Britaine: although some write that this was doone in Spaine.

MAXIMIANUS OR MAXIMUS.
383.
After the death of Octavius or Octavian (as the old English chronicle calls him), Maximianus or Maximus (as the Roman writers refer to him) began to rule Britain in the year 383 AD. He was the son of one Leonine and a cousin of Constantine the Great, a valiant and courageous figure. However, because he was cruel by nature and (as Fabian notes) somewhat persecuted Christians, he gained a bad reputation among writers. The main reason for his negative image was that he killed his sovereign lord, Emperor Gratian, as will be shown later. Otherwise, he was considered worthy of having the rule of the empire entrusted to him in every respect. Conflict arose between him and the aforementioned Conan Meridoc, Duke of Cornwall, leading Conan to go to Scotland, where he gathered support and returned, devastating the countryside on both sides of the Humber. Upon hearing about this, Maximianus gathered his forces to confront him, and they fought several battles, sometimes winning and sometimes losing. Eventually, through the intervention of friends, peace was established between them. Ultimately, this Maximianus, or (as Roman histories state) Maximus, was chosen and proclaimed emperor here in Britain by the soldiers, although some write that this was done in Spain.

Gal. Mon.
Fabian.
Caxton.
Matth. West.
The British youth led forth of the realme by Maximianus.
Britaine in France.
After he had taken vpon him the imperiall dignitie, vpon desire to haue inlarged his dominion, he assembled togither all the chosen youth of this land méet to doo seruice in the warres, with the which he passed ouer into France, & there (as our writers record) he first subdued the countrie ancientlie called Armorica, and slue in battell the king thereof called Imball. This doone he gaue the countrie vnto Conan Meridoc, which was there with him, to hold the same of him, and of the kings of great Britaine for euer. He also commanded that the said countrie from thencefoorth should be called litle Britaine, and so was the name changed. What people soeuer inhabited there before, the ancient name argueth that they were rather Britains than anie other: for Armorica in the British toong signifieth as much as a countrie lieng vpon the sea.

Gal. Mon.
Fabian.
Caxton.
Matth. West.
The British youth were taken out of the kingdom by Maximianus.
Britain in France.
After he took on the imperial title, wanting to expand his territory, he gathered all the selected young men of this land suitable for military service, with whom he crossed over to France. There, as our writers note, he first conquered the region once known as Armorica and killed its king, Imball, in battle. After this, he gave the territory to Conan Meridoc, who was with him, to hold forever from him and the kings of Great Britain. He also ordered that from then on, the area should be called Little Britain, and thus the name was changed. Whatever people lived there before, the ancient name suggests that they were more Britons than anything else, as Armorica in British means a country lying by the sea.

Conan then placing himselfe and his Britains in that quarter of Gallia, auoided all the old inhabitants, peopling that countrie onelie with Britains, which abhorring to ioine themselues with women borne in Gallia, Conan was counselled to send into Britaine for maids to be Dionethius duke of Cornwall. coupled with his people in mariage. Herevpon a messenger was dispatched vnto Dionethus at that time duke of Cornwall, and gouernour of Britaine vnder Maximianus, requiring him to send ouer into little Britaine 11000
Maids sent foorth.
maids, that is to say, 8000 to be bestowed vpon the meaner sort of Conans people, and 3000 to be ioined in mariage with the nobles and gentlemen. Dionethus at Conans request, assembled the appointed number of maids, and amongst them he also appointed his daughter Vrsula, a ladie of excellent beautie, to go ouer and to be giuen in mariage to the foresaid Conan Meridoc, as he had earnestlie requested.

Conan then positioned himself and his Britains in that part of Gaul, avoiding all the old inhabitants, populating that area only with Britains. Not wanting to marry women born in Gaul, Conan was advised to send to Britain for maids to be married to his people. A messenger was sent to Dionethus, who was then the duke of Cornwall and the governor of Britain under Maximianus, asking him to send over to little Britain 11,000 maids—specifically, 8,000 for the common people of Conan and 3,000 to marry the nobles and gentlemen. In response to Conan's request, Dionethus gathered the agreed number of maids and included his daughter Ursula, a lady of exceptional beauty, to go over and be married to the aforementioned Conan Meridoc, as he had sincerely requested.

[Page 536]

[Page 536]

Vrsula the daughter of Dionethus. These number of maids were shipped in Thames, and passing forward toward Britaine, were by force of weather and rage of wind scattered abroad, and part of them drowned, and the residue (among whom was the foresaid Vrsula) were slaine by Guanius king of the Hunnes, and Melga king of the Picts, into whose hands they fell, the which Guanius and Melga were sent by the emperour Gracian to the sea coasts of Germanie, to oppresse and subdue all such as were friends and mainteiners of the part of Maximianus. We find in some bookes, that there were sent ouer at that time 51000 maids, that is to say, 11000 gentlewomen, and 40000 other.

Vrsula, daughter of Dionethus. A group of maids were shipped on the Thames, and while making their way to Britain, they were scattered by bad weather and strong winds. Some of them drowned, and the rest (including the aforementioned Vrsula) were killed by Guanius, the king of the Huns, and Melga, the king of the Picts, who captured them. Guanius and Melga were sent by Emperor Gracian to the coasts of Germany to attack and subdue anyone who supported Maximianus. Some books say that at that time, 51,000 maids were sent over, including 11,000 noblewomen and 40,000 others.

Guanius and Melga. After that Guanius and Melga had murthered the foresaid virgins, they entred into the north parts of Britaine, where the Scots now inhabit, and began to make sore warre on the Britains, whereof when Maximus was aduertised, he sent into Britaine one Gratianus with thrée legions of souldiers, who bare himselfe so manfullie against the enimies, that he constreined the said Guanius and Melga to flie out of the land, and to withdraw into Ireland. In this meane while, Maximus hauing slaine the emperor Gratian at Lions in France, and after entring into Italie, was slaine himselfe at Aquilia (after he had gouerned the Britains eight yéeres) by the emperour Theodosius, who came in aid of Valentinian, brother to the said emperor Gratian, as ye may find in the abridgement of the histories of Italie.

Guanius and Melga. After Guanius and Melga killed the mentioned virgins, they entered the northern parts of Britain, where the Scots now live, and started a serious war against the Britains. When Maximus heard about this, he sent a man named Gratianus to Britain with three legions of soldiers, who fought so bravely against the enemies that he forced Guanius and Melga to flee the land and retreat to Ireland. Meanwhile, Maximus, after he killed the emperor Gratian in Lyons, France, and then entered Italy, was himself killed in Aquileia (after he had governed Britain for eight years) by the emperor Theodosius, who came to help Valentinian, the brother of the aforementioned emperor Gratian, as you can find in the summary of the histories of Italy.

¶ But here yet before we make an end with this Maximus or Maximianus, I haue thought good to set downe the words which we find in Gyldas, where he writeth of the same Maximus, vndoubtedlie a Britaine borne, nephue Consobrinus Helenæ imperatricis. to the empresse Helen, and begotten by a Romane. "At length (saith Gyldas) the spring of tyrants budding vp, and now increasing into an huge wood, the Ile being called after the name of Rome, but holding neither maners nor lawes according to that name, but rather casting the same from it, sendeth foorth a branch of hir most bitter planting, to wit Maximus, accompanied with a great number of warriors to gard him, and apparelled in the imperiall robes which he neuer ware as became him, nor put them on in lawfull wise, but (after the custome of tyrants) was put into them by the mutining souldiers: which Maximus at the first by craftie policie rather than by true manhood winding in (as nets of his periurie and false suggestion) vnto his wicked gouernement the countries & prouinces next adioining, against the imperiall state of Rome, stretching one of his wings into Spaine, and the other into Italie, placed the throne of his most vniust empire at Trier, and shewed such rage in his wood dealing against his souereigne lords, that the one of the lawfull emperours he expelled out of Rome, and the other he bereft of his most religious and godlie life. Now without long tariance, compassed about with such a furious and bold gard as he had got togither, at the citie of Aquilia he loseth his wicked head, which had cast downe the most honourable heads of all the world from their kingdome and empire.

¶ But before we conclude our discussion on Maximus or Maximianus, I thought it would be good to share the words from Gildas, where he talks about the same Maximus, undoubtedly a Briton by birth, nephew Consobrinus of Empress Helena. to Empress Helen, and fathered by a Roman. "Finally (says Gildas), the spring of tyrants is budding and growing into a massive forest, the island bearing the name of Rome, yet lacking the customs or laws deserving of that name, and instead rejecting it, sends forth a branch of its most bitter planting, namely Maximus, accompanied by a large number of warriors to protect him, and dressed in imperial robes he had never worn appropriately, nor donned them lawfully, but (following the ways of tyrants) was forced into them by the mutinous soldiers. This Maximus, at first through cunning rather than true bravery, wove his way (like nets of his perjury and false promises) into wickedly ruling the nearby countries and provinces, opposing the imperial authority of Rome, stretching one of his wings into Spain and the other into Italy, placed the seat of his unjust empire at Trier, and displayed such fury in his dealings against his sovereign lords, that he expelled one of the rightful emperors from Rome and stripped the other of his most pious and godly life. Now, without much delay, surrounded by such a furious and bold guard as he had gathered, in the city of Aquileia, he lost his wicked head, which had brought down the most honorable heads of the entire world from their kingdoms and empires.

"From thencefoorth Britaine being depriued of all hir warlike souldiers and armies, of hir gouernors also (though cruell) and of an huge number of hir youth (the which following the steps of the foresaid tyrant, neuer returned home againe) such as remained being vtterlie vnskilfull in feats of warre, were troden downe by two nations of beyond the seas, Scotorum à circio, Pictorum ab aquilone. the Scots from the west, and the Picts from the north, and as men thus quite dismaid, lament their miserable case, not knowing what else to doo for the space of manie yéeres togither. By reason of whose gréeuous inuasion and cruell oppression wherewith she was miserablie disquieted, she sendeth hir ambassadors vnto Rome, making lamentable sute euen with teares to haue some power of men of warre sent to defend hir against the enimies, promising to be true subiects with all faithfulnes of mind, if the enimie might be kept off and remooued." ¶ Thus farre Gyldas, and more, as in place hereafter you shall find recited.

"After that, Britain was left without all its skilled soldiers and armies, and also without its leaders (who were harsh), along with a huge number of its youth (who followed the steps of the aforementioned tyrant and never returned home). Those who remained were completely unskilled in warfare and were overwhelmed by two nations from across the sea, the Scots from the west and the Picts from the north. The people, utterly dismayed, lamented their miserable situation, not knowing what else to do for many years. Because of the severe invasion and cruel oppression that left her in distress, she sent her ambassadors to Rome, pleading tearfully for some military power to be sent to defend her against her enemies, promising to be loyal subjects with complete faithfulness if the enemies could be kept at bay and removed." ¶ Thus far Gildas, and more, as you will find recounted later.


[Page 537]

[Page 537]

What Gratianus it was that was sent ouer from Rome into Britaine by Maximus, in what estimation the British souldiers haue béene, the priuie treason of Andragatius whereby Gratian came to his end: Maximus and his sonne Victor doo succéed him in the empire, they are both slaine, Marcus the Romane lieutenant sucéeding them is murthered, Gratianus also his successour hath the same end, the election of Constantine a Britaine borne, his praise and dispraise reported by writers, he goeth into France, maketh his sonne Constance partaker with him of the empire, a sharpe incounter betwixt his power and two brethrens that had the kéeping of the Pyrenine hils, the issue of the battell.

Gratianus was sent over from Rome to Britain by Maximus. The British soldiers’ reputation, the secret betrayal by Andragatius that led to Gratian’s downfall: Maximus and his son Victor succeed him in the empire, but both are killed. Marcus, the Roman lieutenant, follows them and is murdered. Gratian, his successor, meets the same fate. Constantine, a British native, is elected, and his praises and criticisms are noted by writers. He goes to France and makes his son Constance a co-ruler of the empire, leading to a fierce conflict between his forces and the two brothers guarding the Pyrenees, with the outcome of the battle still to be determined.

THE XXXJ CHAPTER.

But now where the British histories, and such of our English writers as follow them, make mention of one Gratianus a Romane, sent ouer with thrée legions of souldiers by Maximus, as before ye haue heard: we maie suppose that it was Gratianus the Britaine, that afterwards vsurped the imperiall dignitie héere in Britaine, in the daies of the emperour Sextus Aurelius Honorius. For it standeth neither with the concurrence of time nor yet with reason of the historie, that it should be Gratianus, surnamed Funarius, father to Valentinian, and grandfather to the emperour Gratianus, against whome Maximus rebelled. And yet I remember not that anie of the Romane writers maketh mention of anie other Gratianus, being a stranger, that should be sent hither as lieutenant to gouerne the Romane armie, except of the foresaid Gratianus Funarius, who (as Lib. 30. appéereth by Amian. Marcellinus) was generall of the Romane armie héere in this Ile, and at length being discharged, returned home into Hungarie (where he was borne) with honour, and there remaining in rest, was at length spoiled of his goods by the emperour Constantius as confiscate, for that in time of the ciuill warres he had receiued Maxentius, as he past thorough his countrie.

But now, where the British histories and those English writers who follow them mention a Gratianus, a Roman sent over with three legions of soldiers by Maximus, as you've heard before, we can assume it was Gratianus the Briton who later seized imperial power here in Britain during the reign of Emperor Sextus Aurelius Honorius. It doesn't align with the timeline or make sense historically for it to be Gratianus, known as Funarius, the father of Valentinian and grandfather of Emperor Gratianus, against whom Maximus rebelled. Yet, I don't recall any Roman writers mentioning another Gratianus, a foreigner, sent here as a lieutenant to command the Roman army, except for the aforementioned Gratianus Funarius, who (as Lib. 30. shows according to Ammianus Marcellinus) was the general of the Roman army here in this island, and eventually, after being relieved of duty, returned home to Hungary (where he was born) with honor. There, living peacefully, he was ultimately stripped of his possessions by Emperor Constantius, as they were confiscated because during the civil wars he had sheltered Maxentius while he was passing through his country.

But let vs grant, that either Gratianus the Britaine, or some other of that name, was sent ouer into Britaine (as before is said) by Maximus, least otherwise some errour may be doubted in the writers of the British histories, as hauing happilie mistaken the time and matter, bringing Gratianus Funarius to serue vnder Maximus, where peraduenture that which they haue read or heard of him, chanced long before that time by them suppposed: and so thorough mistaking the thing, haue made a wrong report, where neuerthelesse it standeth with great likelihood of truth, that some notable seruice of chiualrie was atchiued by the same Gratianus Funarius whilest he remained héere in this Ile, if the truth might be knowne of that which hath béene written by authors, and happilie by the same Am. Marcellinus, if his first thirtéene bookes might once come to light and be extant.

But let's assume that either Gratian the Briton or someone else with that name was sent over to Britain (as mentioned before) by Maximus, to avoid any potential errors in the writers of British histories, who might have mistakenly mixed up the timing and the events. They might have brought in Gratian Funarius to serve under Maximus, even though what they read or heard about him could have happened long before the time they thought. This mix-up could have led to an inaccurate account, yet it still seems very likely that Gratian Funarius achieved some notable acts of chivalry while he was here in this island, if only we could know the truth of what has been written by various authors, perhaps even by the same Am. Marcellinus, if his first thirteen books could ever be uncovered and made available.

But now to end with Maximus. William of Malmesburie (as ye haue heard) writeth, that not Maximus, but rather Constantine the great first peopled Armorica: but yet he agréeth, that both Maximus, and also Constantinus the vsurper, of whome after ye shall heare, led with them a great number of the Britains out of this land, the which Maximus or Maximianus and Constantinus afterwards being slaine, the one by Theodosius, and the other by Honorius, the Britains that followed them to the warres, part of them were killed, and the residue escaping by flight, withdrew vnto the other Britains which Constantine the great had first placed in Armorica. And so when the tyrants had left none in the countrie but rude people, nor anie in the townes but such as were giuen to slouth and gluttonie, Britaine being void of all aid of hir valiant youth, became a prey to hir next neighbours the Scots and Picts.

But now let’s wrap up with Maximus. William of Malmesbury (as you've heard) writes that it wasn't Maximus, but rather Constantine the Great, who first populated Armorica. However, he agrees that both Maximus and the usurper Constantine, whom you'll hear about later, brought a large number of Britons with them from this land. After Maximus (or Maximianus) and Constantine were killed—one by Theodosius and the other by Honorius—some of the Britons who followed them into battle were killed, while the rest fled and joined the other Britons that Constantine the Great had originally settled in Armorica. So, when the tyrants had left behind nothing but uncivilized people in the country and only those in the towns who were lazy and gluttonous, Britain, lacking any support from her brave youth, became an easy target for her neighbors, the Scots and Picts.

Héere is yet to be considered, in what price the souldiers of the British nation were had in those daies, with whose onelie puissance Maximus durst take vpon him to go against all other the forces of the whole Romane empire: and how he prospered in that dangerous aduenture, it is expressed sufficientlie in the Romane histories, by whose report W.H. out of Paulus Diaco.
lib. 12.& alijs.
it appéereth, that he did not onlie conquer all the hither parts of[Page 538] France and Germanie, namelie on this side the Rhine, but also found meanes to intrap the emperour Gratian by this kind of policie. He had a faithfull friend called Andragatius, who was admirall of the seas perteining to the empire. It was therefore agréed betwixt them, that this Andragatius (with a chosen companie of the armie) should be carried in secret wise in a coch toward Lions, as if it had béene Tripart. hist. lib. 9. cap. 21. Constantia Posthumia the empresse, wife to the emperour Gratian, bruting abroad there withall, that the said empresse was comming forwards on hir waie to Lions, there to méet with hir husband, for that vpon occasion she was verie desirous to commune with him about certeine earnest businesse.

Here is yet to be considered, at what cost the soldiers of the British nation were valued in those days, with whose sheer power Maximus dared to go against all the forces of the entire Roman Empire. How he succeeded in that perilous endeavor is adequately expressed in the Roman histories, from which it is evident, according to W.H. out of Paulus Diaco.
lib. 12.& alijs.
, that he not only conquered all the regions of [Page 538] France and Germany, namely on this side of the Rhine, but also found a way to trap Emperor Gratian using this kind of strategy. He had a loyal friend named Andragatius, who was the admiral of the seas belonging to the empire. It was therefore agreed between them that Andragatius (along with a select group from the army) should secretly be transported in a carriage towards Lyons, as if it was Tripart. hist. lib. 9. cap. 21. Empress Constantia Posthumia, the wife of Emperor Gratian, was spreading the word that she was on her way to Lyons to meet her husband, as she was very eager to discuss certain important matters with him.

When Gratian heard héereof, as one mistrusting no such dissimulation, he made hast to meete his wife, and comming at length without anie great gard about him, as one not in doubt of anie treason, approched the coch, where supposing to find his wife, he found those that streightwaies murthered him: & so was he there dispatched quite of life by the said Andragatius, who leapt foorth of the coch to woorke that feate when he had him once within his danger.

When Gratian heard about this, not suspecting any deceit, he hurried to meet his wife. Eventually, he arrived without much of a guard, feeling confident that there was no treachery. He approached the coach, expecting to find his wife, but instead, he encountered those who immediately killed him. And so, he was swiftly dispatched of life by Andragatius, who jumped out of the coach to carry out the deed once Gratian was within his grasp.

Thus did the emperour Gratian finish his life in the 29 yéere of his 383. age, on the 25 of August, in the yéere of Christ 383, and then died. This Flauius Victor he begat of his wife Helen the daughter of Eudes.
H. Lhoyd.
Maximus succéeded him (making his sonne Flauius Victor Nobilissimus his assistant in the empire) reigning fiue yéeres and two daies. In the beginning of his reigne Valentinian the yoonger made great suit to him to haue his fathers bodie, but it would not be granted. Afterwards also Maximus was earnestlie requested to come to an enteruiew with the same Valentinian, who promised him not onelie a safe conduct, but also manie other beneficiall good turnes beside. Howbeit Maximus durst not put himselfe in anie such hazard, but rather ment to pursue Valentinian as an vsurper, and so at length chased him into Slauonie, where he was driuen to such a streight, that if Theodosius had not come to releeue Valentinian put in danger by Maximus. him, Maximus had driuen him thence also, or else by slaughter rid him out of the waie.

Thus, Emperor Gratian ended his life at the age of 29, on August 25, in the year 383 AD. He died then. He had a son named Flavius Victor with his wife Helen, who was the daughter of Eudes.
H. Lhoyd.
Maximus succeeded him, appointing his son Flavius Victor Nobilissimus as his assistant in the empire, reigning for five years and two days. At the beginning of his reign, Valentinian the Younger strongly appealed to him for his father's body, but this request was denied. Later, Maximus was also urgently asked to meet with Valentinian, who promised him not only safe passage but many other beneficial favors as well. However, Maximus was too wary to take such a risk; instead, he intended to pursue Valentinian as an usurper, ultimately driving him into Slavic territory, where Valentinian was pushed to such desperation that if Theodosius had not come to rescue him, Maximus would have expelled him or killed him. Valentinian was put at risk by Maximus.

But when Maximus thought himselfe most assured, and so established in the empire, as he doubted no perils, he liued carelesse of his owne safegard, and therfore dismissed his British souldiers, who retiring into the northwest parts of Gallia, placed themselues there among their countriemen, which were brought ouer by the emperour Constantius, whilest Maximus passing the residue of his time in delights and pleasures, was surprised in the end and slaine by Theodosius néere vnto Eutropius. 388. Aquilia, the 27 of August, in the yéere of Grace 388, and in the beginning of the sixt yéere of his reigne, or rather vsurpation, as more rightlie it maie be tearmed. His sonne Flauius Victor surnamed Nobilissimus was also dispatched and brought to his end, not farre from the place where his father was slaine, by the practise of one Arbogastes. Arbogastes a Goth, which Flauius Victor was by the said Maximus made regent of the Frankeners, and partaker (as before is said) with him in the empire.

But when Maximus thought he was most secure and firmly established in the empire, he became careless about his own safety and dismissed his British soldiers, who then retreated to the northwest parts of Gaul, joining their fellow countrymen brought over by Emperor Constantius. Meanwhile, Maximus spent the rest of his time in pleasures and distractions, ultimately being caught off guard and killed by Theodosius near Eutropius. 388. Aquileia, on August 27, in the year 388 AD, during the beginning of his sixth year of reign, or more accurately, usurpation, as it could be more rightly called. His son Flavius Victor, nicknamed Nobilissimus, was also killed not far from where his father had died, due to the schemes of one Arbogastes. Arbogastes, a Goth, had been made regent of the Franks by Maximus and was a partner (as mentioned earlier) in the empire.

After this, the Ile of Britaine remained in méetlie good quiet by the space of twentie yéeres, till one Marcus (that was then legat, or as we maie call him lord lieutenant or deputie of Britaine for the Romans) was by the souldiers héere proclaimed emperour against Honorius, which Marcus was soone after killed in a tumult raised among the people Gratianus a Britaine. He reigned foure yéeres if we shal beléeue the British historie. within few daies after his vsurpation began. Then one Gratianus a Britaine borne succéeded in his place, who was also slaine in the fourth moneth, after he had taken vpon him the imperiall ornaments. The souldiers not yet heerewith pacified, procéeded to the election of an other emperour, or rather vsurper, and so pronounced a noble gentleman called Constantine, borne also in Britaine, to be emperour, who tooke
409.
that honour vpon him in the 409 yéere after the birth of our Sauiour, continuing his reigne by the space of two yéeres and od moneths, as the Romane histories make mention. Some report this Constantine to be of no great towardlie disposition woorthie to gouerne an empire, and that the souldiers chose him rather for the name sake, bicause they would haue another Constantine, more than for anie vertues or sufficient qualities found in his person. But other commend him both for manhood and wisedome, wherein to speake a truth, he deserued singular commendation, if this one note of vsurpation of the imperiall dignitie had not stained his other noble qualities. But heerein he did no more than[Page 539] manie other would haue doone, neither yet after his inuesture did so much as was looked for at his hands.

After this, the Isle of Britain enjoyed a fairly good peace for twenty years, until a man named Marcus (who was then the legate, which we might call the lord lieutenant or deputy of Britain for the Romans) was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers here against Honorius. Marcus was quickly killed in a riot stirred up among the people. Gratianus, a Brit, ruled for four years according to British history. This happened just a few days after his usurpation began. Then another Briton named Gratianus succeeded him, who was also killed in the fourth month after he had assumed the imperial regalia. The soldiers, still not satisfied, proceeded to elect another emperor, or rather a usurper, and declared a nobleman named Constantine, also born in Britain, to be emperor. He took on that honor in the year 409 after the birth of our Savior, ruling for a little over two years, as recorded in Roman histories. Some say this Constantine lacked the qualities necessary to govern an empire and that the soldiers chose him mainly for his name, wanting another Constantine, rather than for any impressive virtues or abilities in him. However, others commend him for his bravery and wisdom, which he truly deserved to be praised for, if not for the mark of usurpation on his noble qualities. But he did no more than many others would have done, and after his investiture, he achieved far less than was expected of him.

Constantine being placed in the imperiall throne, gathered an armie with all possible indeuour, purposing out of hand to go ouer therwith into France, and so did, thinking thereby to win the possession of that countrie out of the hands of Honorius, or at the least to worke so, as he should not haue the souldiers and people there to be against him, if he missed to ioine in league with the Suabeiners, Alanes, and Vandales, which he sought to performe. But in the end, when neither of these his deuises could take place, he sent ouer for his sonne Constans (whome in his absence his aduersaries had shorne a moonke) & making him partaker with him in the empire, caused him to bring ouer with him another armie, which vnder the conduct of the same Constans he sent into Spaine to bring that countrie vnder his obeisance.

Constantine, having taken the imperial throne, gathered an army with all possible effort, intending to head over to France immediately. He believed this would allow him to take control of the country from Honorius or, at the very least, prevent the soldiers and people there from turning against him if he failed to secure an alliance with the Swabians, Alans, and Vandals, which he was trying to achieve. However, when neither of these plans succeeded, he sent for his son Constans (who had been made a monk by his enemies in his absence) and made him a co-emperor. He instructed Constans to bring another army with him and sent him into Spain to bring that country under his control.

This Constans therefore comming vnder the passages that lead ouer the Pyrenine mountains, Dindimus and Verianianus two brethren, vnto whome the keeping of those passages was committed to defend the same against the Vandals, and all other enimies of the empire, were readie to resist His souldiers were Picts, and placed among other men of warre that serued vnder the ensignes of the empire, and named after Honorius, Honoriciani. Blondus. him with their seruants and countriemen that inhabited therabouts, giuing him a verie sharpe incounter, and at the first putting him in great danger of an ouerthrow, but yet at length by the valiant prowes of his British souldiers, Constans put his aduersaries to flight, and killed the two capteins, with diuers other men of name, that were partakers with him in the necessarie defense of that countrie against the enimies. When Constans had thus repelled those that resisted him, the custodie of the passages in the Pyrenine mounteins was committed vnto such bands of Picts and other, as were appointed to go with him about the atchiuing of this enterprise, who hauing the possession of those streicts or passages in their hands, gaue entrie vnto other barbarous nations to inuade Spaine, who being once entered, pursued the former inhabitants with fire and swoord, setled them selues in that countrie, and droue out the Romans.

This Constans, coming through the passages that lead over the Pyrenees mountains, found Dindimus and Verianianus, two brothers, who were entrusted with guarding these passages to defend against the Vandals and any other enemies of the empire. They were ready to resist him. His soldiers were Picts, placed alongside other warriors serving under the empire's banners, and referred to as Honoriciani, named after Honorius. Blonde. Along with their servants and fellow countrymen from the area, they confronted him fiercely, initially putting him in significant danger of defeat. However, thanks to the brave actions of his British soldiers, Constans ultimately routed his opponents and killed the two captains, along with several other notable figures who were involved in the essential defense of the region against the enemies. After Constans had driven off those who opposed him, the responsibility for guarding the passages in the Pyrenees was given to the bands of Picts and others who were designated to assist him in this endeavor. Once they took control of these passages, they allowed other barbarous nations to invade Spain, who then attacked the original inhabitants with fire and sword, settled in the land, and drove out the Romans.


Honorius sendeth earle Constantius to expell Constantine out of Gallia, the end of Constantinus the father and Constans the sonne, the valure and prowesse of the British souldiers, the British writers reprooued of necligences for that they haue inserted fables into their woorkes, whereas they might haue deposed matters of truth.

Honorius sends Earl Constantius to expel Constantine from Gaul, marking the end of Constantinus the father and Constans the son, highlighting the bravery and skill of the British soldiers, while British writers are criticized for their negligence in including fables in their works instead of focusing on matters of truth.

THE XXXIJ CHAPTER.

The emperour Honorius, perceiuing the réeling state of the empire, determined, foorthwith to recouer it, before it fell altogither into ruine: and therefore sent one Constantius an earle to driue Constantine out of Gallia, which he accordinglie performed: for after certeine bickerings, he slue the said Constantine at Arles, although not without great bloudshed. He pursued also the residue of the Britains, driuing them to the verie sea coasts, where they shrowded themselues among the other Britains, that before were setled in the countrie there, ancientlie called (as before we said) Armorica, that is, a region lieng on the sea coast: for Ar in the British toong signifieth vpon; and Moure, perteining to the sea. And as this Constantine the father was slaine by Constantius, so was Constans the sonne killed at Vienna by one of his owne capteines named Gerontius. Whereby it came to passe, that Honorius shortlie after, hauing thus obteined the victorie of both these vsurpers, recouered the Ile, but yet not till the yeare next following, and that by the high industrie and great diligence of that valiant gentleman earle Constantius. The slaughter of Constantine & his sonne happened in the 1 yeare of the 297 Olympiad, 465 after the comming of Cesar, 1162 after the building of Rome, the dominicall[Page 540] letter being A, and the golden number 13, so that the recouering of the 411. Iland fell in the yeare of our Lord 411.

The emperor Honorius, noticing the unstable state of the empire, decided to take action to recover it before it completely fell into ruin. He sent an earl named Constantius to drive Constantine out of Gaul, which he successfully accomplished. After some skirmishes, he killed Constantine at Arles, though it came at a significant cost of bloodshed. He also pursued the remaining Britons, driving them to the very shores, where they hid among other Britons who had previously settled in the region once known as Armorica—an area along the coastline; for "Ar" in the British language means upon, and "Moure" pertains to the sea. Just as this Constantine the father was killed by Constantius, so was Constans the son, who was killed at Vienna by one of his own captains named Gerontius. As a result, Honorius, shortly after securing victory over both of these usurpers, reclaimed the island, but not until the following year, thanks to the exceptional effort and dedication of the brave earl Constantius. The deaths of Constantine and his son occurred in the 1st year of the 297th Olympiad, 465 years after Caesar's arrival, 1162 years after the founding of Rome, with the dominical letter being A, and the golden number 13, meaning the recovery of the island took place in the year 411 AD.

Here also is eftsoones to be considered the valure of the British souldiers, who following this last remembred Constantine the vsurper, did put the Romane state in great danger, and by force brake through into Spaine, vanquishing those that kept the streicts of the mounteins betwixt Spaine and Gallia, now called France, an exploit of no small consequence, sith thereby the number of barbarous nations got frée passage to enter into Spaine, whereof insued manie battels, sacking of cities and townes, and wasting of the countries, accordinglie as the furious rage of those fierce people was mooued to put their crueltie in practise.

Here we should also consider the bravery of the British soldiers, who, following the previously mentioned Constantine the usurper, put the Roman state in serious danger and forcefully broke into Spain, defeating those who guarded the mountain passes between Spain and Gaul, now known as France. This was no small feat, since it allowed numerous barbaric nations to freely enter Spain, leading to many battles, the plundering of cities and towns, and widespread devastation of the land, all driven by the furious rage of those fierce people who unleashed their cruelty.

¶ If therefore the Britaine writers had considered and marked the valiant exploits and noble enterprises which the Brittish aids, armies and legions atchiued in seruice of the Romane emperours (by whome whilest they had the gouernement ouer this Ile, there were at sundrie times notable numbers conueied foorth into the parties of beyond the seas, as by Albinus and Constantius, also by his sonne Constantine the great, by Maximus, and by this Constantine, both of them vsurpers) if (I saie) the British writers had taken good note of the numbers of the British youth thus conueied ouer from hence, & what notable exploits they boldlie attempted, & no lesse manfullie atchiued, they néeded not to haue giuen eare vnto the fabulous reports forged by their Bards, of Arthur and other their princes, woorthie in déed of verie high commendation.

¶ If the British writers had considered and noted the brave deeds and noble enterprises that the British allies, armies, and legions achieved in service of the Roman emperors (during their rule over this Island, various notable numbers were sent out to the lands beyond the seas, such as by Albinus and Constantius, as well as by his son Constantine the Great, and by Maximus, and by this Constantine, both of whom were usurpers) if (I say) the British writers had paid close attention to the numbers of British youth who were sent over from here, and to the remarkable feats they boldly attempted, and just as courageously achieved, they would not have needed to listen to the fanciful tales created by their Bards, of Arthur and other princes who are indeed worthy of very high praise.

And pitie it is, that their fame should be brought by such meanes out of credit, by the incredible and fond fables which haue béene deuised of their acts so vnlike to be true, as the tales of Robin Hood, or the gests written by Ariost the Italian in his booke intituled "Orlando furioso," sith the same writers had otherwise true matter inough to write of concerning the worthie feats by their countriemen in those daies in forren parts boldlie enterprised, and no lesse valiantlie accomplished, as also the warres which now and then they mainteined against the Romans here at home, in times when they felt themselues oppressed by their tyrannicall gouernment, as by that which is written before of Caratacus, Voadicia, Cartimandua, Venusius, Galgagus, or Galdus (as some name him) and diuers other, who for their noble valiancies deserue as much praise, as by toong or pen is able to be expressed. But now to returne vnto the British historie: we will procéed in order with their kings as we find them in the same mentioned, and therefore we haue thought good to speake somewhat further of Gratian, from whome we haue digressed.

And it's a shame that their fame should be tarnished by such trivial means, due to the unbelievable and ridiculous stories created about their actions that are so unlike the truth, like the tales of Robin Hood or the stories written by the Italian Ariosto in his book titled "Orlando Furioso." The same writers had plenty of genuine material to write about, concerning the worthy deeds of their countrymen in those days, boldly undertaken and equally bravely accomplished in foreign lands. They also documented the wars they fought against the Romans at home, during times when they felt oppressed by their tyrannical rule, as noted in previous writings about Caratacus, Boadicea, Cartimandua, Venusius, Galgacus, or Galdus (as some name him) and various others, who, for their noble bravery, deserve as much recognition as words can convey. But now, returning to British history: we will proceed in order with their kings as we find them in the aforementioned writings, and therefore we thought it best to say a bit more about Gratian, from whom we have digressed.


Gratians rough regiment procureth his owne destruction, the comming of his two brethren Guanius and Melga with their armies, the Scots and Picts plague the Britains, they send for aid to Rome, Valentinian sendeth Gallio Rauenna to reléeue them, the Romans refuse anie longer to succour the Britains, whom they taught how to make armour and weapons, the Scots and Picts enter afresh into Britaine and preuaile, the Britains are brought to extreme miserie, ciuill warres among them, and what mischiefe dooth follow therevpon, their lamentable letter to Actius for succour against their enimies, their sute is denied, at what time the Britains ceased to be tributaries to the Romans, they send ambassadors to the K. of Britaine in France, and obteine their sute.

Gratian's harsh rule leads to his own downfall. His two brothers, Guanius and Melga, arrive with their armies. The Scots and Picts are tormenting the Britains, and they call for help from Rome. Valentinian sends Gallio from Ravenna to assist them, but the Romans refuse to help the Britains any longer, even though they once taught them how to make armor and weapons. The Scots and Picts invade Britain again and succeed. The Britains fall into extreme misery, facing civil wars among themselves, and the resulting chaos. They send a desperate letter to Actius asking for help against their enemies, but their request is denied. At this moment, the Britains stop being tributaries to the Romans. They send ambassadors to the King of Britain in France and manage to achieve their request.

THE XXXIIJ CHAPTER.

GRATIANUS. Gratianus then, whome Maximus or Maximinus had sent into Britaine (as before ye haue heard) hearing that his maister was slaine, tooke vpon him the rule of this our Britaine, and made himselfe king therof, in 390. the yeare 390. He was a Britaine borne, as Polydor writeth, coniecturing so, by that he is named of authors to be Municeps, that is
Of the Romane souldiers as Blondus saith.
to saie, a frée man of the countrie or citie where he inhabited. For[Page 541] his sternenesse and rough gouernement, he was of the Britains (as the histories alledge) slaine and dispatched out of the waie, after he had reigned the space of foure yeares, or rather foure moneths, as should séeme by that which is found in autentike writers. Then the forenamed Galfrid.
Caxton.
kings Guantius and Melga, which (as some write) were brethren, returned into this land with their armies increased with new supplies of men of warre, as Scots, Danes, the Norwegians, and destroied the countrie from side to side. For the Britains in this season were sore inféebled, and Galfrid.
Matth. West.
Caxton.
were not able to make anie great numbers of souldiers, by reason that Maximus had led foorth of the land the floure and chiefest choise of all the British youth into Gallia, as before ye haue heard.

GRATIANUS. Gratian then, who Maximus or Maximinus had sent to Britain (as you've heard before), learned that his master was killed and took on the rule of Britain, making himself king in the year 390. He was born a Briton, as Polydor notes, arguing this from the fact that he is referred to by authors as a Municeps, which means a free man of the country or city where he lived, according to Blondus. Due to his harshness and rough governance, he was killed by the Britons (as the histories claim) after reigning for four years, or rather four months, as suggested by what is found in authentic writers. Then the aforementioned kings Guantius and Melga, who (as some write) were brothers, returned to this land with their armies bolstered by new supplies of warriors, such as Scots, Danes, and Norwegians, and devastated the country from side to side. During this time, the Britons were severely weakened and Galfrid. Matth. West. Caxton. were unable to muster any significant numbers of soldiers because Maximus had taken the best and strongest of all the British youth out of the land to Gaul, as you've heard before.

Gyldas. Gyldas maketh no mention of these two kings Guanius and Melga of the Hunnes, but rehearsing this great destruction of the land, declareth (as before ye haue heard) that the Scots and Picts were the same that did all the mischiefe, whome he calleth two nations of beyond the seas, the Scots comming out of the northwest, and the Picts out of the northeast, by whome (as he saith) the land was ouerrun, and brought vnder foot manie yeares after. Therefore the Britains being thus vexed, spoiled, and cruellie persecuted by the Scots and Picts (if we shall so take them) sent messengers with all spéed vnto Rome to make sute for some aid of men of war to be sent into Britaine. Wherevpon immediatlie 414. a legion of souldiers was sent thither in the yéere 414, which easilie repelled the enimies, and chased them backe with great slaughter, to the great comfort of the Britains, the which by this meanes were deliuered from danger of vtter destruction, as they thought.

Gyldas. Gyldas doesn’t mention the two kings Guanius and Melga of the Huns, but while discussing this massive destruction of the land, he states (as you’ve already heard) that the Scots and Picts were responsible for all the damage, referring to them as two nations from across the sea. The Scots came from the northwest and the Picts from the northeast, through whom (as he says) the land was overrun and subdued for many years afterward. So, the Britains, being thus tormented, plundered, and cruelly persecuted by the Scots and Picts (if we consider them this way), quickly sent messengers to Rome to ask for military aid to be sent to Britain. As a result, a legion of soldiers was dispatched there in the year 414, easily driving back the enemies and chasing them away with heavy losses, providing great relief to the Britains, who thought they had been saved from total destruction.

But the Romans being occasioned to depart againe out of the land, appointed the Britains to make a wall (as had béene aforetime by the Beda and Polychron. emperours Adrian, Antoninus and Seuerus) ouerthwart the countrie from sea to sea, stretching from Penuelton vnto the citie of Aclud, whereby the enimies might be staid from entring the land: but this wall being made of turfs and sods, rather than with stones, after the departure of the Romans was easilie ouerthrowne by the Scots and Picts, which eftsoones returned to inuade the confines of the Britains, and so entring the countrie, wasted and destroied the places before them, Gyldas.
Polychron.
Beda.
Matth. West.
according to their former custome. Herevpon were messengers with most lamentable letters againe dispatched towards Rome for new aid against those cruell enimies, with promise, that if the Romans would now in this great necessitie helpe to deliuer the land, they should be assured to find the Britains euermore obedient subiects, and redie at their

Blondus.
Gallio Ravenna sent into Brittaine. commandement. Valentinianus (pitieng the case of the poore Britains) appointed another legion of souldiers (of the which one Gallio of Rauenna had the leading) to go to their succours, the which arriuing in Britaine set on the enimies, and giuing them the ouerthrow, slue a great number of them, and chased the residue out of the countrie.

But the Romans, having to leave the land again, ordered the Britains to build a wall (as had been done before by the emperors Adrian, Antoninus, and Severus) across the country from sea to sea, stretching from Penuelton to the city of Aclud, in order to prevent enemies from entering the land. However, this wall, made of turf and sod instead of stone, was easily knocked down by the Scots and Picts after the Romans left. They soon returned to invade the borders of the Britains, entering the country and ravaging and destroying the areas in their path, just as they had done before. Because of this, messengers were quickly sent back to Rome with very distressed letters requesting new help against these cruel enemies, promising that if the Romans would assist in this great need, they would find the Britains always obedient subjects, ready to serve at their command. Valentinian, feeling sorry for the poor Britains, sent another legion of soldiers (led by Gallio of Ravenna) to their aid. Upon arriving in Britain, they attacked the enemies, defeating them, killing many, and driving the rest out of the country.

The Romans thus hauing obteined the victorie, declared to the Britains, that from thencefoorth they would not take vpon them for euerie light occasion so painefull a iournie, alledging how there was no reason why the Romane ensignes, with such a number of men of warre, should be put to trauell so far by sea and land, for the repelling and beating backe of a sort of scattering rouers and pilfring théeues. Wherfore they aduised the Britains to looke to their dueties, and like men to indeuour themselues to defend their countrie by their owne force from the enimies inuasions. And because they iudged it might be an helpe to the Britains, they set in hand to build a wall yet once againe A wall built overthwart the Iland. Beda. ouerthwart the Ile, in the same place where the emperour Seuerus caused his trench and rampire to be cast. This wall which the Romans now built with helpe of the Britains, was 8 foot in bredth and 12 in length, trauersing the land from east to west, & was made of stone.

The Romans, having won the victory, told the Britons that from then on they wouldn’t undertake such a painful journey for every little reason. They argued that there was no justification for the Roman standards and such a large number of soldiers to travel so far by sea and land just to repel a group of scattered raiders and thieving brigands. Therefore, they advised the Britons to focus on their responsibilities and to work like men to defend their country with their own strength against enemy invasions. Believing it could help the Britons, they started building a wall once again A wall built across the island. Bede. across the island, in the same place where Emperor Severus had his trench and rampart constructed. This wall, which the Romans built with the help of the Britons, was 8 feet wide and 12 feet long, running across the land from east to west, and was made of stone.

Gyldas and Beda. After that this wall was finished, the Romans exhorted the Britains to plaie the men, and shewed them the way how to make armor & weapons. Besides this, on the coast of the east sea where their ships lay at rode, & where it was douted that the enimies would land, they caused towers to be erected, with spaces betwixt, out of the which the seas Gyldas. might be discouered. These things ordered, the Romans bad the Britains farewell, not minding to returne thither againe. The Romans then being gon out of the land, the Scots and Picts knowing thereof, by & by came[Page 542] againe by sea, & being more emboldened than before, bicause of the deniall made by the Romans to come any more to the succor of the Britains, they tooke into possession all the north and vttermost bounds This chanced in the yere 43. as M. W. saith. of the Ile, euen vnto the foresaid wall, therein to remaine as inhabitants. And wheras the Britains got them to their wall to defend the same, that the enimies should not passe further into the countrie, they were in the end beaten from it, and diuers of them slaine, so that the Scots and Picts entred vpon them and pursued them in more cruell maner than before, so that the Britains being chased out of their cities, townes, and dwelling houses, were constreined to flie into desert places, and there to remaine and liue after the maner of sauage people, and in the end began to rob and spoile one another, so to auoid the danger of staruing for lacke of food: and thus at the last the countrie was so destroied and wasted, that there was no other shift for them that was left aliue to liue by, except onelie by hunting and taking of wild beasts and foules. And to augment their miserie, the commons imputing the fault to rest in the lords and gouernors, arose Hector Boet. Rebellion. against them in armes, but were vanquished and easilie put to flight at two seuerall times, being beaten downe and slaine (through lacke of skill) in such numbers, especiallie the latter time, that the residue which escaped, withdrew into the craggie mounteins, where within the bushes and caues they kept themselues close, sometimes comming downe and fetching away from the heards of beasts and flocks of shéepe which belonged to the nobles and gentlemen of the countrie, great booties to relieue them withall. But at length oppressed with extreme famine, when neither part could long remaine in this state, as néeding one anothers helpe, necessitie made peace betwixt the lords and commons of the land, Ciuill warre decaied the force of the Britains. What mischiefe follow of ciuill warres. all iniuries being pardoned and cléerelie forgiuen. This ciuill warre decaied the force of the Britains, little lesse than the tyrannicall practises of Maximus, for by the auoiding of the commons thus out of their houses, the ground laie vntilled, whereof insued such famine for the space of thrée yéeres togither, that a woonderfull number of people died for want of sustenance.

Gyldas and Beda. After this wall was completed, the Romans urged the Britons to train their men and showed them how to make armor and weapons. In addition, along the east coast where their ships were anchored, and where there was concern that enemies might land, they had towers built, with gaps between them, from which the sea could be observed. Once these measures were in place, the Romans bid farewell to the Britons, with no intention of returning there again. After the Romans left the land, the Scots and Picts, knowing this, soon came by sea, emboldened more than before due to the Romans’ refusal to offer further support to the Britons. They took control of all the northern and farthest reaches of the island, right up to the aforementioned wall, settling in as residents. When the Britons gathered at their wall to defend it against the enemies advancing further into their territory, they were ultimately driven away, and many were killed. The Scots and Picts then pursued them with even greater ferocity than before, forcing the Britons out of their cities, towns, and homes. They were compelled to flee to deserted areas, where they lived like wild people, eventually resorting to robbing and plundering one another to escape the danger of starvation due to lack of food. In the end, the land was so devastated that those who were left alive had no means of survival other than hunting and capturing wild animals and birds. To make their misery worse, the common people blamed the lords and governors for their plight and rose up against them in arms, but they were defeated and easily routed twice, being beaten down and killed (due to their lack of skill) in such numbers, especially the latter time, that the survivors retreated to the rugged mountains. There, hidden among the bushes and caves, they kept themselves concealed, sometimes coming down to steal from the herds of cattle and flocks of sheep that belonged to the nobles and gentlemen of the land, seizing great amounts to sustain themselves. Ultimately, however, pressed by extreme hunger, when neither side could long endure this state, necessity forced a peace between the lords and commons of the land, with all grievances being pardoned and completely forgiven. This civil war weakened the power of the Britons nearly as much as the tyrannical actions of Maximus, for the abandonment of the common people from their homes left the land untilled, resulting in a famine that lasted for three consecutive years, during which an astonishing number of people died from lack of sustenance.

Thus the Britains being brought generallie into such extreame miserie, they thought good to trie if they might purchase some aid of that noble Actius. man Actius, which at that time remained in France as yet called Gallia, gouerning the same as lieutenant vnder the emperor Honorius: and herevpon taking counsell togither, they wrote a letter to him, the tenor whereof insueth.

Thus, the Britons, who were plunged into extreme misery, decided to see if they could get some help from that noble man Actius, who was then in France, known as Gaul, governing as a lieutenant under Emperor Honorius. They came together to discuss it and wrote him a letter, the content of which follows.

To Actius thrise consull.

To Actius three-time consul.

"The lamentable request of vs the Britains, beseeching you of aid to bee ministred vnto the prouince of the Romane empire, vnto our countrie, vnto our wiues and children at this present, which stand in most extreame perill. For the barbarous people driue vs to the sea, and the sea driueth vs backe vnto them againe. Hereof rise two kinds of death, for either we are slaine, or drowned, and against such euils haue we no remedie nor helpe at all. Therefore in respect of your clemencie, succor your owne we most instantlie require you, &c."

"The urgent request from the Britains is pleading for your help to be provided to the province of the Roman Empire, to our country, to our wives and children right now, who are in extreme danger. The barbaric people are driving us to the sea, and the sea is pushing us back to them again. This leads to two kinds of death, as we either get killed or drowned, and we have no solution or assistance for such evils at all. So, out of consideration for your kindness, we urgently ask you to support your own, etc."

Notwithstanding the Britains thus sought for aid at Actius hands as The Britains could get no aid frō the Romans. then the emperours lieutenant, yet could they get none; either for that Actius would not, as he that passed litle how things went, bicause he bare displeasure in his mind against Valentinian as then emperor; or else for that he could not, being otherwise constreined to imploie all his forces in other places against such barbarous nations as then inuaded the Romane empire. And so by that means was Britaine lost, and the tribute which the Britains were accustomed to pay to the Romans ceassed, iust fiue hundred yéeres after that Iulius Cesar first entred the Ile.

Despite the Britons seeking help from Actius, the emperor's lieutenant, they received none. Either Actius refused to help because he was displeased with Valentinian, who was emperor at the time, or he simply couldn't help because he was tied up fighting against other barbarian nations that were invading the Roman Empire. As a result, Britain was lost, and the tribute that the Britons had been paying to the Romans ceased, exactly five hundred years after Julius Caesar first arrived on the island.

The Britains being thus put to their shifts, manie of them as hunger-starued were constrained to yéeld themselues into the griping hands of their enimies, whereas other yet kéeping within the mounteins,[Page 543] woods and caues, brake out as occasion serued vpon their aduersaries, and then first (saith Gyldas) did the Britains not putting their trust in man but in God (according to the saieng of Philo, Where mans helpe faileth, it is needfull that Gods helpe be present) make slaughter of their enimies that had béene accustomed manie yéeres to rob and spoile them in maner as before is recited, and so the bold attempts of the Punishment ceaseth, but sin increaseth. enimies ceassed for a time, but the wickednesse of the British people ceassed not at all. The enimies departed out of the land, but the inhabitants departed not from their naughtie dooings, being not so readie to put backe the common enimies, as to exercise ciuill warre and discord among themselues. The wicked Irish people departed home, to make returne againe within a while after. But the Picts settled themselues first at that season in the vttermost bounds of the Ile, and there continued, making insurrections oftentimes vpon their neighbours, and spoiling them of their goods.

With the Brits in such a tough spot, many of them, starved and desperate, had to surrender themselves to the ruthless hands of their enemies. Meanwhile, others, still hiding in the mountains, woods, and caves, would strike back whenever the opportunity arose. It was then that, as Gyldas says, the Britons, trusting not in man but in God (just like Philo said, “When human help fails, divine help is necessary”), managed to defeat their enemies who had been robbing and plundering them for many years, as previously mentioned. Thus, the bold attacks from the enemies stopped for a while, but the wickedness of the British people didn’t go away at all. The enemies left the land, but the inhabitants didn’t abandon their wrongdoing, showing more readiness to engage in civil war and discord among themselves than to fend off common foes. The evil Irish people returned home only to come back shortly after. However, the Picts settled at that time in the farthest parts of the island and often launched raids on their neighbors, looting their goods.

Galfridus.
Gyldas his words are to be considered.
This with more also hath Gyldas, and likewise Beda written of this great desolation of the British people: wherein if the words of Gyldas be well weighed and considered, it maie lead vs to thinke, that the Scots had no habitations here in Britaine, but onelie in Ireland, till after this season, and that at this present time the Picts, which before inhabited within the Iles of Orkenie, now placed themselues in the north parts of Scotland, and after by processe of time came and nestled themselues in Louthian, in the Mers, and other countries more neere to our borders. But to procéed.

Galfridus.
Gyldas his words should be taken into account.
Gyldas, along with Bede, has written extensively about the great devastation of the British people. If we carefully analyze Gyldas's words, it may lead us to believe that the Scots didn’t settle in Britain until after this time, and that at this moment, the Picts, who previously lived in the Orkney Islands, had now moved to the northern parts of Scotland. Over time, they eventually settled in Lothian, the Mers, and other regions closer to our borders. But to continue.

The British histories affirme, that whilest the Britains were thus persecuted by these two most cruell and fierce nations the Scots and Picts, the noble and chiefest men amongst them consulted togither, & An ambassage sent from the Britains vnto Aldroenus king of Britaine in France. concluded to send an honorable ambassage vnto Aldroenus as then king of little Britaine in Gallia, which Aldroenus was the fourth from Conan Meridoc the first king there of the British nation. Of this ambassage the archbishop of London named Guetheline or Gosseline was appointed the chiefe and principall, who passing ouer into little Britaine, and comming before the presence of Aldroenus, so declared the effect of his message, that his suit was granted. For Aldroenus agréed to send his Constantine the brother of Aldroenus. brother Constantine ouer into great Britaine with a conuenient power, vpon condition, that the victorie being obteined against the enimies, the Britains should make him king of great Britaine.

The British histories state that while the Britons were being persecuted by the two most brutal and fierce nations, the Scots and Picts, the noble and leading men among them gathered together and decided to send a respected delegation to Aldroenus, who was then king of little Britain in Gaul. Aldroenus was the fourth descendant of Conan Meridoc, the first king of the British nation there. The delegation's leader was the Archbishop of London, named Guetheline or Gosseline. After traveling to little Britain and presenting himself before Aldroenus, he communicated the purpose of his mission effectively, and Aldroenus agreed to help. He decided to send his brother Constantine to Great Britain with a suitable force, on the condition that if they achieved victory against their enemies, the Britons would make him the king of Great Britain.

¶ Thus it is apparent, that this land of Britaine was without anie certeine gouernour (after that Gratian the vsurper was dispatched) a Fabian. number of yéeres togither, but how manie, writers in their account do varie. Fabian deposeth by diuers coniecturs that the space betwixt the death of Gratian, and the beginning of the reigne of the said Constantine, brother to Aldroenus, continued nine and thirtie yéeres, during which time the Britains were sore and miserablie afflicted by the inuasions of the Scots and Picts, as before ye haue heard by testimonies taken out of Beda, Gyldas, Geffrey of Monmouth, and other writers both British and English.

¶ It's clear that this land of Britain was without any definite ruler (after Gratian the usurper was removed) for a number of years, but the exact amount varies among writers. Fabian suggests through various speculations that the time between Gratian's death and the start of the reign of Constantine, brother of Aldroenus, lasted thirty-nine years. During this period, the Britons were severely and painfully affected by invasions from the Scots and Picts, as you have previously heard from testimonies taken from Bede, Gildas, Geoffrey of Monmouth, and other writers from both British and English backgrounds.


What the Roman historiographer Marcellinus reporteth of the Scots, Picts, and Britains vnder the emperour Iulianus, Valentinianus and Valens, they send their vicegerents into Britaine, the disquietnesse of that time, London called Augusta, the worthie exploits of Theodosius in this Iland against the enimie, Valentinus a banished malefactor deuiseth his destruction, he is taken and executed, he reformeth manie disorders and inconueniences, the first entring of the Saxons into Britaine, they are dawnted at the verie sight of the Romane ensignes, the Saxons lieng in wait for their enimies are slaine euerie mothers sonne.

What the Roman historian Marcellinus reports about the Scots, Picts, and Britons during the reign of Emperor Julian, Valentinian, and Valens is that they send their representatives to Britain amid the unrest of that time. London, known as Augusta, witnesses the worthy achievements of Theodosius in this land against the enemy. Valentinus, a banished criminal, plots his downfall; he is captured and executed. He addresses many disorders and issues. The initial arrival of the Saxons in Britain sees them frightened at the very sight of the Roman banners, and the Saxons, lying in wait for their enemies, are killed one and all.

THE XXXIIIJ CHAPTER.

Maximus.
383.
But now sith no mention is made of the Scots in our histories, till the daies of Maximus the vsurper or tyrant, as some call him, who began his reigne here in Britaine about the yéere of our Lord 383, and that till[Page 544] after he had bereft the land of the chiefest forces thereof, in taking the most part of the youth ouer with him: we find not in the same histories of anie troubles wrought to the Britains by that nation. Therefore we haue thought good héere to come backe to the former times, that we may shew what is found mentioned in the Romane histories, both before that time and after, as well concerning the Scots and Picts, Ammianus Marcellinus lib. 20.
The emperor Iulianius.
as also the Saxons, and especiallie in Ammianus Marcellinus, where in the beginning of his twentith booke intreating of the doings of the emperour Iulianus, he saith as followeth.

Maximus.
383.
But now, since there's no mention of the Scots in our histories until the days of Maximus the usurper, or tyrant, as some call him, who started his reign here in Britain around the year 383, and until[Page 544] after he had stripped the land of its chief forces by taking most of the youth with him: we find nothing in the same histories about any troubles caused to the Britons by that nation. Therefore, we thought it would be good to go back to earlier times so we can show what is mentioned in Roman histories, both before and after that time, concerning the Scots and Picts, Ammianus Marcellinus lib. 20.
Emperor Julian.
as well as the Saxons, especially in Ammianus Marcellinus, where in the beginning of his twentieth book, discussing the actions of Emperor Julian, he says the following.

In this state stood things in Illyricum or Slauonia, and in the east parts, at what time Constantius bare the office of consull the tenth time, and Iulianus the third time, that is to say, in the yéere of our 360. Lord 360, when in Britaine quietnesse being disturbed by roads made
Scots and Picts trouble the state of this Ile.
by the Scots and Picts, which are wild and sauage people, the frontiers of the countrie were wasted, and feare oppressed the prouinces wearied with the heape of passed losses. The emperor [he meaneth Iulianus] as then remaining at Paris, and hauing his mind troubled with manie cares, doubted to go to the aid of them beyond the sea, as we haue shewed that Constantius did, least he should leaue them in Gallia without a ruler, the Almains being euen then prouoked and stirred vp to crueltie and warre.

In this situation, things were in Illyricum or Slavonia and the eastern regions, during the time when Constantius was serving as consul for the tenth time, and Julian for the third time, that is to say, in the year of our 360. Lord 360, when in Britain, peace was disrupted by raids carried out
by the Scots and Picts, who troubled the stability of this island.
by the Scots and Picts, who were wild and savage peoples, the borders of the country were devastated, and fear weighed heavily on the provinces already exhausted by a multitude of past losses. The emperor (meaning Julian) was then in Paris, troubled by many concerns, and hesitated to go to the aid of those across the sea, as we have shown Constantius did, fearing he would leave them in Gaul without a leader, while the Alamanni were even then provoked and stirred up to violence and war.

Lupicinus sent into Britaine. He thought good therefore to send Lupicinus vnto these places to bring things into frame and order, which Lupicinus was at that time master of the armorie, a warlike person and skilfull in all points of chiualrie, but proud and high-minded beyond measure, and such one as it was doubted long whether he was more couetous or cruell. Herevpon the said Bataui now Hollanders. Lupicinus setting forward the light armed men of the Heruli and Bataui, with diuers companies also of the people of Mesia now called Bulgarie; when winter was well entred and come on, he came himselfe to Bulleine, and there prouiding ships, and imbarking his men, when the wind serued Rutupis. his purpose, he transported ouer vnto Sandwich, and so marched foorth unto London, from thence purposing to set forward, as vpon aduise taken according to the qualitie of his businesse he should thinke méet and expedient.

Lupicinus was sent to Britain. He decided it would be best to send Lupicinus to these areas to organize and bring everything into order. At that time, Lupicinus was in charge of the armory; he was a warrior and skilled in all aspects of chivalry, but he was also exceedingly proud and high-minded, leaving people to wonder if he was more greedy or cruel. On this account, the said Batavians are now Dutch. Lupicinus moved forward with the lightly armed men of the Heruli and Batavians, along with various groups from the people of Moesia, now known as Bulgaria. Once winter had fully set in, he arrived in Boulogne, where he arranged for ships and loaded his men. When the wind was favorable Rutupis. for his plan, he transported them over to Sandwich and then marched on to London, intending to proceed further based on what he deemed appropriate and necessary for his mission.

Of the displacing of these men the learned may sée more in Am. Mar. In the meane time, whilest Lupicinus was busie here in Britaine to represse the enimies, the emperour Constantius displaced certeine officers, and among other he depriued the same Lupicinus of the office of the master of the armorie, appointing one Gumobarius to succéed him in that roome, before anie such thing was knowen in these parties. And where it was doubted least that Lupicinus (if he had vnderstood so much whilest he was yet in Britaine) would haue attempted some new trouble, as he was a man of a stout and loftie mind, he was called backe from thence, and withall there was sent a notarie vnto Bulleine, to watch that none should passe the seas ouer into Britaine till Lupicinus were returned: and so returning ouer from thence yer he had anie knowledge what was doone by the emperour, he could make no sturre, hauing no such assistants in Gallia, as it was thought he might haue had in Britaine, if he should haue mooued rebellion there.

Scholars can learn more about the displacement of these men in Am. Mar.. In the meantime, while Lupicinus was busy here in Britain trying to fight off the enemies, Emperor Constantius removed certain officials, and among others, he stripped Lupicinus of his position as master of the armory, appointing Gumobarius to take his place, even before anyone here knew about it. Since there were concerns that Lupicinus (if he had learned of this while still in Britain) might have tried to cause some trouble, as he was a man of a bold and proud spirit, he was recalled from there, and a notary was sent to Boulogne to ensure that no one could cross the seas into Britain until Lupicinus returned. Thus, when he came back without any knowledge of what the emperor had done, he couldn't stir up any trouble, lacking the support in Gaul that it was believed he could have had in Britain had he tried to instigate a rebellion there.

Lib. 26.
Ammianus Marcellinus lib. 26.
The same Marcellinus speaking of the doings about the time that Valentinianus, being elected emperour, had admitted his brother Valens as fellow with him in gouernement, hath these words. In this season as though trumpets had blowne the sound to battell through out the whole Romane empire, most cruell nations being stirred vp, inuaded the borders next adioining, the Almans wasted and destroied the parts of The Almans.
The Sarmatians.
The Quadi Picts and Saxons.
Austorians.
The Goths.
Gallia and Rhetia, as the Sarmatians and Quadi did Paunonia, the Picts, the Saxons, the Scots, and the Attacots vexed the Britains with continuall troubles, and gréeuous damages; the Austorians and the people of the Moores ouerran the countrie of Affrike more sharpelie than in time past they had done; the pilfring troops of the Goths spoiled Thracia; the king of Persia set in hand to subdue the Armenians, and sought to bring them vnder his obeisance, hasting with all spéed toward Numonia, pretending (though vniustlie) that now after the deceasse of Iouinius, with whome he had contracted a league and bond of peace, there was no cause of let what he ought not to recouer those things, which (as he alledged) did belong to his ancestors: and so foorth.

Lib. 26.
Ammianus Marcellinus lib. 26.
Marcellinus, discussing the events around the time Valentinian was elected emperor and brought his brother Valens into shared governance, writes: During this period, as if a battle horn had been sounded throughout the entire Roman Empire, fierce nations were roused and invaded the neighboring borders. The Alamanni ravaged and destroyed parts of The Alamanni.
The Sarmatians.
The Quadi, Picts, and Saxons.
Austorians.
The Goths.
Gaul and Rhaetia, just as the Sarmatians and Quadi did in Pannonia. The Picts, Saxons, Scots, and Attacots continuously troubled and caused significant damage to the Britons. The Austorians and the Moors invaded the region of Africa more aggressively than they had previously; the plundering troops of the Goths pillaged Thrace. The king of Persia initiated efforts to conquer the Armenians and attempted to bring them under his control, rushing toward Numidia, unjustly claiming that now, after the death of Iouinius, with whom he had made a treaty of peace, there was no reason to prevent him from reclaiming what he argued belonged to his ancestors, and so forth.

Lib. 27. Moreouer, the same Marcellinus in another place writeth in this wise, where he speaketh of the said Valentinianus. Departing therefore from Amiens, and hasting to Trier, he was troubled with gréeuous newes that[Page 545] were brought him, giuing him to vnderstand, that Britaine by a conspiracie of the barbarous nations was brought to vtter pouertie, Comes maritimi tractus. that Nectaridus one of the emperours house earle of the sea coast, hauing charge of the parties towards the sea, was slaine, and that the generall Bulchobaudes was circumuented by traines of the enimies. These things with great horrour being knowne, he sent Seuerus as then erle, Comes domesticorum. or (as I may call him lord steward of his houshold) to reforme things that were amisse, if hap would so permit, who being shortlie called backe, Iouinius going thither, and with spéed hasting forward, sent for more aid and a great power of men, as the instant necessitie then required. At length, for manie causes, and the same greatlie to be feared, the which were reported and aduertised out of that Ile, Theodosius sent into Britaine. Theodosius was elected and appointed to go thither, a man of approoued skill in warlike affaires, and calling togither an hardie youthfull number of the legions and cohorts of men of warre, he went foorth, no small hope being conceiued of his good spéed; the fame wherof spred and went afore him.

Lib. 27. Furthermore, Marcellinus writes elsewhere about Valentinianus. After leaving Amiens and rushing to Trier, he was confronted with troubling news that[Page 545] told him that Britain had fallen into utter poverty due to a conspiracy by the barbarian nations. Coastal areas. Nectaridus, one of the emperor's household, the Earl of the coast, who was responsible for the sea regions, had been killed, and the general Bulchobaudes had been outmaneuvered by enemy tactics. Upon hearing this horrifying news, he sent Severus, who was then Earl, Comes domesticorum. or as I might refer to him, the lord steward of his household, to set things right, if it were possible. After a short time, Severus was called back, and Iouinius quickly moved there to request more reinforcements and a large force of men, as the immediate situation demanded. Eventually, due to many serious concerns reported from that island, Theodosius sent to Britain. Theodosius was chosen and assigned to go there, a man with proven skills in military affairs. Gathering a courageous group of young legionnaires and cohorts, he set out, with considerable hope placed in his success; news of him spread ahead of him.

A litle after, Marcellinus adding what people they were that troubled the Britains in this wise, saith thus. This shall suffice to be said, Picts diuided into two nations.
Attacotti.
that in this season the Picts diuided into two nations Dicalidones, and Victuriones, and in like maner the Attacotti a right warlike nation, and the Scots wandering here and there, made fowle woorke in places where they came. The confines of France were disquieted by the Frankeners and Saxons borderers vnto them, euerie one as they could breaking foorth, & dooing great harme by cruell spoile, fire, and taking of prisoners. To withstand those dooings if good fortune would giue him leaue, that most able capteine going vnto the vttermost bounds of the earth, when he came to the coast of Bullen which is seuered from the contrarie coast on the other side by the sea, with a narrow streight, where sometime the water goeth verie high and rough, & shortlie after becommeth calme & pleasant, without hurt to those that Theodosius passeth ouer into Britaine. passe the same, transporting ouer at leasure, he arriued at Sandwich (or rather Richburrow) where there is a quiet road for vessels to lie Bataui Hollanders. at anchor. Wherevpon the Bataui and Heruli, with the souldiers of the legions called Iouij, and Victores, being companies that trusted well to their owne strength, marched foorth & drew towards London, an London called Augusta. ancient citie, which now of late hath bin called Augusta. Herewith diuiding his armie into sundrie parts, he set vpon the troops of his enimies as they were abroad to forrey the countrie, pestered with burdens of their spoiles and pillage, and spéedilie putting them to flight, as they were leading away those prisoners which they had taken, with their booties of cattell, he bereft them of their preie, the which the poore Britains that were tributaries had lost. To be briefe, restoring the whole, except a small portion bestowed amongst the wearie souldiers, he entred the citie which before was opprest with troubles, but now suddenlie refreshed, bicause there was hope of reliefe and assured preseruation.

A little later, Marcellinus explains who was troubling the Britons in this way. He states: Picts split into two nations.
Attacotti.
At this time, the Picts split into two nations, the Dicalidones and the Victuriones, and similarly, the warlike Attacotti, along with the Scots wandering around, caused a lot of chaos wherever they went. The borders of France were unsettled by the Franks and Saxons, each one breaking through as they could, causing significant damage through cruel pillage, fires, and taking prisoners. To put a stop to these actions, if fortune allowed, a highly capable captain went to the very edges of the earth. When he reached the coast of Boulogne, separated from the opposite coast by the sea and a narrow strait, where at times the waters are very high and rough, but shortly after become calm and pleasant, causing no harm to those who pass through, he leisurely transported himself over and arrived at Sandwich (or rather Richborough), where there is a peaceful place for vessels to anchor. Thereupon, the Batavians and Heruli, along with soldiers from the legions known as Iovii and Victores, confident in their strength, moved forward and headed toward London, an ancient city that has recently been called Augusta. With this, he divided his army into various parts and attacked the enemy troops that were out raiding the countryside, burdened with their spoils and pillage, quickly putting them to flight as they were taking away the prisoners they had captured along with their loot of cattle. He reclaimed their plunder, which the poor Britons, who were under tribute, had lost. In brief, restoring everything except a small portion given to the weary soldiers, he entered the city that had previously been oppressed by troubles but was now suddenly refreshed because there was hope for relief and assured protection.

After this, when Theodosius was comforted with prosperous successe to attempt things of greater importance, and searching waies how with good aduise to woorke suerlie: whilest he remained doubtfull what would insue, he learned as well by the confession of prisoners taken, as also by the information of such as were fled from the enimies, that the scattered people of sundrie nations which with practise of great crueltie were become fierce and vndanted, could not be subdued but by policie secretlie practised, and sudden inuasions. At length therefore setting foorth his proclamations, and promising pardon to those that were gone awaie from their capteins or charge, he called them backe againe to serue: and also those that by licence were departed and laie scattered here and there in places abroad. By this meanes, when manie were returned, he being on the one side earnestlie prouoked, and on Theodosius requireth to haue Ciuilis sent to him. the other holden backe with thoughtfull cares, required to haue one Ciuilis by name sent to him to haue the rule of the prouinces in Britaine in steed of the other gouernours, a man of sharpe wit, and an Dulcitius. earnest mainteiner of iustice. He likewise required that one Dulcitius a capteine renowmed in knowledge of warlike affaires might be sent ouer to him for his better asistance. These things were doone in Britaine.

After this, when Theodosius was encouraged by his successful achievements to take on bigger challenges and was looking for ways to work things out wisely, he remained uncertain about what would happen next. He learned through the confessions of captured enemies and reports from those who had fled that the scattered groups of various fierce and undaunted nations could only be subdued through secret strategies and sudden attacks. Finally, he issued proclamations, promising forgiveness to those who had deserted their leaders or duties and called them back to serve, as well as those who had left with permission and were scattered in different places. As many returned, with Theodosius feeling both determined and burdened by worries, he requested that a man named Ciuilis be sent to him to take charge of the provinces in Britain instead of the other governors, noting that he was sharp-minded and a strong advocate for justice. He also requested that a renowned captain named Dulcitius, known for his military expertise, be sent to assist him better. These actions took place in Britain.

Againe, in his eight and twentith booke, the same Marcellinus reciting[Page 546] further what the same Theodosius atchiued in Britaine, hath in effect these words: Thedosius verelie a capteine of woorthie fame, taking a London called Augusta. valiant courage to him, and departing from Augusta, which men of old time called London, with souldiers assembled by great diligence, did succour and reléeue greatlie the decaied and troubled state of the Britains, preuenting euerie conuenient place where the barbarous people might lie in wait to doo mischiefe: and nothing he commanded the meane souldiers to doo, but that whereof he with a chéerefull mind would first take in hand to shew them an example. By this meanes accomplishing the roome of a valiant souldier, and fulfilling the charge of a noble capteine, he discomfited and put to flight sundrie nations, whome presumption (nourished by securitie) emboldened to inuade the Romane prouinces: and so the cities and castels that had béene sore endamaged by manifold losses and displeasures, were restored to their former state of wealth, the foundation of rest and quietnesse being laid for a long season after to insue.

Again, in his twenty-eighth book, the same Marcellinus recounts[Page 546] further what Theodosius achieved in Britain, stating in essence: Theodosius, truly a captain of worthy fame, showing great courage, left Augusta, which was known in ancient times as London. He gathered soldiers with great effort and significantly helped the weakened and troubled state of the Britains, always anticipating potential places where barbaric forces might lie in ambush to cause harm. He commanded the ordinary soldiers to take action only after he himself had first shown them by example with a cheerful mindset. By doing this, he embodied the role of a brave soldier and fulfilled the responsibilities of a noble captain, defeating and routing various nations that had been emboldened by complacent security to invade the Roman provinces. Thus, the cities and castles, which had suffered greatly from numerous losses and hardships, were restored to their previous state of prosperity, laying the groundwork for a long-lasting period of peace and stability.

But as these things were a dooing, one wicked practise was in hand & like to haue burst foorth, to the gréeuous danger of setting things in broile, if it had not béene staied euen in the beginning of the first attempt. For there was one Valentinus, borne in the parties of Valeria adioining to Pannonia, now called Stiermarke, a man of a proud and Valentinus.
Valeria now Stiermarke.
loftie stomach, brother to the wife of Maximinus, which Valentinus for some notable offense had béene banished into Britaine, where the naughtie man that could not rest in quiet, deuised how by some commotion he might destroy Theodosius, who as he saw was onelie able to resist his wicked purposes. And going about manie things both priuilie and apertlie, the force of his vnmeasurable desire to mischiefe still increasing, he sought to procure aswell other that were in semblable wise banished men, & inclined to mischiefe like him selfe, as also diuers of the souldiers, alluring them (as the time serued) with large promises of great wealth, if they would ioine with him in that enterprise. But euen now in the verie nicke, when they shuld haue gone in hand with their vngratious exploit, Theodosius warned of their intent, boldlie aduanced himselfe to sée due punishment executed on the offendors that were foorthwith taken and knowne to be guiltie in that conspiracie.

But while all this was happening, a wicked plot was brewing that could have caused serious trouble if it hadn't been stopped right at the start of the first attempt. There was a man named Valentinus, born in the area of Valeria, bordering Pannonia, now known as Stiermark, who was proud and arrogant. He was the brother of Maximinus's wife and had been banished to Britain for some serious offense. This troublemaker, unable to stay quiet, schemed to create chaos and destroy Theodosius, who he saw as the only one capable of resisting his evil plans. Trying many things both secretly and openly, his overwhelming desire for mischief only grew stronger. He sought to recruit other banished men like himself, who were also inclined towards wrongdoing, as well as several soldiers, enticing them with promises of great wealth if they would join him in his plot. But just as they were about to launch their wicked enterprise, Theodosius, warned of their intentions, boldly stepped forward to ensure that proper punishment was meted out to the offenders who were immediately captured and found guilty of the conspiracy.

Dulcitius is appointed to put Valentinus to death. Theodosius committed Valentine with a few other of his trustie complices vnto the capteine Dulcitius, commanding him to see them put to death: but coniecturing by his warlike skill (wherein he passed all other in those daies) what might follow, he would not in anie wise haue anie further inquirie made of the other conspirators, least through feare that might be spread abroad in manie, the troubles of the prouinces now well quieted, should be againe reuiued. After this, Theodosius disposing himselfe to redresse manie things as néed required, all danger was quite remooued: so that it was most apparent, that fortune fauored him in such wise, that she left him not destitute of hir furtherance in anie one of all his attempts. He therefore restored the cities & castels that were appointed to be kept with garrisons, and the borders he caused to be defended and garded with sufficient numbers to kéepe watch and ward in places necessarie. And hauing recouered the prouince which the enimies had gotten into their possession, he so restored it to the former state, that vpon his motion to haue it so, a lawfull gouernour was assigned to rule it, and the A part of Britaine called Valentia. name was changed, so as from thencefoorth it should be called Valentia for the princes pleasure.

Dulcitius is given the task of executing Valentinus. Theodosius entrusted Valentine and a few of his trusted associates to Captain Dulcitius, ordering him to have them executed. However, recognizing Dulcitius's exceptional military skills, which surpassed others of that time, he refrained from further investigating the remaining conspirators. He feared that stirring up panic among many could reignite the disturbances that had recently settled in the provinces. After this, as Theodosius prepared to address many necessary matters, all threats were completely removed. It became clear that fortune favored him, ensuring he was never left without support in any of his endeavors. He consequently restored the cities and fortresses that were meant to be garrisoned and made sure the borders were defended and monitored with adequate forces to keep watch in critical areas. After reclaiming the province that the enemies had captured, he restored it to its former status so that upon his recommendation, a legitimate governor was appointed to oversee it, and the A region of Britain known as Valentia. name was changed, officially designating it as Valentia for the prince's pleasure.

The Areani, a kind of men ordeined in times past by our elders (of whome somewhat we haue spoken in the acts of the emperour Constance) being now by little and little fallen into vices, he remooued from their places of abiding, being openlie conuicted, that allured with bribes and faire promises, they had oftentimes bewraied vnto the barbarous nations what was doone among the Romans: for this was their charge, to runne vp and downe by long iournies, and to giue warning to our captains, what sturre the people of the next confines were about to make.

The Areani, a group of men appointed long ago by our elders (of whom we’ve mentioned some in the acts of Emperor Constance), have gradually fallen into wrongdoing. He removed them from their posts because it was clear they had often betrayed the Romans to barbarian nations, lured by bribes and empty promises. Their duty was to travel long distances and alert our leaders about any movements among neighboring peoples.

The praise of Theodosius. Theodosius therefore hauing ordered these & other like things, most woorthilie & to his high fame, was called home to the emperours court, who leauing the prouinces in most triumphant state, was highlie renowmed for his often and most profitable victories, as if he had béene an other Camillus or Cursor Papirius, and with the fauor and loue[Page 547] of all men was conueied vnto the sea side; and passing ouer with a gentle wind, came to the court, where he was receiued with great gladnesse and commendation, being immediatlie appointed to succéed in the roome of Valence Iouinus that was maister of the horsses. Finallie, he was called by the emperour Gratianus, to be associated with him in the imperiall estate, after the death of Valence, in the yeare after 379. the incarnation of our Sauior 379, and reigned emperour, surnamed Thodosius the great, about 16 yeares and 2 daies.

The praise of Theodosius. Theodosius, having organized these and similar matters, deserving great recognition and boosting his reputation, was summoned back to the emperor's court. Leaving the provinces in a triumphant state, he was highly celebrated for his frequent and significant victories, as if he had been another Camillus or Cursor Papirius, and with the favor and affection of everyone, he was taken to the seaside. He crossed over with a gentle breeze and arrived at the court, where he was welcomed with great joy and praise. He was immediately appointed to succeed Valence Iouinus, the master of the horses. Finally, he was called by Emperor Gratian to join him in the imperial office, after Valence's death, in the year after 379. the birth of our Savior 379, and he reigned as emperor, known as Theodosius the Great, for about 16 years and 2 days.

Wil. Har. Hereto also maie that be applied which the foresaid Marcellinus writeth in the same booke, touching the inuasion of the Saxons, the which (as
Walf. Lazi.
Wolf. Lazius taketh it) entred then first into great Britaine, but were repelled of the emperour Valentinianus the first, by the conduct and Seuerus. guiding of Seuerus. The same yéere (saith he) that the emperours were the third time consuls, there brake forth a multitude of Saxons, & passing the seas, entred stronglie into the Romane confines: a nation fed oftentimes with the slaughter of our people, the brunt of whose Nonneus Comes. first inuasion earle Nonneus sustained, one which was appointed to defend those parties, an approoued capteine, & with continuall trauell in warres verie expert. But then incountring with desperate and forlorne people, when he perceiued some of his souldiers to be ouerthrowne and beaten downe, and himselfe wounded, not able to abide the often assaults of his enimies, he obteined this by informing the emperour what was necessarie and ought to be doone, insomuch that Seuerus coronell of the footmen. Seuerus, maister or (as I maie call him) coronell of the footmen, was sent to helpe and reléeue things that stood in danger: the which bringing a sufficient power with him for the state of that businesse, when he came to those places, he diuiding his armie into parts, put the Saxons in such feare and trouble before they fought, that they did not so much as take weapon in hand to make resistance, but being amazed with the sight of the glittering ensignes, & the eagles figured in the Romane standards, they streight made sute for peace, and at length after the matter was debated in sundrie wise (because it was judged that it should be profitable for the Romane commonwealth) truce was granted vnto them, and manie yoong men (able for seruice in the warres) deliuered to the Romans according to the couenants concluded.

Wil. Har. Also relevant here is what Marcellinus writes in the same book about the Saxon invasion, which (as
Walf. Lazi.
Wolf. Lazius notes) first entered Great Britain, but were pushed back by Emperor Valentinian I, under the leadership of Severus. That same year (he says) when the emperors were consuls for the third time, a large number of Saxons emerged and crossed the seas, forcefully entering Roman territory: a nation often sustained by the slaughter of our people, the brunt of whose initial invasion was faced by Earl Nonneus, whom they appointed to defend those areas, an experienced captain well-versed in warfare. However, when he confronted desperate and disregarded people, and noticed some of his soldiers being overthrown and beaten down, while he himself was wounded and unable to withstand the repeated attacks from his enemies, he managed to inform the emperor about what was necessary and what should be done, so that Severus, infantry commander. Severus, master or (as I might call him) commander of the infantry, was sent to assist and relieve the situation that was in danger. Bringing sufficient forces for that business, when he arrived at those locations, he divided his army into parts, instilling such fear and trouble in the Saxons before they fought that they didn’t even pick up their weapons to resist; instead, astonished by the sight of the shimmering standards and the eagles depicted on the Roman banners, they immediately sought peace. Eventually, after the matter was debated in various ways (because it was considered beneficial for the Roman commonwealth), a truce was granted to them, and many young men (fit for service in the wars) were handed over to the Romans as per the agreements made.

After this the Saxons were permitted to depart without impeachment, & so to returne from whence they came, who being now out of all feare, and preparing to go their waies, diuers bands of footmen were sent to lie priuilie in a certeine hid vallie so ambushed, as they might easilie breake foorth vpon the enimies as they passed by them. But it chanced far otherwise than they supposed, for certeine of those footmen stirred with the noise of them as they were comming, brake foorth out of time, and being suddenlie discouered whilest they hasted to vnite and knit themselues togither, by the hideous crie and shout of the Saxons they were put to flight. Yet by and by closing togither againe, they staied, and the extremitie of the chance ministring to them force (though not sufficient) they were driuen to fight it out, and being beaten downe with great slaughter, had died euerie mothers sonne, if a troope of horssemen armed at all points (being in like maner placed in an other side at the entring of the waie to assaile the enimies as they should passe) aduertised by the dolefull noise of them that fought, had not spéedilie come to the succour of their fellowes.

After this, the Saxons were allowed to leave without being punished, so they could return home. Now free from fear and preparing to go their way, various groups of foot soldiers were sent to hide in a certain secluded valley, ready to ambush the enemy as they passed by. But things turned out much differently than they expected. Some of those foot soldiers, alerted by the noise of the approaching Saxons, sprang into action too early and were suddenly discovered while trying to gather together. The loud cries and shouts from the Saxons sent them fleeing. However, they soon regrouped, and the seriousness of the situation forced them to fight, even though they were not fully prepared. They were beaten down with heavy casualties and would have all died if a group of fully armed horsemen—positioned on the other side to attack the enemy as they came through—had not quickly rushed to help their comrades upon hearing the despairing sounds of battle.

Then ran they togither more cruellie than before, and the Romans bending themselues towards their enimies, compassed them in on each side, and with drawne swords slue them downe right, so that there was not one of them left to returne home to their natiue countrie to bring newes how they had sped, nor one suffered to liue after anothers death, either to reuenge their ruine, or to lament their losse. Thus were the limits of the Romane empire preserued at that time in Britaine, which 399. should séeme to be about the yéere of our Lord 399.

Then they ran together more brutally than before, and the Romans, turning towards their enemies, surrounded them on both sides and, with drawn swords, cut them down right there, so that not one of them was left to return home to their native country to report how they had fared, nor was anyone allowed to live after the death of another, either to avenge their destruction or to mourn their loss. Thus were the boundaries of the Roman Empire maintained at that time in Britain, which 399. seems to be around the year 399 AD.

¶ Thus were the Romans, as commonlie in all their martiall affaires, so in this incounter verie fortunate, the happie issue of the conflict falling out on their side. And strange it is to consider and marke, how these people by a celestiall kind of influence were begotten and borne as it were to prowesse and renowme; the course of their dealings in the[Page 548] field most aptlie answering to their name. For (as some suppose) the Solinus.
Adr. Iun.
Romans were called of the Gréeke word ῥώμη, signifieng power and mightinesse: and in old time they were called Valentians, A valendo, of preuailing: so that it was no maruell though they were victorious subduers of forren people, sithens they were by nature created and appointed to be conquerors, and thereof had their denomination.

¶ The Romans, as usual in all their military affairs, were very fortunate in this encounter, with the conflict ending in their favor. It’s interesting to note how these people seemed to be born to greatness, influenced by some celestial force; their actions in the[Page 548] field perfectly matched their name. Some believe that the Romans were named after the Greek word ῥώμη, which means power and strength: in ancient times, they were also known as Valentians, from A valendo, meaning prevailing. It’s no surprise that they were victorious over foreign peoples, as they were naturally created and destined to be conquerors, and that’s where their name comes from.


What the poet Claudianus saith of the state of Britaine in the decaie of the Romane empire, of the Scots and Picts cruellie vexing the Britains, they are afflicted by inuasion of barbarous nations, the practise of the Saxons, of the Scots first comming into this Iland, and from whence, the Scotish chronographers noted for curiositie and vanitie.

What the poet Claudianus says about the state of Britain during the decline of the Roman Empire, with the Scots and Picts harshly tormenting the Britons, they are troubled by invasions from barbaric nations, the actions of the Saxons, and the initial arrival of the Scots on this island, which the Scottish chroniclers recorded out of curiosity and vanity.

THE XXXV CHAPTER.

Honorius the emperour. After this, in the time of the emperour Honorius, the Scots, Picts, and Saxons, did eftsoones inuade the frontiers of the Romane prouince in Britaine, as appéereth by that which the poet Claudianus writeth, in attributing the honour of preseruing the same frontiers vnto the said emperour, in his booke intituled "Panegerycus tertij consulatus" (which 396. fell in the yéere 396) as thus:

Emperor Honorius. After this, during the time of Emperor Honorius, the Scots, Picts, and Saxons once again invaded the borders of the Roman province in Britain, as shown by what the poet Claudian writes, crediting the honor of protecting those borders to the said emperor in his book titled "Panegyric on the Third Consulship" (which was published in the year 396) as follows:

Claudianus.

Claudian.

Ille leues Mauros nec falso nomine Pictos

Ille leues Mauros nec falso nomine Pictos

Edomuit, Scotúmq; vago mucrone secutus,

Edomuit, Scotúmq; wandered with a blade,

Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus vndas,

Fregit the Hyperborean seas with bold oars,

Et geminis fulgens vtróq; sub axe tropheis,

Et geminis fulgens vtróq; sub axe tropheis,

Tethyos alternae refluas calcauit arenas.

Tethys alternates between flowing sands.

The nimble Mores and Picts by right

The quick Mores and Picts by right

so cald, he hath subdude,

so cold, he has subdued,

And with his wandring swoord likewise

And with his wandering sword as well

the Scots he hath pursude:

the Scots he has pursued:

He brake with bold couragious oare

He broke with bold, courageous oar

the Hyperborean waue,

the Hyperborean wave,

And shining vnder both the poles

And shining at both poles

with double trophies braue,

with double trophies brave,

He marcht vpon the bubling sands

He marched over the bubbling sands

of either swelling seas.

of either rising seas.

The same Claudianus vpon the fourth consulship of Honorius, saith in a tetrastichon as followeth:

The same Claudian, in the fourth consulship of Honorius, says in a four-line verse as follows:

Quid rigor æternus cæli? quid frigora prosunt?

Quid rigor æternus cæli? quid frigora prosunt?

Ignotúmq; fretum? maduerunt Saxone fuso

Ignotum, strait? They were drowned by the Saxon flood.

Orcades, incaluit Pictonum sanguine Thule,

Orcades, covered in Picton blood Thule,

Scotorum cumulos fleuit glacialis Hyberne.

Glacial heaps of the Scots.

What lasting cold? what did to them

What lasting cold? What did it do to them?

the frostie climats gaine?

the frosty climate gain?

And sea vnknowne? bemoisted all

And sea unknown? bemoisted all

with bloud of Saxons slaine

with blood of slain Saxons

The Orknies were: with bloud of Picts

The Orkneys were: with blood of Picts

Some people believe Thule is Iceland, while others think it's Scotland.

hath Thule waxed warme,

has Thule grown warm,

And ysie Ireland hath bewaild

And yes, Ireland has mourned

the heaps of Scotish harme.

the piles of Scottish harm.

The same praise giueth he to Stilico the sonne in law of Honorius, and[Page 549] maketh mention of a legion of souldiers sent for out of Britaine in the periphrasis or circumlocution of the Gotish bloudie warres:

The same praise he gives to Stilico, the son-in-law of Honorius, and[Page 549] mentions a legion of soldiers sent from Britain in the roundabout way of the Gothic bloody wars:

Venit & extremis legio prætenta Britannis,

Venit & the armies were stretched out against the Britons,

Quas Scoto dat fræna truci, ferróq; notatas

Quas Scoto gives the fierce reins, and iron marked.

Perleget exanimes Picto moriente figuras.

Perleget exanimes Picto moriente figuras.

A legion eke there came from out

A legion also came out from there.

the farthest Britains bent,

the farthest Britain's bend,

Which brideled hath the Scots so sterne:

Which bride has tamed the Scots so fiercely:

and marks with iron brent

and marks with iron brand

Vpon their liuelesse lims dooth read,

Vpon their lifeless limbs does read,

whiles Picts their liues relent.

while Picts give up their lives.

He rehearseth the like in his second "Panegerycus" of Stilico, in most ample and pithie manner insuing:

He discusses something similar in his second "Panegerycus" of Stilico, in a very thorough and impactful way following:

Inde Calidonio velata Britannia monstro,

Caledonia hidden Britain monster,

Ferro Picta genas, cuius vestigia verrit

Ferro Picta genas, cuius vestigia verrit

Cærulus, Oceaniq; æstum mentitur amictus,

Cærulus, Oceaniq; summer lies draped,

Me quoq; vicinis pereuntem gentibus inquit,

Me quoq; vicinis pereuntem gentibus inquit,

Muniuit Stilico, totam quum Scotus Hybernam

Muniuit Stilico, totam quum Scotus Hybernam

Mouit, & infesto spumauit remige Thetis,

Mouit, & infesto spumauit remige Thetis,

Illius effectum curis, ne bella timerem

Illius effectum curis, ne bella timerem

Scotica, ne Pictum tremerem, ne littore toto

Scotica, don't let me tremble at the Pict, nor on the whole shore

Prospicerem dubijs venturum Saxona ventis.

Prospicerem dubiis venturum Saxona ventis.

Then Britaine whom the monsters did

Then Britain, which the monsters did

of Calidone surround,

of Calidone surroundings,

Whose cheekes were pearst with scorching steele,

Whose cheeks were pierced with scorching steel,

whose garments swept the ground,

whose clothes brushed the ground,

Resembling much the marble hew

Looking a lot like marble

of ocean seas that boile,

of boiling ocean seas,

Said, She whom neighbour nations did

Said, She whom neighboring nations did

conspire to bring to spoile,

conspire to bring to ruin,

Hath Stilico munited strong, when

Stilico has fortified strongly, when

raised by Scots entice

raised by Scots attract

All Ireland was, and enimies ores

All of Ireland was, and enemies of ours

the salt sea fome did slice,

the salty sea foam did slice,

His care hath causd, that I all feare

His care has caused me to have no fear.

of Scotish broiles haue bard,

of Scottish brawls have started,

Ne doo I dread the Picts, ne looke

Ne doo I dread the Picts, ne looke

my countrie coasts to gard

my country's coasts to guard

Gainst Saxon troops, whom changing winds

Gainst Saxon troops, whose fortunes shift with the winds

sent sailing hitherward.

set sail this way.

Britaine afflicted by inuasion of barbarous nations. Thus maie it appéere, that in the time when the Romane empire began to decaie, in like manner as other parts of the same empire were inuaded by barbarous nations, so was that part of Britaine which was subiect to the Romane emperors grieuouslie assailed by the Scots and Picts, and also by the Saxons, the which in those daies inhabiting all alongst the sea coasts of low Germanie, euen from the Elbe vnto the Rhine, did not onelie trouble the sea by continuall rouing, but also vsed to come on land into diuerse parts of Britaine and Gallia, inuading the countries, and robbing the same with great rage and crueltie.

Britain is suffering from an invasion by uncivilized nations. This shows that at the time when the Roman Empire started to decline, much like other parts of the empire were invaded by barbaric nations, that region of Britain under Roman rule was severely attacked by the Scots and Picts, as well as by the Saxons. These Saxons, who were living along the sea coasts of low Germany from the Elbe to the Rhine, not only disturbed the sea with their constant raiding but also frequently invaded various parts of Britain and Gaul, plundering those lands with great anger and cruelty.

Sidon. Apol. li. 8. Epist.[Page 550] To the which Sidonius Apollinaris thus alludeth, writing to Namatius. "The messenger did assuredlie affirme, that latelie ye blew the trumpet to warre in your nation, and betwixt the office one while of a mariner, and another while of a souldier, wafted about the crooked shores of the The pirasie of the Saxons. ocean sea against the fléet of the Saxons, of whome as manie rouers as ye behold, so manie archpirats ye suppose to sée: so doo they altogither with one accord command, obeie, teach, and learne to plaie the parts of rouers, that euen now there is good occasion to warne you to beware. This enimie is more cruell than all other enimies. He assaileth at vnwares, he escapeth by forseeing the danger afore hand, he despiseth those that stand against him, he throweth downe the vnwarie: if he be followed he snappeth them vp that pursue him, if he flée he escapeth."

Sidon. Apol. li. 8. Epist.[Page 550] To which Sidonius Apollinaris refers when writing to Namatius. "The messenger definitely stated that recently you sounded the war horn in your land, and between the role of a sailor and that of a soldier, you roamed the rugged shores of the Saxon piracy. ocean against the fleet of the Saxons, where as many raiders as you see, you believe to see just as many master pirates. They all together, united, command, obey, teach, and learn to play the roles of raiders, so there is now a good reason to warn you to be cautious. This enemy is more brutal than all other enemies. He attacks unexpectedly, escapes by anticipating danger, scorns those who resist him, and takes down the unsuspecting: if pursued, he snatches up those who chase him, and if he flees, he gets away."

Of like effect for proofe héereof be those verses which he wrote vnto Maiorianus his panegyrike oration, following in Latine and in English verse.

Of similar proof of this are the verses he wrote for Maiorianus's panegyric speech, presented in both Latin and English verse.

Tot maria intraui duce te, longéq; remotas

Tot maria intraui duce te, longéq; remotas

Sole sub occiduo gentes, victricia Cæsar

Sole sub occiduo gentes, victricia Cæsar

Signa Calidonios transuexit ad vsq; Britannos,

Signa Calidonios led to the Britons,

Fuderit & quanquam Scotum, & cum Saxone Pictum,

Fuderit & although the Scots, & along with the Saxons, the Picts,

Hostes quæsiuit quem iam natura vetabat,

Hostes sought someone whom nature was already forbidding,

Quærere plus homines, &c.

Seek more people, etc.

So manie seas I entred haue,

So many seas I have entered,

and nations farre by west,

and nations far to the west,

By thy conduct, and Cæsar hath

By your behavior, and Caesar has

his banners borne full prest

his banners flying high

Vnto the furthest British coast,

To the farthest British coast,

where Calidonians dwell,

where Calidonians live,

The Scot and Pict with Saxons eke,

The Scot and Pict along with Saxons too,

though he subdued fell,

though he conquered, he fell,

Yet would he enimies seeke vnknowne

Yet would his enemies seek him unknown.

whom nature had forbid, &c.

whom nature had forbidden, etc.

¶ Thus much haue we thought good to gather out of the Romane and other writers, that ye might perceiue the state of Britaine the better in that time of the decaie of the Romane empire, and that ye might haue occasion to marke by the waie, how not onelie the Scots, but also the Saxons had attempted to inuade the Britains, before anie mention is made of the same their attempts by the British and English writers. But whether the Scots had anie habitation within the bounds of Britaine, till the time supposed by the Britaine writers, we leaue that point to the iudgement of others that be trauelled in the search of such antiquities, onelie admonishing you, that in the Scotish chronicle you shall find the opinion which their writers haue conceiued of this matter, and also manie things touching the acts of the Romans doone against diuerse of the Britains, which they presume to be doone against their nation, though shadowed vnder the generall name of Britains, or of other particular names, at this daie to most men vnknowne. But whensoeuer the Scots came into this Ile, they made the third nation that inhabited the same, comming first out of Scithia, or rather out of Polydor. Spaine (as some suppose) into Ireland, and from thence into Britaine; next after the Picts, though their writers fetch a farre more ancient beginning (as in their chronicles at large appéereth) referring them to the reading thereof, that desire to vnderstand that matter as they set it foorth.

¶ We thought it would be good to gather information from Roman and other writers so you can better understand the state of Britain during the decline of the Roman Empire, and to highlight how both the Scots and the Saxons attempted to invade the Britains before any British or English writers mentioned these incidents. However, whether the Scots had any settlement within Britain before the time suggested by British writers is something we leave to the judgment of those who have studied these ancient matters. We merely remind you that in the Scottish chronicles, you'll find the opinions of their writers on this issue, as well as many details about the Romans' actions against various Britains, which they believe were directed against their nation, even though often these events are described under the general label of Britains or other specific names that most people today don't recognize. Regardless of when the Scots arrived on this island, they became the third nation to inhabit it, coming first from Scythia, or perhaps from Spain (as some believe), into Ireland, and from there into Britain; they followed the Picts, although their writers claim a much older origin (as becomes clear in their chronicles) and refer readers to those writings for a deeper understanding of the subject as they present it.

Thus farre the dominion and tribute of the Romans ouer this land of Britaine,
which had continued (by the collection of some chronographers)
the space of 483. yeeres. And heere we thinke it
conuenient to end this fourth booke.

So far, the control and tribute of the Romans over this land of Britain,
which had lasted (according to some chronographers)
for 483 years. And here we believe it
is appropriate to conclude this fourth book.


[Page 551]

[Page 551]

THE FIFT BOOKE
OF THE
History of England.


  Page
THE FIRST CHAPTER 551
THE SECOND CHAPTER 553
THE THIRD CHAPTER 555
THE FOURTH CHAPTER 558
THE FIFT CHAPTER 560
THE VJ CHAPTER 561
THE SEUENTH CHAPTER 564
THE EIGHT CHAPTER 565
THE NINTH CHAPTER 567
THE TENTH CHAPTER 569
THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER 573
THE TWELFE CHAPTER 574
THE XIIJ CHAPTER 576
THE XIIIJ CHAPTER 579
THE XV CHAPTER 581
THE XVJ CHAPTER 583
THE XVIJ CHAPTER 585
THE XVIIJ CHAPTER 587
THE XIX CHAPTER 590
THE XX CHAPTER 593
THE XXJ CHAPTER 595
THE XXIJ CHAPTER 597
THE XXIIJ CHAPTER 600
THE XXIIIJ CHAPTER 601
THE XXV CHAPTER 604
THE XXVJ CHAPTER 607
THE XXVIJ CHAPTER 610
THE XXVIIJ CHAPTER 612
THE XXIX CHAPTER 614
THE XXX CHAPTER 617
THE XXXJ CHAPTER 620
THE XXXIJ CHAPTER 622
THE XXXIIJ CHAPTER 624
THE XXXIIIJ CHAPTER 627
THE XXXV CHAPTER 630
THE XXXVJ CHAPTER 633
THE XXXVIJ CHAPTER 635

Constantinus at the generall sute of the Britains vndertaketh to gouerne this Iland, he is crowned king, his three sonnes, he is traitorouslie slaine of a Pict, Constantius the eldest sonne of Constantine hauing bene a monke is created king, the ambitious & slie practises of duke Vortigerne to aspire to the gouernment, he procureth certeine Picts and Scots to kill the king who had reteined them for the gard of his person, his craftie deuises and deepe dissimulation vnder the pretense of innocencie, he winneth the peoples harts, and is chosen their king.

Constantine, responding to the general plea of the Britons, takes on the responsibility of ruling this island and is crowned king. He is treacherously killed by a Pict. Constantius, the eldest son of Constantine, who had been a monk, is made king. Meanwhile, Duke Vortigern's ambitious and cunning schemes for power lead him to hire certain Picts and Scots to assassinate the king, who had kept them for his protection. Through his crafty plans and deep deceit under the guise of innocence, he wins the hearts of the people and is chosen as their king.

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

Having ended our former booke with the end of the Romane power ouer this Iland, wherein the state of the Iland vnder them is at full described; it remaineth now that we procéed to declare, in what state they were after the Romans had refused to gouerne them anie longer. Wherefore we will addresse our selues to saie somewhat touching the succession of the British kings, as their histories make mention.

Having finished our previous book with the fall of Roman power over this island, where we fully described the state's condition under them, we now need to discuss how things changed after the Romans decided not to govern them anymore. Therefore, we will focus on the succession of the British kings, as their histories mention.

CONSTANTINUS. Gal. Mon.
Matt. Westm.
Constantinus the brother of Aldroenus king of little Britaine, at the sute and earnest request of the archbishop of London, made in name of all the Britains in the Ile of great Britaine, was sent into the same Ile by his said brother Aldroenus vpon couenants ratified in manner as before is recited, and brought with him a conuenient power, landing with the same at Totnesse in Deuonshire. Immediatlie after his Caxton saith 12000. but Gal. and others say but 2000. cōming on land, he gathered to him a great power of Britains, which before his landing were hid in diuerse places of the Ile. Then went he foorth with them, and gaue battell to the enimies, whom he vanquished: & slue that tyrannicall king Guanius there in the field (as some bookes The British historie disagreeth from the Scotish. haue.) Howbeit, this agréeth not with the Scotish writers, which affirme that they got the field, but yet lost their king named Dongard (as in their historie ye maie read.)

CONSTANTINE. Gal. Mon.
Matt. Westm.
Constantine, the brother of Aldroenus, king of little Britain, at the request and insistence of the archbishop of London, made on behalf of all the Britons in the Isle of Great Britain, was sent to that Isle by his brother Aldroenus under the agreements previously mentioned. He brought with him a suitable force, landing at Totnes in Devonshire. Immediately after his arrival, he gathered a large number of Britons who had been hiding in various parts of the Isle before his landing. Then he set out with them and fought against the enemies, whom he defeated; and he killed the tyrannical king Guanius in the field (as some books say). However, this contradicts the Scottish writers, who claim that they won the battle but lost their king named Dongard (as you can read in their history).

But to procéed as our writers report the matter. When the Britains had thus ouercome their enimies, they conueied their capteine the said Constantine vnto Cicester, and there in fulfilling their promise and couenant made to his brother, crowned him king of great Britaine, in the yéere of our Lord 433, which was about the fift yéere of the Matth. West. saith 435. emperour Valentinianus the second, and third yéere of Clodius king of the Frankners after called Frenchmen, which then began to settle themselues in Gallia, whereby the name of that countrie was afterwards changed and called France. Constantine being thus established king, ruled the land well and noblie, and defended it from all inuasion of enimies during his life. He begat of his wife thrée sonnes (as the British historie affirmeth) Constantius, Aurelius Ambrosius, and Vter surnamed named Pendragon. The eldest, bicause he perceiued him to be[Page 552] but dull of wit, and not verie toward, he made a moonke, placing him within the abbie of Amphibalus in Winchester.

But to proceed as our writers report the matter. When the Britains had overcome their enemies, they took their captain, the aforementioned Constantine, to Cicester, and there, fulfilling their promise and agreement made to his brother, crowned him king of Great Britain in the year 433 AD, which was about the fifth year of the reign of the Emperor Valentinian II, and the third year of Clodius, king of the Franks, later known as the French, who had just begun to settle in Gaul, which is how that country eventually got its name, France. Once established as king, Constantine ruled the land well and nobly and defended it from all invasions by enemies throughout his life. With his wife, he had three sons (as the British history states): Constantius, Aurelius Ambrosius, and Uther, nicknamed Pendragon. The eldest, because he saw him as somewhat dull-witted and not very promising, he made a monk, placing him in the Abbey of Amphibalus in Winchester.

In a groue of bushes as Gal. saith. Matth. West.
Beda
Orisius
Blondus.
Finallie this Constantine, after he had reigned ten yéeres, was traitorouslie slaine one day in his owne chamber (as some write) by a Pict, who was in such fauor with him, that he might at all times haue frée accesse to him at his pleasure. Neither the Romane writers, nor Beda, make anie mention of this Constantine: but of the other Constantine they write, which immediatlie after the vsurper Gratian was dispatched out of the way (as before ye haue heard) was aduanced to the rule of this land, and title of emperour, onelie in hope of his name, and for no other respect of towardnesse in him, afore time being but a meane souldier, without anie degrée of honour. The same Constantine (as writers record) going ouer into Gallia, adorned his sonne Constantius with the title and dignitie of Cesar, the which before was a moonke, and finallie as well the one as the other were slaine, the father at Arles by earle Constantius, that was sent against him by the emperour Honorius; and the sonne at Vienna (as before ye haue heard) by one of his owne court called Gerontius (as in the Italian historie ye may sée 415. more at large.) This chanced about the yeere of our Lord 415.

In a group of bushes, as Gal. mentions. Matth. West.
Beda
Orisius
Blondus.
Eventually, this Constantine, after ruling for ten years, was treacherously killed one day in his own chamber (as some say) by a Pict, who was so favored by him that he had free access to him at any time. Neither the Roman writers nor Beda mention this Constantine; they only write about the other Constantine, who was advanced to rule the land and given the title of emperor immediately after the usurper Gratian was removed (as you have heard before), merely because of his name, and not for any notable qualities, having previously been just a common soldier with no honors. The same Constantine (as the writers record) went over into Gaul and bestowed the title and dignity of Caesar upon his son Constantius, who had previously been a monk. Ultimately, both were killed: the father at Arles by Count Constantius, who was sent against him by Emperor Honorius, and the son at Vienna (as you've heard before) by one of his own court named Gerontius (as you can see in the Italian history for more details). This happened around the year 415 A.D.

¶ This haue we thought good to repeat in this place, for that some may suppose that this Constantine is the same that our writers take to be the brother of Aldroenus king of little Britaine, as the circumstance of the time and other things to be considered may giue them occasion to thinke, for that there is not so much credit to be yéelded to them that haue written the British histories, but that in some part men may with iust cause doubt of sundrie matters conteined in the same: and therfore haue we in this booke béene the more diligent to shew what the Romans and other forreine writers haue registred in their bookes of histories touching the affaires of Britaine, that the reader may be the better satisfied in the truth. But now to returne to the sequele of the historie as we find the same written by the British chroniclers.

¶ We thought it was important to reiterate this here, as some may assume that this Constantine is the same person our writers identify as the brother of Aldroenus, king of Little Britain. The timing and other factors might lead them to believe this, especially since there isn’t much trust to be placed in those who have written British histories, leaving reasonable doubts about various issues contained within. Therefore, we have made an effort in this book to highlight what the Romans and other foreign writers have documented in their historical accounts regarding Britain's affairs, so that the reader may find clearer insight into the truth. Now, let’s return to the continuation of the history as recorded by the British chroniclers.

This Vortigerne was duke of the Geuisses and Cornewall, as Rad. Cestr. reporteth. Gal. Mon. After that Constantine was murthered (as before ye haue heard) one Vortigerus, or Vortigernus, a man of great authoritie amongst the Britains, wrought so with the residue of the British nobilitie, that Constantius the eldest sonne of their king the fore-remembred Constantine, was taken out of the abbie of Winchester where he remained, and was streightwaies created king, as lawfull inheritour to his father.

This Vortigern was the duke of the Geuisses and Cornwall, according to Rad. Cestr.. Gal. Mon. After Constantine was murdered (as you’ve heard before), a man named Vortigern, who had significant authority among the Britains, manipulated the rest of the British nobility so that Constantius, the eldest son of their previously mentioned king Constantine, was taken from the abbey of Winchester where he had been staying, and was immediately declared king as the rightful heir to his father.

Ye haue heard how Constantius was made a moonke in his fathers life time, bicause he was thought to be too soft and childish in wit, to haue anie publike rule committed to his hands: but for that cause speciallie did Vortigerne séeke t'aduance him, to the end that the king being not able to gouerne of himselfe, he might haue the chiefest swaie, and so rule all things as it were vnder him, preparing thereby a way for himselfe to atteine at length to the kingdome as by that which followed was more apparentlie perceiued.

You have heard how Constantius was made a monk during his father's lifetime because he was seen as too soft and childish in his thinking to have any public responsibilities. But for that reason, Vortigern especially sought to promote him so that the king, unable to govern on his own, would let Vortigern hold the real power and control everything as if it were under him, thus paving the way for himself to eventually attain the kingdom, as was clearly seen in what followed.

CONSTANTIUS. Matt. West. saith 445. This Constantius then the sonne of Constantine, by the helpe (as before ye haue heard) of Vortigerne, was made king of Britaine, in the yere of our Lord 443. But Constantius bare but the name of king: for Vortigerne abusing his innocencie and simple discretion to order things as was requisite, had all the rule of the land, and did what pleased him. Wherevpon first, where there had béene a league concluded betwixt the Britains, Scots and Picts, in the daies of the late king Constantine, Hector Boet. Vortigerne caused the same league to be renewed, & waged an hundred Picts, and as manie Scots to be attendant as a gard vpon the kings person, diuers of the which (corrupting them with faire promises) he Constantius murthered. procured by subtile meanes in the end to murther the king, and immediatlie vpon the deed doone, he caused the murtherers to be
The subtile dealing of Vortigerne.
strangled, that they should not afterwards disclose by whose procurement they did that déed. Then caused he all the residue of the Scots and Picts to be apprehended, and as it had béene vpon a zeale to sée the death of Constantius seuerelie punished, he framed such inditements and accusations against them, that chieflie by his meanes (as appeared) the giltlesse persons were condemned and hanged, the multitude of the British people béeing woonderfullie pleased therewith,[Page 553] and giuing great commendations to Vortigerne for that déed. Thus Constantius was made awaie in maner as before ye haue heard, after he had reigned (as most writers affirme) the space of fiue yéeres.

CONSTANTIUS. Matt. West. says 445. This Constantius, the son of Constantine, with the help (as you have heard before) of Vortigern, became king of Britain in the year of our Lord 443. But Constantius only had the title of king; for Vortigern, taking advantage of his innocence and simple nature to manage affairs as required, held all the power of the land and did as he pleased. Initially, where there had been a treaty made between the Britons, Scots, and Picts during the reign of the late king Constantine, Hector Boet. Vortigern had that treaty renewed and hired a hundred Picts, along with as many Scots, to serve as guards for the king’s person. Several of these, by corrupting them with enticing promises, he Constantius was murdered. eventually manipulated into murdering the king, and immediately after the deed was done, he had the murderers strangled so they wouldn’t reveal who orchestrated the act. Then he had all the remaining Scots and Picts arrested and, pretending it was out of zeal to see Constantius's death properly punished, he fabricated such indictments and accusations against them, that mainly through his influence (as was evident), the innocent were condemned and hanged, with the British populace being greatly pleased by this and giving high praise to Vortigern for the act. Thus, Constantius was removed as you have heard, after he had ruled (as most writers agree) for five years.

After his death was knowne, those that had the bringing vp and custodie Aurelius Ambrosius.
Vter Pendragon.
of his two yoonger brethren, Aurelius Ambrose, and Vter Pendragon, mistrusting the wicked intent of Vortigerne, whose dissimulation and mischieuous meaning by some great likelihoods they suspected, with all spéed got them to the sea, and fled into litle Britaine, there kéeping them till it pleased God otherwise to prouide for them. But Vortigerne could so well dissemble his craftie workings, and with such conueiance and cloked maner could shadow and colour the matter, that most men thought and iudged him verie innocent and void of euill meaning: insomuch that he obteined the fauour of the people so greatlie, that he was reputed for the onelie staie and defender of the common wealth. Herevpon it came to passe, that when the councell was assembled to elect a new king, for so much as the other sonnes of king Constantine Vortigerne chosen king of Britaine. were not of age sufficient to rule, Vortigerne himselfe was chosen, diuers of the nobles (whom he had procured thereto) giuing their voices to this his preferment, as to one best deseruing the same in their opinion and judgement. This Vortigerne, as by indirect meanes and sinister procéedings he aspired to the regiment, hauing no title therevnto, otherwise than as blind fortune vouchsafed him the preferment: so when he was possessed, but not interessed in the same, he vncased the crooked conditions which he had couertlie concealed, and in the end (as by the sequele you shall sée) did pull shame and infamie vpon himselfe.

After his death was known, those responsible for raising and taking care of his two younger brothers, Aurelius Ambrose and Uther Pendragon, suspicious of Vortigern's malicious intentions—whose deceit and wicked motives they suspected based on various strong indications—quickly fled to the sea and sought refuge in little Britain, where they kept themselves until God decided to provide for them differently. However, Vortigern was so skilled at hiding his crafty schemes, using such cleverness and a cloaked manner to disguise his true intentions that most people believed him to be very innocent and free of ill will. He gained such great favor with the people that he was regarded as the sole protector and defender of the commonwealth. As a result, when the council gathered to elect a new king, since the other sons of King Constantine were too young to rule, Vortigern himself was chosen, with several nobles (whom he had influenced) casting their votes in favor of him, viewing him as the most deserving candidate in their opinion. This Vortigern, through indirect means and sinister actions, sought the position of leadership, having no claim to it except that blind fortune granted him the opportunity. Once he assumed the role without legitimate rights to it, he revealed the crooked terms he had secretly concealed and, as you will see later, ultimately brought shame and infamy upon himself.


Vortigerne furnisheth the tower with a garrison, he bewraieth his crueltie, Aurelius and Pendragon brethren to the late king Constantius flie into Britaine Armorike, what common abuses and sinnes did vniuersally concurre with a plentifull yeere, the Scots and Picts reuenge the death of their countrimen, Vortigerne is in doubt of his estate, the Britains send for succour to the Saxons, they come vnder the conduct of Hengist and Horsus two brethren, where they are assigned to be seated, they vanquish the Scots, disagreement in writers touching the Saxons first comming into this Iland.

Vortigern supplies the tower with a garrison, revealing his cruelty. Aurelius and Pendragon, brothers to the late king Constantius, flee to Brittany. Common wrongs and sins overwhelmingly accompany a plentiful year. The Scots and Picts seek revenge for their countrymen's deaths. Vortigern worries about his position, and the Britons ask the Saxons for help. They come under the leadership of Hengist and Horsa, two brothers, and are assigned their lands where they defeat the Scots. There is disagreement among writers about when the Saxons first arrived on this island.

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

VORTIGERNE. 446. Vortigerne, by such diuelish meanes and vnconscionable practises (as you heare) stealing away the hearts of the people, was chosen and made king of Britaine, in the yéere of our Lord 446, in the 3 consulship of Aetius, 1197 of Rome, 4 of the 305 Olympiad, 4112 of the world, the dominicall letter going by F, the prime by 10, which fell about the 21 yéere of the emperour Valentinianus, the same yéere that Meroneus began to reigne ouer the Frenchmen. Before he was made king, he was earle or duke of the Geuisses, a people which held that part of Britaine where Hector Boet. afterwards the west Saxons inhabited. Now when he had with treason, fraud, and great deceit at length obteined that for the which he had long looked, he first of all furnished the tower of London with a strong garrison of men of warre.

VORTIGERNE. 446. Vortigern, through his wicked tactics and unscrupulous schemes (as you’ve heard), won over the people’s loyalty and was chosen as king of Britain in the year 446 AD, during Aetius’s third consulship, the 1197th year of Rome, the 4th year of the 305th Olympiad, and the 4112th year of the world, with the dominical letter being F and the prime number being 10, which coincided with the 21st year of Emperor Valentinian's reign, the same year Merovech began to rule over the Franks. Before becoming king, he was the earl or duke of the Gewissae, a group that occupied the part of Britain later settled by the West Saxons. Once he finally obtained the power he had long sought through treachery, deceit, and great trickery, he first equipped the Tower of London with a strong garrison of soldiers.

Then studieng to aduance such onelie as he knew to be his speciall 415. friends and fauourers, he sought by all meanes how to oppresse other, of whose good will he had neuer so litle mistrust, and namelie those that were affectionate towards the linage of Constantine he hated deadlie, and deuised by secret meanes which way he might best destroy them. But these his practises being at the first perceiued, caused such as had the gouernance of the two yoong gentlemen with all spéed to get Fabian. them ouer (as ye haue heard) into Britaine Armorike, there to remaine out of danger with their vncle the king of that land. Diuers of the Britains also, that knew themselues to be in Vortigerne his[Page 554] displeasure, sailed ouer dailie vnto them, which thing brought Vortigerne into great doubt and feare of his estate.

Then, studying to promote only those he considered his close friends and supporters, he tried by every means to undermine others, of whom he had never the slightest suspicion, especially those who cared for the lineage of Constantine, whom he deeply hated. He secretly plotted how he might best eliminate them. However, these schemes were quickly noticed, prompting those in charge of the two young gentlemen to swiftly get them to Brittany Armorica, where they could stay safe with their uncle, the king of that land. Various Britons, aware that they were in Vortigern's disfavor, sailed to join them daily, which caused Vortigern great doubt and fear for his position.

Gyldas. Plentie of wealth accompanied with store of sinnes. It chanced also the same time, that there was great plentie of corne, & store of fruit, the like wherof had not béene seene in manie yéeres before, and therevpon insued riot, strife, lecherie, and other vices verie heinous, & yet accounted as then for small or rather none offenses at all. These abuses & great enormities reigned not onelie in the temporaltie, but also in the spiritualtie and chéefe rulers in the same: so that euerie man turned the point of his speare (euen as he had consented of purpose) against the true and innocent person. The commons also gaue themselues to voluptuous lust, drunkennesse, and idle loitering, whereof followed fighting, contention, enuie, and much debate. Of this plentie therefore insued great pride, and of this abundance no lesse hautinesse of mind, wherevpon followed great wickednesse, lacke of good gouernement and sober temperancie, and in the necke of these as a iust punishment, death and mortalitie, so that in some countries scarse the quicke sufficed to burie the dead.

Gyldas. A great deal of wealth comes with many sins. At the same time, there was a huge amount of grain and fruit, the likes of which hadn't been seen in many years before, which led to excess, conflict, promiscuity, and other serious vices that were considered minor or hardly offenses at all back then. These wrongdoings and huge evils were not just present among the common people, but also among the spiritual leaders and high rulers, so that everyone seemed to direct their aggression (as if they had agreed to do so) against innocent individuals. The common folk surrendered themselves to excessive pleasures, drunkenness, and aimless idleness, which resulted in fighting, arguments, jealousy, and much contention. This abundance thus led to great pride and, from this excess, no less arrogance, which in turn resulted in wickedness, poor governance, and a lack of self-control, and as a fitting punishment followed death and mortality, to the point that in some regions, there were hardly enough living people to bury the dead.

Scots and Picts inuade the Britains. And for an augmentation of more mischéefe, the Scots and Picts hearing how their countrimen through the false suggestion of Vortigerne, had bene wrongfullie and most cruellie put to death at London, began with fire & sword to make sharpe & cruell warre against the Britains, wasting their countrie, spoiling and burning their townes, and giuing them the ouerthrow in a pitcht field, as in the Scotish historie more plainlie appeareth. To be bréefe, the Britains were brought into such danger and miserie, that they knew not what way to take for remedie in such present perill, likelie to be ouerrun and vtterlie vanquished of their enimies. In the meane time Vortigerne not onelie troubled with these imminent euils, but fearing also the returne of the two brethren, Aurelius Ambrose, and Vter Pendragon, began to consider of the state of things, and estéeming it most sure to worke by aduise, called togither the principall lords and chéefe men of the realme to haue their counsell and opinion, how to procéed in such a weightie businesse: and so debating the matter with them, measured both his owne force, and also the force of his enimies, and according to the condition and state of the time, diligentlie considered and searched out what remedie was to be had and prouided.

Scots and Picts invade Britain. To make matters worse, the Scots and Picts, hearing that their fellow countrymen had been wrongfully and brutally killed in London due to Vortigern's deceitful suggestions, started a harsh and violent war against the Britons. They ravaged the land, looted and burned their towns, and defeated them decisively in battle, as is more clearly shown in Scottish history. In short, the Britons found themselves in such danger and misery that they didn’t know where to turn for help in such an immediate crisis, likely to be completely overwhelmed and defeated by their enemies. Meanwhile, Vortigern, not only troubled by these looming dangers but also fearing the return of the two brothers, Aurelius Ambrose and Uther Pendragon, began to think about the situation. Believing it was best to act strategically, he gathered the leading lords and key figures of the realm for their advice and opinions on how to proceed with such an important issue. After discussing the matter with them, he assessed both his own forces and those of his enemies, carefully considering and exploring what solutions could be implemented given the circumstances of the time.

Gyldas.
Wil. Malm.
Beda.
The Saxons sent for.
10000 hath Hector Boet.
Gyldas and Beda mention onelie but of 3 plates or gallies, but Hector Boet. hath 30.
At length after they had throughlie pondered all things, the more part of the nobles with the king also were of this mind, that there could be no better way deuised, than to send into Germanie for the Saxons to come to their aid: the which Saxons in that season were highlie renowmed for their valiancie in armes, and manifold aduentures heretofore atchiued. And so forthwith messengers were dispatched into Germanie, the which with monie, gifts, and promises, might procure the Saxons to come to the aid of the Britains against the Scots and Picts. The Saxons glad of this message, as people desirous of intertainment to serue in warres, choosing forth a picked companie of lustie yoong men vnder the leading of two brethren Hingist and Horsus, got them aboord into certeine vessels appointed for the purpose, and so with all spéed directed their course towards great Britaine.

Gyldas.
Wil. Malm.
Beda.
The Saxons were summoned.
10,000 is noted by Hector Boet.
Gyldas and Beda only refer to 3 ships or galleys, while Hector Boet. mentions 30.
After thoroughly considering everything, most of the nobles, along with the king, agreed that the best plan was to send to Germany for the Saxons to come to their aid. At that time, the Saxons were highly renowned for their bravery in battle and their many past achievements. So, messengers were immediately sent to Germany, offering money, gifts, and promises to persuade the Saxons to support the Britains against the Scots and Picts. The Saxons, excited by this news and eager for the chance to serve in battle, selected a group of strong young men led by two brothers, Hingist and Horsus. They boarded certain ships prepared for the purpose and quickly set sail for Great Britain.

449. This was in the yeare of our Lord 449, and in the second yeare of Vortigerns reigne, as the most autentike writers both British and Wil. Malm. English séeme to gather, although the Scotish writers, and namelie, Hector Boetius doo varie herein, touching the iust account of yeares, as to the perusers of the writings aswell of the one as the other may appeare. But others take it to be in the 4 yéere of his reigne: whereto Beda séemeth to agrée, who noteth it in the same yeare that Martianus the emperour began to rule the empire, which was (as appeareth by the consularie table) in the consulship of Protogenes and Austerius, and third yeere of Meroneus king of France.

449. This was in the year 449 AD, and in the second year of Vortigern's reign, as the most credible writers from both Britain and Wil. Malm. England seem to agree, although Scottish writers, particularly Hector Boetius, disagree on the exact count of the years, which might be apparent to readers of both perspectives. However, others believe it to be in the fourth year of his reign, which Bede seems to support, noting it in the same year that Martianus became emperor, which was (as shown by the consular table) during the consulship of Protogenes and Austerius, and the third year of Meroneus, king of France.

These Saxons thus arriuing in Britaine, were courteouslie receiued, & hartilie welcomed of king Vortigerne, who assigned to them places in Kent to inhabit, and foorthwith led them against the Scots and Picts, which were entred into Britaine, wasting & destroieng the countrie before them. Héerevpon comming to ioine in battell, there was a sore fight betwixt the parties for a while. But at length when the Saxons called to their remembrance that the same was the day which should either purchase to them an euerlasting name of manhood by victorie, or[Page 555] Scots vanquished by the Saxons. else of reproch by repulse, began to renew the fight with such violence, that the enimies not able to abide their fierce charge, were scattered and beaten downe on ech side with great slaughter.

These Saxons arriving in Britain were warmly received and warmly welcomed by King Vortigern, who assigned them land in Kent to settle in, and immediately led them against the Scots and Picts, who had invaded Britain, destroying the countryside in their wake. When they came to fight, there was a fierce battle between the two sides for a while. But in the end, when the Saxons remembered that this was the day that could earn them lasting fame for their bravery through victory, or shame through defeat, they renewed the fight with such intensity that the enemies, unable to withstand their fierce attack, were scattered and overwhelmed on all sides with heavy casualties.

The king hauing gotten this victorie, highlie rewarded the strangers according to their well deseruings, as by whose prowesse he had thus Henrie Hunt. vanquished his enimies, which (as some write) were come as farre as Stamford, and vsed at that time to fight with long darts and speares, whereas the Saxons fought onelie with long swords and axes.

The king, having achieved this victory, highly rewarded the foreigners according to their deserving, since it was by their prowess that he had defeated his enemies, who, as some say, had come all the way from Stamford and were used to fighting with long darts and spears, whereas the Saxons fought only with long swords and axes.

Gal. Mon. ¶ Some haue written that the Saxons were not sent for, but came by chance into the Ile, and the occasion to be this. There was an ancient custome among the English Saxons a people in Germanie, as was also at the first among other nations, that when the multitude of them was so increased, that the countrie was not able to susteine and find them, by commandement of their princes, they should choose out by lots a number of yoong and able personages fit for the warrs, which should go foorth to séeke them new habitations: and so it chanced to these, that they came into great Britaine, and promised to serue the king for wages in his warres.

Gal. Mon. ¶ Some have written that the Saxons weren't summoned but arrived in the island by chance, and the reason for this is as follows. There was an old custom among the English Saxons, a people from Germany, as there was initially among other nations, that when their population grew so large that the land couldn't support them, by the command of their leaders, they would draw lots to select a number of young and capable individuals suitable for war, who would then go out to find new lands for settlement. And so it happened that they came to Great Britain and promised to serve the king for payment in his wars.


Hengistus the Saxon shooteth at the crowne and scepter of the kingdome by craftie and subtile practises, a great number of forren people arriue in Britaine for the augmentation of his power, of the faire ladie Rowen his daughter, whereof Wednesdaie and Fridaie tooke their name, of the Iutes, Saxons, and Angles, Vortigerne being inflamed with the loue of Hengists daughter forsaketh his owne wife and marrieth hir, Vortigerne giueth Hengist all Kent, the Saxons come ouer by heaps to inhabit the land, the British nobilitie moue the king to auoid them, he is depriued of his kingdome, the miserable destruction made by the Saxons in this land, skirmishes betwixt them and the Britains.

Hengistus the Saxon targets the crown and scepter of the kingdom through crafty and subtle schemes, a large number of foreign people arrive in Britain to increase his power, including the fair lady Rowen, his daughter, after whom Wednesday and Friday are named. The Jutes, Saxons, and Angles come, and Vortigern, driven by his love for Hengist's daughter, abandons his own wife and marries her. Vortigern grants Hengist all of Kent. The Saxons flood in to settle the land, while the British nobility urge the king to drive them out. He is stripped of his kingdom amidst the miserable destruction wreaked by the Saxons in the land, leading to skirmishes between them and the Britons.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

Hengist purposeth at the first to conquere the Britains. Now Hengistus, being a man of great wit, rare policie, and high wisedome, vnderstanding the kings mind, who wholie trusted to the valiancie of the Saxons, & herewithall perceiuing the fruitfulnesse of the countrie, presentlie began to consider with himselfe, by what wiles and craft he might by little little settle heere, and obteine a kingdome in the Ile, and so establish the same to him and his for euer.

Hengist's initial goal is to conquer the Britons. Now, Hengist, being a man of great intelligence, clever strategy, and significant wisdom, understood the king's mindset, who completely relied on the bravery of the Saxons. At the same time, noticing the richness of the land, he started to think about how he could gradually establish himself here and gain a kingdom on the Isle, securing it for himself and his descendants forever.

Polydor. Therefore first he endeuored with all speed possible to fense that part of the countrie, which was giuen him and his people, and to inlarge and furnish it with garisons appointed in places most conuenient. After this he did what he could to persuade the king, that a great power of men might be brought ouer out of Germanie, that the land being fortified with such strength, the enimies might be put in feare, and Wil. Malm. 18 Foists or plates saie the Scotish writers, and 5000 men in the same. The Saxons call these vessels Ceoles, or Kéeles, and our old histories Cogiones. his subiects holden in rest. The king not foreséeing the hap that was to come, did not despise this counsell tending to the destruction of his kingdome, and so was more aid sent for into Germanie: wherevpon now at this second time there arriued héere 16 vessels fraught with people, and at the same time came the ladie Rowen or Ronix (daughter to Hengist) a maid of excellent beautie and comelinesse, able to delight the eies of them that should behold hir, and speciallie to win the heart of Vortigerne with the dart of concupiscence, wherevnto he was of nature much inclined, and that did Hengist well perceiue.

Polydor. So first he quickly worked to defend the part of the country that was given to him and his people, and to expand and equip it with garrisons placed in the most suitable locations. After this, he tried to convince the king that a large force of men could be brought over from Germany, ensuring that the land, fortified with such strength, could instill fear in the enemies and keep his subjects in check. The king, not foreseeing the outcome that was to come, did not ignore this counsel, which was leading to the destruction of his kingdom, and so more aid was requested from Germany. Consequently, this time 16 ships loaded with people arrived here, and at the same time, the lady Rowen or Ronix (daughter of Hengist) came, a maid of exceptional beauty and grace, capable of captivating the eyes of anyone who looked at her, and especially winning the heart of Vortigern with the arrow of desire, to which he was naturally very inclined, and Hengist was well aware of this.

The Vitæ or Iutæ are called Ibitri.
Alex. Now.
There came ouer into this land at that time, and soone after, thrée maner of people of the Germane nation, as Saxons, Vitæ or Iutes, and Angles, ouer the which the said Hengist and Horse being brethren, were capteines & rulers, men of right noble parentage in their countrie, as descended of that ancient, prince Woden, of wham the English Saxon kings doo for the more part fetch their pedegrée, as lineallie descended from him, vnto whome also the English people (falselie[Page 556] reputing him for a god) consecrated the fourth daie of the wéeke, as they did the sixt to his wife Frea: so that the same daies tooke name Wednesdaie, and Fridaie, whereof they came. of them, the one being called Wodensdaie, and the other Freadaie, which woords after in continuance of time by corruption of spéech were somewhat altered, though not much, as from Wodensdaie, to Wednesdaie, Beda. and from Freadaie to Fridaie. The foresaid Woden was father to Vecta, the father of Wergistus that was father to the foresaid Hengistus and Horsus.

The Vitæ or Iutæ are called Ibitri.
Alex. Now.
At that time, three groups of people from the Germanic nations came over to this land: the Saxons, Vitæ or Iutes, and Angles. Hengist and Horsa, who were brothers, led these groups. They were men of noble descent in their homeland, claiming lineage from the ancient prince Woden, from whom many of the English Saxon kings trace their ancestry. The English people, mistakenly believing he was a god, dedicated the fourth day of the week to him, just as they did the sixth to his wife Frea. This is how the days were namedWednesday and Friday, after them. The former became known as Wodensdaie, and the latter as Freadaie, though over time, these names were slightly changed through speech evolution, such as Wodensdaie to Wednesdaie,Beda. and Freadaie to Fridaie. Woden was the father of Vecta, who was the father of Wergistus, who was the father of Hengistus and Horsa.

But now to rehearse further touching those thrée people which at this time came ouer into Britaine out of Germanie. Of the Vites or Iutes (as Beda recordeth) are the Kentishmen descended, and the people of the Ile of Wight, with those also that inhabit ouer against the same Ile. Of the Saxons came the east, the south, & the west Saxons. Moreouer, of the Angles proceéded the east Angles, the middle Angles or Mercies, and the Northerne men. That these Angles were a people of Germanie, it Cor. Tacitus. appeareth also by Cornelius Tacitus, who called them Anglij, which word is of thrée syllables (as Polydor saith:) but some write it Angli, with two syllables. And that these Angli, or Anglij were of no small force and authoritie in Germanie before their comming into this land, maie appeare, in that they are numbred amongst the twelue nations there, which had lawes and ancient ordinances apart by themselues, according to the which the state of their common wealth was gouerned, they being the same and one people with the Thuringers, as in the title of the old Thuringers lawes we find recorded, which is thus: "Lex Angliorum & Werinorum, hoc est Thuringorum," The law of the Angles and Werinians that is to saie the Thuringers, which Thuringers are a people in Saxonie, as in the description of that countrie it maie appeare.

But now let's go over the three groups of people that came over to Britain from Germany at this time. The Kentishmen and the people of the Isle of Wight, along with those who live across from that island, are descended from the Vites or Jutes (as Bede recorded). The Saxons are the ancestors of the East, South, and West Saxons. Furthermore, the Angles gave rise to the East Angles, Middle Angles or Mercians, and the Northerners. That these Angles were a Germanic people is also shown by Cornelius Tacitus, who referred to them as Anglij, a word with three syllables (as Polydor notes), though some spell it Angli, with two syllables. Their strength and authority in Germany before coming to this land can be seen in the fact that they are listed among the twelve nations there that had their own laws and ancient ordinances governing their community. They were one people with the Thuringians, as recorded in the title of the old Thuringian laws, which states: "Lex Angliorum & Werinorum, hoc est Thuringorum," or "The law of the Angles and Werinians, that is to say, the Thuringers," who are a people in Saxony, as described in that region.

Polydor. Rowen, or Ronowen Hengists daughter.
Wil. Malm.
But now to the matter. Hengist perceiuing that his people were highlie in Vortigernes fauour, began to handle him craftilie, deuising by what means he might bring him in loue with his daughter Ronix, or Rowen, or Ronowen (as some write) which he beléeued well would easilie be brought to passe, bicause he vnderstood that the king was much giuen to sensuall lust, which is the thing that often blindeth wise mens vnderstanding, and maketh them to dote, and to lose their perfect wits: yea, and oftentimes bringeth them to destruction, though by such pleasant poison they féele no bitter taste, till they be brought to the extreame point of confusion in déed.

Polydor. Rowen, or Ronowen, daughter of Hengist.
Wil. Malm.
But now let’s get to the point. Hengist, noticing that his people were in Vortigern's good graces, started to manipulate him cleverly, figuring out how he could make the king fall for his daughter Ronix, or Rowen, or Ronowen (as some write). He believed this would be easy to accomplish because he knew the king was quite fond of sensual pleasures, which often blinds even the wisest men’s judgment and makes them lose their sanity. Yes, and it can lead them to their downfall, although they don’t taste the bitterness of such tempting poison until they find themselves completely lost in confusion.

Gal. Mon. A great supper therefore was prepared by Hengist, at the which it pleased the king to be present, and appointed his daughter, when euerie man began to be somewhat merrie with drinke, to bring in a cup of gold full of good and pleasant wine, and to present it to the king, saieng; Wassail. Which she did in such comelie and decent maner, as she that knew how to doo it well inough, so as the king maruelled greatlie thereat, and not vnderstanding what she ment by that salutation, demanded what it signified. To whom it was answered by Hengist, that Wassail, what it signifieth. she wished him well, and the meaning of it was, that he should drinke after hir, ioining thereto this answer, Drinke haile. Wherevpon the king (as he was informed) tooke the cup at the damsels hand, and dranke.

Gal. Mon. Hengist prepared a grand feast, and the king decided to attend. He instructed his daughter to bring in a golden cup filled with delicious wine when everyone started to feel cheerful from drinking, and to present it to the king, saying, "Wassail." She did this in such an elegant and proper way, demonstrating that she knew exactly how to do it, which greatly amazed the king. Not understanding the meaning of her greeting, he asked what it signified. Hengist replied that Wassail, what it means. she wished him well, meaning that he should drink after her, adding, "Drink hale." The king, following this advice, took the cup from the maiden's hand and drank.

Finallie, this yoong ladie behaued hir selfe with such pleasant woords, comelie countenance, and amiable grace, that the king beheld hir so long, till he felt himselfe so farre in loue with hir person, that he burned in continuall desire to inioy the same: insomuch that shortlie Polydor.
Fabian.
after he forsooke his owne wife, by the which he had thrée sonnes, named Vortimerus, Catagrinus, and Pascentius, and required of Hengist to haue his daughter, the said Rowen, or Ronowen in mariage. Hengist at the first séemed strange to grant to his request, and excused the matter, for that his daughter was not of estate and dignitie méet to be Wil. Malm. matched with his maiestie. But at length as it had béene halfe against his will he consented, and so the mariage was concluded & solemnized, all Kent being assigned vnto Hengist in reward, the which countrie was before that time gouerned by one Guorongus (though not with most equall Justice) which Guorongus was subiect vnto Vortigerne, as all other the potentats of the Ile were.

Finally, this young lady conducted herself with such charming words, attractive appearance, and friendly grace that the king looked at her for so long that he found himself deeply in love with her, consumed by a constant desire to be with her. So much so that shortly after, he abandoned his own wife, with whom he had three sons named Vortimer, Catagrinus, and Pascentius, and asked Hengist for his daughter, Rowen, or Ronowen, in marriage. Hengist initially seemed hesitant to grant this request and made excuses, claiming his daughter was not of the status and dignity suitable for a match with his majesty. But eventually, somewhat reluctantly, he agreed, and the marriage was arranged and celebrated, with all of Kent being granted to Hengist as a reward. This region had previously been governed by a man named Guorongus (though not with the greatest fairness), who was subject to Vortigern, as were all the other rulers of the island.

This mariage and liberalite of the king towards the strangers much offended the minds of his subiects, and hastened the finall destruction of the land. For the Saxons now vnderstanding the affinitie had betwixt the king and Hengist, came so fast ouer to inhabit héere, that it was[Page 557] woonder to consider in how short a time such a multitude could come togither: so that bicause of their great number and approoued puissance in warres, they began to be a terrour to the former inhabitants the Wil. Malm. Britains. But Hengist being no lesse politike in counsell than valiant in armes, abusing the kings lacke of discretion, to serue his owne turne, persuaded him to call out of Germanie his brother Occa and his Gal. saith he was Hengists sonne, and Ebusa his vncles sonne.
Occa and Ebusa leaders of Saxons.
sonne named Ebusa, being men of great valure, to the end that as Hengist defended the land in the south part: so might they kéepe backe the Scots in the north.

This marriage and generosity of the king towards the outsiders seriously upset his subjects and sped up the final downfall of the land. Because the Saxons, realizing the connection between the king and Hengist, quickly moved in to settle here, it was[Page 557] astonishing to see how quickly such a large group could gather. Their overwhelming numbers and proven strength in battle began to instill fear in the existing inhabitants, the Britains. However, Hengist, who was just as shrewd in strategy as he was brave in combat, took advantage of the king's lack of judgment for his own benefit. He convinced the king to bring his brother Occa and his son named Ebusa from Germany, who were both highly skilled men, to ensure that while Hengist protected the southern part of the land, they could fend off the Scots in the north.

Héerevpon by the kings consent, they came with a power out of Germanie, and coasting about the land, they sailed to the Iles of Orknie, and sore vexed the people there, and likewise the Scots and Picts also, and finallie arriued in the north parts of the realme, now called Northumberland, where they setled themselues at that present, and so Wil. Malm. de Regib. continued there euer after: but none of them taking vpon him the title of king, till about 99 yéeres after their first comming into that countrie, but in the meane time remaining as subiects vnto the Saxon kings of Kent. After their arriuall in that prouince, they oftentimes fought with the old inhabitants there, and ouercame them, chasing away such as made resistance, and appeased the residue by receiuing them vnder allegiance.

After gaining the king's permission, they arrived with an army from Germany, sailing around the land to the Orkney Islands, where they severely troubled the local people, as well as the Scots and Picts. Eventually, they reached the northern part of the kingdom, now known as Northumberland, where they settled at that time and continued to live there afterward. However, none of them claimed the title of king until about 99 years after they first came to the country, in the meantime remaining subjects to the Saxon kings of Kent. After their arrival in that region, they often fought the native inhabitants and defeated them, driving away those who resisted and bringing the rest under their rule.

Fabian. The great numbers of strangers suspected to the Britains. When the nobles of Britaine saw and perceiued in what danger the land stood, by the dailie repaire of the huge number of Saxons into the same, they first consulted togither, and after resorting to the king, mooued him that some order might be taken for the auoiding of them, or the more part of them, least they should with their power and great multitude vtterlie oppresse the British nation. But all was in vaine, for Vortigerne so estéemed and highlie fauoured the Saxons, and namelie by reason of the great loue which he bare to his wife, that he little regarded his owne nation, no nor yet anie thing estéemed his owne naturall kinsmen and chiefe friends, by reason whereof the Britains in Vortigerne depriued. fine depriued him of all kinglie honour, after that he had reigned 16 yéeres, and in his steed crowned his sonne Vortimer.

Fabian. The increasing number of outsiders is worrying the British. When the nobles of Britain saw and realized how much danger the land was in, due to the daily influx of a massive number of Saxons, they first consulted together and then approached the king. They urged him to take some action to drive them away, or at least most of them, to prevent them from completely overpowering the British nation with their strength and numbers. But it was all in vain, for Vortigern valued and favored the Saxons highly, especially because of the deep affection he had for his wife. He paid little attention to his own people and didn’t care much for his natural relatives and chief friends. As a result, the Britons in Vortigern deprived. the end stripped him of all royal honors after he had reigned for 16 years and crowned his son Vortimer in his place.

Gyldas.
Beda.
H. Hunt.
Gyldas and Beda make no mention of Vortimer, but declare that after the Saxons were receiued into this land, there was a couenant made betwixt them and the Britains, that the Saxons should defend the countrie from the inuasion of enimies by their knightlie force: and that in consideration therof, the Britains should find them prouision of vittels: wherewith they held them contented for a time. But afterwards they began to pike quarrels, as though they were not sufficientlie furnished of their due proportion of vittels, threatening that if they were not prouided more largelie thereof, they would surelie spoile the countrie. So that without deferring of time, they performed their The miserable destruction made by the Saxons in this land. woords with effect of deeds, beginning in the east part of the Ile, & with fire and swoord passed foorth, wasting and destroieng the countrie, till they came to the vttermost part of the west: so that from sea to sea, the land was wasted and destroied in such cruell and outragious manner, that neither citie, towne, nor church was regarded, but all committed to the fire: the priests slaine and murthered euen afore the altars, and the prelats with the people without anie reuerence of their estate or degrée dispatched with fire and swoord, most lamentablie to behold.

Gyldas.
Bede.
H. Hunt.
Gyldas and Beda don’t mention Vortimer but note that after the Saxons settled in this land, an agreement was made between them and the Britons. The Saxons would defend the country from enemy invasions with their knightly strength, and in return, the Britons would provide them with food supplies, which satisfied the Saxons for a while. However, they soon started to create disputes, claiming they weren't getting enough food and threatening that if they weren't provided more, they would definitely ravage the land. So, without wasting any time, they acted on their words, beginning in the eastern part of the island and sweeping through with fire and sword, devastating the countryside until they reached the farthest west. Thus, from sea to sea, the land was destroyed in such a brutal and outrageous manner that no city, town, or church was spared; everything was set on fire. Priests were slain and murdered right before the altars, and the bishops along with the people were dispatched without any respect for their status or rank, a sight that was truly heartbreaking.

Manie of the Britains séeing the demeanour of the Saxons, fled to the mounteins, of the which diuers being apprehended, were cruellie slaine, and other were glad to come foorth and yeeld themselues to eternall bondage, for to haue reléefe of meate and drinke to asswage their extremitie of hunger. Some other got them out of the realme into strange lands, so to saue themselues; and others abiding still in their countrie, kept them within the thicke woods and craggie rocks, whither they were fled, liuing there a poore wretched life, in great feare and vnquietnesse of mind.

Many of the Britons, seeing how the Saxons were behaving, fled to the mountains. Some were captured and brutally killed, while others were relieved to come forward and surrender themselves to a life of slavery in exchange for food and drink to ease their hunger. Some managed to escape the kingdom to foreign lands to save themselves, while others stayed in their homeland, hiding in the dense woods and rugged rocks where they had fled, living a poor and miserable existence, filled with fear and anxiety.

But after that the Saxons were departed and withdrawne to their houses, the Britains began to take courage to them againe, issuing foorth of those places where they had lien hid, and with one consent calling for aid at Gods hand, that they might be preserued from vtter destruction, they began vnder the conduct of their leader Aurelius Ambrose, to prouoke the Saxons to battell, and by the helpe of God they obteined victorie, according to their owne desires. And from thence foorth, one[Page 558] while the Britains, and an other while the Saxons were victors. So that in this British people, God (according to his accustomed maner) as it were present Israell, tried them from time to time, whether they loued him or no, vntill the yeare of the siege of Badon hill, where afterwards no small slaughter was made of the enimies: which chanced So Gyldas was borne in the yeare of our Lord 493. the same yeare in the which Gyldas was borne (as he himselfe witnesseth) being about the 44 yeare after the comming of the Saxons into Britaine.

But after the Saxons had left and returned to their homes, the Britons began to regain their courage, coming out from the places where they had been hiding, and unanimously asking God for help to protect them from total destruction. Under the leadership of Aurelius Ambrose, they sought to provoke the Saxons into battle, and with God’s help, they achieved victory according to their wishes. From then on, at different times, either the Britons or the Saxons would be the victors. In this situation, God, as was his usual way, tested the British people, asking whether they loved him or not, until the year of the siege of Badon Hill, where later there was a significant slaughter of the enemies. This incident occurred in the same year that Gyldas was born, as he himself states, which was about 44 years after the Saxons arrived in Britain.[Page 558]So Gyldas was born in the year 493 AD.

Thus haue Gyldas & Beda (following by likelihood the authoritie of the same Gyldas) written of these first warres begun betwéene the Saxons and Britains. But now to go foorth with the historie, according to the order of our chronicles, as we doo find recorded touching the doings of Vortimer that was elected king (as ye haue heard) to gouerne in place of his father Vortigerne.

Thus, Gildas and Bede (likely following the authority of Gildas himself) have written about the early wars between the Saxons and the Britons. Now, let's continue with the history according to our chronicles, as we find recorded about the actions of Vortimer, who was elected king to govern in place of his father, Vortigern.


Vortimer is created king in the roome of his father Vortigerne, he giueth the Saxons sore and sharpe battels, a combat fought betweene Catigerne the brother of Vortimer and, Horsus the brother of Hengist, wherein they were both slaine, the Britains driue the Saxons into the Ile of Tenet, Rowen the daughter of Hengist procureth Vortimer to be poisoned, the Saxons returne into Germanie as some writers report, they ioine with the Scots and Picts against the Britains and discomfit them.

Vortimer is made king in place of his father Vortigern. He gives the Saxons fierce and intense battles, a fight occurs between Catigern, Vortimer's brother, and Horsus, Hengist's brother, where both are killed. The Britons drive the Saxons into the Isle of Thanet. Rowena, Hengist's daughter, arranges for Vortimer to be poisoned. The Saxons return to Germany, as some writers say, teaming up with the Scots and Picts against the Britons and defeating them.

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

VORTIMER.
464.
Fabian.
Galf. Mon.
Matt. West. saith 454.
This Vortimer being eldest sonne to Vortigerne, by the common assent of the Britains was made king of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord 464, which was in the fourth yeare of the emperour Leo the fift, and about the sixt yeare of Childericus king of France, as our common account runneth, which is far disagréeing from that whereof W. Harison dooth speake in his chronologie, who noteth Vortigerne to be deposed in the 8 after his exaltation to the crowne, 454 of Christ, and 5 currant after the comming of the Saxons, which concurreth with the 4420 of the world, and 8 of Meroneus, as by his chronologie dooth more at large appear.

VORTIMER.
464.
Fabian.
Galf. Mon.
Matt. West. says 454.
Vortimer, the eldest son of Vortigern, was made king of Britain by the unanimous agreement of the Britons in the year 464 AD, during the fourth year of Emperor Leo the Fifth and about the sixth year of King Childeric of France, according to our common records. This differs significantly from what W. Harrison mentions in his chronology, where he notes that Vortigern was deposed eight years after his rise to the throne in 454 AD and five years after the arrival of the Saxons, which aligns with the year 4420 of the world and the eighth year of Meroneus, as shown in his more detailed chronology.

But to procéed, Vortimer being thus aduanced to the gouernment of the realme, in all hast made sore warre against the Saxons, and gaue vnto The riuer of Derwent. them a great battell vpon the riuer of Derwent, where he had of them the vpper hand. And the second time he fought with them at a place Epiford. called Epiford, or Aglisthrop, in the which incounter Catagrine or Catigernus the brother of Vortimer, and Horsus the brother of Hengist, after a long combat betwixt them two, either of them slue other: but the Britains obteined the field (as saith the British historie.) The third battell Vortimer fought with them néere to the sea side, where The Ile of Tenet. also the Britains chased the Saxons, & droue them into the Ile of Tenet. The fourth battell was stricken néere to a moore called Hen. Hunt. Colemoore. Colemoore, the which was sore fought by the Saxons, and long continued with great danger to the Britains, because the foresaid moore inclosed a part of their host so stronglie, that the Britains could not approch to them, being beaten off with the enimies shot, albeit in the end the Saxons were put to flight, & manie of them drowned and swallowed vp in the same moore. Beside these foure principall battels, Vortimer had Fabian. Tetford in Norfolke.
Colchester.
diuers other conflicts with the Saxons, as in Kent and at Tetford in Norfolke, also néere to Colchester in Essex: for he left not till he had bereft them of the more part of all such possessions as before time they had got, so that they were constrained to kéepe them within the Ile of Tenet, where he oftentimes assailed them with such ships as he then had. When Ronowen the daughter of Hengist perceiued the great losse that the Saxons sustained by the martiall prowesse of Vortimer, she found means that within a while the said Vortimer was poisoned, after he had ruled the Britains by the space of 6 or 7 yeares and od[Page 559] moneths.

But to continue, Vortimer, having risen to power in the kingdom, quickly waged a fierce war against the Saxons and fought a major battle by the river Derwent, where he gained the upper hand. The second time he battled them was at a place called Epiford, or Aglisthrop, where Catagrine, Vortimer's brother, and Horsus, Hengist's brother, fought for a long time, ultimately killing each other: however, the Britons won the field (according to British history). In the third battle, Vortimer fought them near the seaside, where the Britons also chased the Saxons and drove them into the Isle of Tenet. The fourth battle took place near a moor called Colemoore, which was fiercely contested by the Saxons and dragged on with great danger to the Britons because the moor trapped part of their forces so strongly that the Britons couldn't approach, being driven back by enemy fire. Despite this, in the end, the Saxons were routed, and many of them drowned in the moor. In addition to these four main battles, Vortimer had several other encounters with the Saxons, including in Kent, at Tetford in Norfolk, and near Colchester in Essex. He didn't stop until he had taken most of the lands they had previously acquired, forcing them to retreat to the Isle of Tenet, where he frequently attacked them with the ships available to him. When Ronowen, Hengist's daughter, saw the heavy losses the Saxons suffered due to Vortimer's military skill, she orchestrated a plot that led to Vortimer being poisoned, after he had ruled the Britons for about 6 or 7 years and a few months.

¶ By the British historie it should séeme, that Vortimer before his death handled the Saxons so hardlie, kéeping them besieged within the Ile of Tenet, till at length they were constrained to sue for licence to depart home into Germanie in safetie: and the better to bring this to pas, they sent Vortigerne, (whome they had kept still with them in all these battels) vnto his sonne Vortimer, to be a meane for the obteining of their sute. But whilest this treatie was in hand, they got them into their ships, and leauing their wiues and children behind them, returned into Germanie. Thus far Gal. Mon. But how vnlikelie this is to be true, I will not make anie further discourse, but onelie refer euerie man to that which in old autentike historiographers of the Will. Malmes. English nation is found recorded, as in Will. Malmes. Henr. Hunt, Marianus, and others: vnto whome in these matters concerning the dooings betwixt the Saxons and Britains, we maie vndoubtedlie and safelie giue most credit.

¶ According to British history, it seems that Vortimer, before his death, dealt quite harshly with the Saxons, keeping them besieged on the Isle of Thanet until they were eventually forced to ask for permission to safely return home to Germany. To help secure this request, they sent Vortigern, who had been with them in all their battles, to his son Vortimer as a mediator. However, while this negotiation was happening, they sneaked onto their ships, leaving their wives and children behind, and returned to Germany. This is as far as Gal. Mon. goes. But how unlikely this is to be true, I won’t elaborate further; I’ll just refer everyone to what is documented in the old authentic historians of the Will. Malmes. English nation, like Will. Malmes, Henr. Hunt, Marianus, and others, to whom we can undoubtedly and safely give our trust regarding the actions between the Saxons and the Britains.

William Malmes. writing of this Vortimer, or Guortigerne, and of the warres which he had against the Saxons, varieth in a maner altogether from Geffrey of Monmouth, as by his words here following ye maie perceiue. Guortimer, the sonne of Vortimer (saith he) thinking not good long to dissemble the matter, for that he saw himselfe and his countriemen the Britains preuented by the craft of the English Saxons, set his full purpose to driue them out of the realme, and kindled his father to the like attempt. He therefore being the author and procurer, seuen yeares after their first comming into this land, the league was broken, and by the space of 20 yeares they fought oftentimes togither Hengist had the victorie in this battell saith Ra. Hig.
Horse and Catigene slaine.
in manie light incounters, but foure times they fought puissance against puissance in open field: in the first battell they departed with like fortune, whilest the one part, that is to meane, the Saxons lost their capteine Horse that was brother to Hengist, and the Britains lost Catigerne an other of Vortigerns sonnes.

William Malmes, writing about Vortimer, or Guortigerne, and the wars he had against the Saxons, differs significantly from Geoffrey of Monmouth, as you can see from the following words. Guortimer, the son of Vortimer, decided not to keep things hidden any longer because he saw that he and his fellow Britons were being outmaneuvered by the cleverness of the English Saxons. He fully committed to driving them out of the kingdom and inspired his father to do the same. Therefore, being the instigator and motivator, seven years after the Saxons first arrived in this land, the truce was broken, and for 20 years they fought repeatedly against each other. Hengist won this battle, according to Ra. Hig.
Horse and Catigene were killed.
In many small skirmishes, they battled, but four times they faced each other directly in open field: in the first battle, both sides experienced similar outcomes, with the Saxons losing their captain Horse, who was Hengist's brother, and the Britons losing Catigerne, another son of Vortigern.

458. In the other battels, when the Englishmen went euer awaie with the vpper hand, at length a peace was concluded, Guortimer being taken out of this world by course of fatall death, the which much differing from the soft and milde nature of his father, right noblie would haue gouerned the realme, if God had suffered him to haue liued. But these battels which Vortimer gaue to the Saxons (as before is mentioned) should appeare by that which some writers haue recorded, to haue chanced before the supposed time of Vortimers or Guortimers atteining to the crowne, about the 6 or 7 yeare after the first comming of the Saxons into this realme with Hengist. And hereto W. Harison giueth his Polydor. consent, referring the mutuall slaughter of Horsus and Catigerne to the 6 years of Martianus, & 455 of Christ. Howbeit Polydor Virgil saith, that Vortimer succéeded his father, and that after his fathers deceasse the English Saxons, of whome there was a great number then in the Ile, comming ouer dailie like swarmes of bées, and hauing in possession not onelie Kent, but also the north parts of the realme towards Scotland, togither with a great part of the west countrie, thought it now a fit time to attempt the fortune of warre: and first therefore concluding a league with the Scots and Picts, vpon the sudden they turned their weapons points against the Britains, and most cruellie pursued them, as though they had receiued some great iniurie at their hands, and ne benefit at all. The Britains were maruelouslie abashed herewith, perceiuing that they should haue to doo with Hengist, a capteine of so high renowme, and also with their ancient enimies the Scots and Picts, thus all at one time, and that there was no remedie but either they must fight or else become slaues. Wherefore at length, dread of bondage stirred vp manhood in them, so that they assembled togither, and boldlie began to resist their enimies on ech side: but being too weake, The Britains discomfited by the Scots. they were easilie discomfited and put to flight, so that all hope of defense by force of armes being vtterlie taken awaie, as men in despaire to preuaile against their enimies, they fled as shéepe scattered abroad, some following one capteine and some another, getting them into desart places, woods and maresh grounds, and moreouer left such townes and fortresses as were of no notable strength, as a preie vnto their enimies.

458. In the other battles, when the English had the upper hand, a peace was eventually reached. Guortimer passed away due to a fatal death, which differed greatly from the gentle nature of his father. He would have nobly governed the kingdom, if God had allowed him to live. However, the battles that Vortimer fought against the Saxons (as mentioned earlier) seem to have occurred before Vortimer or Guortimer ascended to the throne, about 6 or 7 years after the Saxons, led by Hengist, first arrived in this kingdom. W. Harison agrees, linking the mutual slaughter of Horsus and Catigerne to the 6 years of Martianus and 455 AD. Nevertheless, Polydor Virgil states that Vortimer succeeded his father and that after his father’s death, the Saxons, who then had a significant number in the island, came over daily in swarms, taking not only Kent but also the northern parts of the kingdom towards Scotland, along with a large part of the western countryside. They believed it was the right time to engage in war: first, they formed an alliance with the Scots and Picts, then suddenly turned their weapons against the Britains, pursuing them ruthlessly, as if they had suffered a great injustice and received no benefit at all. The Britains were incredibly shocked by this, realizing they would have to face Hengist, a highly renowned leader, and also their ancient enemies, the Scots and Picts, all at once, with no choice but to fight or become slaves. Therefore, driven by the fear of enslavement, they mustered courage, assembled together, and boldly began to resist their enemies on all sides. However, being too weak, they were easily defeated and routed, and all hope of defense through armed force was entirely lost. In despair of prevailing against their enemies, they fled like scattered sheep, some following one captain and others another, escaping to deserted places, woods, and marshlands, and they abandoned towns and fortresses of little strength as prey for their enemies.

Thus saith Polydor Virgil of the first breaking of the warres betwixt the Saxons and the Britains, which chanced not (as should appeare by that which he writeth thereof) till after the death of Vortigerne. Howbeit he denieth not that Hengist at his first comming got seates for[Page 560] him and his people within the countie of Kent, and there began to inhabit. This ought not to be forgotten, that king Vortimer (as Sigebertus. Sigebertus hath written) restored the Christian religion after he had vanquished the Saxons, in such places where the same was decaied by the enimies inuasion, whose drift was not onelie to ouerrun the land with violence, but also to erect their owne laws and liberties without regard of clemencie.

Thus says Polydor Virgil about the initial outbreak of the wars between the Saxons and the Britons, which, as he writes, did not happen until after the death of Vortigern. However, he does not deny that Hengist, upon his arrival, secured land for[Page 560] himself and his people in the county of Kent, where they began to settle. It’s important to note that King Vortimer (as Sigebert. Sigebertus wrote) restored the Christian faith after he defeated the Saxons in areas where it had declined due to enemy invasion, which aimed not only to ravage the land with force but also to establish their own laws and freedoms without any consideration for mercy.


Vortigerne is restored to his regiment, in what place he abode during the time of his sonnes reigne, Hengist with his Saxons re-enter the land, the Saxons and Britains are appointed to meet on Salisburie plaine, the priuie treason of Hengist and his power whereby the Britains were slaine like sheepe, the manhood of Edol earle of Glocester, Vortigerne is taken prisoner, Hengist is in possession of three prouinces of this land, a description of Kent.

Vortigern is returned to his regiment, where he stayed during his son's reign. Hengist and his Saxons come back into the territory, and the Saxons and Britons are set to meet on Salisbury Plain. The secret betrayal by Hengist and his forces led to the slaughter of the Britons like sheep. The bravery of Edol, the Earl of Gloucester, is noted. Vortigern is captured, and Hengist takes control of three provinces of this land, along with a description of Kent.

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

471. Matth. West. saith 461. After all these bloudie broiles and tempestuous tumults ended, Vortigerne was restored and set againe into the kingdome of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord 471. All the time of his sonnes reigne, he had remained in the parties now called Wales, where (as some write) in that meane time he builded a strong castle called Generon, or Guaneren, in the west side of Wales nere to the riuer of Guana, vpon a mounteine called Cloaricus, which some referre to be builded in his second returne into Wales, as shall be shewed hereafter. And it is so much the more likelie, for that an old chronicle, which Fabian had sight of, affirmeth, that Vortigerne was kept vnder the rule of certeine Caerleon Arwiske. gouernors to him appointed in the towne of Caerlegion, and behaued himselfe in such commendable sort towards his sonne, in aiding him with his counsell, and otherwise in the meane season whilest his sonne reigned, that the Britains by reason thereof began so to fauour him, that after the death of Vortimer they made him king againe.

471. Matth. West. says 461. After all these bloody conflicts and chaotic disturbances came to an end, Vortigern was reinstated and returned to the kingdom of Britain in the year 471 AD. During his son's reign, he stayed in the region now known as Wales, where (as some say) in the meantime he built a strong castle called Generon, or Guaneren, on the western side of Wales near the river Guana, on a mountain called Cloaricus. Some suggest this was built during his second return to Wales, as will be explained later. It seems more likely because an old chronicle, which Fabian had seen, claims that Vortigern was under the rule of certain Caerleon Arwiske. governors appointed to him in the town of Caerlegion, and he behaved himself so commendably towards his son by assisting him with his counsel during the time his son reigned, that the Britons, because of this, began to favor him so much that after Vortimer's death, they made him king again.

Shortlie after that Vortigerne was restored to the rule of the kingdom, Hengist aduertised therof returned into the land with a mightie armie Matth. West. saith 4000. He might easilie returne, for except I be deceiued he was neuer driuen out after he had once set foot within this Ile. of Saxons, whereof Vortigerne being admonished, assembled his Britains, and with all speed made towards him. When Hengist had knowledge of the huge host of the Britains that was comming against him, he required to come to a communication with Vortigerne, which request was granted, so that it was concluded, that on Maie day a certeine number of Britains, and as manie of the Saxons should meet togither vpon the plaine of Salisburie. Hengist hauing deuised a new kind of treason, when the day of their appointed méeting was come, caused euerie one of his allowed number secretlie to put into his hose a long knife (where it was ordeined that no man should bring anie weapon with him at all) and that at the verie instant when this watchword should be vttered by him, Nempt your sexes, what if it were messes. "Nempt your sexes," then should euerie of them plucke out his knife, and slea the Britaine that chanced to be next to him, except the same should be Vortigerne, whom he willed to be apprehended, but not slaine.

Shortly after Vortigern was restored to power in the kingdom, Hengist, having been informed, returned to the land with a powerful army Matth. West. states 4,000. He could easily come back since I believe he was never forced out after he first arrived on this Isle. of Saxons. When Vortigern was warned, he gathered his Britons and quickly moved to confront him. When Hengist learned about the large army of Britons approaching, he requested to negotiate with Vortigern, which was agreed upon. It was decided that on May Day a certain number of Britons and an equal number of Saxons would meet on the plain of Salisbury. Hengist, plotting a new kind of betrayal, instructed each of his designated men to secretly stash a long knife in their trousers (where it had been agreed that no one should bring any weapon) and, at the moment when he would call out the watchword, "Clear your heads, what if it were chaos." "Nempt your sexes," each of them would draw their knife and kill the Briton closest to them, except for Vortigern, whom he commanded to be captured but not killed.

At the day assigned, the king with his appointed number or traine of the Britains, mistrusting nothing lesse than anie such maner of vnfaithfull dealing, came vnto the place in order before prescribed, without armor or weapon, where he found Hengist readie with his Saxons, the which receiued the king with amiable countenance and in most louing sort: but after they were a little entred into communication, Hengist meaning to accomplish his deuised purpose, gaue the watchword, immediatlie wherevpon the Saxons drew out their kniues, and suddenlie There died of the nobles of Britaine 460 as Gal. saith. fell on the Britains, and slue them as shéepe being fallen within the danger of woolues. For the Britains had no weapons to defend themselues, except anie of them by his strength and manhood got the knife of his enimie.

On the appointed day, the king, along with his selected group of Britons, suspicious of nothing, arrived at the previously arranged location without armor or weapons. There, he found Hengist ready with his Saxons, who welcomed the king with friendly smiles and acted very affectionately. However, after they started talking, Hengist, intending to carry out his plan, signaled the start. Immediately, the Saxons pulled out their knives and suddenly attacked the Britons, slaughtering them like sheep caught in a pack of wolves. The Britons had no weapons to defend themselves, unless one of them managed to seize a knife from his enemy through sheer strength and bravery.

Ran. Cestren.
Fabian.
Amongst other of the Britains, there was one Edol earle of Glocester,[Page 561] or (as other say) Chester, which got a stake out of an hedge, or else where, and with the same so defended himselfe and laid about him, that
Gal. saith 70.
Matth. West.
Ran. Cestren.
he slue 17 of the Saxons, and escaped to the towne of Ambrie, now called Salisburie, and so saued his owne life. Vortiger was taken and kept as prisoner by Hengist, till he was constreined to deliuer vnto Hengist thrée prouinces or countries of this realme, that is to say, Kent &Essex, or as some write, that part where the south Saxons after did inhabit, as Sussex and other: the third was the countrie where the Estangles planted themselues, which was in Norfolke and Suffolke. Then Hengist being in possession of those thrée prouinces, suffered Vortigerne to depart, &to be at his libertie.

Run. Cestren.
Fabian.
Among the Britons, there was Edol, the Earl of Gloucester,[Page 561] or as others say, Chester, who grabbed a stake from a hedge, or somewhere else, and with that, he defended himself and fought back, so much so that
Gal. says 70.
Matt. West.
Ran. Chester.
he killed 17 Saxons and escaped to the town of Ambrie, now called Salisbury, and thus saved his own life. Vortigern was captured and held prisoner by Hengist until he was forced to give Hengist three provinces or regions of this kingdom, namely Kent & Essex, or as some write, the part where the South Saxons later settled, like Sussex and others: the third was the area where the East Angles established themselves, which was in Norfolk and Suffolk. Then, once Hengist had control of those three provinces, he allowed Vortigern to leave and be free.

Wil. Malm. ¶ William Malmesburie writeth somewhat otherwise of this taking of Vortigerne, during whose reigne, after the deceasse of his sonne Vortimer, nothing was attempted against the Saxons, but in the meane time Hengist by colorable craft procured his sonne in law Vortigerne to come to a banket at his house, with three hundred other Britains, and when he had made them well and warme with often quaffing and emptieng of cups, and of purpose touched euerie of them with one bitter tawnt or other, they first fell to multiplieng of malicious words, and after to blowes that the Britains were slaine, euerie mothers sonne so yéelding vp their ghosts euen amongst their pots. The king himselfe was taken, and to redéeme himselfe out of prison, gaue to the Saxons thrée prouinces, and so escaped out of bondage.

Wil. Malm. ¶ William of Malmesbury writes somewhat differently about the capture of Vortigern. During his reign, after the death of his son Vortimer, nothing was done against the Saxons. Meanwhile, Hengist cleverly arranged for his son-in-law Vortigern to come to a feast at his home, inviting three hundred other Britons. After they had enjoyed a lot of drinking and made themselves comfortable, Hengist intentionally provoked each one of them with some bitter insult. This led to escalating insults and eventually to blows, resulting in the Britons being killed, every last one of them falling dead amidst their pots. The king himself was captured, and to secure his release from prison, he gave the Saxons three provinces and thereby escaped from captivity.

Thus by what meane soeuer it came to passe, truth it is (as all writers agrée) that Hengist got possession of Kent, and of other countries in this realme, and began to reigne there as absolute lord & gouernor, in 476. the yéere of our Lord (as some write) 476, about the fift yéere of Vortigerns last reigne: but after other, which take the beginning of this kingdome of Kent to be when Hengist had first gift therof, the same kingdome began in the yéere 455, and conteined the countrie that stretcheth from the east Ocean vnto the riuer of Thames, hauing on the Kingdome of Kent. southeast Southerie, and vpon the west London, vpon the northeast the riuer of Thames aforesaid, and the countrie of Essex.

So, however it happened, the truth is (as all writers agree) that Hengist took control of Kent and other lands in this realm, and began to rule there as absolute lord and governor, in 476. the year of our Lord (as some say) 476, around the fifth year of Vortigern's last reign. However, others who mark the beginning of the Kingdom of Kent as when Hengist was first granted it claim that it started in the year 455, and included the land stretching from the East Sea to the River Thames, with the southeast and south contacting the sea, and to the west London, and to the northeast the aforementioned River Thames and the land of Essex.


The heptarchie or seuen kingdoms of this land, Hengist causeth Britaine to be peopled with Saxons, the decaie of Christian religion, the Pelagians with their hereticall and false doctrine infect the Britains, a synod summoned in Gallia for the redresse thereof, the Scots assist the Britains against the Saxons, who renew their league with the Picts, Germane and Lupus two bishops of Germanie procure the British armie to be newlie christened, the terror that the Britains vnder bishop Germans fortunate conduct draue into the Saxons by the outcrie of Alleluia, and got the victorie, bishop Germane departeth out of the land, and to redresse the Pelagian heresie commeth againe at the clergies request, he confirmeth his doctrine by a miracle, banisheth the Pelagians out of the land, the death of Germane, murther requited with murther.

The heptarchy or seven kingdoms of this land sees Hengist populate Britain with Saxons, the decline of Christianity, and the Pelagians spreading their heretical and false teachings among the Britons. A synod is called in Gaul to address this issue. The Scots support the Britons against the Saxons, who renew their alliance with the Picts. Germanus and Lupus, two bishops from Germany, help get the British army newly baptized. The fear that the Britons instill in the Saxons under Bishop Germanus's fortunate leadership drives them away with the shout of Alleluia, and they achieve victory. Bishop Germanus leaves the land but returns at the clergy's request to address the Pelagian heresy. He confirms his teachings through a miracle and banishes the Pelagians from the land. The death of Germanus is avenged with murder.

THE VJ CHAPTER.

Hengist and all other the Saxon kings which ruled (as after shall appeare) in seuen parts of this realme, are called by writers Reguli, that is, little kings or rulers of some small dominion: so that Hengist is counted a little king, who when he had got into his hands the foresaid thrée prouinces, he caused more Saxons to come into Britaine, and bestowed them in places abroad in the countrie, by reason whereof the christian religion greatlie decaied within the land, for the Saxons The decay of christian religion. being pagans, did what they could to extinguish the faith of Christ, and to plant againe in all places their heathenish religion, and woorshipping of false gods: and not onelie hereby was the true faith of the Christians brought in danger dailie to decaie, but also the erronious opinions of the Pelagians greatlie preuailed here amongst the Britains, by meanes of such vnsound preachers as in that troublesome season did set forth false doctrine amongst the people, without all[Page 562] maner of reprehension.

Hengist and all the other Saxon kings who ruled (as will be shown later) in seven parts of this realm are referred to by writers as Reguli, meaning little kings or rulers of small territories. Hengist is considered a little king because, after he gained control of the aforementioned three provinces, he encouraged more Saxons to come to Britain and settled them in various places throughout the country. As a result, the Christian faith significantly declined in the land, since the Saxons, being pagans, did everything they could to extinguish the faith of Christ and re-establish their pagan beliefs and the worship of false gods. Not only did this put the true faith of Christians at daily risk of decline, but also the erroneous views of the Pelagians became widespread among the Britons, due to the presence of unsound preachers who, during that troubled time, promoted false doctrines among the people without any form of reprimand.

Beda. Certeine yéeres before the comming of the Saxons, that heresie began to spread within this land verie much, by the lewd industrie of one Leporius Agricola, the sonne of Seuerus Sulpitius (as Bale saith) a bishop of that lore. But Pelagius the author of this heresie was borne in Wales, and held opinion that a man might obteine saluation by his owne frée will and merit, and without assistance of grace, as he that was borne without originall sinne, &c.

Beda. A few years before the arrival of the Saxons, this heresy started to spread widely in the land, largely due to the misguided efforts of Leporius Agricola, the son of Severus Sulpitius (as Bale mentions), who was a bishop of that doctrine. However, Pelagius, the originator of this heresy, was born in Wales and believed that a person could achieve salvation through their own free will and merits, without the need for grace, just like someone who was born without original sin, etc.

This erronious doctrine being taught therefore, and mainteined in this troublesome time of warres with the Saxons, sore disquieted the godlie Beda. minded men amongst the Britains, who not meaning to receiue it, nor yet able well to confute the craftie and wicked persuasions vsed by the professors thereof, thought good to send ouer into Gallia, requiring of the bishops there, that some godlie and profound learned men might be sent ouer from thence into this land, to defend the cause of the true doctrine against the naughtie teachers of so blasphemous an error. Whervpon the bishops of Gallia sore lamenting the miserable state of the Britains, and desirous to relieue their present néed, speciallie in A synod called in Gallia. that case of religion, called a synod, and therein taking counsell to consider who were most méet to be sent, it was decréed by all their
Germanus and Lupus.
consents in the end, that one Germane the bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus bishop of Trois should passe ouer into Britaine to confirme the Christians there in the faith of the celestiall grace. And so those two vertuous learned men taking their iournie, finallie arriued in Britaine, though not without some danger by sea, through stormes &rage of winds, stirred (as hath beene thought of the superstitious) by the malice of wicked spirits, who purposed to haue hindered their procéedings in this their good and well purposed iournie. After they were come ouer, they did so much good with conuincing the wicked arguments of the aduersaries of the truth, by the inuincible power of the woord of God, and holinesse of life, that those which were in the wrong waie, were soone brought into the right path againe.

This erroneous doctrine was being taught and maintained during the troubling times of war with the Saxons, greatly disturbing the pious people among the Britains. They, not wanting to accept it and unable to effectively counter the deceptive and wicked arguments used by its proponents, decided to send a request to Gaul, asking the bishops there for some devout and well-educated men to come to their land to defend the true doctrine against the false teachers of such a blasphemous error. The bishops of Gaul, deeply concerned about the miserable state of the Britains and eager to help with their immediate needs, especially regarding religion, convened a synod to discuss who would be the best candidates to send. In the end, it was agreed by all their leaders that Germane, the bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus, the bishop of Trois, would travel to Britain to strengthen the Christians there in the faith of divine grace. The two virtuous and learned men began their journey and finally arrived in Britain, albeit not without facing dangers at sea from storms and fierce winds, believed by some to have been stirred by the malice of evil spirits intending to thwart their noble mission. Once they arrived, they accomplished a great deal by overcoming the wicked arguments of those opposed to the truth with the unbeatable power of God's word and their righteous lives, leading those who were lost back to the right path.

Beda. Palladius.
Constantine king of Scots.
About the same time also, one Palladius was sent from Celestinus bishop of Rome, vnto the Scots, to instruct them in the faith of Christ, and to purge them from the heresie of the said Pelagius. This Palladius exhorted Constantinus the king of Scots, that in no wise he should aid the Saxons being infidels against the Britains: whose exhortation tooke so good effect, that the said Constantinus did not onelie forbeare to assist the Saxons, but contrarilie holpe the Britains in their warres against them, which thing did mainteine the state of the Britains for a time from falling into vtter ruine and decaie. In the meane time, the H. Hunt.
Beda.
Saxons renewed their league with the Picts, so that their powers being ioined togither, they began afresh to make sore warres vpon the Britains, who of necessitie were constreined to assemble an armie, &mistrusting their owne strength, required aid of the two bishops, Germane and Lupus, who hasting forward with all speed came into the armie, bringing with them no small hope of good lucke to all the Britains there being assembled. This was doone in Kent.

Beda. Palladius.
Constantine, King of Scots.
Around the same time, Palladius was sent by Celestinus, the bishop of Rome, to the Scots to teach them about the faith of Christ and to free them from the heresy of Pelagius. Palladius urged King Constantine of the Scots not to support the Saxons, who were non-believers, against the Britains. This advice had such a positive impact that Constantine not only refrained from helping the Saxons but also supported the Britains in their wars against them, which helped maintain the Britains' status for a time, preventing them from descending into complete ruin and decline. In the meantime, the H. Hunt.
Beda.
Saxons renewed their alliance with the Picts, combining their forces to launch fierce attacks on the Britains, who were forced to gather an army. Distrusting their own strength, they sought help from the two bishops, Germane and Lupus, who rushed to join the army, bringing with them great hope for success to all the Britains assembled there. This took place in Kent.

Now such was the diligence of the bishops, that the people (being instructed with continuall preaching) in renouncing the error of the Pelagians, earnestlie came by troops to receiue the grace of God offred in baptisme, so that on Easter day which then insued, the more part of The armie of the Britains newlie christened. the armie was baptised, and so went foorth against the enimies, who hearing thereof, made hast towards the Britains; in hope to ouercome them at pleasure. But their approch being knowne, bishop Germane tooke vpon him the leading of the British host, and ouer against the passage thorough the which the enimies were appointed to come, he chose foorth a faire vallie inclosed with high mounteins, and within the same he placed his new washed armie. And when he saw the enimies now at hand, he commanded that euerie man with one generall voice should answer him, crieng alowd the same crie that he should begin. So that euen as the enimies were readie to giue the charge vpon the Britains, supposing that they should haue taken them at vnwares, and before anie warning had béen giuen, suddenlie bishop Germane and the priests with a lowd Alleluia. and shrill voice called Alleluia, thrice: and therewith all the multitudes of the Britains with one voice cried the same crie, with such a lowd shout, that the Saxons were therewith so amazed and astonied (the echo from the rocks and hils adjoining, redoubling in such wise the crie) that they thought not onelie the rocks and clifs[Page 563] had fallen vpon them, but that euen the skie it selfe had broken in péeces and come tumbling downe vpon their heads: héerewith therefore throwing awaie their weapons, they tooke them to their féet, and glad was he that might get to be formost in running awaie. Manie of them for hast were drowned in a riuer which they had to passe. Polydor taketh that riuer to be Trent. The Britains hauing thus vanquished their enimies, gathered the spoile at good leasure, &gaue God thanks for the victorie thus got without bloud, for the which the holie bishops also triumphed as best became them. Now after they had setled all things in good quiet within the Ile, as was thought expedient, they returned into Gallia or France, from whence they came (as is before rehearsed.)

Now, the bishops worked so hard that the people, constantly hearing sermons, renounced the errors of the Pelagians and eagerly came in groups to receive God’s grace offered in baptism. On the Easter Sunday that followed, most of the army was baptized and then marched out to face the enemies. When the enemies heard about this, they rushed toward the Britains, hoping to easily defeat them. However, when they got close, Bishop Germane took charge of the British army. He chose a beautiful valley surrounded by high mountains where the enemies were expected to come through and placed his newly baptized army there. When he saw the enemies arriving, he ordered everyone to respond with one united voice, shouting the same cry he would start. Just as the enemies were ready to charge at the Britains, thinking they would surprise them without warning, Bishop Germane and the priests suddenly called out “Alleluia” loudly three times. With that, all the Britains shouted the same cry together with such a loud cheer that the Saxons were astonished and terrified (the echo from the nearby rocks and hills amplifying the cry) to the point that they thought not only the rocks and cliffs were falling on them, but that even the sky itself had shattered and was crashing down upon them. In fear, they dropped their weapons and ran, with many eager to be the first to escape. Many of them drowned in a river they had to cross; Polydor identifies this river as the Trent. With the enemies defeated, the Britains collected the spoils at their leisure and thanked God for their bloodless victory, while the holy bishops also celebrated as was fitting. After settling everything peacefully on the island, as they deemed appropriate, they returned to Gaul, or France, from where they had come, as previously mentioned.

Matth. West. 448. By one author it should appéere that this battell was woone against the Scots and Picts, about the yéere of our Lord 448, a little before the comming of the Saxons into this land vnder Hengist, in which yéere Germane first came hither to wéed out the heresie of Pelagius, as by the same author more at large is affirmed. Howbeit, some chronographers alledge out of Prosper &other, and note the first comming of Germane to haue béene in the 429 yéere of Christ, and vnder the consulship of Florentius and Dionysius. And this should séeme to agrée with the truth, for that after some, the foresaid Germane should die at Rauenna, about the yéere of our Lord 450, as Vincentius noteth, which was the verie yeere of the comming of the Saxons: notwithstanding, when or wheresoeuer he died, it was not long after his returne into Gallia, vpon his first iournie made hither into this land, who no sooner obteined the victorie before mentioned, but woord was brought againe vnto him, that eftsoones the heresie of the Pelagians was spread abroad in Britaine, and therefore all the priests or cleargie made request to him that it might stand with his pleasure to come ouer againe, and defend the cause of true religion which he had before confirmed.

Matt. West. 448. One author suggests that this battle was won against the Scots and Picts around the year 448 AD, shortly before the Saxons arrived in this land under Hengist. In that year, Germane first came here to eradicate the heresy of Pelagius, as the same author states in more detail. However, some chronographers, citing Prosper and others, claim that Germane's first arrival was in the year 429 AD, during the consulship of Florentius and Dionysius. This seems to align with the truth, since, according to some, Germane died in Ravenna around the year 450 AD, as noted by Vincentius, which was the very year the Saxons came. Nevertheless, whether or not he died then or where he died, it was not long after his return to Gaul following his first journey here, and no sooner did he achieve the mentioned victory than he received word that the Pelagian heresy was spreading in Britain. Therefore, all the priests or clergy requested that he come back to defend the cause of true religion, which he had previously confirmed.

Germane returneth againe into Britaine. Héerevpon bishop Germane granted so to doo, and therefore taking with him one Seuerus (that was disciple vnto Lupus, and ordeined at that time bishop of Triers) tooke the sea, and came againe into Britaine, where he found the multitude of the people stedfast in the same beliefe wherein he had left them, &perceiued the fault to rest in a few: wherevpon inquiring out the authors, he condemned them to exile (as it is written) and with a manifest miracle by restoring a yoong man that was lame (as they saie) vnto the right vse of his lims, he confirmed his doctrine. Then followed preaching to persuade amendment of errors, and by the generall consent of all men, the authors of the wicked doctrine being banished the land, were deliuered vnto bishop Germane and to his fellow Seuerus, to conueie them away in their companie vnto the parties beyond the seas, that the region might so be deliuered of further danger, and they receiue the benefit of due amendment.

Bishop Germane is back in Britain. Following this, Bishop Germane agreed to proceed, and taking with him Seuerus (a disciple of Lupus and at that time ordained as the bishop of Triers), he set sail and returned to Britain. There, he found that the majority of the people remained steadfast in the belief he had left them with, but noticed that the trouble rested with a few individuals. After identifying the instigators, he condemned them to exile (as recorded), and as a clear miracle, he healed a young man who was lame, restoring his limbs to their proper function, which confirmed his teachings. Preaching followed to encourage the correction of mistakes, and with the unanimous agreement of everyone, the authors of the false doctrine were expelled from the land and handed over to Bishop Germane and his companion Seuerus, so they could take them away with them across the seas, freeing the region from further danger and allowing for rightful correction.

By this meanes it came to passe, that the true faith continued in Britaine sound and perfect a long time after. Things being thus set in good order, those holie men returned into their countries, the forenamed bishop Germane went to Rauenna to sue for peace to be granted vnto the people of Britaine Armorike, where being receiued of the emperor Valentinian and his mother Placida in most reuerend maner, he Anno 450, as Vincentius noteth, lib. 20. ca. 15. departed in that citie out of this transitorie life, to the eternall ioies of heauen. His bodie was afterwards conueied to the citie of Auxerre, where he had béene bishop with great opinion of holines for his sincere doctrine and pure and innocent life. Shortlie after was the
The emperour Valentinian slaine.
emperour Valentinian slaine by the friends of that noble man named Aetius, whome he had before caused to be put to death.

By this means, the true faith remained strong and intact in Britain for a long time afterward. With things in good order, those holy men returned to their countries. The aforementioned Bishop Germane went to Ravenna to seek peace for the people of Brittany. There, he was received by Emperor Valentinian and his mother Placida in a very respectful manner. He left this temporary life in that city, moving on to the eternal joys of heaven, as Vincentius notes in Book 20, Chapter 15. His body was later taken to the city of Auxerre, where he had been bishop and was highly regarded for his sincere teachings and pure, innocent life. Shortly after, Emperor Valentinian was killed by the friends of a nobleman named Aetius, whom he had previously ordered to be executed.

¶ By this it maie appéere, that bishop Germane came into this realme both the first and second time, whilest as well Hengist, as also Vortigerne were liuing: for the said Valentinian was murthered about 454. the yeere of our Lord 454, where the said kings liued and reigned long after that time, as maie appéere both before and after in this present booke.

¶ This shows that Bishop Germane came to this realm both the first and second time while Hengist and Vortigern were alive. The said Valentinian was murdered around the year 454, and those kings lived and ruled long after that time, as can be seen both before and after in this current book.


[Page 564]

[Page 564]

What part of the realme the Saxons possessed, Vortigerne buildeth a castell in Wales for his safetie, Aurelius and Vter both brethren returne into Britaine, they assalt the vsurper Vortigerne, and with wildfire burne both him, his people, his fort, and all the furniture in the same, Vortigerne committeth incest with his owne daughter, feined and ridiculous woonders of S. Germane, a sheepherd made a king.

What part of the kingdom the Saxons owned, Vortigern built a castle in Wales for his safety. Aurelius and Vortigern, both brothers, returned to Britain, attacked the usurper Vortigern, and burned him, his people, his fortress, and everything inside with wildfire. Vortigern committed incest with his own daughter, false and absurd wonders of St. Germain, a shepherd became a king.

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

Now will we returne to Vortigerne, of whome we read in the British historie, that after the Saxons had constreined him to deliuer into their hands a great part of the south and east parts of the realme, so that they had in possession London, Yorke, Lincolne, & Winchester, with Galfrid. other cities & townes, he not onelie fearing their puissance, but also the returne of Aurelius Ambrosius, and his brother Vter Pendragon, withdrew him into Wales, where he began to build a strong castell vpon Caxton.
Fabian.
Polychron.
a mounteine called Breigh, or after other Cloaric, néere to the riuer of Guana, which is in the west side of Wales in a place within the Mount Erix he calleth it in one place of his booke. compasse of the same hill called Generon or Gueineren. Of the building of this castell, and of the hinderance in erecting the same, with the monstrous birth of Merlin and his knowledge in prophesieng, the British histories tell a long processe, the which in Caxton, and in Galfrides bookes is also set foorth, as there ye maie sée: but for that the same séemeth not of such credit as deserueth to be registred in anie sound historie, we haue with silence passed it ouer.

Now we will return to Vortigern, about whom we read in British history that after the Saxons forced him to hand over a large part of the southern and eastern regions of the kingdom, leaving them in control of London, York, Lincoln, and Winchester, along with other cities and towns, he not only feared their power but also the return of Aurelius Ambrosius and his brother Uther Pendragon. He retreated to Wales, where he began building a strong castle on a mountain called Breigh, or by another name Cloaric, near the river Guana, located on the western side of Wales, in an area within the embrace of the same hill referred to as Generon or Gueineren. The British histories detail a long account of the construction of this castle, the obstacles faced in its erection, the monstrous birth of Merlin, and his prophetic knowledge, which is also presented in the works of Caxton and Geoffrey, as you can see there. However, since this seems to lack the credibility required to be registered in any solid history, we have quietly passed over it.

Aurelius and Vter brethren returne into Britaine. Whilest Vortigerne was busied in building of this castell, the two foresaid brethren Aurelius and Vter prepared a nauie of ships, and an armie of men, by helpe of such their kinsmen and fréends as they found in Britaine Armorike, and so passed the sea, and landed at Totnesse: whereof when the Britains were aduertised, the which were scattered abroad and seuered in diuers parties and countries, they drew vnto the said two brethren with all spéed that might be. When Aurelius and his brother Vter perceiued that they were sufficientlie furnished of people, they marched foorth towards Wales against Vortigerne, who hauing knowledge of their approch, had fortified his castell verie strongly with men, munition and vittels, but yet all auailed him nothing, for in the end after his enimies had giuen diuers assaults to Vortigerne burnt to death. Wild fire not yet inuented as some think. the said castell, they found meanes with wild fire to burne it downe to the earth, and so consumed it by fire togither with the king, and all other that were within it.

Aurelius and his brother Uther return to Britain. While Vortigern was busy building this castle, the two brothers, Aurelius and Uther, gathered a fleet of ships and an army of men, with help from their relatives and friends they found in Armorica, and crossed the sea, landing at Totnes. When the scattered Britains heard about this, who were spread across different areas, they quickly gathered to join the two brothers. Once Aurelius and his brother Uther saw they had enough people, they marched towards Wales to confront Vortigern, who, knowing of their approach, had strongly fortified his castle with men, weapons, and supplies. However, in the end, after his enemies launched several attacks against Vortigern was burned alive. Wildfire hasn’t been invented yet, as some believe. the castle, they managed to burn it down to the ground using wildfire, resulting in the destruction of both the castle and the king, along with everyone else inside.

Thus did Vortigerne end his life (as in the British historie is recorded.) Much euill is reported of him by the same historie, and also by other writers, and among other things it is written, that he should lie by his owne daughter, and of hir beget a sonne, in hope that kings Polychron. A feined tale of S. Germane.
A caluish narration.
should come of him, and therefore he was excommunicated by S. Germane. It is also said, that when the same S. Germane came into Britaine (as before ye haue heard) this Vortigerne on a time should denie the same S. Germane harbour: but one that kept the kings heards of cattell receiued him into his house, and lodged him, and slue a calfe for his supper, which calfe after supper was ended, S. Germane restored againe to life: and on the morrow by the ordinance of God, he caused Vortigerne to be deposed from his kinglie estate, and tooke the heardman and made him king. But Ranulfe Hig. in his "Polychronicon," alledging Gyldas for his author, saith that this chanced to a king that ruled in Powsey, whose name was Bulie, and not to Vortigerne: so that the successors of that Bulie reigning in that side of Wales, came of the linage of the same heardman.

Thus Vortigern ended his life (as recorded in British history). A lot of bad things are said about him in that history and by other writers, including that he had an incestuous relationship with his own daughter and fathered a son in hopes that kings would come from him. Because of this, he was excommunicated by St. Germanus. It is also said that when St. Germanus came to Britain (as you’ve heard before), Vortigern once denied him shelter. However, a man who was tending the king's cattle took him in, hosted him, and killed a calf for supper. After dinner, St. Germanus brought the calf back to life. The next day, by God’s will, he had Vortigern deposed from his royal position and made the shepherd king instead. But Ranulfe Hig. in his "Polychronicon," citing Gildas as his source, claims that this happened to a king named Buli who ruled in Powys, not to Vortigern. Thus, the successors of that Buli, reigning in that part of Wales, are descended from that shepherd.

H. Hunt. Moreouer it hath beene said (as one writer recordeth) that when Vortigerne refused to heare the preaching of saint Germane, and fled from him as he would haue instructed him, one night there fell fire from heauen vpon the castell wherein the king was lodged, and so the king being destroied with the fall of the house and the fire togither, was neuer after séene.

H. Hunt. Moreover, it has been said (as one writer records) that when Vortigern refused to listen to Saint Germain's preaching and ran away from him as he tried to instruct him, one night fire fell from heaven upon the castle where the king was staying. The king, being destroyed by the collapse of the building and the fire together, was never seen again.

¶ But these are fables, and therfore I passe them ouer, hoping that it shall suffice to shew here with what stuffe our old historiographers haue farced vp their huge volumes, not so much regarding the credit of an historie, as satisfieng the vanitie of their owne fond fantasies,[Page 565] studieng with a pretended skilfulnesse to cast glorious colours vpon lies, that the readers (whom they presupposed either ignorant or credulous) would be led away with a flowing streme of woords void of reason and common sense. Which kind of men knew not (belike) that the nature of an historie, (defined to be Rei verè gestæ memoria) will not beare the burthen or lode of a lie, sith the same is too heauie: otherwise they would haue deposed matters conspiring with the truth.

¶ But these are just fables, so I’ll skip over them, hoping it’s enough to show how our old historians filled their large volumes, not focusing on the validity of a story but rather on satisfying their own foolish fantasies, [Page 565] trying with a false skill to paint lies in a glorious light, assuming that readers (who they thought were either clueless or gullible) would be carried away by a flow of words devoid of reason and common sense. These types of people apparently didn’t realize that the nature of a history, defined as Rei verè gestæ memoria, cannot bear the weight of a lie, as it is too heavy: otherwise, they would have presented matters aligned with the truth.


Aurelius Ambrosius the brother to Constantius created king of Britaine, he incountereth with the Saxons, Hengist their generall is beheaded, Occa his sonne submitteth himselfe to Aurelius, he putteth all the Saxons out of the land, repaireth places decaied, and restoreth religion, the memorable monument of the stones that are so much spoken of on Salisburie plaine, the exploits of Pascentius Vortigerns yongest sonne, Aurelius lieth sicke, Vter goeth against Pascentius and giueth him the ouerthrow, Aurelius is poisoned of a counterfet moonke, the place of his buriall, Polydor Virgils report of the acts and deeds of Aurelius against the Saxons, Hengist is slaine, Osca and Occa his two sonnes make a fowle spoile if the west part of the land, Vortimer dieth, the disagreement of writers touching matters interchangeablie passed betwene the Britains and Saxons.

Aurelius Ambrosius, the brother of Constantius, became the king of Britain. He fought against the Saxons, beheading their leader Hengist. Hengist's son, Occa, surrendered to Aurelius. He expelled all the Saxons from the land, rebuilt decaying places, and restored religion. The famous stone monument often talked about on Salisbury Plain marks these events. There are the exploits of Pascentius, Vortigern's youngest son. Aurelius fell ill, while Uter went against Pascentius and defeated him. Aurelius was poisoned by a counterfeit monk. His burial place is noted in Polydore Virgil's account of Aurelius's actions against the Saxons. Hengist was killed, and his two sons, Osca and Occa, pillaged the western part of the land. Vortimer died, and there is disagreement among writers regarding the events that occurred between the Britons and Saxons.

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

AURELIUS AMBROSIUS. Aurelius Ambrose, the second sonne of king Constantine, brother to Constantius, and murthered by the treason of Vortigerne (as before ye Matt. West. saith 466. haue heard) was made king of Britaine in the yéere of our Lord 481, which was about the third yéere of the reigne of the emperour Zeno, and the 23 of Childericus king of France, Odocer king of the Herulians then vsurping the gouernment of Italie. When this Aurelius Ambrosius had dispatched Vortigerne, and was now established king of the Britains, he Gal. Mon. made towards Yorke, and passing the riuer of Humber, incountred with the Saxons at a place called Maesbell, and ouerthrew them in a strong battell, from the which as Hengist was fléeing to haue saued himselfe, he was taken by Edoll earle of Glocester, or (as some say) Chester, and Hengist taken and beheaded. by him led to Conningsborrow, where he was beheaded by the counsell of Eldad then bishop of Colchester.

Aurelius Ambrosius. Aurelius Ambrose, the second son of King Constantine and brother to Constantius, was murdered by the treachery of Vortigern (as you have previously heard, according to Matt. West. 466.). He became king of Britain in the year 481 AD, which was around the third year of Emperor Zeno's reign and the 23rd year of Childeric, king of France, while Odoacer was then seizing control of Italy. After Aurelius Ambrosius defeated Vortigern and was established as king of the Britons, he Gal. Mon. headed towards York, crossing the River Humber, where he encountered the Saxons at a place called Maesbell and defeated them in a fierce battle. As Hengist attempted to flee for his life, he was captured by Edoll, the Earl of Gloucester, or (as some say) Chester, and Hengist captured and beheaded. he was taken to Conningsborrow, where he was executed on the advice of Eldad, then bishop of Colchester.

Matth. West. Howbeit there be some that write, how that Hengist was taken at another battell fought vpon the riuer of Dune, in the yéere of our Lord 489, and not in the chase of the battell which was fought at Maesbell in the Occa. yéere 487, as the same authors doo alledge. Occa the son of Hengist by flight escaped to Yorke, and being there besieged, at length was constreined to yéeld himselfe to Aurelius: who dealing fauourablie with him, assigned vnto him and other of the Saxons a countrie bordering neere to the Scots, which (as some affirme) was Galloway, where the said Occa and the Saxons began to inhabit. Then did Aurelius Ambrosius put the Saxons out of all other parts of the land, & repaired such cities, townes and also churches, as by them had beene destroied or defaced, and placed againe priests, and such other as should attend on the ministerie and seruice of God in the same churches.

Matth. West. However, there are some who claim that Hengist was captured in another battle fought on the river Dune in the year 489, and not during the battle at Maesbell in the year 487, as these authors suggest. Occa, Hengist's son, escaped to York but was eventually besieged there and had to surrender to Aurelius. Aurelius treated him kindly and gave him and other Saxons land near the Scots, which some say was Galloway, where Occa and the Saxons began to settle. Aurelius Ambrosius then expelled the Saxons from other parts of the land and repaired the cities, towns, and churches that had been destroyed or damaged by them, reestablishing priests and others to carry out the ministry and serve God in those churches.

Also for a perpetuall memorie of those Britains that were slaine on the plaine of Salisburie by the treason of Hengist, he caused stones to be fetched out of Ireland, and to be set vp in the same place where that Stoneheng. slaughter was committed, and called the place Stoneheng, which name continueth vnto this day. Fiftéene thousand men (as Galfrid saith) were Gal. Mon. sent for those stones, vnder the leading of Vter Pendragon the kings brother, who giuing battell vnto Gillomanus king of Ireland that went about to resist the Britains, and would not permit them to fetch away the same stones out of his countrie, discomfited him and his people, and so (maugre his hart) brought the stones away with him.

Also for a lasting memory of those Britons who were killed on the plains of Salisbury due to Hengist's betrayal, he had stones brought over from Ireland and set up in the same place where that massacre happened, and called the place Stonehenge, a name that continues to this day. Fifteen thousand men (as Geoffrey says) were sent for those stones, led by Uther Pendragon, the king's brother. He fought against Gillomanus, the king of Ireland, who tried to stop the Britons from taking the stones from his country. Uther defeated him and his people, and despite his wishes, brought the stones away with him.

Shortlie after, Pascentius that was Vortigerns yoongest sonne, and had[Page 566] escaped into Ireland (when Aurelius Ambrosius came into Britaine) returned with a great power of strange nations, and tooke the citie of Meneuia in Wales, afterwards called saint Dauids, and did much hurt in the countrie with fire and swoord. At which time the same Aurelius Ambrosius lay sicke at Winchester, and being not able to go foorth himselfe, desired his brother Vter Pendragon to assemble an armie of Britains, and to go against Pascentius and his adherents. Vter, according to his brothers request, gathering his people, went foorth, and incountering with the enimies gaue them the ouerthrow, slue Pascentius and Gillomare or Gilloman king of Ireland, that was come ouer with him in aid against the Britains.

Shortly after, Pascentius, who was Vortigern's youngest son and had[Page 566]escaped to Ireland (when Aurelius Ambrosius arrived in Britain), returned with a large force of foreign nations and took the city of Menevia in Wales, later known as Saint David's, causing significant damage in the countryside with fire and sword. During this time, Aurelius Ambrosius was sick in Winchester and unable to go out himself, so he asked his brother Uter Pendragon to gather an army of Britons and go against Pascentius and his supporters. Uter, fulfilling his brother's request, gathered his people, confronted the enemies, defeated them, and killed Pascentius along with Gillomare or Gilloman, the king of Ireland, who had come over with him to help against the Britons.

Hector Boet. In the meane while, a Saxon or some other stranger, whose name was Eopa or Copa, not long before procured thereto by Pascentius, fained himselfe to be a Britaine, and for a colour counterfeiting himselfe a moonke, and to haue great knowledge in physicke, was admitted to Fabian. minister as it were medicins to Aurelius: but in stead of that which should haue brought him health, he gaue him poison, whereof he died shortlie after at Winchester aforesaid, when he had reigned after most accord of writers nintéene yéeres: his bodie was conueied to Stoneheng and there buried. ¶ Thus find we in the British and common English histories of the dooings of Aurelius Ambrosius, who (as ye haue hard) makes him a Britaine borne, and descended of the bloud of the ancient Britains. But Gyldas and Beda report him to be a Romane by descent, as before is mentioned.

Hector Boet. In the meantime, a Saxon or some other foreigner named Eopa or Copa, who had recently been brought there by Pascentius, pretended to be a Briton. To make his disguise more convincing, he posed as a monk and claimed to have extensive knowledge of medicine. He was allowed to serve as a healer to Aurelius, but instead of giving him the remedies that would restore his health, he poisoned him, which led to his death shortly thereafter in Winchester, after reigning for nineteen years per most accounts. His body was taken to Stonehenge for burial. ¶ Thus, we find in the British and common English histories of the actions of Aurelius Ambrosius, who (as you have heard) is described as a native Briton, descended from the bloodline of the ancient Britons. However, Gyldas and Bede state that he was of Roman descent, as mentioned earlier.

Polydor. Polydor Virgil writeth in this sort of the victorious acts atchiued by the foresaid Aurelius Ambrosius. Then (saith he) the Saxons hauing alreadie gotten the whole rule of the Ile, practised their outragious cruelties speciallie against the princes of the Britains, to the end that the said princes being ouercome and destroied, they might with more ease obteine possession of the whole Ile, which thing they onlie sought. But the fauour of almightie God was not wanting to the miserable Britains in that great necessitie. For behold, Aurelius Ambrosius was at hand, who had no sooner caused the trumpet to sound to armor, but euerie man for himselfe prepared and repaired vnto him, praieng & beseeching him to helpe to defend them, and that it might stand with his pleasure to go foorth with them against the enimies in all speed.

Polydor. Polydor Virgil writes about the victorious actions achieved by the aforementioned Aurelius Ambrosius. He states that the Saxons, having already taken control of the entire island, carried out their brutal cruelties especially against the princes of the Britons. Their aim was to defeat and eliminate these princes so that they could more easily gain possession of the whole island, which was their sole goal. However, the grace of Almighty God was not absent for the unfortunate Britons during this dire time. For look, Aurelius Ambrosius was at hand; as soon as he ordered the trumpet to sound for battle, everyone prepared quickly and rushed to him, praying and pleading for his help in defending them, and hoping he would agree to lead them against the enemies without delay.

Thus an armie being assembled, Aurelius Ambrosius went against them, and valiantlie assailed them, so that within the space of a few daies they fought thrée battels with great fiercenesse on both sides, in triall of their high displeasures and vttermost forces, in which at length the Britains put the Saxons to flight, Horsus the brother of Hengist being slaine with a great number of his people. But yet notwithstanding the enimies rage was little abated hereby, for within a few daies after receiuing out of Germanie a new supplie of men, they brake foorth vpon the Britains with great confidence of victorie. Aurelius Ambrosius was no sooner aduertised thereof, but that without delaie he set forward towards Yorke, from whence the enimies should come, and hearing by the way that Hengist was incamped about seuen & twentie miles distant from that citie, néere to the banke of a riuer at this day called Dune, in the place where Doncaster now standeth, he returned out of his waie, and marched towards that place, and the next day set on the enimie and vanquished him, Hengist at the first méeting Hengist is slaine. of the battell being slaine, with a great number of the Germans. The fame of this victorie (saith Polydor) is had in memorie with the inhabitants of those parties euen vnto this day, which victorie did sore diminish the power of the Saxons, insomuch that they began now to thinke it should be more for their profit to sit in rest with that dishonour, than to make anie new warres to their great disaduantage and likelihood of present losse.

So, an army was gathered, and Aurelius Ambrosius went to confront them, bravely attacking them. Over a few days, they fought three fierce battles, testing each side's anger and strength. In the end, the Britons defeated the Saxons, with Horsus, Hengist's brother, being killed along with many of his men. However, this didn’t significantly lessen the enemy's fury; within a few days, they received reinforcements from Germany and launched a new attack on the Britons, confident of victory. As soon as Aurelius Ambrosius heard about this, he quickly headed toward York, anticipating the enemy's approach. On the way, he learned that Hengist was camped about twenty-seven miles from the city, near the bank of a river now called Dune, where Doncaster currently stands. He changed his route and marched to that location, and the next day he attacked the enemy and defeated them. Hengist was killed in the initial clash, along with many Germans. The memory of this victory, as Polydor notes, is still remembered by the local inhabitants to this day. This victory greatly weakened the Saxons, leading them to realize it would be wiser to endure their dishonor rather than engage in new wars, which would likely bring them further losses.

Hengist left behind him two sonnes, Osca and Occa, which as men most sorowfull for the ouerthrow of late receiued, assembled such power as they could togither, and remooued therewith towards the west part of the Ile, supposing it to be better for them to draw that way foorth, than to returne into Kent, where they thought was alreadie a sufficient number of their people to resist the Britains on that side. Now therefore when they came into the west parts of the land, they wasted the countrie, burnt villages, and absteined from no maner of crueltie that might be shewed. These things being reported vnto Aurelius[Page 567] Ambrosius, he straightwaies hasted thither to resist those enimies, and so giuing them battell, eftsoones discomfited them: but he himselfe Aurelius dieth of a wound. receiuing a wound, died thereof within a few daies after. The English Saxons hauing thus susteined so manie losses within a few moneths togither, were contented to be quiet now that the Britains stirred nothing against them, by reason they were brought into some trouble by the death of such a noble capteine as they had now lost. In the meane Vortimer departeth this life. time Vortimer died, whome Vter surnamed Pendragon succéeded.

Hengist left behind two sons, Osca and Occa, who were deeply saddened by their recent defeat. They gathered whatever forces they could and moved westward on the island, thinking it better to head that way than to return to Kent, where they believed their people were already strong enough to resist the Britons. When they reached the western parts of the land, they ravaged the countryside, burned villages, and committed every form of cruelty they could. When Aurelius Ambrosius heard about these events, he quickly rushed there to confront these enemies, and in battle, he soon defeated them. However, he himself was wounded and died a few days later from his injuries. After suffering so many losses in a short time, the English Saxons agreed to remain quiet since the Britons posed no threat, partly due to the chaos following the death of such a noble leader. Meanwhile, Vortimer also passed away, and Uther, nicknamed Pendragon, took his place.

Thus hath Polydor written of the forsaid Aurelius Ambrosius, not naming him to be king of Britaine, and differing in déed in sundrie points in this behalfe from diuerse ancient writers of the English histories: for where he attributeth the victorie to the Britains in the battell fought, wherein Horsus the brother of Hengist was slaine, by the report Wil. Malm. of Polychronicon, and others, the Saxons had the victorie in that reincounter: and William of Malmesburie saith, that they departed from that batell with equall fortune, the Saxons losing their capteine Katigerne. Horsus, and the Britains their capteine Katigerne (as before ye haue heard.) But there is such contrarietie in writers touching the dooings betwixt the Britains and Saxons in those daies, as well in account of yéeres, as in report of things doone, that setting affection aside, hard it is to iudge to which part a man should giue credit.

So, Polydor wrote about the aforementioned Aurelius Ambrosius, without calling him king of Britain, and he differs in many ways from various ancient English historians on this matter. He claims that the Britains won the battle where Horsus, the brother of Hengist, was killed. However, according to the reports of Polychronicon and others, the Saxons actually won that encounter. William of Malmesbury states that both sides left the battle with equal outcomes, with the Saxons losing their captain Horsus, and the Britains losing their captain Katigerne (as you have heard before). But there is so much inconsistency among writers regarding the actions of the Britains and Saxons during those times, both in terms of years and the events that transpired, that setting aside personal feelings, it's difficult to judge which side deserves more credit.

For Fabian and other authors write, that Aurelius Ambrosius began his 458. reigne ouer the Britains about the yéere of our Lord 481, and Horsus was slaine about the yéere 458, during the reigne of Vortimer, as aboue is mentioned, so that it cannot stand with the truth of the British histories (the which Fabian followeth) that Horsus was slaine by Aurelius Ambrosius, if according to the same histories he returned not into Britaine, till the time there supposed. But diuerse such maner of contrarieties shall ye find, in perusing of those writers that haue written the chronicles of the Britains and Saxons, the which in euerie point to recite, would be too tedious and combersome a matter, and therefore we are forced to passe the same ouer, not knowing how to bring them to anie iust accord for the satisfieng of all mens minds, speciallie the curious, which may with diligent search satisfie themselues happilie much better, than anie other shall be able to doo in vttering his opinion neuer so much at large, and agréeable to a truth. This therefore haue we thought good as it were by the waie to touch what diuerse authors doo write, leauing it so to euerie mans iudgement to construe thereof, as his affection leadeth him. We find in Sigebertus. the writings of those that haue registred the dooings of these times, that Aurelius hauing vanquished the Saxons, restored churches to the furtherance of the christian religion, which by the inuasion of the Matth. West. saith 488. Saxons was greatlie decaied in diuerse parts of Britaine, and this chanced in the daies of the emperour Theodosius the yoonger.

For Fabian and other writers state that Aurelius Ambrosius began his rule over the Britons around the year 481 AD, and that Horsus was killed around the year 458, during the reign of Vortimer, as mentioned above. This means it cannot be true, according to the British histories that Fabian follows, that Horsus was killed by Aurelius Ambrosius if, according to the same histories, he didn’t return to Britain until the time indicated. However, you'll find many such contradictions when you read the works of those who have chronicled the Britons and Saxons. Reciting every detail would be too tedious and cumbersome, so we have to skip over them, as we don't know how to reconcile them to satisfy everyone, especially the curious, who can better find satisfaction through diligent research than anyone can by offering lengthy opinions, regardless of how agreeable they are to the truth. Therefore, we thought it best to briefly mention what various authors write, leaving it to everyone's judgment to interpret it according to their inclinations. We find in Sigebert. the accounts of those who recorded events of this time that after defeating the Saxons, Aurelius restored churches to promote the Christian faith, which had significantly declined in various parts of Britain due to the Saxon invasion, and this occurred during the reign of Emperor Theodosius the Younger.


The beginning of the kingdome of the Southsaxons commonlie called Sussex, the Britains with their rulers giue battell to Ella the Saxon & his three sonnes, disagreement betweene the English and British chronographers about the battels fought by Hengist and his death, the beginning of the Kentish kingdome, a battell fought betweene the Britains and Saxons, the first are conquered, the last are conquerors.

The rise of the kingdom of the South Saxons, commonly known as Sussex, where the Britons and their leaders clash with Ella the Saxon and his three sons, along with the disagreements between English and British historians regarding the battles fought by Hengist and his death, the establishment of the kingdom of Kent, and a battle fought between the Britons and Saxons, with the former being defeated and the latter emerging victorious.

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

Ella entred this land as Matt. West. saith ann. 477. In the time of the foresaid Aurelius Ambrosius, one Ella a Saxon with his 3 sonnes Cymen, Plettinger and Cissa, came out of Germanie with thrée ships, and landed in the south parts of Britaine and being incountred with a power of Britains at a place called Cuneueshore, discomfited them, and chased them vnto a wood then called Andredescester, and so tooke that countrie, and inhabited there with his people the Saxons which he brought with him, and made himselfe king and lord thereof, in somuch that afterwards the same countrie was named[Page 568] The kingdom of the Southsaxons dooth begin. the kingdome of the Southsaxons, which had for limits on the east side Kent, on the south the sea and Ile of Wight, on the west Hamshire, and on the north part Southerie. This kingdome (after some) began vnder the foresaid Ella, about the 32 yeere after the first comming of the Saxons into this land, which by following that account, should be about the second yéere of the reigne of Aurelius Ambrosius, and about the yéere 482. of our Lord 482. But other write, that it did begin about the 30 yéere after the first comming of Hengist, which should be two yéeres sooner.

Ella entered this land as Matt. West. mentions in the year 477. During the time of the aforementioned Aurelius Ambrosius, a Saxon named Ella, along with his three sons Cymen, Plettinger, and Cissa, arrived from Germany with three ships. They landed in southern Britain and encountered a group of Britons at a place called Cuneueshore, defeated them, and chased them into a forest then known as Andredescester. Ella then took over the territory and settled there with his fellow Saxons, establishing himself as king and lord of the area, which eventually became known as[Page 568] The kingdom of the South Saxons starts. the kingdom of the South Saxons. Its boundaries were Kent to the east, the sea and the Isle of Wight to the south, Hampshire to the west, and Southerie to the north. This kingdom is thought by some to have started under Ella around 32 years after the Saxons first arrived in this land, which according to that timeline would be about the second year of Aurelius Ambrosius's reign and around the year482. of our Lord 482. However, other accounts suggest it began about 30 years after Hengist's arrival, which would be two years earlier.

William Harison differing from all other, noteth it to begin in the fourth yéere after the death of Hengist, 4458 of the world, 2 of the 317 Olympiad, 1248 of Rome, 492 of Christ, and 43 after the comming of the Saxons: his woords are these. Ella erected the kingdome of the Southsaxons, in the 15 after his arriuall, and reigned 32 yéeres, the chiefe citie of his kingdome also was Chichester, and after he had inioied the same his kingdome a while, he ouerthrew the citie called Andredescester, which as then was taken for one of the most famous in all the south side of England. ¶ For my part I thinke my dutie discharged, if I shew the opinions of the writers: for if I should therto ad mine owne, I should but increase coniectures, whereof alreadie we haue superfluous store. To procéed thereforr as I find.

William Harrison, unlike anyone else, notes that it began in the fourth year after Hengist's death, 4458 of the world, 2 of the 317th Olympiad, 1248 of Rome, 492 of Christ, and 43 years after the Saxons arrived. He says that Ella established the kingdom of the South Saxons in the 15th year after his arrival and reigned for 32 years. The chief city of his kingdom was Chichester, and after enjoying his kingdom for a while, he overthrew the city called Andredescester, which was then considered one of the most famous in all of southern England. ¶ Personally, I feel I've fulfilled my duty by presenting the views of the writers; if I were to add my own, it would only create more speculation, of which we already have an excessive amount. So, I'll proceed as I find.

About the ninth yéere after the comming of Ella, the Britains perceiuing that he with his Saxons still inlarged the bounds of his lordship by entring further into the land, assembled themselues togither vnder their kings and rulers, and gaue battell to Ella and his sonnes at Mecredesbourne, where they departed with doubtfull victorie, the armies on both sides being sore diminished, and so returned to their homes. Ella after this battell sent into his countrie for more aid.

About nine years after Ella's arrival, the Britons noticed that he and his Saxons were still expanding their territory by moving deeper into the land. They gathered together under their kings and leaders and fought against Ella and his sons at Mecredesbourne, where the outcome was uncertain, with both sides suffering heavy losses, and they returned home. After this battle, Ella sent for more reinforcements to his country.

But now touching Hengist, who as ye haue heard, reigned as king in the prouince of Kent, the writers of the English kings varie somewhat from the British histories, both in report of the battels by him fought against the Britains, and also for the maner of his death: as thus. After that Vortimer was dead, who departed this life (as some write) in Polychron. 457. the first yéere of the emperor Leo, surnamed the great, and first of that name that gouerned the empire, who began to rule in the yéere of our Lord 457, we find that Hengist and his sonne Occa or Osca gathered Henrie Hunt.
Wil. Malm.
Creiford.
Britains ouerthrowne.
their people togither that were before sparkled, and hauing also receiued new aid out of Germanie, fought with the Britains at a place called Crekenford, where were slaine of the Britains foure dukes or capteins, and foure thousand of other men, the residue were chased by Hengist out of Kent vnto London, so that they neuer returned afterwards againe into Kent: thus the kingdome of Kent began vnder Hengist the twelfe yéere after the comming of the Saxons into Britaine, and Hengist reigned in Kent after this (as the same writers agrée) foure and twentie yéeres.

But now regarding Hengist, who, as you’ve heard, ruled as king in the province of Kent, the accounts from the writers of the English kings differ slightly from the British histories, both in the details of the battles he fought against the Britains and in the manner of his death. After Vortimer died, who passed away (as some say) in the first year of the emperor Leo, known as the Great and the first of that name to govern the empire, who began his rule in the year 457 AD, we find that Hengist and his son Occa or Osca gathered their people together, who had previously scattered. After receiving new support from Germany, they fought the Britains at a location called Crekenford, where four dukes or leaders of the Britains were killed, along with four thousand other men. The rest were chased by Hengist out of Kent all the way to London, so they never returned again to Kent. Thus began the kingdom of Kent under Hengist, twelve years after the Saxons arrived in Britain, and Hengist reigned in Kent for twenty-four years thereafter, as these writers agree.

Polychron. It is remembred that those Germans which latelie were come ouer to the aid of Hengist, being chosen men, mightie and strong of bodie, with their axes and swoords made great slaughter of the Britains in that battell at Crekenford or Creiford, which Britains were ranged in foure Hen. Hunt. battels vnder their aforesaid foure dukes or capteins, and were (as before is mentioned) slaine in the same battell. About the sixt yéere of the said emperor Leo, which was in the 17 yéere after the comming of Wipets field. Matt. West.

This battell was fought anno 473. as the same Mat. West. noteth.
the Saxons, Hengist and his sonne Occa or Osca fought at Wipets field in Kent, néere to a place called Tong with the Britains, and slue of them twelue dukes or capteins, & on the part of the Saxons was slaine Wipet.
H. Hunt.
beside common souldiers but onlie one capteine called Wipet, of whom the place after that daie tooke name.

Polychron. It's remembered that those Germans who recently came over to help Hengist, being strong and capable men, caused heavy casualties among the Britons in the battle at Crekenford or Creiford. The Britons were arranged in four battalions under their four dukes or captains, and, as mentioned earlier, were slain in that same battle. Around the sixth year of the said emperor Leo, which was 17 years after the arrival of the Saxons, Hengist and his son Occa or Osca fought at Wipets field in Kent, near a place called Tong, against the Britons, and they killed twelve dukes or captains among them. On the Saxons' side, besides regular soldiers, only one captain named Wipet was killed, after whom the place was named. Hen. Hunt. Wipets area. This battle took place in 473, as noted by Mat. West.

This victorie was nothing plesant to the Saxons, by reason of the great losse which they susteined, as well by the death of the said Wipet, as of a great number of others: and so of a long time neither did the Saxons enter into the confines of the Britains, nor the Britains presumed to come into Kent. But whilest outward wars ceassed among the Britains, they exercised ciuill battell, falling togither by the eares among themselues, one striuing against another. Finallié, Hengist Fortie Yéeres saith H. Hunt. departed this life by course of nature, in the 39 yéere after his first comming into Britaine, hauing procéeded in his businesse no lesse with By this it is euident that he was not driuen out of the land after he had once set foot within it.
Matt. West.
H. Hunt.
craft and guile than with force and strength, following therewith his natiue crueltie, so that he rather did all things with rigour than with[Page 569] gentlenesse. After him succéeded a sonne whom he left behind him, who being attentiue rather to defend than to inlarge his kingdome, neuer set foot out of his fathers bounds, during the space of 24 yéeres, in the which he reigned.

This victory was not a pleasant one for the Saxons, due to the significant losses they suffered, including the death of Wipet and many others. For a long time, neither the Saxons ventured into British territory, nor did the Britons dare to come into Kent. While the external wars ceased among the Britons, they engaged in civil battles, fighting amongst themselves. Eventually, Hengist Forty Years says H. Hunt. passed away naturally, in the 39th year after his arrival in Britain. He conducted his affairs not only with It is clear from this that he was not expelled from the land after he had first entered it.
Matt. West.
H. Hunt.
cunning and deceit, but also with force and strength, adhering to his innate cruelty, so that he approached everything with rigor rather than with[Page 569] gentleness. He was succeeded by a son he left behind, who, focusing more on defense than on expanding his kingdom, never stepped outside his father's boundaries during his 24 years of reign.

About thrée yéeres after the deceasse of Hengist, a new supplie of men of warre came out of Germanie vnto the aid of Ella king of Sussex, who The citie of Andredescester. hauing his power increased, besieged the citie of Andredescester, which was verie strong and well furnished with men and all things necessarie. The Britains also assembling togither in companies, greatlie annoied the Saxons as they lay there at siege, laieng ambushes to destroie such as went abroad, and ceassing not to giue alarums to the campe in the night season: and the Saxons could no sooner prepare them selues to giue the assalt, but the Britains were readie to assaile them on the backs, till at length the Saxons diuiding themselues into two companies, appointed the one to giue the assalt, and the other to incounter with the armie of the Britains without, and so finallie by that meanes preuailed, tooke the citie, and destroied man, woman and child. Neither so contented, they did also vtterlie race the said citie, so as it was neuer after that daie builded or reedified againe.

About three years after Hengist's death, a new supply of soldiers came from Germany to help Ella, the king of Sussex. With his power growing, he besieged the city of Andredescester, which was very strong and well-stocked with people and everything needed. The Britons also gathered in groups and greatly annoyed the Saxons as they lay siege, setting ambushes to destroy those who ventured out and constantly giving alarms to the camp at night. The Saxons could never prepare themselves to launch an attack without the Britons being ready to strike them from behind. Eventually, the Saxons split into two groups: one to assault the city and the other to confront the British army outside. In the end, this strategy worked, and they captured the city, killing every man, woman, and child. Not satisfied with that, they also completely demolished the city, so it was never rebuilt or restored again.


The east Angles kingdome beginneth, the arriuall of Cerdic and Kenric with fiue ships of warre in this land, he putteth the Britains to flight, the west Saxons kingdom begineth, Vter Pendragon made king of Britaine, the etymon of his name, he taketh Occa and Osca the two sonnes of Hengist prisoners, how Hector Boetius varieth from other chronographers in the relation of things concerning Pendragon, he falleth in loue with the duke of Cornewalls wife, killeth him, and marieth hir. Occa and Osca escape out of prison, they freshlie assault the Britains, they are both slaine in a foughten field, the Saxons send and looke for aid out of Germanie, Pendragon is poisoned.

The East Angles kingdom begins with the arrival of Cerdic and Kenric, who land with five warships and force the Britons to retreat. The West Saxons' kingdom starts, and Uther Pendragon is made king of Britain. The origin of his name is explored. He captures Occa and Osca, the two sons of Hengist. Hector Boetius differs from other historians in his account of Pendragon’s events; he falls in love with the Duke of Cornwall's wife, kills him, and marries her. Occa and Osca escape from prison and launch a fresh attack on the Britons, but they are both slain in battle. The Saxons send for help from Germany, and Pendragon is poisoned.

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

The kingdome of the east Angles began not till Aurelius Conanus reigned.
561.
Moreouer, in the daies of the afore-named Auralius Ambrosius, about the yeare of our Lord 561, the kingdome of the east Angles began vnder a Saxon named Uffa. This same kingdome conteined Northfolke and Suffolke, hauing on the east and north parts the sea, on the northwest Cambridgeshire, and on the west saint Edmunds ditch with a part of Hertfordshire, and on the southside lieth Essex. At the first it was called Vffines dominion, and the kings that reigned, or the people that inhabited there, were at the first named Vffines, but at length they were called east Angles.

The kingdom of the East Angles began when Aurelius Conanus became king.
561.
Additionally, during the reign of the previously mentioned Aurelius Ambrosius, around the year 561 AD, the kingdom of the East Angles was established under a Saxon named Uffa. This kingdom included Norfolk and Suffolk, bordered by the sea to the east and north, Cambridgeshire to the northwest, St. Edmund's Ditch and part of Hertfordshire to the west, and Essex to the south. Initially, it was referred to as Uffa’s dominion, and the kings who ruled or the people who lived there were first called Uffines, but over time they became known as East Angles.

CERDIC. Wil. Malm.
495.
Fvrthermore, about the yeare of our Lord 495, and in the eight yeare after that Hengist was dead, one Cerdicus and his sonne Kenricus came out of Gerrmanie with fiue ships, and landed at a place called Cerdicshore, which as some thinke is called Yermouth in Northfolke. He Fabian.
Polychron.
Wil. Malm.
was at the first receiued with battell by the Britains, but being an old skilfull warriour, he easilie beate backe and repelled the inconstant multitude of his enimies, and caused them to flée: by which good successe he procured both vndoubted assurance to himselfe for the time to come, and to the inhabitants good and perfect quietnes. For they thinking good neuer after to prouoke him more by resistance, submitted themselues to his pleasure: but yet did not he then giue himselfe to slouthfull rest, but rather extending his often atchiued victories on ech side, in the 24 yeare after his comming into this land, he obteined the rule of the west parts thereof, and gouerned there as king, so that the kingdome of the west Saxons began vnder the said Cerdicus in the 519 of Christ, as after shall be shewed.

CERDIC. Wil. Malm. 495. Additionally, around the year 495 AD, eight years after Hengist's death, a man named Cerdic and his son Kenric arrived from Germany with five ships and landed at a place called Cerdicshore, which some believe is Yarmouth in Norfolk. HeFabian.
Polychron.
Wil. Malm.
was initially met with battle by the Britons, but being an experienced and skilled warrior, he easily pushed back and drove away the unpredictable crowd of his enemies, causing them to flee. This victory not only secured a strong position for himself moving forward but also brought peace to the local inhabitants. Realizing it was best not to provoke him further through resistance, they submitted to his authority. However, he did not become complacent; instead, by continuing to build on his many victories, in the 24th year after he arrived in this land, he gained control of the western regions and ruled there as king, marking the beginning of the kingdom of the West Saxons under Cerdic in 519 AD, as will be shown later.

529. ¶ Thus ye maie sée, that Aurelius Ambrosius did succéed Vortigerne, and[Page 570] reigned in the time supposed by the British histories, as before is alledged, the land euen in his daies was full of trouble, and the old inhabitants the Britains sore vexed by the Saxons that entred the same, so that the Britains were dailie hampered, and brought vnder subiection to the valiant Saxons, or else driuen to remooue further off, and to giue place to the victors. But now to procéed with the succession of the British kings, as in their histories we find them registred, which I deliuer such as I find, but not such as I doo wish, being written with no such colour of credit as we maie safelie put foorth the same for an vndoubted truth.

529. ¶ So, you can see that Aurelius Ambrosius succeeded Vortigern and[Page 570] reigned during the time described by British histories. As mentioned before, the land during his reign was troubled, and the original inhabitants, the Britons, were greatly troubled by the Saxons who had invaded. The Britons were constantly oppressed and brought under the control of the brave Saxons or were forced to move further away to make room for the conquerors. Now, let's continue with the succession of the British kings, as we find them recorded in their histories. I present them as I find them, not as I wish them to be, since they are written without any trustworthiness that we can safely regard as undeniable truth.

Matth. West. noteth. 500. After that Aurelius Ambrosius was dead, his brother Vter Pendragon (whome some call Aurelius Vterius Ambrosianus) was made king in the yeare of our Lord 500, in the seuenth yeare of the emperour Anastasius, and in the sixtéenth yeare of Clodoueus king of the Frenchmen. The cause why he was surnamed Pendragon, was, for that Merline the great prophet likened him to a dragons head, that at the time of his natiuitie maruelouslie appeared in the firmament at the corner of a blasing star, as is reported. But others supposed he was so called of his wisedome and serpentine subtiltie, or for that he gaue the dragons head in his banner. This Vter, hearing that the Saxons with their capteins Occa or Otta the sonne of Hengist, and his brother Osca had besieged the citie of Yorke, hasted thither, and giuing them battell, discomfited their power, and tooke the said Occa and Osca prisoners.

Matth. West. notes. 500. After Aurelius Ambrosius died, his brother Uter Pendragon (some call him Aurelius Uterius Ambrosianus) became king in the year 500, during the seventh year of Emperor Anastasius and the sixteenth year of Clodoveus, king of the Franks. He was nicknamed Pendragon because the great prophet Merlin compared him to the head of a dragon, which supposedly appeared in the sky at the time of his birth next to a blazing star, according to reports. Others think he got the name because of his wisdom and cunning, or because he featured a dragon's head on his banner. Hearing that the Saxons, led by their leaders Occa or Otta, son of Hengist, and his brother Osca, had besieged the city of York, Uter rushed there, fought them, defeated their forces, and captured Occa and Osca.

Hector Boet. From this varieth Hector Boetius in his chronicle of Scotland, writing of these dooings in Britaine: for he affirmeth, that the counterfeit moonke, which poisoned Aurelius Ambrosius, was suborned and sent to woorke that feat by Occa, and not by his brother Pascentius: and further, that about the selfesame time of Aurelius his death, his brother Vter Pendragon lay in Wales, not as yet fullie recouered of a sore sicknesse, wherewith of late he had béene much vexed. Yet the lords of Britaine after the buriall of Aurelius Ambrosius, came vnto him and crowned him king: and though he was not able to go against the Saxons (which as then by reason of Aurelius Ambrosius his death were verie busie, and more earnest in pursuing the warre than before) yet an armie was prepared and sent foorth with all conuenient spéed vnder the leading of one Nathaliod, a man neither of anie great ancient house, nor yet of skill in warlike affaires.

Hector Boet. Hector Boetius notes in his chronicle of Scotland that regarding these events in Britain, he claims that the fake monk who poisoned Aurelius Ambrosius was sent to carry out this act by Occa, not his brother Pascentius. He also mentions that around the same time as Aurelius's death, his brother Uther Pendragon was in Wales, still recovering from a serious illness that had troubled him recently. After Aurelius Ambrosius was buried, the lords of Britain came to Uther and crowned him king. Even though he was not fit to fight against the Saxons—who were particularly active and determined in their war efforts due to Aurelius's death—a military force was quickly organized and sent out under the command of Nathaliod, a man with neither a notable background nor much experience in military matters.

The noble men were nothing pleased herewith, as misliking altogither the lacke of discretion in their new king, & doubted sore, least in time to come he would haue more delight to aduance the men of base degrée, than such as were descended of noble parentage. Yet because they would not put the state of the common wealth in danger through anie mutinie, they agréed to go foorth with him in that iournie. Occa had aduertisement giuen him by certeine letters sent to him from some close friends amongest the Britains of the whole matter: and therefore in hope of the better spéed, he hasted foorth to incounter the Britains, and so the whole armie comming within sight of the other, they prepared to the battell, and shortlie after buckling togither, the Britains were soone discomfited, by reason that one of their chiefest capteins called Gothlois disdaining to be at the appointment of Nathaliod, got him vp to the next hill with the next battell which he led, leauing the other Britains in all the danger: which they séeing began by & by to flée. There died no great number of the Britains, except those that were killed in the fight: for Occa mistrusting what Gothlois meant by his withdrawing aside, would not suffer the Saxons to follow the chase, but in the night following Gothlois got him awaie, and rested not till he was out of danger. Occa then perceiuing himselfe to haue the vpper hand, sent an herald vnto king Vter with a certeine message, threatning destruction to him and to his people, if he refused to doo that which he should appoint.

The noblemen were not pleased at all with this situation, as they disapproved entirely of the lack of judgment in their new king and seriously feared that he would prefer to promote commoners over those of noble birth in the future. However, to avoid putting the state of the commonwealth at risk through any rebellion, they agreed to go along with him on that journey. Occa had received news through certain letters from close friends among the Britains regarding the whole situation, so in hopes of a better outcome, he quickly moved to confront the Britains. Once the entire army came into view of the other side, they prepared for battle, and shortly after engaging, the Britains were quickly defeated. This was largely due to one of their chief captains, Gothlois, who, disliking the orders from Nathaliod, went up to the nearest hill with his next battalion, leaving the other Britains in danger. Seeing this, the Britains gradually began to flee. The number of Britains who died was not significant, except for those killed in the fighting, because Occa, suspecting Gothlois's intentions, did not allow the Saxons to continue the chase. That night, Gothlois escaped and didn’t stop until he was out of danger. Realizing he had the upper hand, Occa then sent a herald to King Uter with a specific message, threatening destruction to him and his people if he refused to comply with his demands.

Vter perceiuing what disloialtie rested in the harts of his owne subiects, agréed that the matter might be committed to eight graue and wise councellors, foure Britains and foure Saxons, which might haue full power to make an end of all controuersies and variances depending betwixt the two nations. Occa was likewise contented therewith, wherevpon were named on either part foure persons, of such wisedome, knowledge and experience, as were thought meetest for the ordering of such a weightie matter. So that by the arbitrement, award and doome of those eight persons authorised thereto, a league was concluded vpon[Page 571] certeine articles of agreement, amongst the which the chiefest was, that the Saxons from thencefoorth should quietlie inioy all that part of Britaine which lieth fore against the Almaine seas, the same to be called euer after Engistlaund, and all the residue should remaine to the Britains as their owne rightfull and ancient inheritance. Thus far Hector Boetius.

Vter, realizing the betrayal in the hearts of his own subjects, decided that the issue could be entrusted to eight serious and wise counselors—four Britons and four Saxons—who would have full authority to resolve all disputes between the two nations. Occa also agreed to this, and from both sides, four individuals were appointed, chosen for their wisdom, knowledge, and experience, deemed most suitable for handling such an important matter. As a result, by the judgment and decision of these eight authorized individuals, a treaty was established with certain agreements, the most significant of which was that the Saxons would henceforth peacefully enjoy all that part of Britain facing the German seas, to be known thereafter as Engistlaund, while all the remaining territory would remain the rightful and ancient inheritance of the Britons. Thus far Hector Boetius.

But now to returne vnto Vter according to that we find in the British histories, and to procéed after our owne historians; we find, that when he had vanquished the Saxons and taken their two chiefeteins prisoners, in processe of time he fell in loue with a verie beautifull ladie Gorolus duke of Cornewall. called Igwarne or Igerna, wife to one Gorolus or Gorlois duke of Cornewall, the which duke he slue at length néere to his owne castell called Diuulioc in Cornewall, to the end that he might inioy the said ladie, whome he afterwards maried, and begot on hir that noble knight Arthur, and a daughter named Amie or Anna. Occa and Osca escaping also out of prison assembled eftsoones a power of Saxons, and made warre against the Britains, whereof Vter hauing aduertisement prepared to resist them, and finallie went himselfe in person against them, and at Harding. saint Albans (as some write) gaue them battell, and slue them both in the field.

But now, let's go back to Uther according to what we see in the British histories, and follow our own historians. We find that after he defeated the Saxons and captured their two leaders, he eventually fell in love with a very beautiful lady named Igraine, wife of Gorlois, Duke of Cornwall. Uther killed Gorlois near his own castle called Dimilioc in Cornwall so that he could be with Igraine, whom he later married. They had a noble son named Arthur and a daughter named Amie or Anna. Occa and Osca also escaped from prison, gathered more Saxons, and waged war against the Britains. Uther, having been informed of this, prepared to fight back and went himself to confront them. At Saint Albans (as some write), he battled them and killed both in the field.

By that which Polydor Virgil writeth, it should séeme that Germane the bishop of Auxerre came into Britaine in the daies of this Vter, by whose presence the Britains had victorie against the Saxons (as before ye haue heard) after which victorie both rested from troubling either other for a time. The Saxons as it were astonied with that present miracle, & the Britains not following their good successe, shortlie after fell at discord amongst themselues, which finallie brought them to vtter decaie, as after shall appeare. But the Saxons desirous to spoile the Britains of the whole possession of that part of the Ile which they held, whereas they accounted the cities and townes of small strength to be defended, they got them to an high mounteine called Badon hill. Badon hill, which Polydor supposeth to be Blackamore that lieth néere to the water of Theise, which diuideth the bishoprike of Durham from Yorkeshire, hauing at the mouth thereof an hauen méet to receiue such ships as come out of Germanie, from whence the Saxons looked for aid, hauing alreadie sent thither for the same.

According to what Polydor Virgil wrote, it seems that Germanus, the bishop of Auxerre, came to Britain during the days of Uther. His presence led the Britains to victory against the Saxons (as you have heard before), after which both sides paused their conflicts for a while. The Saxons, stunned by the miracle, and the Britains, not capitalizing on their success, quickly fell into discord among themselves, which ultimately led to their downfall, as will be shown later. Meanwhile, the Saxons, eager to take full control of that part of the island held by the Britains, thought the cities and towns were too weak to defend. They moved to a high mountain called Badon Hill. Polydor believes that Badon hill refers to Blackamoor, located near the River Tees, which separates the diocese of Durham from Yorkshire, with a port at its mouth suitable for ships coming from Germany, from where the Saxons were looking for support, having already sent for it.

The Britains being thereof aduertised, made hast towards the place, and besieged it on euerie side. They also laie the sea coasts full of souldiers, to kéepe such of the enimies from landing as should come out of Germanie. The Saxons kept themselues for a certeine space aloft vpon the high ground, but in the end constreined through want of vittels, they came downe with their armie in order of battell to the next plaines, and offering to fight, the battell was anon begun, which continued from the morning till far in the day, with such slaughter, that the earth on euerie side flowed with bloud: but the Saxons susteined the greater losse, their capteins Occa and Osca being both slaine, so that the Britains might séeme quite deliuered of all danger of those enimies: but the fatall destinie could not be auoided, as hereafter may appeare. And thus was the slaughter made of the Saxons at Gyldas. Badon hill, whereof Gyldas maketh mention, and chanced the same yeare that he was borne, which was in the 44 yeare after the first comming of 492. the Saxons into this land, the yeare of Grace 492, & 15 indiction.

The Britons, having been informed, hurried to the location and surrounded it on every side. They also stationed soldiers along the coastline to prevent any enemies coming from Germany from landing. The Saxons held out for a while on the high ground, but ultimately, due to a lack of supplies, they descended with their army in battle formation to the nearby plains and offered to fight. The battle quickly began and lasted from morning until late in the day, resulting in such a massacre that blood flowed on all sides. However, the Saxons suffered the greater loss, with their leaders Occa and Osca both killed, making it seem like the Britons were free from the threat of these enemies. But fate could not be avoided, as will be shown later. Thus, the slaughter of the Saxons occurred at Gyldas. Badon hill, which Gyldas mentions, and it happened in the same year that he was born, which was 44 years after the Saxons first arrived in this land, in the year 492 AD, and the 15th indiction.

The decease of Vter Pendragon. About the same time Vter departed out of this life (saith Polydor) so that this account agréeth nothing with the common account of those authors, whome Fabian and other haue followed. For either we must presuppose, that Vter reigned before the time appointed to him by the said authors, either else that the siege of Badon hill was before he began to reigne, as it should séeme in déed by that which Wil. Malmesburie writeth thereof, as hereafter shall be also shewed. Finallie (according to the agréement of the English writers) Vter Pendragon died by poison, when he had gouerned this land by the full terme of 16 years, & was after buried by his brother Aurelius at Stoneheng.
Chorea Gigantum.
Stoneheng, otherwise called Chorea Gigantum, leauing his sonne Arthur to succéed him. ¶ Here ye must note that the Scotish chronicles declare, that in all the warres for the more part wherein the Britains obteined victorie against the Saxons, the Scots aided them in the same warres, and so likewise did the Picts, but the same chronicles doo not[Page 572] onelie varie from the British writers in account of yeares, but also in the order of things doone, as in the same chronicles more plainelie may appeare, & namelie in the discourse of the accidents which chanced during the reigne of this Vter. For whereas the British histories, as ye haue heard, attribute great praise vnto the same Vter for his victories atchiued against the Saxons and their king Occa, whome he slue in battell, and obteined a great victorie, the Scotish writers make other report, affirming in deed that by the presence of bishop Germane he obteined victorie in one battell against them: but shortlie after the Britains fought againe with the Saxons, and were discomfited, although Occa in following the chase ouer rashlie chanced to be slaine: after whose deceasse the Saxons ordeined his sonne named also Occa to succéed in his place, who to make himselfe strong against all his enimies, sent into Germanie for one Colgerne, the which with a great power of Dutchmen came ouer into this our Britaine, and conquered by Occas appointment the countrie of Northumberland, situate betwéene Tine and Tweed, as in the Scotish chronicles may further appeare.

The death of Uther Pendragon. Around the same time, Uther passed away (according to Polydor), which doesn’t align with the common accounts of the authors that Fabian and others have followed. We must either assume that Uther ruled before the time assigned to him by those authors, or that the siege of Badon Hill occurred before he started to reign, which it seems to do according to what William of Malmesbury wrote, as will be shown later. Finally, according to the agreement of English writers, Uther Pendragon died from poison after ruling this land for a full 16 years and was subsequently buried by his brother Aurelius at Stonehenge.
Giant's Dance.
Stonehenge, also known as Chorea Gigantum, leaving his son Arthur to succeed him. ¶ It’s important to note that the Scottish chronicles state that in most of the wars where the Britons triumphed over the Saxons, the Scots supported them in those battles, as did the Picts. However, these chronicles not only differ from the British writers in terms of years, but also in the order of events, as can be seen more clearly in the same chronicles, especially in the discussion of the incidents that occurred during Uther's reign. While the British histories, as you've heard, give great credit to Uther for his victories against the Saxons and their king Occa, whom he killed in battle, achieving a significant victory, the Scottish writers report differently, stating that it was through the presence of Bishop Germane that he attained victory in one battle against them. But shortly after, the Britons fought again with the Saxons and were defeated, although Occa, in pursuing the chase too rashly, ended up being killed. After his death, the Saxons appointed his son, also named Occa, to succeed him. To strengthen himself against all his enemies, he sent to Germany for one Colgerne, who came over to Britain with a large number of Germans and conquered, by Occa's command, the region of Northumberland, located between the Tyne and the Tweed, as can be further seen in the Scottish chronicles.

Also this is to be remembred, that the victorie which was got against the Saxons by the Britains, at what time Germane bishop of Auxerre was present: Hector Boetius affirmeth (by authoritie of Veremond that wrote the Scotish chronicles) to haue chanced the second time of his comming ouer into this land, where Beda auoucheth it to be at his first being heere. Againe the same Boetius writeth, that the same victorie chanced in the daies of Vter Pendragon. Which can not be, if it be true that Beda writeth, touching the time of the death of the said Germane: for where he departed this life before the yeare of our Lord 459, as aboue is said, Vter Pendragon began not his reigne till the yeare of our Lord 500 or as the same Hector Boetius saith 503, so that bishop Germane was dead long before that Vter began to reigne.

Also, it should be remembered that the victory over the Saxons by the Britains occurred when Germanus, the Bishop of Auxerre, was present. Hector Boetius claims (with support from Veremond, who wrote the Scottish chronicles) that this happened the second time he came to this land, while Bede states it was during his first visit here. Furthermore, Boetius writes that this victory happened during the days of Uther Pendragon. This cannot be true if Bede is accurate about the time of Germanus's death; he passed away before the year 459 AD, as mentioned above, while Uther Pendragon did not begin his reign until the year 500 AD or, as Hector Boetius states, 503 AD. Therefore, Bishop Germanus had been dead long before Uther started to reign.

In déed some writers haue noted, that the third battell which Vortimer fought against the Saxons, was the same wherein S. Germane was present, and procured the victorie with the crie of Alleluia, as before ye haue heard. Which seemeth to be more agréeable to truth, and to stand also with that which holie Beda hath written, touching the time of the being héere of the said Germane, than the opinion of other, which affirme that it was in the time of the reigne of Vter. The like is to be found in the residue of Hector Boetius his booke, touching the time speciallie of the reignes of the British kings that gouerned Britaine about that season. For as he affirmeth, Aurelius Ambrosius began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 498, and ruled but seuen yeares, and then succéeded Vter, which reigned 18 yeares, and departed this life in the yeare of our Lord 521.

Indeed, some writers have noted that the third battle which Vortimer fought against the Saxons was the one where St. Germain was present and secured the victory with the cry of Alleluia, as you've heard before. This seems to be more in line with the truth and aligns with what the holy Bede wrote regarding the time of Germain's presence here, rather than the opinion of others who claim it occurred during the reign of Uther. Similar information can be found in the rest of Hector Boetius's book, particularly regarding the periods of the British kings who ruled Britain around that time. He states that Aurelius Ambrosius began his reign in the year 498 AD and ruled for just seven years, after which Uther succeeded him and reigned for 18 years before passing away in 521 AD.

¶ Notwithstanding the premisses, here is to be remembred, that whatsoeuer the British writers haue recorded touching the victories of this Vter had against the Saxons, and how that Osca the sonne of Hengist should be slaine in battell by him and his power: in those old Osca.
34 saith Henrie Hunt. in corrupted copies.
writers which haue registred the acts of the English Saxon kings we find no such matter, but rather that after the deceasse of Hengist, his sonne Osca or Occa reigned in Kent 24 yeares, defending his kingdome onelie, and not séeking to inlarge it (as before is touched.) After whose death his sonne Oth, and Irmenrike sonne to the same Oth succéeded, more resembling their father than their grandfather or great grandfather. To their reignes are assigned fiftie and three yeares by the chronicles: but whether they reigned iointlie togither, or seuerallie & apart either after other, it is not certeinlie perceiued.

¶ Despite the premises, it should be remembered that whatever the British writers have recorded about Uter's victories over the Saxons, and how Osca, the son of Hengist, was killed in battle by him and his forces: in the oldOsca.
34 says Henrie Hunt. in flawed copies.
writings that documented the actions of the English Saxon kings, we find no evidence of this. Instead, it is noted that after Hengist's death, his son Osca or Occa reigned in Kent for 24 years, defending his kingdom only and not seeking to expand it (as mentioned before). After his death, his son Oth and Irmenrike, the son of the same Oth, succeeded him, resembling their father more than their grandfather or great-grandfather. Their reigns are assigned a total of fifty-three years by the chronicles, but it is not clearly understood whether they reigned together or separately one after the other.


[Page 573]

[Page 573]

Porth the Saxon arriueth at Portesmouth, warre betweene Nazaleod king of the Britains and the Saxons, the Britains are ouerthrowen and slaine, the kingdome of the west Saxons beginneth, the compasse or continent thereof, the meanes whereby it was inlarged.

Porth the Saxon arrives at Portsmouth, war breaks out between Nazaleod, the king of the Britons, and the Saxons. The Britons are defeated and killed, marking the beginning of the kingdom of the West Saxons, the extent of its territory, and the ways it was expanded.

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

Porth entred this land about the yeare of our Lord 501 as Matth. West. noteth. Now will we breefelie discourse vpon the incidents which first happened during the reigne of Vter Pendragon. We find that one Porth a Saxon with his two sons Megla and Beda came on land at Portesmouth in Sussex, about the beginning of the said Vters reigne, and slue a noble yoong man of the Britains, and manie other of the meaner sort with him. Of Harison supposeth the riuer to be called Ports, as for the word mouth, is the fall of anie fresh riuer into the sea. this Porth the towne & hauen of Portesmouth tooke the name, as some haue thought. Moreouer, about 40 yeares after the comming of the Saxons into this land with their leader Hengist, one Nazaleod, a mightie king amongst the Britains, assembled all the power he could make to fight with Certicus king of the Westsaxons, who vnderstanding of the great power or his enimies, required aid of Osca king of Kent, also of Elle king of Sussex, and of Porth and his sonnes which were latelie before arriued as ye haue heard. Certicus being then furnished with a conuenient armie, diuided the same into two battels, reseruing the one to himselfe, and the other he appointed to his sonne Kenrike. King Nazaleod perceiuing that the wing which Certicus led, was of more strength than the other which Kenrike gouerned, he set first vpon Certicus, thinking that if he might distresse that part of the enimies armie, he should easilie ouercome the other. Herevpon he gaue such a fierce charge vpon that wing, that by verie force he opened the same, and so ouerthrew the Saxons on that side, making great slaughter of The Britaines ouerthrowne. Matth. West.
Henr. Hunt.
them as they were scattered. Which maner of dealing when Kenrike saw, he made forward with all spéed to succour his father, and rushing in amongst the Britains on their backs, he brake their armie in péeces, and slue their king Nazaleod, and withall put his people to flight. There died of the Britains that daie 5000 men, and the residue escaped by fléeing as well as they might. In the sixt yeare after this Stuff and Wightgar. Matth. West. noteth the yeare of their arrivall to be 514. battell, Stuff and Wightgar that were nephues to Certicus, came with thrée ships, and landed at Certicesford, and ouerthrew a number of Britains that came against them in order of battell, and so by the comming of those his nephues being valiant and hardie capteins, the part of Certicus became much stronger. Abut the same time Elle king of the Southsaxons departed this life, after whome succéeded his sonne Cissa, of whome we find little left in writing to be made account of.

Porth arrived in this land around the year 501 AD, as noted by Matth. West. Now we will briefly discuss the events that took place during the reign of Uter Pendragon. We find that a Saxon named Porth, along with his two sons Megla and Beda, landed at Portsmouth in Sussex at the start of Uter's reign and killed a noble young man of the Britons, along with many others of lower status. Harison thinks the river is called Ports because the term mouth refers to the place where a freshwater river meets the sea. This Porth is thought to have given his name to the town and harbor of Portsmouth. Furthermore, about 40 years after the arrival of the Saxons with their leader Hengist, a powerful king among the Britons named Nazaleod gathered all the forces he could muster to fight against Certicus, king of the West Saxons. Learning of the strength of his enemies, Certicus requested aid from Osca, king of Kent, and also from Elle, king of Sussex, as well as from Porth and his sons, who had recently arrived as mentioned. Certicus, being well-equipped, divided his army into two battalions, reserving one for himself and assigning the other to his son Kenrike. Noticing that the wing led by Certicus was stronger than the one governed by Kenrike, King Nazaleod first attacked Certicus, believing that if he could weaken that part of the enemy's army, he would easily defeat the other. Consequently, he launched a fierce assault on that wing, breaking through and routing the Saxons on that side, causing significant slaughter The Britons were overthrown. Matt. West.
Hen. Hunt.
as they scattered. When Kenrike saw this, he rushed to support his father and charged into the rear of the Britons, breaking their army apart and killing their king Nazaleod, sending his forces into retreat. On that day, 5,000 Britons died, and the rest escaped as best they could. In the sixth year after this Stuff and Wightgar. Matth. West. states that they arrived in the year 514. battle, Stuff and Wightgar, who were nephews of Certicus, arrived with three ships, landed at Certicesford, and defeated a number of Britons who came against them in battle formation. With the arrival of these brave and bold captains, Certicus's forces became significantly stronger. Around the same time, Elle, king of the South Saxons, passed away, and his son Cissa succeeded him, of whom we have little documented.

Henr. Hunt. Britains ouerthrowne by the Saxons. About the yeare of our Lord 519, and in the yeare after the comming of the Saxons 71, which was in the 26 yeare of the emperour Anastasius, the Britains fought with Certicus and his sonne Kenrike at Certicesford, where the capteins of the Britains stood to it manfullie: but in the end they were discomfited, and great slaughter was made there of them by the Saxons, and greater had béene, if the night comming on had not parted them, and so manie were saued.

Henry Hunt. Britain overthrown by the Saxons. Around the year 519 AD, which was 71 years after the arrival of the Saxons and the 26th year of Emperor Anastasius’s reign, the Britains faced off against Certicus and his son Kenrike at Certicesford. The leaders of the Britains fought bravely, but in the end, they were defeated, and a great number of them were killed by the Saxons. There would have been even more casualties if night hadn’t fallen, allowing many to escape.

The kingdom of Westsaxons. From that day forward Certicus was reputed & taken for king of Westsaxons, & so began the same kingdome at that time, which was (as W. Harison noteth) in the yéere of Christ 519, after the building of Rome 1270, of the world 4485, of the comming of the Saxons 70, of Iustinus Anicius emperour of the east, the first and third of the renowmed prince Patricius Arthurus then reigning ouer the Britains. The said kingdome also conteined the countries of Wiltshire, Summersetshire, Barkeshire, Dorsetshire, and Cornewall, hauing on the east Hamshire, on the north the riuer of Thames, and on the south and west the Ocean sea. Howbeit, at the first the kings of the Westsaxons had not so large dominions, but they dailie wan ground vpon the Britains, and so in the end by inlarging their confines, they came to inioy all the foresaid countries, and the whole at the last.

The Kingdom of Wessex. From that day on, Certicus was recognized as the king of the West Saxons, marking the beginning of the kingdom at that time, which was (as W. Harison notes) in the year 519 AD, 1270 years after the founding of Rome, 4485 years since the creation of the world, 70 years after the arrival of the Saxons, and during the reign of Justinian Anicius, the emperor of the East, as well as the first and third of the renowned prince, Patrick Arthur, who was ruling over Britain at the time. This kingdom included the areas of Wiltshire, Somerset, Berkshire, Dorset, and Cornwall, bordered on the east by Hampshire, on the north by the River Thames, and on the south and west by the Atlantic Ocean. However, initially, the kings of the West Saxons didn’t have such large territories, but they gradually gained ground against the Britons, and in the end, by expanding their borders, they came to possess all the aforementioned countries and ultimately the entire region.

Certicesford. In the ninth yéere of the reigne of Certicus, he eftsoones fought with the Saxons at Certicesford aforesaid, where great slaughter was made on both parts. This Certicesford was in times past called Nazaleoy of the late remembred Nazaleod king of the Britains. About this season at sundrie times diuers great companies of the Saxons came ouer into[Page 574] Britaine out of Germanie, and got possession of the countries of Mercia and Eastangle: but as yet those of Mercia had no one king that gouerned them, but were vnder certeine noble men that got possession of diuers parts in that countrie, by means wherof great warres and manie incounters insued, with a common waste of land both arable and habitable, whiles each one being ambitiouslie minded, & heaping to themselues such powers as they were able to make, by swoord and bloudshed chose rather to haue their fortune decided, than by reason to suppresse the rage of their vnrulie affections. For such is the nature of men in gouernement, whether they be interessed to it by succession, or possessed of it by vsurpation, or placed in it by lawfull constitution, (vnlesse they be guided by some supernaturall influence of diuine conceit) if they be more than one, they cannot away with equalitie, for regiment admitteth no companion: but euerie one séeketh to aduance himselfe to a singularitie of honour, wherein he will not (to die for it) participate with another, which maie easilie be obserued in this our historicall discourse.

Certicesford. In the ninth year of Certicus’s reign, he fought again with the Saxons at Certicesford, where there was significant bloodshed on both sides. This Certicesford was previously known as Nazaleoy, named after the recently mentioned Nazaleod, a king of the Britains. Around this time, various large groups of Saxons crossed over into[Page 574]Britain from Germany and took control of the territories of Mercia and East Anglia. However, at that time, Mercia didn’t have a single king ruling over them; instead, they were under the authority of several noblemen who had seized different parts of the region. This led to great wars and many clashes, resulting in widespread destruction of both farmland and settlements, as each ambitious individual gathered whatever forces they could through sword and bloodshed, choosing to resolve their fortunes by conflict rather than controlling their unruly desires through reason. Such is the nature of people in governance—whether they inherit it by succession, seize it through usurpation, or obtain it through lawful appointment—unless guided by some supernatural influence of divine insight, when there’s more than one, they cannot tolerate equality, for leadership allows no partnership. Each individual seeks to elevate themselves to a distinct level of honor, unwilling to share it with others, which can easily be seen in our historical account.


The beginning of the kingdome of the Eastsaxons, what it conteined, of Arthur king of Britaine, his twelue victories ouer the Saxons against whome he mainteined continuall warre, why the Scots and Picts enuied him his roialtie and empire, a league betwixt Arthur and Loth king of the Picts, Howell king of little Britaine aideth Arthur against Cheldrike king of Germanie, who taking the ouerthrow, is slaine by the duke of Cornewall, the Picts are discomfited, the Irishmen with their king put to flight, and the Scots subdued, Arthurs sundrie conquests against diuers people, the vanitie of the British writers noted.

The beginning of the kingdom of the East Saxons, what it included, about King Arthur of Britain, his twelve victories over the Saxons against whom he waged constant war, why the Scots and Picts envied him his royalty and empire, a treaty between Arthur and Loth, King of the Picts, Howell, King of Little Britain, helps Arthur against Cheldrike, King of Germany, who, after being defeated, is killed by the Duke of Cornwall, the Picts are defeated, the Irish with their king are routed, and the Scots are subdued, Arthur's various conquests against different peoples, and the folly of the British writers noted.

THE TWELFE CHAPTER.

ERCHENWIN. The kingdom of the Eastsaxons. In those daies also the kingdome of the Eastsaxons began, the chéefe citie whereof was London. It contained in effect so much as at this present belongeth to the diocesse of London. One Erchenwin a Saxon was the first king thereof, the which was sonne to one Offa, the sixt in lineall descent from one Saxnot, from whom the kings of that countrie fetched their originall. Harison noteth the exact yéere of the erection of the kingdome of the Eastsaxons to begin with the end of the eight of Cerdicus king of the Westsaxons, that is, the 527 of Christ, and 78 after the comming of the Saxons. In the 13 yéere of the reigne of Cerdicus, he with his sonne Kenrike, and other of the Saxon capteins fought with the Britains in the Ile of Wight at Witgarsbridge, where they slue a great number of Britains, and so conquered the Ile, the which about four yéeres after was giuen by Cerdicus vnto his nephues Stuffe and Witgar.

ERCHENWIN. The kingdom of the East Saxons. In those days, the kingdom of the East Saxons was established, with London as its main city. It included essentially the same area that currently falls under the Diocese of London. The first king was Erchenwin, a Saxon, who was the son of Offa, the sixth in line from Saxnot, the ancestor from whom the kings of that region traced their lineage. Harison notes that the exact year the kingdom of the East Saxons was founded corresponds with the end of the eighth year of Cerdicus, king of the West Saxons, which is the year 527 AD, or 78 years after the arrival of the Saxons. In the 13th year of Cerdicus's reign, he, along with his son Kenrike and other Saxon leaders, fought against the Britons on the Isle of Wight at Witgar's Bridge, where they killed many Britons and conquered the island, which was given by Cerdicus to his nephews, Stuffe and Witgar, about four years later.

ARTHUR. After the deceasse of Vter Pendragon (as we doo find in the British histories) his sonne Arthur, a yoong towardlie gentleman, of the age of 15 yéeres or thereabouts, began his reigne ouer the Britains in the 516. Matth. West. hath noted 518. yéere of our Lord 516, or as Matt. Westmin. saith 517, in the 28 yéere of the emperour Anastasius, and in the third yéere of the reignes of Childebert, Clothare, Clodamire, and Theodorike, brethren that were kings of the Frenchmen. Of this Arthur manie things are written beyond credit, for that there is no ancient author of authoritie that confirmeth the same: but surelie as may be thought he was some woorthie man, and by all likelihood a great enimie to the Saxons, by reason whereof the Welshmen which are the verie Britains in déed, haue him in famous remembrance. He fought (as the common report goeth of him) 12 notable battels against the Saxons, & in euerie of them went away with the victorie, but yet he could not driue them quite out of the land, but that they kept still the countries which they had in possession, as Kent, Sutherie, Norfolke, and others: howbeit some writers testifie, that they held these countries as tributaries to Arthur.

ARTHUR. After the death of Uter Pendragon (as we find in the British histories), his son Arthur, a young and promising gentleman about 15 years old, began his reign over the Britains in the 516. Matth. West. noted 518. year 516 AD, or as Matt. Westminster says 517, in the 28th year of Emperor Anastasius, and in the third year of the reigns of Childebert, Clothaire, Clodamire, and Theodorike, brothers who were kings of the Franks. Many things have been written about Arthur that are hard to believe, as there is no ancient respected author who confirms them; but it is certain he was a noteworthy figure and likely a fierce enemy of the Saxons, which is why the Welsh, who are the true Britons, remember him with great honor. He fought (as the common story goes) 12 significant battles against the Saxons and won every time, but still, he could not completely drive them out of the land, as they maintained control of areas like Kent, Suthrie, Norfolk, and others; however, some writers attest that they held these territories as tributaries to Arthur.

But truth it is (as diuers authors agrée) that he held continuall warre[Page 575] against them, and also against the Picts, the which were allied with the Saxons: for as in the Scotish histories is conteined, euen at the first beginning of his reigne, the two kings of the Scots and Picts séemed to enuie his aduancement to the crowne of Britaine, bicause they had maried the two sisters of the two brethren, Aurelius Ambrosius, and Vter Pendragon, that is to say, Loth king of Picts had married Anne their eldest sister, and Conran king of Scots had in mariage Alda their yoonger sister, so that bicause Arthur was begotten out of wedlocke, they thought it stood with more reason, that the kingdome of the Britains should haue descended vnto the sisters sonnes, rather than to a bastard, namelie Loth the Pictish king, which had issue by his wife Anna, sore repined at the matter.

But it's true (as various authors agree) that he was constantly at war[Page 575] with them, as well as the Picts, who were allied with the Saxons. According to Scottish histories, right from the start of his reign, the two kings of the Scots and Picts seemed to envy his rise to the crown of Britain because they had married the two sisters of the two brothers, Aurelius Ambrosius and Vter Pendragon. Loth, the king of the Picts, had married their eldest sister, Anne, and Conran, the king of the Scots, had married their younger sister, Alda. Since Arthur was born out of wedlock, they thought it made more sense for the British kingdom to go to the sons of the sisters rather than to a bastard, namely Loth, the Pictish king, who had children with his wife Anna and was very unhappy about the situation.

Wherefore at the first, when he saw that by suit he could not preuaile, he ioined in league with the Saxons, and aiding them against Arthur, lost many of his men of warre being ouerthrowne in battell, which he had sent vnto the succours of Colgerne the Saxon prince that ruled as then in the north parts. But finallie a league was concluded betwixt Arthur and the foresaid Loth king of Picts, vpon certeine conditions, as in the Scotish historie is expressed, where ye may read the same, with many other things touching the acts of Arthur, somewhat in other order than our writers haue recorded.

So at first, when he realized that he couldn’t win through negotiation, he teamed up with the Saxons. He supported them against Arthur, but he lost many of his warriors in battle because they were defeated. He had sent them to help Colgerne, the Saxon prince who was in charge in the northern regions at that time. Eventually, a treaty was made between Arthur and Loth, the king of the Picts, based on certain conditions, as described in Scottish history. There, you can read about the same events, along with other details about Arthur's deeds, although presented in a slightly different order than what our writers have recorded.

¶ The British authors declare, that Arthur (immediatlie after he had receiued the crowne of Dubright bishop of Caerleon) went with his power of Britains against the Saxons of Northumberland, which had to their capteine (as before is said) one Colgrime or Colgerne, whome Arthur discomfited and chased into the citie of Yorke, within which place Yorke besieged. Arthur besieged him, till at length the same Colgrime escaped out of the citie, & leauing it in charge with his brother called Bladulfe, Cheldrike commeth in aid of Colgrime. Matt. Westm. saith but 700. passed ouer into Germanie vnto Cheldrike king of that countrie, of whom he obteined succor, so that the said Cheldrike made prouision of men and ships, and came himselfe ouer into Scotland, hauing in his companie fiftéene hundred sailes one with an other.

¶ The British writers state that Arthur (right after he received the crown from Dubright, Bishop of Caerleon) went with his forces from Britain against the Saxons of Northumberland, who were led by a chief named Colgrime or Colgerne. Arthur defeated him and chased him into the city of York, which he besieged. York under siege. Arthur surrounded the city until Colgrime eventually escaped, leaving his brother Bladulfe in charge of it. Cheldrike came to help Colgrime. Matt. Westm. mentions just 700. He crossed over to Germany to King Cheldrike of that region, from whom he sought help. Cheldrike prepared men and ships and personally came over to Scotland, bringing with him fifteen hundred ships one after another.

When Arthur was aduertised thereof, he raised his siege, and withdrew to London, sending letters with all speed vnto Howell king of little Britaine in France, that was his sisters sonne, requiring of him in Howell king of Britaine commeth ouer in aid of Arthur. most earnest wise his aid. Howell incontinentlie assembled his people, to the number of fifteene thousand men, and taking the sea, landed with them at Southhampton, where Arthur was readie to receiue him with great ioy and gladnesse. From thence they drew northwards, where both the hosts of Arthur and Howell being assembled togither, marched forward to Lincolne, which citie Cheldrike did as then besiege. Here Arthur and Cheldrike ouerthrowne in battell. Howell assailed the Saxons with great force & no lesse manhood, and at length after great slaughter made of the enimies, they obteined the victorie, and chased Cheldrike (with the residue of the Saxons that were left aliue) vnto a wood, where they compassed them about within the same, in such wise, that in the ende they were constreined to yéeld themselues, with condition that they might be suffered to depart on foot to their ships, and so auoid the land, leauing their horsse, armour, and other furniture vnto the Britains.

When Arthur heard about this, he lifted the siege and withdrew to London, quickly sending letters to Howell, the king of Little Britain in France, who was his sister's son, urgently asking for his help. Howell immediately gathered his people, about fifteen thousand men, and took to the sea, landing with them at Southampton, where Arthur was ready to welcome him with great joy and happiness. From there, they headed north, where the forces of Arthur and Howell came together and marched forward to Lincoln, which Cheldrike was then besieging. Here, Arthur and Howell attacked the Saxons with great strength and courage, and after inflicting heavy casualties on the enemies, they achieved victory and chased Cheldrike (along with the remaining Saxons who were still alive) into a forest, where they surrounded them. In the end, the Saxons were forced to surrender on the condition that they could leave on foot to their ships and escape the land, leaving behind their horses, armor, and other possessions to the Britains.

Héerevpon the Britains taking good hostages for assurance, permitted the Saxons to go their waies, and so Cheldrike and his people got them to their ships, in purpose to returne into their countrie: but being on the sea, they were forced by wind to change their course, and comming on the coasts of the west parts of Britaine, they arriued at Totnesse, and contrarie to the couenanted articles of their last composition with Arthur, inuaded the countrie anew, and taking such armour as they could find, marched foorth in robbing and spoiling the people, till they came to Bath, which towne the Britains kept and defended against them, not suffering them by anie meanes to enter there, wherevpon the Saxons Bath besieged. inuironed it with a strong siege. Arthur informed heereof, with all spéed hasted thither, and giuing the enimies battell, slue the most part of Cheldrikes men.

Then the Britons, taking good hostages for assurance, allowed the Saxons to go their way, so Cheldrike and his people made their way to their ships, intending to return to their country. However, while at sea, they were forced by the wind to change course, and arriving on the west coast of Britain, they reached Totnes. Contrary to the agreed terms of their last agreement with Arthur, they invaded the country again, taking whatever armor they could find and marching on, robbing and plundering the people until they reached Bath. The Britons held and defended the town against them, not allowing them to enter in any way, upon which the Saxons Bath under siege. surrounded it with a strong siege. Arthur, informed of this, hurried there as fast as he could, and engaged the enemy in battle, killing most of Cheldrike’s men.

The Saxons ouerthrow Colgrime and Bladulfe. There were slaine both Colgrime and Bladulfe, howbeit Cheldrike himselfe fled out of the field towards his ships, but being pursued by Cheldrike slaine by Cador duke of Cornwall. Cador earle of Cornwall (that had with him tèn thousand men) by Arthurs appointment, he was ouertaken and in flight slaine with all his people. Arthur himselfe returned from this battell foughten at Bath with all[Page 576] speed towards the marshes of Scotland, for that he had receiued K. Howell besieged by the Scots. aduertisement, how the Scots had besieged Howell K. of Britaine there, as he lay sicke. Also when Cador had accomplished his enterprise and slaine Cheldrike, he returned with as much spéed as was possible towards Arthur, & found him in Scotland, where he rescued Howell, and afterwards pursued the Scots which fled before him by heaps.

The Saxons defeat Colgrime and Bladulfe. Both Colgrime and Bladulfe were killed, although Cheldrike managed to escape the battlefield and head towards his ships. However, he was chased down by Cheldrike was killed by Cador, Duke of Cornwall. Cador, the Earl of Cornwall (who had ten thousand men with him) under Arthur's orders, caught up with him and killed him along with all his troops during the flight. Arthur himself hurried back from the battle fought at Bath towards the marshes of Scotland because he had received word that the Scots had laid siege to King Howell of Britain while he was unwell. Once Cador had completed his mission and killed Cheldrike, he rushed back to Arthur and found him in Scotland, where he rescued Howell, and afterward chased the Scots, who fled in large numbers.

Guillomer. About the same time, one Guillomer king of Ireland arriued in Scotland with a mightie power of Irishmen (neere the place where Arthur lodged) to helpe the Scots against the Britains: wherevpon Arthur turning his forces towards the same Guillomer, vanquished him, and chased him into Ireland. This doone, he continued in pursute of the Scots, till he caused them to sue for pardon, and to submit them selues wholie to him, and so receiuing them to mercie, & taking homage of them, he returned Guenhera. to Yorke, and shortlie after tooke to wife one Guenhera a right beautifull ladie, that was néere kinswoman to Cador earle of Cornwall.

Guillomer. Around the same time, a king of Ireland named Guillomer arrived in Scotland with a large force of Irishmen (near where Arthur was staying) to help the Scots against the Britons. In response, Arthur redirected his troops towards Guillomer, defeated him, and chased him back to Ireland. After this, he continued pursuing the Scots until they begged for mercy and fully submitted to him. Once he accepted their surrender and received their loyalty, he returned to York, and shortly after, he married a beautiful lady named Guenhera, who was a close relative of Cador, the Earl of Cornwall.

W. Harison. 525. In the yéere following, which some note to be 525, he went into Ireland, and discomfiting king Guillomer in battell, he constreined him to yéeld, and to acknowledge by dooing his fealtie to hold the realme of Ireland of him. It is further remembred in those British histories, Gothland. that he subdued Gothland and Iseland, with all the Iles in and about those seas. Also that he ouercame the Romans in the countrie about Paris, with their capteine Lucius, and wasted the most part of all France, and slue in singular combats certeine giants that were of passing force and hugenesse of stature. And if he had not béene reuoked and called home to resist his coosen Mordred, that was sonne to Loth king of Pightland that rebelled in his countrie, he had passed to Rome, intending to make himselfe emperor, and afterward to vanquish the other emperor, who then ruled the empire. ¶ But for so much as there is not anie approoued author who dooth speake of anie such dooings, the Britains are thought to haue registered méere fables in sted of true matters, vpon a vaine desire to aduance more than reason would, this Arthur their noble champion, as the Frenchmen haue doone their Rouland, and diuerse others.

W. Harison. 525. In the year that followed, which some note to be 525, he went into Ireland and defeated King Guillomer in battle, forcing him to surrender and acknowledge his fealty to hold the kingdom of Ireland from him. It's also noted in those British histories, Gotham. that he conquered Gothland and Iceland, along with all the islands in and around those seas. Furthermore, he defeated the Romans in the area around Paris, along with their captain Lucius, ravaging most of France and killing several giants known for their incredible strength and stature in single combats. If he hadn't been summoned back to confront his cousin Mordred, the son of Loth, king of the Picts, who was rebelling in his own kingdom, he would have gone on to Rome, intending to make himself emperor and later conquer the other emperor who was ruling at that time. ¶ However, since there are no credible authors who mention such events, the Britains are believed to have recorded mere fables instead of true accounts, out of a vain desire to elevate their noble champion Arthur more than reason would allow, similar to how the French have done with their Roland and various others.


Arthur is resisted by Mordred the usurper from arriuing in his owne land, they ioine battell, Gawaine is slaine and his death lamented by Arthur, Mordred taketh flight, he is slaine, and Arthur mortallie wounded, his death, the place of his buriall, his bodie digged vp, his bignesse coniecturable by his bones, a crosse found in his toome with an inscription therevpon, his wife Guenhera buried with him, a rare report of hir haire, Iohn Lelands epitaph in memorie of prince Arthur.

Arthur is fought against by Mordred the usurper from entering his own land. They engage in battle; Gawain is killed, and Arthur mourns his death. Mordred flees, is slain, and Arthur is mortally wounded. His death, the location of his burial, his body unearthed, his size estimated by his bones, a cross found at his tomb with an inscription on it, his wife Guinevere buried alongside him, and a remarkable account of her hair, John Leland's epitaph in memory of Prince Arthur.

THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.

King Arthur at his returne into Britaine, found that Mordred had caused Rather Cerdicke as Leland thinketh. himselfe to be made king, & hauing alied himselfe with Cheldrike a Saxon (not him whome Galfride, as ye haue heard, supposeth to haue béene wounded & slaine before) was readie to resist his landing, so that before he could come on land, he lost manie of his men: but yet at length he repelled the enimies, and so tooke land at Sandwich, where he first arriued, and ioining in battell with his enimies, he discomfited them, but not without great losse of his people: speciallie he sore lamented the death of Gawaine the brother of Mordred, which like a faithfull gentleman, regarding more his honour and loiall truth than néerenesse of bloud and coosenage, chose rather to fight in the quarrell of his liege king and louing maister, than to take part with his naturall brother in an vniust cause, and so there in the battell was slaine, togither also with Angusseli, to whom Arthur afore time had committed the gouernment of Scotland. Mordred fled from this battell,[Page 577] and getting ships sailed westward, and finallie landed in Cornwall. Gawaine buried at Douer. King Arthur caused the corps of Gawaine to be buried at Douer (as some hold opinion:) but William Malmesburie supposeth, he was buried in Wales, as after shall be shewed. The dead bodie of Angussell was conueied into Scotland, and was there buried. When that Arthur had put his enimies to flight, and had knowledge into what parts Mordred was withdrawne, with all spéed he reinforced his armie with new supplies of souldiers called out of diuerse parties, and with his whole puissance hasted forward, not resting till he came néere to the place where Mordred was incamped, with such an armie as he could assemble togither out of all parties where he had anie friends. ¶ Héere (as it appéereth by Iohn Leland, in his booke intituled, "The assertion of Arthur") it may be douted in what place Mordred was incamped: but Geffrey of Monmouth sheweth, that after Arthur had discomfited Mordred in Kent at the first landing, it chanced so that Mordred escaped and fled to Winchester, whither Arthur followed him, and there giuing him battell the second time, did also put him to flight. And following him from thence, fought eftsoones with him at a place called Camblane, or Kemelene in Cornwall, or (as some authors haue) néere vnto Glastenburie.

When King Arthur returned to Britain, he found that Mordred had crowned himself king. He had allied with Cheldrike, a Saxon (not the one whom Geoffrey claims was wounded and killed earlier) and was ready to resist Arthur’s landing. Before Arthur could come ashore, he lost many of his men. However, he eventually pushed back the enemies and landed at Sandwich, where he first arrived. Engaging in battle with his foes, he defeated them but not without significant losses on his side. He particularly mourned the death of Gawaine, Mordred's brother, who, as a loyal man, prioritized his honor and loyalty over blood ties. He chose to fight for his rightful king and beloved master rather than join his brother in an unjust cause, and he was killed in battle, along with Angusseli, whom Arthur had previously entrusted with the governance of Scotland. Mordred fled from this battle, getting ships and sailing westward, eventually landing in Cornwall. King Arthur had Gawaine's body buried at Dover, according to some sources, but William Malmesbury suggests he was buried in Wales, as will be explained later. Angusseli's body was taken to Scotland for burial. After defeating his enemies and learning where Mordred had retreated, Arthur quickly reinforced his army with new troops gathered from various places and advanced without resting until he was near Mordred’s camp, assembling as many allies as possible. Here, as noted by John Leland in his book "The Assertion of Arthur,” it’s uncertain where Mordred was encamped. However, Geoffrey of Monmouth states that after Arthur initially routed Mordred in Kent upon his landing, Mordred escaped to Winchester, where Arthur pursued him and defeated him again. Continuing the chase, Arthur fought Mordred once more at a place called Camblane or Kemelene in Cornwall, or, as some authors claim, near Glastonbury.

Richard Turner. This battell was fought to such proofe, that finallie Mordred was slaine, with the more part of his whole armie, and Arthur receiuing diuers mortall wounds died of the same shortlie after, when he had reigned ouer the Britains by the tearme of 26 yéeres. His corps was buried at Glastenburie aforesaid, in the churchyard, betwixt two pillers: where it was found in the daies of king Henrie the second, about the yeere of our Lord 1191, which was in the last yéere of the reigne of the same Henrie, more than six hundred yéeres after the buriall thereof. He was laid 16 foot déepe vnder ground, for doubt that his enimies the Saxons should haue found him. But those that digged the ground there to find his bodie, after they had entered about seuen foot déepe into the earth, they found a mightie broad stone with a leaden crosse fastened to that part which laie downewards toward the corps, conteining this inscription:

Richard Turner. This battle was fought so fiercely that finally Mordred was slain, along with most of his entire army, and Arthur, receiving several mortal wounds, died shortly afterward, having ruled over the Britains for 26 years. His body was buried at Glastonbury, as mentioned earlier, in the churchyard, between two pillars. It was discovered during the reign of King Henry II, around the year 1191, which was the last year of his reign, more than six hundred years after it was buried. He was laid 16 feet deep underground, out of fear that his enemies, the Saxons, might find him. However, those who dug there to find his body, after digging about seven feet deep into the earth, found a large flat stone with a lead cross affixed to the side that faced downward towards the corpse, which had this inscription:

"Hîc iacet sepultus inclytus rex Arthurius in insula Aualoniæ."

"Hic iacet sepultus inclytus rex Arthur in insula Avalonia."

This inscription was grauen on that side of the crosse which was next to the stone: so that till the crosse was taken from the stone, it was vnséene. His bodie was found, not inclosed within a toome of marble or other stone curiouslie wrought, but within a great trée made hollowe for the nonce like a trunke, the which being found and digged vp, was opened, and therein were found the kings bones, of such maruellous bignesse, that the shinbone of his leg being set on the ground, reached vp to the middle thigh of a verie tall man: as a moonke of that abbeie hath written, which did liue in those daies, and saw it. ¶ But Gyraldus Cambrensis (who also liued in those daies, and spake with the abbat of the place, by whom the bones of this Arthur were then found) affirmeth, that by report of the same abbat, he learned, that the shinbone of the said Arthur being set vp by the leg of a verie tall man (the which the abbat shewed to the same Gyraldus) came aboue the knée of the same man the length of three fingers breadth, which is a great deale more likelie than the other. Furthermore the skull of his head was of a woonderfull largenesse, so that the space of his forehead betwixt his two eies was a span broad. There appéered in his head the signes and prints of ten wounds or more: all the which were growne into one wem, except onelie that whereof it should séeme he died, which being greater than the residue, appéered verie plaine. Also in opening the toome of his wife quéene Gueneuer, that was buried with him, they found the tresses of hir haire whole and perfect, and finelie platted, of colour like to the burnished gold, which being touched, immediatlie fell to dust. The abbat, which then was gouernour of the house, was named Henricus Blecensis seu Soliacensis.
Io. Leland.
Stephan, or Henrie de Blois, otherwise de Sullie, nephue to king Henrie the second (by whose commandement he had serched for the graue of Arthur) translated the bones as well of him as of quéene Gueneuer, being so found, into the great church, and there buried them in a faire double toome of marble, laieng the bodie of the king at the head of the[Page 578] toome, and the bodie of the quéene at his féet towards the west part. Dauid Pow. pag. 238, 239. ¶ The writer of the historie of Cambria now called Wales saith, that the bones of the said Arthur, and Gueneuer his wife were found in the Ile of Aualon (that is, the Ile of Alpes) without the abbeie of Glastenbury, fiftéene féet within the ground, & that his graue was found by the meanes of a Bardh, whome the king heard at Penbroke singing the acts of prince Arthur, and the place of his buriall.

This inscription was carved on the side of the cross that faced the stone, so it remained unseen until the cross was taken from the stone. His body was found, not enclosed in a marble tomb or any intricately worked stone, but inside a large tree hollowed out like a trunk. After it was discovered and dug up, it was opened, revealing the king's bones, which were so massive that when the shinbone was placed on the ground, it reached up to the middle of the thigh of a very tall man. A monk from that abbey, who lived during that time and saw it, documented this. ¶ However, Giraldus Cambrensis (who also lived at that time and spoke with the abbott of the place who found Arthur’s bones) states that, according to the abbott, he learned that when Arthur's shinbone was stood up next to the leg of a very tall man (which the abbott showed to Giraldus), it extended above that man’s knee by the length of three fingers, which seems much more likely than the previous account. Furthermore, the size of his skull was extraordinary, with the width of his forehead between his two eyes being a span. There were signs and marks of ten or more wounds on his head, all of which had fused into one scar, except for the one that seemed to be the cause of his death, which was larger than the others and very distinct. Also, when they opened the tomb of his wife, Queen Guinevere, who was buried with him, they found her hair intact and beautifully braided, shining like burnished gold, which turned to dust when touched. The abbott who then governed the house was named Henricus Blecensis or Soliacensis.
John Leland.
Stephen, or Henry de Blois, also known as de Sullie, nephew to King Henry the Second (who ordered the search for Arthur's grave), translated the bones of both him and Queen Guinevere into the large church, where they were buried in a beautiful double tomb of marble, placing the king's body at the head of the tomb and the queen's body at his feet towards the west. Dauid Pow. pg. 238, 239. ¶ The writer of the history of Cambria, now called Wales, states that the bones of Arthur and his wife Guinevere were found on the Isle of Avalon (that is, the Isle of Apples) within fifteen feet of the ground, and that his grave was discovered through the means of a bard whom the king heard singing the deeds of Prince Arthur and the location of his burial at Pembroke.

Iohn Leland in his booke intituled Assertio Arthuri, hath for the woorthie memorie of so
noble a prince, honored him with a learned epitaph, as heere followeth.

John Leland in his book titled Assertio Arthuri, has honored the worthy memory of such a noble prince with a learned epitaph, which follows here.

Saxonicas toties qui fudit Marte cruento

Saxonicas who spilled blood in battle so often

Who vanquisht Saxon troops so oft, with battels bloudie broiles,

Who has defeated Saxon troops so many times in bloody battles,

Turmas, & peperit spolijs sibi nomen opimis,

Turmas, & gave themselves the name of the rich spoils,

And purchast to himselfe a name with warlike wealthie spoiles,

And earned a reputation with his rich, warlike treasures,

Fulmineo toties Pictos qui contudit ense,

Fulmineo so many times crushed the Picts with his sword,

Who hath with shiuering shining swoord, the Picts so oft dismaid,

Who has with shimmering shining sword, terrified the Picts so many times,

Imposuítque iugum Scoti ceruicibus ingens:

The huge yoke weighed on the Scots' necks:

And eke vnweldie seruile yoke on necke of Scots hath laid:

And also has placed an unwelcome servile yoke on the neck of the Scots:

Qui tumidos Gallos, Germanos quíque feroces

Qui tumidos Gallos, Germanos quíque feroces

Who Frenchmen puft with pride, and who the Germans fierce in fight

Who are the French full of pride, and who are the Germans fierce in battle

Perculit, & Dacos bello confregit aperto:

Perculit, & Dacos defeated openly in battle:

Discomfited, and danted Danes with maine and martiall might:

Discomforted, and intimidated Danes with strength and military power:

Denique Mordredum è medio qui sustulit illud

Denique Mordred raised it from the middle.

Who of that murdring Mordred did the vitall breath expell,

Who from that murderous Mordred took the vital breath away,

Monstrum, horrendum, ingens, dirum, sæuúmque tyrannum,

Monstrous, horrifying, huge, dreadful, and cruel tyrant,

That monster grislie, lothsome, huge, that diresome tyrant fell,

That huge, nasty monster, that terrible tyrant,

Hoc iacet extinctus monumento Arthurius alto,

Hoc iacet extinctus monumento Arthurius alto,

Heere liuelesse Arthur lies intoomd, within this statelie hearse,

Here lies King Arthur, buried within this grand coffin,

Militiæ clarum decus, & virtutis alumnus:

Militia's shining glory, and the nurturer of virtue:

Of chiualrie the bright renowme, and vertues nursling fearse:

Of chivalry's bright reputation, and the fierce nurturer of virtues:

Gloria nunc cuius terram circumuolat omnem,

Gloria now whose land surrounds all,

Whose glorie great now ouer all the world dooth compasse flie,

Their great glory now spreads across the entire world,

Aetherijque petit sublimia tecta Tonantis.

He seeks the sublime heights of the Thunderer.

And of the airie thunder skales the loftie building hie.

And of the airy thunder scales the lofty building high.

Vos igitur gentis proles generosa Britannæ,

Vos igitur gentis proles generosa Britannæ,

Therefore you noble progenie of Britaine line and race,

So, you noble descendants of Britain’s lineage and heritage,

Induperatori ter magno assurgite vestro,

Rise up for your great hero,

Arise vnto your emperour great, of thrice renowmed grace,

Rise up to your great emperor, of three times renowned grace,

Et tumulo sacro roseas inferte corollas,

Et tumulo sacro roseas inferte corollas,

And cast vpon his sacred toome the roseall garlands gaie,

And placed on his sacred tomb the bright rose garlands,

Officij testes redolentia munera vestri.

Officij scent samples of your gifts.

That fragrant smell may witnesse well, your duties you displaie.

That fragrant smell might prove well that you show your responsibilities.

¶ These verses I haue the more willinglie inserted, for that I had the same deliuered to me turned into English by maister Nicholas Roscarocke, both right aptlie yeelding the sense, and also properlie answering the Latine, verse for verse.

¶ I’ve included these verses willingly because they were given to me translated into English by Master Nicholas Roscarock, capturing the meaning perfectly and matching the Latin, verse for verse.


[Page 579]

[Page 579]

Vpon what occasion the graue of king Arthur was sought for, the follie of such discouered as beleeued that he should returne and reigne againe as king in Britaine, whether it be a fiction or a veritie that there was such an Arthur or no; discordance among writers about the place of Gawains buriall and Arthurs death; of queene Gueneuer the wife of king Arthur, hir beautie and dishonest life, great disagreement among writers touching Arthur and his wiues to the impeachment of the historie, of his life and death.

On the occasion when King Arthur's grave was sought, the foolishness of those who believed he would return and reign again in Britain was revealed, whether it's a made-up story or a truth that such an Arthur existed; there’s disagreement among writers about where Gawain was buried and where Arthur died; regarding Queen Guinevere, King Arthur's wife, her beauty and her dishonorable life, there's significant disagreement among writers about Arthur and his wives that casts doubt on the history of his life and death.

THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.

The occasion that mooued king Henrie the second to cause his nephue the foresaid abbat to search for the graue of king Arthur, was, for that he vnderstood by a Welsh minstrell or Bardh (as they call him) that could sing manie histories in the Welsh language of the acts of the ancient Britains, that in the forsaid churchyard at Glastenburie, betwixt the said two pillers the bodie of Arthur was to be found sixtéene foot déepe vnder the ground. Gyraldus Cambrensis affirmeth, that the trée in the which Arthurs bodie was found so inclosed, was an oke, but other suppose that it was an alder trée, bicause that in the same place a great number of that kind of trées doo grow, and also for that it is not vnknowne, that an alder lieng vnder ground where moisture is, will long continue without rotting.

The reason King Henry II asked his nephew, the aforementioned abbot, to search for King Arthur's grave was that he learned from a Welsh minstrel (or Bard, as they call him) who could sing many stories in Welsh about the deeds of ancient Britons. The minstrel said that in the mentioned churchyard at Glastonbury, between the two pillars, King Arthur's body was buried sixteen feet deep. Gerald of Wales claims that the tree where Arthur's body was found was an oak, but others think it was an alder tree because there are many such trees growing in that area. It's also known that an alder lying underground where it's moist can last a long time without rotting.

¶ By the finding thus of the bodie of Arthur buried (as before ye haue heard) such as hitherto beleeued that he was not dead, but conueied As for example in a caue néere a water called pond perilous at Salisburie, where he and his knights should sléepe armed, till an other knight should be borne that should come and awake them. Will. Malmes. lib. 1. de regibus Ang. awaie by the fairies into some pleasant place, where he should remaine for a time, and then to returne againe, and reigne in as great authoritie as euer he did before, might well perceiue themselues deceiued in crediting so vaine a fable. But yet (where it might otherwise be doubted, whether anie such Arthur was at all, as the British histories mention, bicause neither Gyldas nor Beda in their woorks speake anie thing of him) it may appéere, the circumstances considered, that suerly such one there was of that name, hardie and valiant in armes, though not in diuerse points so famous as some writers paint him out. William Malmesburie a writer of good credit and authoritie amongst the learned, hath these woords in his first booke intituled "De regibus Anglorum," saieng: "But he being dead [meaning Vortimer] the force of the Britains waxed féeble, their decaied hope went backward apace: and euen then suerlie had they gon to destruction, if Ambrosius (who alone of the Romans remained yet aliue, and was king after Vortigerne) had not kept vnder and staied the loftie barbarous people, that is to say the Saxons, by the notable aid and assistance of the valiant Arthur."

¶ With the discovery of Arthur's body buried (as you’ve heard before), those who previously believed he wasn't dead but had been taken away by fairies into a pleasant place, where he would stay for a while and then return to reign with the same authority as before, might realize they were misled by such a silly tale. However, while it's understandable to question whether there was ever an Arthur, as the British histories mention him and neither Gildas nor Bede speaks of him in their works, the circumstances suggest that there was indeed someone of that name, brave and valiant in battle, even if not as renowned in various aspects as some writers portray him. William Malmesbury, a credible authority among scholars, states in his first book titled "De regibus Anglorum," saying: "But he being dead [referring to Vortimer], the strength of the Britains diminished, their fading hope quickly fell: and surely then they would have faced destruction, if Ambrosius (the only remaining Roman who was alive and king after Vortigern) hadn't kept the proud barbarian people, namely the Saxons, in check with the significant help of the brave Arthur."

This is the same Arthur, of whom the trifling tales of the Britains euen to this day fantasticallie doo descant and report woonders: but woorthie was he doubtlesse, of whom feined fables should not haue so dreamed, but rather that true histories might haue set foorth his woorthie praises, as he that did for a long season susteine and hold vp his countrie that was readie to go to vtter ruine and decaie, incouraging the bold harts of the Britains vnto the warre, and finallie in the siege of Badon hill, he set vpon nine hundred of the enimies, and with incredible slaughter did put them all to flight. On the contrarie part, the English Saxons, although they were tossed with sundrie haps of fortune, yet still they renewed their bands with new supplies of their countriemen that came out of Germanie, and so with bolder courage assailed their enimies, and by little and little causing them to giue place, spread themselues ouer the whole Ile. For although there were manie battels, in the which sometime the Saxons and sometime the Britains got the better, yet the greater number of Saxons that were slaine, the greater number of them still came ouer to the succour of their countriemen, being called in and sent for out of euerie quarter about them.

This is the same Arthur, about whom the trivial tales of the Britons still to this day fancifully tell and report wonders: but he was undoubtedly worthy, of whom made-up stories should not have so imagined, but rather that true histories might have highlighted his worthy praises, as he sustained and upheld his country that was on the brink of complete ruin and decay, encouraging the brave hearts of the Britons to go to war, and finally in the siege of Badon Hill, he attacked nine hundred of the enemies and with incredible slaughter put them all to flight. On the other hand, the English Saxons, although they faced various twists of fortune, still replenished their ranks with new supplies of their countrymen who came from Germany, and so with bolder courage they attacked their enemies, gradually pushing them back and spreading themselves across the whole island. For although there were many battles, in which sometimes the Saxons and sometimes the Britons came out on top, the greater number of Saxons who were slain still saw more of them come over to support their countrymen, being called for and requested from every direction around them.

Gawaine where he is buried. Héere is also to be noted, that where the British historie declareth, that Gawaine or Gallowine being slaine in the battell fought betwixt Arthur and Mordred in Kent, was buried at Douer, so that his bones remained there to be shewed a long time after: yet by that which the[Page 580] Wil. Malm. lib. 3. de regib. foresaid William Malmesburie writeth in the third booke of his volume intituled "De regibus Anglorum," the contrarie maie séeme true: his woords are these. "Then (saith he) in the prouince of Wales, which is called Rosse, the sepulture of Gallowine was found, who was nephue to Arthur by his sister, not going out of kind from so woorthie an vncle. He reigned in that part of Britaine which vnto this day is called Walwichia, a knight for his high prowesse most highlie renowmed, but expelled out of his kingdome by the brother and nephue of Hengist, of whome in the first booke we haue made mention, first requiting his banishment with great detriment and losse to those his enimies, wherein he was partaker by iust desert of his vncles woorthie praise, for that he staied (for a great manie yéeres) the destruction of his countrie, which was now running headlong into vtter ruine and decaie. But Arthurs graue no where appéereth: yet the others toome (as I haue said) was found in the daies of William the conqueror, king of England, vpon the sea side, and conteined in length fouretéene foot, where he was (as some say) wounded by his enimies, and cast vp by shipwracke. But other write, that he was slaine at a publike feast or banket by his owne countriemen." Thus saith William Malmesburie.

Gawaine's burial location. It should also be noted that according to British history, Gawaine or Gallowine, who was killed in the battle between Arthur and Mordred in Kent, was buried in Dover, and his bones were displayed there for a long time afterward. However, what the[Page 580] Wil. Malm. lib. 3. On Kingship aforementioned William Malmesbury writes in the third book of his work titled "De regibus Anglorum," may suggest otherwise. His words are as follows: "Then (he says) in the province of Wales, known as Rosse, the burial site of Gallowine was discovered, who was a nephew of Arthur through his sister, not straying too far from such a worthy uncle. He ruled in that part of Britain which is still called Walwichia, a knight renowned for his remarkable bravery, but was expelled from his kingdom by the brother and nephew of Hengist, whom we mentioned in the first book. He first avenged his banishment with significant harm and loss to his enemies, where he earned just praise from his uncle's worthy legacy, as he held back (for many years) the destruction of his country, which was rushing headlong into complete ruin and decay. But Arthur's grave nowhere appears; yet the other tomb (as I mentioned) was found during the days of William the Conqueror, King of England, by the seaside, measuring fourteen feet long, where he was (as some say) wounded by his enemies and washed ashore by shipwreck. Others write that he was killed at a public feast or banquet by his own countrymen." Thus says William Malmesbury.

¶ But heere you must consider, that the said Malmesburie departed this life about the beginning of the reigne of king Henrie the second, certeine yéers before the bones of Arthur were found (as ye haue heard.) But omitting this point as néedles to be controuerssed, & letting all dissonant opinions of writers passe, as a matter of no such moment that we should néed to sticke therein as in a glewpot; we will procéed in the residue of such collections as we find necessarilie pertinent to the continuation of this historie; and now we will say somewhat of quéene Guenhera or Guenouer, the wife of the foresaid king Arthur.

¶ But here you must consider that Malmesbury passed away around the beginning of King Henry the Second's reign, several years before the bones of Arthur were discovered (as you have heard). However, leaving this point aside as unnecessary to debate, and disregarding all conflicting opinions of writers since it's not important enough to get stuck in like it's a glue pot, we will move on to the rest of the information that we find necessary for the continuation of this history. Now we will say a bit about Queen Guinevere, the wife of King Arthur.

Some iudge that she tooke hir name of hir excellent beautie, bicause Guinne or Guenne in the Welsh toong signifieth faire, so that she was named Guennere or rather Guenlhean, euen (as you would say) the faire or beautifull Elenor or Helen. She was brought vp in the house of one Cador earle of Cornewall before Arthur maried hir: and as it appeareth by writers, she was euill reported of, as noted of incontinencie & breach of faith to hir husband, in maner as for the more part women of excellent beautie hardlie escape the venemous blast of euill toongs, and the sharpe assaults of the followers of Venus. The British historie affirmeth, that she did not onelie abuse hir selfe by vnlawfull companie with Mordred, but that also in Arthurs absence she consented to take him to husband. It is likewise found recorded by an old writer, that Arthur besieged on a time the marishes néere to Glastenburie, for displeasure that he bare to a certeine lord called Melua, who had rauished Gueneuer, and led hir into those marishes, and there did kéepe hir. Hir corps notwithstanding (as before is recited) was interred togither with Arthurs, so that it is thought she liued not long after his deceasse.

Some believe she got her name from her extraordinary beauty because "Guinne" or "Guenne" in Welsh means fair, making her name Guennere, or rather Guenlhean, like you would say the beautiful Eleanor or Helen. She was raised in the household of Cador, Earl of Cornwall, before Arthur married her. As various writers suggest, she had a bad reputation for infidelity and betrayal towards her husband, which often happens to women of great beauty who can hardly escape the toxic gossip and harsh advances from admirers. The British history states that she not only behaved inappropriately with Mordred but also agreed to marry him during Arthur’s absence. An old writer also recorded that Arthur once laid siege to the marshes near Glastonbury out of anger towards a certain lord named Melua, who had abducted Guinevere and kept her in those marshes. Nevertheless, her body (as mentioned before) was buried alongside Arthur’s, indicating that she did not live long after his death.

Arthur had two wiues (as Gyraldus Cambrensis affirmeth) of which the latter (saith he) was buried with him, and hir bones found with his in one sepulchre, but yet so diuided, that two parts of the toome towards the head were appointed to receiue the bones of the man, and the third part towards the féet conteined the womans bones, apart by themselues. Here is to be remembred, that Hector Boetius writeth otherwise of the death of Arthur than before in this booke is mentioned, & also that Gueneuer being taking prisoner by the Picts, was conueied into Scotland, where finallie she died, and was there buried in Angus, as in the Scotish chronicles further appeareth. And this may be true, if he had thrée sundrie wiues, each of them bearing the name of Gueneuer, as sir Iohn Price dooth auouch that he had. Now bicause of contrarietie in writers touching the great acts atchiued by this Arthur, and also for that some difference there is amongst them, about the time in which he should reigne, manie haue doubted of the whole historie which of him is written (as before ye haue heard.) ¶ But others there be of a constant beléefe, who hold it for a grounded truth, that such a prince there Dauid Pow. pag. 238, 239. was; and among all other a late writer, who falling into necessarie mention of prince Arthur, frameth a spéech apologeticall in his and[Page 581] their behalfe that were princes of the British bloud, discharging a short but yet a sharpe inuectiue against William Paruus, Polydor Virgil, and their complices, whom he accuseth of lieng toongs, enuious detraction, malicious slander, reprochfull and venemous language, wilfull ignorance, dogged enuie, and cankerd minds; for that they speake vnreuerentlie and contrarie to the knowne truth concerning those thrisenoble princes. Which defensitiue he would not haue deposed, but that he takes the monuments of their memories for vndoubted verities.

Arthur had two wives (as Gerald of Wales affirms), and the latter (he claims) was buried with him, with her bones found alongside his in one tomb, but still separated, so that two sections of the tomb towards the head were meant for the man's bones, and the third section towards the feet contained the woman's bones, kept separate. It’s worth noting that Hector Boece wrote differently about Arthur's death than what is mentioned earlier in this book, and also that Guinevere was captured by the Picts and taken to Scotland, where she eventually died and was buried in Angus, as further detailed in the Scottish chronicles. This might be true if he had three different wives, each named Guinevere, as Sir John Price claims he did. Because of discrepancies among writers regarding the great deeds accomplished by Arthur, and also because there is some disagreement about the time period in which he should have reigned, many have questioned the entire history written about him (as you have heard before). ¶ However, there are others who firmly believe it to be a well-established truth that such a prince existed; among them, a recent writer, who, when discussing Prince Arthur, makes an apologetic statement on behalf of him and those who were princes of British lineage, issuing a brief but sharp tirade against William of Malmesbury, Polydore Vergil, and their allies, whom he accuses of lying, envious defamation, malicious slander, disrespectful and venomous language, willful ignorance, stubborn envy, and corrupt minds; for speaking irreverently and contrary to well-known truths about those noble princes. He would not have made this defense if he did not regard the records of their legacies as undeniable truths.

The British histories and also the Scotish chronicles doo agrée, that he liued in the daies of the emperour Iustinian, about the fiftéenth 542. yéere of whose reigne he died, which was in the yéere of our Lord 542, as diuerse doo affirme. Howbeit some write farther from all likelihood, that he was about the time of the emperor Zeno, who began his reigne about the yéere of our Lord 474. The writer of the booke intituled Aurea historia. I. Leland. "Aurea historia" affirmeth, that in the tenth yéere of Cerdicus king of Westsaxons, Arthur the warriour rose against the Britains. Also Diouionensis writeth, that Cerdicus fighting oftentimes with Arthur, if he were ouercome in one moneth, he arose in an other moneth more fierce and strong to giue battell than before. At length Arthur wearied with irkesomnes, after the twelfth yéere of the comming of Cerdicus, gaue vnto him vpon his homage doone and fealtie receiued, the shires of Southampton and Somerset, the which countries Cerdicius named Westsaxon. This Cerdicius or Cerdicius came into Britaine about the yéere of our Lord 495. In the 24 yere after his comming hither, that is to say, about the yéere of your Lord 519, he began his reigne ouer the Westsaxon. Westsaxons, and gouerned them as king by the space of 15 yéeres, as before ye haue heard. But to follow the course of our chronicles accordinglie as we haue begun, we must allow of their accounts herein as in other places, and so procéed.

The British histories and the Scottish chronicles agree that he lived during the reign of Emperor Justinian, dying around the fifteenth year of his reign, which was in the year 542 AD, as various sources confirm. However, some claim he lived much earlier, around the time of Emperor Zeno, who began his reign around 474 AD. The author of the book titled Aurea historia. I. Leland. states that in the tenth year of Cerdicus, king of the West Saxons, Arthur the warrior rose up against the Britains. Additionally, Diouionensis writes that Cerdicus often fought with Arthur; if he lost one month, he returned the next month fiercer and stronger to battle. Eventually, after the twelfth year of Cerdicus's arrival, Arthur, worn out from the struggle, granted him the counties of Southampton and Somerset in exchange for his loyalty and homage, which Cerdicus called West Saxon. This Cerdicus arrived in Britain around the year 495 AD. Twenty-four years after his arrival, around 519 AD, he began his reign over the Wessex. West Saxons, ruling as king for 15 years, as you've already heard. But to continue with our chronicles as we have started, we must accept their accounts here as in other places and proceed accordingly.


The decaie of christian religion and receiuing of the Pelagian heresie in Britaine by what meanes they were procured and by whom redressed: Constantine succeedeth Arthur in the kingdome, ciuill warre about succession to the crowne, the chalengers are pursued and slaine, Constantine is vnkindlie killed of his kinsman, a bitter and reprochfull inuectiue of Gyldas against the British rulers of his time, and namelie against Constantine, Conan that slue Constantine reigneth in Britaine, his vertues and vices, his two yeeres regiment, the seuere reprehensions of Gyldas uttered against Conan, discouering the course of his life, and a secret prophesie of his death.

The decline of Christianity and the acceptance of Pelagianism in Britain: how it happened and who addressed it. Constantine succeeded Arthur as king, leading to civil war over the crown's succession. The challengers were pursued and killed. Constantine was cruelly murdered by his cousin. Gyldas delivered a harsh critique of the British rulers of his time, particularly targeting Constantine. Conan, who killed Constantine, ruled in Britain, along with his virtues and vices, his two-year reign, and Gyldas's severe criticisms of Conan, which revealed the course of his life along with a secret prophecy regarding his death.

THE XV. CHAPTER.

In this meane while that the realme was disquieted with sore & continuall warres betwixt the Britains and Saxons (as before ye haue heard) the christian religion was not onelie abolished in places where the Saxons got habitations, but also among the Britains the right faith The heresie of the Pelagians reuiued, Hist. Mag. was brought into danger, by the remnant of the Pelagian heresie, which Dubritius & Dauid lerned bishops. began againe to be broched by diuers naughtie persons. But Dubritius that was first bishop of Landaffe, and after archbishop of Caerleon Arwiske, and his successour Dauid, with other learned men earnestlie both by preaching and writing defended the contrarie cause, to the confuting of those errors, and restablishing of the truth.

In the meantime, while the kingdom was troubled by intense and ongoing wars between the Britons and Saxons (as you have already heard), Christianity was not only eradicated in areas where the Saxons settled, but also the true faith among the Britons was threatened by the remnants of the Pelagian heresy, which was being revived by various wicked individuals. However, Dubritius, who was the first bishop of Llandaff and later became the archbishop of Caerleon Arwiske, along with his successor David and other educated individuals, vigorously defended the opposing viewpoint through preaching and writing, disproving those errors and restoring the truth.

CONSTANTINE. After the death of Arthur, his coosine Constantine the sonne of Cador, duke or earle of Cornewall began his reigne ouer the Britains, in the
542.
yere of our Lord 542, which was about the 15 yéere of the emperour Iustinianus almost ended, the 29 of Childebert king of France, and the first yéere well néere complet of the reigne of Totilas king of the[Page 582] Galfrid.
Matth. West.
Goths in Italie. Arthur when he perceiued that he shuld die, ordeined this Constantine to succéed him, and so by the consent of the more part of the Britains he was crowned king: but the sonnes of Mordred sore repined thereat, as they that claimed the rule of the land by iust title and claime of inheritance to them from their father descended. Ciuill warre. Herevpon followed ciuill warre, so that diuers battels were striken betwéene them and in the end the two brethren were constreined to withdraw for refuge, the one to London, and the other to Winchester: but Constantine pursuing them, first came to Winchester, and by force entered the citie, and slue the one brother that was fled thither within the church of saint Amphibalus: and after comming to London, entered that citie also, and finding the other brother within a church there, slue him in like maner as he had doone the other. And so hauing dispatched his aduersaries, he thought to haue purchased to himselfe Aurelius Conanus.
Constantine slaine.
safetie: but shortlie after, his owne kinsman, one Aurelius Conanus arrered warre against him, who ioining with him in battell slue him in the field, after he had reigned foure yéeres. His bodie was conueied to Stonheng, and there buried beside his ancestour Vter Pendragon.

CONSTANTINE. After Arthur's death, his cousin Constantine, the son of Cador, Duke or Earl of Cornwall, began his reign over Britain in the
542.
year of our Lord 542, which was around the 15th year of Emperor Justinian's reign, nearly at its end, the 29th year of Childebert, King of France, and the first year almost completed of Totilas, King of the [Page 582] Galfrid. Matth. West. When Arthur realized he was going to die, he appointed this Constantine to succeed him, and by the agreement of most of the Britons, he was crowned king. However, the sons of Mordred were very upset about this, as they believed they had a legitimate claim to rule the land by inheritance from their father. Civil war. This led to a civil war, resulting in several battles between them. Eventually, the two brothers were forced to seek refuge, one in London and the other in Winchester. But Constantine pursued them, first reaching Winchester, where he forcefully entered the city and killed the brother who had fled there inside the Church of Saint Amphibalus. After that, he went to London and entered that city as well, finding the other brother in a church and killing him in the same way he had done the first. With his rivals dispatched, he thought he had secured his safety. Aurelius Conanus.
Constantine killed.
However, shortly after, his own kinsman, Aurelius Conanus, declared war against him. In battle, Aurelius defeated and killed him after Constantine had reigned for four years. His body was taken to Stonehenge and buried there beside his ancestor Uther Pendragon.

Gyldas. Of this Constantine that seemeth to be ment, which Gyldas writeth in his booke intituled "De excidio Britanniæ," where inueieng against the rulers of the Britains in his time, he writeth thus: "Britaine hath kings, but the same be tyrants; iudges it hath, but they be wicked, oftentimes péeling and harming the innocent people, reuenging and defending, but whom? such as be guiltie persons and robbers; hauing manie wiues, but yet breaking wedlocke; oftentimes swearing, and yet forswearing themselues; vowing, and for the more part lieng; warring, but mainteining ciuill & vniust warres; pursuing indéed théeues that are abroad in the countrie, and yet not onelie cherishing those that sit euen at table with them, but also highlie rewarding them: giuing almesse largelie, but on the other part heaping vp a mightie mount of sinnes; sitting in the seat of sentence, but seldome séeking the rule of righteous iudgement; despising the innocent and humble persons, and exalting so farre as in them lieth, euen vp to the heauens, most bloudie and proud murtherers, théeues and adulterers, yea the verie professed enimies of God; if he would so permit: kéeping manie in prison, whome they oppresse, in loding them with irons, through craft rather to serue their owne purpose, than for anie gilt of the persons so imprisoned: taking solemne oths before the altars, and shortlie after, despising the same altars as vile and filthie stones.

Gyldas. This refers to Constantine mentioned by Gyldas in his book titled "De excidio Britanniæ," where he criticizes the rulers of Britain in his time, writing: "Britain has kings, but they are tyrants; it has judges, but they are wicked, often exploiting and harming innocent people, seeking revenge and protection, but for whom? For guilty people and thieves; having many wives, yet breaking their vows; often swearing oaths, yet perjuring themselves; making promises, but mostly lying; warring, yet waging civil and unjust wars; chasing down thieves in the countryside, but not only caring for those who sit at their tables, but also rewarding them handsomely: giving alms generously, yet at the same time piling up a mountain of sins; sitting in the judgment seat, but rarely seeking true justice; despising the innocent and humble, and exalting to the heavens the most bloody and arrogant murderers, thieves, and adulterers, yes, even the very enemies of God, if he would allow it: keeping many prisoners whom they oppress, loading them with chains, using deceit to serve their own purposes, rather than for any wrongdoing of the imprisoned individuals: taking solemn oaths before the altars, and shortly after, treating those same altars as worthless and filthy stones."

"Of this hainous and wicked offense Constantine the tyrannicall whelpe of the lionesse of Deuonshire is not ignorant, who this yeare, after the receiuing of his dreadfull oth, whereby he bound himselfe that in no wise he should hurt his subjects (God first, and then his oth, with the companie of saints, and his mother being there present) did notwithstanding in the reuerent laps of the two mothers, as the church, and their carnall mother, vnder the coule of the holie abbat, deuoure with sword and speare in stead of téeth, the tender sides, yea and the entrailes of two children of noble and kinglie race, and likewise of their two gouernours, yea and that (as I said) amongest the sacred altars: the armies of which persons so slaine, not stretched foorth to defend themselues with weapons (the which few in those daies handled more valiantlie than they) but stretched foorth (I saie) to God and to his altar in the day of iudgement, shall set vp the reuerent ensignes of their patience and faith at the gates of the citie of Christ, which so haue couered the seat of the celestiall sacrifice, as it were with the red mantle of their cluttered bloud.

"Constantine, the tyrannical offspring of the lioness of Devonshire, is not unaware of this terrible and wicked offense. This year, after taking his dreadful oath, where he promised that he would not harm his subjects (with God first, and then his oath, alongside the company of saints, and his mother present), he nonetheless, in the revered embrace of the two mothers—the church and their biological mother—under the guise of the holy abbot, brutally attacked with sword and spear instead of teeth, the tender bodies, even the entrails, of two children of noble and royal lineage, along with their two governors, right there among the sacred altars. The souls of those slain, who did not reach for weapons to defend themselves (which few acted more valiantly with than they), instead stretched out their hands to God and His altar on Judgment Day, will raise the respectful banners of their patience and faith at the gates of the City of Christ, having covered the site of the heavenly sacrifice as if with the red mantle of their spilled blood."

"These things he did not after anie good déeds doone by him deseruing praise: for manie yeares before, ouercome with the often and changeable filths of adulterie, & forsaking his lawfull wife contrarie to the lawes of God, &c: he now brought foorth this crime of quelling his owne kinsmen, and violating the church, but neither being loosed from the snares of his former euills, he increaseth the new with the old." ¶ Thus in effect hath Gyldas written of this Constantine, with more: for turning his tale to him, he reproueth him of his faults, and counselleth him to repent.

"These actions were not motivated by any good deeds deserving praise: for many years before, overwhelmed by the constant and changing filth of adultery, and abandoning his lawful wife contrary to the laws of God, he now committed this crime of killing his own relatives and violating the church. Still, being ensnared by his previous wrongdoings, he only added new sins to the old ones." ¶ Thus, in essence, Gyldas has written about this Constantine, and more: as he turns his attention to him, he criticizes his faults and advises him to repent.

CONANUS. After that Aurelius Conanus had slaine the foresad Constantine, as in[Page 583] the British histories is mentioned, the same Conan was made king of
546.
Britaine in the yeare of our Lord 546, in the 20 yeare of Iustinianus, and in the 33 of the reigne of Childebert king of the Frenchmen. This Aurelius Conanus (as is recorded by some writers) was of a noble heart, frée and liberall, but giuen much to the maintenance of strife and discord amongst his people, light of credit, and namelie had an open eare to receiue and heare the reports of such as accused other. Moreouer he was noted of crueltie, as he that tooke his vncle, who of right should haue béene king, and kept him in prison, and not so satisfied slue in tyrannous maner the two sons of his said vncle: But Matth. West. writeth that he reigned 30. yeares. God would not suffer him long to inioy the rule of the land in such vniust dealing, for he died after he had reigned the space of two yeares, and left a sonne behind him called Vortiporus, which succéeded him in the kingdome, as authors doo record. Of this Aurelius Conanus Gyldas writeth, calling vnto him after he had made an end with his predecessor Constantine, saieng in this wise: "And thou lions whelpe, as saith the prophet, Aurelius Conanus what doost thou? Art thou not swallowed vp in the filthie mire of murthering thy kinsmen, of committing fornications and adulteries like to the other before mentioned, if not more deadlie, as it were with the waues and surges of the drenching seas ouerwhelming thée with hir vnmercifull rage? Dooest thou not in hating the peace of thy countrie as a deadlie serpent, and thirsting after ciuill wars and spoiles (oftentimes vniustlie gotten) shut vp against thy soule the gates of celestiall peace and refreshment? Thou being left alone as a withering trée in the middle of a field, call to remembrance (I praie thée) the vaine youthfull fantasie and ouertimelie death of thy fathers and thy brethren. Shalt thou being set apart, and chosen foorth of all thy linage for thy godlie deserts, be reserued to liue an hundred yeares, or remaine on earth till thou be as old as Methusalem? No no." And after these reprehensions, with further threatnings of Gods vengeance, he exhorted him to amendment of life, and so proceedeth to talke with Vortiporus, whome he nameth the king, or rather the tyrant of Southwales, as after shall be rehearsed.

CONAN. After Aurelius Conanus had killed the aforementioned Constantine, as mentioned in [Page 583] the British histories, the same Conan was made king of
546.
Britain in the year 546 AD, during the 20th year of Justinian's reign, and in the 33rd of Childebert’s rule over the Franks. This Aurelius Conanus (as recorded by some writers) was noble at heart, free and generous, but prone to fostering strife and discord among his people, gullible, and notably receptive to the accusations leveled by others. Furthermore, he was notorious for his cruelty, having imprisoned his uncle, who had a rightful claim to the throne, and, not content with that, brutally killed his uncle's two sons. But Matth. West. states that he ruled for 30 years. God did not allow him to enjoy his rule for long given his unjust actions, for he died after reigning for only two years, leaving behind a son named Vortiporus, who succeeded him as king, according to various authors. Of this Aurelius Conanus, Gildas writes, calling out to him after he dealt with his predecessor Constantine, saying: "And you lion's cub, as the prophet says, Aurelius Conanus, what are you doing? Are you not mired in the filthy swamp of murdering your own kin, committing fornication and adultery like those mentioned before, if not worse, as if you were overwhelmed by the relentless waves and surges of the raging sea? Do you not, in hating the peace of your country like a deadly serpent, thirst for civil wars and plunder (often unjustly obtained) and thereby shut your soul off from the gates of heavenly peace and refreshment? You, standing alone like a withering tree in the middle of a field, remember (I urge you) the futile youth and untimely death of your ancestors and your brothers. Will you, chosen from your entire lineage for your godly qualities, be granted to live a hundred years, or stay on earth until you are as old as Methuselah? No, no." And after these scoldings, along with further threats of God’s vengeance, he urged him to change his ways, and then continued to speak with Vortiporus, who he called the king, or rather the tyrant of South Wales, as will be explained further.


The beginning of the kingdome of Brenitia, of whome the king of Kent, Mertia, and west Saxons descended, Ida the Saxon commended, the originall of the kingdome of Deira, the circuit and bounds therof, of Ella the gouernour of the same, when the partition of the kingdome of Northumberland chanced; Vortiporus reigneth ouer the Britains, he vanquisheth the Saxons; Gyldas sharplie reprooueth Vortiporus for manie greeuous offenses, and exhorteth him to amendement.

The beginning of the kingdom of Brenitia, from which the kings of Kent, Mercia, and the West Saxons descended, was praised by Ida the Saxon, the founder of the kingdom of Deira, detailing its boundaries and territory, under the leadership of Ella, when the division of the kingdom of Northumberland occurred. Vortiporus ruled over the Britons and defeated the Saxons. Gyldas strongly criticized Vortiporus for many serious offenses and urged him to improve his behavior.

THE XVJ. CHAPTER.

IDA.
547.
H. Hunt.
The kingdom of Brenitia began.
In the yeare of the Lord 547, which was about the first yeare of the reigne of Aurelius Conanus, the kingdome of Brenitia began vnder a Saxon ruler there callèd Ida, & descended of Woden. For where the said Woden had thrée sonnes, Weldecius, Withlegris, and Beldecius; of the first, the kings of Kent were lineallie extracted: of the second, the kings of Mertia: and of the third sonne came the kings of Westsaxon, and also of him was this Ida descended, being the ninth in lineall succession from the said Beldecius and the tenth from Woden. The same Ida was vndoubtedlie a right noble personage, and changed first that dukedome into a kingdome; where before that time the Saxons that ruled there, were subiects vnto the kings of Kent. Whether he tooke vpon him of his owne accord to vsurpe the kinglie title and roiall authoritie, or whether that the same was giuen to him by consent of other, the certeintie appeareth not. But sure it is, that he being a woorthie prince, did not degenerate from his noble ancestors inuincible in warre abroad and at home, qualifieng his kinglie seueritie with a naturall kind of courteous humanitie. The bounds of his kingdome called (as is[Page 584] said) Brenitia, began in the south at the riuer of Tine, and ended in the north at the Forth in Scotland, in the British toong called Werd.

IDA.
547.
H. Hunt.
The kingdom of Brenitia was established.
In the year 547 AD, during the first year of the reign of Aurelius Conanus, the kingdom of Brenitia was established under a Saxon ruler named Ida, who was a descendant of Woden. Woden had three sons: Weldecius, Withlegris, and Beldecius. The kings of Kent descended from Weldecius, the kings of Mercia from Withlegris, and the kings of Wessex from Beldecius. Ida was the ninth in direct lineage from Beldecius and the tenth from Woden. Ida was undeniably a noble figure and was the first to transform the dukedom into a kingdom; prior to this, the Saxons ruling there were subjects of the kings of Kent. It’s unclear whether he took the royal title and authority on his own or was given it by the consent of others. However, it is certain that he, being a worthy prince, did not fall short of his noble ancestors, being invincible in war both abroad and at home, balancing his royal severity with a natural kind of courteous humanity. The borders of his kingdom, known as Brenitia, began in the south at the River Tine and extended north to the Forth in Scotland, which is called Werd in the British tongue.

ELLA.
561.
The beginning of the kingdom of Deria.
About the same time, or rather about 14 yeares after, one Ella a Saxon also reigned as king in Deira, which kingdome began at the said riuer of Tine in the north, & ended at the riuer of Humber toward the south. These two kingdomes were sometime gouerned by two seuerall kings, and afterwards at other times they were ioined in one, and gouerned by one onelie king, and named the kingdome of Northumberland, which in processe of time was much inlarged, so that it included the shires of Yorke, Notingham, Darbie, Lancaster, the bishoprike of Durham, Copland, and other countries betwixt the east and the west seas, euen vnto the The riuer of Mersie. riuer of Mersie. The foresaid Ella was sonne to Iffus, being descended from Woden, as the 12 in succession from him, though not by right line as William Malmesburie hath noted. Ida (as the same Malmesburie dooth testifie) reigned 14 yeares.

ELLA.
561.
The start of the kingdom of Deria.
Around the same time, or rather about 14 years later, a Saxon named Ella ruled as king in Deira, which kingdom started at the river Tine in the north and ended at the river Humber in the south. These two kingdoms were sometimes governed by separate kings, and at other times they were united under a single king, becoming known as the kingdom of Northumberland. Over time, it greatly expanded to include the counties of York, Nottingham, Derby, Lancaster, the diocese of Durham, Copland, and other areas between the east and west seas, all the way to the The Mersey River. river of Mersie. Ella was the son of Iffus and was descended from Woden, being the 12th in succession from him, though not in a direct line as noted by William of Malmesbury. Ida (as the same Malmesbury testifies) reigned for 14 years.

Now Ella who was successor to Ida (as he saith) reigned thirtie yeares, Matth. West. and verie valiantlie inlarged his kingdome. But one author writeth how Ida reigned but 12 yeares, and that he builded the castell of Bamburge, first fensing it with pales, and after with a wall of stone. The same Hen. Hunt. Ida had by his wife six sonnes, begotten in lawfull bed, Ada, Ebric, Theodoric, Athelric, Osmer, and Theofred. Moreouer he begat of certeine Matt. West. concubines (which he kept) six bastard sonnes, Oga, Aleric, Ettha, Osbale, Segor, and Segother. These came altogither into this land, and arriued at Flemesburke with fortie ships, as Matthæus Westmonasteriensis hath recorded. The partition of the kingdome of Northumberland chanced after the deceasse of Ida, as the same author signifieth: for Ada the sonne of the foresaid Ida succéeded his father in the kingdome of Brenitia, reigning therein seuen yeares: and Ella the sonne of Histria, a most valiant duke, began to gouerne Deira, as both the said Matth. Westm. and others doo affirme.

Now Ella, who succeeded Ida (as he says), ruled for thirty years, Matt. West. and very valiantly expanded his kingdom. However, one author claims that Ida only ruled for 12 years and that he built the castle of Bamburgh, first fortifying it with palisades and later with a stone wall. The same Hen. Hunt. Ida had six lawful sons with his wife: Ada, Ebric, Theodoric, Athelric, Osmer, and Theofred. Additionally, he fathered six illegitimate sons with certain Matt. West. concubines (whom he kept): Oga, Aleric, Ettha, Osbale, Segor, and Segother. They all arrived in this land at Flemsburg with forty ships, as recorded by Matthæus Westmonasteriensis. The division of the kingdom of Northumberland happened after Ida's death, as the same author notes: Ada, the son of the aforementioned Ida, succeeded his father in the kingdom of Bernicia, ruling for seven years; and Ella, the son of Histria, a very brave duke, began to govern Deira, as both Matth. Westm. and others affirm.

VORTIPORUS. Matt. West. noteth 578. Vortiporus the sonne of Aurelius Conanus succéeded his father, and began to reigne ouer the Britains, in the yéere of our Lord 576, in the 11, yeare of the emperour Flauius Anicius Iustinus, in the fourth yeare of the reigne of Childeric king of France, and in the fourth yeare of Clephis the Gothish king in Italie. This Vortiporus vanquished the Saxons in battell, as the British histories make mention, and valiantlie defended his land and subiects the Britains, from the danger of them and other their allies. In the time of this kings reigne, the foresaid Ella began to rule in the south part of the kingdome of Northumberland called Deira, as before is mentioned, according to the account of some authors, who also take this Vortiporus to begin his reigne in the yeare 548. After that Vortiporus had ruled the Britans Matt. West. noteth 3 yeares. the space of 4 yeares, he departed this life, and left no issue behind him to succéed him in the kingdom.

VORTIPORUS. Matt. West. notes 578. Vortiporus, the son of Aurelius Conanus, succeeded his father and started to rule over the Britains in the year 576 AD, during the 11th year of Emperor Flavius Anicius Justinus, in the fourth year of Childeric, king of France, and in the fourth year of Clephis, the Gothic king in Italy. This Vortiporus defeated the Saxons in battle, as mentioned in British histories, and bravely defended his land and subjects, the Britains, from the threats posed by them and their allies. During his reign, the previously mentioned Ella began to rule over the southern part of the kingdom of Northumberland, known as Deira, as noted by some authors, who also claim that Vortiporus started his reign in the year 548. After Vortiporus had ruled over the Britains for Matt. West. notes 3 yrs. a total of 4 years, he passed away and left no heirs to succeed him in the kingdom.

Against this Vortiporus Gyldas also whetting his toong, beginneth with him thus: "And why standest thou as one starke amazed? Thou (I say) Vortiporus the tyrant of Southwales, like to the panther in maner and wickednesse diuerslie spotted as it were with manie colors, with thy hoarie head in thy throne, full of deceits, crafts and wiles, and defiled euen from the lowest part of thy bodie to the crowne of thy head, with diuers & sundrie murthers committed on thine owne kin, and filthie adulteries, thus proouing a naughtie sonne of a good king, as Manasses was to Ezechias. How chanceth it that the violent streames of sinnes which thou swallowest vp like pleasant wine, or rather art deuoured of them, (the end of thy life by little and little now drawing néere) can not yet satisfie the? What meanest thou that with fornication of all euills, as it were the full heape, thine owne wife being put away, thou by hir honest death dooest oppresse thy soule with a certeine burthen that can not be auoided, of thine vnshamefast daughter? Consume not (I pray thée) the residue of thy daies to the offense of God, &c." These and the like woords vttered he, exhorting him to repentance, with admonitions taken out of the scriptures both for his comfort and warning.

Against this, Vortiporus, Gyldas also sharpens his tongue and begins with him like this: "Why are you standing there like someone completely stunned? You, Vortiporus, the tyrant of South Wales, like a panther in nature and wickedness, spotted with many colors, with your gray head on your throne, filled with deceptions, schemes, and tricks, and defiled from the lowest part of your body to the top of your head, with various murders committed against your own kin, and filthy adulteries, proving to be a wicked son of a good king, just like Manasseh was to Hezekiah. How is it that the raging currents of sins that you consume like sweet wine, or rather are consumed by them (the end of your life slowly drawing near), do not yet satisfy you? What do you mean by indulging in every kind of wickedness, as if it were a full heap, putting away your wife, and by her honorable death, burdening your soul with an unavoidable weight from your shameless daughter? Do not waste (I beg you) the rest of your days in offense to God, etc." With these and similar words, he urged him to repent, offering comfort and warnings drawn from the scriptures.

¶ If the circumstance of this that Gyldas writeth of Vortiporus be[Page 585] marked, it may be perceiued, that Geffrey of Monmouth, and also Matthew of Westminster, the author of the floures of histories, are deceiued, in that they take him to be the sonne of Aurelius Conanus: and rather it may be gathered, that not onlie the same Aurelius Conanus and Vortiporus, but also Constantinus, yea & Cuneglasus, and Maglocunus, of the which he also intreateth (as partlie shall be hereafter touched) liued and reigned all at one time in seuerall parts of this Ile, and not as monarchs of the whole British nation, but as rulers each of them in his quarter, after the maner as the state of Ireland hath béene in times past before the countrie came vnder the English subiection, if my coniecture herein doo not deceiue me.

¶ If we examine what Gyldas wrote about Vortiporus, we can see that Geoffrey of Monmouth and Matthew of Westminster, the author of the "Flowers of Histories," are mistaken in considering him the son of Aurelius Conanus. It seems more likely that not only Aurelius Conanus and Vortiporus, but also Constantinus, Cuneglasus, and Maglocunus—whom he also discusses (as will be touched on later)—all lived and ruled at the same time in different parts of this island. They were not monarchs of the entire British nation but ruled over their respective regions, similar to how Ireland was governed in the past before the country came under English rule, if my reasoning here is correct.


Malgo reigneth ouer the Britains, the noble qualities wherewith he was beautified by his filthie sinnes are blemished, Gyldas reproueth Cuneglasus for making warre against God and man, and this Malgo for his manifold offenses, the vile iniquities wherevnto the British rulers were inclined, the valiantnesse of Kenrike king of the Westsaxons, his victories against diuers people his enimies, succession in the gouernment of the Westsaxons, Northumberland, and Kentish Saxons; the first battell that was fought betwixt the Saxons in this Iland, Cheuling with his Westsaxons encounter with the Britains and get the vpper hand, three kings of the Britains slaine, and their people spoiled of their lands, goods and liues.

Malgo rules over the Britains, but the noble qualities he once had are overshadowed by his sinful actions. Gyldas criticizes Cuneglasus for waging war against both God and humanity, and this Malgo for his numerous offenses, which reflect the despicable behaviors that the British rulers were drawn to. Kenrike, the king of the West Saxons, shows valor with his victories against various enemies, maintaining leadership over the West Saxons, Northumberland, and the Kentish Saxons. The first battle fought between the Saxons on this island was when Cheuling and his West Saxons confronted the Britains and emerged victorious, resulting in the deaths of three British kings and their people's loss of land, possessions, and lives.

THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.

MALGO.
580.
Matth. West. hath noted 581. After the deceasse of Vortiporus, Malgo the nephue of Aurelius Conanus (as some write) was made king of Britaine, & began his reigne ouer the Britaines, in the yéere of our Lord 580, in the fiftéenth yéere of the emperour Iustinian, and in the 37 yéere of the reigne of Childerike king of the Frenchmen. This Malgo is reported to haue béene the Gal. Mon. comeliest gentleman in beautie and shape of personage that was to be found in those daies amongst all the Britains, and therewith of a bold and hardie courage. He manfullie defended the country which he had in gouernance from the malice of the Saxons, and subdued the out Iles, as Orkenie and others. But notwithstanding the noble qualities with the which his person was adorned, yet he spotted them all with the filthie sinne of Sodomie, so that he fell into the hatred of almightie God, and being pursued of the Saxons, receiued manie ouerthrowes at their hands, as by the report of the English writers is gathered more at large. Finallie, when he had reigned fiue yéeres and od moneths, he departed this life.

MALGO.
580.
Matth. West. noted 581. After the death of Vortiporus, Malgo, the nephew of Aurelius Conanus (as some write), became king of Britain and started his reign over the Britons in the year 580 AD, during the fifteenth year of the Emperor Justinian and the 37th year of King Childeric's reign among the Franks. Malgo is said to have been the most handsome gentleman in appearance and build found among all the Britons of that time, and he also had bold and brave courage. He valiantly defended the territory he governed against the Saxons' hostility and conquered the outlying islands, such as Orkney and others. However, despite the noble qualities with which he was gifted, he tarnished them all with the disgraceful sin of sodomy, which led him to fall into the wrath of Almighty God. As a result, he was pursued by the Saxons and suffered many defeats at their hands, as detailed more extensively by English writers. Ultimately, after reigning for five years and a few months, he passed away.

Matt. Westm. counteth not past fiue yeres to his reigne through other affirme that he reigned 35 yéeres. It séemeth that this Malgo is named by Gyldas, Maglocunus, the which Gyldas (before he speaketh of him) inueieth against one Cuneglasus, whome he reprooueth, for that he warred both against God and man: against God with grieuous sinnes, as namelie adulterie, in forsaking the companie of his lawfull wife, and kéeping to concubine a sister of hirs, that had professed chastitie: & against man with materiall armor and weapons, which he vsed to the destruction of his owne countrimen, with whom he kept warres, and not against the enimies of the common wealth.

Matt. Westm. states that his reign lasted no more than five years, while others argue that he reigned for 35 years. It appears that this Malgo is referred to by Gildas as Maglocunus, who, before discussing him, criticizes a certain Cuneglasus, whom he condemns for waging war against both God and man: against God through grave sins, particularly adultery, by abandoning his lawful wife and keeping a sister of hers as a concubine, who had vowed chastity; and against man with physical armor and weapons, which he used to devastate his own countrymen, with whom he waged wars, rather than against the enemies of the commonwealth.

From Cuneglasus he commeth to the foresaid Maglocunus, whome he nameth the dragon of the Iles, and the expeller of manie tyrants, not onelie out of their kingdoms, but also out of life, the last of whom he treateth (as he himselfe saith) but the first in all mischéefe & euill, greater than manie in power, and likewise in malice: verie liberall in giuing, but more plentifull in sinne, strong and valiant in arms, but stronger in destruction of his owne soule. And so procéeding, chargeth him with the sinne of the Sodomits, & sore blameth him, for that where it had pleased God to make him higher than all other dukes of Britaine in kingdome and degrée, he did not shew himselfe better, but[Page 586] contrarilie far woorse than they both in maners and conditions. He declareth also a little after, that this Maglocune in his yoong yéeres slue in battell his vncle being king, with the most valiant souldiers in maner that he had. Also that where the said Maglocune tooke vpon him the profession of a moonke, he after renounced the same, and became a woorsse liuer than euer he was before, abandoning his wife, and kéeping his brothers sonnes wife, while hir husband yet liued.

From Cuneglasus he comes to the aforementioned Maglocunus, whom he calls the dragon of the Isles and the expeller of many tyrants, not only from their kingdoms but also from life itself. The last of these tyrants he mentions (as he himself says) is the first in all mischief and evil, greater than many in power, and also in malice: very generous in giving, but even more abundant in sin, strong and brave in battle, but stronger in the destruction of his own soul. Continuing, he accuses him of the sin of the Sodomites and harshly criticizes him for not showing himself to be better, despite God placing him higher than all other dukes of Britain in kingdom and rank, but instead being much worse than they in manners and character. He also goes on to say that this Maglocunus, in his youth, killed his uncle while being king, along with the bravest soldiers he had. Additionally, although the said Maglocunus took on the life of a monk, he later renounced that life and became even worse than he had been before, abandoning his wife and keeping his brother’s son's wife while her husband was still alive.

Thus by that which Gyldas writeth of the kings and rulers of the Britains, which liued in his daies, ye may perceiue that they were giuen to all manner of wickednesse, and namelie to ciuill dissention, rapine, adulterie, and fornication: so that it may be thought, that GOD stirred vp the Saxons to be a scourge to them, and to worke his iust vengeance vpon them for their wickednesses and abhominable offenses dailie cōmitted against his diuine maiestie, so that we find recorded by writers, how that the Saxons in diuers conflicts against the Britains had the better, and also tooke from them diuers townes, as alreadie partly hath beene and also hereafter shall be shewed.

Thus, based on what Gyldas wrote about the kings and rulers of Britain who lived in his time, you can see that they were engaging in all kinds of wickedness, particularly civil strife, robbery, adultery, and fornication. It can be believed that God raised the Saxons to punish them and deliver His just vengeance for their sinful actions and horrible offenses committed daily against His divine authority. This is documented by various writers, who show how the Saxons, in different battles against the Britains, often came out on top and captured several towns, as has already been partly mentioned and will be discussed further.

It is furthermore to be remembred, that about the 14 yeere of the Britaine king Conanus his reigne, which was about the end of the yere 559. Hen Hunt. of Christ 559, Kenrike king of the Westsaxons, departed this life, after he had reigned xxv. yéeres complet. This Kenrike was a victorious prince, and fought diuers battels against the Britains. In the 18 yeere of his reigne which was the 551 of Christ, we find that he fought against them, being come at that time vnto Salisburie, and after great slaughter made on both parts, at length the victorie remained with the Saxons, and the Britains were chased. Againe in the two and twentith yéere of his reigne, and 555 yéere of Christ, the same Kenrike and his sonne Cheuling fought with a great power of Britains at Branburie.

It should also be remembered that around the 14th year of King Conanus of Britain’s reign, which was about the end of the year 559. Hen Hunt. of Christ 559, Kenrike, king of the West Saxons, passed away after ruling for 25 complete years. Kenrike was a victorious leader and fought several battles against the Britons. In the 18th year of his reign, which was 551 AD, he fought against them after arriving in Salisbury, and after significant casualties on both sides, the Saxons ultimately emerged victorious while the Britons were driven back. Again, in the 22nd year of his reign, which was 555 AD, Kenrike and his son Cheuling fought against a large force of Britons at Branbury.

The Britains were diuided into nine companies, three in the fore ward, thrée in the battell, and thrée in the rere ward, with their horssemen and archers, after the maner of the Romans. The Saxons being ranged in one entire battell, valiantlie assailed them, and notwithstanding the shot of the Britains, yet they brought the matter to the triall of handblowes, till at length by the comming on of the night, the victorie remained doubtfull: and no maruell is to be made therof (saith Henrie archdeacon of Huntington) sith the Saxons were men of huge stature, great force & valiant courage. The same yéere that Kenrike deceassed, Ida the king of Northumberland also died: he was (as ye haue heard) a right valiant prince, & inlarged the dominion of the Saxons greatlie, he ouercame Loth king of the Picts in battell, and Corran king of Scots.

The Britons were divided into nine groups: three at the front, three in the center, and three at the back, along with their cavalry and archers, similar to the Romans. The Saxons formed one solid battle line and bravely attacked them. Despite the Britons' arrows, the Saxons engaged in hand-to-hand combat until nightfall, leaving the outcome uncertain. It's no surprise (as Henry, archdeacon of Huntington, noted) since the Saxons were large, strong, and courageous men. The same year that Kenrike died, Ida, the king of Northumberland, also passed away. As you have heard, he was a truly brave leader and significantly expanded Saxon territory, defeating Loth, the king of the Picts, in battle, and Corran, the king of the Scots.

560. Hen Hunt Also about the yéere of Christ 560, Conanus (as yet gouerning the Britains) Irmenrike king of Kent departed this life, of whome ye haue heard before, & Ethelbert his sonne succéeded him 52 yéeres. Then after that the foresaid thrée princes were dead (as before ye haue heard) they had that succéeded them in their estates as here followeth. After Kenrike, his sonne Ceaulinus or Cheuling succéeded in gouernement of the Westsaxons: and after Ida, one Ella or Alla reigned in Northumberland: after Irmenrike followed his sonne Ethelbert in rule ouer the Kentish Saxons.

560. Hen Hunt Around the year 560 AD, Conan was still ruling Britain when Irmenrike, the king of Kent, passed away. You’ve heard about him before, and his son Ethelbert took over for 52 years. After the three aforementioned kings died (as you’ve heard earlier), here’s what happened next. After Kenrike, his son Ceaulinus, also known as Cheuling, took over the government of the West Saxons. Following Ida, another king named Ella or Alla ruled over Northumberland. After Irmenrike, his son Ethelbert became the ruler of the Kentish Saxons.

This Ethelbert, in processe of time grew to be a mightie prince, but yet in the begining of his reigne he had but sorie successe against Hen. Hunt. some of his enimies: for hauing to doo with the foresaid Cheuling king Aliàs Wiphanduae. of Westsaxons, he was of him ouercome in battell at Wilbasdowne, where he lost two of his dukes or cheefe capteins, beside other people. This was the first battell that was fought betwixt the Saxons, one against another within this land, after their first comming into the same. And this chanced in the yere of our Lord 567, being the second yéere of the emperour Iustinus.

This Ethelbert eventually became a powerful prince, but at the beginning of his reign, he had poor success against some of his enemies: he faced the aforementioned Cheuling king of the West Saxons and was defeated in battle at Wilbasdowne, where he lost two of his dukes or main captains, along with others. This was the first battle fought between the Saxons against each other in this land after they had first arrived. This occurred in the year of our Lord 567, during the second year of Emperor Justinus.

570.
CUTHA.
Aileburie.
About the yéere 570, Cutha the brother of king Cheuling fought with the Britains at Bedford, vanquished them, & tooke from them 4 townes, Liganbrough, Eglesbrough or Ailesburie, Besington, and Euesham. Also 581. about the yéere of our Lord 581, the foresaid king Cheuling incountered with the Britains at a place called Diorth, and obteining the vpper hand, tooke from them the cities of Bath, Glocester, and Cirencester.[Page 587] At this battell fought at Diorth, were present thrée kings of the Britains, whose names were these: Coinmagill, Candidan, and Farimnagill, which were slaine there through the permission of almightie God as then refusing his people, the which through their heinous sinnes and great wickednesses, had most gréeuouslie offended his high and diuine maiestie, as by Gyldas it may euidentlie appeare. For they had declined from the lawes of the Lord, and were become abhominable in his sight, euen from the prince to the poore man, from the priest to the Leuit, so that not one estate among them walked vprightlie, but contrarie to dutie was gone astray, by reason whereof the righteous God had giuen them ouer as a prey to their enimies.

570.
CUTHA.
Ailburie.
Around the year 570, Cutha, the brother of King Cheuling, fought the Britains at Bedford, defeated them, and took four towns from them: Liganbrough, Eglesbrough or Ailesburie, Besington, and Evesham. Also, 581. around the year 581 AD, the aforementioned King Cheuling faced the Britains at a place called Diorth, and gaining the upper hand, took the cities of Bath, Gloucester, and Cirencester from them.[Page 587] In this battle fought at Diorth, three kings of the Britains were present, named Coinmagill, Candidan, and Farimnagill, who were slain there by the will of Almighty God as He was rejecting His people at that time. They had gravely offended His high and divine majesty due to their heinous sins and great wickedness, as may be clearly seen from Gildas. They had strayed from the Lord's laws and had become detestable in His sight, from the prince to the poor man, from the priest to the Levite, so that not a single estate among them walked uprightly; instead, contrary to their duty, they went astray, which is why the righteous God had given them over as prey to their enemies.

His brother as Matt. West. saith. Also in the latter end of Malgos daies or about the first beginning of the reigne of his successor Careticus, Cheuling and his sonne Cutwine fought with the Britains at a place called Fechanley or Fedanley, or H. Hunt. (as some bookes haue) Frithenlie, where Cutwine was slaine, & the Englishmen chased: but yet Cheuling repairing his armie, wan the victorie, and chasing the Britains, tooke from them manie countries, Matt. West. and wan great riches by the spoile. But Matth. West. saith, that the victorie aboad with the Britains, and that the Saxons were chased quite out of the field. The Scotish writers record, that their king Aidan (who is noted to haue béene the 49 successiuelie possessing the regiment of that land, partlie with griefe of hart for the death of Columba a graue and wise gentleman, whome he tenderlie loued, and partlie with age [for he was growne horieheaded, and had reigned 34 yéeres] ended his life) was there in aid of the Britains, and Brudeus king of the Picts (betwixt whom and the said Aidan a sore battell was fought) in aid of the Saxons: but the same writers name the place Deglaston, where this battell was made, and the forces of both sides by a sharpe incounter tried.

His brother as Matt. West. says. Also, towards the end of Malgos's days or around the beginning of his successor Careticus's reign, Cheuling and his son Cutwine battled the Britains at a place called Fechanley or Fedanley, or H. Hunt. (as some books have it) Frithenlie, where Cutwine was killed, and the Englishmen were put to flight. However, Cheuling regrouped his army, won the victory, and, pursuing the Britains, took many territories from them, Matthew West and gained great wealth through the spoils. But Matth. West. claims that the victory remained with the Britains and that the Saxons were completely driven from the field. The Scottish writers record that their king Aidan (who is noted to have been the 49th to succeed to the rule of that land, partly because of his grief over the death of Columba, a serious and wise man whom he deeply loved, and partly because of his old age [as he had grown gray and had reigned for 34 years]) was there to assist the Britains, while Brudeus, king of the Picts (between whom and Aidan a fierce battle was fought) was there to support the Saxons: but the same writers name the place Deglaston, where this battle was fought, with both sides engaging in a sharp encounter.


The begining of the kingdome of Mercia, the bounds of the same, the heptarchie or seuen regiments of the Saxons, how they grew to that perfection, and by whom they were reduced and drawne into a monarchie; Careticus is created king of Britaine, the Saxons take occasion by the ciuill dissentions of the Britains to make a full conquest of the land, they procure forren power to further them in their enterprise, Gurmundus king of the Africans arriueth in Britaine, the British king is driuen to his hard shifts, the politike practise of Gurmundus in taking Chichester & setting the towne on fire, he deliuereth the whole land in possession to the Saxons, the English and Saxon kings put Careticus to flight, the Britains haue onelie three prouinces left of all their countrie which before they inhabited, their religion, church, and commonwealth is in decaie, they are gouerned by three kings, Cheulings death is conspired of his owne subiects.

The beginning of the kingdom of Mercia, its boundaries, the heptarchy or seven kingdoms of the Saxons, how they developed to that level of power, and who brought them together into a monarchy; Careticus is made king of Britain, the Saxons take advantage of the civil conflicts among the Britons to completely conquer the land, they seek foreign support to aid them in their efforts, Gurmundus, king of the Africans, arrives in Britain, the British king is forced to resort to desperate measures, the political strategy of Gurmundus in taking Chichester and setting the town on fire hands the entire territory over to the Saxons, the English and Saxon kings drive Careticus into exile, the Britons are left with only three provinces of their former kingdom, their religion, church, and commonwealth are in decline, and they are ruled by three kings, Cheuling's death is plotted by his own subjects.

THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.

CRIDA. H. Hunt.
This kingdome began in the yéere 585, as Matt. Westm. saith.

Ran. Cest.
About the same time also, and 585 of Christ, the kingdome of Mercia began vnder one Crida, who was descended from Woden, and the tenth from him by lineall extraction. The bounds of this kingdome were of great distance, hauing on the east the sea vnto Humber, and so on the north the said riuer of Humber, and after the riuer of Mercia, which falleth into the west sea at the corner of Wirhall, and so comming about to the riuer of Dee that passeth by Chester, the same riuer bounded it on the west from Wales, and likewise Seuerne vp to Bristow: on the south it had the riuer of Thames, till it came almost to London. And in this sort it contained Lincolneshire, Notingamshire, Derbishire, Chesshire, Shropshire, Worcestershire, Glocestershire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Hertefordshire, Bedfordshire, Huntingtonshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire, and Warwikeshire.

CRIDA. H. Hunt.
This kingdom started in the year 585, according to Matt. Westm..

Ran. Cest.
Around the same time, in 585 AD, the kingdom of Mercia was established under a leader named Crida, who was descended from Woden and was the tenth in line from him. The borders of this kingdom were extensive, with the sea to the east up to the Humber River, and to the north, the Humber and the Mercia River, which flows into the west sea near Wirhall. Turning around to the River Dee that passes through Chester, this river marked the western boundary from Wales, and also extended to the Severn River up to Bristol. To the south, it reached the Thames River, nearly to London. In this way, it included the territories of Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, Cheshire, Shropshire, Worcestershire, Gloucestershire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Hertfordshire, Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire, and Warwickshire.

¶ Thus haue ye heard how the Saxons in processe of time remoouing the[Page 588] Britains out of their seats, dailie wan ground of them, till at length they got possession of the best part of this Ile, and erected within the same seuen kingdoms, which were gouerned by seuen seuerall kings, who continued vntill the kings of Westsaxon brought them all at length into one monarchie, as after shall appéere. Matth. Westmin. reckoneth eight kingdoms as thus; The kingdom of Kent, the kingdom of Sussex, the kingdom of Essex, the kingdom of Eastangle, the kingdom of Mercia, the kingdom of Westsex, and the kingdom of Northumberland, which was diuided into two kingdoms, that is to say, into Deira and into Bernicia: wherevnto W. Harison addeth the ninth in the first part of his chronologie, and calleth it Wales.

¶ So you have heard how the Saxons, over time, pushed the Britains out of their lands, gradually taking more territory from them until they eventually claimed the best parts of this island and established seven kingdoms within it. These were ruled by seven different kings, who continued until the kings of Wessex united them all under one monarchy, as will be explained later. Matthew of Westminster lists eight kingdoms as follows: the Kingdom of Kent, the Kingdom of Sussex, the Kingdom of Essex, the Kingdom of East Anglia, the Kingdom of Mercia, the Kingdom of Wessex, and the Kingdom of Northumberland, which was divided into two parts, namely Deira and Bernicia. Additionally, W. Harrison mentions a ninth kingdom in the first part of his chronicle, which he calls Wales.

CARETICUS. After that Malgo or Maglocune was departed this life, one Careticus, or (as some write him) Caretius, was made king of the Britains, and began

586.
his reigne in the yéere of our Lord 586, which was in the third yéere of the emperour Mauricius, and thirtéenth of Chilperike king of France. This Careticus was a nourisher of ciuill warre and dissention amongst his owne people the Britains, so that he was hated both of God and man, as writers testifie. The Saxons vnderstanding that the Britains were not of one mind, but diuided in partakings, so as one was readie to deuoure an other, thought it good time for them to aduance their conquests, and ceassed not to pursue the Britains by force and continuall warre, till they had constreined them for refuge to withdraw Gal. Mon. See more of this Gurmundus in Ireland.
Ranulf. Cest.
into Wales. And as some haue written, the Saxons meaning to make a full conquest of the land, sent ouer into Ireland, requiring one Gurmundus a king of the Affricans to come ouer into Britaine to helpe them against the Britains.

CARETICUS. After Malgo or Maglocune passed away, a man named Careticus (or Caretius, according to some sources) became king of the Britains. He started his reign in the year 586 AD, which was the third year of Emperor Maurice's rule and the thirteenth year of King Chilperic of France. Careticus was a source of civil war and division among his own people, the Britains, leading to him being despised by both God and man, as historians have noted. The Saxons, realizing that the Britains were not united but instead quarrelling with one another, saw this as the perfect opportunity to expand their conquests. They relentlessly pursued the Britains through force and continuous war until they drove them to seek refuge in Wales. Additionally, as some have recorded, the Saxons, intent on fully conquering the land, sent messengers to Ireland asking for Gurmundus, a king from Africa, to come to Britain to assist them against the Britains. Gal. Mon. Check out more of this Gurmundus in Ireland.
Ranulf. Cest.

This Gurmundus appointing his brother Turgesius to pursue the conquest of Ireland, came and arriued heere in Britaine, making such cruell warre in aid of the Saxons against the Britains, that Careticus was constreined to kéepe him within the citie of Chicester or Cirencester, and was there besieged, and at length by continuall assalts and skirmishes, when he had lost manie of his men, he was glad to forsake that citie, and fled into Wales. This Gurmundus tooke Cirencester or Chichester, and destroied it in most cruell maner. Some write, that he tooke this citie by a policie of warre, in binding to the féet of sparrowes which his people had caught, certeine clewes of thred or matches, finelie wrought & tempered with matter readie to take fire, so that the sparrowes being suffered to go out of hand, flue into the towne to lodge themselues within their neasts which they had made in stacks of corne, and eues of houses, so that the towne was thereby set on fire, and then the Britains issuing foorth, fought with their enimies, and were ouercome and discomfited.

Gurmundus appointed his brother Turgesius to continue the conquest of Ireland. He arrived in Britain and waged such brutal warfare in support of the Saxons against the Britains that Careticus was forced to keep him trapped within the city of Chichester or Cirencester. There, he was besieged, and after relentless assaults and skirmishes, having lost many of his men, he was relieved to abandon the city and flee to Wales. Gurmundus captured Cirencester or Chichester and destroyed it in a particularly cruel manner. Some say he took the city using a clever war tactic by tying threads or fuses, delicately made to ignite, to the feet of sparrows that his men had caught. When the sparrows were released, they flew back into the town to nest in the corn stacks and eaves of houses, which set the town on fire. Then, as the Britains rushed out to fight their enemies, they were defeated and overwhelmed.

But whilest the battell continued, Careticus stale away, and got him into Wales. After this, the foresaid Gurmundus destroied this land throughout in pitifull wise, and then deliuered it in possession to the Saxons, the which thankfullie receiued it: and because they were descended of those that first came ouer with Hengist, they changed the name of the land, and called it Hengistland, accordinglie as the same Hengist had in times past ordeined: the which name after for shortnesse of spéech was somewhat altered, and so lastlie called England, and the people Englishmen. But rather it may be thought, that sith a great part of those people which came ouer into this land out of Germanie with the said Hengist, and other capteins, were of those Englishmen which inhabited Germanie, about the parts of Thoringhen, they called this Matt. West. land England, after their name, when they had first got habitation within it: and so both the land and people tooke name of them, being called Angli, a long time before they entered into this Ile, (as before is shewed out of Cornelius Tacitus and others.) But now to returne where we left.

But while the battle continued, Careticus snuck away and made his way into Wales. After this, the aforementioned Gurmundus devastated the land in a pitiful manner and then handed it over to the Saxons, who gratefully accepted it. Because they were descended from those who first arrived with Hengist, they renamed the land Hengistland, just as Hengist had arranged in the past. This name was later shortened, eventually becoming England, and the people came to be known as Englishmen. It may be more accurate to say that since a large number of those who came to this land from Germany with Hengist and other leaders were among the Englishmen inhabiting Germany around Thoringhen, they named this land England after themselves once they had settled. Thus, both the land and its people took their name from them, being called Angli long before they arrived on this island, as previously shown from Cornelius Tacitus and others. But now, let's return to where we left off.

It should séeme that this historie of Gurmundus is but some fained tale except it may be that he was some Dane, Norwegian or Germane. Of this Gurmundus the old English writers make no mention, nor also anie ancient authors of forren parties: and yet saith the British booke, that after he had conquered this land, and giuen it to the Saxons, he passed ouer into France, and there destroied much of that land, as an enimie to the faith of Christ. For which consideration he was the more readie to come to the aid of the Saxons, who as yet had[Page 589] not receiued the christian faith, but warred against the Britains, as well to destroie the faith of Christ within this land, as to establish to themselues continuall habitations in the same. There be, that omitting to make mention of Gurmundus, write thus of the expelling of the Britains out of this land at that time, when with their king Careticus they got them into Wales.

It may seem like this story about Gurmundus is just a fictional tale unless he was actually a Dane, Norwegian, or German. The old English writers don’t mention Gurmundus, nor do any ancient authors from other regions. Still, the British book states that after he conquered this land and gave it to the Saxons, he crossed over to France and destroyed much of that territory as an enemy of the Christian faith. For this reason, he was more eager to aid the Saxons, who had not yet embraced Christianity but were fighting against the Britains, both to destroy the Christian faith in this land and to establish their own permanent settlements there. Some who fail to mention Gurmundus write about the expulsion of the Britains from this land at the time when their king Careticus led them into Wales.

586. Matt. West. In the yéere of Grace 586, Careticus a louer of ciuill warre succéeded Malgo an enimie to God and to the Britains, whose inconstancie when the English and Saxon kings perceiued, with one consent they rose against him, and after manie battels chased him from citie to citie, till at length incountering with him in a pight field, they droue him beyond Seuerne into Wales. Héerevpon clerks and priests were driuen out of their places with bright swoords brandishing in all parts, and fire crackling in churches, wherewith the same were consumed. The remnant of the Britains therefore withdrew into the west parts of the land, that is to say, into Cornwall, and into Wales, out of which countries they oftentimes brake out, and made insurrections vpon the Saxons, the which in maner aforsaid got possession of the chiefest parts of the land, leauing to the Britains onlie three prouinces, that is to say, Cornwall, Southwales, and Northwales, which countries were not easie to be woone, by reason of the thicke woods inuironed with déepe mareshes and waters, and full of high craggie rocks and mounteins.

586. Matt. West. In the year 586, Careticus, a promoter of civil war, succeeded Malgo, who was an enemy of God and the Britains. When the English and Saxon kings saw his instability, they united and rose against him. After many battles, they drove him from city to city until they finally confronted him in a decisive battle, pushing him beyond the Severn River into Wales. As a result, clerks and priests were forced out of their positions with swords flashing everywhere, and fire crackled in churches, consuming them. The remaining Britains withdrew to the western parts of the land, specifically Cornwall and Wales. From these regions, they often launched attacks and uprisings against the Saxons, who had taken over most of the land, leaving the Britains with only three provinces: Cornwall, South Wales, and North Wales. These regions were difficult to conquer because of the thick woods surrounded by deep marshes and waters, filled with steep, craggy rocks and mountains.

The English and Saxon kings hauing thus remooued the Britains, inlarged the bounds of their dominions. There reigned in that season within this land, beside the Britaine kings, eight kings of the English and Saxon nations, as Ethelbert in Kent, Cissa in Sussex, Ceauline in Westsex, Creda or Crida in Mercia, Erkenwine in Essex, Titila in Estangle, Elle in Deira, and Alfrid in Bernicia. In this sort the Britains lost the possession of the more part of their ancient seats, and the faith of Christ thereby was greatlie decaied: for the churches were destroied; and the archbishops of Caerleon Arwiske, London and Yorke withdrew togither with their cleargie into the mounteins and woods within Wales, taking with them the reliks of saints, doubting the same should be destroied by the enimies, and themselues put to death if they should abide in their old habitations. Manie also fled into Britaine Armorike with a great fléete of ships, so that the whole church or congregation (as ye may call it) of the two prouinces, Loegria and Northumberland, was left desolate in that season, to the great hinderance and decaie of the christian religion. Careticus was driuen into Wales (as before is rehearsed) about the second or third yéere of his reigne, and there continued with his Britains, the which ceassed not to indamage the Saxons from time to time as occasion still serued.

The English and Saxon kings, having removed the Britons, expanded their territories. At that time, alongside the British kings, there were eight kings from the English and Saxon nations: Ethelbert in Kent, Cissa in Sussex, Ceauline in Wessex, Creda or Crida in Mercia, Erkenwine in Essex, Titila in East Anglia, Elle in Deira, and Alfrid in Bernicia. In this way, the Britons lost most of their ancient lands, and the Christian faith significantly declined: churches were destroyed, and the archbishops of Caerleon, London, and York, along with their clergy, retreated to the mountains and forests of Wales, taking the relics of saints with them, fearing they would be destroyed by enemies and that they themselves would be killed if they stayed in their old homes. Many also fled to Brittany with a large fleet of ships, leaving the entire church or congregation (as you could call it) of the two provinces, Loegria and Northumberland, desolate at that time, which greatly hindered and diminished the Christian religion. Careticus was driven into Wales (as mentioned before) about the second or third year of his reign and stayed there with his Britons, who continued to harass the Saxons whenever the opportunity arose.

But here is to be noted, that the Britains being thus remoued into Wales and Cornwall, were gouerned afterwards by thrée kings, or rather tyrants, the which ceased not with ciuill warre to seeke others Wil. Malm. destruction, till finallie (as saith the British booke) they became all subiect vnto Cadwallo, whome Beda nameth Cedwallo. In the meane time, Ceaulinus or Cheuling king of the Westsaxons, through his owne misgouernance and tyrannie, which towards his latter daies he practised, did procure not onelie the Britains, but also his owne subiects to conspire his death, so that ioining in battell with his aduersaries at Wodensdic, in the 33 yeare of his reigne, his armie was discomfited, and he himselfe constreined to depart into exile, and shortlie after ended his life before he could find meanes to be restored.

But it should be noted that the Britons, after moving to Wales and Cornwall, were later ruled by three kings, or rather tyrants, who never stopped fighting among themselves and seeking each other's destruction, until finally (as the British book states) they all submitted to Cadwallo, whom Bede refers to as Cedwallo. In the meantime, Ceaulinus or Cheuling, king of the West Saxons, due to his own mismanagement and tyranny in his later years, caused not only the Britons but also his own subjects to plot against him. As a result, when he faced his enemies at Wodensdic in the 33rd year of his reign, his army was defeated, and he was forced into exile. Shortly after, he died before he could find a way to return.

¶ So that we haue here a mirror or liuelie view of a tyrant and a king, wherein there is no lesse ods in the manner of their gouernement, than there is repugnance in their names, or difference in their states. For he seeth but little into the knowledge of toongs, that vnderstandeth not what the office of a king should be, by the composition of his name, the same sounding in Gréeke βάσιλευς, which being resolued is in effect βάσις λά, that is, the foundation or stay of the people; from which qualitie when he resulteth, he maketh shipwracke of that goodlie title, and degenerateth into a tyrant, than the which violent and inforced gouernement as there is none more perillous, so is it of all other the least in continuance: this is prooued by historicall obseruation through the course of this historie.

¶ Here, we have a clear reflection of a tyrant and a king, where the differences in their governing styles are as stark as the contrasts in their names or positions. Anyone who understands the meaning of languages should recognize what the role of a king should be, based on the very composition of his name, which in Greek βάσιλευς essentially translates to βάσις λά, meaning the foundation or support of the people. When a king strays from this quality, he completely undermines that noble title and devolves into a tyrant. Such a forceful and oppressive rule is the most dangerous and is also the least sustainable, as historical observation throughout this narrative clearly demonstrates.


[Page 590]

[Page 590]

Ceolric reigneth ouer the Westsaxons, the Saxons and Britains incounter, Ethelbert king of Kent subdueth the Englishsaxons, he is maried to the French kings daughter vpon cautions of religion, the king imbraceth the gospell, Augustine the moonke and others were sent into this Ile to preach the christian faith, the occasion that moued Gregorie the great to send him, buieng and selling of boies, the Englishmen called Angli commended, Ethelbert causeth Augustine and his fellowes to come before him, they preach to the king and his traine, he granteth them a conuenient seat and competent reliefe in Canturburie, the maner of their going thither and their behauiour there, the king and his people receiue the christian faith, and are baptised.

Ceolric rules over the West Saxons. The Saxons and Britons clash, while Ethelbert, the king of Kent, conquers the English Saxons. He is married to the daughter of the French king under conditions of faith. The king embraces the gospel, and Augustine the monk, along with others, is sent to this island to preach Christianity. This was the reason that moved Gregory the Great to send him, buying and selling boys, commending the Englishmen called Angli. Ethelbert invites Augustine and his companions to come before him; they preach to the king and his court. He grants them a suitable place and necessary support in Canterbury. They travel there and conduct themselves accordingly. The king and his people accept the Christian faith and are baptized.

THE XIX. CHAPTER.

CELRIC. Now after Cheuling, his nephue Celricus or Ceolric that was sonne vnto Cutwine, the sonne of the foresaid Cheuling, reigned as king ouer the Westsaxons fiue yeares & fiue moneths. In like manner the same yeare died Ella or Alla king of Northumberland, after whome succéeded Ethelricus the sonne of Ida, and reigned but fiue yeares, being a man well growne in yeares before he came to be king. About thrée yeeres after this, the Saxons & Britains fought a battell at Wodenesbourne, where the Britains being ranged in good order, the Saxons set vpon them boldlie indéed, but disorderedlie, so that the victorie remained with the Britains. The Saxons the more valiant they had shewed themselues in battell, before that time, so much the more slow and vntowardlie did they shew themselues now in running awaie to saue themselues, so that an huge number of them were slaine. Also about the same time died Crida 594. king of Mercia 594, after whome his sonne Wibbas or Wipha succeeded. And after the deceasse of Ethelric, one Edelbert or Edelfride surnamed the wild, succéeded in gouernement of the Northumbers. But to returne to our purpose.

CELRIC. After Cheuling, his nephew Celric, or Ceolric, who was the son of Cutwine, the son of the aforementioned Cheuling, reigned as king over the West Saxons for five years and five months. In the same year, Ella, or Alla, king of Northumberland, died, and Ethelric, the son of Ida, succeeded him, ruling for only five years and being quite old by the time he became king. About three years later, the Saxons and Britons fought a battle at Wodenesbourne. The Britons were arranged well, while the Saxons attacked them boldly, but in a disorganized way, leading to victory for the Britons. The more courageous the Saxons had shown themselves in previous battles, the slower and more reluctant they were to flee this time, resulting in a huge number of them being killed. Also, around the same time, Crida, king of Mercia, died in 594, after which his son Wibbas, or Wipha, took over. Following Ethelric's death, a man named Edelbert, or Edelfride, known as the Wild, took control of the Northumbrians. But let's return to our main topic.

Ethelbert king of Kent, not discouraged with the euill chance which happened in the beginning, but rather occasioned thereby to learne more Beda.
Will. Malmes.
experience in feats of warre, prooued so perfect a maister therein, that in processe of time he subdued by force of armes all those English Saxons which lay betwixt the bounds of his countrie, and the riuer of Humber. Also to haue friendship in forraine parts, he procured a wife for himselfe of the French nation, named the ladie Bertha, being king Cheriberts daughter of France; but with condition, that he should permit hir to continue and vse the rites and lawes of christian faith and religion, and to haue a bishop whose name was Luidhard, appointed to come and remaine with hir here in this land for hir better instruction in the lawes of the Lord. So that they two with other of the French nation that came ouer with them remaining in the court, and vsing to serue God in praiers and otherwise, according to the custome of the christian religion, began vndoubtedlie to giue light to the kings mind as yet darkned with the clouds of paganisme, so as the bright beames of the celestiall cléerenes of vnderstanding remooued the thicke mists of his vnbeléefe in tract of time, and prepared his heart to the receiuing of the gospell, which after by heauenlie prouidence was preached to him, by occasion, and in maner as followeth.

Ethelbert, king of Kent, wasn’t discouraged by the bad luck he faced at first. Instead, he used it as an opportunity to learn more about military skills. Over time, he became such a master at warfare that he conquered all the English Saxons between his kingdom and the River Humber. To establish friendly ties with foreign lands, he arranged to marry a woman from France named Bertha, who was the daughter of King Cheribert. However, he agreed to this only on the condition that she could continue practicing her Christian faith and that a bishop named Luidhard would come to stay with her in his land to help instruct her in the ways of the Lord. With Bertha and other visitors from France at his court, who prayed and served God according to Christian customs, they undoubtedly began to enlighten the king's mind, which was still clouded by paganism. Over time, the brilliant rays of heavenly understanding cleared away the thick fog of his unbelief and prepared his heart to receive the Gospel, which, by divine intervention, was eventually preached to him, as follows.

Beda.
Matth. West. saith 596.
47 saith the same author. In the yeare of our Lord 596, which was about the 14 yeare of the reigne of the emperour Mauricius, and after the comming of the English Saxons into this land, about an 147 yeares almost complet, the bishop of Rome, Gregorie the first of that name, and surnamed Magnus, sent Augustinus a moonke, with certeine other learned men into this Ile to preach the christian faith vnto the English Saxons, which nation as yet had not receiued the gospell. And here we hold it necessarie to shew how it is recorded by diuer writers, that the first occasion whereby Gregorie was mooued thus to send Augustine into this land, rose by this meanes.

Beda. Matth. West. says 596. 47 says the same writer. In the year of our Lord 596, during the 14th year of Emperor Maurice's reign, and about 147 years after the arrival of the English Saxons in this land, Pope Gregory I, also known as Gregory the Great, sent Augustine, a monk, along with several other learned men to this island to preach the Christian faith to the English Saxons, a nation that had not yet received the gospel. Here we find it necessary to explain how various writers record that the initial reason Gregory was moved to send Augustine to this land arose in this way.

Beda.
Will. Malmes.
It chanced (whilest the same Gregorie was as yet but archdeacon of the see of Rome) certeine yoong boies were brought thither to bee sold out of Northumberland, according to the accustomable vse of that countrie, in somuch that as we haue in our time séene (saith W. Mal.) the people[Page 591] of that prouince haue not yet doubted to sell awaie their néere kinsfolke for a small price. When those children which at that time were brought from thence to Rome, had by reason of their excellent beauties and comelie shape of lims and bodie, turned the eies in maner Vita Gregorii.
magni.
of all the citizens to the beholding of them, it fortuned that Gregorie also came amongst other to behold them, and when he considered and well viewed their faire skins, their swéet visages, and beautifull bushes of their bright and yeallow heares, he demanded out of what region or land they came? Vnto whome answere was made, that they were brought out of Britaine, the inhabitants of which countrie were of the like beautifull aspect. Then he asked whether the men of that countrie were christians, or as yet intangled with blind heathenish errors? Wherevnto it was answered, that they were not christened, but followed the religion of the Gentiles. Whereat Gregorie fetching a déepe sigh, said: Ah, alas that the author of darkenesse dooth as yet possesse men of so brightsome countenances, and that with the grace of such faire shining visages, they beare about minds void of inward grace.

Beda.
Will. Malmes.
Once, when Gregorius was still just the archdeacon of Rome, a group of young boys from Northumberland was brought there to be sold, which was a common practice in that region. As we have seen in our time (according to W. Mal.), the people of that province have not hesitated to sell their close relatives for a small price. When those children arrived in Rome, their exceptional beauty and well-proportioned bodies caught the attention of almost all the citizens. It happened that Gregorius came to see them as well, and after he observed their fair skin, sweet faces, and beautiful bright yellow hair, he asked where they were from. He was told they came from Britain, where the people were similarly attractive. He then inquired whether the people of that land were Christians or still caught up in pagan beliefs. He was informed that they had not been baptized and followed the religion of the Gentiles. At this, Gregorius let out a deep sigh and said: "Oh, how unfortunate that the author of darkness still possesses people with such bright appearances, and that with the blessing of such beautiful faces, they carry hearts devoid of inner grace."

"Moreouer he demanded by what name the people were called, whereto answere was made, that they were called Angli, that is to say Englishmen. Right woorthilie (saith he) for they haue angels faces, and such as ought to be made fellow-heires with angels in heauen. Then asked he the name of the prouince from whence they were brought, and it was told him they were of Deira. It is well (said he) they are to be deliuered "De ira dei," that is to say, from the ire and wrath of God, and called to the mercie of Christ our Lord. What name (said he) hath the king of that prouince? Wherevnto answere was made that he was called Alla, wherevpon alluding to that name, he said, Alleluia ought to be soong in those parts to the praise and honor of God the creator."

"Furthermore, he asked what the people were called, to which the response was that they were called Angli, meaning Englishmen. Truly (he said), they deserve that name because they have angelic faces and are destined to be fellow heirs with angels in heaven. He then inquired about the name of the province from which they came, and it was told to him that they were from Deira. That's good (he said); they are to be delivered 'De ira dei,' which means from the anger and wrath of God, and called to the mercy of Christ our Lord. What name (he asked) does the king of that province have? The answer given was that he was called Alla, to which he replied, Alleluia should be sung in those parts to the praise and honor of God the creator."

Pelagius the second. Will. Malmes. Herevpon comming to Benedict the first of that name (as then bishop of Rome) he required him that some learned men might be sent into England to preach the gospell vnto the Englishmen, offering himselfe to be one of the number. But though Benedict was contented to grant his request, Pelagius. yet the Romans had him in such estimation, that they would not consent that he should depart so farre from the citie, so that by them he was at that time staied of that his godlie purpose. Howbeit when he came to be bishop, he thought to performe it though not by himselfe, yet by other: and so Augustine and his fellowes were sent by him about it (as before is said.) By the way, as they were passing in their iournie, such a sudden feare entred into their hearts, that (as some write) they M. Fox. returned all. Others write, that Augustine was sent backe to Gregorie, to sue that they might be released of that voiage so dangerous and vncerteine amongst such a barbarous people, whose language they neither knew, nor whose rudenesse they were able to resist. Then Gregorie with pithie perswasions confirming and comforting him, sent him againe with letters vnto the bishop of Arles, willing him to helpe and aid the said Austine and his companie in all what so euer his néede required. Also other letters he directed by the foresaid Austine vnto his fellowes, exhorting them to go forward boldlie in the Lords woorke, as by the tenor of the said epistle here following may appeare.

Pelagius II. Will. Malmes. When he approached Benedict, the first of that name (who was then the bishop of Rome), he asked him to send some educated men to England to preach the gospel to the English, offering himself to be one of them. Though Benedict was willing to grant his request, Pelagius. the Romans valued him so much that they wouldn’t allow him to travel so far from the city, and so they held him back from his noble intention at that time. However, when he later became bishop, he intended to fulfill this mission, if not by himself, then through others: and so Augustine and his companions were sent by him for this purpose (as mentioned before). On the way, as they were traveling, a sudden fear gripped their hearts, leading some to say that they M. Fox. returned. Others say that Augustine was sent back to Gregory to plead for their release from such a dangerous and uncertain journey among a barbarous people, whose language they did not know and whose hostility they could not withstand. Gregory, with persuasive words of encouragement, sent him back with letters to the bishop of Arles, instructing him to support and help Augustine and his companions with whatever they might need. He also sent other letters with Augustine to his fellow travelers, urging them to proceed boldly in the Lord’s work, as can be seen in the content of the following letter.

"Gregorie the seruant of Gods servants, to the seruants of our Lord.

"Gregorie, the servant of God's servants, to the servants of our Lord."

"For as much as it is better not to take good things in hand, than after they be begun, to thinke to reuolt backe from the same againe, therefore now you may not nor cannot (dere children) but with all feruent studie and labour must needs go forward in that good businesse, which thorough the helpe of God you haue well begun. Neither let the wearisomnesse of your iournie, nor the slanderous toongs of men appall you, but that with all instance and feruencie ye proceed and accomplish the thing which the Lord hath ordeined you to take in hand, knowing that your great trauell shall be recompensed with reward of greater glorie hereafter to come. Therefore as we send here Austine to you againe, whome also we haue ordeined to be your gouernour, so doo you[Page 592] humblie obey him in all things, knowing that it shall be profitable for your soules what soeuer at his admonition ye shall doo. Almightie God with his grace defend you, and grant me to see in the eternall countrie the fruit of your labours, though heere I cannot labour in the same fellowship with you togither. The Lord God keepe you safe most deere and welbeloued children. Dated the tenth before the kalends of August, in the reigne of our souereigne lord Mauricius most vertuous emperor, the fourtenth of his empire."

"Since it's better not to start with good things than to try to turn back once you've begun, you must, dear children, fully commit yourselves with all your effort and dedication to the good work that, with God's help, you've started well. Don't let the weariness of your journey or the harsh words of others frighten you. Instead, move forward with determination and passion to accomplish what the Lord has called you to do, knowing that your hard work will be rewarded with greater glory in the future. Therefore, as we send Austin back to you, whom we've also appointed as your governor, you should humbly obey him in everything, understanding that whatever he advises will be beneficial for your souls. May Almighty God protect you with His grace and allow me to see the fruits of your labor in the eternal kingdom, even though I cannot labor alongside you here. May the Lord God keep you safe, my dear and beloved children. Dated the tenth before the Kalends of August, in the reign of our sovereign Lord Mauritius, the most virtuous emperor, the fourteenth year of his rule."

Thus emboldned and comforted through the good woords and wholesome exhortation of Gregorie, they set forward againe, and spéeding foorth their iournie, first arriued at the Ile of Thanet in Kent in the moneth of Iulie, being in number about fortie persons, of the which diuerse were interpretors, whome they brought with them out of France. These they sent vnto king Ethelbert, signifieng the occasion of their comming, who hearing the messengers within a few daies after, went into that Ile, and there abroad out of anie house sat downe, and caused Augustine and his fellowes to come before him, for he would not come vnder anie roofe with them, sore doubting to be bewitched by them, being persuaded that they were practised in nigromancie. But they comming to him, not by the power of the diuell (as they said) but by the might and power of almightie God, bearing in stéed of a banner a The seuenfold letanies of S. Gregorie were not yet deuised. crosse of siluer, and an image of our Lord and Sauiour painted in a table, and thereto singing the letanies, made intercession vnto the Lord for the euerlasting preseruation of themselues, and of all them for whome and to whome they came.

Thus encouraged and comforted by the good words and healthy encouragement of Gregory, they set off again and swiftly continued their journey, first arriving at the Isle of Thanet in Kent in July, numbering about forty people, some of whom were interpreters that they had brought with them from France. They sent these to King Ethelbert, conveying the reason for their visit. A few days later, he came to the island and, sitting outside of any house, summoned Augustine and his companions to come before him, as he was hesitant to enter any roof with them, deeply fearing they might bewitch him, believing they practiced sorcery. But when they approached him, it was not by the power of the devil, as he thought, but by the might and power of Almighty God, carrying instead of a banner a silver cross and an image of our Lord and Savior painted on a panel, and while singing the litanies, they interceded with the Lord for the everlasting preservation of themselves and all those for whom they had come.

Now when they being set downe by commandement of the king, had preached the woord of life to him, and to all those that came thither with him, he made them this answer, that their woords and promises were good: but for as much as the same were new & vncerteine to him that had béen brought vp in the contrarie doctrine, he could not rashlie assent to their admonitions, & leaue that beléefe which he and the English nation had so long a time obserued and kept: but (said he) because ye haue trauelled farre, to the intent to make vs partakers of those things which ye beléeue to be most true and perfect, we will thus much graunt vnto you, that ye shall be receiued into this countrie, and haue harbrough, with all things sufficient found vnto you for your maintenance and sustentation: neither will we hinder you, but that ye may by preaching associat and ioine as manie of our subiects as you can vnto your law and beléefe. They had therefore assigned vnto them a place to lodge in within the citie of Canturburie, which was the head citie of all his dominion. It is said that as they approched the citie according to their maner, they had a crosse borne before them, with an image of our Lord Iesus Christ, and they followed, singing this letanie, "Deprecamur te Domine in omni misericordia tua, vt auferatur furor tuus & ira tua à ciuitate ista & de domo sancta tua, quoniam peccauimus: Alleluia." That is to say, We beseech thee Ô Lord in all thy mercie that thy furie and wrath may be taken from this citie, and from thy holie house, for we haue sinned. Praise be to thee Ô Beda.
Matth. West.
Lord.—After they were receiued into Canturburie, they began to follow the trade of life which the apostles vsed in the primitiue church, that is to say, exercising themselues in continuall praier, watching, and preaching to as manie as they could, despising all worldlie things, as not belonging to them, receiuing onelie of them (whome they taught) things necessarie for the sustenance of their life, & liuing in all points according to the doctrine which they set forth, hauing their minds readie to suffer in patience all aduersities what so euer, yea and death it selfe, for the confirming of that which they now The christian faith receiued of the Englishmen. preached. Herevpon, manie of the English people beléeued and were baptised, hauing in great reuerence the simplicitie of those men, and the swéetenesse of their heauenlie doctrine. There was a church néere to the citie on the east part thereof dedicated to the honor of saint Martine, and builded of old time whilest the Romans as yet inhabited Britaine, in the which the quéene, being (as we haue said) a christian, vsed to make hir praiers. To this church Austine and his fellowes at their first comming accustomed to resort, and there to sing, to praie, to saie masse, to preach and to baptise, till at length the king being conuerted, granted them licence to preach in euerie place, and to build[Page 593] and restore churches where they thought good. After that the king being persuaded by their doctrine, good examples giuing, and diuers miracles shewed, was once baptised, the people in great numbers began to giue eare vnto the preaching of the gospell, and renouncing their heathenish Lib. 7. cap. 26. beléefe, became christians, in so much that as Gregorie remembreth, there were baptised ten thousand persons in one day, being the feast of the natiuitie of our Sauiour 597, and the first indiction.

Now, when they were seated by the king's command and had preached the word of life to him and all those who came with him, he replied that their words and promises were good. However, since they were new and uncertain to him, having been raised in a different doctrine, he couldn't hastily agree to their advice and abandon the belief that he and the English nation had long held. But, he said, since you have traveled far to share with us what you believe to be the most true and perfect, we will grant you this: you shall be welcomed into this country, and you will have shelter, with all you need for your maintenance and support. We will not stop you from preaching and joining as many of our subjects as you can to your law and belief. Therefore, a place was assigned to them to stay in the city of Canterbury, which was the main city of his dominion. It is said that as they approached the city, they followed their tradition with a cross carried before them, displaying an image of our Lord Jesus Christ, and they sang this litany: "We beseech you, O Lord, in all your mercy, that your fury and wrath may be removed from this city and from your holy house, for we have sinned: Alleluia." That is to say, we ask you, O Lord, in all your mercy, that your anger and wrath may be taken away from this city and from your holy house, because we have sinned. Praise be to you, O Lord. — After they were received into Canterbury, they began to live as the apostles did in the early church, which means they dedicated themselves to continuous prayer, watching, and preaching to as many as they could, disregarding all worldly matters as they did not concern them, receiving only what was necessary for their sustenance from those they taught, and living in all respects according to the doctrine they preached, ready to endure patiently all adversities, even death itself, to uphold what they now preached. Many of the English people believed and were baptized, having great respect for the simplicity of those men and the sweetness of their heavenly message. There was a church nearby to the east of the city dedicated to the honor of Saint Martin, built long ago while the Romans were still inhabiting Britain, where the queen, being a Christian as we have stated, used to pray. To this church Augustine and his companions would regularly come, singing, praying, celebrating Mass, preaching, and baptizing, until eventually the king was converted, granting them permission to preach everywhere and to build and restore churches as they saw fit. After the king was persuaded by their teachings, good examples, and various miracles shown, he was baptized; many people began to listen to the preaching of the gospel, renouncing their pagan beliefs and becoming Christians, so much so that, as Gregory recalls, there were ten thousand baptized in one day, on the feast of the Nativity of our Savior in 597, during the first indiction.

Polychron. ¶ Some write how this should chance toward the latter end of Augustines daies, after he was admitted to preach the gospell amongst them that inhabited about Yorke (as some write) which affirme, that the said number of ten thousand was baptised in the riuer of Suale, which (as W. Harison saith) cannot be verified, because of the indiction and death of Gregorie. But to procéed.

Polychron. ¶ Some write about how this happened toward the end of Augustine's days, after he was allowed to preach the gospel among the people living around York (as some say). They claim that the ten thousand people were baptized in the River Swale, but, as W. Harison points out, this cannot be verified due to the timing and death of Gregory. But to continue.


Religion is not to be inforced but perswaded and preached, Augustine is made archbishop of England, Gregorie informeth Augustine of certeine ordinances to be made and obserued in the new English church, as the reuenewes of the church to be diuided into foure parts, of liturgie, of mariage, of ecclesiasticall discipline and ordeining of bishops: trifling questions objected by Augustine to Gregorie, fellow helpers are sent ouer to assist. Augustine in his ministerie, he receiueth his pall, reformation must be doone by little and little, not to glorie in miracles, the effect of Gregories letters to K. Ethelbert after his conuersion to christianitie.

Religion should be encouraged, not forced. Augustine becomes the archbishop of England, and Gregory informs Augustine about certain rules that need to be established and followed in the new English church. The church's revenues should be divided into four parts: liturgy, marriage, ecclesiastical discipline, and the ordination of bishops. Augustine raises trivial questions to Gregory, and additional helpers are sent over to assist him in his ministry. He receives his pall, and reform must happen gradually; there's no need to boast about miracles. This is the impact of Gregory's letters to King Ethelbert after his conversion to Christianity.

THE XX. CHAPTER.

Beda. lib. 1. cap. 26. and 27. King Ethelbert reioised at the conuersion of his people, howbeit he would not force anie man to be baptised, but onelie shewed by his behauiour, that he fauored those that beléeued more than other, as fellow citizens with him of the heauenlie kingdome: for he learned of them that had instructed him in the faith, that the obedience due to Christ ought not to be inforced, but to come of good will. Moreouer he prouided for Augustine and his fellowes a conuenient place for their habitation within the citie of Canturburie, and further gaue them Augustine ordeined archbishop of the English nation. necessarie reuenewes in possession for their maintenance. After that the faith of Christ was thus receiued of the English men, Augustine went into France, and there of the archbishop of Arles named Etherius was ordeined archbishop of the English nation, according to the order prescribed by Gregorie before the departure of the said Augustine from Rome.

Beda. lib. 1. cap. 26 and 27. King Ethelbert was pleased with the conversion of his people, but he didn’t force anyone to be baptized. Instead, he showed through his actions that he favored those who believed, considering them as fellow citizens in the kingdom of heaven. He learned from those who taught him about faith that obedience to Christ should not be enforced, but should come from a willing heart. Additionally, he arranged a suitable place for Augustine and his companions to live within the city of Canterbury, and he also provided them with Augustine was appointed as the archbishop of the English nation. necessary revenue for their support. After the English people received the faith of Christ, Augustine traveled to France, where he was ordained archbishop of the English nation by Etherius, the archbishop of Arles, following the process established by Gregory before Augustine left Rome.

Laurence a priest. After his returne into Britaine, he sent Laurence a priest, and Péeter a moonke vnto Rome, to giue knowledge vnto Gregorie the bishop, how the Englishmen had receiued the faith, and that he was ordeined archbishop of the land, according to that he had commanded, if the woorke prospered vnder his hand as it had doone. He also required to haue Gregories aduice touching certéine ordinances to be made and obserued in the new church of England. Wherevpon Gregorie, sending backe the messengers, wrote an answere vnto all his demands. And first touching the conuersation of archbishops with the clergie, and in what sort the church goods ought to be imploied, he declared that the ancient custome of the apostolike see was to giue commandement vnto bishops ordeined, The reuenewes of the church to be diuided into 4. parts. that the profits and reuenewes of their benefices ought to be diuided into foure parts, whereof the first should be appointed to the bishop and his familie for the maintenance of hospitalitie: the second should be assigned to the clergie: the third giuen to the poore: and the fourth imploied vpon repairing of temples.

Laurence a priest. After his return to Britain, he sent Laurence a priest and Peter a monk to Rome to inform Gregory the bishop about how the English had embraced the faith and that he had been appointed archbishop of the land, as he had commanded, if the work was successful under his guidance as it had been. He also asked for Gregory's advice regarding certain rules to be established and followed in the new church of England. In response, Gregory sent back the messengers with an answer to all his inquiries. First, regarding the conduct of archbishops with the clergy and how the church's resources should be used, he stated that the ancient custom of the apostolic see was to instruct bishops that the profits and revenues of their benefices should be divided into four parts. The first part should be allocated to the bishop and his household for the maintenance of hospitality; the second should be assigned to the clergy; the third given to the poor; and the fourth used for repairing places of worship.

Liturgie. And whereas in the church of Rome one custome in saieng masse or the Church seruice. liturgie was obserued, and another custome in France; concerning such church seruice, Gregorie aduised Austine that if he found anie thing[Page 594] either in the church of Rome, either in the church of France, or in anie other church which might most please the almightie God, he should diligentlie choose it out, and instruct the church of England (now being new) according to that forme which he should gather foorth of the said churches: for the things are not loued for the places sake, but the places for the things sake. Also for punishing of such as had Such as did steale. stolen things out of churches, so néere as might be, the offender should be chastised in charitie, so as he might know his fault, and (if it were possible) restore the thing taken away.

Worship service. In the church of Rome, there was one custom for saying Mass or the Worship service. liturgy, while another custom was followed in France. Regarding this church service, Gregory advised Augustine that if he found anything [Page 594] either in the church of Rome, the church of France, or any other church that might please Almighty God the most, he should carefully select it and instruct the church of England (which was newly established) according to the practices he gathered from those churches: because things are not valued for the places they are found in, but places are valued for the things they hold. Also, for punishing those who had stolen items from churches, the offender should be corrected with compassion, so that they could recognize their wrongdoing and, if possible, return what they had taken.

Mariages. And touching degrées in mariage, Englishmen might take to their wiues, women that touched them in the third and fourth degrée without reprehension, and if any vnlawfull mariages were found amongst the Englishmen, as if the sonne had maried the fathers wife, or the brother the brothers wife, they ought to be warned in anie wise to absteine, and vnderstand it to be a gréeuous sinne: yet should they not for that thing be depriued of the communion of the bodie and bloud of our Lord, least those things might séeme to be punished in them wherein they had offended (before their conuersion to the christian faith) by ignorance; Discipline of the church. for at this season the church (saith he) correcteth some things of a feruent earnestnesse, suffreth some things of a gentle mildnes, and dissembleth some things of a prudent consideration, and so beareth and winketh at the same, that oftentimes the euill which she abhorreth by such bearing and dissembling, is restrained and reformed.

Weddings. Regarding degrees of marriage, Englishmen could marry women related to them up to the third and fourth degree without any issue. If any unlawful marriages were found among the English, such as a son marrying his father's wife or a brother marrying his brother's wife, they should be warned to abstain and recognize it as a serious sin. However, they shouldn't be denied communion of the body and blood of our Lord, as it might seem unfair to punish them for actions committed in ignorance before their conversion to the Christian faith. Church discipline. For at this time, the church (he says) corrects some things with great seriousness, tolerates some things with gentle kindness, and overlooks some things with wise consideration, so that often the evils it despises are controlled and corrected through such tolerance and oversight.

Ordeining of bishops. Moreouer touching the ordeining of bishops, he would they should be so placed, that the distance of place might not be a let, but that when a bishop should be consecrated, there might be thrée or foure present. Also touching the bishops of France, he willed Augustine in no wise to intermeddle with them, otherwise than by exhortation and good admonition to be giuen, but not to presume anie thing by authoritie, sith the archbishop of Arles had receiued the pall in times past, whose authoritie he might not diminish, least he should séeme to put his sickle into another mans haruest. But as for the bishops of Britaine, he committed them vnto him, that the vnlearned might be taught, the weake with wholesome persuasions strengthened, and the froward by Women with child. authoritie reformed. Moreouer, that a woman with child might be baptised, and she that was deliuered after 33 daies of a manchild, and after 46 daies of a womanchild, should be purified, but yet might she enter the church before, if she would.

Bishop ordination. Moreover, regarding the ordination of bishops, he wanted them to be appointed in a way that distance wouldn’t be a barrier, so that when a bishop was to be consecrated, there would be three or four present. Also, concerning the bishops of France, he instructed Augustine not to interfere with them, except through encouragement and good guidance, but not to act with authority, since the Archbishop of Arles had received the pall in the past, and he should not undermine that authority, lest he appear to be intruding in someone else's affairs. However, for the bishops of Britain, he entrusted them to him, so that the uneducated could be taught, the weak could be strengthened with sound advice, and the stubborn could be corrected with authority. Furthermore, a pregnant woman could be baptized, and a woman who gave birth to a boy could be purified after 33 days, while after 46 days for a girl, but she could enter the church beforehand if she wished.

Matters in question about trifles.

Questions about trivial matters.

The residue of Augustines demands consisted in these points, to wit:

The remaining demands from Augustine included the following points:

1 Within what space a child should be christened after it was borne, for doubt to be preuented by death?

1 How soon should a child be baptized after birth to avoid the risk of death?

2 Within what time a man might companie with his wife after she was brought to bed?

2 How soon can a man be with his wife after she has given birth?

3 Whether a woman, hauing hir floures, might enter the church, or receiue the communion?

3 Whether a woman, having her flowers, might enter the church, or receive communion?

4 Whether a man hauing had companie with his wife, might enter the church, or receiue the communion before he was washed with water?

4 Whether a man who has been intimate with his wife might enter the church or receive communion before he was washed with water?

5 Whether after pollusion by night in dreames, a man might receiue the communion: or if he were a priest, whether he might say masse?

5 Whether a person could receive communion after being polluted by dreams at night, or if a priest could say mass in such a state?

To these questions Gregorie maketh answere at full in the booke and place before cited, which for bréefenesse we passe ouer. He sent also at that time with the messengers aforesaid, at their returne into England, diuers learned men to helpe Augustine in the haruest of Assistance to Augustine.
The pall.
the Lord. The names of the chiefest were these, Melitus, Iustus, Paulinus, and Ruffinianus. He sent allso the pall, which is the ornament of an archbishop, with vessels and apparell which should be vsed in churches by the archbishop and other ministers. He sent also with the pall other letters to Augustine, to let him vnderstand what number of bishops he would haue him to ordeine within this land. Also after that Melitus, and the other before mentioned persons were departed from Rome, he sent a letter vnto the same Melitus, being yet on his way toward Britaine, touching further matter concerning the Bearing with them that had newlie receiued the faith, whereof superstition grew and increased. churches of England, wherein he confesseth that manie things are permitted to be vsed of the people latelie brought from the errors of gentilitie, in keeping feasts on the dedication daies, which haue resemblance with the old superstitious rites of the Pagan religion. For[Page 595] to hard and obstinate minds (saith he) it is not possible to cut away all things at once, for he that coueteth to the highest place, goeth vp by steps and not by leaps.

To these questions, Gregorie gives a complete answer in the previously cited book and section, which for brevity, we will skip. He also sent several learned men with the aforementioned messengers on their return to England to assist Augustine in the Lord's work. The main names included Melitus, Iustus, Paulinus, and Ruffinianus. He also sent the pall, the ceremonial vestment of an archbishop, along with vessels and clothing to be used in churches by the archbishop and other ministers. Additionally, he sent letters to Augustine to inform him of how many bishops he wanted him to ordain in this land. After Melitus and the others had departed from Rome, he sent a letter to Melitus, who was still on his way to Britain, addressing further matters concerning the churches of England. In this letter, he admits that many customs are allowed among people recently brought away from pagan errors, such as celebrating feasts on dedication days, which resemble the old superstitious rites of paganism. For to stubborn and resistant minds, he says, it is impossible to remove everything at once; the one who desires the highest place ascends step by step and not in leaps.

Miracles. At the same time Gregorie did send letters vnto Augustine touching the miracles, which by report he vnderstood were shewed by the same Augustine, counselling him in no wise to glorie in the same, but rather in reioising to feare, and consider that God gaue him the gift to worke such signes for the wealth of them to whom he was sent to preach the gospell: he aduised him therefore to beware of vaine-glorie and presumption, for the disciples of the truth (saith he) haue no ioy, but onlie that which is common with all men, of which there is no end, for not euerie one that is elect worketh miracles, but euerie of the elect haue their names written in heauen. These letters, with the other which Gregorie sent at this time vnto Augustine, were dated the tenth day of the kalends of Iulie, in the yéere of our Lord 602, which was the 19 yeere of the emperour Mauricius. Moreouer he sent most courteous 602. letters by these messengers to king Ethelbert, in the which he greatlie commended him, in that he had receiued the christian faith, and exhorted him to continue in that most holie state of life, whereby he might worthilie looke for reward at the hands of almightie God.

Miracles. At the same time, Gregory sent letters to Augustine regarding the miracles that he heard were performed by Augustine. He advised him not to take pride in them, but rather to rejoice in humility and remember that God gave him the ability to perform such signs for the benefit of those to whom he was sent to preach the gospel. He cautioned him to be wary of vanity and arrogance, for the followers of the truth (he said) find joy only in what is common to all people, which never ends. Not everyone who is chosen performs miracles, but every elect person has their name written in heaven. These letters, along with others that Gregory sent to Augustine at this time, were dated the 10th day before the Kalends of July in the year of our Lord 602, which was the 19th year of Emperor Maurice. Furthermore, he sent very courteous letters through these messengers to King Ethelbert, greatly praising him for accepting the Christian faith and encouraging him to remain in that most holy way of life, so that he might rightly expect a reward from Almighty God.


What reparations and foundations Augustine finished for clergimen to the supportation of the church, the building of Paules in London and saint Peters in Westminster vncerteine, a prouinciall councell called by Augustine, he restoreth a blind man to his sight, the Britains are hardlie weaned from their old custome of beliefe, an heremits opinion of Augustine, he requireth three things to be obserued of the Britains, he ordeineth bishops at London and Rochester; Sabert reigneth ouer the Eastsaxons, Augustine dieth and is buried.

What reparations and foundations Augustine established for clergymen to support the church, the construction of St. Paul's in London and St. Peter's in Westminster is uncertain. A provincial council called by Augustine restored sight to a blind man. The Britons are reluctant to give up their old beliefs. Augustine, as a hermit, requires three things to be observed by the Britons. He appoints bishops in London and Rochester; Sabert rules over the East Saxons. Augustine dies and is buried.

THE XXJ CHAPTER.

Thus farre we haue waded in the forme and maner of conuerting the English nation to christianitie, by the labours of Augustine and his coadiutors: now therefore (that we may orderlie procéed) it remaineth that we say somewhat of the acts and déeds of the said Augustine; of whom we read, that after he was established archbishop, and had his sée Beda. appointed him at Canturburie, he restored another church in that citie which had béene erected there in times past by certeine of the Romans that were christians, and did dedicate the same now to the honour of Christ our Sauiour. He also began the foundation of a monasterie without that citie, standing toward the east, in the which by his exhortation, king Ethelbert built a church euen from the ground, which was dedicated vnto the holie apostles Peter and Paule, in the which the bodie of the said Augustine was buried, and likewise the bodies of all the archbishops of Canturburie and kings of Kent a long time after. One Peter was the first Abbat. This abbie was called saint Austins after his name, one Peter being the first abbat thereof. The church there was not consecrated by Augustine, but by his successor Laurence, after he was dead.

So far, we've discussed how Augustine and his companions converted the English nation to Christianity. Now, to continue in an orderly manner, we should mention the actions and accomplishments of Augustine. We learn that after he became archbishop and was established in his see at Canterbury, he restored another church in that city that had been built long ago by some Christian Romans, dedicating it to the honor of Christ our Savior. He also started the foundation of a monastery outside the city to the east, where, by his encouragement, King Ethelbert built a church from the ground up, dedicated to the holy apostles Peter and Paul. This is where the body of Augustine was buried, along with the bodies of all the archbishops of Canterbury and the kings of Kent for many years afterward. Peter was the first Abbot. This abbey was called St. Augustine's after him, with Peter being the first abbot. Augustine did not consecrate the church there; that was done by his successor Laurence, after Augustine had died.

Moreouer, king Ethelbert at the motion of Augustine built a church in the citie of London (which he latelie had conquered) and dedicated it vnto saint Paule; but whether he builded or restored this church of saint Paule it may be doubted, for there be diuers opinions of the building thereof. Some haue written that it was first builded by king Ran. Higd. Lud (as before is mentioned.) Other againe write, that it was builded afterward by Sigebert king of the Eastsaxons. Also king Ethelbert builded the church of saint Andrews in Rochester. It is likewise remembred by writers, that the same king Ethelbert procured a citizen Beda. of London to build a church to S. Peter without the citie of London toward the west, in a place then called Thorney, that is to say, the Ran. Higd. Westminster church builded. Ile of thorns, and now called Westminster: though others haue written that it was built by Lucias king of Britaine, or rather by Sibert king of the Eastsaxons. This church was either newlie built, or greatlie inlarged by king Edward surnamed the Confessor, and after that, the[Page 596] third Henrie king of England did make there a beautifull monasterie, and verie richlie indowed the same with great possessions and sumptuous iewels. The place was ouergrowne with vnderwoods, as thornes and brambles, before that the church was begun to be builded there in this king Ethelberts daies. ¶ Thus the faith of Christ being once begun to be receiued of the English men, tooke woonderfull increase within a short time.

Moreover, King Ethelbert, at the suggestion of Augustine, built a church in the city of London (which he had recently conquered) and dedicated it to Saint Paul. However, it is uncertain whether he built or restored this church, as there are various opinions about its construction. Some have written that it was originally built by King Ran. Higd. Lud (as mentioned earlier). Others claim it was built later by Sigebert, the king of the East Saxons. King Ethelbert also built the church of Saint Andrews in Rochester. Writers also note that King Ethelbert encouraged a citizen of London to construct a church dedicated to Saint Peter just outside the city of London, to the west, in a place then called Thorney, which means the Ran. Higd. Westminster church constructed. Isle of Thorns, now known as Westminster. However, others have written that it was built by Lucias, the king of Britain, or rather by Sigebert, king of the East Saxons. This church was either newly built or significantly enlarged by King Edward, who is called the Confessor, and later, King Henry III of England constructed a beautiful monastery there and endowed it richly with substantial possessions and lavish jewels. Before the church was begun during King Ethelbert’s reign, the area was overgrown with underbrush, such as thorns and brambles. ¶ Thus, as the faith of Christ began to be embraced by the English people, it saw remarkable growth in a short time.

Ran. Cest.
Beda.
Sigebertus.
ann. 19 Mauricij imperatoris.
A synod.
Ausines oke.


Galfrid. lib. 8. cap. 4.
In the meane season by the helpe of king Ethelbert, Augustine caused a councell to be called at a place in the confines of the Westsaxons, which place long after was called Austines oke, where he procured the bishops or doctors of the prouinces of the Britains to come before him. Among the Britains or the Welshmen, christianitie as yet remained in force, which from the apostles time had neuer failed in that nation. When Augustine came into this land, he found in their prouinces seuen bishops sées, and an archbishops sée, wherein sat verie godlie & right religious prelats, and manie abbats, in the which the Lords flocke kept their right order: but because they differed in obseruing the feast of Beda lib. 2. ca. 2. Easter, and other rites from the vse of the Romane church, Augustine thought it necessarie to mooue them to agrée with him in vnitie of the same, but after long disputation and reasoning of those matters, they could not be induced to giue their assent in that behalfe. Augustine to prooue his opinion good, wrought a miracle in restoring sight to one of the Saxon nation that was blind.

Ran. Cest.
Beda.
Sigebertus.
Year 19 of Emperor Mauricius.
A synod.
The owl of Ausines.


Galfrid. book 8. chapter 4.
In the meantime, with the help of King Ethelbert, Augustine called a council at a location on the border of the West Saxons, which later became known as Augustine's Oak. Here, he gathered the bishops and scholars from the provinces of Britain to come before him. Among the Britons and the Welsh, Christianity still thrived, which had never failed since the time of the apostles in that nation. When Augustine arrived in this land, he found seven bishoprics and an archbishopric in their provinces, where very godly and devout leaders and many abbots presided, and the lords' congregations maintained their proper order. However, because they disagreed on celebrating Easter and other rites compared to the practices of the Roman Church, Augustine deemed it necessary to encourage them to unite with him in consistency of practice. After much debate and discussion on these matters, they could not be persuaded to agree with him. To prove his point, Augustine performed a miracle by restoring sight to a blind Saxon.

The Britains that were present, mooued with this miracle, confessed that it was the right waie of iustice and righteousnesse which Augustine taught; but yet they said that they might not forsake their ancient customs without consent and licence of their nation. Wherevpon Another synod. they required another synod to be holden, whereat a greater number of them might be present. This being granted, there came (as it is reported) seuen bishops of the Britains, and a great number of learned The monasterie of Bangor.
Abbat Dionoth.
men, speciallie of the famous monasterie of Bangor, whereof in those daies one Dionoth was abbat, who as they went towards that councell, came first to a certeine wise man, which liued amongst them an heremits life, and asked his aduise, whether they ought to forsake their traditions at the preaching of Augustine or not: who made this answer; "If he be the man of God, follow him." Then said they; "How shall we prooue whether he be so or not?" Then said he: "The Lord saith, Take vp The answer of a godlie man touching Austine the Englishmens apostle. my yoke and learne of me, for I am méeke & humble in hart: if Augustine be humble and meeke in hart, it is to be beléeued that he also beareth the yoke of Christ, and offereth it to you to beare; but if he be not méeke but proud, it is certeine that he is not of GOD, nor his woord to be regarded." "And how shall we sée and perceiue that (said they?)" "Find meanes (said he) that he maie first come to the place of the synod with those of his side, and if he arise to receiue you at your comming, then know that he is the seruant of God, and obey him; but if he despise you, and arise not towards you, whereas you be more in number, let him be despised of you."

The Britons who were there, moved by this miracle, acknowledged that what Augustine taught was the true path of justice and righteousness. However, they stated that they could not abandon their ancient customs without the consent and approval of their people. Therefore, Another meeting. they requested another synod to be held, where a larger number of them could be present. This was granted, and (as it’s reported) seven bishops from Britain came, along with many learned Bangor Monastery.
Abbot Dionoth.
men, especially from the famous monastery of Bangor, where a man named Dionoth was the abbot. As they headed toward that council, they first approached a wise man who lived an eremitic life among them and asked for his advice on whether they should abandon their traditions at Augustine's preaching. He replied, "If he is a man of God, follow him." They asked, "How will we know whether he is?" He said: "The Lord says, 'Take my yoke upon you and learn from me, for I am gentle and humble in heart.' If Augustine is humble and gentle in heart, it is to be believed that he also carries the yoke of Christ and offers it to you; but if he is not humble but proud, then he is certainly not of God, and his word should not be regarded." "And how will we see and understand that?" they asked. "Find a way," he said, "for him to arrive at the synod first with his followers. If he stands up to receive you upon your arrival, then know that he is a servant of God and follow him; but if he ignores you and does not stand up, even though you outnumber him, let him be disregarded by you."

They did as he commanded, and it chanced, that when they came, they found Augustine sitting in his chaire: whome when they beheld, straightwaies they conceiued indignation, and noting him of pride, laboured to reprooue all his saiengs. He told them that they vsed manie Thrée things required by Augustine of the Britains to be observed. things contrarie to the custom of the vniuersall church, and yet if in thrée things they would obeie him, that is to say, in kéeping the feast of Easter in due time, in ministring baptisme according to the custome of the Romane church, & in preaching to the Englishmen the woord of life with him & his fellowes, then would he be contented to suffer all other things patientlie which they did, though the same were contrarie to the maners and customs of the Romane iurisdiction. But they flatlie denied to doo anie of those things, and gaue a plaine answer that they would not receiue him for their archbishop: for laieng their heads togither, thus they thought, If he refuse now to arise vnto vs, how much the more will he contemne vs if we should become subiect to him? Augustine threatneth. Vnto whom (as it is said) Augustine in threatening wise told them afore hand, that if they would not receiue peace with their brethren, they should receiue warre of the enimies; & if they would not preach to the[Page 597] Englishmen the waie of life, they should suffer punishment by death at the hands of them: which thing in deed after came to passe, as in place 604.
Bishops ordeined at London and Rochester.
conuenient shall be expressed. After this in the yéere of our Lord 604, the archbishop Augustine ordeined two bishops, that is to say, Melitus at London, that he might preach the woord of God to the Eastsaxons, which were diuided from them of Kent by the riuer of Thames, and Iustus in the citie of Rochester within the limits of Kent.

They did as he instructed, and it just so happened that when they arrived, they found Augustine sitting in his chair. When they saw him, they immediately felt angry, noting his pride and trying to criticize everything he said. He told them that they were acting in ways that contradict the customs of the universal church, but if they would obey him in three things—celebrating Easter at the right time, administering baptism according to the customs of the Roman church, and preaching the word of life to the English people alongside him and his companions—then he would be willing to patiently endure all other things they did, even if those were contrary to the practices and customs of Roman authority. But they outright refused to do any of those things and plainly stated that they would not accept him as their archbishop. They thought among themselves, if he refuses to rise to meet us now, how much more will he look down on us if we become subject to him? Augustine then warned them that if they would not make peace with their brethren, they would face war from their enemies, and if they refused to preach the way of life to the Englishmen, they would suffer death at their hands. This indeed happened later, as will be detailed in the appropriate place. After this, in the year 604, Archbishop Augustine appointed two bishops: Melitus in London to preach the word of God to the East Saxons, who were separated from those of Kent by the River Thames, and Justus in the city of Rochester within Kent.

SABERT. At that time Sabert reigned ouer the Eastsaxons, but he was subiect vnto Ethelbert king of Kent, whose nephue he was also by his sister Ricula that was married vnto king Sledda that succéeded after Erchenwine the first king of the Eastsaxons, and begat on hir this Sabert that receiued the faith. After that Augustine had ordeined Melitus to be bishop of London, as before is said, king Ethelbert builded (as some write) the church of saint Paule within the same citie, where the same Melitus and his successors might keepe their sée. And also for the like purpose he builded the church of saint Andrew the apostle at Rochester, that Iustus and his successors might haue their sée in that place, according to Augustines institution: he bestowed great gifts vpon both those churches, endowing them with lands and possessions verie bountifullie, to the vse of them that should be attendant in the same with the bishops.

SABERT. At that time, Sabert ruled over the East Saxons, but he was under the authority of Ethelbert, the king of Kent, who was also his uncle through his sister Ricula, who was married to King Sledda, who succeeded Erchenwine, the first king of the East Saxons. Sabert was born to her and embraced the Christian faith. After Augustine appointed Melitus as the bishop of London, as previously mentioned, King Ethelbert built (as some say) the church of Saint Paul in the same city, where Melitus and his successors could maintain their see. For a similar purpose, he also built the church of Saint Andrew the Apostle in Rochester, so that Iustus and his successors could have their see there, in line with Augustine’s guidelines. He generously donated substantial gifts to both churches, providing them with lands and possessions, greatly supporting those who would serve there alongside the bishops.

Ran. Cestren. Finallie, Augustine after he had gouerned as archbishop the church of Canturburie by the space of 12 yéeres currant, departed this life the fiue and twentieth of Maie, and was buried first without the citie néere to the church of the apostles Peter and Paule (whereof mention is made before) bicause the same church as yet was not finished nor dedicated; but after it was dedicated, his bodie was brought into the church, and reuerentlie buried in the north Ile there. He ordeined in his life time Laurence to be his successor in the sée of Canturburie, of whome ye shall heare hereafter. ¶ Thus haue ye heard in what maner the Englishmen were first brought from the worshipping of false gods, and baptised in the name of the liuing God by the foresaid Augustine (as we find in Beda and other writers.) Now we will returne to other dooings chancing in the meane time amongst the people of this Ile.

Ran. Cestren. Finally, Augustine, after serving as archbishop of the church of Canterbury for 12 years, passed away on May 25th and was initially buried outside the city near the church of the apostles Peter and Paul (as mentioned earlier) because that church was not yet finished or dedicated. Once it was dedicated, his body was moved into the church and respectfully buried in the north aisle there. He appointed Laurence as his successor in the see of Canterbury, about whom you will hear later. ¶ Thus, you have heard how the English were first led away from the worship of false gods and baptized in the name of the living God by the aforementioned Augustine (as we find in Bede and other writers). Now we will return to other events happening among the people of this isle in the meantime.


Ceowlfe or Ceoloulph gouerneth the Westsaxons, Ceorlus king of Mercia, Edelfride king of the Northumbers, and Edan king of the Scots ioine in battell, Edan is discomfited, Edelfride subdueth the citizens of Chester, the deuout moonks of Bangor praie for safetie from the swoord of the enimie, twelue hundred of them are slaine, Edelfride entreth the citie of Chester, the Britains assembling their power vnder three capteins incounter with Edelfride, slaie manie of his souldiers, and put him to flight, warres betweene Edelfride and Redwald king of the Eastangles about Edwine the sonne of king Elle, Edelfride is slaine, Ceowlfe king of the Westsaxons dieth.

Ceowlfe or Ceoloulph governs the West Saxons, Ceorl is king of Mercia, Edelfride is king of the Northumbers, and Edan is king of the Scots join in battle. Edan is defeated, Edelfride conquers the citizens of Chester, and the devout monks of Bangor pray for safety from the enemy's sword. Twelve hundred of them are killed. Edelfride enters the city of Chester, and the Britons gather their forces under three captains to confront Edelfride, killing many of his soldiers and forcing him to flee. Wars break out between Edelfride and Redwald, king of the East Angles, over Edwine, the son of King Elle. Edelfride is killed, and Ceowlfe, king of the West Saxons, dies.

THE XXIJ CHAPTER.

Matth. West. saith 34. After the deceasse of Chelricus king of the Westsaxons, we find that Ceowlfe or Ceoloulph succéeded in gouernment of that kingdome, and reigned twelue yéeres. He began his reigne (as should appéere by some Matth. West. saith 607. writers) about the yeere of our Lord 597, and spent his time for the more part in warres, not giuing place to idlenesse, but séeking either to defend or inlarge the confines of his dominion. He was the sonne of Cutha, which was the sonne of Kenrike, which was the sonne of Certike. After Wibba or Wipha king of Mercia (who, nothing inferiour to his father, did not onelie defend his kingdome, but also inlarge it, by Ceorlus king of Mercia. subduing the Britains on ech side) one Ceorlus succéeded in that[Page 598] kingdome, being not his sonne but his kinsman. This Ceorlus began his 594. reigne about the yéere of our Lord 594, as Matth. West. recordeth.

Matth. West. states 34. After the death of Chelric, king of the West Saxons, Ceowlfe or Ceoloulph took over the rule of that kingdom and reigned for twelve years. He began his reign, as some writers suggest, around the year 597 AD, and spent most of his time at war, avoiding idleness and seeking to either defend or expand the boundaries of his land. He was the son of Cutha, who was the son of Kenrike, who was the son of Certike. After Wibba or Wipha, king of Mercia (who, like his father, not only defended his kingdom but also enlarged it by conquering the Britons on all sides), Ceorlus succeeded in that kingdom, being not his son but his kinsman. This Ceorlus began his reign around the year 594 AD, as Matth. West. records.

Beda. Edelferd. Ye haue heard that Edelferd, which otherwise is called also by writers Edelfride, surnamed the wild, gouerned still the Northumbers, which Edelferd did more damage to the Britains than anie one other king of the English nation. None of them destroied their countries more than he did: neither did anie prince make more of the Britains tributaries, or inhabited more of their countries with English people than he. Héerevpon Edan king of those Scots which inhabited Britaine, being therewith mooued to see Edelfride prosper thus in his conquests, came against him with a mightie armie: but ioining in battell with Edelfride and his power, at a place called Degsastane, or Degsastone, or Deglaston, he lost the most part of his people, and with the residue that were left aliue, he escaped by flight. This was a sore foughten battell, with much bloudshed on both parties. For notwithstanding that the victorie remained with the Northumbers, Theobaldus the brother of Edelferd was slaine, with all that part of the English host which he 603. gouerned: and it was fought in the yéere of our Lord 603, in the 19 yeere of the reigne of the foresaid Edelferd, and in the sixt yéere of Ceowlfe king of the Westsaxons, and in the first yéere of the emperor Henr. Hunt.
Beda lib. 1. cap. 34.
Phocas, or rather in the last yéere of his predecessor Mauricius. From that day, till the daies of Beda, not one of the Scotish kings durst
Wil. Malm.
Sée in Scotland. presume to enter into Britaine againe to giue battell against the English nation, as Beda himselfe writeth. But the Scotish writers make other report of this matter, as in the historie of Scotland ye maie find recorded.

Beda. Edelferd. You've heard that Edelferd, also referred to by writers as Edelfride, nicknamed "the Wild," still ruled the Northumbrians, causing more harm to the Britons than any other king of the English nation. No one destroyed their lands more than he did, nor did any prince make more of the Britons pay tribute or settle more of their territories with English people than he did. Because of this, Edan, the king of those Scots who lived in Britain, was moved by Edelfride's success in his conquests and came against him with a massive army. However, when he joined battle with Edelfride and his forces at a place called Degsastane, Degsastone, or Deglaston, he lost most of his troops and only escaped with the few that were left alive. This was a fiercely fought battle, with much bloodshed on both sides. Despite the victory going to the Northumbrians, Theobald, Edelferd's brother, was killed, along with all the part of the English host that he commanded. It took place in the year of our Lord 603, in the 19th year of Edelferd's reign, in the 6th year of Ceowlfe's reign as king of the West Saxons, and in the first year of Emperor Phocas, or more accurately, in the last year of his predecessor Mauricius. From that day until the time of Beda, not a single one of the Scottish kings dared to enter Britain again to battle against the English nation, as Beda himself wrote. However, Scottish writers tell a different story about this matter, as you can find recorded in the history of Scotland.

The Britains that dwelt about Chester, through their stoutnesse prouoked the aforesaid Edelferd king of the Northumbers vnto warre: wherevpon to tame their loftie stomachs, he assembled an armie & came forward to besiege the citie of Chester, then called of the Britains Chester as yet in possession of the Britains. I. Leland.
Wil. Malm.
Carleon ardour deué. The citizens coueting rather to suffer all things than a siege, and hauing a trust in their great multitude of people, came foorth to giue batell abroad in the fields, whome he compassing about with ambushes, got within his danger, and easilie discomfited.

The Britons living around Chester, because of their bravery, provoked King Edelferd of Northumbria into war. To bring them down a notch, he gathered an army and marched to lay siege to the city of Chester, which was still under British control. Chester is still held by the Britains. I. Leland.
Wil. Malm.
In Carleon, the citizens preferred to endure anything rather than a siege, and trusting in their large numbers, they came out to fight in the fields. However, Edelferd surrounded them with ambushes, caught them off guard, and easily defeated them.

Beda. It chanced that he had espied before the battell ioined (as Beda saith) where a great number of the British priests were got aside into a place somewhat out of danger, that they might there make their intercession to God for the good spéed of their people, being then readie to giue battell to the Northumbers. Manie of them were of that famous The number of moonks in the monasterie of Bangor. monasterie of Bangor, in the which it is said, that there was such a number of moonks, that where they were diuided into seuen seuerall parts, with their seuerall gouernors appointed to haue rule ouer them, euerie of those parts conteined at the least thrée hundred persons, the which liued altogither by the labour of their hands. Manie therefore of those moonks hauing kept a solemne fast for thrée daies togither, were come to the armie with other to make praier, hauing for their defender Brocmale. one Brocmale or Broemael, earle (or consull as some call him) of Chester, which should preserue them (being giuen to praier) from the edge of the enimies swoord.

Beda. It happened that he saw before the battle started (as Beda says) where a large number of British priests had gathered in a somewhat safe place to pray to God for the success of their people, who were then ready to fight the Northumbers. Many of them were from the famous The number of monks at the Bangor monastery. monastery of Bangor, where it is said there were so many monks that when they were divided into seven separate groups, each with its own leader, each group contained at least three hundred people, all living by the work of their hands. Many of these monks, having kept a solemn fast for three days in a row, had come to the army with others to pray, with one Brocmale or Broemael, who was the earl (or consul as some call him) of Chester, serving as their protector, ensuring that they were safe from the enemy's sword while engaged in prayer.

King Edelferd hauing (as is said) espied these men, asked what they were, and what their intent was; and being informed of the whole circumstance and cause of their being there, he said; "Then if they call to their God for his assistance against vs, suerlie though they beare no armour, yet doo they fight against vs, being busied in praier for our destruction." Wherevpon he commanded the first onset to be The Britains discomfited & slaine. giuen them, and after slue downe the residue of the British armie, not without great losse of his owne people. Of those moonks and priests which came to praie (as before is mentioned) there died at that battell about the number of 12 hundred, so that fiftie of them onelie escaped by flight. Brocmale, or Broemael at the first approch of the enimies, turning his backe with his companie, left them (whom he should haue defended) to be murthered through the enimies swoord. Thus was the prophesie of Augustine fulfilled, though he was long before departed this life (as Beda saith.)

King Edelferd, having spotted these men, asked who they were and what their purpose was. After learning the whole situation behind their presence, he said, "If they are calling on their God for help against us, then even if they aren't carrying weapons, they are still fighting against us, consumed with prayer for our destruction." So, he ordered the first attack to be launched against them and subsequently slaughtered the rest of the British army, not without significant losses among his own people. Of the monks and priests who came to pray (as mentioned before), about 1,200 died in that battle, with only fifty managing to escape by fleeing. Brocmale, or Broemael, at the first sight of the enemies, turned and ran with his group, leaving those he should have defended to be killed by the enemy's sword. Thus, the prophecy of Augustine was fulfilled, even though he had long since passed away (as Bede states).

Henr. Hunt. ¶ Héere is to be noted, if this battell was fought in the seuenth yéere[Page 599] of Ceowlfe king of Westsaxon (as some haue written) and that Augustine liued 12 yéeres after his entrance into the gouernment of the sée of Canturburie (as some write) it is euident that he liued foure yéeres after this slaughter made of the British priests and moonks by Edelferd (as before is recited.) For Ceowlfe began his reigne (as before is mentioned) about the yéere of our Lord 596, and in the seuenth yeere of his reigne the battell was fought at Degsastane betwixt the English & W. Harison. the Scots, which chanced in the yéere of our Lord 604, as Beda himselfe recordeth. A late chronographer running vpon this matter, and preciselie setting downe his collection, saith that Athelbright, or Edelfride, K. of the Northumbers, & Ethelbert K. of Kent, hauing Augustine in their companie, in the eight yéere after his arriuall, made warre vpon such Britains as refused to obserue the canons of the late councell mentioned 603, and killed 1200 moonks of the monasterie of Bangor, which laboured earnestlie, and in the sweat of their browes, thereby to get their liuings, &c. Verelie Galf. Mon. writeth, that Ethelbert king of Kent (after he saw the Britains to disdaine and denie their subiection vnto Augustine, by whome he was conuerted to the christian faith) stirred vp Edelferd king of the Northumbers to warre Acts and monuments, pag. 160. against the Britains. But heereof Maister Fox doubteth, and therefore saith, that of vncerteine things he hath nothing certeinlie to saie, much lesse to iudge. But now to the matter where we left.

Henr. Hunt. ¶ It should be noted that if this battle took place in the seventh year[Page 599] of Ceowlfe, king of the West Saxons (as some have written), and Augustine lived 12 years after he took over the governance of the see of Canterbury (as some say), it is clear that he lived four years after the massacre of the British priests and monks by Edelferd (as mentioned earlier). Ceowlfe began his reign (as stated before) around the year 596 AD, and in the seventh year of his reign, the battle at Degsastane occurred between the English and the Scots, which took place in the year 604 AD, as recorded by Bede himself. A later chronographer discussing this matter and carefully documenting his findings states that Athelbright, or Edelfride, king of the Northumbrians, and Ethelbert, king of Kent, having Augustine with them, waged war against those Britons who refused to follow the canons of the aforementioned council of 603, resulting in the deaths of 1,200 monks from the monastery of Bangor, who were working hard to earn their living. Truly, Galf. Mon. writes that Ethelbert, king of Kent (after he observed the Britons showing disdain and denying their submission to Augustine, who had converted him to Christianity) encouraged Edelferd, king of the Northumbrians, to go to war against the Britons. However, Master Fox has doubts about this, stating that he has nothing certain to say about uncertain matters, let alone to judge them. But now, back to the topic where we left off.

After that king Edelferd had made slaughter of the Britains (as before is rehearsed) he entred the citie of Chester, and from thence marched towards Bangor. The Britains in the meane time had assembled their Blederike duke of Cornwall, Margadud king of Southwales, Cadwane k. of Northwales. power vnder thrée capteins, that is to say, Blederike duke of Cornewall, Margadud king of Southwales, and Cadwane king of Northwales. These ioining in battell with Edelferd, slue 10066 of his souldiers, and constreined him to flée out of the field for safegard of his life, after he had receiued manie wounds. On the part of the Britains the forsaid Blederike, which was chiefe capteine of the field in that Galf. Mon. battell, chanced to be slaine. Thus saith Gal. Mon.

After King Edelferd had slaughtered the Britains (as mentioned earlier), he entered the city of Chester and then marched towards Bangor. Meanwhile, the Britains had gathered their strength under three leaders: Blederike, Duke of Cornwall; Margadud, King of South Wales; and Cadwane, King of North Wales. These leaders joined forces to battle Edelferd, killing 10,066 of his soldiers and forcing him to flee the field for his life after sustaining many wounds. On the Britains' side, Blederike, who was the chief commander in that battle, happened to be slain. Thus says Gal. Mon.

But the ancient writers of the English kings (as Beda, William Malmesburie, and Henrie Huntington), make no mention of this last battell and victorie obteined by the Britains in maner as aboue is expressed in Galfrids booke. But contrarilie we find, that Edelferd hauing such good successe in his businesse abroad as he could wish, Edwine the sonne of king Alla banished. vpon purpose to auoid danger at home, banished Edwine the sonne of Alla or Elle, a yoong gentleman of great towardnesse, latelie come to the kingdome of the Northumbers by the death of his father. But this Edwine in time of his exile, being long tossed from place to place, and finding no stedfast friendship now in time of his aduersitie, at length came to Redwald, that was king at that time of the Eastangles, the third from Vffa, and successor to Titullus, which Titullus did succéed 592. next after the said Vffa, the first king of Eastangles (as before is mentioned.) This Redwald did verie honourablie interteine Edwine, Edelferd. insomuch that Edelferd being informed thereof, was highlie displeased, and sent ambassadors vnto Redwald, to require him either to deliuer Edwine into his hands, or else if he refused so to doo, to declare and denounce vnto him open warres.

But the ancient writers about the English kings (like Bede, William of Malmesbury, and Henry of Huntington) don’t mention this last battle and victory achieved by the Britons in the way Galfrid describes. Instead, we find that Edelferd, having had great success in his endeavors abroad, intentionally banished Edwine, the son of King Alla, to avoid danger at home. Edwine, a young man of great promise, had recently arrived in the kingdom of Northumbria following his father's death. During Edwine's exile, after being tossed from place to place and finding no reliable friends in his time of adversity, he eventually came to Redwald, who was king of the East Angles at that time, the third from Uffa, and successor to Titullus. Titullus succeeded right after Uffa, the first king of East Angles (as mentioned earlier). Redwald welcomed Edwine very honorably, which greatly displeased Edelferd. He sent ambassadors to Redwald, demanding either that Edwine be handed over to him or, if Redwald refused, that he declare open war.

Redwald incouraged by his wife (that counselled him in no wise to betraie his friend, to whome he had giuen his faith, for the menaces of his enimie) assembled foorthwith an armie, and at the sudden comming vpon Edelferd, assaulted him yer he could haue time to assemble his 542. people togither. But yet the said Edelferd, though he was beset and H. Hunt. brought in danger at vnwares, died not vnreuenged: for putting himselfe in defense with such power as he could then get togither, he boldlie incountred the enimies, and giuing battell, slue Remerius the sonne of Ethelferd slaine. Redwald, and after was slaine himselfe, hauing reigned ouer the Northumbers about 22 yéeres. This battell was fought néere to the water of Idle.

Redwald, encouraged by his wife (who advised him not to betray his friend to whom he had pledged his loyalty, despite his enemy's threats), quickly gathered an army and, catching Edelferd by surprise, attacked him before he could assemble his troops. However, Edelferd, although he was ambushed and in danger, did not go down without a fight. With whatever forces he could muster, he bravely faced the enemies, engaging in battle and killing Remerius, the son of Redwald, before he was ultimately slain himself, having ruled over the Northumbrians for about 22 years. This battle took place near the River Idle.

The said Edelferd had issue by his wife Acca, the daughter of Alla, and sister to Edwine, two sonnes, Oswald being about two yéeres of age, and Oswin about foure yéeres, the which (their father being thus slaine) were by helpe of their gouernours conueied awaie into Scotland with all spéed that might be made. Ceowlfe king of the Westsaxons, after he had Hen. Hunt.
Matt. West. saith 34.
reigned the space of 12 yeeres, departed this life, who in his time had[Page 600] mainteined great warre against manie of his neighbours, the which for briefenesse I passe ouer. One great battell he fought against them of The Southsaxons susteine the greater losse. Sussex, in which the armies on both sides sustained great damage, but the greater losse fell to the Southsaxons.

Edelferd had two sons with his wife Acca, the daughter of Alla and sister to Edwine. Oswald was about two years old, and Oswin was around four when their father was killed. With the help of their guardians, they were quickly taken to Scotland for safety. Ceowlfe, the king of the West Saxons, reigned for twelve years and passed away. During his reign, he engaged in significant wars against many of his neighbors, which I will skip for brevity. One major battle took place against the South Saxons, where both sides suffered heavy losses, but the South Saxons faced the greater defeat.


Cinegiscus and his sonne Richelinus reigne iointlie ouer the Westsaxons, they fight with the Britains; the indeuour of Laurence archbishop of Canturburie in setting religion at large, and seeking a vniformitie in catholike orders, he and his fellow-bishops write to the cleargie of Britaine and Scotland for a reformation, Melitus bishop of London goeth to Rome, the cause why, and what he brought at his returns from pope Boniface.

Cinegiscus and his son Richelinus rule together over the West Saxons, and they fight against the Britons. Laurence, the Archbishop of Canterbury makes efforts to promote religion widely and seeks uniformity in Catholic practices. He and his fellow bishops write to the clergy of Britain and Scotland for reform. Melitus, the Bishop of London, goes to Rome, and he discusses the reasons for his journey and what he brought back from Pope Boniface.

THE XXIIJ CHAPTER.

CINEGISCUS. After the foresaid Ceowlfe reigned Cinegiscus, or Kingils, which was the sonne of Ceola, which was the sonne of Cutha or Cutwin, which was the sonne of Kenricke, which was the sonne of king Certicke. In the fourth yéere of his reigne, he receiued into fellowship with him in Wil. Malm. saith that Onichelinus was the brother of Cinegiscus. gouernance of the kingdome his sonne Richelinus, or Onichelinus, and so they reigned iointlie togither in great loue and concord (a thing Beandune or Beanton. seldome séene or heard of.) They fought with the Britains at Beandune, where at the first approch of the battels togither, the Britains fled, but too late, for there died of them that were ouertaken 2062.

CineGiscus. After Ceowlfe, Cinegiscus, or Kingils, reigned. He was the son of Ceola, who was the son of Cutha or Cutwin, who was the son of Kenrick, who was the son of King Certicke. In the fourth year of his reign, he brought his son Richelinus, also known as Onichelinus, into the management of the kingdom as his partner. They ruled together in great harmony and friendship (which is a rare thing to see or hear of). They fought against the Britains at Beandune, and at the first clash of the battles, the Britains fled, but it was too late; 2062 of them were killed as they were caught.

Beda lib. 2. cap. 4. In this meane time, Laurence archbishop of Canturburie, who succéeded next after Augustine, admitted thereto by him in his life time (as before is said) did his indeuour to augment and bring to perfection the church of England, the foundation whereof was latelie laid by his predecessor the foresaid Augustine: who studied not onelie for the increase of this new church, which was gathered of the English people, but also he was busie to imploie his pastorlike cure vpon the people that were of the old inhabitants of Britaine, and likewise of the Scots that remained in Ireland. For when he had learned that the Scots there, in semblable wise as the Britains in their countrie, led not their liues in manie points according to the ecclesiasticall rules, as well in obseruing the feast of Easter contrarie to the vse of the Romane church, as in other things, he wrote vnto those Scots letters exhortatorie, requiring them most instantlie to an vnitie of catholike orders as might be agréeable with the church of Christ, spred and dispersed through the world. These letters were not written onelie in his owne name, but iointlie togither in the name of the bishops Melitius and Iustus, (as followeth.)

Beda lib. 2. cap. 4. In the meantime, Laurence, the Archbishop of Canterbury, who succeeded Augustine, appointed by him during his lifetime (as mentioned earlier), worked hard to develop and perfect the Church of England, the foundation of which was recently established by his predecessor, Augustine. He focused not only on growing this new church, formed from the English people, but also devoted his pastoral care to the old inhabitants of Britain and the Scots who remained in Ireland. When he learned that the Scots, much like the Britons in their own land, were not living according to many ecclesiastical rules, particularly in observing the Feast of Easter contrary to the customs of the Roman Church and in other matters, he wrote letters of encouragement to those Scots, urging them earnestly to unify their practices with the Catholic orders that aligned with the Church of Christ, which is spread throughout the world. These letters were written not only in his name but also jointly in the names of Bishops Melitius and Iustus, as follows.

"To our deare brethren the bishops and abbats through all Scotland, Laurence, Melitus and
Iustus bishops, the seruants of the seruants of God wish health.

To our dear brethren the bishops and abbots throughout all of Scotland, Laurence, Melitus, and
Iustus bishops, the servants of the servants of God wish you well.

"Whereas the apostolike see (according to hir maner) had sent vs to preach vnto the heathen people in these west parts, as otherwise throgh the world, and that it chanced to vs to enter into this Ile which is called Britaine, before we knew & vnderstood the state of things, we had in great reuerence both the Scots & Britains, which beléeued, bicause (as we tooke the matter) they walked according to the custome of the vniuersall church: but after we had knowledge of the Britains, we iudged the Scots to be better. But we haue learned by bishop Daganus comming into this Ile, and by Columbanus the abbat comming into France, that the Scots nothing differ in their conuersation from the Britains: for bishop Daganus comming vnto vs, would neither eat with vs, no nor yet come within the house where we did eat."

"While the apostolic see (as is its custom) sent us to preach to the pagan people in these western parts, just as it did around the world, we happened to enter this island called Britain. Before we understood the situation, we held both the Scots and the Britons in great respect, as they seemed to follow the customs of the universal church. However, after getting to know the Britons, we came to believe that the Scots were better. But we learned from Bishop Daganus, who came to this island, and from Columbanus the abbot, who came to France, that the Scots do not differ at all in their conduct from the Britons. For when Bishop Daganus came to us, he would neither eat with us nor even enter the house where we were eating."

The said Laurence also with his fellow-bishops, did write to the[Page 601] Britains other letters woorthie of his degrée, dooing what he could to confirme them in the vnitie of the Romane church: but it profited litle, as appeareth by that which Beda writeth. About the same time Melitus the bishop of London went to Rome, to common with pope Boniface, for necessarie causes touching the church of England, and was present at a synod holden by the same pope at that season, for ordinances to be made touching the state of religious men, and sate in the same synod, that with subscribing he might also by his authoritie confirme that which was there orderlie decréed. This synod was holden the third kalends of March, in the last yéere of the emperour Phocas, which was about the yeere after the birth of our Sauiour 610. Melitus at his returne brought with him from the pope, decrees commanded by the said pope to be obserued in the English church, with letters also directed to archbishop Laurence, and to king Ethelbert.

Laurence, along with his fellow bishops, wrote to the[Page 601] Britains, sending letters worthy of his position, doing his best to keep them united with the Roman church. However, it didn't help much, as noted by Bede. Around the same time, Melitus, the bishop of London, traveled to Rome to discuss important matters regarding the Church of England with Pope Boniface. He attended a synod held by the pope at that time, where decisions were made regarding the status of religious men, and he sat in the synod to confirm the orderly decrees with his support. This synod took place on the third kalends of March in the last year of Emperor Phocas, which was around the year 610 AD. Upon his return, Melitus brought back decrees ordered by the pope for the English church, along with letters addressed to Archbishop Laurence and King Ethelbert.


Cadwan is made king of the Britains in the citie of Chester, he leuieth a power against Ethelfred king of the Northumbers, couenants of peace passe betwixt them vpon condition, the death of Ethelbert king of Kent, where he and his wife were buried, of his lawes; Eadbald succeedeth Ethelbert in the Kentish kingdome, his lewd and vnholie life, he is an enimie to religion; he is plagued with madnesse; Hebert king of the Eastsaxons dieth, his thre sonnes refuse to be baptised, they fall to idolatrie and hate the professours of the truth, their irreligious talke and vndutifull behauiour to bishop Melitus, he and his fellow Iustus passe ouer into France, the three sonnes of Hebert are slaine of the Westsaxons in battell, the Estsaxons by their idolatrie prouoke archbishop Laurence to forsake the land, he is warned in a vision to tarie, whereof he certifieth king Eadbald, who furthering christianitie, sendeth for Melitus and Iustus, the one is restored to his see, the other reiected, Melitus dieth, Iustus is made archbishop of Canturburie, the christian faith increaseth.

Cadwan becomes king of the Britains in the city of Chester. He raises an army against Ethelred, king of the Northumbers. They agree to peace under the condition of Ethelbert's death, the king of Kent, where he and his wife were buried, due to his laws. Eadbald succeeds Ethelbert as king of Kent; he lives a wicked and immoral life and is an enemy of religion. He is afflicted with madness. Hebert, king of the East Saxons, dies, and his three sons refuse to be baptized. They turn to idolatry and despise the followers of the truth. Their irreligious talk and disrespectful behavior towards Bishop Melitus lead him and his companion Justus to move to France. The three sons of Hebert are killed in battle by the West Saxons. The East Saxons provoke Archbishop Laurence to leave the land because of their idolatry, but he is warned in a vision to stay, which he informs King Eadbald about. Eadbald, promoting Christianity, summons Melitus and Justus; one is restored to his position, and the other is rejected. Melitus dies, and Justus becomes Archbishop of Canterbury, leading to the growth of the Christian faith.

THE XXIIIJ CHAPTER.

CADWAN king of Britaine. After that the Britains had cōtinued about the space almost of 24 yéeres without anie one speciall gouernour, being led by sundrie rulers, euer sithens that Careticus was constreined to flée ouer Seuerne, and fought oftentimes not onelie against the Saxons, but also 613. one of them against another, at length in the yéere of our Lord 613, they assembled in the citie of Chester, and there elected Cadwan that before was ruler of Northwales, to haue the souereigne rule & gouernement ouer all their nation, and so the said Cadwan began to reigne as king of Britaine in the said yéere 613. But some authors say, that this was in the yéere 609, in which yéere Careticus the British king departed this life. And then after his deceasse the Britains or Welshmen (whether we shall call them) chose Cadwan to gouerne them in the foresaid yéere 609, which was in the 7 yéere of the emperour Phocas, and the 21 of the second Lotharius king of France, and in the 13 yéere of Kilwoolfe king of the Westsaxons.

Cadwan, king of Britain. After the Britons had been without a single leader for almost 24 years, led by various rulers since Careticus was forced to flee over the Severn, and having fought not only against the Saxons but also among themselves, they finally gathered in the city of Chester in the year 613 AD. There, they elected Cadwan, who had previously been the ruler of North Wales, to have supreme authority and governance over their nation. Thus, Cadwan began his reign as king of Britain in the year 613. However, some sources claim this took place in the year 609, the same year Careticus, the British king, passed away. After his death, the Britons or Welsh (whichever we may call them) chose Cadwan to govern them in the aforementioned year 609, which was in the 7th year of Emperor Phocas, the 21st year of King Lotharius II of France, and the 13th year of King Kilwoolfe of the West Saxons.

This Cadwan being established king, shortlie after assembled a power of Britains, and went against the foresaid Ethelfred king of Northumberland, who being thereof aduertised, did associate to him the most part of the Saxon princes, and came foorth with his armie to méet Cadwan in the field. Herevpon as they were readie to haue tried the matter by battell, certeine of their friends trauelled so betwixt them for peace, that in the end they brought them to agréement, so that Gal. Mon. Ethelfred should kéepe in quiet possession those his countries beyond the riuer of Humber, and Cadwan should hold all that which of right belonged to the Britains on the southside of the same riuer. This couenant with other touching their agréement was confirmed with oths[Page 602] solemnelie taken, and pledges therewith deliuered, so that afterwards they continued in good and quiet peace, without vexing one an other.

After Cadwan became king, he quickly gathered a force of Britons and went to confront the aforementioned Ethelfred, the king of Northumberland. Upon hearing this, Ethelfred allied with most of the Saxon princes and came out with his army to meet Cadwan in battle. Just as they were about to fight, some of their friends intervened to negotiate peace. In the end, they reached an agreement, whereby Ethelfred would keep peaceful possession of his territories beyond the Humber River, and Cadwan would hold everything that rightfully belonged to the Britons on the south side of the river. This covenant, along with other terms of their agreement, was confirmed with solemn oaths and pledges exchanged, allowing them to maintain a good and peaceful relationship without causing each other trouble.

What chanced afterward to Ethelfred, ye haue before heard rehersed, which for that it soundeth more like to a truth than that which followeth in the British booke, we omit to make further rehersall, passing forward to other dooings which fell in the meane season, whilest this Cadwan had gouernement of the Britains, reigning as king Iohn Hard. ouer them the tearme of 22 or (as some say) but 13 yéeres, and finallie was slaine by the Northumbers, as before hath béene, and also after shall be shewed.

What happened next to Ethelfred, you have already heard about, and since it sounds more like the truth than what follows in the British book, we won't go into further detail. Instead, we'll move on to other events that occurred during this time while Cadwan was in charge of the Britons, ruling as king over them for a period of 22 years (or as some say, just 13 years). Ultimately, he was killed by the Northumbrians, as has been mentioned before and will be explained again later.

In the 8 yéere after that Cadwan began to reigne, Ethelbert king of Kent departed this life, in the 21 yéere after the comming of Augustine with his fellowes to preach the faith of Christ here in this realme: and after that Ethelbert had reigned ouer the prouince of Kent the tearme of 56 yéeres (as Beda saith, but there are that haue noted thrée Wil. Malm.
Beda li. 2. cap. 5.
yéers lesse) he departed this world, as aboue is signified, in the yeere of our Lord 617, on the 24 day of Februarie, and was buried in the Ile of saint Martine, within the church of the apostles Peter and Paule, without the citie of Canturburie, where his wife quéene Bartha was also buried, and the foresaid archbishop Augustine that first conuerted him to the faith.

In the 8 years after Cadwan started to reign, Ethelbert, the king of Kent, passed away in the 21st year after Augustine arrived with his companions to spread the Christian faith in this kingdom. Ethelbert ruled over the province of Kent for 56 years (as Bede states, though some have noted three years less). He left this world, as mentioned above, in the year of our Lord 617, on February 24th, and was buried on the Isle of Saint Martin, within the church of the apostles Peter and Paul, outside the city of Canterbury, where his wife, Queen Bertha, was also buried, along with Archbishop Augustine, who first converted him to the faith.

Amongst other things, this king Ethelbert with the aduise of his councell ordeined diuers lawes and statutes, according to the which decrées of iudgements should passe: those decrées he caused to be written in the English toong, which remained and were in force vnto the daies of Beda, as he declareth. And first it was expressed in those lawes, what amends he should make that stole anie thing that belonged to the church, to the bishop, or to anie ecclesiasticall person, willing by all means to defend them whose doctrine he had receiued.

Among other things, King Ethelbert, with the advice of his council, established various laws and statutes, according to which legal judgments should be made. He had these decrees written in English, which remained in effect until the days of Bede, as he states. First, these laws outlined the restitution owed for stealing anything that belonged to the church, to a bishop, or to any ecclesiastical person, being determined to protect those whose teachings he had accepted.

EADBALD. After the deceasse of Etthelbert, his sonne Eadbald succéeded in the gouernment of his kingdome of Kent, the which was a great hinderer of the increase of the new church amongst the Englishmen in those parties: for he did not onelie refuse to be baptised himselfe, but also vsed such kind of fornication, as hath not béene heard (as the apostle saith) amongst the Gentiles, for he tooke to wife his mother in law, The princes example occasion of euill. that had béene wife to his father. By which two euill examples, manie tooke occasion to returne to their heathenish religion, the which whilest his father reigned, either for the prince his pleasure, or for feare to offend him, did professe the christian faith. But Eadbald escaped not woorthie punishment to him sent from the liuing God for his euill deserts, insomuch that he was vexed with a certeine kind of madnesse, and taken with an vncleane spirit.

Eadbald. After the death of Ethelbert, his son Eadbald took over the rule of his kingdom of Kent, which significantly hindered the growth of the new church among the English in those regions. He not only refused to be baptized himself, but also engaged in such immoral behavior that, as the apostle said, was unheard of among the Gentiles; he married his mother-in-law, who had been his father's wife. The prince's actions set a bad example. These two terrible examples caused many to return to their pagan beliefs, which they had adhered to during his father’s reign, either out of the prince's favor or out of fear of offending him, professing the Christian faith. But Eadbald did not escape just punishment sent to him by the living God for his misdeeds, as he was afflicted with a certain kind of madness and tormented by an unclean spirit.

The foresaid storme or vnquiet troubling of the christian congregation, was afterwards greatlie increased also by the death of Sabert or Sebert king of the Eastsaxons, who was conuerted to the faith of Christ, and baptized by Melitus bishop of London (as before is mentioned) & departing this life to go to a better in the blissefull kingdome of heauen, he left behind him thrée sonnes as true successours in the estate of his earthlie kingdome, which sonnes likewise refused to be Ran. Cest.
Beda li. 2. cap. 5.
Serred, Seward, and Sigebert, the sonnes of Sabert. baptised. Their names were Serred, Seward, & Sigebert, men of an ill mind, & such as in whome no vertue remained, no feare of God, nor anie respect of religion, but speciallie hating the professours of the christian faith. For after their father was dead, they began to fall to their old idolatrie, which in his life time they séemed to haue giuen ouer, insomuch that now they openlie worshipped idols, and gaue libertie to their subiects to do the like.

The aforementioned storm or unrest within the Christian congregation was further intensified by the death of Sabert, or Sebert, the king of the East Saxons. He had converted to the faith of Christ and was baptized by Melitus, the bishop of London (as mentioned earlier). After leaving this life to enter the blissful kingdom of heaven, he left behind three sons as his rightful successors in the earthly kingdom. These sons also refused to be baptized. Their names were Serred, Seward, and Sigebert, and they were men of a wicked nature, lacking in virtue, fearing God, or showing any respect for religion, especially hating the followers of the Christian faith. After their father passed away, they reverted to their old idolatry, which they had pretended to abandon during his lifetime, openly worshipping idols and allowing their subjects to do the same.

And when the bishop Melitus, at the solemnizing of masse in the church, distributed the eucharisticall bread vnto the people, they asked him (as it is said) wherfore he did not deliuer of that bright white bread vnto them also, as well as he had béene accustomed to doo to their father Saba (for so they vsed to call him.) Vnto whome the bishop made this answer: "If you will be washed in that wholesome fountaine, wherein your father was washed, ye may be partakers of that holie bread whereof he was partaker, but if you despise the washpoole of life, ye[Page 603] may by no meanes tast the bread of saluation." But they offended herewith, replied in this wise: "We will not enter into that fountaine, for we know we haue no néed thereof: but yet neuerthelesse we will be refreshed with that bread."

And when Bishop Melitus, during the mass at the church, handed out the Eucharistic bread to the people, they asked him (as it's said) why he didn’t give them some of that bright white bread too, just as he usually did for their father Saba (as they called him). The bishop replied, "If you want to be washed in that life-giving fountain where your father was washed, you can also have that holy bread he enjoyed. But if you disregard the pool of life, you won’t be able to taste the bread of salvation." Offended by this, they responded, "We will not enter that fountain because we believe we don’t need it, but we still want to be nourished by that bread."

After this, when they had beene earnestlie and manie times told, that vnlesse they would be baptised, they might not be partakers of the sacred oblation: at length in great displeasure they told him, that if he would not consent vnto them in so small a matter, there should be no place for him within the bounds of their dominion, and so he was constrained to depart. Wherevpon he being expelled, resorted into Kent, there to take aduise with his fellow-bishops, Laurence and Iustus, what was to be doone in this so weightie a matter. Who finallie resolued vpon this point, that it should be better for them to returne into their countrie, where with frée minds they might serue almightie God, rather than to remaine amongest people that rebelled against the faith, without hope to doo good amongest them. Wherefore Melitus and Iustus did depart first, and went ouer into France, minding there to abide till they might sée what the end would be. But shortlie after, those brethren the kings of Essex, which had expelled their bishop in maner aboue said, suffered woorthilie for their wicked dooings. For going forth to battell against the Westsaxons, they were ouerthrowen and The sonne of king Sebert slaine. slaine altogither with all their armie, by the two kings Kinigils and Quichelme. But neuerthelesse, albeit the authors of the mischiefe were thus taken awaie, yet the people of that countrie would not be reduced againe from their diuelish woorshipping of false gods, being eftsoones fallen thereto in that season by the incouragement and perilous example of their rulers. Wherefore the archbishop Laurence was in mind also to follow his fellowes Melitus and Iustus: but when he minded to set forward, he was warned in a dreame, and cruellie scourged (as hath béene reported by the apostle saint Peter, who reprooued him) for that he would so vncharitablie forsake his flocke, & leaue it in danger without a shepherd to kéepe the woolfe from the fold.

After this, when they had been repeatedly and seriously told that unless they were baptized, they could not partake in the sacred offering, they finally expressed their anger, saying that if he wouldn’t agree to such a small matter, there would be no place for him within their territory, and so he was forced to leave. After being expelled, he went to Kent to discuss with his fellow bishops, Laurence and Justus, what to do about this serious issue. They ultimately decided that it would be better for them to return to their own country, where they could serve Almighty God freely, rather than remain among people who rebelled against the faith, with no hope of making a difference. Therefore, Melitus and Justus left first and went to France, planning to stay there until they could see how things would turn out. Soon after, the brothers, the kings of Essex, who had expelled their bishop as mentioned above, faced just punishment for their wicked actions. They went into battle against the West Saxons and were defeated, and the son of King Sebert was slain, along with their entire army, by the two kings Kinigils and Quichelme. However, even though the instigators of the trouble were taken away, the people of that region would not return from their devilish worship of false gods, having once again fallen into it during that time due to the encouragement and dangerous examples set by their rulers. Thus, Archbishop Laurence also intended to follow his colleagues Melitus and Justus; but when he planned to set off, he was warned in a dream and was cruelly chastised (as has been reported by the Apostle Saint Peter, who reproved him) for wanting to uncharitably abandon his flock and leave them in danger without a shepherd to protect them from the wolf.

The archbishop imboldned by this vision, and also repenting him of his determination, came to king Eadbald, and shewed to him his stripes, and the maner of his dreame. The king being herewith put in great feare, renounced his heathenish worshipping of idols, and was baptised, and as much as in him laie, from thenceforth succoured the congregation of the christians, and aduanced the church to his power. He sent also into France, and called home the bishops Melitus and Iustus, so that Iustus was restored to his sée of Rochester.

The archbishop, encouraged by this vision and regretting his earlier decision, went to King Eadbald and showed him his wounds and the details of his dream. The king, frightened by this, gave up his idol worship and was baptized. As much as he could, from then on he supported the Christian community and promoted the church. He also sent for Bishops Melitus and Iustus from France, bringing Iustus back to his seat in Rochester.

But the Eastsaxons would not receiue Melitus to his sée at London, but continued in their wicked mawmetrie, in obeieng a bishop of their pagan law, whom they had erected for that purpose. Neither was king Eadbald of that authoritie and power in those parties, as his father was before, whereby he might constreine them to receiue their lawfull bishop. But suerlie the said king Eadbald with his people, after he was once conuerted againe, gaue himselfe wholie to obeie the lawes of GOD, and amongt other déeds of godlie zeale, he builded a church to our Beda lib. 2. ladie at Canturburie, within the monasterie of saint Peter, afterwards called saint Agnes. This church was consecrated by Melitus, who after the death of Laurence succéeded in gouernance of the archbishops sée of Beda. lib. 2. ca. 8. Canturburie. After Melitus, who departed this life in the yeare of our Lord 624, Iustus that before was bishop of Rochester, was made archbishop of Canturburie, and ordeined one Romanus to the sée of Rochester. About that time, the people of the north parts beyond Humber receiued the faith, by occasion (as after shall appéere.)

But the East Saxons wouldn’t accept Melitus as their bishop in London and continued in their wicked idolatry, obeying a bishop of their pagan law, whom they had appointed for that purpose. King Eadbald wasn’t as authoritative and powerful in those regions as his father had been before, which limited his ability to force them to accept their rightful bishop. However, once King Eadbald was converted again, he fully dedicated himself to following God’s laws, and among other acts of devotion, he built a church to our Lady in Canterbury, within the monastery of Saint Peter, later called Saint Agnes. This church was consecrated by Melitus, who succeeded Laurence as the archbishop of Canterbury. After Melitus passed away in the year of our Lord 624, Iustus, who had previously been bishop of Rochester, became archbishop of Canterbury and ordained Romanus to the see of Rochester. Around that time, the people of the northern regions beyond the Humber accepted the faith, as will be shown later.


[Page 604]

[Page 604]

Edwin reigneth ouer the Northumbers, his great power and reputation, a marriage betweene him and Ethelburga the sister of king Eadbald vpon religious couenants, the traitorous attempts of murtherous Eumerus against him, his wife Ethelburga is deliuered of a daughter, he assalteth the Westsaxons, and discomfiteth them, Boniface the fift writeth to him to desist from his idolatrie, and to his ladie to persist in true christianitie; the vision of Edwin when he was a banished man in the court of Redwald king of the Eastangles, whereby he was informed of his great exaltation and conuersion to christian religion.

Edwin rules over the Northumbrians, with great power and reputation. He is married to Ethelburga, the sister of King Eadbald, based on religious agreements. He faces treacherous assassination attempts from the murderous Eumerus. Ethelburga gives birth to a daughter. He attacks the West Saxons and defeats them. Pope Boniface the Fifth writes to him, urging him to stop his idolatry and encourages his wife to remain committed to true Christianity. He recalls a vision he had when he was a banished man in the court of Redwald, King of the East Angles, which foretold his great rise and conversion to Christianity.

THE XXV CHAPTER.

Ye haue heard how Edelfred the king of Northumberland was slaine in battell neere to the water of Idel by Redwald king of the Eastangles, in fauour of Edwin whom the said Edelfred had confined out of his dominion, 24 yéeres before. The foresaid Redwald therefore hauing obteined that victorie, found meanes to place Edwin in gouernement of that kingdome of the Northumbers, hauing a title thereto as sonne to EDWIN. Beda. lib. 2. ca. 5. Alla or Elle, sometime king of Northumberland. This Edwin prooued a right valiant prince, & grew to be of more power than anie other king in the daies of the English nation: not onelie ruling ouer a great part of the countries inhabited with English men, but also with Britains, who inhabited not onelie in Wales, but in part of Chesshire, Lancashire, Cumberland, and alongst by the west sea-coast in Galloway, and so foorth euen vnto Dunbritaine in Scotland: which I haue thought good to note, that it may appeare in what countries Cadwallo bare rule, of whome so often mention is made in this part of the historie. But as concerning Edwin, his reputation was such, as not onelie the English men, Britains and Scots, but also the Iles of Orknie, and those of Man, W. Malm. taketh Meuania to be Anglesey. and others the west Iles of ancient time called Meuaniæ, had him in reuerence, and feared his mightie power, so as they durst not attempt anie exploit to offend him.

You have heard how Edelfred, the king of Northumberland, was killed in battle near the River Idle by Redwald, the king of the East Angles, in support of Edwin, whom Edelfred had banished from his kingdom 24 years earlier. After winning that victory, Redwald managed to put Edwin in charge of the Northumbrian kingdom, as he had a claim to it being the son of Alla or Elle, who was once king of Northumberland. This Edwin turned out to be a truly brave leader, growing to be more powerful than any other king during the era of the English nation. He not only ruled over a large part of the lands inhabited by the English but also over the Britains, who lived not just in Wales but also in parts of Cheshire, Lancashire, Cumberland, and along the western coastline in Galloway, extending all the way to Dumbarton in Scotland. I thought it important to point this out to show the extent of Cadwallo's rule, who is often mentioned in this part of the history. Regarding Edwin, his reputation was such that not only the English, Britains, and Scots, but also the Orkney Islands and the Isle of Man, along with others in the western islands that were historically called the Meuania, held him in high regard and feared his powerful might, to the extent that they dared not attempt any actions to provoke him.

It chanced that shortlie after, king Redwald had aduanced him to the kingdom of Northumberland, to wit, about 6 yeares, the same Redwald deceassed, which made greatlie for the more augmentation of Edwins power. For the people of the Eastangles, which (whilest Edwin remained amongst them as a banished man) had conceiued a good opinion of him for his approoued valiancie and noble courage, offered themselues to be Carpwaldus. wholie at his commandement. But Edwin suffering Carpwald or Erpwald the sonne of Redwald to inioie the bare title and name of the king of that countrie, ruled all things at his owne will and pleasure. Neither was there anie prouince within Britaine that did not obeie him, or was not readie to doo him seruice (the kingdome of Kent onelie excepted) for he suffered the Kentishmen to liue in quiet, because he began to haue a liking to the sister of king Eadbald, namelie the ladie Ethelburga, otherwise called Tate or Tace.

It so happened that shortly after, King Redwald had elevated him to the kingdom of Northumberland, around six years later, the same Redwald passed away, which significantly boosted Edwin's power. The people of the East Angles, who had formed a good opinion of him while he was among them as an exiled man due to his proven bravery and noble spirit, offered themselves completely at his command. But Edwin allowed Carpwald or Erpwald, the son of Redwald, to enjoy only the title and name of the king of that region while he controlled everything according to his own wishes. There was no province in Britain that did not obey him or was not ready to serve him (except for the kingdom of Kent), as he permitted the Kentish people to live in peace because he had started to take a liking to King Eadbald's sister, Lady Ethelburga, also known as Tate or Tace.

Beda. lib. 2. cap. 9. He made request therefore by sending ambassadours to hir brother, to haue the said ladie in marriage, and at length obteined hir, with condition that she being a christian woman, might not onelie vse the christian religion, but also that all those, whether men or women, priests or ministers, which came with hir, might haue licence to doo the same, without trouble or impeachment of anie maner of person. Matth. West.
Beda. lib. 2. cap. 9.
625. Herevpon she being sent vnto him, there was appointed to go with hir (besides manie other) one Pauline, which was consecrated bishop by the archbishop Iustus the 21 of Iulie, in the yeare of our Lord 625, who at his comming into Northumberland thus in companie with Ethelburga, trauelled earnestlie in his office, both to preserue hir and such christians in the faith of Christ, as were appointed to giue their attendance on hir, least they should chance to fall: and also sought to win some of the Pagans (if it were possible) vnto the same faith, though at the first he little profited in that matter.

Beda. lib. 2. cap. 9. He made a request by sending ambassadors to his brother to marry the lady, and eventually he succeeded in getting her with the condition that, since she was a Christian woman, she would not only practice the Christian faith but also that all those, whether men or women, priests or ministers, who came with her would have the freedom to do the same without interference or obstruction from anyone. Matth. West.
Bede. book 2. chap. 9.
625. Following that, she was sent to him, and among many others, one Pauline was appointed to accompany her. He was consecrated as a bishop by Archbishop Justus on July 21, in the year 625 AD. Upon arriving in Northumberland with Ethelburga, he diligently worked in his role to both protect her and the Christians who were there to support her, so they would not fall away from their faith. He also tried to convert some of the Pagans to the same faith, although initially, he had little success in that effort.

In the yeare following, there came a murtherer vnto the court of king Edwin, as then soiourning in a palace which stood vpon the side of the riuer of Dorwent, being sent from Quichelme king of the Westsaxons, to the intent to murther Edwin, because he had of late sore damnified the[Page 605] countries of the Westsaxons. This murtherer was called Eumerus, & Other say an axe, as Matth. West. Emmerus. caried vnder his coate a short double edged woodknife inuenomed of purpose, that if the king being but a little hurt therewith, should not die of the wound, yet he should not escape the danger of the poison. This Eumerus on Easter mondaie came to the king, and making foorth to him as it had béene to haue declared some message from his maister, when he had espied his time, drew his weapon, and offered to strike the king. But one of the kings seruants named Lilla, perceiuing this, stept betwixt the king and the blow. Howbeit the murtherer set the stripe forward with such force, that the knife running through the bodie of Lilla wounded also the king a little: and before this murtherer could be beaten downe, he slue another of the kings seruants, a knight that attended vpon him, called Fordher.

In the year that followed, a murderer arrived at King Edwin's court, where he was staying in a palace by the River Derwent. He was sent by Quichelme, the king of the West Saxons, to kill Edwin because he had recently caused significant harm to the lands of the West Saxons. This murderer was named Eumerus, and he carried a short double-edged wood knife coated with poison hidden under his coat, intending that even if the king was only slightly injured, he would still be at risk from the poison. On Easter Monday, Eumerus approached the king under the pretense of delivering a message from his master. When he saw the opportunity, he drew his weapon and attempted to strike the king. However, one of the king's servants named Lilla noticed this and stepped between the king and the attack. Despite this, the murderer swung with such force that the knife pierced Lilla's body and also wounded the king slightly. Before anyone could subdue the murderer, he killed another of the king’s servants, a knight named Fordher, who was attending him.

Eaufled borne. The same night Ethelburga was deliuered of a daughter named Eaufled, for the which when king Edwin gaue thanks vnto his gods, in the presence of bishop Pauline, the bishop did admonish him, rather to giue thanks vnto the true and onelie God, by whose goodnesse it came to passe that the queene was safelie and without danger deliuered. The king giuing good eare vnto the bishops wholesome admonition, promised at that present to become a Christian, if he might reuenge his injuries receiued at the hands of the Westsaxons. And to assure Pauline that his promise should take place, he gaue vnto him his new borne daughter to be made holie to the Lord, that is to say, baptised. The bishop receiuing hir, on Whitsundaie next following baptised hir, with twelue other of the kings houshold, she being the first of the English Northumbers that was so washed in the founteine of regeneration.

Eaufled born. That same night, Ethelburga gave birth to a daughter named Eaufled. When King Edwin thanked his gods for this, Bishop Pauline was present and advised him to thank the one true God, who had ensured that the queen delivered safely and without danger. The king, paying close attention to the bishop's wise counsel, promised at that moment to become a Christian if he could avenge the injuries he suffered at the hands of the West Saxons. To show Bishop Pauline that he was serious about his promise, he gave his newborn daughter to be dedicated to the Lord, meaning she would be baptized. The bishop accepted her, and on the following Whitsun Sunday, he baptized her along with twelve other members of the king's household, making her the first of the English Northumbrians to be washed in the fountain of regeneration.

In the meane time K. Edwin being recouered of his hurt, assembled an armie, and went against the Westsaxons, with whome incountring in battell, he either slue or brought to his subiection all them that had conspired his death, and so returned as a conquerour into his countrie. But yet he delaied time in performance of his promise to become a Christian: howbeit he had left his dooing of sacrifice to idols, euer since he made promise to be baptised. He was a sage prince, and before he would alter his religion, he politikelie thought good to heare matters touching both his old religion, and the Christian religion throughlie examined.

In the meantime, King Edwin, having recovered from his injuries, gathered an army and marched against the West Saxons. In battle, he either killed or subdued everyone who had conspired to kill him, returning to his country as a conqueror. However, he delayed fulfilling his promise to become a Christian, although he had stopped sacrificing to idols ever since he pledged to be baptized. He was a wise ruler and before changing his religion, he politically thought it best to thoroughly examine both his old beliefs and Christianity.

Now whilest he thus hoong in doubt vnto whether part he should incline, there came letters to him from pope Boniface the fift of that name, Beda. lib. 2, cap. 10. exhorting him by sundrie kinds of gentle perswasions, to turne to the worshipping of the true and liuing God, and to renounce worshipping of mawmets and idols. The pope wrote also to quéene Ethelburga, praieng Beda. lib. 2, cap. 11. hir to continue in hir good purpose, and by all meanes possible to doo what might be doone for the conuerting of hir husband vnto the faith of A vision. Christ. But the thing that most mooued the king, was a vision which sometime he had while he remained as a banished man in the court of Redwald king of the Eastangles, as thus.

Now while he hung in doubt about which direction he should take, letters arrived for him from Pope Boniface the Fifth, encouraging him with various gentle persuasions to turn toward the worship of the true and living God and to renounce the worship of false gods and idols. The pope also wrote to Queen Ethelburga, asking her to continue her good intentions and to do everything she could to convert her husband to the faith of Christ. However, what impacted the king the most was a vision he had while he was a banished man in the court of King Redwald of the East Angles, as follows.

Beda. cap. 12. After that king Ethelfred was informed that the foresaid Redwald had receiued Edwin, he ceased not by his ambassadours to moue Redwald either to deliuer Edwin into his hands, or to make him awaie. At length by often sending, & promises made of large summes of monie, mixed with threatnings, he obteined a grant of his sute, so that it was determined that Edwin should either be murthered, or else deliuered into his enimies hands. One of Edwins friends hauing intelligence hereof, in the night season came to Edwins chamber, and leading him abroad, told him the whole practise, and what was purposed against him, offering to helpe him out of the countrie, if he would so aduenture to escape. The honorable consideration of Edwin. Edwin being woonderouslie amazed, thanked his friend, but refused to depart the countrie, sith he had no iust cause outwardlie giuen to play such a slipper part, choosing rather to ieopard his life with honour, than to giue men cause to thinke that he had first broken promise with such a prince as Redwald was, to whome he had giuen his faith.

Beda. cap. 12. After King Ethelfred learned that Redwald had taken in Edwin, he didn’t stop trying to persuade Redwald—through his messengers—to either hand Edwin over to him or get rid of him. Finally, after repeated attempts, large sums of money, and some threats, he managed to get Redwald to agree to his wishes, so it was decided that Edwin should either be killed or handed over to his enemies. One of Edwin's friends, having been informed about this, came to Edwin's room at night, took him outside, and explained the whole scheme and what was planned against him, offering to help him escape the country if he dared to do so. The respectful regard for Edwin. Edwin, greatly astonished, thanked his friend but refused to leave the country, as he didn't want to give anyone a real reason to think he was making a cowardly move. He preferred to risk his life honorably rather than give people a reason to believe he had broken his promise to a prince like Redwald, to whom he had pledged his loyalty.

Herevpon his friend departing from him, left him sitting without the doores: where after he had reuolued manie things in his mind, and thought long vpon this matter, at length he perceiued one to come towards him vnknowne, and in strange apparell, séeming to him in euerie[Page 606] point a stranger, at which sight (for that he could not imagine who it should be) Edwin was much afraid: but the man comming to him saluted him, and asked of him what he made there at that time of the night when other were at rest. Edwin on the other part asked what he had to doo therewith, and whether he vsed to lie abroad in the night, or within house? Who answering said; Thinke not Edwin that I am ignorant of thy heauinesse, of thy watchings, and this thy solitarie sitting here without doores. For I know who thou art, wherefore thou art thus pensiue, and what euils thou fearest to be towards thée at hand. But tell me, what wouldest thou giue him, that could deliuer thée out of this heauinesse, and perswade Redwald that he should neither doo thée hurt, nor deliuer thée to thine enimies? Here with when Edwin said that he would gladlie giue all that in him might lie to such a one in reward: The other said; What wouldst thou giue then, if he should promise in good sooth that (all thine enimies being destroied) thou shouldest be king, and that thou shouldest passe in power all the kings which haue reigned in the English nation before thy time? Edwin being better come to himselfe by such demandes, did not sticke to promise that he would requite his friendship with woorthie thanks.

After his friend left, Edwin sat outside, lost in thought and reflecting on many things. Eventually, he noticed someone approaching him, dressed unusually and appearing like a complete stranger. This sight frightened Edwin, as he couldn't figure out who it was. When the man reached him, he greeted Edwin and asked what he was doing out there at night while others were resting. Edwin retorted by questioning why the man cared, and whether he often stayed outside at night or preferred to be indoors. The man replied, “Don’t think, Edwin, that I’m unaware of your sadness, your sleepless nights, and your solitary vigil here outside. I know who you are, why you’re so troubled, and what dangers you fear are near. But tell me, what would you give someone who could lift you from this sadness and persuade Redwald not to harm you or hand you over to your enemies?” When Edwin said he would gladly reward such a person with anything he could offer, the stranger asked, “What would you offer if he promised that, with all your enemies destroyed, you would become king and surpass all the kings who ruled over the English before you?” Edwin, starting to regain his composure from such questions, readily promised to repay this stranger’s friendship with worthy gratitude.

Then replied he to his words and said; If he that shall prophesie to thée this good hap to come, shall also be able to informe thee in such counsell for thy health and life, as neuer anie of thy forefathers or kinsfolke yet haue heard, wouldest thou obey him, and also consent to receiue his wholesome aduertisement? Wherevnto without further deliberation Edwin promised, that he would in all points follow the instruction of him that should deliuer him out of so manie and great calamities, and bring him to the rule of a kingdome. Which answere being got, this person that thus talked with him, laid his hand vpon his head, saieng: When this therefore shall chance to thée, be not forgetfull of this time, nor of this communication, and those things that thou now dooest promise, sée thou performe. And therewith he vanished awaie. So that Edwin might well perceiue it was no man but a vision that thus had appeared vnto him.

Then he replied to his words and said; If someone who prophesies this good fortune for you can also give you advice for your health and life that none of your ancestors or relatives have ever heard, would you listen to him and agree to take his helpful advice? Without any further thought, Edwin promised that he would follow the guidance of whoever would deliver him from so many great troubles and lead him to a kingdom's rule. Once he gave this answer, the person speaking to him laid a hand on his head, saying: When this happens to you, don’t forget this moment, nor this conversation, and make sure you keep the promises you’re making now. And with that, he disappeared. So Edwin could clearly see that it was not a man, but a vision that had appeared to him.

[¶ This vnaccustomed course it pleased God to vse for the conuersion of the king (to whose example it was no doubt but the people and inferiour sort would generallie be conformed) who otherwise had continued in paganisme and blind ignorance both of Gods truth and true christianitie. And it maie be that there was in him, as in other kings his predecessors, a settled perswasion in gentilish error, so that neither by admonition nor preaching (though the same had procéeded from the mouth of one allotted to that ministerie) he was to be reuoked from the infidelitie and misbeléefe wherein he was nuzzeled and trained vp. For it is the nature of all men, to be addicted to the obseruation of such rites and customes as haue béene established and left in force by their progenitors, and sooner to stand vnto a desire and earnest purpose of adding somewhat to their elders corrupt constitutions, and irreligious course of conuersation, than to be inclinable to anie article or point tending to innouation: so inflexible is the posteritie to swarue from the traditions of antiquitie, stand the same vpon neuer so grosse and palpable absurdities.]

[¶ This unexpected path it pleased God to use for the king's conversion (to whose example it was certain the people and lower classes would generally conform), who otherwise would have remained in paganism and blind ignorance of God's truth and true Christianity. It may be that he, like other kings before him, had a strong belief in falsehood, so that neither by warning nor preaching (even if it came from someone assigned to that ministry) could he be turned from the disbelief and misconceptions in which he was raised. For it is human nature to cling to the rituals and customs established by their ancestors, and to be more inclined to modify their ancestors' flawed practices and irreligious ways of living than to be open to any new ideas or changes: so resistant is the next generation to stray from the traditions of the past, even if they are based on the most obvious and glaring absurdities.]

Edwin still reioising in the foresaid comfortable talke, but thoughtfull in mind what he should be, or from whence he came that had talked in this sort with him; behold his friend returned that first had brought him foorth of his chamber, and declared vnto him good newes, how the king by perswasion of the quéene had altered his determination, and minded to mainteine his quarell to the vttermost of his power: and so he did in déed. For with all diligence he raised an armie, and went against Ethelfrid, vanquished him in battell, and placed Edwin in the kingdome (as before ye haue heard.)

Edwin was still enjoying the comfortable conversation, but he was also deep in thought about what he should do and where he came from to be talking this way with him. Just then, his friend returned, the one who had first brought him out of his room, and shared the good news that the king, persuaded by the queen, had changed his mind and intended to support his cause with all his strength. And indeed, he did. With great effort, he raised an army, went against Ethelfrid, defeated him in battle, and placed Edwin in the kingdom (as you have heard before).


[Page 607]

[Page 607]

King Edwin is put in mind of his vision by Pauline who sawe the same in spirit, he is licenced to preach the gospell, bishop Coifi destroieth the idols, Edwin and his people receiue the Christian faith, his two sonnes Osfride and Eadfride become conuerts, Redwald king of the Eastangles is baptised, he serueth God and the diuell, Sibert receiueth the faith, Felix bishop of Burgongne commeth ouer to Honorius archbishop of Canturburie, he preacheth to the Eastangles, the Northumbers and Lincolnshiremen are conuerted manie are baptised in the riuer of Trent; king Edwins iustice how effectuall and commendable, his care for the common-wealth, his prouidence for the refection of trauellers, pope Honorius confirmeth Pauline archbishop of Yorke, the tenor of his letters touching the mutuall election of the archbishop of Canturburie and Yorke, if either of them happened to suruiue other, his letters to the Scots touching the keeping of Easter and avoiding the Pelagian heresie, Cadwallo king of Britaine rebelleth against Edwin, Penda king of Mercia enuieth his good estate, Cadwallo and Penda inuade Northumberland, Edwin and his sonne Osfride are slaine, Penda putteth his other sonne Eadfride cruellie to death.

King Edwin remembers his vision thanks to Pauline, who saw the same thing spiritually. He is authorized to preach the gospel, and Bishop Coifi destroys the idols. Edwin and his people accept the Christian faith, and his two sons, Osfrid and Eadfrid, convert as well. Redwald, king of the East Angles, is baptized; he serves both God and the devil. Sibert adopts the faith, and Felix, the bishop from Burgundy, comes to Honorius, the archbishop of Canterbury. He preaches to the East Angles, and many Northumbrians and Lincolnshire residents convert, with many being baptized in the River Trent. There's praise for King Edwin's effective and admirable justice, his concern for the common good, and his provision for the needs of travelers. Pope Honorius confirms Pauline as the archbishop of York, outlining the mutual election process for the archbishop of Canterbury and York, should either survive the other. His letters to the Scots deal with observing Easter and avoiding Pelagian heresy. Cadwallo, king of Britain, rebels against Edwin, and Penda, king of Mercia, envies his success. Cadwallo and Penda invade Northumberland, leading to the deaths of Edwin and his son Osfrid, while Penda brutally kills his other son Eadfrid.

THE XXVJ CHAPTER.

Notwithstanding the former vision, king Edwin deferred time yer he would receiue the Christian faith, in somuch that Pauline vpon a daie came vnto him as he sat musing what he were best to doo, and laid his hand vpon his head, asking him if he knew that signe. Whereat when the king would haue fallen downe at his féet, he lifted him vp, and as it were in familiar wise thus said vnto him: "Behold, by the assistance of Gods fauour thou hast escaped the hands of thine enimies, whome thou stoodst in feare of: behold through his bountious liberalitie, thou hast obteined the kingdome which thou diddest desire, remember then that thou delaie no time to performe the third thing that thou diddest promise, in receiuing his faith, and kéeping his commandements, which deliuering thée from worldlie aduersities, hath thus aduanced thée to the honor of a king: and if from henceforth thou wilt obey his will, which by my mouth hée setteth and preacheth to thée and others, he will deliuer thée from euerlasting torments, and make thée partaker with him in his celestiall kingdome." It is to be thought that the vision which the king had in times past receiued, was in spirit reuealed vnto Pauline, wherevpon without delaie of time, he put him in remembrance of it in maner as aboue is mentioned.

Despite the earlier vision, King Edwin postponed his acceptance of the Christian faith. One day, Paulinus approached him while he was contemplating what to do and placed his hand on the king's head, asking if he recognized that sign. When the king fell to his feet, Paulinus lifted him up and, in a friendly manner, said to him: "Look, by God's help, you've escaped the hands of your enemies, whom you feared. Through His generous kindness, you’ve obtained the kingdom you desired. Remember, do not delay in fulfilling the third thing you promised, which is to embrace His faith and keep His commandments. This will deliver you from worldly hardships and has brought you to the honor of being a king. If from now on you will obey His will, which He expresses through me to you and others, He will save you from everlasting torment and make you a part of His heavenly kingdom." It is believed that the vision the king had received in the past was spiritually revealed to Paulinus, who then promptly reminded him of it as mentioned above.

The king hauing heard his words, answered, that he would and ought to receiue the faith which he taught, but first he would conferre with his nobles, and if they would agrée to doo the like, then would they be baptised altogither at one time. Pauline satisfied herewith, Edwin did Edwin consulteth with his nobles. as he had promised, calling togither the wisest men of his realme, and of them asked the question what they thought of this diuinitie, which was preached vnto them by Pauline, vnto whome his chiefe bishop named
The answere of an heathen bishop.
Coifi, incontinentlie made this answer; that Suerlie the religion which they had hitherto followed was nothing worth. "For saith he, there is none of thy people that hath more reuerentlie woorshipped our gods than I haue doone, and yet be there manie that haue receiued far greater benefits at thy hands than I haue doone: and therefore if our gods were of anie power, then would they rather helpe me to high honor and dignitie than others. Therefore if it maie be found that this new religion is better & more auailable than our old, let vs with spéed imbrace the same."

The king, having heard his words, replied that he would and should accept the faith that Pauline taught, but first, he wanted to talk with his nobles. If they agreed to do the same, they would all be baptized together at once. Satisfied with this, Edwin did as he promised, gathering the wisest men of his kingdom and asking them what they thought of the religion preached by Pauline. His chief bishop, Coifi, immediately responded that the religion they had followed was worthless. "I have worshipped our gods more reverently than anyone else," he said, "yet many have received far greater blessings from you than I have. If our gods had any power, they would have helped me attain high honor and status instead of others. So if we can find that this new religion is better and more beneficial than our old one, let’s quickly embrace it."

Finallie, when other of the kings councell & men of high authoritie gaue their consents, that this doctrine which Pauline taught ought to be receiued, if therein appeered more certeintie of saluation than Pauline licenced to preach the gospell. could be found in the other: at length the king gaue licence to Pauline openlie to preach the gospell, and renouncing his worshipping of false gods, professed the Christian faith. And when he demanded of his bishop Coifi who should first deface the altars of their idols, and the tabernacles wherewith they were compassed about? He answered, that himselfe would doo it. "For what is more méet (saith he) than that I,[Page 608] which thorough foolishnesse haue worshipped them, should now for example sake destroie the same, thorough wisedome giuen me from the true and liuing God?" And streightwaies throwing awaie the superstition of vanitie, required armour and weapon of the king, with a stoned horsse, vpon the which he being mounted, rode foorth to destroie the idols.

Finally, when the other kings' advisors and men of high authority agreed that the doctrine Pauline taught should be accepted, if it showed more certainty of salvation than what could be found in the others, the king eventually gave Pauline the license to openly preach the gospel. He renounced his worship of false gods and embraced the Christian faith. When he asked his bishop Coifi who would be the first to dismantle the altars of their idols and the shrines surrounding them, Coifi replied that he would do it himself. "For what is more fitting," he said, "than that I, who have foolishly worshiped them, should now, for the sake of example, destroy them through the wisdom given to me by the true and living God?" Immediately, casting aside the superstition of vanity, he requested arms and a horse from the king, and mounted on a steed, he rode out to destroy the idols.

This was a strange sight to the people: for it was not lawfull for the bishop of their law to put on armour, or to ride on anie beast, except it were a mare. He hauing therefore a swoord gird to him, tooke a speare in his hand, and riding on the kings horsse, went to the place where the idols stood. The common people that beheld him had thought he had béene starke mad, and out of his wits: but he without longer deliberation, incontinentlie vpon his comming to the temple, began to deface the same, and in contempt threw his speare against it, & reioising greatlie in the knowledge of the worshipping of the true God, commanded his companie to destroie & burne downe the same temple with all the altars. This place where the idols were sometime worshipped was not farre from Yorke, towards the east part of the riuer of Derwent, and is called Gotmundin Gaham, where the foresaid bishop by the inspiration of God defaced and destroied those altars, which he himselfe had hallowed.

This was a strange sight for the people: it was not allowed for their bishop to wear armor or ride any animal except a mare. So, with a sword at his side, he took a spear in his hand and rode the king's horse to the place where the idols stood. The common people who saw him thought he was completely mad and out of his mind. But without any further hesitation, as soon as he arrived at the temple, he began to vandalize it. In contempt, he threw his spear at it and, filled with joy from knowing the worship of the true God, commanded his companions to destroy and burn down the temple along with all the altars. This spot, where the idols were once worshipped, was not far from York, to the east of the River Derwent, and is called Gotmundin Gaham, where the aforementioned bishop, inspired by God, defaced and destroyed those altars, which he himself had consecrated.

King Edwin with his people receive the christian faith. Beda. lib. 2. cap. 14. 627. King Edwin therefore with all the nobilitie, and a great number of his people, receiued the faith and were baptised, in the yéere of our Lord 627, in the tenth yéere of his reigne, and about the 178 yéere after the first comming of the Englishmen into this land. He was baptised at Yorke on Easter daie (which fell that yéere the day before the Ides of Aprill) in the church of S. Peter the apostle, which he had caused to be erected and built vp of timber vpon the sudden for that purpose, and afterwards began the foundation of the same church in stone-woorke of a larger compasse, comprehending within it that oratorie which he had first caused to be built: but before he could finish the woorke, he was slaine (as after shall be shewed) leauing it to be performed of his successor Oswald.

King Edwin and his people adopt the Christian faith. Beda. lib. 2. cap. 14. 627. King Edwin, along with all the nobles and a large number of his people, adopted the faith and were baptized in the year 627, during the tenth year of his reign, and about 178 years after the first arrival of the English in this land. He was baptized in York on Easter Sunday (which that year fell the day before the Ides of April) in the church of St. Peter the Apostle, which he had hastily constructed out of timber for that purpose, and he later began the foundation of the same church in stone on a larger scale, incorporating within it the chapel he had initially built. However, before he could complete the work, he was killed (as will be explained later), leaving it to be finished by his successor Oswald.

Pauline continued from thencefoorth during the kings life, which was six yéeres after, in preaching the gospell in that prouince, conuerting an innumerable number of people to the faith of Christ, among whom were Osfride and Eadfride the two sonnes of Edwin, whom he begot in time of his banishment of his wife Quinburga, the daughter of Cearlus king of Mercia. Also afterwards he begot children on his second wife Ediltrudis. Ethelburga, that is to say, a sonne called Edilhimus, and a daughter named Ediltrudis, and another sonne called Bustfrea, of the which the two first died in their cradels, and were buried in the church at Yorke. To be briefe: by the kings assistance & fauour shewed vnto Pauline in the woorke of the Lord, great multitudes of people dailie receiued the faith, and were baptised of Pauline in manie places, but speciallie in the riuer of Gleuie within the prouince of Bernicia, and also in Swale in the prouince of Deira: for as yet in the beginning thus of the church in those countries, no temples or fonts could be builded or erected in so short a time.

Pauline continued for the next six years during the king's life, preaching the gospel in that province and converting countless people to the faith of Christ, among them Osfride and Eadfride, the two sons of Edwin, whom he had during his banishment from his wife Quinburga, the daughter of Cearlus, king of Mercia. Later, he had children with his second wife Ediltrudis. Ethelburga, including a son named Edilhimus, a daughter named Ediltrudis, and another son named Bustfrea. The first two died in their cribs and were buried in the church in York. In short, with the king's help and favor shown to Pauline in his work for the Lord, great numbers of people daily accepted the faith and were baptized by Pauline in many places, especially in the river Gleuie within the province of Bernicia, and also in Swale in the province of Deira; for at the beginning of the church in those regions, there were no temples or fonts that could be built or erected in such a short time.

Of such great zeale was Edwin (as it is reported) towards the setting This chanced in the yéere 632, as Matt. West. saith. foorth of Gods truth, that he persuaded Carpwald the sonne of Redwald king of the Eastangles to abandon the superstitious worshipping of idols, and to receiue the faith of Christ with all his whole prouince. Redwald king of Eastangles baptised. His father Redwald was baptised in Kent long before this time, but in vaine: for returning home, through counsell of his wife and other wicked persons, he was seduced, and being turned from the sincere puritie of faith, his last dooings were woorse than his first, so that according to the maner of the old Samaritans, he would séeme both to Redwald would serve God and the diuell. serue the true God and his false gods, (whom before time he had serued) and in one selfe church had at one time both the sacraments of Christ ministred at one altar, and sacrifice made vnto diuels at another.

Edwin was so passionate about sharing God's truth that he convinced Carpwald, the son of Redwald, the king of the East Angles, to stop worshipping idols and embrace the Christian faith along with his entire province. This took place in the year 632, as Matt. West. mentions. Redwald, Carpwald's father, had been baptized in Kent long before this, but it was for nothing: when he returned home, he was led astray by his wife and other wicked people. He turned away from the genuine purity of faith, and his later actions were worse than his earlier ones. Following the example of the old Samaritans, he tried to serve both the true God and the false gods he had previously worshiped, even holding the sacraments of Christ at one altar while offering sacrifices to demons at another. King Redwald of the East Angles was baptized. Redwald would serve both God and the devil.

But Carpwald within a while after he had receiued the faith, was slaine by one of his owne countrimen that was an ethnike, called Richbert, and then after his death, that prouince for the tearme of thrée yeeres was Sibert or Sigibert. wrapped eftsoones in errour, till Sibert or Sigibert, the brother of Carpwald, a most christian prince, and verie well learned, obteined the rule of that kingdome, who whilest he liued a banished man in France during his brothers life time, was baptised there, and became a christian: and when he came to be king, he caused all his prouince to[Page 609] be partaker of the same fountaine of life, wherein he had beene dipped himselfe.

But Carpwald, shortly after he embraced the faith, was killed by one of his own countrymen, an outsider named Richbert. After his death, that province fell back into error for a period of three years, until Sibert or Sigibert, Carpwald’s brother, a deeply Christian and highly educated prince, gained control of the kingdom. While he was living in exile in France during his brother's lifetime, he was baptized and became a Christian. When he eventually became king, he made sure that all of his province shared in the same fountain of life where he had been baptized himself.

Vnto this godlie purpose also, a bishop of the parties of Burgoigne named Felix was a great furtherer, who comming ouer vnto the archbishop of Canturburie Honorius that was successor vnto Iustus, and declaring vnto him his earnest desire, was sent by the same archbishop to preach the woord of life vnto the Eastangles, which he did with such good successe, that he conuerted the whole countrie to the faith of Iesus A bishop ordained at Dunwhich. Beda lib. 1. cap. 16. Christ, and placed the sée of his bishoprike at Dunwich, ending the course of his life there in peace after he had continued in that his bishoplike office the space of 17 yéeres. Moreouer Pauline, after that he had conuerted the Northumbers, preached the woord of God vnto them of Lindsey, which is a part of Lincolnshire: and first he persuaded one This chanced in the yéere 628, as Matth. West. saith. Blecca the gouernour of the citie of Lincolne to turne vnto Christ, togither with all his familie. In that citie he also builded a church of stone woorke. Thus Pauline trauelled in the woorke of the Lord, the same being greatlie furthered by the helpe of Edwin, in whose presence he baptised a great number of people in the riuer of Trent, néere to a towne, which in the old English toong was called Tio vulfingacester. This Pauline had with him a deacon named Iames, the which shewed himselfe verie diligent in the ministerie, and profited greatlie therein.

To this noble goal, a bishop from Burgundy named Felix was a strong supporter. He came to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Honorius, who succeeded Justus, and expressed his deep desire. The Archbishop sent him to preach the word of life to the East Angles, and he was so successful that he converted the entire region to the faith of Jesus Christ, establishing the seat of his bishopric at Dunwich, where he eventually passed away peacefully after serving as bishop for 17 years. Additionally, Pauline, after converting the Northumbrians, preached the word of God to the people of Lindsey, a part of Lincolnshire. He first persuaded Blecca, the governor of Lincoln, to turn to Christ along with his entire family. In that city, he also built a stone church. Thus, Pauline diligently worked in the Lord’s service, greatly aided by Edwin, in whose presence he baptized many people in the River Trent, near a town that was called Tio vulfingacester in Old English. Pauline was accompanied by a deacon named James, who showed great diligence in the ministry and made significant progress.

But now to returne to king Edwin, who was a prince verelie of woorthie fame, and for the politike ordering of his countries and obseruing of iustice, deserued highlie to be commended: for in his time all robbers Wil. Malm. by the high waie were so banished out of his dominions, that a woman with hir new borne child alone, without other companie, might haue trauelled from sea to sea, and not haue incountred with anie creature that durst once haue offered hir iniurie. He was also verie carefull Math. West.
Beda lib 2. cap. 16.
for the aduancement of the commoditie & common wealth of his people, insomuch that where there were any swéet and cleare water-springs, he caused postes to be set vp, and iron dishes to be fastened thereto with chaines, that waifaring men might haue the same readie at hand to drinke with: and there was none so hardie as to touch the same but for that vse. He vsed wheresoeuer he went within the cities or elsewhere abroad, to haue a banner borne before him, in token of iustice to be ministred by his roiall authoritie.

But now let's go back to King Edwin, who was truly a prince of worthy fame. For the way he managed his lands and upheld justice, he deserved high praise. During his reign, all the robbers were driven out of his territories so thoroughly that a woman with her newborn child could travel alone from sea to sea without encountering anyone who would dare to harm her. He was also very attentive to the welfare and prosperity of his people. He would ensure that wherever there were sweet and clear springs, posts were put up and iron bowls secured with chains so travelers could easily access them for drinking. No one was bold enough to touch those bowls except for that purpose. Wherever he went, whether in the cities or outside, he had a banner carried in front of him as a sign of the justice to be delivered under his royal authority.

In the meane season, pope Honorius the fift, hearing that the Northumbers had receiued the faith (as before is mentioned) at the preaching of Pauline, sent vnto the said Pauline the pall, confirming him archbishop in the sée of Yorke. He sent also letters of exhortation Beda lib 2. cap. 17. vnto king Edwin, to kindle him the more with fatherlie aduise to continue and procéed in the waie of vnderstanding, into the which he was entered. At the same time also, bicause Iustus the archbishop of Canturburie was dead, and one Honorius elected to that sée, pope Honorius sent to the said elect archbishop of Canturburie his pall, A decrée concerning the archbishops of Canturburie and Yorke. with letters, wherein was conteined a decrée by him made, that when either the archbishop of Canturburie or Yorke chanced to depart this life, he that suruiued should haue authoritie to ordeine another in place of him that was deceassed, that they should not néed to wearie themselues with going to Rome, being so farre distant from them. The copie of which letter is registred in the ecclesiasticall historie of Beda, bearing date the third Ides of Iune, in the yéere of our Lord 633. 633. The same pope sent letters also to the Scotish people, exhorting The feast of Easter. them to celebrate the feast of Easter in such due time as other churches of the christian world obserued. And also bicause the heresie
The heresie of the Pelagians.
of the Pelagians began to renew againe amongst them (as he was informed) he admonished them to beware thereof, and by all meanes to auoid it. For he knew that to the office of a pastor it is necessarilie incident, not onelie to exhort, teach, and shew his sheepe the waies to a christian life, but also stronglie to withstand all such vniust meanes, as might hinder their procéeding in the truth of religion. For as poison is vnto the bodie, that is heresie vnto veritie. And as the bodie by poison is disabled from all naturall faculties, and vtterlie extinguished, vnlesse by present meanes the force thereof be vanquished: so truth and veritie by errors and heresies is manie times[Page 610] choked and recouereth, but neuer strangled.

In the meantime, Pope Honorius the Fifth, hearing that the Northumbrians had accepted the faith (as previously mentioned) through the preaching of Paulinus, sent him the pall, confirming him as Archbishop of York. He also sent letters of encouragement to King Edwin, urging him with fatherly advice to continue and advance in the path of understanding he had embraced. At the same time, since Justus, the Archbishop of Canterbury, had died, and one Honorius was elected to that position, Pope Honorius sent the elected Archbishop of Canterbury his pall, along with letters that included a decree stating that when either the Archbishop of Canterbury or York died, the surviving one would have the authority to appoint another in place of the deceased, so they wouldn't have to struggle by traveling all the way to Rome, which was far from them. A copy of this letter is recorded in the ecclesiastical history of Bede, dated the third Ides of June in the year of our Lord 633. The same pope also sent letters to the Scottish people, encouraging them to celebrate the feast of Easter at the same time that other churches in the Christian world did. Additionally, because the heresy of the Pelagians was reportedly starting to resurface among them, he warned them to be cautious and to avoid it by all means. He understood that part of a pastor’s duty is not just to exhort, teach, and guide his flock in the ways of a Christian life but also to strongly oppose any unjust means that might hinder their progress in the truth of religion. Just as poison harms the body, heresy undermines the truth. And just as the body is incapacitated by poison and can perish unless the effect is counteracted quickly, so too does truth and verity often get choked by errors and heresies, but it never truly dies.

But now that the kingdome of Northumberland flourished (as before is partlie touched) in happie state vnder the prosperous reigne of Edwin, at length, after he had gouerned it the space of 17 yeeres, Cadwalline, Cadwallin, or Cadwallo king of Britaine. or Cadwallo, king of Britaine, who succeeded Cadwane, as Gal. Mon. saith, rebelled against him. For so it commeth to passe, that nothing can be so sure confirmed by mans power, but the same by the like power
Penda king of Mercia.
may be againe destroied. Penda king of Mercia enuieng the prosperous procéedings of Edwin, procured Cadwallo to mooue this rebellion against Edwin: and ioining his power with Cadwallo, they inuaded the countrie of Northumberland iointlie togither. Edwin heereof aduertised, gathered his people, & came to incounter them, so that both armies met at a place called Hatfield, where was fought a verie sore and bloudie King Edwin slaine. Matth. West. battell. But in the end Edwin was slaine with one of his sonnes named Osfride, and his armie beaten downe and dispersed. Also there was slaine on Edwins part, Eodbald king of Orkenie. Moreouer there was an other of Edwins sonnes named Eadfride constreined of necessitie to giue himselfe into the hands of Penda, and was after by him cruellie put to death, contrarie to his promised faith in king Oswalds daies that succéeded Edwin. Thus did king Edwin end his life in that battell, fought at Hatfield aforesaid, on the fourth ides of October, in the yere of our Lord 633, he being then about the age of 47 yéeres and vpwards.

But now that the kingdom of Northumberland thrived (as previously mentioned) under the prosperous reign of Edwin, after he had ruled for 17 years, Cadwalline, Cadwallin, or Cadwallo, king of Britain. or Cadwallo, king of Britain, who succeeded Cadwane, as Gal. Mon. states, rebelled against him. It often happens that nothing firmly established by human power can be guaranteed, as it may also be undone by similar power. Penda, king of Mercia. Penda, king of Mercia, envying Edwin's successful reign, persuaded Cadwallo to lead this rebellion against him; they combined their forces and invaded the land of Northumberland together. Edwin, informed of this, gathered his people and went to confront them, so both armies met at a place called Hatfield, where a very fierce and bloody battle was fought. In the end, Edwin was killed along with one of his sons named Osfride, and his army was defeated and scattered. Also, Eodbald, king of Orkney, was slain on Edwin's side. Moreover, another of Edwin's sons named Eadfride was forced to surrender to Penda, who later cruelly executed him, despite having promised safety during the days of King Oswald, who succeeded Edwin. Thus, King Edwin met his end in that battle fought at Hatfield on the fourth ides of October in the year of our Lord 633, at about the age of 47.


The crueltie of Penda and Cadwallo after their victorie, the Britains make no account of religion, Archbishop Pauline with queen Ethelburga flie out of Northumberland into Kent, honorable personages accompanie him thither, Romanus bishop of Rochester drowned, Pauline vndertaketh the charge of that see; Osrilie is king of Deira, and Eaufride king of Bernicia, both kings become apostatas, and fall frō christianitie to paganisme, then are both slaine within lesse than a yeeres space; Oswald is created king of Northumberland, his chiefs practise in feats of armes, Cadwallo king of Britaine hath him in contempt, Oswalds superstitious deuotion and intercession to God against his enimies; both kings ioine battell; Cadwallo is slaine, Penda king of Mercia his notable vertues linked with foule vices, he maketh warre on whome he will without exception.

The cruelty of Penda and Cadwallo after their victory, the Britains disregard religion. Archbishop Pauline flees from Northumberland to Kent with Queen Ethelburga, accompanied by honorable people. Romanus, the bishop of Rochester, drowns, and Pauline takes over that see. Osril is the king of Deira, and Eaufride is the king of Bernicia; both kings become apostates, turning from Christianity to paganism, and both are killed within less than a year. Oswald is made king of Northumberland, and his leaders engage in military feats. Cadwallo, the king of Britain, holds him in contempt. Oswald's superstitious devotion and prayers to God against his enemies are evident. The two kings join battle; Cadwallo is killed, and Penda, the king of Mercia, is known for his notable virtues mixed with terrible vices, waging war on anyone he chooses without exception.

THE XXVIJ CHAPTER.

Cadwallo and Penda hauing obteined the victorie aforsaid, vsed it most cruellie. For one of the capteins was a pagan, and the other wanting all ciuilitie, shewed himselfe more cruell than anie pagan could haue doone. So that Penda being a worshipper of false gods with his people of Mercia, and Cadwallo hauing no respect to the Christian religion The crueltie of Penda and Cadwallo. which latelie was begun amongst the Northumbers, made hauocke in all places where they came, not sparing man, woman nor child: and so continued in their furious outrage a long time in passing through the countrie, to the great decay and calamitie of the Christian congregations in those parties. And still the christian Britains were lesse mercifull than Penda his heathenish souldiers. For euen vnto the daies of Beda (as he affirmeth) the Britains made no account of the faith or religion of the Englishmen, nor would communicate with them more than with the pagans, bicause they differed in rites from their accustomed traditions.

Cadwallon and Penda, having won the battle mentioned, used their victory in a very brutal way. One of the leaders was a pagan, and the other, lacking any civility, acted even more ruthless than any pagan could. So, Penda, a worshipper of false gods along with his people from Mercia, and Cadwallo, who had no respect for the recently introduced Christian faith among the Northumbrians, caused destruction wherever they went, sparing neither man, woman, nor child. They continued their violent rampage for a long time as they moved through the country, leading to significant decline and suffering for the Christian communities in those regions. Moreover, the Christian Britons were even less merciful than Penda's pagan soldiers. According to Bede, even in his time, the Britons paid no attention to the faith or religion of the English and refused to engage with them any more than they would with pagans, simply because their practices differed from their own traditions.

The archbishop Pauline flieth into Kent. When the countrie of the Northumbers was brought into this miserable case by the enimies inuasion, the archbishop Pauline taking with him the quéene Ethelburga, whom he had brought thither, returned now againe with hir by water into Kent, where he was receiued of the archbishop Honorius, and king Eadbald. He came thither in the conduct of one[Page 611] Bassus a valiant man of warre, hauing with him Eaufred the daughter, and Vulfrea the sonne of Edwin, & also Iffi the sonne of Osfride Edwins sonne, whom their mother after for feare of the kings Edbold and Oswold did send into France where they died. The church of Rochester at that time was destitute of a bishop, by the death of Romanus, who being sent to Rome vnto pope Honorius, was drowned by the way in the Italian seas. Wherevpon at the request of archbishop Honorius, and king Eadbald, Pauline tooke vpon him the charge of that sée, and held it till he died.

Archbishop Pauline arrives in Kent. When the land of Northumbria was brought into this miserable state by enemy invasion, Archbishop Pauline took Queen Ethelburga with him, whom he had brought there, and returned with her by water to Kent, where he was received by Archbishop Honorius and King Eadbald. He arrived there under the guidance of Bassus, a brave warrior, bringing with him Eaufred, the daughter, and Vulfrea, the son of Edwin, as well as Iffi, the son of Osfrith, Edwin’s son, whom their mother sent to France out of fear of Kings Eadbald and Oswald, where they died. At that time, the Church of Rochester was without a bishop due to the death of Romanus, who was sent to Rome to see Pope Honorius but drowned on the way in the Italian seas. Therefore, at the request of Archbishop Honorius and King Eadbald, Pauline took on the responsibility of that see and held it until he died.

Beda. lib. 3. ca. 1. OSRIKE KING OF DEIRA. After it was knowne that Edwin was slaine in battell (as before ye haue heard) Osrike the sonne of his vncle Elfrike tooke vpon him the rule of the kingdome of Deira, which had receiued the sacrament of baptisme by the preaching and vertuous instruction of Pauline. But the other
Eaufrid king of Bernicia.
kingdome of Northumberland called Bernicia, Eaufride the son of Edelferd or Edelfride, tooke vpon him to gouerne. This Eaufride during the time of Edwins reigne, had continued in Scotland, and there being conuerted to the Christian faith was baptised. But both these princes, after they had obteined possession of their earthlie kingdoms, did forget the care of the heauenlie kingdome, so that they returned to their old kind of idolatrie. But almightie God did not long suffer this their vnthankefulnesse without iust punishment: for first in the next summer, when Osrike had rashlie besieged Cadwallo king of the Britains, within a certeine towne, Cadwallo brake foorth vpon him, and finding him vnprouided to make resistance, slue him with all his armie. Now The two kings of Northumberland slaine. after this, whilest Cadwallo not like a conqueror gouerned the prouinces of the Northumbers, but like a tyrant wasted and destroied them, in sleaing the people in tragicall maner, he also slue Eaufride, the which with twelue men of warre came vndiscréetlie vnto him to sue for peace: and thus within lesse than twelue moneths space both these runagate kings were dispatched.

Beda. lib. 3. approx. 1. OSRIKE, KING OF DEIRA. Once it was known that Edwin had been killed in battle (as you have heard), Osrike, the son of his uncle Elfrike, took over the rule of the kingdom of Deira, which had been baptized through the preaching and virtuous teachings of Pauline. Meanwhile, the other part of Northumberland, called Bernicia, was governed by Eaufride, the son of Edelferd or Edelfride. During Edwin’s reign, Eaufride stayed in Scotland and was converted to the Christian faith and baptized there. However, both these kings, after gaining control of their earthly kingdoms, neglected the care of the heavenly kingdom and returned to their former idolatry. But Almighty God did not allow their ingratitude to go unpunished for long: first, the following summer, when Osrike foolishly besieged Cadwallo, king of the Britons, in a certain town, Cadwallo broke out against him and, finding him unprepared to resist, killed him along with his entire army. Now, The two kings of Northumberland were killed. after this, while Cadwallo ruled over the provinces of the Northumbers not as a conqueror but as a tyrant, devastating them and tragically killing the people, he also killed Eaufride, who had come unwisely with twelve warriors to seek peace. Thus, in less than twelve months, both these wayward kings were eliminated.

OSWALD began his reigne in the yeare 635. Beda. lib. 3. cap. 3. Then Oswald the sonne of Edelfred, and brother to the foresaid Eaufride was created king of the Northumbers, the sixt in number from Ida. This Oswald after that his father was slaine, liued as a banished person a long time within Scotland, where he was baptised, and professed the Christian religion, and passed the flower of his youth in good exercises, both of mind & bodie. Amongst other things he practised the vnderstanding of warlike knowledge, minding so to vse it as it might stand him in stead to defend himselfe from iniurie of the enimies that should prouoke him, and not otherwise. Herevpō Cadwallo king of the Britains made in maner no account of him: for by reason that he had atchiued such great victories against the Englishmen, and hauing slaine their two kings (as before is expressed) he ceassed not to proceed in his tyrannicall dooings, reputing the English people for slouthfull, and not apt to the warre, boasting that he was borne to their destruction. Thus being set vp in pride of courage, he feared no perils, but boldlie (without considering at all the skilfull knowledge which Oswald had sufficientlie learned in feates of war) tooke vpon him to assaile the foresaid Oswald, that had brought an armie against him, and was encamped in a plaine field néere vnto the wall which the Romans had builded in times past against the inuasion of Scots and Picts.

OSWALD started his reign in the year 635. Beda. lib. 3. cap. 3. Then Oswald, the son of Edelfred and brother to the aforementioned Eaufride, was made king of the Northumbers, the sixth in line from Ida. After his father was killed, Oswald lived as an exile in Scotland for a long time, where he was baptized and embraced Christianity, dedicating his youth to worthwhile pursuits, both mental and physical. Among other things, he learned the art of warfare, intending to use it solely to defend himself against enemies who challenged him, and not for any other purpose. Meanwhile, Cadwallo, king of the Britains, paid him little regard; having achieved significant victories against the English and killed their two kings (as previously mentioned), he continued his tyrannical behavior, viewing the English as lazy and unfit for war, boasting that he was destined to bring about their destruction. Thus, filled with pride, he feared no danger and boldly attacked Oswald, who had gathered an army against him and was camped in a field near the wall that the Romans had built long ago to defend against invasions by the Scots and Picts.

Cadwallo streight prouoked Oswald to trie the matter by battell, but Oswald forbare the first day, and caused a crosse to be erected in the same place where he was incamped, in full hope that it should be an ensigne or trophie of his victorie, causing all souldiers to make their praiers to God, that in time of such necessitie it might please him to succour them that worship him. It is said, that the crosse being made, and the hole digged wherein it should be set, he tooke the crosse in his owne hands, and putting the foot thereof into that hole, so held it till his souldiers had filled the hole, and rammed it vp: and then caused all the souldiers to knéele downe vpon their knées, and to make intercession to the true and liuing God for his assistance against the proud enimie, with whom they should fight in a iust quarell for the preseruation of their people and countrie.

Cadwallo directly challenged Oswald to settle the matter through battle, but Oswald held off on the first day and had a cross erected in the same spot where he was camped, hoping it would serve as a sign or trophy of his victory. He instructed all soldiers to pray to God, asking Him to help those who worship Him during such desperate times. It is said that once the cross was made and the hole dug for it, he took the cross in his own hands and held the base in the hole until his soldiers filled it in and secured it. Then, he asked all the soldiers to kneel and pray to the true and living God for help against the proud enemy, with whom they would fight in a just cause to protect their people and country.

After this, on the next morning he boldlie gaue battell to his enimies,[Page 612] so that a sore and cruell fight insued betwixt them. At length Oswald perceiued that the Britains began somwhat to faint, and therfore caused his people to renew their force, and more lustilie to preasse forward, so that first he put that most cruell enimie to flight, and after Beda.
Wil. Malm.
pursuing the chase ouertooke him, and slue him with the most part of all his huge and mightie armie, at a place called Denisborne, but the place where he caused the crosse to be erected he named Heuenfield. Thus Cadwallo the most cruell enimie of the English name ended his life: he was terrible both in nature and countenance, for the which cause they say the Britains did afterwards set vp his image, that the same might be a terror to the enimies when they should behold it.

The next morning, he boldly fought against his enemies,[Page 612] leading to a fierce and brutal battle between them. Eventually, Oswald noticed that the Britons were starting to weaken, so he encouraged his troops to strengthen their efforts and push forward more eagerly. This allowed him to first drive the most ruthless enemy into retreat, and then, while continuing the pursuit, he caught up with and killed him along with most of his massive army at a place called Denisborne. The site where he had the cross erected was named Hevenfield. In this way, Cadwallo, the most fierce enemy of the English, met his end. He was feared for both his nature and appearance, which is why it's said the Britons later erected his image to instill fear in their foes whenever they saw it.

¶ But here is to be remembred by the British historie of Gal. Mon. it should appeare that Cadwallo was not slaine at all, but reigned victoriouslie for the space of 48 yéeres, and then departed this life, as in place afterwards it shall appéere. But for that the contrarietie in writers in such points may sooner be perceiued than reformed, to the satisfieng of mens fansies which are variable, we will leaue euerie man to his libertie to thinke as séemeth him good, noting now and then the diuersitie of such writers, as occasion serueth.

¶ But according to the British history of Gal. Mon., it seems that Cadwallo was never actually slain; instead, he reigned victoriously for 48 years before passing away, as will be shown later. Since the contradictions among writers on these points are often easier to notice than to fix, and to satisfy people's ever-changing opinions, we will allow everyone the freedom to think as they see fit, occasionally noting the differences among writers as the situation arises.

PENDA.
636.
Penda the sonne of Wilba succéeded in the gouernement of the kingdome of Mercia after Ciarlus, and began his reigne in the yéere of our Lord 636. He was fiftie yéeres of age before he came to be king, and reigned 30 yeres, he was a prince right hardie and aduenturous, not fearing to ieopard his person in place of danger, assured and readie of remembrance in time of greatest perill. His bodie could not be ouercome with anie trauell, nor his mind vanquished with greatnesse of businesse. But these his vertues were matched with notable vices, as first with such bitternesse of maners as had not béene heard of, crueltie of nature, lacke of courtesie, great vnstedfastnesse in performing of woord and promise, and of vnmeasurable hatred toward the christian religion.

PENDA.
636.
Penda, the son of Wilba, took over the rule of the kingdom of Mercia after Ciarlus and started his reign in the year 636 AD. He was fifty years old when he became king and ruled for 30 years. He was a very bold and adventurous prince, unafraid to put himself in danger, confident and quick to remember things in the most perilous times. His body was unyielding under any hardship, and his mind was undeterred by the pressures of great responsibilities. However, these virtues were overshadowed by significant vices, including an unprecedented bitterness in his demeanor, cruelty by nature, a lack of courtesy, great inconsistency in keeping his word and promises, and an intense hatred towards the Christian religion.

Now vpon confidence in these his great vertues and vices from that time he was made king (as though the whole Ile had bene due to him) he thought not good to let anie occasion passe that was offered to make war, as wel against his friends & confederats, as also against his owne sworne enimies. Part of his dooings ye haue heard, and more shall appeare hereafter. ¶ Of the kings of the Eastsaxons & Eastangles ye haue heard before: of whom in places conuenient ye shall find further mention also, and so likewise of the kings of the Southsaxons: but bicause their kingdom continued not past fiue successions, litle remembrance of them is made by writers.

Now, upon confidence in his great virtues and vices since he became king (as if the whole island belonged to him), he didn't think it wise to let any opportunity slip by to make war, both against his friends and allies, as well as against his sworn enemies. You've heard about some of his actions, and more will be revealed later. ¶ You've heard before about the kings of the East Saxons and East Angles; in appropriate places, you'll find more mentions of them, and the same goes for the kings of the South Saxons. However, because their kingdom lasted only five successions, writers have made little remembrance of them.


Cadwallo king of Britain, diuers deeds of his as the British writers haue recorded them, wherevpon discord arose betweene Cadwallo & Edwin, who for two yeres space were linked in friendship, Cadwallo vanquisht, his flight, of Pelitus the Spanish wizard, Cadwallo ouerthroweth Penda and his power besieging Excester, he arreareth battell against the Northumbers, and killeth Edwin their king, he seeketh to expell the Saxons out of the land, Penda slaieth Oswald, whose brother and successor Osunus by gifts and submission obteineth peace, whom Penda spitefullie attempting to kill is killed himselfe, Cadwallo dieth, a brasen image on horssebacke set vp in his memoriall, saint Martins at Ludgate builded.

Cadwallo, king of Britain, had many deeds recorded by British writers. This led to conflict between Cadwallo and Edwin, who had been friends for two years. After Cadwallo was defeated, he fled from Pelitus the Spanish wizard. Cadwallo then defeated Penda and his forces while besieging Exeter. He prepared for battle against the Northumbrians and killed their king, Edwin. He aimed to drive the Saxons out of the land. Penda killed Oswald, whose brother and successor, Osunus, managed to secure peace through gifts and submission. However, Penda, spitefully trying to kill him, ended up being killed himself. Cadwallo died, and a bronze statue of him on horseback was erected in his memory, along with the construction of St. Martin's at Ludgate.

THE XXVIIJ CHAPTER.

CADWALLO, OR CADWALLINE.
635.
Cadwallo or Cadwalline, (for we find him so named) began his reigne ouer the Britains, in the yéere of our Lord 635, in the yéere of the reigne of the emperour Heracleus 35, and in the 13 yere of Dagobert K. of France. Of this man ye haue heard partlie before touching his dealings and warres against the Northumbers, and other of the English[Page 613] nation: but forsomuch as diuers other things are reported of him by the British writers, we haue thought good in this place to rehearse the same in part, as in Gal. Mon. we find writen, leauing the credit still with the author, sith the truth thereof may be the more suspected, bicause other authors of good authoritie, as Beda, Henrie Huntington, William Malmesburie, and others séeme greatlie to disagrée from him herein. But thus it is written.

CADWALLO, OR CADWALLINE.
635.
Cadwallon or Cadwalline (as we also see him referred to) began his reign over the Britains in the year 635 AD, during the reign of Emperor Heraclius 35, and in the 13th year of King Dagobert of France. You've heard some about his actions and wars against the Northumbrians and other English groups before, but since various other accounts are provided about him by British writers, we thought it would be good to mention some of them here, as recorded in Gal. Mon., while still leaving the credibility to the author, since the truth of it might be more questionable given that other authoritative authors such as Bede, Henry of Huntingdon, William of Malmesbury, and others seem to disagree significantly with him on this matter. But here’s what is written.

Edwin was not sonne to Ethelfred, but to Alla, or Elle, as in other places plainlie appeareth. This Cadwallo and Edwin the sonne of Ethelfred, as Galfride saith, were brought vp in France, being sent thither vnto Salomon king of Britaine, by king Cadwane, when they were verie yoong. Now after their returne into this land, when they were made kings, Cadwallo of the Britains, & Edwin of the Northumbers, there continued for the space of two yéeres great friendship betwixt them, till at length Edwin required of Cadwallo that he might weare a crowne, and celebrate appointed solemnities within his dominion of Northumberland, as well as Cadwallo did in his countrie. Cadwallo taking aduice in this matter, at length by persuasion of his nephue Brian, denied to grant vnto Edwin his request, wherewith Edwin tooke such displeasure, that he sent woord vnto Cadwallo, that he would be crowned without his leaue or licence, sith he would not willinglie grant it. Wherto Cadwallo answered, that if he so did, he would cut off his head vnder his diademe, if he presumed to weare anie within the confines of Britaine. Hereof discord arising betwixt these two princes, they began to make fierce and cruell warre either of them against the other, and at length ioining in batell Cadwallo vanquished by Edwin.
Cadwallo flieth the land.
with their maine forces, Cadwallo lost the field, with many thousands of his men, and being chased fled into Scotland, and from thence got ouer into Ireland, and finally passed the seas into Britaine Armorike, where, of his coosin king Salomon he was courteouslie receiued, and at length obteined of him 10000 men to go with him backe into his countrie, to assist him in recouerie of his lands & dominions, the which in the meane time were cruellie spoiled, wasted and haried by king Edwin.

Edwin was not the son of Ethelfred, but of Alla, or Elle, as is clearly indicated elsewhere. This Cadwallo and Edwin, the son of Ethelfred, as Geoffrey says, were raised in France, having been sent there to King Salomon of Britain by King Cadwane when they were very young. After they returned to this land and became kings—Cadwallo of the Britons and Edwin of the Northumbrians—they maintained a strong friendship for two years. Eventually, Edwin asked Cadwallo if he could wear a crown and hold designated ceremonies in his realm of Northumberland, just like Cadwallo did in his territory. Cadwallo, after consulting his nephew Brian, ultimately refused Edwin's request. This deeply angered Edwin, who sent a message to Cadwallo that he would be crowned without his permission, since he would not willingly grant it. Cadwallo replied that if he did so, he would execute him beneath his crown if he dared to wear one within the borders of Britain. This disagreement led to a fierce and brutal war between the two princes, culminating in a battle where Cadwallo was defeated by Edwin.
Cadwallo flees the area.
with their main forces, Cadwallo lost the field, suffering many casualties among his men. He fled into Scotland, then crossed over into Ireland, and finally made his way to Brittany in Armorica, where he was warmly welcomed by his cousin King Salomon. Eventually, he secured 10,000 men from him to return to his homeland to help him reclaim his lands and territories, which had meanwhile been mercilessly plundered and ravaged by King Edwin.

At the same time Brian the nephue of Cadwallo, whom he had sent into Britaine as little before to slea a certeine wizard or southsaier, whom king Edwin had gotten out of Spaine named Pelitus, that by disclosing the purpose of Cadwallo vnto Edwin, greatlie hindered Cadwallos enterprises, had fortified the citie of Excester, mening to defend it till the comming of Cadwallo, wherevpon Penda king of Mercia besieged that citie with a mightie army, purposing to take it, and Brian within it. Cadwallo then aduertised hereof, immediatlie after his arriuall hasted to Excester, and diuiding his people in 4 parts, set vpon his enimies, tooke Penda, and ouerthrew his whole armie. Penda hauing no other shift to escape, submitted himselfe wholie vnto Cadwallo, promising to become his liegeman, to fight against the Saxons in his quarrell. Penda being thus subdued, Cadwallo called his nobles togither which had bene dispersed abroad a long season, & with all spéed went against Edwin king of Northumberland, and slue him in battell at Hatfield (as before is mentioned) with his son Osfride, and Eodbold king of the Iles of Orknie, which was come thither to his aid.

At the same time, Brian, the nephew of Cadwallo, who had recently been sent to Britain to kill a certain wizard or sorcerer named Pelitus, whom King Edwin had brought from Spain, had fortified the city of Exeter. Pelitus had revealed Cadwallo's plans to Edwin, seriously disrupting Cadwallo's efforts. Brian aimed to defend Exeter until Cadwallo arrived. Meanwhile, Penda, the king of Mercia, besieged the city with a massive army, intending to capture it and Brian within it. Upon hearing the news shortly after his arrival, Cadwallo hurried to Exeter, dividing his forces into four parts to attack his enemies. He defeated Penda and overthrew his entire army. With no other way to escape, Penda fully submitted to Cadwallo, agreeing to be his loyal servant and fight against the Saxons for him. Once Penda was subdued, Cadwallo gathered his nobles, who had been scattered for a long time, and quickly marched against Edwin, the king of Northumberland, killing him in battle at Hatfield, along with his son Osfride and Eodbold, the king of the Orkney Islands, who had come to aid him.

¶ By this it should appeare, that Fabian hath gathered amisse in the account of the reignes of the British kings: for it appeareth by Beda 634. and others, that Edwin was slaine in the yéere of our Lord 634. And where Fabian (as before is said) attributeth that act & diuers other vnto Cadwan the father of this Cadwallo: yet both Gal. Mon. and Beda with the most part of all other writers signifie that it was done by Cadwallo. Harding assigneth but 13 yéeres to the reigne of Cadwan, and declareth that he died in the yéere of our Lord 616, in the which (as he saith) Cadwallo began his reigne, which opinion of his séemeth best to agrée with that which is written by other authors. But to returne to the other dooings of Cadwallo, as we find them recorded in the British storie. After he had got this victorie against the Northumbers, he cruellie pursued the Saxons, as though he ment so farre as in him lay, to destroie the whole race of them out of the coasts of all Britaine: and sending Penda against king Oswald that succéeded Edwin, though at the first Penda receiued the ouerthrow at Heauenfield, yet afterwards Cadwallo himselfe highly displeased with that chance, pursued Oswald, and fought with him at a place called Bourne, where Penda slue the said Oswald slaine. Oswald. Wherevpon his brother Osunus succéeding in gouernment of the[Page 614] Northumbers, sought the fauour of Cadwallo now ruling as king ouer all Britaine, and at length by great gifts of gold and siluer, and vpon his humble submission, obteined peace, till at length vpon spite, Penda Oswie. Matth. West.
654.
king of Mercia obteined licence of Cadwallo to make warres against the said Osunus, in the which (as it hapned) Penda himselfe was slaine. Then Cadwallo after two yéeres granted that Vlfridus the sonne of Penda should succeed in Mercia.

¶ This shows that Fabian has gotten things wrong in his account of the reigns of the British kings. According to Bede 634. and others, Edwin was killed in the year 634 AD. And while Fabian (as mentioned before) credits that act and several others to Cadwan, the father of this Cadwallo, both Gal. Mon. and Bede, along with most other writers, indicate that it was actually done by Cadwallo. Harding only attributes 13 years to the reign of Cadwan and states that he died in the year 616 AD, in which (as he claims) Cadwallo began his reign. This opinion seems to align best with what other authors have written. But returning to the other actions of Cadwallo, as recorded in British history, after he secured this victory over the Northumbrians, he ruthlessly pursued the Saxons, as if he intended to wipe out their entire race from the shores of Britain. He sent Penda against King Oswald, who succeeded Edwin, and although Penda initially suffered a defeat at Heavenfield, later on, Cadwallo himself, greatly displeased with that outcome, chased after Oswald and fought him at a place called Bourne, where Penda killed the aforementioned Oswald killed. Following this, his brother Osunus, who took over the governance of the [Page 614] Northumbrians, sought the favor of Cadwallo, now ruling as king over all Britain, and eventually secured peace through significant gifts of gold and silver, along with his humble submission. However, later out of spite, Penda Oswie. Matth. West. 654. King of Mercia obtained permission from Cadwallo to wage war against Osunus, in which (as it happened) Penda himself was killed. Then, after two years, Cadwallo granted that Ulfridus, the son of Penda, should succeed in Mercia.

Thus Cadwallo ruled things at his appointment within this land. And 678.
Matt. West. saith 676.
finallie when he had reigned 48 yéeres, he departed this life the 22 of Nouember. His bodie being embalmed and dressed with swéet confections, was put into a brasen image by maruelous art melted and cast, which image being set on a brazen horsse of excellent beautie, the Britains set vp aloft vpon the west gate of London called Ludgate, in signe of his conquests, and for a terror to the Saxons. Moreouer the church of S. Martin vnderneath the same gate, was by the Britains then builded. Thus haue the Britains made mention of their valiant prince Cadwallo, but diuerse thinke that much of this historie is but fables, bicause of the manifest varieng both from Beda and other autentike writers (as before I haue said.)

Thus Cadwallo ruled during his time in this land. And 678.
Matt. West. says 676.
finally, when he had reigned for 48 years, he passed away on November 22. His body, embalmed and dressed with sweet substances, was placed into a brass statue created through marvelous artistry, which statue was mounted on a beautifully crafted brass horse. The Britains erected it high above the west gate of London, known as Ludgate, as a sign of his conquests and to instill fear in the Saxons. Additionally, the church of St. Martin was built by the Britains beneath that same gate. Thus, the Britains have commemorated their valiant prince Cadwallo, but many believe that much of this story is just legend because it clearly diverges from Bede and other authentic writers (as I mentioned before).


The true storie of the forenamed king Oswald, his desire to restore christian religion, Cormans preaching taking small effect among the Northumbers, persuadeth him to depart into his owne countrie, he slandereth them before the Scotish clergie, Aidan a godlie man telleth the cause of the peoples not profiting by Cormans preaching, Aidan commeth into England to instruct the people in the faith, he varieth in the obseruation of Easter from the English churches custome, the Northumbers haue him & his doctrine in reuerence, Oswalds earnest zeale to further religion by Aidans preaching and ministerie, 15000 baptised within 7 daies; Oswald hath the Britains, Scots, Picts, & English at his commandement, his commendable deed of christian charitie, the Westsaxons conuerted to the faith by the preaching of Birinus, king Kinigils is baptised, he maketh Birinus bishop of Dorcester, Penda king of Mercia maketh war against the christian kings of the Westsaxons, both sides after a bloudie battell fall to agrement, Ercombert the first English king that destroied idols throughout the whole land, he ordeineth Lent; why English men became moonks, and English women nunnes in monasteries beyond the seas; why Penda king of Mercia enuieth vertuous king Oswald, he is assaulted, slaine in battell, and canonized a saint after his death.

The true story of King Oswald, his wish to revive Christianity, and how Corman's preaching had little effect on the Northumbrians leads him to return to his homeland. He speaks poorly of them to the Scottish clergy. Aidan, a good man, explains why the people didn't benefit from Corman's preaching. Aidan comes to England to teach the people about the faith, differing from the English church in the observance of Easter. The Northumbrians respect Aidan and his teachings. Oswald is deeply committed to spreading religion through Aidan's preaching and ministry, resulting in 15,000 baptisms in just seven days. Oswald has the Britons, Scots, Picts, and English under his command, and he performs commendable acts of Christian charity. The West Saxons convert to the faith through the preaching of Birinus, and King Kinigils gets baptized; he makes Birinus the bishop of Dorchester. Penda, king of Mercia, wages war against the Christian kings of the West Saxons. After a bloody battle, both sides come to an agreement. Ercombert becomes the first English king to destroy idols throughout the land and establishes Lent. This explains why English men became monks and English women nuns in monasteries overseas. Penda, king of Mercia, envies the virtuous King Oswald, attacking and killing him in battle, after which he is canonized a saint.

THE XXIX CHAPTER.

Now will we (after all these differing discourses of the British chronologers) approch and draw as néere as we can to the truth of the historie touching Oswald king of the Northumbers, of whom we find, that Oswald meaneth to be thankefull to God for his benefits. Beda li. 3. cap. 3. 5. 6.
Hector Boet.
after he had tasted of Gods high fauour extended to himwards, in vanquishing his enimies, as one minding to be thankefull therefore, he was desirous to restore the christian faith through his whole kingdome, sore lamenting the decay thereof within the same, and therefore euen in the beginning of his reigne, he sent vnto Donwald the Scotish king (with whome he had béene brought vp in the time of his banishment the space of 18 yéeres) requiring him to haue some learned Scotishman sent vnto him, skilfull in preaching the word of life, that with godly sermons and wholesome instructions, he might conuert the people of Northumberland vnto the true and liuing God, promising to interteine him with such prouision as apperteined.

Now we will, after all these different discussions from British chronologers, approach and get as close as we can to the real history of Oswald, king of the Northumbrians, about whom we find that Oswald intends to be grateful to God for his blessings. Beda li. 3. cap. 3. 5. 6. Hector Boet. After experiencing God's great favor by defeating his enemies, he, wishing to express his gratitude, wanted to restore the Christian faith throughout his entire kingdom, deeply mourning its decline. Therefore, at the start of his reign, he sent to Donwald, the Scottish king (with whom he had been raised during his 18 years of exile), asking him to send a learned Scottish man skilled in preaching the word of life, so that through godly sermons and good teachings, he could convert the people of Northumberland to the true and living God, promising to provide him with the necessary support.

Corman. At his instance, there was sent vnto him one Corman, a clerke singularlie well learned, and of great grauitie in behauiour: but for that he wanted such facilitie, and plaine vtterance by waie of gentle persuading, as is requisite in him that shall instruct the simple, onelie setting foorth in his sermons high mysteries, and matters of[Page 615] such profound knowledge, as the verie learned might scarselie perceiue the perfect sense and meaning of his talke, his trauell came to small effect, so that after a yéeres remaining there, he returned into his countrie, declaring amongst his brethren of the cleargie, that the people of Northumberland was a froward, stubborne and stiffe-harted generation, whose minds he could not frame by anie good meanes of persuasion to receiue the christian faith: so that he iudged it lost labour to spend more time amongst them, being so vnthankfull and intractable a people, as no good might be doone vnto them.

Corman. At his request, one Corman, a highly educated and serious clerk, was sent to him. However, he lacked the ability to communicate simply and persuasively, which is essential for someone teaching the uneducated. Although he spoke of profound mysteries and deep subjects, his sermons were so complicated that even the very learned could barely understand his true meaning. His efforts had little impact, and after a year there, he returned to his home, telling his fellow clergy that the people of Northumberland were a stubborn, obstinate, and hard-hearted group, whose minds he could not shape through any good means of persuasion to accept the Christian faith. He concluded that it was a waste of time to stay with such an ungrateful and difficult people, as no good could be done for them.

Amongst other learned and vertuous prelats of the Scots, there chanced Aidan. one to be there present at the same time called Aidan, a man of so perfect life, that (as Beda writeth) he taught no otherwise than he liued, hauing no regard to the cares of this world, but whatsoeuer was giuen him by kings or men of wealth and riches, that he fréelie bestowed vpon the poore, exhorting other to doo the like. This Aidan hearing Cormans woords, perceiued anon that the fault was not so much in the people as in the teacher, and therefore declared, that (as he thought) although it were so that the people of Northumberland gaue no such attentiue eare vnto the preaching of that reuerend prelate Corman, as his godlie expectation was they should haue doone, yet might it be that his vttering of ouer manie mysticall articles amongst them, farre aboue the capacitie of the vnderstanding of simple men, was the cause why they so lightlie regarded his diuine instructions, whereas if he S. Paules counsell. had (according to the counsell of Saint Paule) at the first ministred vnto their tender vnderstandings, onelie milke, without harder nourishments, he might happilie haue woone a farre greater number of them vnto the receiuing of the faith, and so haue framed them by little and little to haue digested stronger food. And therefore he thought it necessarie in discharge of their duties towards God, and to satisfie the earnest zeale of king Oswald, that some one amongst them might be appointed to go againe into Northumberland, to trie by procéeding in this maner afore alledged, what profit would thereof insue.

Among other educated and virtuous church leaders of the Scots, there was one present at the same time named Aidan. He was such a good man, that (as Bede wrote) he taught no differently than how he lived, caring little for the worries of this world. Whatever gifts he received from kings or wealthy individuals, he freely shared with the poor, encouraging others to do the same. Upon hearing Corman’s words, Aidan realized that the problem lay not so much with the people, but with the teacher. He stated that, although it seemed the people of Northumberland were not paying as much attention to the preaching of that respected leader Corman as he had hoped, it was possible that Corman's focus on overly complicated teachings, which were beyond the understanding of simple folks, was why they took his divine instructions so lightly. If Corman had followed the advice of Saint Paul and initially provided them only with basic teachings, without overwhelming them with hard concepts, he might have attracted a much larger audience to the faith over time, gradually preparing them for more profound understandings. Therefore, Aidan believed it was necessary, to fulfill their responsibilities to God and to satisfy the strong desire of King Oswald, that someone among them should be appointed to return to Northumberland and see what benefits might come from this proposed approach.

The bishops hearing the opinion of Aidan, and therewith knowing Cormans maner of preaching, iudged the matter to be as Aidan had declared, and therevpon not onelie allowed his woords, but also willed him to take the iournie vpon him, sith they knew none so able with effect to Aidan commeth into England to preach the gospell. accomplish their wished desires in that behalfe. Aidan, for that he would not seeme to refuse to take that in hand which he himselfe had motioned, was contented to satisfie their request, and so set forward towards Northumberland, and comming thither, was ioifullie receiued of king Oswald, who appointed him the Ile of Lindesfarne, wherein to place the see of his new bishoprike.

The bishops, after hearing Aidan's opinion and understanding Corman's preaching style, concluded that the issue was as Aidan described. They not only approved his words but also urged him to take on the journey because they knew no one else was as capable of effectively fulfilling their wishes in that regard. Aidan, not wanting to appear as if he was refusing to take on what he had proposed himself, agreed to their request and set off for Northumberland. Upon arriving, he was joyfully welcomed by King Oswald, who designated the Isle of Lindisfarne as the location for his new bishopric.

Beda li. 3. ca. 3.
Hector Boet.
This Aidan in one point varied from the vse of the new begun church of England, that is to say, touching the time of obseruing the feast of Easter, in like maner as all the bishops of the Scots and Picts inhabiting within Britaine in those daies did, following therein (as they tooke it) the doctrine of the holie and praise-woorthie father Anatholius. But the Scots that inhabited the south parts of Ireland, alreadie were agréed to obserue that feast, according to the rules of the church of Rome. Howbeit Aidan being thus come into Northumberland, applied himselfe so earnestlie in praier and preaching, that the people had him within short while in woonderfull estimation, chiefelie for that he tempered his preachings with such swéet and pleasant matter, that all men had a great desire to heare him, insomuch that sometime he was glad to preach abroad in churchyards, bicause the audience was more than could haue roome in the church.

Beda li. 3. ca. 3.
Hector Boet.
Aidan differed from the early Church of England in one respect, specifically regarding the timing of the Easter celebration, just like all the bishops of the Scots and Picts living in Britain at that time, who followed what they believed to be the teachings of the holy and commendable father Anatholius. Meanwhile, the Scots residing in the southern part of Ireland had already agreed to observe the feast according to the rules of the Church of Rome. However, once Aidan came to Northumberland, he dedicated himself so fervently to prayer and preaching that the people quickly held him in high regard, especially because he mixed his sermons with such sweet and engaging content that everyone was eager to listen to him, so much so that sometimes he was happy to preach outdoors in churchyards due to the larger crowds that couldn't fit inside the church.

One thing was a great hinderance to him, that he had not the perfect knowledge of the Saxon toong. But Oswald himselfe was a great helpe to him in that matter, who being desirous of nothing so much, as to haue Beda. Oswald an interpretor to the preacher. the faith of Christ rooted in the harts of his subiects, vsed as an interpreter to report vnto the people in their Saxon toong, such whole sermons as Aidan vttered in his mother toong. For Oswald hauing béene brought vp (as ye haue hard) in Scotland during the time of his banishment, was as readie in the Scotish, as he was in the Saxon toong. The people then seeing the kings earnest desire in furthering the doctrine set foorth by Aidan, were the more inclined to heare it: so that it was a maruellous matter to note, what numbers of people dailie[Page 616] Hector Boet. offred themselues to be baptised, insomuch that within the space of seuen daies (as is left in writing) he christened 15 thousand persons, of the which no small part forsaking the world, betooke themselues to a solitarie kind of life.

One thing that really held him back was that he didn't have a complete understanding of the Saxon language. But Oswald himself was a huge help in this regard, as he was eager to see the faith of Christ take root in the hearts of his subjects. He acted as an interpreter to convey to the people in their Saxon language the full sermons that Aidan delivered in his native tongue. Since Oswald had been raised (as you've heard) in Scotland during his time of exile, he was as fluent in Scottish as he was in Saxon. The people, seeing the king's sincere desire to promote the teachings brought forth by Aidan, were more willing to listen. It was remarkable to witness the number of people daily volunteering to be baptized, to the extent that within seven days (as recorded), he baptized 15,000 individuals, many of whom renounced worldly life to embrace a solitary existence.

Thus by his earnest trauell in continuall preaching and setting foorth the gospell in that countrie, it came to passe in the end, that the faith was generallie receiued of all the people, and such zeale to aduance the glorie of the christian religion dailie increased amongst Oswalds zeale to aduance religion. them, that no where could be found greater. Heerevpon were no small number of churches built in all places abroad in those parties by procurement of the king, all men liberallie consenting (according to the rate of their substance) to be contributorie towards the charges. By this meanes the kingdome of the Northumbers flourished, as well in fame of increase in religion, as also in ciuill policie and prudent Beda lib. 5. ca. 6. Oswald had in estimation with his neighbours. ordinances: insomuch that (as Beda writeth) Oswald atteined to such power, that all the nations and prouinces within Britaine, which were diuided into foure toongs (that is to say) Britains, Picts, Scots, and Englishmen, were at his commandement. But yet he was not lifted vp in anie pride or presumption, but shewed himselfe maruellous courteous and gentle, and verie liberall to poore people and strangers.

Through his earnest effort in constantly preaching and promoting the gospel in that country, it ultimately happened that the faith was widely accepted by all the people, and such enthusiasm to promote the glory of the Christian religion daily grew among them, that nowhere could greater zeal be found. As a result, a significant number of churches were built in many places by the king's initiative, with everyone generously agreeing (based on their means) to contribute towards the expenses. This led to the flourishing of the kingdom of the Northumbrians, both in terms of its reputation for religious growth and in civil governance and wise regulations. So much so that (as Bede wrote) Oswald attained such power that all the nations and provinces within Britain, divided into four tongues—Britons, Picts, Scots, and Englishmen—were under his command. Yet, he was not lifted up in any pride or arrogance; instead, he remained remarkably courteous and kind, and very generous to the poor and strangers.

It is said, that he being set at the table vpon an Ester day, & hauing bishop Aidan at diner then with him, his almoner came in as the bishop was about to say grace, and declared to the king that there was a great multitude of poore folks set before the gates to looke for the kings almes. The king héerewith tooke a siluer dish, which was set on the table before him with meate, & commanded the same meate streightwaies to be distributed amongst the poore, & the dish broken into small péeces, and diuided amongst them: for which act he was highlie commended of the bishop, as he well deserued. By the good policie and diligent trauell of this king, the prouinces of Deira and Bernicia, which hitherto had béene at variance, were brought to peace and made one.

It’s said that while he was seated at the table on Easter day, and having Bishop Aidan dining with him, his almoner came in just as the bishop was about to say grace, and informed the king that there was a large crowd of poor people gathered at the gates looking for the king’s charity. The king then took a silver dish that was on the table in front of him with food, and ordered that the food be immediately distributed among the poor, breaking the dish into small pieces to share with them. For this action, he was highly praised by the bishop, which he truly deserved. Through the wise governance and diligent efforts of this king, the provinces of Deira and Bernicia, which had previously been in conflict, were brought together in peace and made one.

Beda lib. 3. ca. 7. Birinus conuerteth the Westsaxons to the christian faith. About the same time, the Westsaxons were conuerted to the christian faith, by the preaching of one Birinus a bishop, who came into this land at the exhortation of pope Honorius, to set foorth the gospell vnto those people which as yet were not baptised. By whose diligent

Kinigils king of Westsaxon becommeth a christian.
Polydor. trauell in the Lords haruest, Kingils or Kinigils, one of the kings of that countrie receiued the faith, and was baptised about the fiue & twentith yéere of his reigne. K. Oswald that should haue had his daughter in mariage, was present the same time, who first yer he became a sonne in law, was made a godfather vnto Kinigils (that should be his father in law) by receiuing him at the fontstone, in that his second birth of regeneration. To this Birinus, who was an Italian, king Kinigils (now that he was become a conuert or christian) appointed Dorcester ordeined a bishops sée. and assigned the citie of Dorcester, situat by the Thames, distant from Oxford about seuen miles, to be the sée of his bishoprike, where he procured churches to be built, and by his earnest trauell & setting foorth the woord of life, conuerted much people to the right beliefe. In the yéere following, Quichelmus the other king of the Westsaxons, and sonne to Kinigils was also christened, and died the same yéere, and so Cinigilsus or Kinigils reigned alone.

Beda lib. 3. approx. 7. Birinus converts the West Saxons to Christianity. Around the same time, the West Saxons were converted to Christianity through the preaching of a bishop named Birinus, who came to this land at the request of Pope Honorius to share the gospel with those who were not yet baptized. Through his dedicated Kinigils, the king of the West Saxons, converts to Christianity. Polydor. efforts in the Lord's harvest, Kinigils, one of the kings of that region, accepted the faith and was baptized in the twenty-fifth year of his reign. King Oswald, who was supposed to marry his daughter, was present at that time; the previous year he became a son-in-law and served as a godfather to Kinigils by receiving him at the baptismal font in his second birth of regeneration. To this Birinus, who was Italian, King Kinigils (now that he had converted to Christianity) designated Dorchester as a bishopric. He assigned the city of Dorcester, located by the Thames and about seven miles from Oxford, to be the center of his bishopric, where he arranged for churches to be built. Through his earnest efforts and promotion of the word of life, many people converted to the true faith. In the following year, Quichelmus, another king of the West Saxons and son of Kinigils, was also baptized and died that same year, leaving Kinigils to reign alone.

Henr. Hunt. In this meane while Penda king of Mercia that succéeded next after Ciarlus, being a man giuen to séeke trouble in one place or other, This chancéd in the yéere 620, as Matth. West. saith. leauied warre against the kings of Westsaxon, Kinigils and Quichelmus, the which gathering their power, gaue him battell at Cirenchester, where both the parties fought it out to the vttermost, as though they had forsworne to giue place one to another, insomuch that they continued in fight and making of cruell slaughter till the night parted them in sunder. And in the morning, when they saw that if they shuld buckle togither againe, the one part should vtterlie destroie the other, they fell to agréement in moderating ech others demands.

Henr. Hunt. In the meantime, Penda, the king of Mercia who succeeded Ciarlus, was someone who liked to stir up trouble wherever he could. This occurred in the year 620, as Matth. West. mentions. He waged war against the kings of West Saxon, Kinigils and Quichelmus, who gathered their forces and fought him at Cirenchester. Both sides fought fiercely, as if they had sworn to never back down from one another, continuing the battle and inflicting brutal casualties until nightfall intervened. In the morning, realizing that if they clashed again, one side would completely wipe out the other, they agreed to compromise and moderate each other's demands.

640. Beda lib. 3. cap. 7.
Matth. West.
After this, in the yéere of our Lord 640, Eadbald king of Kent departed this life, after he had reigned 24 yéeres, leauing his kingdome to his sonne Ercombert. This Ercombert was the first of the English kings, which tooke order for the vtter destroieng of all idols throughout his whole kingdome. He also by his roiall authoritie commanded the fast of[Page 617] Lent first ordeined to be kept in England. fortie daies in the Lent season to be kept and obserued, appointing woorthie and competent punishment against the transgressors of that
Segburga.
Aimoinus.
commandement. He had by his wife Segburga, that was daughter vnto Anna king of the Eastangles, a daughter named Eartongatha, a professed nunne within the monasterie of Briege or Cala in France: for in those daies, bicause there were not manie monasteries builded within this land, a great number of Englishmen, that tooke vpon them the profession of a religious life, got them ouer vnto abbeies in France, and there professed themselues moonks: and manie there were which sent their daughters ouer to be professed nuns within the nunneries there, and speciallie at Briege, Cala, and Andelie: amongst other, there were Sedrike the lawfull daughter, and Edelburgh the bastard daughter of the said king Anna, both which in processe of time were made abbesses of the said monasterie of Briege.

640. Beda lib. 3. cap. 7. Matth. West. After this, in the year of our Lord 640, Eadbald, king of Kent, passed away after reigning for 24 years, leaving his kingdom to his son Ercombert. Ercombert was the first of the English kings to order the complete destruction of all idols throughout his entire kingdom. He also, by his royal authority, commanded that the fast of[Page 617] Lent was first established to be observed in England. forty days during Lent be observed, imposing worthy and appropriate punishments against those who broke thatSegburga. Aimoinus. command. He had a daughter named Eartongatha by his wife Segburga, who was the daughter of Anna, king of the East Angles; she became a nun in the monastery of Briege or Cala in France. In those days, since there weren’t many monasteries established in this land, a large number of Englishmen who dedicated themselves to a religious life went over to abbeys in France and became monks; many others sent their daughters to be professed nuns in the convents there, especially at Briege, Cala, and Andelie. Among them were Sedrike, the legitimate daughter, and Edelburgh, the illegitimate daughter of King Anna, both of whom eventually became abbesses of the monastery at Briege.

Ye haue heard alreadie, how Oswald king of Northumberland bare himselfe in all points like a most woorthie prince, not ceasing to releeue the necessitie of the poore, aduancing the good, and reforming the euill, whereby he wan to himselfe excéeding praise and commendation of all good men, and still his fame increased for his vertuous dooings; namelie, for the ardent zeale he had to the aduancing of the christian faith. Herevpon Penda king of Mercia, enuieng the prosperous procéedings of Oswald, as he that could neuer abide the good report of other mens well-dooings, began to imagine how to destroie him, and to Penda inuadeth the Northumbers. Beda. lib. 3. cap. 9. conquere his kingdome, that he might ioine it to his owne. At length he inuaded his countrie by open warre, met with him in the field at a place called Maserfield, and there in sharpe and cruell fight Oswald
King Oswald slaine.
Matt. Westm. saith 644. was slaine on the fift day of August, in the yeare of our Lord 642, and in the 38 yeare of his age, after he had reigned the tearme of eight or nine yeares after some, which account that yeare vnto his reigne, in the which his predecessors Osrike and Eaufride reigned, whome they number not amongest kings, because of their wicked apostasie and renouncing of the faith which before they had professed. Such was the end of that vertuous prince king Oswald, being cruellie slaine by that wicked tyrant Penda. Afterwards, for the opinion conceiued of his holinesse, the foresaid Oswald was canonized a saint, and had in great Will. Malmes. worship of the people, being the first of the English nation that approoued his vertue by miracles shewed after his departure out of this life.

You have already heard how Oswald, the king of Northumberland, carried himself like a truly worthy prince. He continually helped the needy, promoted good, and corrected wrongs, earning him great praise and admiration from all good people, and his reputation grew for his virtuous actions, especially due to his passionate dedication to advancing the Christian faith. This made Penda, king of Mercia, envious of Oswald's success—since he could never stand to see others do well—so he started plotting to destroy him and take over his kingdom to add it to his own. Eventually, he invaded Oswald's territory with open warfare, faced him in battle at a place called Maserfield, and there, in a fierce and brutal fight, Oswald was killed on August 5th in the year 642, at the age of 38. He had reigned for about eight or nine years, according to some, who count that year as part of his reign, despite his predecessors Osrike and Eaufride not being considered among the kings because of their wicked apostasy and renunciation of the faith they once professed. Thus ended the life of that virtuous prince, King Oswald, who was brutally slain by the wicked tyrant Penda. Later, due to the belief in his holiness, Oswald was canonized as a saint and was greatly revered by the people, being the first of the English nation recognized for his virtue through miracles performed after his death.


Oswie succeedeth Oswald in the kingdome of Northumberland, he is sore vexed by Penda, Oswie and Oswin are partners in gouernement, they fall at strife, Oswin is betræied into the hands of Oswie and slaine, a commendation of his personage and goodlie qualities, bishop Aidan dieth; Cenwalch king of the Westsaxons, Penda maketh warre against him for putting away his wife, his flight, he becommeth a christian and recouereth his kingdome, Bishop Agilbert commeth into Westsaxon, and afterwards departing (upon occasion) is made bishop of Paris, Wini buieth the bishoprike of London; Sigibert king of the Eastangles, the vniuersitie of Cambridge founded by him, he resigneth his kingdome and becometh a moonke, he and his kinsman Egric are slaine in a skirmish against Penda king of Mercia.

Oswi succeeded Oswald as the king of Northumberland. He was severely troubled by Penda. Oswi and Oswin worked together in governance but ended up in conflict; Oswin was betrayed into Oswi's hands and killed. Bishop Aidan died, who had praised Oswin's character and admirable qualities. Cenwalch, king of the West Saxons, faced war from Penda after he divorced his wife; he fled, converted to Christianity, and regained his kingdom. Bishop Agilbert came to the West Saxons but later left and became the bishop of Paris. Wini built the bishopric of London. Sigibert, king of the East Angles, founded the university of Cambridge but resigned his kingdom to become a monk. He and his relative Egric were killed in a skirmish against Penda, king of Mercia.

THE XXX CHAPTER.

OSWIE King of Northumberland. Beda li. 3. ca. 14. After that king Oswald was slaine, his brother Oswie (being about 30 yeares of age) tooke vpon him the rule of the kingdome of Northumberland, gouerning the same with great trouble for the space of 28 yeares, being sore vexed by the foresaid Penda king of Mercia and his people, which as yet were pagans. In the first yeare of his reigne, 644. which was in the yeare of our Lord 644. Pauline the bishop of Rochester which had beene also archbishop of Yorke departed this life, and then one Thamar an Englishman of the parties of Kent was ordeined bishop of[Page 618] Rochester by Honorius the archbishop of Canturburie. King Oswie had one Oswin partener with him in gouernment of the Northumbers in the first beginning of his reigne, which was sonne to Osrike, so that Oswie Bernicia. gouerned in Bernicia, and Oswin in Deira, continuing in perfect friendship for a season, till at length, through the counsell of wicked persons, that coueted nothing so much as to sowe discord and variance betwixt princes, they fell at debate, and so began to make warres one against an other, so that finallie when they were at point to haue tried their quarrell in open battell, Oswin perceiuing that he had not an armie of sufficient force to incounter with Oswie, brake vp his campe at Wilfaresdowne, ten mile by west the towne of Cataracton, and after withdrew himselfe onelie with one seruant named Condhere vnto the house of earle Hunwald, whome he tooke to haue béene his trustie friend: but contrarie to his expectation, the said Hunwald did betraie him vnto Oswie, who by his captaine Edelwine slue the said Oswin and his seruant the forsaid Condhere, in a place called Ingethling, the 13 kalends of September, in the ninth yeare of his reigne, which was after 651. the birth of our Sauiour 651.

OSWIE, King of Northumberland. Bede, Book 3, Chapter 14. After King Oswald was killed, his brother Oswie (who was about 30 years old) took over the rule of the kingdom of Northumberland, governing for a challenging 28 years, facing strong opposition from Penda, the king of Mercia, and his people, who were still pagans. In the first year of his reign, 644. which was the year 644 AD, Pauline, the bishop of Rochester and former archbishop of York, passed away. Then an Englishman named Thamar from Kent was appointed bishop of [Page 618] Rochester by Honorius, the archbishop of Canterbury. King Oswie initially shared governance of the Northumbrians with Oswin, the son of Osrike. Oswie managed Bernicia while Oswin ruled in Deira, and they maintained a strong friendship for a time. However, eventually, due to the advice of unscrupulous individuals who sought to create discord among the princes, they quarreled and began to wage war against each other. Just as they were about to resolve their conflict in open battle, Oswin realized that he didn’t have a strong enough army to face Oswie. He broke up his camp at Wilfaresdowne, ten miles west of the town of Cataracton, and retreated with only one servant named Condhere to the house of Earl Hunwald, whom he believed to be a loyal friend. Contrary to his expectations, Hunwald betrayed him to Oswie, who, through his captain Edelwine, killed both Oswin and his servant Condhere in a place called Ingethling on the 13th day before the Kalends of September, in the ninth year of his reign, which was after 651. the birth of our Savior, 651.

This Oswin was a goodlie gentleman of person, tall, and beautifull, and verie gentle of spéech, ciuill in manners, and verie liberall both to high & low, so that he was beloued of all. Such a one he was, to be breefe, as bishop Aidan gessed that he should not long continue in life, for that the Northumbers were not woorthie of so good and vertuous a gouernour. Such humblenesse and obedience he perceiued to rest in him towards the law of the Lord, in taking that which was told him for his better instruction in good part, that he said, he neuer saw before that time an humble king. The same Aidan liued not past 12 daies after the death of the said Oswin, whome he so much loued, departing this world the last daie of August, in the seuenteenth yeare after he was ordeined bishop. His bodie was buried in the Ile of Lindesferne. After Aidan, one Finan was made bishop in his place, a Scotishman also, and of the Ile of Hui, from whence his predecessor the foresaid Aidan came, being first a man of religion professed in the monasterie there (as some writers doo report.)

This Oswin was a fine gentleman, tall and handsome, with a very kind way of speaking, polite manners, and generous to both high and low, so he was loved by everyone. To be brief, he was the kind of leader that Bishop Aidan predicted wouldn’t live long because the Northumbrians didn’t deserve such a good and virtuous ruler. Aidan noticed the humility and obedience in Oswin toward the Lord’s law, accepting advice for his betterment graciously, and remarked that he had never seen such a humble king before. Aidan himself lived only twelve days after Oswin’s death, the one he loved so much, passing away on the last day of August in the seventeenth year after he was made bishop. His body was buried on the Isle of Lindisfarne. After Aidan, a man named Finan became bishop in his place; he was also a Scot from the Isle of Hu, where the aforementioned Aidan originated, having first been a professed religious in the monastery there, as some writers report.

CENWALCH. Henr. Hunt.
643.
In the meane time, after that Kinigils or Cinigilsus king of the Westsaxons had reigned 31 yeares, he departed this life Anno 643, leauing his kingdome to his sonne Cenwalch or Chenwald, who held the Ran. Higd. same kingdome the tearme of 30 yeares, or 31 (as some write) in manner as his father had doone before him. In the third, or (as others saie) in the fift yeare of his reigne, Penda king of Mercia made sharpe warre against him, because he had put awaie his wife the sister of the said Penda, and in this warre Chenwald was ouercome in battell, & driuen out of his countrie, so that he fled vnto Anna king of the Eastangles, with whome he remained the space of a yeare, or (as other say) thrée yeares, to his great good hap: for before he was growen to be an enimie to the christian religion, but now by the wholesome admonitions and sharpe rebukes of king Anna, he became a christian, and receiued his wife againe into his companie, according to the prescript of Gods law, and (to be bréefe) in all things shewed himselfe a new man, imbracing vertue, & auoiding vice, so that shortlie after (through the helpe of God) he recouered againe his kingdome.

Cenwalh. Henr. Hunt. 643. In the meantime, after King Kinigils, or Cinigilsus, king of the West Saxons, had reigned for 31 years, he passed away in the year 643, leaving his kingdom to his son Cenwalch, or Chenwald, who ruled the same kingdom for 30 years, or 31 (as some say), just as his father had done before him. In the third, or (as others say) in the fifth year of his reign, Penda, king of Mercia, waged a fierce war against him because he had rejected his wife, the sister of Penda. In this war, Chenwald was defeated in battle and driven out of his country, forcing him to flee to Anna, king of the East Angles, where he stayed for a year, or (as others say) three years, to his great fortune. Before this, he had become an enemy of Christianity, but now, through the wise counsel and sharp rebukes of King Anna, he converted to Christianity and took his wife back, in accordance with God's law. In short, he showed himself to be a new man, embracing virtue and avoiding vice, so that shortly after (with God's help) he regained his kingdom.

Agilbertus a bishop. Now when he was established in the same, there came a bishop named Agilbertus out of Ireland, a Frenchman borne (but hauing remained in Ireland a long time) to reade the scriptures. This Agilbert comming into the prouince of the Westsaxons, was gladlie receiued of king Chenwald, at whose desire he tooke vpon him to exercise the roome of a bishop there: but afterwards, when the said king admitted another bishop named Wini, which had béene ordeined in France, and knew the toong better than Agilbert, as he that was borne in England: Agilbert offended, for that the king had admitted him without making him of anie counsell therein, returned into France, and there was made bishop of Paris: within a few yeares after, the foresaid Wini was expelled also by king Chenwald, who got him into Mercia vnto king Vulfhere, of whome he bought the bishoprike of London, which he held during his life, and so the countrie of Westsaxon remained long without a bishop, till at[Page 619] length the said Agilbert at the request of king Chenwald sent to him Elutherius that was his nephue.

Bishop Agilbert. Once he was established in his role, a bishop named Agilbertus came from Ireland; he was originally from France but had lived in Ireland for a long time to study the scriptures. Agilbert was welcomed by King Chenwald in the West Saxon province, and at the king's request, he took on the position of bishop there. However, when the king later appointed another bishop named Wini, who had been ordained in France and was more fluent in the language since he was born in England, Agilbert felt slighted because the king did not consult him first. Offended, he returned to France and was made bishop of Paris. A few years later, Wini was also expelled by King Chenwald and went to Mercia to King Vulfhere, from whom he purchased the bishopric of London, which he held until his death. Consequently, the West Saxon region remained without a bishop for a long time until Agilbert, at the request of King Chenwald, sent for his nephew Elutherius.

SIGIBERT. Ye haue heard that after Carpwald, his brother Sigibert succéeded in rule of the Eastangles, a man of great vertue and woorthinesse, who whilest he remained in France as a banished man, being constrained to flée his countrie vpon displeasure that king Redwald bare him, was baptised there, and after returning into his countrie, and obteining at Beda lib. 3. cap. 4. length the kingdome, those things which he had séene well ordered in France, he studied to follow the example of the same at home, and herevpon considering with himselfe that nothing could more aduance the state of the common-wealth of his countrie than learning & knowledge in the toongs, began the foundation of certeine schooles, and namelie at The vniuersitié of Cambridge founded by king Sigibert. Cambridge, where children might haue places where to be instructed and brought vp in learning vnder appointed teachers, that there might be greater numbers of learned men trained vp than before time had béene within this land, to the furtherance of true religion and vertue.

SIGIBERT. You have heard that after Carpwald, his brother Sigibert succeeded in ruling the East Angles, a man of great virtue and worth. While he was in France as an exile, forced to flee his country due to King Redwald's displeasure, he was baptized there. After returning to his homeland and eventually obtaining the kingdom, he aimed to replicate the well-ordered practices he had observed in France. He also realized that nothing could advance the welfare of his country more than knowledge and education in languages. Thus, he began establishing certain schools, especially at The University of Cambridge was founded by King Sigibert. Cambridge, where children could have places to receive instruction and education under designated teachers. This would increase the number of educated individuals in the land, promoting true religion and virtue.

So that England hath good cause to haue in thankfull remembrance this noble prince king Sigibert, for all those hir learned men which haue bin brought vp & come foorth of that famous vniuersitie of Cambridge, the first foundation or rather renouation whereof was thus begun by him Bale saith 636. about the yeare of our Lord 630. At length when this worthie king began to grow in age, he considered with himselfe how hard a matter, and how painefull an office it was to gouerne a realme as apperteined to the dutie of a good king, wherevpon he determined to leaue the charge thereof to other of more conuenient yéeres, and to liue from Sigibert resigneth his kingdome to Egricus. thencefoorth a priuat kind of life, and so resigning the administration vnto his kinsman Egricus, he became a moonke, and led the rest of his life in a certeine abbeie.

England has every reason to remember with gratitude this noble prince, King Sigibert, for all the scholars who have been fostered and emerged from that renowned university of Cambridge, the initial foundation or rather renovation of which was started by him Bale says 636. around the year 630 AD. Eventually, as this esteemed king grew older, he reflected on how challenging and burdensome it was to rule a kingdom, which is part of a good king's duty. He then decided to hand over the responsibility to someone younger and to live a more private life from that point on. Thus, resigning his rule to his kinsman Egricus, he became a monk and spent the rest of his life in a certain abbey.

Shortlie after it so came to passe that Penda king of Mercia (that cruell ethnike tyrant) made sore warres vpon Egricus, whervpon the people of Eastangles compelled Sigibert to come foorth of his monasterie, & to go with them into the field against Penda. Sigibert being thus constreined against his will, would not put on armour or beare anie other kind of weapon, than onelie a wand in his hand in steed of a scepter, and so the armie of the Eastangles in hope of good spéed by the presence of Sigibert, ioined in battell with their enimies, but the Eastangles were finallie vanquished, and the more part Sigibert and Egricus slaine. of them slaine, togither with Sigibert and his coosen Egricus their king. This happened in the yere after the birth of our Sauiour (as some 652. haue noted) 652.

Shortly after that, Penda, king of Mercia (that cruel pagan tyrant), waged fierce wars against Egricus. As a result, the people of East Anglia forced Sigibert to come out of his monastery and lead them into battle against Penda. Sigibert, being thus constrained against his will, refused to wear armor or carry any weapons except for a staff in his hand instead of a scepter. The East Anglian army, hoping for a successful outcome with Sigibert's presence, engaged in battle with their enemies, but they were ultimately defeated, and most of them were killed, along with Sigibert and his cousin Egricus, their king. This happened in the year after the birth of our Savior (as some have noted) 652.

Baleus.
Beda lib. 3 cap. 19.
Fuersus. In the daies whilest Sigibert as yet ruled the Eastangles, there came out of Ireland a deuout person named Furseus, who comming into the countrie of the Eastangles, was gladlie receiued of king Sigibert, by whose helpe afterwards he builded the abbeie of Cumbreburge, in the which Sigibert (as some haue written) when he renounced his kingdome, was professed a moonke. Of this Furseus manie things are written, the which for briefenesse we ouerpasse. After that Felix the bishop of the Eastangles was dead, one Thomas was ordeined in his place, who after he had béene bishop fiue yéeres, died, and then one Beretgils was ordeined in his roome by Honorius the archbishop of Canturburie. The said Honorius himselfe when he had run the race of his naturall life, 653. deceassed also the last of September in the yéere of our Lord 653.

Baleus.
Beda book 3 chapter 19.
Fuersus. In the days when Sigibert was still ruling the East Angles, a devout man named Furseus arrived from Ireland. He was warmly welcomed by King Sigibert, who later helped him establish the abbey of Cumbreburge. It is written that Sigibert, when he renounced his kingdom, became a monk there. Many things are documented about Furseus, but we will skip over those for brevity. After Felix, the bishop of the East Angles, died, one Thomas was appointed in his place. After serving as bishop for five years, he also died, and then Beretgils was appointed in his stead by Honorius, the Archbishop of Canterbury. Honorius himself passed away at the end of September in the year 653 AD.


[Page 620]

[Page 620]

Anna king of Eastangles is slaine by Penda king of Mercia, his brother succeeding him is slaine also by Oswie king of Northumberland, the Mercians or Middleangles receiue the faith vnder vertuous Peda their prince, he requesteth Alchfled the king of Northumberlands daughter in mariage, he is baptised by bishop Finnan, by whose meanes the Eastsaxons imbraced christian religion vnder Sigibert their king, he is murthered of two brethren that were his kinsmen vpon a conceiued hatred against him for his good and christian life, how dangerous it is to keepe companie with an excommunicate person, the authoritie of a bishop.

Anna, the king of the East Angles, is killed by Penda, the king of Mercia. His brother takes over but is also killed by Oswiu, the king of Northumberland. The Mercians, or Middle Angles, convert to Christianity under their virtuous prince Peda. He seeks to marry Alchfled, the daughter of the king of Northumberland, and is baptized by Bishop Finnan, through whom the East Saxons also embrace Christianity under their king Sigibert. He is murdered by two brothers who are his relatives, driven by jealousy over his good and Christian life. This shows how dangerous it is to associate with an excommunicated person and highlights the authority of a bishop.

THE XXXJ CHAPTER.

Anna. Will. Malmes. After Egricus succeeded Anna the sonne of Enus in the kingdome of Eastangle, and is likewise slaine by Penda king of Mercia, with the most part of his armie, as he gaue battell vnto the said Penda that inuaded his countrie. He left behind him manie children, but his Edelhere K. of Eastangle. brother Edelhere succéeded him in gouernment of the kingdome, who was slaine by Oswie the king of Northumberland, togither with the foresaid Penda, and woorthilie, sith he would aid that tyrant which had slaine his kinsman and his brother that were predecessors with him in his kingdome. After this, when the sée of Canturburie had béene vacant by

Anna. Will. Malmes. After Egricus took over from Anna, the son of Enus, as king of East Anglia, he was killed by Penda, the king of Mercia, along with most of his army during a battle against Penda, who had invaded his territory. He left behind many children, but his brother Edelhere became king of East Anglia. Edelhere was killed by Oswie, the king of Northumberland, along with Penda, and it was well-deserved since he chose to support that tyrant who had killed his relatives and predecessors in the kingdom. After this, when the see of Canterbury had been vacant by

Deus dedit. the space of one whole yéere and six moneths, one Deus dedit of the countrie of the Westsaxons, was elected and consecrated by Ithamar the bishop of Rochester, on the 7 kalends of Aprill. He gouerned the church of Canturburie by the tearme of nine yéeres, foure moneths, and two daies. When he was departed this life, the foresaid Ithamar consecrated for him one Damianus of the countrie of Sussex.

God gave. After a whole year and six months, a man named Deus dedit from the West Saxons was elected and consecrated by Ithamar, the bishop of Rochester, on April 1st. He led the Church of Canterbury for nine years, four months, and two days. When he passed away, Ithamar consecrated a man named Damianus from Sussex in his place.

Beda hist. eccle. lib. 3. cap. 21. 653.
Peda or Peada king of Middleangles.
About this time, the people of Mercia commonlie called Middleangles, receiued the christian faith vnder their king named Peda or Peada, the sonne of Penda king of Mercia, who being a towardlie yoong gentleman, and woorthie to haue the guiding of a kingdome, his father Penda aduanced him to the rule of that kingdome of the Middleangles during his owne life. [¶ Héere maie you note, that the kingdome of the Middleangles was one, and the kingdome of Mercia another, though most commonlie the same were gouerned by one king.] This yoong Peda came to Oswie king of Northumberland, requiring of him to haue his daughter Alchfled in mariage: but when he was informed that he might not haue hir except he would become a christian, then vpon hearing the gospell preached, with the promise of the celestiall ioies and immortalitie, by the resurrection of the flesh in the life to come, he said that whether he had king Oswies daughter to wife or not, he would suerlie be baptised, and chieflie he was persuaded therevnto by his kinsman Alchfrid, who had in mariage his sister the daughter of Penda name Cimburgh.

Beda hist. eccle. lib. 3. chap. 21. 653.
Peda or Peada, king of the Middle Angles.
Around this time, the people of Mercia, commonly referred to as the Middleangles, embraced the Christian faith under their king named Peda or Peada, the son of Penda, the king of Mercia. Being a promising young man capable of ruling a kingdom, his father Penda elevated him to lead the kingdom of the Middleangles during his own lifetime. [¶ Here you may note that the kingdom of the Middleangles was one, while the kingdom of Mercia was another, though they were usually ruled by the same king.] This young Peda approached Oswie, the king of Northumberland, asking for his daughter Alchfled's hand in marriage. However, when he learned that he could not have her unless he converted to Christianity, he agreed to be baptized after hearing the gospel preached, with the promise of heavenly joys and immortality through the resurrection in the afterlife. He was mainly encouraged to do so by his relative Alchfrid, who was married to his sister Cimburgh, the daughter of Penda.

Ad murum. Wherefore he was baptised by bishop Finnan, with all those which came thither with him at a place called At the wall, and taking with him foure priests which were thought méete to teach and baptise his people, he returned with great ioy into his owne countrie. The names of those priests were as followeth, Cedda, Adda, Betti, and Diuna, of the which, the last was a Scot by nation, and the other were Englishmen. These priests comming into the prouince of the Middleangles, preached the woord, and were well heard, so that dailie a great number of the nobilitie & communaltie renouncing the filthie dregs of idolatrie, were christned. Neither did king Penda forbid the preaching of the gospell within his prouince of Mercia, but rather hated and despised those whome he knew to haue professed themselues christians, and yet shewed The saieng of king Penda. not the woorks of faith, saieng, that "Those were wretches and not to be regarded, which would not obeie their God in whome they beléeued." This alteration of things began, about two yéeres before the death of king Penda.

By the wall. So he was baptized by Bishop Finnan, along with everyone who came with him at a place called At the Wall. He brought back with him four priests who were suitable for teaching and baptizing his people, and he returned to his own country with great joy. The names of those priests were Cedda, Adda, Betti, and Diuna, of whom the last was a Scot and the others were Englishmen. These priests went into the province of the Middle Angles, preached the word, and were well received, so that daily a large number of the nobility and common people, renouncing the filthy dregs of idolatry, were baptized. King Penda did not forbid the preaching of the gospel in his province of Mercia; rather, he hated and looked down on those he knew who claimed to be Christians but did not show the works of faith, saying, "Those are wretches and not to be considered, who would not obey their God in whom they believed." This change began about two years before King Penda’s death.

Beda lib. 3. cap. 22. About the same time, the Eastsaxons at the instance of Oswie king of Northumberland, receiued eftsoones the faith which they had renounced, when they banished their bishop Melitus. Ye haue heard that Serred, Siward, and Sigibert brethren, and[Page 621] the sonnes of king Sabert (which brethren occasioned the reuolting of that prouince from the faith of Christ) were slaine in battell by the kings of Westsaxon, after whome succéeded Sigibert surnamed the little sonne to the middlemost brother Siward, as some write. This Sigibert the litle left the kingdome to an other Sigibert that was sonne to one Sigebald the brother of king Sabert, which second Sigibert reigned as king in that prouince of the Eastsaxons, being a most especiall friend of king Oswie, so that oftentimes he repaired into Northumberland to visit him, whervpon king Oswie ceassed not most earnestlie at times conuenient to exhort him to receiue the faith of Iesus Christ, and in King Sigibert receiued the faith. the end by such effectuall persuasions as he vsed, Sigibert gaue credit to his woords, and so being conuerted, receiued the sacrament of baptisme by the hands of bishop Finnan, at the kings house called, At the wall, so named, bicause it was built néere to the wall which the Romans had made ouerthwart the Ile, as is often before remembred, being twelue miles distant from the east sea.

Beda lib. 3. cap. 22. Around the same time, the East Saxons, at the request of Oswie, the king of Northumberland, embraced once again the faith they had previously abandoned when they exiled their bishop, Melitus. You have heard that Serred, Siward, and Sigibert, brothers and the sons of King Sabert (whose actions led to the province turning away from the faith of Christ), were killed in battle by the kings of West Saxon. After them, Sigibert, known as the little one, succeeded, being the son of Siward, the middle brother, as some say. This Sigibert the little gave up the kingdom to another Sigibert, the son of Sigebald, the brother of King Sabert. This second Sigibert ruled as king in the province of the East Saxons and was a close friend of King Oswie, often traveling to Northumberland to visit him. King Oswie persistently encouraged him at suitable times to accept the faith of Jesus Christ, and in the end, through his effective persuasion, Sigibert believed his words. Consequently, he was converted and baptized by Bishop Finnan at the king's house called "At the Wall," named because it was built near the wall the Romans had constructed across the island, as mentioned before, about twelve miles from the east sea.

This was about the yéere 649, as Matth. West. hath noted. King Sigibert hauing now receiued the Christian faith, when he should returne into his countrie, required king Oswie to appoint him certeine instructors and teachers which might conuert his people to the faith of Christ. King Oswie desirous to satisfie his request, sent vnto the prouince of the Middleangles, calling from thence that vertuous man Cedda. Cedda, and assigning vnto him another priest to be his associat, sent them vnto the prouince of the Eastsaxons, there to preach the christian faith vnto the people. And when they had preached & taught through the whole countrie, to the great increase and inlarging of the church of Christ, it chanced on a time that Cedda returned home into Northumberland to conferre of certeine things with bishop Finnan which Ced or Cedda bishop of the Eastsaxons. kept his sée at Lindesferne, where vnderstanding by Cedda the great fruits which it had pleased God to prosper vnder his hands, in aduancing the faith among the Eastsaxons, he called to him two other bishops, and there ordeined the foresaid Cedda bishop of the Eastsaxons.

This was around the year 649, as noted by Matth. West.. King Sigibert, now having embraced the Christian faith, asked King Oswie to provide him with certain instructors and teachers who could convert his people to the faith of Christ before he returned to his country. Eager to fulfill his request, King Oswie sent to the province of the Middle Angles for that virtuous man Cedda. Cedda, along with another priest as his companion, was sent to the province of the East Saxons to preach the Christian faith to the people. After they preached and taught throughout the entire region, significantly expanding the church of Christ, Cedda once returned home to Northumberland to discuss certain matters with Bishop Finnan, who Ced, or Cedda, was the bishop of the East Saxons. was based at Lindisfarne. Upon hearing from Cedda about the great success that God had blessed him with in advancing the faith among the East Saxons, he summoned two other bishops and there ordained the aforementioned Cedda as bishop of the East Saxons.

Héerevpon, the same Cedda returned vnto his cure, went forward with more authoritie to performe the woorke of the Lord, & building churches in diuerse places, ordeined priests and deacons which might helpe him in preaching, and in the ministerie of baptising, speciallie in the Tilberie. citie of Ithancester vpon the riuer of Pent, and likewise in Tileburge on the riuer of Thames. Whilest Ced was thus busie to the great comfort and ioy of the king and all his people, in the setting forward of the christian religion with great increase dailie procéeding, it chanced thorough the instigation of the deuill, the common enimie of mankind, that king Sigibert was murthered by two of his owne kinsmen who were brethren, the which when they were examined of the cause that should mooue them to that wicked fact, they had nothing to alledge, but that they did it bicause they had conceiued an hatred against the king, for that he was too fauourable towards his enimies, and would with great mildnesse of mind forgiue iniuries committed against him: such was the kings fault for the which he was murthered, bicause he obserued the commandements of the gospell with a deuout hart.

From then on, Cedda returned to his work, moving forward with more authority to carry out the Lord's work. He built churches in various places and ordained priests and deacons to assist him in preaching and baptizing, especially in the Tilbury. city of Ithancester by the River Pent, and also in Tileburge on the River Thames. While Cedda was busy doing this to the great comfort and joy of the king and all his people, with the Christian religion growing daily, it happened, through the devil's instigation, the common enemy of mankind, that King Sigibert was murdered by two of his own relatives who were brothers. When they were questioned about what drove them to this wicked act, they had nothing to say except that they acted out of hatred for the king, claiming he was too favorable toward his enemies and would forgive the injuries done to him with great kindness. This was the king's fault that led to his murder— because he followed the commandments of the gospel with a devoted heart.

Notwithstanding, in this his innocent death, his offense was punished, wherein he had suerlie transgressed the lawes of the church. For whereas one of them which slue him kept a wife, whome he had vnlawfullie maried, and refused to put hir away at the bishops admonition, he was by the bishop excommunicated, and all other of the christian congregation commanded to absteine from his companie. This notwithstanding, the king being desired of him came to his house to a banket, and in his comming from thence met with the bishop, whome when the king beheld, he waxed afraid, and alighted from his horsse, and fell downe at his féet, beséeching him of pardon for his offense. The bishop, which also was on horssebacke likewise alighted, and touching the king with his rod which he had in his hand, as one something The authoritie of a bishop. displeased, and protesting as in the authoritie of a bishop, spake these words; "Bicause (saith he) thou wouldst not absteine from entring the house of that wicked person being accurssed, thou shalt die in the same house:" and so it came to passe.

Despite this innocent death, his wrongdoing was punished, as he had truly violated the laws of the church. One of those who killed him was living with a wife whom he had unlawfully married and refused to separate from despite the bishop's warning. As a result, the bishop excommunicated him, and all other members of the Christian congregation were commanded to avoid him. Nevertheless, the king, when asked, came to his house for a banquet. On his way back, he met the bishop, and upon seeing him, the king grew afraid, dismounted from his horse, and fell at his feet, begging for forgiveness for his wrongdoing. The bishop, who was also on horseback, dismounted and, touching the king with the rod he held, spoke as a bishop, saying, "Because you would not refrain from entering the house of that wicked, accursed person, you shall die in the same house." And that’s exactly what happened.


[Page 622]

[Page 622]

Suidhelme king of the Eastsaxons, he is baptised, the bishoplike exercises of Ced in his natiue countrie of Northumberland; Ediswald K. of Deira reuerenceth him, the kings deuout mind to further and inlarge religion; the maner of consecrating a place appointed for a holie vse; the old order of fasting in Lent, bishop Ced dieth; warre betweene Oswie and Penda, Oswie maketh a vow to dedicate his daughter a perpetuall virgine to God if he got the victorie, he obteineth his request and performeth his vow, she liueth, dieth, and is buried in a monasterie, the benefit insuing Oswies conquest ouer his enimies, the first second and third bishops of Mercia, the victorious proceeding of king Oswie; prince Peado his kinsman murthered of his wife.

Suidhelme, king of the East Saxons, is baptized, with the bishop-like activities of Ced in his native area of Northumberland; Ediswald, King of Deira, respects him and the king's sincere desire to promote and expand religion; the method of consecrating a place designated for holy use; the traditional practice of fasting during Lent; Bishop Ced passes away; conflict between Oswie and Penda arises, Oswie pledges to dedicate his daughter as a perpetual virgin to God if he achieves victory, he gets what he asked for and fulfills his vow, she lives, dies, and is buried in a monastery, the advantages following Oswie's triumph over his enemies, the first, second, and third bishops of Mercia, the victorious actions of King Oswie; his relative Prince Peado is murdered by his wife.

THE XXXIJ CHAPTER.

SUIDHELME. Beda lib. 3. cap. 22. Matt. West. After Sigbert succeeded Suidhelme in the kingdome of the Eastsaxons, he was the son of Sexbald, and baptised of Ced in the prouince of the Eastangles, at a place of the kings there called Rendlessham. Ediswald king of the Eastangles (the brother of king Anna) was his godfather at the fontstone. Ced the bishop of the Eastsaxons vsed oftentimes to Beda lib. 3. cap. 23. visit his countrie of Northumberland where he was borne, and by preaching exhorted the people to godlie life. Whervpon it chanced that king Ediswald the son of king Oswald which reigned in the parties of Deira, mooued with the fame of his vertuous trade of liuing, had him in great reuerence: and therefore vpon a good zeale and great deuotion, willed him to choose foorth some plot of ground where he might build a monasterie, in the which the king himselfe and others might praie, heare sermons the oftener, and haue place where to burie the dead. The bishop consenting to the kings mind, at length espied a place amongst high and desert mounteins, where he began the foundation of a monasterie, afterwards called Lestinghem.

SUIDHELME. Beda lib. 3. cap. 22. Matthew West After Sigbert took over from Suidhelme as king of the East Saxons, he was the son of Sexbald and was baptized by Ced in the East Angles at a royal site called Rendlesham. Ediswald, the king of the East Angles (the brother of King Anna), served as his godfather at the baptismal font. Ced, the bishop of the East Saxons, often visited his home region of Northumberland, where he was born, and urged the people to live righteous lives through his preaching. It happened that King Ediswald, the son of King Oswald, who ruled in Deira, was so impressed by the bishop's virtuous lifestyle that he held him in high regard. Therefore, out of sincere zeal and devotion, he asked him to choose a piece of land where he could build a monastery, where both the king and others could pray, hear sermons more often, and have a place for burying the dead. The bishop agreed with the king's wishes and eventually found a spot among high, desolate mountains, where he began the foundation of a monastery, later known as Lestinghem.

Wherefore meaning first of all to purge the place with praier & fasting, he asked leaue of the king that he might remaine there all the Lent, which was at hand, and so continuing in that place for that time, The maner of the old fast. fasted euerie daie (sundaie excepted) from the morning vntill euening, according to the maner, nor receiued anie thing then but onlie a little bread, and a hens eg, with a little milke mixt with water: for he said that this was the custome of them of whome he had learned the forme of his regular order, that they should consecrate those places vnto the Lord with praier and fasting, which they latelie had receiued to make in the same either church or monasterie.

Wherefore, wanting to cleanse the place through prayer and fasting, he asked the king for permission to stay there for the upcoming Lent, and so he remained there for that time. The way of the old fast. He fasted every day (except Sundays) from morning until evening, following the custom, and he consumed nothing except for a little bread, a hen's egg, and a little milk mixed with water. He explained that this was the practice of those from whom he had learned the rules of his religious order— that they should dedicate those places to the Lord through prayer and fasting, which they had recently taken on in that church or monastery.

And when there remained ten daies of Lent yet to come, he was sent for to the king: wherefore he appointed a brother which he had, being also a priest named Cimbill, to supplie his roome, that his begun religious woorke should not be hindered for the kings businesse. Now when the time was accomplished, he ordeined a monasterie there, appointing the Lindisferne holie Iland. moonks of the same to liue after the rules of them of Lindesferne where he was brought vp. Finallie this bishop Ced comming vnto this monasterie afterwards by chance in time of a sicknesse, died there, and left that monasterie to the gouernance of another brother which he had named Ceadda, that was after a bishop, as afterwards shall be shewed. There were foure brethren of them, and all priests, Ced, Cimbill, Ceulin, and Ceadda, of the which Ced and Ceadda were bishops, as before is said.

And when there were ten days left in Lent, he was called to the king. So, he appointed a fellow brother, also a priest named Cimbill, to take his place, ensuring that his ongoing religious work wouldn’t be interrupted by the king’s business. Once the time had come, he established a monastery there, directing the monks to follow the rules of those from Lindisfarne, where he had been raised. Later, Bishop Ced happened to visit this monastery during an illness and died there, leaving the monastery in the care of another brother named Ceadda, who later became a bishop, as will be explained. There were four brothers, all priests: Ced, Cimbill, Ceulin, and Ceadda, of whom Ced and Ceadda were bishops, as mentioned before.

Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24. About the same time, Oswie king of Northumberland was sore oppressed by the warres of Penda king of Mercia, so that he made great offers of high gifts, and great rewards vnto the said Penda for peace, but Penda refused the same, as he that meant vtterlie to haue destroied the whole nation of Oswies people, so that Oswie turning himselfe to seeke helpe War betwéene king Oswie & king Penda. at the hands of the almightie, said: If the pagan refuse to receiue the gifts which we offer, let us make offer vnto him that knoweth how to accept them: and so binding himselfe by vow, promised that if he might obtein victorie, he would offer his daughter to be dedicate to the Lord in perpetuall virginitie: and further would giue twelue manors,[Page 623] lordships or farmes to the building of monasteries: and so with a small armie he put himselfe in hazard of battell.

Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24. Around the same time, Oswie, king of Northumberland, was heavily burdened by the wars with Penda, king of Mercia. He made generous offers of valuable gifts and rewards to Penda for peace, but Penda turned him down, clearly intent on completely destroying Oswie's people. So, Oswie turned to seek help from the Almighty and said: If the pagan refuses to accept the gifts we offer, let us offer them to the One who knows how to accept them. He then made a vow, promising that if he got victory, he would dedicate his daughter to the Lord in perpetual virginity and would also give twelve manors, lordships, or farms for the building of monasteries. With a small army, he put himself at risk of battle.

It is said that Penda had thirtie companies of men of warre, furnished with thirtie noble capteins or coronels, against whome came Oswie with his sonne Alchfrid, hauing but a small armie, but confirmed yet with hope in Christ Iesus. His other son Ecgfrid remained in hostage at that time with quéene Cinnise. Edilwald the sonne of Oswald that gouerned Deira, & ought to haue aided Oswie, was on the part of Penda against his countrie, and against his vncle, but in time of the fight he withdrew himselfe aside, to behold what chance would follow. The The victorie of the Northumbers. battell being begun, the thirtie pagan capteins were ouerthrowne and put to flight, and those that came to aid Penda were almost all slaine, among whome was Edilhere king of the Eastangles, that reigned after his brother Anna, and was the procurer of this warre. This battell was fought néere to the water of Inwet, the which being risen as then by reason of great raine, drowned more of the enimies than died of the Northumbers swoords.

It’s said that Penda had thirty companies of soldiers, led by thirty noble captains or colonels. In response, Oswie came with his son Alchfrid, bringing only a small army but bolstered by hope in Christ Jesus. His other son, Ecgfrid, was at that time held as a hostage with Queen Cinnise. Edilwald, the son of Oswald who governed Deira and was supposed to support Oswie, sided with Penda against his own country and against his uncle. However, during the battle, he stepped aside to see how things would unfold. The Northumbers' victory. When the battle began, the thirty pagan captains were defeated and put to flight, and almost all who came to aid Penda were killed, including Edilhere, the king of the East Angles, who ruled after his brother Anna and was the instigator of this war. This battle was fought near the Inwet River, which had risen due to heavy rain, drowning more enemies than were killed by Northumber swords.

After that Oswie had obteined this victorie, he performed promise in bestowing his daughter to the profession of virginitie, and also gaue the twelue manors, whereof six were in Deira, and six in Bernicia, Elfled.
Herteshey saith Matt. West.
Hilda.
containing euerie of them ten housholds a péece. Elfled also king Oswies daughter was professed in the monasterie of Herthew, where one Hilda was abbesse, which Hilda purchasing a lordship of ten housholds in Streanshall, now called Whitbie, builded a monasterie there, in the which first the said Elfled was a nouice, and after a ruler, till at length being of the age of fortie yéeres she departed this life, and was buried there, and so likewise was hir mother Eufled, and hir grandfather Edwin, with manie other high estates within the church of saint Peter the apostle. The victorie aboue mentioned got by king Loides. Oswie in the countrie of Loides on the 17 kalends of December, & in the thirtenth yéere of his reigne, happened to the great commoditie and gaine of both the people, for by the same he deliuered his countrie of Northumberland from the cruell destruction made in the same by the pagan people of Mercia, and conuerted those pagans themselues, and the countries néere adioining to them wholie vnto the faith of Iesus Christ.

After Oswie achieved this victory, he fulfilled his promise by dedicating his daughter to a life of virginity and also gave the twelve manors, six in Deira and six in Bernicia, Elfled.
Herteshey says Matt. West.
Hilda.
each containing ten households. Elfled, also the daughter of King Oswie, was dedicated at the monastery of Herthew, where a woman named Hilda was the abbess. Hilda acquired a lordship of ten households in Streanshall, now known as Whitby, and built a monastery there, where Elfled first became a novice and later a leader. Eventually, she passed away at the age of forty and was buried there, along with her mother Eufled and her grandfather Edwin, along with many other high-ranking individuals in the church of Saint Peter the Apostle. The aforementioned victory won by King Loides. Oswie in the region of Loides on the 17th day before the Kalends of December, in the thirteenth year of his reign, brought great benefits and gains to both peoples because it freed his country of Northumberland from the brutal destruction caused by the pagan people of Mercia, and converted those very pagans and the neighboring regions entirely to the faith of Jesus Christ.

The first bishop of Mercia. The first bishop in the prouince of Mercia, and also of Lindesferne and the Middleangles was one Diuma, who died amongst the Middleangles. The second was Cellach, the which leauing his bishoprike returned into Scotland, for they were both of the nation of the Scots. The third was an Englishman named Trumhere, but instructed and ordeined of the Scots. He was abbat of the monasterie of Ingethlingum, being builded in that place where king Oswin was slaine (as before is mentioned.) For quéene Eufled that was his kinswoman got of hir husband king Oswie a place there for the foresaid Trumhere to build that abbeie vpon.

The first bishop of Mercia. The first bishop in the province of Mercia, as well as in Lindisfarne and the Middle Angles, was a man named Diuma, who died among the Middle Angles. The second was Cellach, who left his bishopric and returned to Scotland, as they were both from the Scottish nation. The third was an Englishman named Trumhere, who was trained and ordained by the Scots. He was the abbot of the monastery of Ingethlingum, which was built in the spot where King Oswin was killed (as mentioned earlier). Queen Eufled, who was his relative, secured a location from her husband King Oswie for Trumhere to establish that abbey on.

The victorious procéeding of king Oswie. King Oswie hauing slaine king Penda, gouerned the people of Mercia, and also other of the south prouinces, & subdued a great part of the Pictish nation to the English dominion. About the same time king Oswie gaue vnto Peada the son of king Penda (bicause he was his kinsman) the

Southmercia.
Northmercia.
659.
countrie of the Southmercies, conteining 5000 housholds, and separated from the Northmercies by the riuer Trent. The countrie of the Northmercies conteined in those daies 7000 housholds. But Peada in the next spring was wickedlie murthered through the treason of his wicked wife (as was said) in the feast of Easter. Matt. West.

The triumphant deeds of King Oswie. King Oswie, after defeating King Penda, ruled over the people of Mercia and other southern provinces, and brought a large part of the Pictish nation under English control. Around the same time, King Oswie granted Peada, the son of King Penda (because he was his relative), the region of South Mercia, which had 5,000 households and was separated from North Mercia by the River Trent. The North Mercia region had about 7,000 households at that time. However, Peada was maliciously murdered in the following spring, allegedly due to the betrayal of his wicked wife during the Easter feast. Matt. West.


[Page 624]

[Page 624]

The dukes of Mercia rebell against Oswie, recouer their owne bounds, and create Wulfhere their king; Cenwald king of the Westsaxons fighteth with the Britaines and preuaileth, he is vanquished by Wulfhere; Adelwold king of Sussex hath the Ile of Wight giuen him, and why; succession of Edelher, Edelwald, and Aldulfe in the kingdome of Eastangles; Colman a Scot first made bishop of Northumberland, controuersie about the obseruation of Easter, about bald crownes or shauing the haire, superstition punished by God, Ceadda bishop of Yorke, his course of life and diligence in his office commended; Egbert king of Kent, the see of Canturburie void, the preferment thereto refused, Theodore a moonke supplieth the roome at the popes appointment, all the English clergie obey him as their head, his visitation and reformation, singing vsed in churches, Theodore and Adrian woorthilie praised, English men happie, glasiers first brought into this Iland.

The dukes of Mercia rebel against Oswie, reclaim their own territories, and make Wulfhere their king; Cenwald, king of the West Saxons, fights against the Britons and prevails, but is defeated by Wulfhere; Adelwold, king of Sussex, is given the Isle of Wight, and the reasons why; the succession of Edelher, Edelwald, and Aldulfe in the kingdom of East Angles; Colman, a Scot, becomes the first bishop of Northumberland, a controversy arises over the observance of Easter, regarding bald heads or shaving hair, superstition punished by God, Ceadda, bishop of York, commended for his way of life and dedication to his duties; Egbert, king of Kent, with the see of Canterbury vacant, refuses the promotion, Theodore, a monk, fills the position by papal appointment, all the English clergy acknowledge him as their leader, his visitation and reformation, singing practiced in churches, Theodore and Adrian rightly praised, and the English people fortunate, with glaziers first brought to this island.

THE XXXIIJ CHAPTER.

Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24. After three yeeres were complet, next ensuing the death of king Penda, the dukes of the countrie of Mercia, Immin, Eaba, and Eadbert rebelled against king Oswie, aduancing one Wulfhere a yoong gentleman the sonne of Peda, and brother to Peada, whom they had kept in secret to be their king, and expelling the lieutenants of king Oswie, they recouered both their owne confines and libertie withall, and so liuing in fréedome with their owne naturall king the foresaid Vulfhere, they also continued with glad hearts in seruice of the celestiall king our God and Sauior.

Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24. After three years had passed since the death of King Penda, the dukes of the Mercia region, Immin, Eaba, and Eadbert, rebelled against King Oswie. They promoted a young man named Wulfhere, the son of Peda and brother to Peada, whom they had secretly kept to be their king. By expelling the officials of King Oswie, they regained their own territory and freedom. Living freely under their own natural king, Wulfhere, they continued to serve the celestial King, our God and Savior, with joyful hearts.

VULFHERE. Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24. This Vulfhere gouerned the Mercies seuentéene yeares, the which Mercies (during the reigne of the said Vulfhere) had foure bishops successiuelie gouerning the church of that prouince one after another, as the aboue mentioned Trumhere, Iaroman, Ceadda, and Winfrid, as hereafter shall more at large appeare.

VULFHERE. Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24. Vulfhere ruled the Mercians for seventeen years, during which time there were four bishops leading the church of that region one after another: Trumhere, Iaroman, Ceadda, and Winfrid, as will be explained in more detail later.

Henr. Hunt.
Matt. West.
About the beginning of king Vulfheres reigne, that is to say, in the seuentéenth yeare of the reigne of Chenwald king of the Westsaxons, the same Chenwald fought with the Britains at Pennum, where the Britains being assembled in great number, proudlie incountred with the Englishmen, and at the first put them to the woorst, but when the Englishmen would in no wise giue ouer, but did sticke to their tackle, The Britains put to flight by Chenwald. at length the Britains were put to flight, so that the posteritie of Brute receiued that day an incurable wound. But within thrée yeares after, that is, in the ninetéenth yeare of the reigne of the said Chenwald, he had not the like lucke in battell against the foresaid Vulfhere king of Mercia, as he had before against the Britains, for the Chenwald vanquished by Vulfhere. said Vulfhere vanquishing him in the field, passed through this countrie with a great armie vnto the Ile of Wight, which he conquered,
Adelwold of Sussex.
and deliuered it vnto Adelwold king of Sussex, as a gift at that time, when he receiued him at the fontstone after he had conuerted him to the faith. He gaue vnto Adelwold that Ile, to the end he should cause the people there to receiue the faith and religion of Christ. Now after that Edelhere king of Eastangles was slaine, as before is mentioned, his brother Edelwald succéeded him in that kingdome, reigning as king thereof by the space of nine yeares. Then after Edelwald succéeded Aldulfe the son of Edelhere in gouernment of that kingdome, and reigned 25 yeares.

Henr. Hunt.
Matt. West.
Around the start of King Vulfhere's reign, which was in the seventeenth year of Chenwald's rule as king of the West Saxons, King Chenwald fought against the Britains at Pennum. The Britains gathered in large numbers and confidently confronted the Englishmen, initially driving them back. However, when the Englishmen refused to give up and stood their ground, The Britains were driven away by Chenwald. eventually, the Britains were defeated, suffering a serious blow that day. Yet, three years later, during the nineteenth year of Chenwald's reign, he faced a different fate in battle against King Vulfhere of Mercia, who Chenwald defeated by Vulfhere. defeated him on the battlefield. Vulfhere advanced through the territory with a large army to the Isle of Wight, which he conquered, Adelwold from Sussex. and presented it to King Adelwold of Sussex as a gift when he baptized him at the fontstone after converting him to Christianity. He gave Adelwold the island so that he would encourage the people there to accept the faith and teachings of Christ. After the death of King Edelhere of the East Angles, as mentioned earlier, his brother Edelwald took over the kingdom, ruling for nine years. Following Edelwald, Aldulfe, the son of Edelhere, succeeded in governing the kingdom, reigning for 25 years.

Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24. After Finan bishop of the Northumbers that held his see at Lindesferne, Colman ordeined bishop. as Aidan did before him, one Colman was ordeined bishop, a Scot borne, and an earnest obseruer of the customes vsed amongest them of his nation, so that when the controuersie began to be reuiued for the Beda. lib. 3. cap. 25. holding of the feast of Easter, he would by no meanes yéeld to them that would haue perswaded him to haue followed the rite of the Romane church. There was a great disputation kept about this matter, and other things, as shauing or cutting of heares, and such like in the monasterie of Whitbie, at the which king Oswie and his sonne Alcfrid were present, where Colman for his part alledged the custome of Iohn the euangelist, and of Anatholius; and the contrarie side brought in proofe of their opinion, the custome of Peter and Paule. At length, when bishop Colman perceiued that his doctrine was not so much[Page 625] regarded, as he thought of reason it ought to haue béene, he returned into Scotland with those, which taking part with him, refused to obserue the feast of Easter according to the custome of the church of Controuersie about shauing of crownes. Cap. 6. Rome, nor would haue their crownes shauen, about which point no small reasoning had béene kept. This disputation was holden in the yeare of
664.
our Lord 664, and in the yeare of the reigne of king Oswie 22, and 30 yeare after the Scotishmen began first to beare the office of bishops within Northumberland, which was (as W. Harison saith) 624. For Aidan gouerned 17 yeares, Finan 10 yeares, & Colman 3 yeares. After that Tuda ordeined bishop. Colman was returned into his countrie, one Tuda that had béene brought vp amongest the Southerne Scots, and ordeined bishop by them, succéeded in his roome, hauing his crowne shauen, and obseruing the feast of Easter according to the custome of the prouince and rite of the Romane Cap. 27. An eclipse. Punishment of God for yelding to superstition. church. ¶ The same yeare, there chanced a great eclipse of the sunne, the third of Maie about 10 of the clocke in the day. A great dearth and mortalitie insued, both in all the parties of this our Britaine, and likewise in Ireland. Amongest other, the foresaid bishop Tuda died, and was buried in the abbeie of Pegnalech. After this Tuda, succéeded in gouernement of the church of Lindesferne, otherwise called Holie Iland, Wilfrid bishop. one Wilfrid, which was sent by king Alcfrid into France, to be ordeined there.

Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24. After Finan, the bishop of the Northumbrians who was based at Lindisfarne, Colman was made a bishop. like Aidan before him, Colman, a Scot by birth, was made a bishop and was a strong observer of the customs practiced by his people. When the debate about the observance of Easter arose again, he refused to be swayed by those who tried to convince him to follow the traditions of the Roman church. There was a significant debate on this issue and other matters, such as shaving or cutting hair in the monastery of Whitby, attended by King Oswiu and his son Alcfrid. Colman cited the customs of John the Evangelist and Anatholius, while the opposing side presented the practices of Peter and Paul as evidence. Eventually, when Bishop Colman realized that his teachings were not given the weight he believed they deserved, he returned to Scotland with those who sided with him, refusing to observe Easter according to the traditions of the Church of Debate over crown shaving. Cap. 6. Rome and unwilling to shave their crowns, a point that had generated considerable debate. This debate took place in the year of 664. our Lord 664, during the 22nd year of King Oswiu's reign, and 30 years after the Scots first held the office of bishops in Northumberland, which was (as W. Harrison states) in 624. Aidan governed for 17 years, Finan for 10 years, and Colman for 3 years. After Colman returned to his country, Tuda, who had been raised among the Southern Scots and ordained as a bishop by them, succeeded him, having his crown shaved and observing Easter according to the customs of the province and the rite of the Roman Cap. 27. An eclipse. A punishment from God for giving in to superstition. church. ¶ In the same year, a significant solar eclipse occurred on May 3rd around 10 o'clock in the morning. This led to great famine and mortality across our Britain and in Ireland as well. Among others, the aforementioned Bishop Tuda died and was buried in the abbey of Pegnalech. After Tuda, Wilfrid became the leader of the church of Lindisfarne, also known as Holy Island, Bishop Wilfrid. having been sent by King Alcfrid to France to be ordained there.

About the same time king Oswie, the father of king Alcfrid, mooued with Cap. 28. the good example of his sonne, sent Ceadda, the brother of Ced sometime bishop of the Eastsaxons into Kent, to be ordeined bishop of Yorke, but at his comming into Kent he found that Deus dedit the archbishop of Canturburie was dead, and none other as yet ordeined in his place, so Ceadda ordeined archbishop of Yorke. that Ceadda repaired into the prouince of the Westsaxons, where he was ordeined by bishop Wini, who tooke two other bishops of the British nation vnto him to be his associats, which vsed to obserue the feast of Easter contrarie to the custome of the Romane church. But there was no other shift, sith none other bishop was then canonicallie ordeined in the prouince of the Westsaxons in those daies, this Wini onlie excepted, and therefore was he constreined to take such as he might get and prouide.

Around the same time, King Oswie, the father of King Alcfrid, inspired by his son’s good example, sent Ceadda, the brother of Ced, who was once the bishop of the East Saxons, to Kent to be ordained as bishop of York. However, when he arrived in Kent, he found that Deus Dedit, the archbishop of Canterbury, had died, and no one had been appointed to replace him. So, Ceadda went to the province of the West Saxons, where he was ordained by Bishop Wini. Wini brought along two other bishops of British descent to assist him, who observed Easter contrary to the Roman Church's customs. But there was no other option, as no other bishop had been canonically ordained in the West Saxons at that time, except for Wini. Therefore, he was forced to make do with those he could find and provide for.

After that Ceadda was thus ordeined, he began forthwith to follow the true rules of the church, liued right chastlie, shewed himselfe humble and continent, applied his studie to reading, and trauelled abroad on foot and not on horssebacke through the countries, townes, and villages, to preach the word of God. He was the disciple of Aidan, and coueted by his example, and also by the example of Ced, to instruct his hearers with the like dooings & maners as he had knowen them to doo. Wilfrid also being consecrated bishop, and returned into England, indeuored to plant the orders of the Romane church in the churches of England, whereby it came to passe, that the Scots which inhabited amongst the Englishmen, were constreined either to follow the same, or else to returne into their owne countrie.

After Ceadda was ordained, he immediately began to follow the true teachings of the church, lived a chaste life, showed humility and self-control, devoted himself to studying, and traveled on foot rather than horseback through the countries, towns, and villages to preach the word of God. He was a disciple of Aidan, and inspired by his example, as well as by Ced's, he aimed to instruct his listeners in the same ways and behaviors he had learned from them. When Wilfrid was consecrated as bishop and returned to England, he worked to establish the practices of the Roman church in the churches of England, which led to the Scots living among the English being forced to either adopt these practices or return to their own country.

EGBERT king of Kent. In this meane time, king Ercombert being departed this life, after he had gouerned the Kentishmen by the space of twentie yeares, his sonne Egbert succéeded him in the kingdome, and reigned nine yeares. There is little remembrance of his dooings, which in that short time were not much notable, except ye will ascribe the comming into this land of the archbishop Theodorus, and the abbat Adrian vnto his glorie, which chanced in his time. For in the yeare of the great eclipse and sore mortalitie that insued, it chanced that both king Ercombert, & the archbishop Deus dedit departed this life, so that the see of Canturburie was void a certeine time, in so much that king Egbert, who Beda. lib. 3. cap. 9. succéeded his father Ercombert, togither with king Oswie, did send one Wighart. Wighart a priest of good reputation for his excellent knowledge in the scriptures, vnto Rome, with great gifts and rich vessels of gold and siluer, to be presented vnto the pope, requiring him that he would ordeine the foresaid Wighart archbishop of Canturburie, to haue rule of the English church. But this Wighart comming vnto Rome, and declaring his message vnto Vitalianus then gouerning the church of Rome, immediatlie after he died of the pestilence (that then reigned in that citie) with all those that came with him.

EGBERT, King of Kent. In the meantime, King Ercombert passed away after ruling the Kentish people for twenty years, and his son Egbert took over the kingdom, reigning for nine years. There isn’t much record of his actions, which during that short time were not very remarkable, except that you might credit the arrival of Archbishop Theodorus and Abbot Adrian to his honor, which happened during his reign. In the year of the great eclipse and the serious plague that followed, both King Ercombert and Archbishop Deusdedit died, leaving the see of Canterbury vacant for some time. Consequently, King Egbert, who succeeded his father Ercombert along with King Oswie, sent a well-regarded priest named Wighart, known for his outstanding knowledge of the scriptures, to Rome with valuable gifts of gold and silver to present to the pope, asking him to appoint Wighart as Archbishop of Canterbury to oversee the English church. However, upon arriving in Rome and delivering his message to Vitalianus, who was leading the church at the time, Wighart soon died of the plague that was rampant in the city, along with all those who accompanied him.

Beda. lib. 4 cap. 1.
Adrian.
The pope then taking aduice whome he might ordeine vnto the sée of[Page 626] Canturburie, being thus destitute of an archbishop, appointed a moonke named Adrian to take that office vpon him, but Adrian excused himselfe as not sufficient for such a roome, and required the pope to appoint one Andrew a moonke also, wherevnto the pope consented. But when Andrew was preuented by death, eftsoones Adrian should haue béene made archbishop, but that he named one Theodore an other moonke that abode as then in Rome, but was borne in the citie of Tharsus in Cilicia, verie well learned both in the Greeke and Latine, and being of reuerend yeares, as of 76. This Theodore by the presentment of Adrian, was appointed to be ordeined archbishop of Canturburie, with condition, that Adrian should neuerthelesse attend vpon him into England, both for that he had béene twise before this time in France, and so knew the coasts; and againe, for that he might assist him in all things, and looke well to the matter, that Theodore should not bring into the church of England anie rite or custome of the Gréekes, contrarie to the vse of the Romane church. Theodore being first ordeined subdeacon, tarried foure moneths till his heare was growen, that he might haue his crowne shauen after the maner of Peter. For he was rounded or shauen after the maner of the East church, which was as they persuaded themselues, according to the vse of saint Paule the apostle. And so at Theodore ordeined archbishop of Canturburie.
668.
length was this Theodore ordeined archbishop of Canturburie by pope Vitalianus in the yeare of our Lord 668, the sixt kalends of June, and with Adrian sent into Britaine.

Beda. lib. 4 cap. 1. Adrian. The pope, seeking advice on who to appoint as the archbishop of[Page 626] Canterbury, decided to designate a monk named Adrian for the position. However, Adrian declined, feeling unqualified for such a role, and suggested that the pope appoint another monk named Andrew instead. The pope agreed. But when Andrew passed away, Adrian was again considered for the archbishop position. This time, he nominated Theodore, another monk who was in Rome but originally from the city of Tarsus in Cilicia. Theodore was very well-educated in Greek and Latin and was quite elderly, at 76 years old. Based on Adrian's recommendation, Theodore was appointed to be ordained as the archbishop of Canterbury, with the condition that Adrian would accompany him to England. This was because he had been to France twice before and was familiar with the regions, and also so he could assist Theodore and ensure that he would not introduce any Greek customs or practices that went against the traditions of the Roman church. Theodore was first ordained as a subdeacon and waited four months for his hair to grow long enough to have his crown shaved according to the manner of Peter. He was to be tonsured in the style of the Eastern church, which they believed was in line with the practices of Saint Paul the Apostle. Finally, this Theodore was ordained as the archbishop of Canterbury by Pope Vitalianus in the year 668, on the sixth day before the Kalends of June, and he was sent to Britain along with Adrian.

These with their retinue came to France, and being come thither, shortlie after king Egbert had knowledge thereof: wherevpon with all conuenient spéed he sent ouer one of his nobles named Redfrid to bring the archbishop into England, and so he did: but Adrian was staied for a time, because he was suspected to haue had some commission from the emperour to haue practised with the Englishmen, for the disquieting of the realme of France. Howbeit, after it was perceiued that this suspicion was grounded on no truth, he was also suffered to follow the archbishop, and so comming vnto Canturburie, he was made abbat of the monasterie of saint Augustines. The archbishop Theodore came thus vnto his church of Canturburie in the second yeare after his consecration, about the second kalends of June, being sundaie. He gouerned the same church also 21 yeares and 16 daies, and was the first archbishop to whome all the churches of England did acknowledge their obeisance.

These people, along with their entourage, came to France, and shortly after, King Egbert learned about it. So, he quickly sent one of his nobles, named Redfrid, to bring the archbishop to England, which he did. However, Adrian was held back for a while because people suspected he had received some kind of commission from the emperor to conspire with the English to disturb the peace of France. But once it was clear that this suspicion had no basis in truth, he was allowed to join the archbishop. When they arrived in Canterbury, he became the abbot of the monastery of Saint Augustine. Archbishop Theodore came to his church in Canterbury in the second year after his consecration, around the second of June, which was a Sunday. He governed that church for 21 years and 16 days and was the first archbishop to whom all the churches of England acknowledged their obedience.

Being accompanied with the foresaid Adrian, he visited all the parts of this land, ordeined bishops and ministers in churches where he thought conuenient, and reformed the same churches as séemed to him néedfull, as well in other things which he misliked, as also in causing them to Ran. Cest.
Matth. West.
Beda.
obserue the feast of Easter, according to the right and vsage of the church of Rome. Ceadda that was bishop of Yorke, because he was not lawfullie ordeined, as he himselfe confessed, was remoued from the sée of Yorke, and Wilfrid was therevnto restored, so that Ceadda (though he were not disgraded of his degrée of bishop) liued yet a priuat kind of life, till he was admitted bishop of Mercia, as after shall be shewed. Also whereas before time there was in maner no singing in the English churches, except it were in Kent, now they began in euerie church to Singing in churches brought in vse. vse singing of diuine seruice after the rite of the church of Rome. The archbishop Theodore finding the church of Rochester void by the death
Putta bishop of Rochester.
of the last bishop named Damian, ordeined one Putta a simple man in worldlie matters, but well instructed in ecclesiasticall discipline, and namelie well séene in song and musicke to be vsed in the church after the maner as he had learned of pope Gregories disciples.

Accompanied by the aforementioned Adrian, he traveled throughout the land, appointed bishops and ministers in churches he deemed appropriate, and reformed those churches as he saw fit. This included addressing various issues he disapproved of and ensuring they observed the Easter feast according to the proper customs of the Church of Rome. Ceadda, who was bishop of York, was removed from his position because he had not been lawfully ordained, as he himself admitted, and Wilfrid was reinstated in his place. Consequently, Ceadda (though not stripped of his bishopric status) lived a private life until he was later made bishop of Mercia, as will be shown. Additionally, while there had previously been little singing in the English churches, except in Kent, now every church began to adopt singing for divine services in accordance with the rite of the Church of Rome. The archbishop Theodore found the church of Rochester vacant after the death of the last bishop, named Damian, and appointed one Putta—a simple man in worldly matters, but well-versed in ecclesiastical discipline and particularly knowledgeable in song and music used in the church, as he had learned from the disciples of Pope Gregory.

The worthie praise of Theodore and Adrian. To be bréefe, the archbishop Theodore, and the abbat Adrian deserued great commendation in this, that whereas they were notablie well learned themselues in the Greeke and the Latine toongs, and also had good knowledge as well in the liberall arts, as in the scripture, they tooke great paines to traine vp scholers in knowledge of the same, so Englishmen happy and why. that the Englishmen had not seene more happie times than in those daies, hauing as then kings of great puissance, so as strangers stood in feare of them; and againe, those that coueted learning, had instructors at hand to teach them, by reason whereof diuers being giuen Beda. to studie, prooued excellent both in knowledge of the Gréeke and Latine. There came in companie of the said archbishop from Rome, an
Benedict or Benet surnamed Biscop.
English man named Benedict Biscop, which had taken vpon him the habit[Page 627] of a moonke in Italie, and now returning into his countrie, builded two abbeis, the one named Wiremouth, because it was placed at the mouth of the riuer of Wire, and the other Girwie, distant from Wiremouth about fiue miles, and from the towne of Newcastle foure miles, situated neere
670.
to the mouth of Tine. Wiremouth was built in the yeare 670, and Girwie in the yeare 673. There were a 600 moonks found in those two houses,
Glasiers first brought into England.
Ran. Cest. and gouerned vnder one abbat. The said Benedict was the first that brought glasiers, painters, and other such curious craftsmen into England. He went fiue times to Rome, and came againe.

The well-deserved praise for Theodore and Adrian. To be brief, Archbishop Theodore and Abbot Adrian deserve great praise for their significant contributions. They were both very well-educated in Greek and Latin languages and had a solid understanding of liberal arts and scripture. They worked hard to train scholars in those areas, so Why Englishmen are happy. the English experienced some of their happiest times during those days, with powerful kings who instilled fear in outsiders. Additionally, those eager to learn had instructors readily available, which led many to excel in their study of Greek and Latin. Among those who accompanied the archbishop from Rome was an Benedict or Benet Biscop. Englishman named Benedict Biscop, who had taken monastic vows in Italy. Upon returning home, he built two monasteries: one named Wearmouth, because it was located at the mouth of the River Wear, and the other called Jarrow, about five miles from Wearmouth and four miles from Newcastle, close to the mouth of the Tyne. Wearmouth was established in the year 670, and Jarrow in 673. There were 600 monks in these two monasteries, Glaciers first brought to England. Run. It's done. all governed under one abbot. Benedict was the first to bring glaziers, painters, and other skilled craftsmen to England. He traveled to Rome five times and returned each time.


Sighere and Sebbie associats reigne ouer the Eastsaxons, the one falleth from, the other cleaueth to the faith, Vulfhere king of Mercia sendeth bishop Iaroman to redresss that apostasie of the prince and the people, Cead bishop of Mercia, the king of that countrie hath him in hie reputation, Egfrid king of Northumberland, a synod of bishops holden at Herford, articles propounded out of the canons by Theodore archbishop of Canturburie, Bisi unable to discharge his episcopall office, a remedie therefore; Kenwalke of a very euill prince becometh a verie good ruler, his wife gouerneth the kingdome after his death, Escuius succeedeth hir in the roome, of Thunnir a murtherer king Egberts principall vicegerent, bishop Winfrid deposed for disobedience, Sebbie king of the Eastsaxons a professed moonke, his death.

Sighere and Sebbie rule over the East Saxons; one falls away from faith while the other holds on. Vulfhere, king of Mercia, sends Bishop Iaroman to address the apostasy of the prince and the people. Cead, bishop of Mercia, is held in high regard by the king of that region. Egfrid, king of Northumberland, holds a synod of bishops at Hereford, where articles from the canons are proposed by Theodore, the archbishop of Canterbury. Bisi is unable to perform his episcopal duties, so a solution is sought. Kenwalke, once a very bad prince, becomes a very good ruler. His wife governs the kingdom after his death, and Escuius succeeds her. Thunnir, a murderer, is King Egbert's main vicegerent, and Bishop Winfrid is deposed for disobedience. Sebbie, king of the East Saxons, is a professed monk at his death.

THE XXXIIIJ CHAPTER.

About the same time, after that Suidhelme king of the Eastsaxons was dead, Sighere the son of Sigbert the little, and Sebbie the son of Suward succéeded him in gouernement of that kingdome, albeit they were Beda. lib. 3. cap. 30. subiect vnto Vulfhere the king of Mercia. Sighere in that time, when the great mortalitie reigned, renounced the faith of Christ, with that part of the people which he had in gouernement, for both the same Sighere and others of his chiefest lords, and also part of his commons louing this life, and not regarding the life to come, began to repaire their idolish churches, and fell to the worshipping of idols, as though thereby they should haue beene defended from that mortalitie. But his associat Sebbie with great deuotion continued stedfast in the faith which he had receiued.

About the same time, after Suidhelme, the king of the East Saxons, died, Sighere, the son of Sigbert the Little, and Sebbie, the son of Suward, took over the leadership of that kingdom, even though they were subject to Vulfhere, the king of Mercia. During that time, when a great plague was spreading, Sighere renounced the Christian faith along with part of the people he governed. Both Sighere and some of his top lords, as well as some of his common people, who were more focused on this life and not on the next, began to restore their pagan churches and returned to idol worship, believing it would protect them from the plague. However, his companion Sebbie remained devoted and steadfast in the faith he had received.

King Vulfhere being informed of Seghers apostasie, and how the people in his part of the prouince of Eastsaxons were departed from the faith, Bishop Iaruman or Iaroman. sent thither bishop Iaruman or Iaroman, that was successour vnto Trumhere, which vsed such diligence and godlie meanes, that he reduced the said king and all his people vnto the right beliefe, so as the idolish synagogs were destroied, and the idols also with their altars quite beaten downe, the Christian churches againe set open, and the name of Christ eftsoones called vpon amongest the people, coueting now rather to die in him with hope of resurrection in the world to come, than to liue in the seruice of idols, spotted with the filth of errors and false beleefe. And thus when bishop Iaroman had accomplished the thing for the which he was sent, he returned into Mercia.

King Vulfhere learned about Segher’s apostasy and how the people in his part of the province of the East Saxons had strayed from the faith, Bishop Iaruman or Iaroman. He sent Bishop Iaruman or Iaroman, who was the successor to Trumhere. Iaruman worked diligently and used godly means to bring the king and all his people back to the true faith, so that the pagan synagogues were destroyed, along with the idols and their altars, which were completely demolished. The Christian churches were reopened, and the name of Christ was once again called upon by the people, who now preferred to die in Him with the hope of resurrection in the world to come than to live in the service of idols, stained with the dirt of errors and false beliefs. Thus, when Bishop Iaruman had accomplished his mission, he returned to Mercia.

After this, when the said Iaroman was departed this life, king Vulfhere sent vnto the archbishop Theodorus, requiring him to prouide the prouince of the Mercies of a new bishop. Theodorus not minding to ordeine anie new bishop at that time, required Oswie king of Northumberland, that Bishop Cead might come into Mercia to exercise the office of bishop there. This Cead liued as it were a priuat life at that time in his monasterie of Lestingham, for Wilfrid held the bishoprike of Yorke, extending his authoritie ouer all Northumberland & amongest the Picts also, so farre as king Oswies dominion stretched. Therefore Cead hauing licence to go into Mercia, was gladlie receiued of king Vulfhere, and well enterteined, in so much that the said king[Page 628] gaue vnto him lands and possessions conteining 50 families or housholds to build a monasterie in a certeine place within the countrie of Lindsey called Etbearne. But the sée of his bishoprike was assigned to him at Lichfield in Staffordshire, where he made him a house néere to the church, in the which he with 7 or 8 other of his brethren in religion vsed in an oratorie there to praie and reade, so often as they had leasure from labour and businesse of the world. Finallie, after he had gouerned the church of Mercia by the space of two yeares and an halfe, he departed this life, hauing 7 daies warning giuen him (as it is reported) from aboue, before he should die, after a miraculous maner, which because in the iudgement of the most it may séeme méere fabulous, we will omit and passe ouer. His bodie was first buried in the church of our ladie, but after that the church of saint Peter the apostle were builded, his bones were translated into the same.

After this, when Iaroman passed away, King Vulfhere sent a message to Archbishop Theodorus, asking him to appoint a new bishop for the province of the Mercians. Theodorus, not intending to ordain a new bishop at that time, asked King Oswie of Northumberland for Bishop Cead to come to Mercia to serve as bishop there. At that time, Cead was living a private life in his monastery at Lestingham, as Wilfrid held the bishopric of York, extending his authority over all of Northumberland and even among the Picts, as far as King Oswies' domain reached. Therefore, with permission to go to Mercia, Cead was gladly received by King Vulfhere and treated well, to the extent that the king[Page 628] granted him land and possessions for 50 families to build a monastery in a place called Etbearne within Lindsey. The see of his bishopric was assigned to him at Lichfield in Staffordshire, where he built a house near the church, where he and 7 or 8 of his fellow religious brothers would pray and read in a little chapel whenever they had time away from their work and worldly duties. Finally, after he had governed the church of Mercia for two and a half years, he passed away, having been given a week's warning from above (as is reported) before his death, in a miraculous manner, which some may consider mere legend, and so we will skip over that. His body was initially buried in the church of Our Lady, but after the church of Saint Peter the Apostle was built, his bones were transferred there.

671. Matth. West. In the yeare of our Lord 671, which was the second yeare after that Theodorus the archbishop came into this land, Oswie king of Northumberland was attacked with a grieuous sicknesse, and died thereof the 15 kalends of March, in the 58 yeare of his age, after he had reigned 28 yeares complet.

671. Matth. West. In the year 671 AD, which was two years after Archbishop Theodorus came to this land, Oswie, king of Northumberland, was stricken with a serious illness and died on the 15th day before the Ides of March, at the age of 58, after reigning for a full 28 years.

EGFRID.
673.
Beda. lib. 4. cap. 5.
Matth. West.
After Oswie, his sonne Egfrid succéeded in rule of the kingdome of Northumberland, in the third yeare of whose reigne, that is to say, in the yeare of our Lord 673, Theodorus the archbishop of Canturburie kept a synod at Herford, the first session whereof began the 24 of
A synod holden at Herford.
September, all the bishops of this land being present either in person or by their deputies, as Bisi bishop of Estangle, Wilfrid of Northumberland by his deputie Putta bishop of Rochester, Eleutherius bishop of Westsaxon, and Wilfrid bishop of Mercia. In the presence of these prelats, the archbishop shewed a booke, wherein he had noted ten Articles proponed by Theodore. chapters or articles taken out of the booke of the canons, requiring that the same might be receiued.

EGFRID.
673.
Beda. lib. 4. cap. 5. Matth. West. After Oswie, his son Egfrid succeeded him as ruler of the kingdom of Northumberland. In the third year of his reign, which is to say, in the year 673 AD, Theodorus, the archbishop of Canterbury, held a synod at Hereford. The first session began on September 24, A synod held in Hereford. with all the bishops of the land present either in person or by their representatives, including Bisi, bishop of East Anglia, Wilfrid of Northumberland by his representative Putta, bishop of Rochester, Eleutherius, bishop of Wessex, and Wilfrid, bishop of Mercia. In front of these prelates, the archbishop presented a book in which he had noted ten Articles suggested by Theodore. chapters or articles taken from the book of canons, requesting that these be accepted.

1 The first chapter was, that the feast of Easter should be kept on the sundaie following the fourtéenth day of the first moneth.

1 The first chapter stated that the Easter feast should be celebrated on the Sunday following the fourteenth day of the first month.

2 The second, that no bishop should intermedle in an others diocesse, but be contented with the cure of his flocke committed to him.

2 The second is that no bishop should interfere in another's diocese, but be content with taking care of the flock that has been entrusted to him.

3 The third, that no bishop should disquiet in anie thing anie monasterie consecrated to God, nor take by violence anie goods that belonged vnto the same.

3 The third, that no bishop should disturb any monastery dedicated to God in any way, nor should they take by force any property that belonged to it.

4 The fourth, that bishops being moonks should not go from monasterie to monasterie, except by sufferance and permission of their abbats, & should continue in the same obedience wherein they stood before.

4 The fourth rule states that bishops who are monks should not move from one monastery to another unless they have the permission of their abbots, and should remain in the same obedience they had before.

5 The fift, that none of the cleargie should depart from his bishop to run into anie other diocesse, nor comming from anie other place should be admitted, except he brought letters of testimonie with him. But if anie such chanced to be receiued, if he refused to returne, being sent for home, both he and his receiuer should be excommunicated.

5 The fifth rule states that no clergy member should leave their bishop to go to another diocese, nor should anyone coming from another place be accepted unless they have letters of testimony. If someone without those letters happens to be received and refuses to return when asked, both they and the person who accepted them should be excommunicated.

6 The sixt, that bishops and other of the cleargie being strangers shold hold them content with the benefit of hospitalitie, & should not take in hand anie priestlie office, without licence of the bishop, in whose diocesse he chanced so to be remaining.

6 The sixth, that bishops and other clergy who are strangers should be satisfied with the benefits of hospitality, and should not undertake any priestly duties without the permission of the bishop in whose diocese they happen to be staying.

7 The seuenth, that twice in the yeare a synod should be kept, but because of diuers impediments herein, it was thought good to them all, that in the kalends of August a synod should be kept once in the yeare, at a certeine place called Cloofeshough.

7 The seventh, that a synod should be held twice a year, but due to various obstacles, it was decided by all that a synod should take place once a year on the first of August, at a specific location called Cloofeshough.

8 The eighth chapter was, that no one bishop should by ambition séeke to be preferred aboue another, but that euerie one should know the time and order of his consecration.

8 The eighth chapter stated that no bishop should seek to elevate himself above another out of ambition, but that everyone should understand the timing and protocol of his consecration.

9 The ninth, that as the number of the christians increased, so should there be more bishops ordeined.

9 The ninth is that as the number of Christians grew, there should be more bishops ordained.

10 The tenth was touching mariages, that none should contract matrimonie with anie person, but with such as it should be lawfull for him by the orders of the church: none should match with their kinsfolke, no man should forsake his wife, except (as the gospell teacheth) for cause of fornication. But if anie man did put awaie his wife which he had lawfullie married, if he would be accounted a true Christian, he might not be coopled[Page 629] with an other, but so remaine, or else be reconciled to his owne wife.

10 The tenth rule was about marriages: no one should marry anyone unless it was lawful according to the church's orders. No one should marry their relatives, and no man should abandon his wife, except (as the gospel teaches) for reasons of adultery. If a man separates from a wife he has married lawfully, he cannot be considered a true Christian if he then marries another woman; he must either remain single or be reconciled with his original wife.

These articles, being intreated of and concluded, were confirmed with the subscribing of all their hands, so as all those that did go against the same, should be disgraded of their priesthood, and separated from the companie of them all.

These articles, having been discussed and finalized, were confirmed with everyone's signatures, so that anyone who opposed them would be stripped of their priesthood and excluded from the group.

Bisi bishop of the Eastangles. The forsaid Bisi that was bishop of the Eastangles, and present at this synod, was sucessor unto Bonifacius, which Bonifacius held that sée 17 yéeres, and then departing this life, Bisi was made bishop of that prouince, and ordeined by the archbishop Theodore. This Bisi at length was so visited with sicknesse, that he was not able to exercise the ministration, so that two bishops were then & there elected and consecrated for him, the one named Aecci, and the other Baldwin.

Bisi, Bishop of the East Angles. The aforementioned Bisi, who was Bishop of the East Angles and attended this synod, succeeded Boniface, who held that see for 17 years. After Boniface passed away, Bisi was appointed bishop of that province and was ordained by Archbishop Theodore. Eventually, Bisi became so ill that he couldn't carry out his duties, prompting the election and consecration of two bishops to serve in his place: one named Aecci and the other Baldwin.

672. In this meane while, that is, about the yéere of our Lord 672, or in the beginning of 673, as Harison noteth, Kenwalch king of the Westsaxons departed this life, after he had reigned Matth. West. de reg. lib. 1. 30 yéeres. This Kenwalch was such a prince, as in the beginning he was to be compared with the woorst kind of rulers, but in the middest and later end of his reigne, to be matched with the best. His godlie zeale borne towards the aduancing of the christian religion well appéered in the building of the church at Winchester, where the bishops sée of all that prouince was then placed. His wife Segburga ruled the kingdome of Westsaxons after him, a woman of stoutnesse inough to haue atchiued acts of woorthie remembrance, but being preuented by death yer she had reigned one whole yéere, she could not shew anie full proofe of hir noble courage. I remember that Matth. West. maketh other report heereof, declaring that the nobilitie remooued hir from the gouernment. But I rather follow William Malmesburie in this matter.

672. In the meantime, around the year of our Lord 672, or at the beginning of 673, as Harison notes, Kenwalch, king of the West Saxons, passed away after ruling for Matth. West. de reg. lib. 1. 30 years. Kenwalch was a prince who, at the start, could be compared to the worst kinds of rulers, but by the middle and end of his reign, he could be matched with the best. His genuine passion for promoting the Christian faith was evident in the construction of the church at Winchester, where the bishop's seat of the entire province was located. His wife, Segburga, took over the kingdom of the West Saxons after him; she was a strong woman capable of achieving notable deeds, but unfortunately, she was cut short by death before she could rule for a full year, so she couldn't fully demonstrate her noble spirit. I recall that Matth. West. offers a different account here, stating that the nobility removed her from power. However, I prefer to follow William Malmesbury on this matter.

Escuinus. Will. Malmes. To procéed, after Segburga was departed this life, or deposed (if you will néeds haue it so) Escuinus or Elcuinus, whose grandfather called Cuthgislo, the brother of K. Kinigils, succéeding in gouernment of the Westsaxons, reigned about the space of two yéeres: and after his deceasse, one Centiuinus or Centwine tooke vpon him the rule, and continued therein the space of nine yeeres. But Beda saith that these two ruled at one time, and diuided the kingdom betwixt them. Elcuinus Hen. Hunt. fought against Vulfhere king of Mercia, a great number of men being slaine on both parties, though Vulfhere yet had after a maner the vpper hand, as some haue written.

Escuinus. Will. Malmes. To continue, after Segburga passed away, or was deposed (if that's how you want to see it), Escuinus, or Elcuinus, whose grandfather was named Cuthgislo, the brother of King Kinigils, took over the leadership of the West Saxons and ruled for about two years. After his death, Centiuinus, or Centwine, assumed control and governed for nine years. However, Beda says that these two ruled simultaneously and divided the kingdom between them. Elcuinus Hen. Hunt. fought against Vulfhere, the king of Mercia, with many men killed on both sides, although Vulfhere seemed to have the upper hand, as some have noted.

Beda lib. & ca. supr. dict. In the same yéere that the synod was holden at Herford, that is to say, in the yéere of our Lord 673, Egbert the king of Kent departed this Io. Lothaire. life in Iulie, and left the kingdome to his brother Lothaire, which held the same eleuen yéeres, & seuen moneths. Some haue written that Wil. Malm.
Beda. de reg. lib. 1.
king Egbert by the suggestion of one Thunnir, who had the chiefe rule Thunnir.
A vile murther.
of the kingdome vnder him, suffered the same Thunnir in lamentable maner to kill the two innocent sonnes of Ermenredus the brother of king Ercombert, that was father vnto King Egbert, for doubt least they being towardlie yoong gentlemen, might in time grow so into fauour with the people, that it should be easie for them to depriue both Egbert, and his issue of the kingdome. Also, that they were priuilie put to death, and secretlie buried at the first, but the place of their buriall immediatlie being shewed after a miraculous maner, their bodies long after in the daies of king Egilred the sonne of king Edgar, were taken vp, & conueied vnto Ramsey, and there buried. And although Egbert being giltie of the death of those his coosens, did sore repent him, for that he vnderstood they died giltlesse, yet his brother Lothaire was thought to be punished for that offense, as after shall be shewed.

Beda's book & ca. above dictionary. In the same year that the synod took place at Herford, specifically in the year 673 AD, King Egbert of Kent passed away in July, leaving the kingdom to his brother Lothaire, who ruled for eleven years and seven months. Some have reported that King Egbert, influenced by a man named Thunnir, who held significant power in the kingdom, allowed Thunnir to tragically kill the two innocent sons of Ermenredus, the brother of King Ercombert, who was the father of King Egbert. They feared that, as these young men grew, they might gain favor with the people and easily oust Egbert and his descendants from the throne. Initially, they were secretly killed and buried, but the location of their burial was revealed in a miraculous way. Many years later, during the reign of King Egilred, the son of King Edgar, their bodies were exhumed and taken to Ramsey, where they were reburied. Although Egbert felt deep remorse for the deaths of his cousins, realizing they were innocent, his brother Lothaire was believed to be punished for that wrongdoing, as will be discussed later.

Bishop Winfrid deposed. Sexvulfe ordeined bishop of the Mercies.
685, as Matth. Westm. saith.
Winfrid bishop of the Mercies, for his disobedience in some point was depriued by archbishop Theodore, and one Sexvulfe that was the builder and also the abbat of the monasterie Meidhamsted, otherwise called Peterborough, was ordeined and consecrated in his place. About the same
Bishop Erkenwald.
time, Erkenwald was ordeined bishop of the Eastsaxons, and appointed to hold his sée in the citie of London. This Erkenwald was reputed to be a man of great holinesse and vertue. Before he was made bishop, he builded two abbeies, the one of moonks at Chertsey in Southerie, where[Page 630] he himselfe was abbat, and the other of nuns at Berking, within the Ethelburga. Iohn Capgraue. prouince of the Eastsaxons, where he placed his sister Ethelburga, a woman also highlie estéemed for hir deuout kind of life. She was first brought vp and instructed in the rules of hir profession by one Hildelitha a nun of the parties beyond the seas, whome Erkenwald procured to come ouer for that purpose.

Bishop Winfrid removed. Sexvulfe was appointed bishop of the Mercies. 685, according to Matth. Westm.. Winfrid, the bishop of the Mercies, was removed by Archbishop Theodore for his disobedience in some matters. In his place, Sexvulfe, who was the builder and also the abbot of the monastery Meidhamsted, otherwise known as Peterborough, was ordained and consecrated. Around the same time, Erkenwald was ordained bishop of the East Saxons and assigned to hold his see in the city of London. Erkenwald was regarded as a man of great holiness and virtue. Before becoming bishop, he built two abbeys: one for monks at Chertsey in Surrey, where he himself was abbot, and the other for nuns at Berking, within the province of the East Saxons, where he placed his sister Ethelburga, a woman also highly esteemed for her devout way of life. She was initially raised and instructed in the rules of her vocation by a nun named Hildelitha from overseas, whom Erkenwald arranged to come over for that purpose.

Waldhere.
Sebbie king of Eastsaxons.
Beda. lib. 4. cap. 16. After Erkenwald, one Waldhere was made bishop of London, in whose daies Sebbie king of the Eastsaxons, after he had reigned thirtie yéeres, being now vexed with a gréeuous sicknesse, professed himselfe a moonke: which thing he would haue doone long before, if his wife had not kept him backe. He died shortlie after within the citie of London, and was Wil. Malm. buried in the church of saint Paule. King Sighere, which in the beginning reigned with him, and gouerned a part of the Eastsaxons, was departed this life before, so that in his latter time, the foresaid Sebbie had the gouernment of the whole prouince of the Eastsaxons, and left the same to his sonnes Sighard and Sewfred. About the yéere of our 675.
But other affirme that he reigned 17 yéeres.
Wil. Malmes.
Beda.
Peada or rather Weada.
Lord 675, Vulfhere king of Mercia departed this life, after he had reigned (as some say) 19 yéeres, but (as other affirme) he reigned but 17 yéeres. Howbeit they which reckon 19, include the time that passed after the slaughter of Penda, wherein Oswie and Peada held the aforesaid kingdome.

Waldhere.
Sebbie, the king of the East Saxons.
Beda. lib. 4. cap. 16. After Erkenwald, a man named Waldhere was appointed bishop of London, during which time Sebbie, king of the East Saxons, declared himself a monk after ruling for thirty years. He was suffering from a severe illness and would have done this earlier if his wife hadn’t stopped him. He died shortly after in the city of London and was Wil. Malm. buried in St. Paul’s Church. King Sighere, who initially ruled alongside him and governed part of the East Saxons, had passed away earlier, so in his later years, Sebbie governed the entire province of the East Saxons, leaving it to his sons Sighard and Sewfred. Around the year 675.
However, others claim he ruled for 17 years.
Peada or rather Weada. In 675, Vulfhere, king of Mercia, passed away after reigning (according to some) for 19 years, but (as others claim) only for 17 years. However, those who count 19 include the time that elapsed after Penda's death, during which Oswie and Peada held the aforementioned kingdom.


Edilred king of Mercia inuadeth the kingdome of Kent, and maketh great waste without resistance of Lothaire the king thereof, Putta of a bishop becommeth a poore curat and teacheth musicke, Wilfred deposed from his bishoprike by king Egfrid vpon displeasure, he preacheth the gospell in Sussex by the licence of king Edilwalke, no raine in Sussex for the space of three yeeres, the woord and sacraments bring blessings with them; bishop Wilfrid the first teacher to catch fish with nets, the people haue him in great reuerence, a great and bloudie battell betweene Egfrid & king Edilred, they are reconciled by the meanes of archbishop Theodore; a synod holden at Hatfield, the clergie subscribe to certeine articles, of Hilda the famous abbesse of Whitbie.

King Edilred of Mercia invades the kingdom of Kent, causing great destruction without any resistance from King Lothaire. Bishop Putta becomes a poor curate and teaches music. Wilfred, deposed from his bishopric by King Egfrid due to displeasure, preaches the gospel in Sussex with permission from King Edilwalke. There is no rain in Sussex for three years, but the word and sacraments bring blessings. Bishop Wilfrid is the first teacher to catch fish with nets, and the people hold him in great respect. A significant and bloody battle occurs between Egfrid and King Edilred, but they reconcile through the efforts of Archbishop Theodore. A synod is held at Hatfield, where the clergy subscribe to certain articles concerning Hilda, the famous abbess of Whitby.

THE XXXV CHAPTER.

EDILRED. After Vulfhere, his brother Edilred or Ethelred succéeded in gouernment of the kingdome of Mercia. This Edilred inuaded the kingdome of Kent
677.
Hen. Hunt. with a mightie armie, in the yéere of our Lord 677, destroieng the countrie afore him, not sparing churches nor abbeies, but spoiling the same without respect, as well as other common places. King Lothaire durst not appéere in the field to giue him battell, so that Edilred went thorough the countrie, destroied the citie of Rochester, and with great riches gotten by the spoile he returned home. Putta the bishop of Rochester, after that his church was spoiled and defaced by the enimies, went to Sexvulfe bishop of Mercia, and there obteining of him a small cure, and a portion of ground, remained in that countrie, not once labouring to restore his church of Rochester to the former state, but went about in Mercia to teach song, and instruct such as would learne musicke, wheresoeuer he was required, or could get intertainment.

EDILRED. After Vulfhere, his brother Edilred or Ethelred took over the leadership of the kingdom of Mercia. This Edilred invaded the kingdom of Kent
677.
Hen. Hunt. with a powerful army in the year 677, destroying the land in his path, showing no mercy to churches or abbeys, plundering them without hesitation, just like other public places. King Lothaire didn’t dare to confront him in battle, so Edilred swept through the country, destroyed the city of Rochester, and returned home with great wealth from the plunder. After his church was ruined and damaged by the enemies, Putta, the bishop of Rochester, went to Sexvulfe, the bishop of Mercia, and after securing a small parish and a piece of land, stayed in that area, not making any effort to restore his church in Rochester to its former glory, but instead traveled around Mercia to teach singing and instruct those who wanted to learn music, wherever he was welcomed or could find a place to stay.

Heerevpon the archbishop Theodore consecrated one William bishop of Rochester in place of Putta, and after, when the said William constreined by pouertie, left that church, Theodore placed one Gebmound 678.
A blasing star.
Matth. West.
Beda. lib. 4 ca. 12.
in his stéed. In the yéere of our Lord 678, in the moneth of August, a blasing starre appéered, with a long bright beame like to a piller. It was séene euerie morning for the space of thrée moneths togither. The
Bishop Wifrid banished.
same Egfrid king of Northumberland, banished bishop Wilfrid vpon displeasure taken with him, out of his sée, and then were two bishops ordeined in his place, to gouerne the church of the Northumbers, the one named Bosa at Yorke, and the other called Eata at Hagustald or Hagustald.
Hexham.
Eadhidus.
Lindesferne.
Holie Iland.
Lindesferne. Also one Eadhidus was ordeined about the same time bishop[Page 631] of Lindsey, the which prouince king Egfrid had of late conquered and taken from Vulfhere the late king of Mercia, whome he ouercame in battell, and droue him out of that countrie. The said thrée bishops were consecrated at Yorke by the archbishop of Canturburie Theodorus, the which within thrée yéeres after ordained two bishops more in that prouince of the Northumbers, that is to say, Tumbert at Hagustald, Eata that was appointed to remaine at Lindesferne, & Trumuine was ordeined to haue the cure of the prouince of those Picts which as then were vnder the English dominion. Also bicause Edilred king of Mercia recouered the countrie of Lindsey, and ioined it to his dominion, bishop Eadhedus comming from thence, was appointed to gouerne the The church of Rippon. church of Rippon.

Then Archbishop Theodore consecrated one William as the bishop of Rochester to replace Putta, and later, when William left that church due to financial struggles, Theodore appointed Gebmound in his place. In the year of our Lord 678, in the month of August, a bright star appeared with a long beam like a pillar. It was seen every morning for three months straight. King Egfrid of Northumberland banished Bishop Wilfrid due to some displeasure, and two bishops were then ordained to oversee the church in Northumbria: one named Bosa in York and the other called Eata at Hagustald or Lindisfarne. Around the same time, Eadhidus was ordained as the bishop of Lindsey, a province that King Egfrid had recently conquered and taken from the late King Wulfhere of Mercia, whom he defeated in battle and drove out of that region. The three bishops were consecrated at York by Archbishop Theodore of Canterbury, who within three years later ordained two more bishops in Northumbria, namely Tumbert at Hagustald, Eata who was to remain at Lindisfarne, and Trumuine was ordained to take care of the province of the Picts, who were then under English rule. Also, because King Edilred of Mercia recovered the territory of Lindsey and added it to his domain, Bishop Eadhedus, coming from there, was appointed to govern the church of Rippon.

After that bishop Wilfrid was expelled out of his diocesse and prouince of the Northumbers, he went to Rome, and returning from thence, came into the kingdome of the Southsaxons, the which conteining seuen thousand housholds or families, as yet was not conuerted to the Wilfrid by licence of king Edilwalke preacheth the gospel to them of Sussex. christian faith. Wherefore the said Wilfrid began there to preach the gospell with licence of king Edilwalke, who (as before is mentioned) was conuerted and baptised in Mercia by the procurement of king Wolfher, that then became his godfather, and gaue him at the same time the Ile of Wight, and the prouince of the people ancientlie called Meanuari, which he had woon from the Westsaxons. Bishop Wilfrid then by king Edilwalke his furtherance and helpe baptised the chiefest lords and gentlemen of that prouince. But certein priests baptised the residue of the people, either then or in the time following.

After Bishop Wilfrid was expelled from his diocese and the province of Northumbria, he went to Rome. Upon returning, he arrived in the kingdom of the South Saxons, which, with about seven thousand households or families, was still not converted to the Christian faith. Therefore, Wilfrid started to preach the gospel there with the permission of King Edilwalke, who, as mentioned earlier, had been converted and baptized in Mercia through the influence of King Wolfher. Wolfher then became his godfather and simultaneously gave him the Isle of Wight and the province of the people formerly known as Meanuari, which he had won from the West Saxons. Bishop Wilfrid, with the support and assistance of King Edilwalke, baptized the principal lords and gentlemen of that province. However, certain priests baptized the rest of the people, either then or at a later time.

Lacke of raine. ¶ It chanced that for the space of thrée yéeres (as it is said) before the comming thither of bishop Wilfrid, there had fallen no raine from the aire within that prouince of the Southsaxons, so that the people were brought into great miserie by reson of famine, which through want of necessarie fruits of the earth sore afflicted the whole countrie, insomuch that no small numbers threw themselues hedlong into the sea, despairing of life in such lacke of necessarie vittels. But as God would, the same day that Wilfrid began to minister the sacrament of baptisme, there came downe swéet and plentifull showers of raine, so watering the earth, that thereby great store of all fruits plentifullie tooke root, and yéelded full increase in growth, to the great comfort and reliefe of all the people, which before were in maner starued and lost through want of food.

Drought. ¶ It so happened that for three years (or so they say) before Bishop Wilfrid arrived, there had been no rain in the South Saxon province, causing the people to suffer greatly from famine. The lack of essential crops severely affected the entire region, leading many to throw themselves into the sea in despair over the scarcity of food. However, as fate would have it, on the same day that Wilfrid began performing the sacrament of baptism, sweet and plentiful rain came down, nourishing the earth so well that a large variety of crops flourished and thrived, bringing great comfort and relief to all the people who had been nearly starved and lost due to the lack of sustenance.

Catching of fish with nets. Bishop Wilfrid also taught them in that countrie the maner how to catch fish with nets, where before that time, they had no great skill in anie kind of fishing, except it were in catching éeles. Hereby the said bishop grew there in great estimation with the people, so that his words were the better credited amongst them, for that through him they receiued so great benefits, God by such meanes working in the peoples hearts a desire to come to the vnderstanding of his lawes. The king also gaue vnto Wilfrid a place called Sealesew, compassed about on each side (except on the west halfe) with the sea, conteining 87 housholds or families, where he built an abbeie, and baptised all his tenants there, amounting to the number of 250 bondmen and bondwomen, whome he Bondmen made trulie free. made frée both in bodie and soule: for he did not onelie baptise them, but also infranchised them of all bodilie seruitude and bondage.

Fishing with nets. Bishop Wilfrid taught the people in that region how to catch fish with nets, as before that, they really didn't know much about fishing other than catching eels. Because of this, the bishop gained a great reputation among the people, and they began to trust him more because he brought them such significant benefits. Through him, God inspired a desire in their hearts to understand His laws. The king also gave Wilfrid a place called Sealesew, surrounded by the sea on all sides except the west, containing 87 households or families, where he built an abbey and baptized all his tenants, totaling 250 men and women, whom he Bondmen were truly free. set free in body and soul: for he not only baptized them but also released them from all physical servitude and bondage.

In this meane while manie things happened in other parts of this land, and first in the yeere after the appéering of the blasing starre before mentioned, a mightie battell was fought betwixt the said Egfrid and Edilred king of Mercia, néere to the riuer of Trent, where Alswine the brother of king Egfrid was slaine, with manie other of the Northumbers, so that king Egfrid was constreined to returne home with losse. The archbishop of Canturburie Theodorus perceiuing that great warre and effusion of bloud was like to follow therevpon, trauelled so in the matter betwixt them, that they were made friends, and Egfrid had a péece of monie in recompense of his losses. The foresaid battell was 679.
680.
fought in the yéere of our Lord 679, and in the yeere following, that is to say, in the yéere of our Lord 680, which was also in the tenth yéere of the reigne of Egfrid king of Northumberland, the sixt yéere of Edelred king of Mercia, the 17 of Aldvulfe king of Eastangles, and in[Page 632] the 7 of Lother king of Kent.

In the meantime, many things were happening in other parts of the land. First, in the year after the appearance of the previously mentioned blazing star, a great battle was fought between Egfrid and Edilred, king of Mercia, near the River Trent, where Alswine, the brother of King Egfrid, was killed, along with many others from Northumberland, forcing King Egfrid to return home with losses. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Theodorus, realizing that a significant war and bloodshed were likely to follow, worked to mediate between them, leading to a reconciliation, and Egfrid received some compensation for his losses. This battle took place in the year 679 AD, and in the following year, which is 680 AD, during the tenth year of Egfrid's reign as king of Northumberland, the sixth year of Edilred's reign as king of Mercia, the seventeenth year of Aldvulfe's reign as king of East Angles, and the seventh year of Lother's reign as king of Kent.

A synod at Hatfield. The archbishop of Canturburie Theodorus held another synod at Hatfield, about the 15 kalends of October, in the which all the clergie there
Articles subscribed.
present subscribed to certeine articles touching the beléefe of the trinitie of persons, in vnitie of the Godhead of the like substance, and also of the same vnitie in trinitie, according to the true faith of the church of God. Moreouer, they acknowledged by the like subscription, the fiue generall councels, of Nice, of Constantinople the first, of Ephesus, of Calcedon, and of Constantinople the second, with the synod also holden at Rome in the daies of Martin bishop of Rome about the yéere of the emperour Constantine. At this synod holden at Hatfield, was present one Iohn the archchanter of S. Peters church at Rome, sent into this land of purpose to bring from hence a certificat vnto pope Agatho of the agréement of the English church in matters of faith, with other churches of the christian world: but the foresaid archchanter died by the way in France, as he returned homewards, and was buried at Towers in Towraine.

A synod in Hatfield. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Theodorus, held another synod at Hatfield, around the 15th of October, where all the clergy present signed certain articles regarding the belief in the Trinity of persons, in unity of the Godhead of the same substance, and also in the same unity in Trinity, according to the true faith of the Church of God. Furthermore, they acknowledged by the same subscription the five general councils: those of Nice, the first of Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon, and the second of Constantinople, along with the synod held in Rome during the time of Martin, Bishop of Rome, around the year of Emperor Constantine. At this synod held at Hatfield, one John, the archdeacon of St. Peter's Church in Rome, was present, sent to this land specifically to obtain a certificate to send to Pope Agatho regarding the agreement of the English Church on matters of faith with other churches of the Christian world. However, the aforementioned archdeacon died on the way in France while returning home and was buried at Towers in Touraine.

Bale.
Beda.
The abbesse Hilda. The same yéere that famous woman Hilda abbesse of Whitbie departed this life, or (as other say) fiue yéeres after, hauing first beene deteined long with gréeuous sickenesse. She was the daughter of one Herrericus the nephue of king Edwin, and conuerted to the faith of Christ at the preaching of bishop Pauline, and afterwards instructed by bishop Aidan, she professed hirselfe a nun, applieng hir whole studie to the reading of the scriptures, to praier, & other godlie exercises. She builded the abbeie of Whitbie, wherein were placed both men and women, with such an equalitie in all things, that there was no rich person amongst them, Bale.
Ran. Cest.
Matth. West.
Beda.
nor anie that wanted things necessarie. She departed this life on the 15 kalends of December, being 66 yéeres of age. As some haue written she argued stoutlie on bishop Colmans part, at the disputation holden in the monasterie of Whitbie, in the yéere of Grace 664, whereof ye

Henrie Hunt.
haue heard before. About the yéere of our Lord 682, that is to say, in the seuenth yere of Centwine or Centiuinus king of Westsaxons, the same The Britains discomfited. Centwine fought with the Britains, and ouercame them in battell, pursuing them with fire and sword vnto the sea side.

Bale.
Beda.
Abbess Hilda. The same year that the famous woman Hilda, abbess of Whitby, passed away, or as others say, five years later, she had been suffering from a serious illness for a long time. She was the daughter of Herrericus, the nephew of King Edwin, and she converted to Christianity through the preaching of Bishop Pauline. Later, she was taught by Bishop Aidan and dedicated herself to being a nun, focusing entirely on reading the scriptures, praying, and other religious practices. She established the abbey of Whitby, where men and women lived together in such harmony that there were no rich individuals among them, Bale.
Ran. Cest.
Matth. West.
Beda.
nor anyone who lacked basic necessities. She passed away on the 15th day before the Kalends of December at the age of 66. As some have written, she spoke passionately in support of Bishop Colman during the debate held in the Whitby monastery in the year 664 AD, which you

Henrie Hunt.
have heard about before. Around the year 682 AD, in the seventh year of King Centwine or Centiuinus of the West Saxons, the same The Brits were unsettled. Centwine fought against the Britains and defeated them in battle, chasing them with fire and sword to the seaside.

¶ Thus (at this time as also at diuerse other times) they were discomfited and put to flight, being a people allotted and shared out as it were to suffer many an ouerthrow, and abide manie a sharpe and shamefull repulse at the hands of their enimies, who conuerted the distresse of that people to their profit, and tooke pleasure in the extreamitie of the miseries wherein they were plunged, as may be obserued by the pitifull alteration of their state vnder diuers gouernours, and speciallie vnder the Danish dominion, who kept them in Gorop. in Gota danica lib. 7. pag. 759. no lesse vile seruitude than Pharao did the Hebrues at the making of bricke & chopping of straw. So that some thinke this land to be corruptlie named Britania, but ought rather to be called Bridania, that is, Libera Dania, siue regio in qua Dani liberè viuant, for they liued as lords in the land, & did (for the time being) what they listed. But of this matter more shall be spoken hereafter in place conuenient.

¶ So, at this time, as at various other times, they were defeated and forced to flee, being a people who seemed doomed to suffer many defeats and endure numerous harsh and humiliating setbacks at the hands of their enemies. These enemies took advantage of their distress for their own gain and reveled in the extreme misery they faced, which can be seen in the unfortunate changes in their situation under different rulers, especially under Danish rule. They were kept in as much miserable servitude as the Hebrews were by Pharaoh while making bricks and gathering straw. Some believe that this land is incorrectly named Britannia and should rather be called Bridania, meaning Free Denmark, or the region where the Danes live freely, because they lived like lords in the land and did as they pleased at that time. More will be said about this matter later in a more appropriate context.


[Page 633]

[Page 633]

Cadwallader king of Britaine, the people are brought into great miserie, and he forced to flee the land, he dieth at Rome, the British writers noted of error, Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons, the kingdome is diuided; the valorous mind of Ceadwalla, he is forced to forsake his countrie, he vanquisheth and killeth Edilwalke king of the Westsaxons, his returne into his kingdome with reuenge vpon Berthun duke of Sussex and other his heauie friends, his vow if he might conquer the Ile of Wight, his bountifull offer to bishop Wilfrid, the Ile of Wight receiueth the faith; Ceadwalla inuadeth Kent, of a barbarous warriour he becommeth a religious christian, his vertues, his death and buriall at Rome; Egfrid king of Northumberland inuadeth Ireland, he is slaine by Brudeus king of the Picts; the neglect of good counsell is dangerous; Etheldreda a wife and a widow (hauing vowed chastitie) liued a virgine 12 yeeres with hir husband Egfride, she was called saint Auderie of Elie.

Cadwallader, king of Britain, brought great suffering to the people and was forced to flee the land; he died in Rome. British writers noted his errors. Ceadwalla, king of the West Saxons, saw the kingdom divided. With a courageous spirit, Ceadwalla had to abandon his country but managed to defeat and kill Edilwalke, king of the West Saxons. He returned to his kingdom seeking revenge against Berthun, duke of Sussex, and other powerful allies. He vowed that if he could conquer the Isle of Wight, he would generously offer to Bishop Wilfrid, and the Isle of Wight embraced the faith. Ceadwalla invaded Kent, transforming from a barbaric warrior into a devout Christian. His virtues, as well as his death and burial in Rome, are noted. Egfrid, king of Northumberland, invaded Ireland but was killed by Brudeus, king of the Picts. Ignoring good advice can be perilous. Etheldreda, both a wife and a widow (who vowed to remain chaste), lived as a virgin for 12 years with her husband Egfride, and she was known as Saint Audrie of Ely.

THE XXXVJ CHAPTER.

CADWALLADER. But now to returne vnto that which is found in the British histories, by the tenor wherof it should appeare, that when their king Cadwallo was dead, his son Cadwallader succéeded him in gouernement of the 676 saith Matth. West. Britains, in the yéere of our Lord 678, which was about the 10 yéere of the emperour Constantius Paganotus, and in the 13 yéere of the reigne Galfrid. of Childericus king of France. This Cadwallader, being the sonne of Cadwallo, was begot by him of the halfe sister of Penda king of Mercia, for one father begot them both, but of two sundrie mothers, for she had to mother a ladie descended of the noble blood of the Westsaxons, and was maried vnto Cadwallo when the peace was made betwixt him and hir brother the said Penda. After that Cadwallader had reigned the space of 12 yéers (as Geffrey of Monmouth saith) or (as others write) but 3 yéeres, the Britains were brought into such miserie through ciuill discord, and also by such great and extreme famine as then reigned Cadwallader constreined to forsake the land. through all the land, that Cadwallader was constreined with the chéefest part of his people to forsake their natiue countrie, and by sea to get them ouer into Britaine Armorike, there to séeke reliefe by vittels for the sustentation of their languishing bodies.

CADWALLADER. Now, let's go back to what's written in the British histories. According to them, after their king Cadwallo died, his son Cadwallader took over the rule of the 676 says Matthew West. Britons in the year 678 AD, which was around the 10th year of the emperor Constantius Paganotus, and the 13th year of King Childericus of France's reign. Cadwallader, son of Cadwallo, was born to him by the half-sister of Penda, the king of Mercia. They shared the same father but had different mothers. His mother was a lady from the noble West Saxon lineage and married Cadwallo when peace was established between him and her brother Penda. After Cadwallader had ruled for either 12 years (as Geoffrey of Monmouth states) or, as others say, just 3 years, the Britons fell into such misery due to civil strife and a severe famine that spread throughout the land that Cadwallader, along with most of his people, had to leave their homeland and travel by sea to Armorica, seeking relief through food for their suffering bodies.

¶ Long processe is made by the British writers of this departure of Cadwallader, & of the Britains out of this land, and how Cadwallader was about to haue returned againe, but that he was admonished by a dreame to the contrarie, the which bicause it séemeth but fabulous, we passe ouer. At length he went to Rome, and there was confirmed in the christian religion by pope Sergius, where shortlie after he fell sicke, 689. and died the 12 kalends of May, in the yeere of our Lord 689. But herein appeareth the error of the British writers in taking one for another, by reason of resemblance of names, for where Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons about that time mooued of a religious deuotion, after he was conuerted to the faith, went vnto Rome, and was there baptised, or else confirmed of the foresaid pope Sergius, and shortlie after departed this life in that citie in the foresaid yéere of 689 or therabouts. The Welshmen count him to be their Cadwallader: which to be true is verie vnlike by that which may be gathered out of the learned writings of diuers good and approoued authors.

¶ British writers have put a lot of effort into detailing Cadwallader's departure and the exit of the Britons from this land. They note how Cadwallader was considering returning but was warned by a dream not to. Because this seems more like a myth, we will skip it. Eventually, he went to Rome and was confirmed in the Christian faith by Pope Sergius. Shortly after, he fell ill and died on the 12th of May in the year 689 AD. However, this highlights the mistake among British writers in confusing one person for another due to similar names. At that time, Ceadwalla, the king of the West Saxons, motivated by his religious devotion after converting to Christianity, went to Rome, was baptized, or confirmed by the same Pope Sergius, and soon after passed away in that city around the same year of 689. The Welsh consider him to be their Cadwallader, but this seems unlikely based on what can be gathered from the writings of various reputable authors.

CEADWALLA. Wil. Malm.
Beda.
This Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons succeeded after Centwine or Centiuinus, which Centwine reigned nine yéeres, though it should appeare by that which is written by authors of good credit, that during two of those yéeres at the least, the kingdome of Westsaxons was diuided betwixt him and Elcuinus or Escuinus, so that he should not reigne past seuen yeeres alone.

CEADWALLA. Wil. Malm.
Beda.
This King Ceadwalla of the West Saxons succeeded Centwine or Centuinus, who reigned for nine years. However, credible sources suggest that for at least two of those years, the kingdom of the West Saxons was divided between him and Elcuinus or Escuinus, meaning he likely did not reign alone for more than seven years.

Wil. Malm.
Ranulf. Cest.
But now to Ceadwalla, whome some take to be all one with Cadwallader, we find that he was lineallie descended from Cutha or Cutwine, the brother of Ceauline or Keuling king of Westsaxons, as sonne to Kenbert or Kenbright that was sonne to Ceadda the sonne of the foresaid Cutha or Cutwin. Thus being extract of the noble house of the kings of[Page 634] Westsaxons, he prooued in his youth a personage of great towardnesse, and such a one as no small hope was of him conceiued: he would let no occasion passe wherein he might exercise his force, to shew proofe of his high valiancie, so that in the end with his woorthie attempts shewed therein, he purchased to himselfe the enuie of those that ruled Ceadwalla driuen to depart out of his countrie. in his countrie, by reason whereof he was banished in a conspiracie made against him. Wherevpon he tooke occasion as it were in reuenge of such vnthankfulnesse to withdraw out of his countrie, leading with him all the principall youth of the same, the which either pitieng his present estate, or mooued with pleasure taken in his valiant dooings, followed him at his going into exile.

Wil. Malm.
Ranulf. Cest.
But now regarding Ceadwalla, whom some consider to be the same as Cadwallader, we find that he was directly descended from Cutha or Cutwine, the brother of Ceauline or Keuling, king of the West Saxons, as the son of Kenbert or Kenbright, who was the son of Ceadda, the son of the aforementioned Cutha or Cutwin. Being from the noble lineage of the kings of[Page 634] the West Saxons, he showed great promise in his youth, and many held the belief that he would achieve great things. He seized every opportunity to showcase his strength and prove his bravery, and ultimately, with his notable deeds, he gained the envy of those in power in his country, which led to his banishment due to a conspiracy against him. As a result, he took the opportunity, seemingly in revenge for such ingratitude, to leave his country, taking with him all the prominent young men who either sympathized with his current situation or were inspired by his courageous actions, following him into exile.

The first brunt of his furious attempts after he was out of his countrie, Edilwalke the king of the Southsaxons tasted, who in defense of himselfe comming to trie battell with Ceadwalla, was slaine with the most part of all his armie. Ceadwalla then perceiuing the valiant courages of his souldiers, filled with good hope of this happie atchiued victorie, returned with good and prosperous spéed into his owne countrie, and that yer he was looked for, and earnestlie pursuing his aduersaries, droue them out of the kingdome, and taking vpon him to rule the same as king, reigned two yéeres, during the which he atchiued diuers notable enterprises.

The first target of his furious efforts after he left his country was Edilwalke, the king of the South Saxons, who, in trying to defend himself against Ceadwalla, was killed along with most of his army. Seeing the brave spirit of his soldiers, filled with hope from this successful victory, Ceadwalla quickly returned to his own country, even earlier than expected. He relentlessly pursued his enemies, driving them out of the kingdom, and took on the role of king, ruling for two years during which he accomplished several notable feats.

Beda lib. 4. cap. 15. And first, whereas Berthun and Authun dukes of Sussex & subiects vnto the late king Edilwalke, had both expelled him out of that countrie, after he had slaine the said Edilwalke, and also taken vpon them the rule of that kingdome, hauing now atteined to the gouernement of the Berthun a duke of Sussex slaine. Westsaxons, he inuaded the countrie of Sussex againe, and slue Berthun in battell, bringing that countrie into more bondage than before. He also set vpon the Ile of Wight, and well-néere destroied all the inhabitants, meaning to inhabit it with his owne people. Hee bound Caedwalla his vow. The Ile of Wight conquered. himselfe also by vow, although as yet he was not baptised, that if he might conquer it, he would giue a fourth part thereof vnto the Lord. And in performance of that vow, he offered vnto bishop Wilfride (who then chanced to be present) when he had taken that Ile, so much therof as conteined 300 housholds or families, where the whole consisted in 1200 housholds. Wilfrid receiuing thankefullie the gift, deliuered the same vnto one of his clearks named Bernewine that was his sisters sonne, appointing to him also a priest named Hildila, the which should minister the word and the sacrament of baptisme vnto all those that The Ile of Wight receiueth the faith. would receiue the same. Thus was the Ile of Wight brought to the faith of Christ last of all other the parties of this our Britaine, after that the same faith had failed here by the comming of the Saxons.

Beda lib. 4. cap. 15. Initially, Berthun and Authun, the dukes of Sussex and subjects of the late King Edilwalke, had both driven him out of the country after he killed Edilwalke and took control of that kingdom. Now that they had gained control of the West Saxons, he invaded Sussex again and killed Berthun in battle, bringing the region into even greater subjugation than before. He also targeted the Isle of Wight, nearly wiping out all the inhabitants, intending to settle it with his own people. He made a vow, although he was not yet baptized, that if he conquered it, he would give a fourth of it to the Lord. To fulfill that vow, he offered Bishop Wilfrid (who happened to be present) a portion of the island that contained 300 households, while the entire island had 1200 households. Wilfrid gratefully accepted the gift and gave it to one of his clerks named Bernewine, who was his sister's son, appointing a priest named Hildila to administer the word and the sacrament of baptism to all those who would receive it. Thus, the Isle of Wight was the last part of Britain to embrace the faith of Christ after that faith had diminished with the arrival of the Saxons.

Moreouer, king Ceadwalla inuaded the kingdome of Kent, where he lost his brother Mollo, as after shall appéere, but yet he reuenged his death with great slaughter made of the inhabitants in that countrie. Finallie, this worthie prince Ceadwalla, turning himselfe from the desire of warre and bloudshed, became right courteous, gentle and liberall towards all men, so that ye could not haue wished more vertuous manners to rest in one as yet not christened. And shortlie after, willing to be admitted into the fellowship of the christians (of whose religion he had taken good tast) he went to Rome, where of pope Sergius he was baptised, and named Peter, and shortlie after surprised with sickenesse, he died, and was buried there within the church of 689. saint Peter in the yeere of our Lord 689.

Moreover, King Ceadwalla invaded the kingdom of Kent, where he lost his brother Mollo, as will be explained later, but he avenged his death by causing great slaughter among the inhabitants of that region. Eventually, this worthy prince Ceadwalla, turning away from the desire for war and bloodshed, became very courteous, kind, and generous to everyone. You couldn’t have wished for more virtuous qualities to exist in someone who had not yet been baptized. Shortly after, wanting to be accepted into the community of Christians (whose faith he had come to appreciate), he went to Rome, where he was baptized by Pope Sergius and given the name Peter. Soon after, he fell ill and died, being buried there within the church of 689. Saint Peter in the year of our Lord 689.

Beda lib. 4. cap. 26. Ireland inuaded by the Northumbers. In the meane while, that is to say, in the yeere of our Lord 684, Egfride king of Northumberland sent an armie vnder the guiding of a capteine named Bertus into Ireland, the which wasted that countrie, sparing neither church nor monasterie, sore indamaging the people of that countrie, which had euer beene friends vnto the English nation, and deserued nothing lesse than so to be inuaded and spoiled at their hands. The Irish men defended themselues to their power, beséeching God with manie a salt teare, that he would reuenge their cause in punishing of such extreme iniuries. And though cursers may not inherit the kingdome of heauen, yet they ceased not to curse, hoping the sooner that those which with good cause were thus accursed, should woorthilie be punished for their offenses by God, & so (peraduenture) it fell out. King Egfride slain by Brudeus king of the Picts. For in the yeere following, the said Egfride had lead an armie into Pictland against Brudeus king of the Picts, and being trained into straits within hils and craggie mounteins, he was slaine with the most part of all his armie, in the yeere of his age 40, and of his reigne[Page 635] 15, vpon the 13 kalends of June.

Beda lib. 4. cap. 26. Ireland invaded by the Northumbrians. Meanwhile, in the year 684, King Egfrid of Northumberland sent an army led by a captain named Bertus into Ireland, which devastated the country, harming churches and monasteries, and severely damaging the people who had always been friends to the English nation. They did not deserve to be invaded and plundered by them. The Irish defended themselves as best they could, pleading with God through many tears to avenge their cause by punishing such extreme injustices. And even though those who curse may not inherit the kingdom of heaven, they continued to curse, hoping that those who were justly cursed would be justly punished by God for their offenses, and perhaps that’s what happened. King Egfrid was killed by Brudeus, the king of the Picts. In the following year, King Egfrid led an army into Pictland against Brudeus, the king of the Picts. Trapped in narrow passages among hills and craggy mountains, he was killed along with most of his army, at the age of 40, and after 15 years of his reign[Page 635] on the 13th of June.

There were diuers of Egfrides friends, and namelie Cutberd (whome he had aduanced the same yéere vnto the bishops sée of Lindesferne) that aduised him in no wise, either to haue taken this warre in hand against the Picts, or the other against them of Ireland, but he would not be counselled, the punishment appointed for his sinnes being such, that he might not giue eare to his faithfull friends that aduised him for the These Britains were those vndouttedlie y't dwelt in the northwest parts of this Ile, and is not ment onlie by them of Wales. best. From that time foorth, the hope and power of the English people began to decaie. For not onelie the Picts recouered that part of their countrie which the Englishmen had held before in their possession, but also the Scots that inhabited within this Ile, and likewise some part of the Britains tooke vpon them libertie, which they kept and mainteined a long time after, as Beda confesseth.

There were several of Egfrid's friends, especially Cutberd (whom he had promoted that same year to the bishopric of Lindisfarne), who advised him strongly against waging war on the Picts or the Irish. However, he refused to listen, as the consequences for his sins were so severe that he couldn’t heed the counsel of his loyal friends who were looking out for his best interests. From that point on, the hope and strength of the English people began to decline. Not only did the Picts regain the part of their territory that the English had previously controlled, but also the Scots living on this island and some of the Britons took on their own freedom, which they maintained for a long time afterward, as Bede acknowledges.

Egfride died without issue, & left no children behind him. He had to wife one Ethelreda or Etheldrida, daughter vnto Anna king of the Eastangles, which liued with hir husband the forsaid Egfride twelue yéeres in perfect virginitie (as is supposed) contrarie to the purpose of hir husband, if he might haue persuaded hir to the contrarie, but finallie he was contented that she should kéepe hir first vow of Ethelreda. chastitie which she had made. She was both widow and virgine when he maried hir, being first coupled in wedlocke with one Eunbert a noble Giruij. man, and a ruler in the south parts of the countrie, where the people called Giruij inhabited, which is the same where the fennes lie in the confines of Lincolnshire, Norffolke, Huntingtonshire, & Cambridgeshire, howbeit he liued with hir but a small while. After she had obteined licence to depart from the court, she got hir first into Coldingham abbeie, and there was professed a nun. Then she went to Elie, and there restored the monasterie, and was made abbesse of the place, in the which after she had gouerned seuen yeeres, she departed this life, and was there buried. This same was she which commonlie is called saint Audrie of Elie, had in great reuerence for the opinion conceiued of hir great vertue and puritie of life.

Egfride died without any children and left no heirs. He was married to Ethelreda, also known as Etheldrida, the daughter of Anna, the king of the East Angles. They lived together for twelve years in what was believed to be perfect chastity, contrary to what her husband might have wanted if he could have persuaded her otherwise. Ultimately, he accepted that she would keep her vow of chastity. Ethelreda was both a widow and a virgin when he married her; she had previously been married to Eunbert, a nobleman and a ruler in the southern part of the country, where the people known as the Giruij lived, which is the area where the fens are located, at the borders of Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Huntingdonshire, and Cambridgeshire. However, she lived with Eunbert for only a short time. After she received permission to leave the royal court, she first entered Coldingham Abbey, where she became a professed nun. Then she went to Ely, where she restored the monastery and was made abbess. After she had governed there for seven years, she passed away and was buried there. She is commonly referred to as Saint Audrey of Ely and is held in great respect for her perceived virtue and purity of life.


Alfride (the bastard) king of Northumberland, his life and death, Iohn archbishop of Canturburie resigneth his see, Lother king of Kent dieth of a wound, Edrike getteth the regiment thereof but not without bloudshed, Ceadwalla wasteth Kent being at strife in it selfe, his brother Mollo burned to death; Withred made king of Kent, he vanquisheth his enimies, Inas king of Westsaxons is made his friend, Suebhard and Nidred vsurpers of the Kentish kingdome, the age and death of Theodore archbishop of Canturburie, Brightwald the first archbishop of the English nation; the end of the British regiment, and how long the greatest part of this Iland was vnder their gouernement.

Alfride (the illegitimate) king of Northumberland, his life and death, John archbishop of Canterbury resigns his position, Lother king of Kent dies from a wound, Edrike takes control but not without bloodshed, Ceadwalla devastates Kent while it's in internal conflict, his brother Mollo is burned to death; Withred becomes king of Kent, he defeats his enemies, Inas king of the West Saxons becomes his ally, Suebhard and Nidred are usurpers of the Kentish kingdom, the age and death of Theodore archbishop of Canterbury, Brightwald the first archbishop of the English nation; the end of British rule, and how long most of this island was under their governance.

THE XXXVIJ CHAPTER.

After that king Egfride was slaine (as before is mentioned) his brother ALFRIDE.
685.
Alfride was made king of Northumberland. This Alfride was the bastard sonne of king Oswie, and in his brothers daies (either willinglie, or by violent means constreined) he liued as a banished man in Ireland, where applieng himselfe to studie, he became an excellent philosopher. And therfore being iudged to be better able to haue the rule of a kingdome, he was receiued by the Northumbers, and made king, gouerning his subiects the space of 20 yeares and more, with great wisedome and policie, but not with such large bounds as his ancestors had doone: for the Picts (as before is mentioned) had cut off one péece of the north part of the ancient limits of that kingdome. About the 13 yeare of his 698. reigne, that is to say, in the yeare of our Lord 698, one of his capteins named earle Berthred, or Bertus, was slaine in battell by the Picts, whose confins he had as then inuaded. The curse of the Irish Matt. West. men, whose countrie in the daies of king Egfrid he had cruellie wasted (as before is mentioned) was thought at this time to take place. Finallie king Alfride, after he had reigned 20 yeares & od months,[Page 636] 705. departed this life, in the yeare of our Lord 705.

After king Egfride was killed (as mentioned earlier), his brother ALFRIDE.
685.
Alfride became king of Northumberland. This Alfride was the illegitimate son of king Oswie, and during his brother's reign (either willingly or by force), he lived as an exile in Ireland, where he dedicated himself to study and became an accomplished philosopher. Because of this, he was considered better suited to rule a kingdom, and he was accepted by the Northumbrians and made king, governing his subjects for over 20 years with great wisdom and strategy, but not with the same extensive territory as his ancestors, as the Picts (as mentioned before) had taken away part of the northern boundary of that kingdom. Around the 13th year of his 698. reign, specifically in the year 698 AD, one of his commanders named Earl Berthred, or Bertus, was killed in battle by the Picts, whose lands he had invaded at that time. The curse of the Irish people, whose territory he had brutally ravaged during king Egfrid’s reign (as mentioned before), was believed to have come into effect at this time. Finally, king Alfride, after reigning for over 20 years, [Page 636] 705. passed away in the year 705 AD.

Beda. In the beginning of king Alfrids daies, Eata the bishop of Hexham being dead, one Iohn a man of great holinesse was admitted bishop, and after that, bishop Wilfrid was restored, when he had remained a long time in Iohn archbishop of Yorke. exile. The said Iohn was remoued to the church of Yorke, the same being then void by the death of the archbishop Bosa. At length the foresaid
He resigneth his sée.
Iohn wearied with the cares of publike affaires resigned his sée, and got him to Beuerley, where he liued a solitarie life for the space of
721.
foure yeares, and then died, about the yeare of our Lord 721, king Osrike as then reigning in Northumberland. He continued bishop for the space of 24 yeares, and builded a church, and founded a colledge of priests at Beuerley aforsaid, in which church he lieth buried.

Beda. At the start of King Alfred's reign, Eata, the bishop of Hexham, passed away, and a man named John, known for his great holiness, was appointed as bishop. After some time, Bishop Wilfrid was reinstated after being in exile for a long period. John was then moved to the church of York, which was vacant due to the death of Archbishop Bosa. Eventually, the aforementioned John, exhausted by the demands of public life, resigned from his see and went to Beverley, where he lived a solitary life for four years before he died, around the year 721, while King Osric was reigning in Northumberland. He served as bishop for 24 years, built a church, and founded a college of priests at Beverley, where he is buried.

686 saith Matt. West. Lother king of Kent dieth of a wound. The same yeare, or in the yeare after that king Egfrid was slaine, Lother king of Kent departed this life, the 8 Ides of Februarie, of a wound by him receiued in a battell which he fought against the Southsaxons, the which came in aid of Edrike, that was sonne vnto his brother Egbert, and had mainteined warre against his vncle the said Lother, euen from the beginning of his reigne, till finallie he was now in the said battell striken thorough the bodie with a dart, and so died thereof, after he had reigned 11 yeares, and seuen moneths. It was thought that he was disquieted with continuall warres and troubles, and finallie brought to his end before the naturall course of his time, for Wil. Malm. a punishment of his wicked consent giuen to the putting to death of his cousins Ethelbert & Ethelbrit, as appeared, in that when they were reported to be martyrs, because it was knowen they died innocentlie, he mocked them and made but a iest at it, although his brother in acknowledging his fault, repented him thereof, and gaue in recompense Capgraue saith, their sister. to their mother a part of the Ile of Thanet to the building of a monasterie.

686 says Matt. West. Lother, the king of Kent, dies from a wound. The same year, or the following year after King Egfrid was killed, Lother, king of Kent, passed away on the 8th Ides of February from a wound he received in a battle against the South Saxons, who had come to aid Edrike, the son of his brother Egbert. Edrike had been waging war against his uncle Lother from the start of his reign until he was finally struck through the body by a dart in that battle and died as a result. He had reigned for 11 years and 7 months. It was believed that he was tormented by ongoing wars and troubles, ultimately facing his end before his natural time, as a punishment for his wicked agreement to the execution of his cousins Ethelbert and Ethelbrit. It was evident when they were reported to be martyrs since it was known they died innocently; he mocked them and made light of it, although his brother, acknowledging his fault, regretted it and compensated their mother with part of the Isle of Thanet for building a monastery, as Wil. Malm. states, according to Capgrave, their sister.

EDRICKE. The foresaid Edricke (after Lother was dead) got the dominion of Kent, and ruled as king thereof, but not without ciuill warre, insomuch that before he had reigned the full terme of two yeares, he was slaine in the same warre. Then Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons being thereof aduertised, supposing the time now to be come that would serue his purpose, as one still coueting to worke the Kentishmen all the displeasure he could, entred with an armie into their countrie, and began to waste and spoile the same on ech side, till finallie the Kentishmen assembled themselues togither, gaue battell to their enimies, and put them to flight. Mollo brother to Ceadwalla was driuen from his companie, and constrained to take an house for his refuge: but his enimies that pursued him set fire thereon, and burned both the Mollo brother to king Ceadwalla burnt to death. house and Mollo within it to ashes. Yet did not Ceadwalla herewith depart out of the countrie, but to wreake his wrath, and to reuenge the griefe which he tooke for the death of his brother, he wasted and destroied a great part of Kent yer he returned home, and left (as it were) an occasion to his successor also to pursue the quarell with reuenging. Wherein we sée the cankerd nature of man, speciallie in a case of wrong or displeasure; which we are so far from tollerating & forgiuing, that if with tooth and naile we be not permitted to take vengeance, our hearts will breake with a full conceit of wrath. But the law of nature teacheth vs otherwise to be affected, namelie,

EDRICKE. After Lother died, Edricke took control of Kent and ruled as its king, but not without civil conflict. Before he had reigned for a full two years, he was killed in that same war. When Ceadwalla, king of the West Saxons, heard this news, he thought it was the right time to act and, eager to bring trouble to the Kentish people, marched into their territory with an army, causing destruction on all sides. Eventually, the Kentishmen gathered together, fought back against their enemies, and drove them away. Mollo, Ceadwalla's brother, was separated from his group and forced to take refuge in a house; however, his pursuers set it on fire and burned both the house and Mollo to ashes. Even so, Ceadwalla did not leave the territory immediately; to avenge his brother’s death, he devastated a large part of Kent before returning home, leaving behind a reason for his successor to continue the quest for revenge. This highlights the bitter nature of humanity, particularly in cases of harm or offense, where we are so far from tolerating and forgiving that if we cannot seek vengeance, we feel our hearts will break with anger. Yet, nature teaches us to feel differently, namely,

——— per te nulli vnquam iniuria fiat,

——— for you may never be wronged,

Sed verbis alijsque modis fuge lædere quenquam,

Sed verbis alijsque modis fuge lædere quenquam,

Quod tibi nolles, alijs fecisse caueto,

Quod tibi nolles, alijs fecisse cave.

Quódque tibi velles, alijs præstare studeto;

Quod you would want for yourself, strive to provide for others;

Hæc est naturæ lex optima, quam nisi ad vnguem

Hæc est naturæ lex optima, quam nisi ad vnguem

Seruabis, non ipse Deo (mihi crede) placebis,

Seruabis, you will please God (trust me),

Póstque obitum infoelix non aurea sydera adibis.

Póstque obitum infoelix non aurea sydera adibis.

Which lesson taught by nature, and commanded of God, if these men had followed (as they minded nothing lesse in the fier of their furie) they would haue béene content with a competent reuenge, and not in such outragious maner with fier and sword haue afflicted one another, nor[Page 637] (which is more than tigerlike crueltie) haue ministred occasion to posterities to reuenge wrongs giuen and taken of their ancestors. But we will let this passe without further discourse, meaning hereafter in due place to declare the processe.

Which lesson taught by nature, and commanded by God, if these men had followed (as they cared for nothing less in the heat of their fury) they would have been satisfied with a reasonable revenge, and not in such an outrageous way with fire and sword have harmed one another, nor[Page 637] (which is more than tiger-like cruelty) have given future generations a reason to avenge the wrongs done to and by their ancestors. But we will leave this without further discussion, planning to explain the process in due course.

The Kentishmen being destitute of a king, after that diuers had coueted the place, and sought to atteine thereto, as well by force as otherwise, to the great disquieting of that prouince for the space of 6 yeares togither, at length in the 7 yeare after Edricks death, Withred an other of the sonnes of king Egbert, hauing with diligent trauell ouercome enuie at home, & with monie redéemed peace abroad, was with Withred is made king of Kent. great hope conceiued of his worthinesse made king of Kent, the 11 of Nouember, & 205 after the death of Hengist, he reigned 33 yeares, not deceiuing his subiects of their good conceiued opinion of him: for ouercomming all his aduersaries which were readie to leuie ciuill warre against him, he also purchased peace of Inas king of the Westsaxons, which ment to haue made him warre, till with monie he was made his friend.

The people of Kent were without a king after several had tried to take the throne, causing significant turmoil in the region for six years. Finally, in the seventh year after Edrick's death, Withred, another son of King Egbert, managed to overcome local jealousy through hard work and secured peace from abroad with money. With high hopes for his abilities, he was made king of Kent on November 11, 205 years after the death of Hengist. He reigned for 33 years, living up to his subjects' good opinion of him. He overcame all his adversaries who were ready to start a civil war against him and also secured peace with Inas, the king of the West Saxons, who had intended to wage war against him until he won him over with money.

Hen. Hunt.
Beda. lib. 5.
Suebhard and Nidred kings by vsurpation and not by succession, as Henr. Hunt. writeth. A little before that Withred was confirmed in the kingdome of Kent, there reigned two kings in that countrie, Suebhard and Nidred, or rather the same Withred, if the printed copie of Bedas booke intituled "Ecclesiastica historia gentis Anglorum" haue not that name corrupted: for where he sheweth that the archbishop Theodorus being of the age of 88 yeares, departed this life in the yeare of our Lord 690, in the next chapter he declareth, that in the yeare 692, the first daie of Iulie one Brightwald was chosen to succéed in the archbishops sée of Canturburie, Withredus and Suebhardus as then reigning in Kent: but whether Withredus gouerned as then with Suebhardus, or that some other named Nidred, it forceth not: for certeine it is by the agréement of other writers, that till Withred obteined the whole rule, there was great strife and contention moued about the gouernement, and diuers Brightwald the first archbishop of the English nation. there were that sought and fought for it. But this ought to be noted, that the forenamed Brightwald was the eight archbishop in number, and first of the English nation that sat in the sée of Canturburie: for the other seuen that were predecessors to him, were strangers borne, and sent hither from Rome.

Hen. Hunt.
Beda. lib. 5.
Suebhard and Nidred became kings through usurpation rather than succession, as Henr. Hunt. states. Shortly before Withred was confirmed as king of Kent, there were two kings in that region, Suebhard and Nidred, or rather, the same Withred, unless the printed copy of Bede's book titled "Ecclesiastica historia gentis Anglorum" has that name incorrect. For where he states that Archbishop Theodorus, at the age of 88, passed away in the year 690, in the following chapter he notes that in 692, on July 1st, one Brightwald was chosen to succeed in the archbishopric of Canterbury, with Withred and Suebhard reigning in Kent at that time. However, it doesn't matter whether Withred was ruling alongside Suebhard or if someone else named Nidred was involved; it's certain from the agreement of other writers that until Withred gained complete control, there was significant strife and contention regarding the governance, and many were vying and fighting for it. But it should be noted that the aforementioned Brightwald was the eighth archbishop in number and the first of the English nation to hold the see of Canterbury, as the previous seven who came before him were foreigners born in Rome and sent here.

¶ Here endeth the line and gouernement of the Britains, now called Welshmen, which tooke that name of their duke or leader Wallo or Gallo; or else of a queene of Wales named Gales or Wales. But howsoeuer that name fell first vnto them, now they are called Welshmen, which sometime were called Britains or Brutons, and descended first of the Troians, and after of Brute, and lastlie of Mulmucius Dunwallo: albeit they were mingled with sundrie other nations, as Romans, Picts, &c. And now they be called English that in their beginning were named Saxons or Angles. To conclude therefore with this gouernement, so manie times intercepted by forren power, it appeareth by course of histories treating of these matters, that the last yeare of Cadwallader was the yeare of our Lord 686, which makes the yere of the world 4647. So that (as Fabian saith) the Britains had the greater part of this land in rule (reckoning from Brute till this time) 1822 yeares. Which terme being expired, the whole dominion of this realme was Saxonish.

¶ Here ends the lineage and governance of the Britons, now known as Welsh people, who took that name from their duke or leader Wallo or Gallo; or possibly from a queen of Wales named Gales or Wales. However that name first came to them, they are now called Welsh, whereas they were once called Britons or Brutons, and traced their ancestry back to the Trojans, then to Brute, and finally to Mulmucius Dunwallo. Though they mixed with various other nations, like Romans and Picts, those now referred to as English were originally known as Saxons or Angles. In conclusion, regarding this governance, often interrupted by foreign powers, it appears from historical records that the last year of Cadwallader was the year of our Lord 686, which makes the year of the world 4647. Therefore, as Fabian notes, the Britons ruled the majority of this land (from Brute until this time) for 1822 years. After that period, the entire dominion of this realm was Saxon.

Thus farre the interrupted regiment of the Britains, ending at the fift booke.

So far, the interrupted record of the Britains ends at the fifth book.


[Page 638]

[Page 638]

THE SIXT BOOKE
OF THE
History of England.


  Page
THE FIRST CHAPTER 638
THE SECOND CHAPTER 641
THE THIRD CHAPTER 644
THE FOURTH CHAPTER 646
THE FIFT CHAPTER 647
THE SIXT CHAPTER 650
THE SEUENTH CHAPTER 652
THE EIGHT CHAPTER 654
THE NINTH CHAPTER 656
THE TENTH CHAPTER 659
THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER 663
THE TWELFT CHAPTER 666
THE XIIJ CHAPTER 668
THE XIIIJ CHAPTER 670
THE XV CHAPTER 672
THE XVJ CHAPTER 674
THE XVIJ CHAPTER 678
THE XVIIJ CHAPTER 681
THE XIX CHAPTER 684
THE XX CHAPTER 686
THE XXJ CHAPTER 689
THE XXIJ CHAPTER 691
THE XXIIJ CHAPTER 693
THE XXIIIJ CHAPTER 695
THE XXV CHAPTER 699

Inas king of the Westsaxons, the whole monarchie of the realme falleth into their hands, Inas for a summe of monie granteth peace to the Kentishmen, whom he was purposed to haue destroied, he & his coosen Nun fight with Gerent king of the Britains, and Cheolred king of Mercia, and Ealdbright king of Southsaxons, the end of their kingdoms, Inas giueth ouer his roialtie, goeth in pilgrimage to Rome, and there dieth; his lawes written in the Saxon toong; of what buildings he was the founder, queene Ethelburgas deuise to persuade Inas to forsake the world, he was the first procurer of Peter pence to be paid to Rome; king Ethelred, king Kenred, and king Offa become moonks; the setting vp of images in this land authorised by a vision; king Ethelbalds exploits, he is slaine of his owne subiects by the suggestion of Bernred the vsurper, Boniface his letter of commendation to king Ethelbald, nuns kept for concubines, their pilgrimage.

Inas, king of the West Saxons, took control of the entire realm's monarchy. For a sum of money, Inas granted peace to the Kentishmen, whom he had intended to destroy. He and his cousin Nun fought against Gerent, the king of the Britains, as well as Cheolred, the king of Mercia, and Ealdbright, the king of South Saxons, leading to the downfall of their kingdoms. Inas abdicated his royalty and went on a pilgrimage to Rome, where he died. His laws were written in the Saxon language. Regarding the buildings he founded, Queen Ethelburga tried to persuade Inas to abandon worldly life. He was the first to arrange for Peter's Pence to be paid to Rome. Kings Ethelred, Kenred, and Offa became monks. The establishment of images in this land was authorized due to a vision. King Ethelbald's exploits ended with his death at the hands of his own subjects, influenced by the usurper Bernred. Boniface sent a letter of commendation to King Ethelbald, and nuns were kept as concubines during their pilgrimage.

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

INAS.
689.
After that Ceadwalla, late K. of the Westsaxons was gone to Rome, where he departed this life (as afore is shewed) his coosen Inas or Ine was made king of the Westsaxons, begining his reigne in the yéere of our Lord 689, in the third yeere of the emperor Iustinianus the third, the 11 yéere of the reigne of Theodoricus K. of France, and about the second yéere of the reigne of Eugenius king of Scots. Now because the The Britains ceasse to reigne in this land. rule of the Britains commonlie called Welshmen, ceassed in this realme, as by confession of their owne writers it appéereth, and that in the end the whole monarchie of the same realme came to the hands of the kings of Westsaxons, we haue thought méet to refer things generall vnto the reignes of the same kings, as before we did in the Britaine kings, reseruing the particular dooings to the kings of the other prouinces or kingdoms, as the same haue fallen out, and shall come to hand.

INAS.
689.
After Ceadwalla, the former king of the West Saxons, went to Rome, where he passed away (as already mentioned), his cousin Inas became king of the West Saxons, starting his reign in the year 689 AD, during the third year of Emperor Justinian III, the 11th year of King Theodoric of France, and about the second year of King Eugenius of Scotland. Since the rule of the Britains, commonly known as the Welsh, had ended in this realm, as acknowledged by their own writers, and eventually the entire monarchy of this realm came into the hands of the kings of West Saxons, we found it appropriate to refer general matters to the reigns of these kings, just as we have done for the kings of Britain, while preserving the specific actions of the kings from other provinces or kingdoms as they arise.

Fabian.
H. Hunt.
This Inas, whome some (mistaking N for V) doo wrongfullie name Iue or Iewe, prooued a right excellent prince, he was descended of the ancient linage of the kings of the Westsaxons, as sonne to one Kenred, that was sonne to Ceolwald the son of Cutha or Cutwine, that was sonne to Kenricke the sonne of Certicus, the first king of Westsaxons. But he was admitted to the kingdome more for the valiant prowes knowne to rest in his woorthie person, than for the successiue ofspring of which he was descended. The first voiage that he made, was against the Kentishmen, on whome he purposed to reuenge the death of his coosen Matt. Westm.
Wil. Malm.
Mollo, the griefe whereof as yet he kept in fresh memorie. But when the Kentishmen perceiued, that to resist him by force, they were nothing able, they attempted by monie to buy their peace, and so obteined their purpose, vpon paiment made to him of thirtie thousand marks of siluer.

Fabian.
H. Hunt.
This Inas, whom some (mistaking N for V) wrongly call Iue or Iewe, proved to be a truly excellent king. He was descended from the ancient lineage of the kings of the West Saxons, being the son of Kenred, who was the son of Ceolwald, the son of Cutha or Cutwine, who was the son of Kenrick, the son of Certicus, the first king of the West Saxons. However, he was granted the throne more for his renowned bravery than for the royal lineage from which he came. His first expedition was against the Kentishmen, as he sought to avenge the death of his cousin, Matt. Westm.
Wil. Malm.
Mollo, a loss he still remembered vividly. But when the Kentishmen realized they couldn't resist him by force, they tried to buy their peace with money, and they achieved their goal by paying him thirty thousand marks of silver.

Anno 708 as is noted by Matt. West.
H. Hunt.
After this, about the 21 yéere of his reigne, king Inas and his coosen[Page 639] Nun fought with Gerent king of the Britains. In the beginning of the battell, one Higelbald a noble man of the Westsaxons part was slaine, but in the end Gerent with his Britains was chased. In the 26 yéere of Matt. West. saith 718 his reigne; the same Inas fought a mightie battell against Cheolred king of Mercia, at Wodenessburie, with doubtfull victorie, for it could not well be iudged whether part susteined greater losse. In the 36 yéere of his reigne, king Inas inuaded the Southsaxons with a mightie armie, and slue in battell Ealdbright or Aldinius king of the Matth. West. saith 722. The end of the kingdome of the Southsaxons. Southsaxons, and ioined that kingdome vnto the kingdome of the Westsaxons: so that from thencefoorth the kingdome of those Southsaxons ceassed, after they had reigned in that kingdome by the space of five kings successiuelie, that is to say, Ella, Cissa, Ethelwalke, Berutius, and this last Aldinius or Ealdbright.

In the year 708, as mentioned by Matt. West.
H. Hunt.
After this, around the 21st year of his reign, King Inas and his cousin[Page 639] Nun fought against Gerent, the king of the Britons. At the start of the battle, a nobleman from the West Saxons named Higelbald was killed, but in the end, Gerent and his Britons were driven back. In the 26th year of his reign, Matt. West. says 718 Inas fought a great battle against Cheolred, the king of Mercia, at Wodenessburie, with an uncertain outcome, as it was hard to determine which side suffered greater losses. In the 36th year of his reign, King Inas invaded the South Saxons with a powerful army and killed Ealdbright, or Aldinius, the king of the South Saxons, in battle. He then united that kingdom with the kingdom of the West Saxons, leading to the end of the South Saxons kingdom, which had been ruled successively by five kings: Ella, Cissa, Ethelwalke, Berutius, and finally Aldinius or Ealdbright.

Finallie, when Inas had reigned 37 yéeres, and 10 or 11 od moneths, he renounced the rule of his kingdome, togither with all worldlie pompe, Inas went to Rome and there died. and went vnto Rome as a poore pilgrime, and there ended his life: but before this, during the time of his reigne, he shewed himselfe verie deuout and zealous towards the aduancement of the christian religion. He made and ordeined also good & wholesome lawes for the amendment of maners in the people, which are yet extant and to be read, written in the Saxon toong, and translated into the Latine in times past, and now latelie againe by William Lambert gentleman, and printed by Iohn Day, in the yéere 1568, togither with the lawes and statutes of other kings before the conquest, as to the learned maie appéere.

Finally, after Inas had ruled for 37 years and 10 or 11 months, he renounced his kingship along with all worldly glory, Inas went to Rome and died there. and traveled to Rome as a poor pilgrim, where he ended his life. However, during his reign, he was very devoted and passionate about advancing the Christian faith. He also created and established good and sensible laws to improve the behavior of the people, which still exist today and can be read. These laws were originally written in Saxon and translated into Latin in the past, and recently by William Lambert, a gentleman, and printed by John Day in the year 1568, along with the laws and statutes of other kings before the conquest, as learned individuals may see.

Polydor. Moreouer, king Ine builded the monasterie of Glastenburie, where Ioseph of Arimathea in times past builded an oratorie or chappell (as before is recited) when he with other christians came into this land in the daies of Aruiragus, & taught the gospell heere to the Britains, conuerting manie of them to the faith. Moreouer, king Ine or Inas builded the church of Welles, dedicating it vnto saint Andrew, where afterwards a bishops sée was placed, which at length was translated Ethelburga. vnto Salisburie. He had to wife one Ethelburga, a woman of noble linage, who had béene earnest with him a long time to persuade him to forsake the world: but she could by no meanes bring hir purpose to passe, till vpon a time the king and she had lodged at a manor place in Will. Malmes. the countrie, where all prouision had béene made for the receiuing of them and their traine in most sumptuous maner that might be, as well in rich furniture of houshold, as also in costlie viands, and all other things needfull, or that might serue for pleasure, and when they were departed, the quéene the foresaid Ethelburga caused the keeper of that The deuise of quéene Ethelburga to persuade hir husband to forsake the world. house to remooue all the bedding, hangings, and other such things as had béen brought thither and ordeined for the beautifull setting foorth of the house, and in place thereof to bring ordure, straw, & such like filth, as well into the chambers and hall, as into all the houses of office, and that doone, to laie a sow with pigs in the place where before the kings bed had stood. Héerevpon when she had knowledge that euerie thing was ordered according to hir appointment, she persuaded the king to returne thither againe, feining occasions great and necessarie.

Polydor. Moreover, King Ine built the monastery of Glastonbury, where Joseph of Arimathea had previously established an oratory or chapel (as mentioned before) when he and other Christians came to this land during the days of Arviragus and preached the gospel here to the Britons, converting many of them to the faith. Additionally, King Ine or Inas built the church of Wells, dedicating it to Saint Andrew, where a bishop's see was later established, which eventually moved Ethelburga. to Salisbury. He was married to Ethelburga, a woman of noble lineage, who had long urged him to abandon worldly life: however, she was unable to achieve her goal until one time when the king and she stayed at a manor in Will. Malmes. the countryside, where every arrangement had been made to welcome them and their retinue in the most lavish manner possible, with rich household furnishings, expensive food, and everything else needed for comfort and enjoyment. After they left, Queen Ethelburga instructed the keeper of that Queen Ethelburga's plan to convince her husband to renounce the world. house to remove all the bedding, hangings, and similar items that had been brought in for the elegant decoration of the house, and instead to bring in filth, straw, and other rubbish, into the chambers and hall, as well as all the service areas, and then to place a sow with piglets where the king's bed had stood before. Once she learned that everything was arranged according to her instructions, she convinced the king to return there again, fabricating important and necessary reasons.

Now when he was returned to that house, which before séemed to the eie a palace of most pleasure, and now finding it in such a filthie state as might loath the stomach of anie man to behold the same, she tooke occasion therevpon to persuade him to the consideration of the vaine pleasures of this world, which in a moment turne to naught, togither with the corruption of the flesh, being a filthie lumpe of claie, after it should once be disolued by death: and in fine, where before she had spent much labour to mooue him to renounce the world, though all in vaine, yet now the beholding of that change in his pleasant palace, wherein so late he had taken great delight, wrought such an alteration in his mind, that hir woords lastlie tooke effect: so that he resigned the kingdome to his coosen Ethelard, and went himselfe to Rome (as aboue is mentioned) and his wife became a nun in the abbeie of Barking, where she was made abbesse, and finallie there ended hir life. This Peter pence. Inas was the first that caused the monie called Peter pence, to be paid vnto the bishop of Rome, which was for euerie houshold within his dominion a penie.

Now, when he returned to that house, which before had seemed to him a palace of great pleasure, he found it in such a filthy state that it could disgust anyone who saw it. She took the opportunity to urge him to consider the fleeting pleasures of this world, which vanish in an instant, along with the corruption of the flesh, a dirty lump of clay, once it is dissolved by death. In the end, after she had previously tried hard to get him to renounce the world, though all in vain, now seeing the change in his once-pleasant palace—where he had recently taken much delight—affected his mind so much that her words finally had an impact. He resigned the kingdom to his cousin Ethelard and went himself to Rome (as mentioned above), while his wife became a nun in the abbey of Barking, where she was made abbess and eventually ended her life there. This Peter's coins. Inas was the first to establish the money known as Peter pence, which was paid to the bishop of Rome, a penny for every household within his dominion.

King Ethelred becommeth a moonk. In this meane time Edilred or Ethelred, hauing gouerned the kingdome of[Page 640] Mercia by the tearme of 29 yéeres, became a moonke in the abbeie of Bardenie, and after was made abbat of that house. He had to wife one Ostrida. Ostrida the sister of Egfride king of Northumberland, by whome he had a sonne named Ceolred. But he appointed Kenred the sonne of his brother Beda in Epit. Vulfher to succéed him in the kingdome. The said Ostrida was cruellie slaine by the treason of hir husbands subiects, about the yéere of our 697. Lord 697.

King Ethelred joins a monastery. Meanwhile, Edilred or Ethelred, having ruled the kingdom of [Page 640] Mercia for 29 years, became a monk at Bardenie Abbey and later was made abbot of that house. He was married to a woman named Ostrida. Ostrida was the sister of Egfrid, king of Northumberland, and they had a son named Ceolred. However, he chose Kenred, the son of his brother Bede in Epit. Vulfher, to succeed him in the kingdom. Ostrida was brutally killed due to the treachery of her husband's subjects around the year 697. Lord 697.

King Kenred. And as for Kenred, he was a prince of great vertue, deuout towards God, a furtherer of the commonwealth of his countrie, and passed his life in great sinceritie of maners. In the fift yéere of his reigne, he renounced the world, and went to Rome, togither with Offa king of the Eastsaxons, where he was made a moonke: and finallie died there, in the 711. yéere of our Lord 711. By the aid and furtherance of this Kenred, a Nauclerus.
Egwin bishop of Worcester.
moonke of saint Benets order (called Egwin) builded the abbeie of Eueshame, who afterwards was made bishop of Worcester.

King Kenred. Kenred was a prince of great virtue, devoted to God, a supporter of the welfare of his country, and he lived his life with sincere manners. In the fiftieth year of his reign, he renounced the world and went to Rome, together with Offa, the king of the East Saxons, where he became a monk. He ultimately died there in the 711. year of our Lord 711. With the help and support of Kenred, a monk of Saint Benedict’s order (named Egwin) built the Abbey of Evesham, who later became the bishop of Worcester.

A fabulous and trifling deuise. ¶ We find recorded by writers, that this Egwin had warning giuen him by visions (as he constantlie affirmed before pope Constantine) to set vp an image of our ladie in his church. Wherevpon the pope approuing the testifications of this bishop by his buls, writ to Brightwald archbishop of Canturburie, to assemble a synod, and by authoritie thereof to establish the vse of images, charging the kings of this land to be present at the same synod, vpon paine of excommunication. This Bale. 712. synod was holden about the yéere of our Lord 712, in the daies of Inas king of Westsaxons, and of Ceolred king of Mercia successor to the foresaid Kenred.

A flashy and pointless gadget. ¶ Writers record that Egwin received a warning through visions (as he consistently stated before Pope Constantine) to set up an image of our Lady in his church. The pope approved this bishop's claims through his letters, writing to Brightwald, the Archbishop of Canterbury, to convene a synod and establish the use of images, ordering the kings of this land to attend the synod under the threat of excommunication. This Bale. 712. synod took place around the year 712, during the reign of Inas, king of the West Saxons, and Ceolred, king of Mercia, who succeeded the aforementioned Kenred.

After Kenred succéeded Ceolred, the sonne of his vncle Edilred, & died in the 8 yeere of his reigne, and was buried at Lichfield. Then H. Hunt. succéeded Ethelbaldus that was descended of Eopa the brother of king Penda, as the fourth from him by lineall succession. This man gouerned a long time without anie notable trouble: some warres he had, and sped Ran. Cestren. diuerslie. In the 18 yéere of his reigne, he besieged Sommerton and wan it. He also inuaded Northumberland, and got there great riches by spoile and pillage, which he brought from thence without anie battell offered to him.

After Kenred succeeded Ceolred, the son of his uncle Edilred, he died in the 8th year of his reign and was buried in Lichfield. Then H. Hunt. Ethelbald succeeded him; he was a descendant of Eopa, the brother of King Penda, making him the fourth in line from him. This man ruled for a long time without any significant trouble. He had some wars and achieved various outcomes Ran. Cestren.. In the 18th year of his reign, he besieged Sommerton and took it. He also invaded Northumberland and brought back a large amount of wealth through looting, all without facing any battles.

Hen. Hunt. He ouercame the Welshmen in battell, being then at quiet, and ioined as confederats with Cuthred K. of Westsaxons. But in the 37 yéere of his Bereford.
755.
reigne, he was ouercome in battell at Bereford by the same Cuthred, with whome he was fallen at variance, and within foure yéeres after, that is to say, in the 41 yéere of his reigne he was slaine in battell
Thrée miles from Tamworth.
Wil. Malm. at Secandon, or Sekenton, by his owne subiects, which arreared warres against him, by the procurement and leading of one Bernred, who after he had slaine his naturall prince, tooke vpon him the kingdome: but he prospered not long, being slaine by Offa that succéeded him in rule of
758.
the kingdome of Mercia, as after shall be shewed. The bodie of Matth. West. Ethelbald was buried at Ripton.

Hen. Hunt. He defeated the Welsh in battle while they were at peace and formed an alliance with Cuthred, King of the West Saxons. However, in the 37th year of his reign, he was defeated in battle at Bereford by the same Cuthred, with whom he had fallen out. Four years later, in the 41st year of his reign, he was killed in battle Bereford.
755.
3 miles from Tamworth. Wil. Malm. at Secandon, or Sekenton, by his own subjects, who waged war against him under the leadership of one Bernred. After killing his natural prince, Bernred claimed the kingdom for himself, but he did not last long, as he was killed by Offa, who succeeded him in ruling 758. the kingdom of Mercia, as will be explained later. The body of Matthew West Ethelbald was buried at Ripton.

The historie of Magd. Bonifacius the archbishop of Mentiz or Moguntz, hauing assembled a councell with other bishops and doctors, deuised a letter, and sent it vnto this Ethelbald, commending him for his good deuotion and charitie in almes-giuing to the reliefe of the poore, and also for his vpright dealing in administration of iustice, to the punishment of robbers and such like misdooers: but in that he absteined from mariage, and wallowed in filthie lecherie with diuerse women, and namelie with nuns, they sore blamed him, and withall declared in what infamie the whole English nation in those daies remained by common report in other countries for their licentious liuing in sinfull fornication, and namelie the most part of the noble men of Mercia by his euill example did forsake their wiues, and defloured other women which they kept in Nuns kept for concubines. adulterie, as nuns and others. Moreouer, he shewed how that such euill women, as well nuns as other, vsed to make awaie in secret wise their children which they bare out of wedlocke, and so filled the graues with dead bodies, and hell with damned soules. The same Bonifacius in an other epistle wich he wrote vnto Cutbert the archbishop of Pilgrimage of nuns. Canturburie, counselled him not to permit the English nuns to wander abroad so often on pilgrimage, bicause there were few cities either in France or Lombardie, wherein might not be found English women, that liued wantonlie in fornication and whordome.

The history of Magdalene. Archbishop Boniface of Mainz, having gathered a council with other bishops and scholars, wrote a letter and sent it to Ethelbaldo, praising him for his devotion and generosity in giving alms to help the poor, as well as for his fair administration of justice against robbers and other wrongdoers. However, he criticized him for abstaining from marriage while engaging in immoral relationships with various women, particularly nuns. They strongly condemned him for this and pointed out how, due to widespread gossip, the entire English nation was held in contempt in other countries for their sinful behavior and rampant fornication, especially how many noblemen of Mercia were influenced by his poor example to abandon their wives and violate other women they kept in Nuns kept as concubines. adultery, including nuns and others. Furthermore, he revealed that these immoral women, including nuns, would secretly dispose of their illegitimate children, consequently filling graves with dead bodies and hell with damned souls. In another epistle he wrote to Cuthbert, the Archbishop of Nuns' pilgrimage. Canterbury, he advised him not to allow English nuns to travel so frequently on pilgrimage, as there were few cities in either France or Lombardy where English women were not found living wantonly in fornication and prostitution.


[Page 641]

[Page 641]

Offa king of the Eastsaxons with other go to Rome, he is shauen and becommeth a moonke, succession in the kingdome of the Eastsaxons and Eastangles, Osred king of Northumberland hath carnall knowledge with nuns, he is slaine in battell, Osrike renouncing his kingdome becommeth a moonke, bishop Wilfrid twise restored to his see, Westsaxonie diuided in two diocesses, bishop Aldhelme a founder of religious houses; Ethelard succeedeth Inas in regiment, two blasing starres seene at once, and what insued, the king dieth: the successiue reigne of Wichtreds three sonnes ouer Kent, what prouinces were gouerned by bishops; of what puissance Ethelbald king of Mercia was, Egbert archbishop of Yorke aduanceth his see; a notable remembrance of that excellent man Beda, his death.

Offa, king of the East Saxons, goes to Rome with others, where he is shown and becomes a monk. In the kingdom of the East Saxons and East Angles, Osred, king of Northumberland, has an affair with nuns and is killed in battle. Osrike renounces his kingdom and becomes a monk. Bishop Wilfrid is restored to his position twice. West Saxony is divided into two dioceses, and Bishop Aldhelm becomes a founder of religious houses. Ethelard succeeds Inas in rule. Two blazing stars are seen at once, and what follows is the king's death. The successive reign of Wichtred's three sons over Kent, what provinces were governed by bishops, the power of Ethelbald, king of Mercia, and Egbert, archbishop of York, advancing his see; a notable account of that excellent man Bede and his death.

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

Kings of the Eastsaxons.
Offa king of Eastsaxons.
Beda lib. 5. cap. 20. In this meane time Sighard and Seufred, kings of the Eastsaxons, being departed this life, one Offa that was sonne to Sigerius succéeded in gouernment of that kingdome, a man of great towardnesse, and of right comelie countenance: but after he had ruled a certeine time, being mooued with a religious deuotion, he went to Rome in companie of Kenred king of Mercia, and of one Egwine bishop of Worcester, and being there shauen into the order of moonks, so continued till he died. After him King Selred. one Selred the sonne of Sigbert the good, ruled the Eastsaxons the tearme of 38 yéeres. After Aldulfe the king of Eastangles departed this 688. fraile life, which chanced about the yéere of our Lord 688, his brother Elcwold or Akwold succéeded him, and reigned about twelue yéeres. After whose decease one Beorne was made king of Eastangles, and reigned about 26 yéeres. In this meane while, that is to say, in the yeere of our 705.
Osred king of Northumberland.
Wil. Malm. Lord 705, Alfride king of Northumberland being dead, his sonne Osred, a child of 8 yéeres of age succeeded him in the kingdome, and reigned 11 yéeres, spending his time when he came to ripe yeeres in filthie abusing his bodie with nuns, and other religious women.

Kings of the East Saxons.
Offa, king of the East Saxons.
Beda lib. 5. cap. 20. Meanwhile, Sighard and Seufred, the kings of the East Saxons, passed away, and Offa, the son of Sigerius, took over the leadership of the kingdom. He was a man of great talent and handsome appearance. After ruling for a while, moved by a sense of religious devotion, he traveled to Rome with Kenred, the king of Mercia, and Egwine, the bishop of Worcester. There, he was shaven and accepted into the monastic order, remaining so until his death. After him, King Selred. Selred, the son of Sigbert the Good, ruled the East Saxons for 38 years. After Aldulfe, the king of the East Angles, passed away, which happened around the year 688, his brother Elcwold or Akwold succeeded him and reigned for about twelve years. After his death, Beorne became king of the East Angles and reigned for about 26 years. In the meantime, in the year of our Osred, King of Northumberland. Wil. Malm. Lord 705, Alfride, the king of Northumberland, died, and his son Osred, an 8-year-old child, succeeded him as king, ruling for 11 years, during which he spent his mature years in disgraceful behavior, misusing his body with nuns and other religious women.

About the seuenth yéere of his reigne, that is to say, in the yéere of our Lord 711, one of his capteins named earle Berthfride fought with Henr. Hunt. Picts ouerthrowne by the Northumbers. the Picts, betwixt two places called Heue and Cere, and obteining the victorie, slue an huge number of the enimies. At length king Osred by the traitorous means of his coosens that arreared warre against him, King Osred slaine in batell. was slaine in battell, and so ended his reigne, leauing to those that procured his death the like fortune in time to come. For Kenred reigning two yéeres, and Osricke ten yeeres, were famous onelie in this, that being worthilie punished for shedding the bloud of their naturall prince and souereigne lord, they finished their liues with dishonourable deaths, as they had well deserued. Osricke before his 729. death, which chanced in the yéere of our Lord 729, appointed Ceolwolfe the brother of his predecessor Kenred, to succeed him in the kingdome, which he did, reigning as king of the Northumbers by the space of 8 yéeres currant, and then renouncing his kingdom, became a moonke in the Ile of Lindesferne.

About the seventh year of his reign, specifically in the year 711, one of his captains named Earl Berthfride fought against the Picts, between two places called Heue and Cere, and achieved victory, killing a huge number of enemies. Eventually, King Osred, through the treachery of his cousins who revolted against him, was killed in battle, marking the end of his reign and leaving those responsible for his death with a similar fate in the future. Kenred ruled for two years, and Osrick for ten years, known only for being justly punished for spilling the blood of their rightful prince and sovereign lord, ending their lives with dishonorable deaths as they deserved. Before his death in the year 729, Osrick appointed Ceolwolfe, the brother of his predecessor Kenred, to succeed him in the kingdom, and he ruled as king of the Northumbers for eight years, before renouncing his kingdom and becoming a monk on the Isle of Lindesferne.

Beda. Acca bishop of Hexham. In this meane while, bishop Wilfride being dead, one Acca that was his chapline was made bishop of Hexham. The said Wilfride had béene bishop by the space of 45 yéeres: but he liued a long time in exile. For first being archbishop of Yorke, and exercising his iurisdiction ouer all the north parts, he was after banished by king Egbert, and againe restored to the sée of Hexham in the second yeere of king Alfride, and within fiue yéeres after eftsoones banished by the same Alfride, and the second time restored by his successor king Osred, in the fourth yeere of whose reigne, being the yéere after the incarnation of our Sauiour 709, he departed this life, and was buried at Rippon. Moreouer, after Iohn the archbishop of Yorke had resigned, one Wilfride surnamed the second was made archbishop of that sée: which Wilfride was chapline to the said Iohn, and gouerned that sée by the space of fiftéene yéeres, 710. and then died. About the yéere of our Lord 710, the abbat Adrian which came into this land with Theodore the archbishop of Canturburie (as[Page 642] before ye haue heard) departed this life, about 39 yéeres after his comming thither.

Beda. Acca, Bishop of Hexham. Meanwhile, after Bishop Wilfrid died, a man named Acca, who was his chaplain, became the bishop of Hexham. Wilfrid had been bishop for 45 years but spent a long time in exile. He was first the Archbishop of York, exercising his authority over all the northern regions, but was banished by King Egbert. He was later restored to the see of Hexham in the second year of King Alfred but was banished again by Alfred five years later. He was restored for the second time by King Osred, whose reign lasted four years, and in the year after the birth of our Savior, 709, he passed away and was buried at Ripon. Additionally, after John, the Archbishop of York, resigned, a man named Wilfrid, known as the second, was made Archbishop of that see. This Wilfrid had been a chaplain to John and governed the see for fifteen years, 710. before he died. Around the year 710 AD, Abbot Adrian, who came to this land with Theodore, the Archbishop of Canterbury (as you have heard before), passed away about 39 years after his arrival there.

Two bishops sées.
Bishop Daniell.
Matth. West. Also Inas the king of Westsaxons, about the 20 yeere of his reigne, diuided the prouince of the Westsaxons into two bishops sées, whereas before they had but one. Daniell was ordeined to gouerne the one of those sees, being placed at Winchester, hauing vnder him Sussex,
Bishop Aldhelme.
Southerie and Hamshire. And Aldhelme was appointed to Shireburne, hauing vnder him, Barkeshire, Wiltshire, Sommersetshire, Dorsetshire, Deuonshire, and Cornwall. This Aldhelme was a learned man, and was The abbeie of Malmesburie. first made abbat of Malmesburie, in the yéere of our Lord 675 by Eleutherius then bishop of the Westsaxons, by whose diligence that abbeie was greatlie aduanced, being afore that time founded by one Medulfe a Scotish man, but of so small reuenues afore Aldhelms time, that the moonks were scarse able to liue thereon. Also the same Aldhelme was a great furtherer vnto king Inas in the building of Glastenburie.

Two dioceses.
Bishop Daniell.
Matthew West. In the 20th year of his reign, King Inas of the West Saxons divided the province of the West Saxons into two bishoprics, where there had previously been only one. Daniell was appointed to lead one of those sees, based in Winchester, overseeing Sussex, Bishop Aldhelme. Southern and Hampshire. Aldhelme was assigned to Shireburne, managing Berkshire, Wiltshire, Somerset, Dorset, Devon, and Cornwall. Aldhelme was a knowledgeable man and was Malmesbury Abbey. first made abbot of Malmesbury in the year 675 AD by Eleutherius, who was then bishop of the West Saxons. Thanks to his efforts, that abbey grew significantly; it had been founded earlier by a Scottish man named Medulfe, but before Aldhelme’s time, its revenues were so low that the monks could barely survive. Additionally, Aldhelme was a major supporter of King Inas in building Glastonbury.

ETHELARD.
728.
Matth. West. saith 727. Ethelard, the coosen of king Inas, to whome the same Inas resigned his kingdome, began to gouerne the Westsaxons in the yéere of our Lord 728, or rather 27, which was in the 11 yéere of the emperor Leo Isaurus, in the second yeere of Theodorus king of France, and about the 8 or 9 yéere of Mordacke king of the Scots. In the first yéere of Ethelards reigne, he was disquieted with ciuill warre, which one Oswald a noble man, descended of the roiall bloud of the Westsaxon kings, procured against him: but in the end, when he perceiued that the kings power was too strong for him, he fled out of the countrie, leauing it thereby in rest.

ETHELARD.
728.
Matth. West. says 727. Ethelard, the cousin of King Inas, to whom Inas handed over his kingdom, began to rule the West Saxons in the year 728 AD, or rather 727, which was in the 11th year of Emperor Leo Isaurus, in the second year of Theodorus, King of France, and around the 8th or 9th year of Mordacke, King of the Scots. In Ethelard's first year of reign, he faced civil war instigated by a nobleman named Oswald, who was from the royal bloodline of the West Saxon kings. However, in the end, when Oswald realized that the king's power was too strong for him, he fled the country, leaving it at peace.

Matth. West. 729.
Blasing stars.
In the yéere 729, in the moneth of Ianuarie there appeered two comets or blasing starres, verie terrible to behold, the one rising in the morning before the rising of the sunne, and the other after the setting thereof: so that the one came before the breake of the day, and the other before the closing of the night, stretching foorth their fierie brands toward the north; and they appeered thus euerie morning and euening for the space of a fortnight togither, menacing as it were some great destruction or common mishap to follow. The Saracens shortlie after entred France, and were ouerthrowne. Finallie, when king Ethelard had reigned the terme of fouretéene yeeres currant, he departed this life.

Matth. West. Blazing stars. In the year 729, in the month of January, two comets or blazing stars appeared, very frightening to see. One rose in the morning before the sun came up, and the other appeared after sunset, so that one came before dawn and the other before nightfall, stretching out their fiery tongues toward the north. They appeared like this every morning and evening for two weeks, as if warning of some great destruction or disaster to come. Shortly after, the Saracens entered France and were defeated. Finally, after King Ethelard had ruled for fourteen years, he passed away.

Wil. Malm. Now when Wichtred king of Kent had gouerned the Kentishmen by the space of 33 yéeres, with great commendation for the good orders which he caused to be obserued amongst them, as well concerning matters ecclesiasticall as temporal, he departed this life, leauing behind him thrée sonnes, who successiuelie reigned as heires to him one after another (that is to say) Edbert 23 yéeres, Ethelbert 11 yeeres currant, and Alrike 34 yeeres, the which three princes following the steps of their father in the obseruance of politike orders & commendable lawes, vsed for the more part their fathers good lucke and fortune, except Beda. lib. 5. cap. 24. that in Ethelberts time the citie of Canturburie was burned by casuall fire, and Alrike lost a battell against them of Mercia, whereby the glorie of their times was somewhat blemished: for so it came to passe, that whatsoseur chanced euill, was kept still in memorie, and the good haps that came forward, were soone forgotten and put out of remembrance.

Wil. Malm. Now, when Wichtred, the king of Kent, had ruled the Kentish people for 33 years, receiving great praise for the good laws he enforced in both religious and secular matters, he passed away, leaving behind three sons, who each ruled in succession as his heirs. These were Edbert, who reigned for 23 years, Ethelbert, who is currently reigning for 11 years, and Alrike, who ruled for 34 years. These three princes followed their father's example by maintaining political order and admirable laws, benefiting largely from their father's good fortune, except during Ethelbert's reign when the city of Canterbury was consumed by a random fire, and Alrike lost a battle against the Mercians, which somewhat tarnished their legacy. It turned out that any misfortune was always remembered, while the good fortunes quickly faded from memory. Beda. lib. 5. cap. 24.

731. In the yéere of our Lord 731, Betrwald archbishop of Canturburie departed this life in the fift ides of Ianuarie, after he had gouerned that see by the space of 27 yéeres, 6 moneths, and 14 daies: in whose place the same yéere one Tacwine was ordeined archbishop, that before was a priest in the monasterie of Bruidon within the prouince of Mercia. He was consecrated in the citie of Canturburie, by the reuerend fathers Daniell bishop of Winchester, Ingwald bishop of London, Aldwin bishop of Lichfield, and Aldwulfe bishop of Rochester, the tenth day of Iune being sundaie.

731. In the year of our Lord 731, Betrwald, the archbishop of Canterbury, passed away on the 5th ides of January, after he had led that see for 27 years, 6 months, and 14 days. That same year, a man named Tacwine was appointed archbishop; he had previously been a priest at the monastery of Bruidon in the province of Mercia. He was consecrated in the city of Canterbury by the esteemed fathers Daniel, bishop of Winchester, Ingwald, bishop of London, Aldwin, bishop of Lichfield, and Aldwulfe, bishop of Rochester, on the 10th of June, which was a Sunday.

Bishops what parishes they governed. ¶ As touching the state of the English church for ecclesiasticall gouernours, certeine it is, that the same was as hereafter followeth. The prouince of Canturburie was gouerned touching the ecclesiasticall state by archbishop Tacwine, and bishop Aldwulfe. The prouince of the Eastsaxons by bishop Ingwald. The prouince of Eastangles by bishop[Page 643] Eadbertus and Hadulacus, the one kéeping his sée at Elsham, and the other at Dunwich. The prouince of the Westsaxons was gouerned by the foresaid Daniell and by Forthere, who succéeded next after Aldhelme in Matth. West. the sée of Shereburne. This Forthere in the yéere of our Lord 738, left his bishoprike, and went to Rome in companie of the quéene of the Westsaxons. Many as well kings as bishops, noble and vnnoble, priests and laiemen, togither with women, vsed to make such iournies thither in those daies. The prouince of Mercia was ruled by the foresaid Aldwine bishop of Lichfield, and one bishop Walstod holding his sée at Herford gouerned those people that inhabited beyond the riuer of Sauerne toward the west. The prouince of Wiccies, that is, Worcester, one Wilfride gouerned. The Southsaxons and the Ile of Wight were vnder the bishop of Winchester. In the prouince of the Northumbers were foure bishops, that is to say, Wilfride archbishop of Yorke, Edilwald bishop of Lindisferne, Acca bishop of Hexham, and Pecthelmus bishop of Whiterne, otherwise called Candida Casa, he was the first that gouerned that church after the same was made a bishops sée. And thus stood the state of the English church for ecclesiasticall gouernors in that season.

Bishops and the parishes they managed. ¶ Regarding the condition of the English church and its leaders, it is clear that it was as follows. The province of Canterbury was overseen in ecclesiastical matters by Archbishop Tacwine and Bishop Aldwulfe. The province of the East Saxons was governed by Bishop Ingwald. The province of the East Angles was managed by Bishops Eadbertus and Hadulacus, with one residing at Elsham and the other at Dunwich. The province of the West Saxons was ruled by the aforementioned Daniell and Forthere, who succeeded Aldhelme in the see of Shereburne. In the year 738 AD, Forthere left his bishopric and traveled to Rome with the queen of the West Saxons. Many, including kings, bishops, nobles and commoners, priests and laypeople, along with women, often made such journeys there during those times. The province of Mercia was governed by Aldwine, Bishop of Lichfield, while Bishop Walstod, who held his see at Hereford, managed the people who lived west of the River Severn. The province of Wiccia, which is Worcester, was governed by one Wilfride. The South Saxons and the Isle of Wight were under the bishop of Winchester. In the province of Northumbria, there were four bishops: Wilfride, Archbishop of York, Edilwald, Bishop of Lindisfarne, Acca, Bishop of Hexham, and Pecthelmus, Bishop of Whiterne, also known as Candida Casa; he was the first to lead that church after it became a bishop's see. And so the state of the English church was established with its ecclesiastical governors at that time.

Ethelbald K. of Mercia, of what puissance he was. And as for temporall gouernement, king Ceolvulfe had the souereigne dominion ouer all the Northumbers: but all the prouinces on the southside of Humber, with their kings and rulers, were subiect vnto Edilbald or Ethelbald king of Mercia. The nation of the Picts were in league with the English men, and gladlie became partakers of the catholike faith and veritie of the vniuersall church. Those Scots which inhabited Britaine, contenting themselues with their owne bounds, went not about to practise anie deceitfull traines nor fraudulent deuises against the Englishmen. The Britains otherwise called Welshmen, though for the more part of a peculiar hatred they did impugne the English nation, & the obseruance of the feast of Ester appointed by the whole catholike church, yet (both diuine and humane force vtterlie resisting them) they were not able in neither behalfe to atteine to their wished intentions, as they which though they were partlie frée, yet in some point remained still as thrall and mancipate to the subiection of the Englishmen: who (saith Beda) now in the acceptable time of peace and quietnesse, manie amongst them of Northumberland, laieng armour and weapon aside, applied themselues to the reading of holie scriptures, more desirous to be professed in religious houses, than to exercise feates of warre: but what will come therof (saith he) the age that followeth shall sée and behold. With these words dooth Beda end his historie, continued till the yéere of our Lord 731, which was from the comming of the Englishmen into this land, about 285 yéeres, according to his account.

Ethelbald, King of Mercia, and his influence. In terms of temporal governance, King Ceolvulfe had supreme authority over all the Northumbrians. However, all the provinces south of the Humber, along with their kings and leaders, were subject to Edilbald, or Ethelbald, king of Mercia. The Picts formed an alliance with the English and gladly embraced the Catholic faith and the truths of the universal church. The Scots living in Britain, satisfied with their own territories, did not attempt any deceitful schemes or fraudulent plots against the English. The Britons, also known as Welsh, largely opposed the English out of deep-seated animosity and resisted the observance of the Easter feast as set by the entire Catholic church. Yet, both divine and human forces completely resisted them, preventing them from achieving their desired goals, as they were partly free but still somewhat bound in servitude to the English. Many among the Northumbrians, says Bede, during this favorable time of peace and tranquility, laid aside their armor and weapons to focus on reading holy scriptures, more eager to be part of religious communities than to engage in warfare. But what will come of this, he states, future generations will see. With these words, Bede concludes his history, which continued until the year 731 AD, about 285 years after the arrival of the English in this land, according to his account.

732. Wil. Malm. In the yéere following, that is to say 732, in place of Wilfrid the second, Egbert was ordeined bishop of Yorke. This Egbert was brother vnto an other Egbert, who as then was king of Northumberland, by whose helpe he greatlie aduanced the see of Yorke, and recouered the pall: so that where all the other bishops that held the same sée before him sith Paulins daies, wanted the pall, and so were counted simplie but particular bishops: now was he intituled by the name of archbishop. He also got togither a great number of good books, which he bestowed in a 733. librarie at Yorke. ¶ In the yéere 733, on the 18 kalends of September, the sunne suffered a great eclipse about three of the clocke in the after noone, in somuch that the earth seemed to be couered with a blacke and horrible penthouse.

732. Wil. Malm. In the year after, which is to say 732, Egbert was appointed bishop of York instead of Wilfrid the second. This Egbert was the brother of another Egbert, who was then king of Northumberland, and with his help, he greatly advanced the position of York and regained the pall. So whereas all the other bishops who held the same see before him since Paulinus’s time lacked the pall and were considered merely individual bishops, now he was recognized as an archbishop. He also gathered a significant number of good books, which he placed in a 733. library at York. ¶ In the year 733, on the 18th of the kalends of September, there was a significant eclipse of the sun around three o'clock in the afternoon, so much so that the earth appeared to be covered with a dark and terrible shroud.

735 Beda departed this life. In the yéere 735, that reuerend and profound learned man Beda departed this life, being 82 yéeres of age, vpon Ascension day, which was the 7 kalends of Iune, and 26 of Maie, as Matt. Westm. hath diligentlie obserued. W. Harison addeth hitherto, that it is to be read in an old epistle of Cutbert moonke of the same house vnto Cuthwine, that the said Beda lieng in his death-bed, translated the gospell of saint Iohn into English, and commanded his brethren to be diligent in reading and contemplation of good bookes, and not to exercise themselues with fables and friuolous matters. Finallie he was buried in the abbeie of Geruie, distant fiue miles from Wiremouth, an abbeie also in the north parts, not far from Newcastell (as is before remembred.) He was brought vp in those two abbeies, and was scholar to John of Beuerley. How throughlie he was séene in all kinds of good literature, the bookes[Page 644] which hée wrote doo manifestlie beare witnesse. His judgement also was so much estéemed ouer all, that Sergius the bishop of Rome wrote vnto Celfride the abbat of Wiremouth, requiring him to send Beda vnto the court of Rome for the deciding of certein questions mooued there, which without his opinion might séeme to rest doubtful. But whether he went thither or not we can not affirme: but as it is thought by men worthie of credit, he neuer went out of this land, but continued for the most part of his life in the abbeies of Geruie and Wiremouth, first vnder Benet the first abbat and founder of the same abbeies, and after vnder the said Celfride, in whose time he receiued orders of priesthood at the hands of bishop Iohn, surnamed of Beuerley: so that it may be maruelled that a man, borne in the vttermost corner of the world, should proue so excellent in all knowledge and learning, that his fame should so spread ouer the whole earth, and went neuer out of his Crantzius. natiue countrie to séeke it. But who that marketh in reading old histories the state of abbeies and monasteries in those daies, shall well perceiue that they were ordered after the maner of our schooles or colleges, hauing in them diuerse learned men, that attended onelie to teach & bring vp youth in knowledge of good learning, or else to go abroad and preach the word of God in townes and villages adjoining.

735 Beda has passed away. In the year 735, the revered and deeply learned man Beda passed away at the age of 82 on Ascension Day, which was the 7th of June, and the 26th of May, as noted by Matt. Westm. W. Harison further adds that it is mentioned in an old letter from Cuthbert, a monk from the same monastery, to Cuthwine, that while Beda was on his deathbed, he translated the Gospel of Saint John into English and instructed his brethren to be diligent in reading and contemplating good books and not to waste their time on fables and trivial matters. Ultimately, he was buried in the abbey of Jarrow, located five miles from Wearmouth, an abbey in the northern region, not far from Newcastle (as previously mentioned). He was raised in these two abbeys and was a student of John of Beverley. His extensive mastery of various fields of learning is clearly evidenced by the books[Page 644] he wrote. His judgment was so highly regarded that Sergius, the Bishop of Rome, wrote to Celfrid, the abbot of Wearmouth, requesting him to send Beda to the court of Rome to resolve certain questions being raised there, which might seem uncertain without his input. However, whether he actually went there or not, we cannot confirm; but as believed by credible individuals, he never left this land but spent most of his life in the abbeys of Jarrow and Wearmouth, first under Benedict the first abbot and founder of those abbeys, and later under Celfrid, during whose time he was ordained a priest by Bishop John, known as of Beverley. It is remarkable that a man born in the farthest corner of the world could achieve such excellence in knowledge and learning that his fame spread across the entire earth without ever leaving his homeland to pursue it. But anyone who examines old histories regarding the state of abbeys and monasteries in those days will clearly see that they were organized similarly to our schools or colleges, housing various learned men who were solely dedicated to teaching and nurturing youth in the knowledge of good learning or going out to preach the word of God in nearby towns and villages.

735. The same yéere died archbishop Tacuine, and in the yéere following, that is to say 735, Nothelmus was ordeined archbishop of Canturburie in his place, and Egbert the archbishop of Yorke the same yéere got his pall from Rome, and so was confirmed archbishop, and ordeined two bishops, Fruidberd, and Fruidwald. But some refer it to the yéere 744.

735. That same year, Archbishop Tacuine died, and in the following year, 735, Nothelmus was appointed Archbishop of Canterbury in his place. Also in that year, Egbert, the Archbishop of York, received his pall from Rome, which confirmed him as archbishop, and he ordained two bishops, Fruidberd and Fruidwald. However, some attribute this to the year 744.


Cuthred king of the Westsaxons, he is greatlie troubled by Ethelbald king of Mercia, they are pacified; Kenric king Cuthreds sonne slaine, earle Adelme rebelleth against him whom the king pardoneth; Cuthred fighteth with Ethelbald at Hereford, he hath the victorie, he falleth sicke and dieth; Sigebert succedeth him in the kingdome, he is cruell to his people, he is expelled from his roiall estate, murther reuenged with murther, succession in the kingdome of Eastangles, kings change their crownes for moonks cowles; the Britaines subiect to the king of Northumberland and the king of Picts, the moone eclipsed.

Cuthred, king of the West Saxons, was greatly troubled by Ethelbald, king of Mercia, but they eventually made peace. Kenric, Cuthred's son, was killed, and Earl Adelme rebelled against him, but the king forgave him. Cuthred fought Ethelbald at Hereford, won the battle, but then fell ill and died. Sigebert succeeded him as king; he was cruel to his people and was eventually removed from power. Murder was retaliated with murder, and there was a change in the kingdom of the East Angles, with kings exchanging their crowns for monks' cowls. The Britons were subject to the king of Northumberland and the king of the Picts, while the moon was eclipsed.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

CUTHRED. After the decease of Ethelard king of Westsaxons, his coosine Cuthred was made king and gouernour of those people, reigning the tearme of 16
740.
yéeres. He began his reigne in the yeere of our Lord 740, in the twentie fourth yere of the emperour Leo Isaurus, in the 14 yéere of the reigne of the second Theodorus Cala K. of France, and about the 6 yéere of Ethfine king of Scots. This Cuthred had much to doo against Edilbald Matt. West.
Hen. Hunt.
king of Mercia, who one while with stirring his owne subiects the Westsaxons to rebellion, an other while with open warre, and sometime by secret craft and subtill practises sought to disquiet him. Howbeit, in the fourth yeere of his reigne, a peace was concluded betwixt them, and then ioining their powers togither, they went against the Welshmen, & gaue them a great ouerthrow, as before is partlie touched. In the 9 Kenric the kings sonne slaine. yeere of this Cuthreds reigne, his sonne Kenric was slaine in a seditious tumult amongst his men of warre, a gentleman yoong in yeeres, but of a stout courage, and verie forward, wherby (as was thought) he
749.
came the sooner to his wofull end.

Cuthred. After the death of Ethelard, king of the West Saxons, his cousin Cuthred was appointed king and ruler of the people, reigning for 16 740. years. He began his reign in the year 740 AD, during the twenty-fourth year of Emperor Leo Isaurus, in the 14th year of the reign of the second Theodorus Cala, king of France, and about the 6th year of Ethfine, king of Scots. Cuthred faced many challenges from Edilbald Matt. West.
Hen. Hunt.
, king of Mercia, who at one time incited his own subjects, the West Saxons, to rebellion, and at another time engaged him in open warfare. Sometimes, he attempted to undermine him through secretive schemes and cunning tactics. However, in the fourth year of his reign, a peace was established between them, and then joining their forces together, they marched against the Welsh and dealt them a significant defeat, as previously mentioned. In the 9th Kenric, the king's son, killed. year of Cuthred's reign, his son Kenric was killed in a rebellious uprising among his soldiers; he was young but courageous and very eager, which was thought to have led to his premature and tragic demise.

Matth. West. 751. In the 11 yeere of his reigne, Cuthred had wars against one of his earls called Adelme, who raising a commotion against him, aduentured to giue battell though he had the smaller number of men, and yet was at point to haue gone away with victorie, if by a wound at that instant receiued, his periurie had not béene punished, and the kings iust cause aduanced to triumph ouer his aduersarie, whom yet by way of 752. Matt. West. reconciliation he pardoned. In the 13 yeere of his reigne, king[Page 645] Cuthred being not well able to susteine the proud exactions and hard dooings of Edilbald king of Mercia, raised his power, and encountered with the same Edilbald at Hereford, hauing before him the said earle Adelme, in whose valiant prowesse he put great hope to atteine victorie: neither was he deceiued, for by the stout conduct and noble courage of the said Adelme, the loftie pride of king Edelbald was K. Edilbald put to flight. abated, so that he was there put to flight, and all his armie discomfited, after sore and terrible fight continued and mainteined euen to the vttermost point. In the 24 yeere of his reigne, this Cuthred fought eftsoones with the Welshmen, and obteined the vpper hand, without anie great losse of his people: for the enimies were easilie put to flight and chased, to their owne destruction. In the yeere after, king Cuthred fell sicke, and in the 16 yéere of his reigne he departed this life, after so manie great victories got against his enimies.

Matth. West. 751. In the 11th year of his reign, Cuthred went to war against one of his earls named Adelme, who stirred up trouble against him and bravely decided to fight even though he had fewer men. He was almost victorious, but a wound he received at that moment punished his betrayal, and the king's just cause triumphed over his opponent, whom he later pardoned as part of a reconciliation. In the 13th year of his reign, King Cuthred, unable to bear the proud demands and harsh actions of Edilbald, the king of Mercia, gathered his forces and confronted Edilbald at Hereford. He had Adelme with him, in whom he placed great hope for victory. He was not disappointed; thanks to the brave leadership and noble courage of Adelme, King Edilbald's arrogance was subdued, and he was defeated in battle, with his entire army routed after a fierce and intense fight that lasted until the very end. In the 24th year of his reign, Cuthred engaged in battle again with the Welshmen and emerged victorious, suffering minimal losses among his people, as the enemy was easily put to flight and chased to their own destruction. The following year, King Cuthred fell ill, and in the 16th year of his reign, he passed away after achieving so many great victories against his foes.

SIGIBERT.
755.
After him succéeded one Sigibert, a cruell and vnmercifull prince at home, but yet a coward abroad. This Sigbert or Sigibert began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 755, verie néere ended. He intreated his subjects verie euill, setting law and reason at naught. He could not abide to heare his faults told him, and therefore he cruellie put to death an earle named Cumbra, which was of his councell, and faithfullie admonished him to reforme his euill dooings: wherevpon the rest of his nobles assembled themselues togither with a great multitude of people, and expelled him out of his estate in the beginning of the second, or (as some say) the first yeare of his reigne. Then Sigibert, as he was fearefull of nature; fearing to be apprehended, got him into the wood called as then Andredeswald, and there hid himselfe, but by chance a swineheard that belonged to the late earle Cumbra at Priuets-floud found him out, and perceiuing what he was, slue him in reuenge of his maisters death.

SIGIBERT.
755.
After him came Sigibert, a cruel and merciless prince at home, but a coward when it came to battle. Sigibert began his reign in the year 755, which was almost over. He treated his subjects very poorly, ignoring law and reason. He couldn't stand hearing his faults pointed out, so he brutally executed an earl named Cumbra, who was part of his council and faithfully advised him to change his wrongdoings. As a result, the rest of his nobles gathered together with a large crowd of people and removed him from power at the beginning of the second, or as some say, the first year of his reign. Then Sigibert, who was naturally fearful, afraid of being captured, fled into the forest known at the time as Andredeswald and hid there. However, by chance, a swineherd who had belonged to the late Earl Cumbra discovered him and, realizing who he was, killed him in revenge for his master's death.

¶ Lo here you may sée how the righteous iustice of God rewardeth wicked dooings in this world with worthie recompense, as well as in the world to come, appointing euill princes sometimes to reigne for the punishment of the people, according as they deserue, permitting some of them to haue gouernement a long time, that both the froward nations may suffer long for their sins, and that such wicked princes may in an other world tast the more bitter torments. Againe, other he taketh out of the waie, that the people may be deliuered from oppression, and also that the naughtie ruler for his misdemeanour may spéedilie receiue due punishment.

¶ Look here, you can see how the righteous justice of God rewards wicked actions in this world with appropriate consequences, just as in the next life, sometimes allowing evil rulers to reign as punishment for the people, according to what they deserve. He permits some of them to govern for a long time, so that both the rebellious nations may suffer for their sins and so that such wicked rulers may experience even harsher torments in the afterlife. On the other hand, He also removes others from power, so that the people can be freed from oppression and so that the corrupt ruler can quickly receive the punishment they deserve.

Ethelred.
738.
After Beorne king of Eastangles one Ethelred succéeded in gouernment of that kingdome a man noted to be of good and vertuous qualities, in that he brought vp his sonne Ethelred (which succéeded him) so in the feare of the Lord, that he prooued a right godlie prince. This Ethelbert reigned (as writers say) the terme of 52 yeares.

Ethelred.
738.
After Beorne, king of the East Angles, Ethelred took over the leadership of that kingdom. He was known for his good and virtuous qualities, raising his son Ethelred (who succeeded him) with a strong reverence for the Lord, which made him a truly godly prince. This Ethelbert reigned, as historians say, for 52 years.

Egbert king of Northumberland.
758.
After that Ceolvulfe king of Northumberland was become a moonke in the abbie of Lindesferne, his vncles sonne Egbert (by order taken by the said Ceolvulfe) succeeded him in the kingdome, and gouerned the same right woorthilie for the terme of 24 yeares, and then became a moonke, by the example both of his predecessor the forsaid Ceolvulfe, and also
Changing of crownes for moonkes cowles.
of diuers other kings in those daies, so that he was the eight king who in this land had changed a kings crowne for a moonks cowle (as Simon Dunel. writeth.)

Egbert, King of Northumberland.
758.
After Ceolvulfe, King of Northumberland, became a monk at the Abbey of Lindisfarne, his nephew Egbert (as arranged by Ceolvulfe) took over the kingdom and ruled it very well for 24 years. After that, he also became a monk, following the example of his predecessor Ceolvulfe and several other kings of that time. He was the eighth king in this land to exchange a royal crown for a monk's cowl (as noted by Simon Dunel).

756.This Egbert (in the 18 yeare of his reigne) and Vngust king of Picts came to the citie of Alcluid with their armies, and there receiued the Britains into their subiection, the first-day of August: but the tenth day of the same month, the armie which he led from Ouan vnto Newbourgh, was for the more part lost and destroied. ¶ The same yeare on the 8 kalends of December, the moone being as then in hir full, appeared to be of a bloudie colour, but at length she came to hir accustomed shew, after a maruellous meanes, for a starre which followed hir, passed by hir, & went before hir, the like distāce as it kept in following hir before she lost hir vsuall light.

756. In the 18th year of his reign, Egbert and Vungust, the king of the Picts, came to the city of Alcluid with their armies and forced the Britains into submission on August 1st. However, on the 10th of that same month, most of the army he led from Ouan to Newbourgh was lost and destroyed. ¶ That year, on December 8th, during a full moon, it appeared to be blood-red, but eventually returned to its usual appearance in a surprising way, as a star that had been following it passed by and went ahead of it, keeping the same distance it maintained while following before the moon lost its normal light.


[Page 646]

[Page 646]

Offa king of Mercia, his manhood and victories against the Kentishmen and Westsaxons, he killeth Egilbert king of Eastangles by a policie or subtill deuise of profered curtesie, he inuadeth his kingdome, and possesseth it, the archbishops see of Canturburie remoued to Lichfield; archbishop Lambert laboring to defend his prerogatiue is depriued by king Offa, he seizeth vpon churches and religious houses; mistrusting his estate, he alieth himselfe with other princes; he maketh amends for the wrongs that he had doone to churches and religious houses, he goeth to Rome, maketh his realme tributarie to the said see, Peter pence paid, he falleth sicke and dieth, places to this day bearing his name in memorie of him, the short reigne of his sonne.

Offa, king of Mercia, known for his strength and victories against the Kentishmen and West Saxons, killed Egilbert, king of the East Angles, through a clever trick disguised as an offer of friendship. He invaded his kingdom and took control of it, moving the archbishopric of Canterbury to Lichfield. Archbishop Lambert, trying to protect his rights, was stripped of his position by King Offa. The king seized churches and religious houses. Fearing for his position, he allied himself with other rulers. He made amends for the wrong he had done to churches and religious houses, went to Rome, made his kingdom pay tribute to that see, and paid Peter's Pence. He fell ill and died, with places still bearing his name today in his memory, alongside the brief reign of his son.

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

OFFA.
758.
After that Offa had slaine Bernred the vsurper of the kingdome of Mercia (as before is mentioned) the same Offa tooke vppon him the gouernment of that kingdome 758, a man of such stoutnesse of stomach, Matth. West.
Wil. Malm.
that he thought he should be able to bring to passe all things whatsoeuer he conceiued in his mind. He reigned 39 yeares. His dooings were great and maruellous, and such as some times his vertues surpassed his vices, and sometime againe his vices seemed to ouermatch his The victories of king Offa. Matth. West. vertues. He ouercame the Kentishmen in a great battell at Otteford, and the Northumbers also were by him vanquished, and in battell put to
779.
flight. With Kenvulfe king of Westsaxons he fought in open battell, and obteined a noble victorie, with small losse of his people, although the same Kenwulfe was a right valiant prince, and a good capteine.

OFFA.
758.
After Offa killed Bernred, the usurper of the kingdom of Mercia (as mentioned before), he took over the governance of that kingdom in 758. He was a man of such determination that he believed he could accomplish anything he imagined. He reigned for 39 years. His actions were significant and remarkable; at times, his virtues outshone his vices, and at other times, his vices appeared to overshadow his virtues. He defeated the Kentishmen in a major battle at Otteford, and he also conquered the Northumbrians, forcing them into retreat. He fought King Kenwulfe of the West Saxons in open battle and achieved a notable victory with minimal losses among his troops, even though Kenwulfe was a valiant prince and a capable leader.

Falsehood in fellowship. Againe, perceiuing that to procéed with craft, should sooner aduance his purpose, than to vse open force against Egilbert king of Eastangles, vnder faire promises to giue vnto him his daughter in mariage, he allured him to come into Mercia, and receiuing him into his palace, caused his head to be striken off, and after by wrongfull meanes inuaded his kingdome, and got it into his possession: yet he caused the bones of the first martyr of this land saint Albane (by a miraculous meanes brought to light) to be taken vp, and put in a rich shrine adorned with gold and stone, building a goodlie church of excellent woorkmanship, and founding a monasterie in that place in honor of the same saint, which he indowed with great possessions. He The archbishops sée remoued from Canturburie to Lichfield.
785.
remoued the archbishops see from Canturburie vnto Lichfield, thereby to aduance his kingdome of Mercia, as well in dignitie & preheminence of spirituall power as temporall. He made great suit to bring his purpose Matt. West. to passe in the court of Rome, and at length by great gifts and rewards obteined it at the hands of pope Adrian the first, then gouerning the Romane sée. And so Eadulfus then bishop of Lichfield was adorned with the pall, and taken for archbishop, hauing all those bishops within the limits of king Offa his dominion suffragans vnto him; namelie, Denebertus bishop of Worcester, Werebertus bishop of Chester, Eadulfus bishop of Dorcester, Wilnardus bishop of Hereford, Halard bishop of Elsham, and Cedferth bishop of Donwich. There remained onelie to the archbishop of Canturburie, the bishops of London, Winchester, Rochester, and Shireburne.

Dishonesty in friendship. Again, realizing that using cunning would advance his goals more effectively than open aggression against Egilbert, the king of the East Angles, he lured him to come to Mercia with promises of giving him his daughter in marriage. Once he was welcomed into his palace, he had him beheaded and then wrongfully invaded his kingdom, seizing it for himself. However, he had the bones of the first martyr of this land, Saint Alban, miraculously discovered, exhumed, and placed in a lavish shrine decorated with gold and precious stones. He built a magnificent church of excellent craftsmanship and founded a monastery at that location in honor of the same saint, endowing it with substantial wealth. He The archbishops were relocated from Canterbury to Lichfield.
785.
moved the archbishop's seat from Canterbury to Lichfield to elevate his kingdom of Mercia in both spiritual authority and temporal power. He worked hard to achieve this in the court of Rome and ultimately succeeded, after giving substantial gifts and rewards, in obtaining it from Pope Adrian I, who was then governing the Roman see. Consequently, Eadulf, the bishop of Lichfield, was honored with the pallium and acknowledged as the archbishop, having all the bishops within the domain of King Offa as his suffragans; namely, Denebertus, bishop of Worcester, Werebertus, bishop of Chester, Eadulfus, bishop of Dorcester, Wilnardus, bishop of Hereford, Halard, bishop of Elsham, and Cedferth, bishop of Dunwich. Only the bishops of London, Winchester, Rochester, and Sherborne remained under the archbishop of Canterbury.

The archbishop Lambert defended his cause. This separation continued all the life time of the archbishop Lambert, although he trauelled earnestlie to mainteine his prerogatiue. Now, for that he still defended his cause, and would not reuolt from his will, Offa depriued him of all his possessions & reuenues that he held or inioied within anie part of his dominions. Neither was Offa satisfied herewith, but he also tooke into his hands the possessions of manie other churches, and fléeced the house of Malmesburie of a part of hir reuenues. Because of these & other his hard dooings, doubting the Offa alieth himselfe with other princes. malice of his enimies, he procured the friendship of forren princes. Matt. Westm. Vnto Brightricke king of the Westsaxons he gaue his daughter Ethelburga in mariage. And sending diuers ambassadours ouer vnto Charles the great, that was both emperor & king of France, he purchased his friendship at length, although before there had depended a péece The intercourse of merchants staied. of displeasure betwixt them, insomuch that the intercourse for trade of[Page 647] merchandize was staied for a time. One of the ambassadours that was sent vnto the said Charles (as is reported) was that famous clearke Alcwine an Englishman. Albine or Alcwine, by whose persuasion the same Charles erected two vniuersities, as in place due and conuenient may more largelie appeare.

Archbishop Lambert defended his case. This separation lasted throughout the life of Archbishop Lambert, even though he worked hard to maintain his rights. Because he continued to defend his cause and refused to back down, Offa stripped him of all his possessions and revenues that he held within any part of his territories. Offa wasn’t satisfied with this; he also took the possessions of many other churches and robbed the house of Malmesbury of part of its revenues. Due to these and other harsh actions, fearing the hostility of his enemies, he sought the friendship of foreign princes. Offa teamed up with other princes. He gave his daughter Ethelburga in marriage to Brightrick, the king of the West Saxons. He sent various ambassadors to Charlemagne, who was both emperor and king of France, and eventually secured his friendship, even though there had previously been a period of tension between them, which had caused trade between their lands to be temporarily halted. One of the ambassadors sent to Charlemagne was the famous scholar Alcuin, an English person. Alcuin, by whose persuasion Charlemagne established two universities, as will be explained in more detail later.

Finallie king Offa (as it were for a meane to appease Gods wrath, which he doubted to be iustlie conceiued towards him for his sinnes and wickednesse) granted the tenth part of all his goods vnto churchmen, Polydor. and to poore people. He also indowed the church of Hereford with great reuenues, and (as some write) he builded the abbeie of Bath, placing moonkes in the same, of the order of saint Benet, as before he had doone at saint Albons. Moreouer he went vnto Rome, about the yeare of 775. our Lord 775, and there following the example of Inas king of the Westsaxons, made his realme subiect by way of tribute vnto the church Peter pence, or Rome Scot. Will. Malmes.
797.
of Rome, appointing that euerie house within the limits of his dominions, should yearelie pay vnto the apostolike see one pennie, which paiment was after named, Rome Scot, and Peter pence. After his returne from Rome, perceiuing himselfe to draw into yeares, he caused Offa departed this life. his sonne Egfrid to be ordeined king in his life time: and shortlie after departing out of this world, left the kingdome vnto him, after he had gouerned it by the space of 39 yeares.

Finally, King Offa (as a means to appease God's wrath, which he feared was justly directed at him for his sins and wrongdoing) granted a tenth of all his goods to churchmen and to poor people. He also endowed the church of Hereford with substantial revenues and (as some say) built the abbey of Bath, placing monks there of the order of Saint Benedict, just as he had previously done at Saint Albans. Moreover, he went to Rome around the year 775 AD, and following the example of Inas, King of the West Saxons, he made his kingdom subject to the church through tribute known as Peter's Pence. He arranged for every household within his territory to pay one penny yearly to the apostolic see, a payment later referred to as Rome Scot and Peter's Pence. After returning from Rome, recognizing that he was aging, he had his son Egfrid ordained as king during his lifetime; shortly after departing this world, he left the kingdom to him after having governed it for 39 years.

Amongst other the dooings of this Offa, which suerlie were great and maruellous, this may not passe with silence, that he caused a mightie great ditch to be cast betwixt the marshes of his countrie, and the Welsh confines, to diuide thereby the bounds of their dominions. This Offditch. ditch was called Offditch euer after, and stretched from the south side by Bristow, vnder the mountaines of Wales, running northward ouer the riuers of Seuerne and Dée, vnto the verie mouth of Dee, where that riuer falleth into the sea. He likewise builded a church in Warwikeshire, whereof the towne there taketh name, and is called Egfrid king of Mercia. Offchurch euen to this day. Egfrid taking vpon him the rule, began to follow the approoued good dooings of his father, and first restored vnto the churches their ancient priuileges, which his father sometimes had taken from them. Great hope was conceiued of his further good procéeding, but death cut off the same, taking him out of this life, after he had reigned the space of foure moneths, not for his owne offenses (as was thought) but rather for that his father had caused so much bloud to be spilt for the confirming of him in the kingdome, which so small a time he now inioied.

Among the many impressive things Offa did, one that stands out is that he had a huge ditch dug between the marshes of his country and the Welsh borders to separate their territories. This ditch became known as Offditch and ran from the south side near Bristol, under the mountains of Wales, heading north over the rivers Severn and Dee, all the way to the mouth of the Dee, where the river flows into the sea. He also built a church in Warwickshire, which gave its name to the town and is still called Offchurch today. When Egfrid took over as ruler, he began to follow in his father's footsteps, first restoring the churches' ancient privileges that his father had taken away. There was great hope for his future good deeds, but death cut that short, taking him from this life after just four months of reign, not because of his own wrongdoings (or so it was believed), but rather because his father had spilled so much blood to secure his place on the throne, which he enjoyed for such a brief period.


Osulph king of Northumberland traitorouslie murthered, Edilwald succeedeth him, the reward of rebellion, a great mortalitie of foules fishes and fruits, moonkes licenced to drinke wine, great wast by fire, Edelred king of Northumberland is driuen out of his countrie by two dukes of the same, Ethelbert king of the Eastangles commended for his vertues, Alfred the daughter of king Mercia is affianced to him, tokens of missehaps towards him, his destruction intended by queene Quendred, hir platforme of the practise to kill him, Offa inuadeth Ethelberts kingdome, Alfred his betrothed wife taketh his death greuouslie, and becommeth a nun, the decaie of the kingdome of Eastangles, succession in the regiment of the Westsaxons, the end of the gouernement of the Eastsaxons, prince Algar is smitten blind for seeking to rauish virgine Friswide, and at hir praiers restored to his sight.

Osulph, king of Northumberland, was treacherously murdered, and Edilwald succeeded him, the consequence of rebellion. There was a significant mortality of birds, fish, and fruits, and monks were allowed to drink wine. There was widespread destruction by fire. Edelred, king of Northumberland, was driven out of his country by two dukes from there. Ethelbert, king of the East Angles, was praised for his virtues, and Alfred, the daughter of the king of Mercia, was betrothed to him. Signs of misfortune loomed over him, and Queen Quendred plotted his destruction, creating a scheme to kill him. Offa invaded Ethelbert’s kingdom, and Alfred, his fiancée, mourned his death deeply and became a nun. The kingdom of East Angles declined, leading to a change in leadership in the West Saxons and the end of the East Saxons' governance. Prince Algar was struck blind for attempting to violate the virgin Friswide, and at her prayers, he was restored to sight.

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

EADBERT king of Northumberland. When Eadbert or Egbert K. of Northumberland was become a moonke, his sonne Osulphus succéeded him: but after he had reigned onelie one yeare, he was traitorouslie murthered by his owne seruants at
758.
Mikilwongton, on the 9 kalends of August. Then succéeded one Moll, Simon Dun.
Hen. Hunt.


Edilwold king of Northumberland


Simon Dun.
Henr. Hunt.
otherwise called Edilwold or Edilwald, but not immediatlie, for he began not his reigne till the nones of August in the yeare following, which was after the birth of our sauiour 759.

Eadbert, King of Northumberland. When Eadbert, or Egbert, king of Northumberland, became a monk, his son Osulph succeeded him. However, after only one year of reigning, he was treacherously murdered by his own servants at 758. Mikilwongton, on the 9th of the Kalends of August. Then came Moll, Simon Dun.
Hen. Hunt.
Edilwold, King of Northumberland

Simon Dun.
Henr. Hunt.
also known as Edilwold or Edilwald, but not immediately, as he did not begin his reign until the Nones of August in the following year, which was after the birth of our Savior 759.

This man prooued right valiant in gouernement of his subiects. He slue[Page 648] in battell an earle of his countrie named Oswin, who arrearing warre against him, fought with him in a pitcht field at Eadwines Cliue, and receiued the worthie reward of rebellion.

This man proved to be very brave in governing his subjects. He killed[Page 648] in battle an earl of his country named Oswin, who waged war against him. They fought in a pitched battle at Eadwines Cliffe and Oswin received the fitting consequence for his rebellion.

Simon Dun. 764. This chanced in the third yeare of his reigne, and shortlie after, that is to say, in the yeare of our Lord 764, there fell such a maruellous great snow, and therwith so extreame a frost, as the like had not béene heard of, continuing from the beginning of the winter, almost till the middest of the spring, with the rigour whereof, trees and fruits withered awaie, and lost their liuelie shape and growth: and not onelie feathered foules, but also beasts on the land, & fishes in the sea died in great numbers. The same yeare died Ceolwulf then king of Northumberland, vnto whome Beda did dedicate his booke of histories of the English nation. After that he was become a moonke in the monasterie Moonks licenced to drinke wine. of Lindesferne, the moonks of that house had licence to drinke wine, or ale, whereas before they might not drinke anie other thing than milke, or water, by the ancient rule prescribed them of the bishop Aidan first founder of the place. The same yeare sundrie cities, townes, and monasteries were defaced and sore wasted with fier chancing on the sudden, as Stretehu, Giwento, Anwicke, London, Yorke, Doncaster, &c.

Simon Dun. 764. This happened in the third year of his reign, and shortly after, specifically in the year 764 AD, there was an incredibly heavy snowfall and an extreme frost like nothing that had ever been recorded. This harsh weather persisted from the start of winter almost until the middle of spring. Its severity caused trees and fruits to wither away, losing their vibrant shape and growth. Not only did birds perish in large numbers, but also land animals and fish in the sea. That same year, Ceolwulf, the king of Northumberland, died, to whom Bede dedicated his book of the histories of the English nation. After he became a monk at the monastery of Lindisfarne, the monks of that house were granted permission to drink wine or ale, whereas previously they were only allowed to consume milk or water, according to the ancient rule set by Bishop Aidan, the original founder of the place. That same year, several cities, towns, and monasteries were damaged and severely devastated by sudden fires, including Stretehu, Giwento, Anwicke, London, York, Doncaster, etc.

After that Moll had reigned 6 yeares, he resigned his kingdome. But other write that he reigned 11 yeares, and was in the end slaine by Wil. Malm. Altred began his reigne in the yeare 765 as Sim. Dun. saith. treason of his successor Altred. This Altred reigned ten years ouer the Northumbers, and was then expelled out of his kingdome by his owne Henr. Hunt.
Matth. West.


Ethelbert.
subiects. Then was Ethelbert, named also Edelred, the sonne of the foresaid Moll, made king of Northumberland, and in the fift yeare of his reigne, he was driuen out of his kingdome by two dukes of his countrie named Edelbald and Herebert, who mouing warre against him, had slaine first Aldulfe the sonne of Bosa the generall of his armie at Kingescliffe; and after Kinewulfe and Egga, other two of his dukes, at Helatherne in a sore foughten field: so that Ethelbert despairing of all recouerie, was constrained to get him out of the countrie. And thus was the kingdome of Northumberland brought into a miserable state, by the ambitious working of the princes and nobles of the same.

After Moll had ruled for 6 years, he gave up his kingdom. However, others say that he ruled for 11 years and was ultimately killed due to the treachery of his successor Altred. Altred ruled for ten years over the Northumbrians, but was then removed from his throne by his own subjects. Then, Ethelbert, also known as Edelred, the son of Moll, became king of Northumberland. In the fifth year of his reign, he was driven out of his kingdom by two dukes of his land named Edelbald and Herebert. They waged war against him and killed Aldulfe, the son of Bosa, the general of his army at Kingescliffe; and later Kinewulfe and Egga, two more of his dukes, at Helatherne in a fiercely contested battle. With all hope of recovery lost, Ethelbert was forced to flee the country. Thus, the kingdom of Northumberland fell into a miserable state, due to the ambitious actions of its princes and nobles.

Henr. Hunt.
Iohn Capgraue.
Matth. West.
and others.
Ethelbert king of Eastangles. After that Ethelbert king of Eastangles was dead, his sonne Ethelbert succéeded him, a prince of great towardnesse, and so vertuouslie brought vp by his fathers circumspect care and diligence, that he vtterlie abhorred vice, and delighted onelie in vertue and commendable exercises, for the better atteining to knowledge and vnderstanding of good sciences. There remaine manie sundrie saiengs & dooings of him, manifestlie bearing witnesse that there could not be a man more honorable, thankefull, courteous or gentle. Amongest other he had this The saieng of king Ethelbert. saieng oftentimes in his mouth, that the greater that men were, the more humble they ought to beare themselues: for the Lord putteth proud and mightie men from their seates, and exalteth the humble and méeke.

Henr. Hunt.
Iohn Capgraue.
Matth. West.
and others.
Ethelbert, king of the East Angles. After Ethelbert, king of East Angles, passed away, his son Ethelbert took his place. He was a remarkable prince, raised with great care and diligence by his father, to the point that he completely detested vice and only enjoyed virtue and honorable activities, aiming to enhance his knowledge and understanding of good sciences. Many various sayings and deeds of his remain, clearly showing that there could not be a man more honorable, grateful, courteous, or kind. Among other things, he often said that the greater a person was, the more humble they should be: for the Lord brings down the proud and powerful from their thrones and lifts up the humble and meek.

Moreouer he did not onelie shew himselfe wise in words, but desired also to excell in staiednesse of maners, and continencie of life. Whereby he wan to him the hearts of his people, who perceiuing that he was nothing delighted in the companie of women, and therefore minded not mariage, they of a singular loue and fauour towards him, required that he should in anie wise yet take a wife, that he might haue issue to succéed him. At length the matter being referred to his councell, he was persuaded to follow their aduises. And so Alfreda the daughter of Offa king of Mercia was affianced to him: so that he himselfe appointed (as meanes to procure more fauour at his father in lawes hands) to go fetch the bride from hir fathers house.

Moreover, he not only showed himself wise in his words, but also aimed to excel in composure of behavior and self-control in his life. This won him the hearts of his people, who noticed that he took no pleasure in the company of women and had no intention of marrying. Out of a special love and favor for him, they urged him to take a wife so he could have an heir to succeed him. Eventually, the matter was brought before his council, and they convinced him to heed their advice. Thus, Alfreda, the daughter of Offa, king of Mercia, was betrothed to him; he even decided to go and bring the bride home from her father's house as a way to gain more favor with his father-in-law.

Manie strange things that happened to him in taking vpon him this iournie, put him in great doubt of that which should follow. He was no Tokens of mishap to follow. sooner mounted on his horsse, but that (as séemed to him) the earth shooke vnder him: againe, as he was in his iournie, about the mid-time of the day, such a darke mist compassed him on ech side, that he could not sée nor discerne for a certeine time anie thing about him at all: lastlie, as he laie one night asléepe, he thought he saw in a dreame the roofe of his owne palace fall downe to the ground. But though with these things he was brought into great feare, yet he kept on his The innocent mistrustfull of no euill. iournie, as he that mistrusted no deceit, measuring other mens maners by his owne. King Offa right honourablie receiued him: but his wife[Page 649] named Quendred, a wise woman, but therewith wicked, conceiued a malicious deuise in hir hart, & streightwaies went about to persuade hir husband to put it in execution, which was to murther king Ethelbert, and after to take into his hands his kingdome.

Strange things happened to him during this journey that made him doubt what would come next. As soon as he got on his horse, it felt like the ground shook beneath him. Then, while he was on his journey around midday, a thick fog surrounded him on all sides, and for a while, he couldn't see or make out anything around him. Lastly, one night while he was sleeping, he dreamt that the roof of his own palace collapsed to the ground. Despite these fears, he continued on his journey, trusting others and judging their actions by his own. King Offa received him very honorably, but his wife, named Quendred—who was wise but also wicked—hatched a malicious plan in her heart and immediately tried to persuade her husband to carry it out, which was to murder King Ethelbert and then seize his kingdom.

Offa at the first was offended with his wife for this motion, but in the end, through the importunate request of the woman, he consented to Iohn Capgr. Winnebert. hir mind. The order of the murther was committed vnto one Winnebert, that had serued both the said Ethelbert & his father before time, the Sim. Dun. saith 771. which feining as though he had béene sent from Offa to will Ethelbert Offa conquereth Eastangles. to come vnto him in the night season, slue him that once mistrusted not anie such treason. Offa hauing thus dispatched Ethelbert, inuaded his kingdome, and conquered it.

Offa was initially upset with his wife for her suggestion, but ultimately, after her persistent pleading, he agreed to her plan. The task of carrying out the murder was entrusted to a man named Winnebert, who had previously served both Ethelbert and his father. Pretending to have been sent by Offa to ask Ethelbert to meet him at night, Winnebert killed Ethelbert, who never suspected any such betrayal. After eliminating Ethelbert, Offa invaded his kingdom and conquered it.

But when the bride Alfreda vnderstood the death of hir liked make and bridegrome, abhorring the fact, she curssed father and mother, and as it were inspired with the spirit of prophesie, pronounced that woorthie punishment would shortlie fall on hir wicked mother for hir heinous crime committed in persuading so detestable a déed: and according to hir woords it came to passe, for hir mother died miserablie within Alfreda a nun. Beda. Matth. West. three moneths after. The maid Alfreda refusing the world, professed hirselfe a nun at Crowland, the which place began to wax famous about the yéere of our Lord 695, by the meanes of one Gutlake, a man esteemed of great vertue and holinesse, which chose to himselfe an habitation there, and departing this life about the yéere of our Lord 714, was buried in that place, where afterwards an abbeie of moonks was builded of saint Benets order. The bodie of K. Ethelbert at length was buried at Hereford, though first it was committed to buriall in a vile place, néere to the banke of a riuer called Lug.

But when the bride Alfreda learned about the death of her beloved and groom, horrified by the news, she cursed her father and mother. As if inspired with the spirit of prophecy, she declared that a worthy punishment would soon come down on her wicked mother for her terrible crime of persuading such a loathsome act. And just as she said, it happened; her mother died miserably three months later. The maiden Alfreda, turning her back on the world, dedicated herself as a nun at Crowland, a place that started to gain fame around the year 695 AD, thanks to a man named Gutlake, who was known for his great virtue and holiness. He chose to live there and passed away around the year 714 AD, being buried at that site, where later an abbey of monks was established under Saint Benedict's order. Eventually, the body of King Ethelbert was buried in Hereford, although it was initially laid to rest in a despicable spot near the bank of a river called Lug.

The kingdome of Eastangles from thencefoorth was brought so into decaie, that it remained subiect one while vnto them of Mercia, an other while vnto the Westsaxons, and somewhile vnto them of Kent, till that Edmund surnamed the martyr got the gouernment thereof (as after shall appéere.) After that Selred king of the Eastsaxons had gouerned H. Hunt. the tearme of 38 yéeres, he was slaine, but in what maner, writers haue not expressed. After him succéeded one Swithed or Swithred, the 11 and last in number that particularlie gouerned those people. He was finallie expelled by Egbert K. of Westsaxons, the same yéere that the said Egbert ouercame the Kentishmen (as after shall be shewed) and so the kings of that kingdome of the Eastsaxons ceassed and tooke end.

The kingdom of East Anglia then fell into decline, becoming subject at times to the Mercians, at other times to the West Saxons, and for a while to the Kentish people, until Edmund, known as the Martyr, took over its leadership (as will be shown later). After Selred, king of the East Saxons, ruled for 38 years, he was killed, but the details of his death are not recorded. He was succeeded by a ruler named Swithed or Swithred, the 11th and last to govern those people. Ultimately, he was ousted by Egbert, king of the West Saxons, in the same year that Egbert defeated the Kentishmen (as will be detailed later), marking the end of kingship for the East Saxons.

Friswide a virgine. ¶ About this time, there was a maid in Oxford named Friswide, daughter to a certeine duke or noble man called Didanus, with whome one Algar a prince in those parties fell in loue, and would haue rauished hir, but God the reuenger of sinnes was at hand (as the storie saith.) For when Algar followed the maid that fled before him, she getting into the towne, the gate was shut against him, and his sight also was suddenlie taken from him. But the maid by hir praiers pacified Gods wrath towards him, so that his sight was againe restored to him. But whether this be a fable or a true tale, héereof grew the report, that the kings of this realme long times after were afraid to enter into the citie of Oxford. So easilie is the mind of man turned to superstition (as saith Polydor.)

Friswide is a virgin. ¶ Around this time, there was a young woman in Oxford named Friswide, the daughter of a certain duke or nobleman named Didanus. A prince in that area named Algar fell in love with her and wanted to abduct her, but God, who punishes sins, intervened (as the story goes). When Algar pursued the fleeing maid, she managed to enter the town, and the gate was shut against him, causing him to suddenly lose his sight. However, the maid, through her prayers, calmed God's anger towards him, and his sight was restored. Whether this is a fable or a true story, it led to the belief that kings of this realm were afraid to enter the city of Oxford for many years afterward. The human mind can so easily turn to superstition (as Polydor says).


[Page 650]

[Page 650]

Kinewulfe king of Westsaxons, his conquest ouer the Britains, his securitie and negligence, he is slaine by conspirators, inquisition for Kineard the principall procurer of that mischiefe, he is slaine in fight; legats from the pope to the kings and archbishops of this land about reformation in the church, a councell holden at Mercia; iudge Bearne burnt to death for crueltie, Alfwold reigneth ouer Northumberland, his owne subiects murther him; a booke of articles sent by Charles king of France into Britaine quite contrarie to the christian faith, Albinus writeth against it; great waste by tempests of wind and rage of fire.

Kinewulfe, king of the West Saxons, his conquest over the Britains, his security and negligence, he is killed by conspirators; an investigation into Kineard, the main instigator of that wrongdoing, he is killed in battle; legates from the pope to the kings and archbishops of this land regarding church reform; a council held in Mercia; judge Bearne burned to death for cruelty; Alfwold reigns over Northumberland, his own subjects murder him; a book of articles sent by Charles, king of France, to Britain completely contrary to the Christian faith, Albinus writes against it; significant destruction caused by storms and wildfires.

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

KINEWULF.
756.
Hen. Hunt. After that the Westsaxons had depriued their vnprofitable king Sigibert, they aduanced Kinewulfe, or Cinevulfus, the which began his reigne about the yéere of our Lord 756, which was in the 16 yéere of the emperor Constantinus, surnamed Copronimos, in the 6 yéere of the Simon Dun. saith 755. reigne of Pipin king of France, and about the 22 yéere of Ethfine king of Scots. This Kinewulfe prooued a right woorthie and valiant prince, The Britains vanquished. and was descended of the right line of Cerdicus. He obteined great victories against the Britains or Welshmen, but at Bensington or Benton he lost a battell against Offa king of Mercia, in the 24 yéere of his reigne: and from that time forward tasting manie displeasures, at length through his owne follie came vnto a shamefull end. For whereas he had reigned a long time neither slouthfullie nor presumptuouslie, yet now as it were aduanced with the glorie of things passed, he either thought that nothing could go against him, or else doubted the suertie of their state whom he should leaue behind him, and therefore he confined one Kineard the brother of Sigibert, whose fame he perceiued to increase more than he would haue wished.

KINEWULF. 756. Chicken. Hunt. After the West Saxons removed their ineffective king, Sigibert, they promoted Kinewulf, also known as Cinevulfus, who began his reign around the year 756 AD. This was during the 16th year of Emperor Constantinus, nicknamed Copronimos, in the 6th year of the reign of Pepin, king of France, and around the 22nd year of Ethfine, king of Scots. Kinewulf proved to be a worthy and brave ruler, descended from the true line of Cerdicus. He achieved significant victories against the Britons or Welsh, but at Bensington or Benton, he lost a battle against Offa, king of Mercia, in the 24th year of his reign. From that point on, he faced many troubles, ultimately meeting a disgraceful end due to his own foolishness. Although he had ruled for a long time without being either lazy or arrogant, now, buoyed by past glories, he seemed to believe nothing could harm him, or he doubted the safety of those he would leave behind. As a result, he exiled Kineard, the brother of Sigibert, whose reputation was growing more than he would have liked.

This Kineard dissembling the matter, as he that could giue place to time, got him out of the countrie, and after by a secret conspiracie assembled togither a knot of vngratious companie, and returning priuilie into the countrie againe, watched his time, till he espied that the king with a small number of his seruants was come vnto the house of a noble woman, whome he kept a paramour at Merton, wherevpon the said Kineard vpon the sudden beset the house round about. The king perceiuing himselfe thus besieged of his enimies, at the first caused the doores to be shut, supposing either by curteous woords to appease his enimies, or with his princelie authoritie to put them in feare.

This Kineard, pretending to handle matters carefully and understanding the importance of timing, left the country. Later, through a secret conspiracy, he gathered a group of ungrateful companions and quietly returned to the country. He waited for the right moment until he saw the king, along with a few of his servants, visiting the home of a noblewoman he was romantically involved with in Merton. Kineard then suddenly surrounded the house. Realizing he was besieged by his enemies, the king first ordered the doors to be shut, hoping he could either calm them down with kind words or intimidate them with his royal authority.

But when he saw that by neither meane he could doo good, in a great chafe he brake foorth of the house vpon Kineard, and went verie néere to haue killed him: but being compassed about with multitude of enimies, whilest he stood at defense, thinking it a dishonour for him Kinewulfe slaine by conspirators. to flée, he was beaten downe and slaine, togither with those few of his seruants which he had there with him, who chose rather to die in séeking reuenge of their maisters death than by cowardise to yéeld themselues into the murtherers hands. There escaped none except one Welshman or Britaine, an hostage, who was neuerthelesse sore wounded and hurt.

But when he saw that he couldn't do any good through either means, he burst out of the house after Kineard in a great rage and almost killed him. However, surrounded by a crowd of enemies, while he was defending himself, he thought it would be dishonorable to flee. As a result, he was beaten down and killed, along with the few servants who were with him, who preferred to die seeking revenge for their master's death rather than surrendering to the murderers out of cowardice. Only one person escaped—a Welshman or Briton, a hostage—who was nonetheless badly wounded.

The brute of such an heinous act was streightwaies blowne ouer all, and brought with speed to the eares of the noble men and peeres of the realme, which were not farre off the place where this slaughter had béene committed. Amongst other, one Osrike, for his age and wisedome accounted of most authoritie, exhorted the residue that in no wise they should suffer the death of their souereigne lord to passe vnpunished vnto their perpetuall shame and reproofe. Wherevpon in all hast they ran to the place where they knew to find Kineard, who at the first began to please his cause, to make large promises, to pretend coosenage, and so foorth: but when he perceiued all that he could say or doo might not preuaile, he incouraged his companie to shew themselues valiant, and to resist their enimies to the vttermost of their powers. Heerevpon followed a doubtfull fight, the one part striuing to saue their liues, and the other to atteine honour, and punish the slaughter of their souereigne lord. At length the victorie[Page 651] rested on the side where the right was, so that the wicked murtherer after he had fought a while, at length was slaine, togither with Simon Dun.
H. Hunt
fourescore and eight of his mates. The kings bodie was buried at Winchester, & the murtherers at Repingdon. Such was the end of king Kinewulfe, after he had reigned the tearme of 31 yéeres.

The news of such a horrific act quickly spread and reached the noblemen and peers of the realm, who were not far from the site of the massacre. Among them, Osrike, respected for his age and wisdom, urged the others not to let their sovereign lord's death go unpunished, as it would bring them lasting shame and reproach. They rushed to the location where they knew Kineard would be found. At first, he tried to defend himself, making grand promises and pretending innocence, but when he realized that nothing he said or did was making a difference, he rallied his men to fight bravely and resist their enemies with all their might. This led to a fierce battle, with one side fighting to save their lives and the other seeking honor and justice for the murder of their king. Ultimately, victory went to the side of justice, and the wicked murderer was slain after a tough fight, along with eighty-eight of his companions. The king's body was buried at Winchester, while the murderers were laid to rest at Repingdon. Thus ended King Kinewulfe's reign of 31 years.

Eccle. hist.
Magd.
786. In the yeere of our Lord 786, pope Adrian sent two legats into England, Gregorie, or (as some copies haue) George bishop of Ostia, and Theophylactus bishop of Tuderto, with letters commendatorie vnto Offa king of Mercia, Alfwold king of Northumberland, Ieanbright or Lambert archbishop of Canturburie, and Eaubald archbishop of Yorke. These H. Hunt. Legats from the pope. legats were gladlie receiued, not onlie by the foresaid kings and archbishops, but also of all other the high estates, aswell spirituall as temporall of the land, & namelie of Kinewulfe king of the Westsaxons, which repaired vnto king Offa to take counsell with him for reformation of such articles as were conteined in the popes letters.

Eccle. hist.
Magd.
786. In the year 786, Pope Adrian sent two legates to England: Gregory, or (as some versions have it) George, Bishop of Ostia, and Theophylactus, Bishop of Tuderto, with commendatory letters to Offa, King of Mercia; Alfwold, King of Northumberland; Ieanbright or Lambert, Archbishop of Canterbury; and Eaubald, Archbishop of York. These H. Hunt. Papal legates. legates were warmly welcomed, not only by the aforementioned kings and archbishops but also by all the other high-ranking officials, both spiritual and temporal of the land, including Kinewulfe, King of the West Saxons, who came to King Offa to discuss the reforms outlined in the Pope's letters.

Twentie articles which the legats had to propone. There were twentie seuerall articles which they had to propone on the popes behalfe, as touching the receiuing of the faith or articles established by the Nicene councell, and obeieng of the other generall councels, with instructions concerning baptisme and kéeping of synods yéerelie, for the examination of priests and ministers, and reforming of naughtie liuers. Moreouer touching discretion to be vsed in admitting of gouernors in monasteries, and curats or priests to the ministerie in churches: and further for the behauior of priests in wearing their apparell, namelie that they should not presume to come to the altar bare legged, lest their dishonestie might be discouered. And that in no wise the chalice or paten were made of the horne of an oxe, bicause the same is bloudie of nature: nor the host of a crust, but of pure bread. Also whereas bishops vsed to sit in councels to iudge in secular causes, they were now forbidden so to doo.

Twenty articles that the representatives had to present. There were twenty separate articles that they had to present on the pope's behalf regarding the acceptance of the faith or articles established by the Nicene Council, and obeying the other general councils, with guidelines concerning baptism and holding synods every year, for the examination of priests and ministers, and reforming immoral behavior. Moreover, it addressed the discretion to be used in appointing governors in monasteries, and curates or priests for ministry in churches; and further concerning the behavior of priests in wearing their clothing, namely that they should not come to the altar bare-legged, to avoid revealing their indecency. Also, that the chalice or paten should not be made from an ox's horn, as it is inherently bloody; nor should the host be made of a crust, but of pure bread. Additionally, whereas bishops used to sit in councils to judge secular matters, they were now prohibited from doing so.

Manie other things were as meanes of reformation articled, both for spirituall causes, and also concerning ciuill ordinances, as disabling children to be heirs to the parents, which by them were not begot in Nuns concubines. lawfull matrimonie but on concubines, whether they were nunnes or secular women. Also of paiment of tithes, performing of vowes, auoiding of vndecent apparell, and abolishing of all maner of heathenish vsages and customes that sounded contrarie to the order of christanitie, as Curtailing of horsses. curtailing of horsses, and eating of horsses flesh. These things with manie other expressed in 20 principall articles (as we haue said) were first concluded to be receiued by the church of the Northumbers in a councell holden there, and subscribed by Alfwold king of the Northumbers, by Delberike bishop of Hexham, by Eubald archbishop of Yorke, Higwald bishop of Lindisferne, Edelbert bishop of Whiterne, Aldulfe bishop of Mieth, Ethelwine also another bishop by his deputies, with a number of other of the clergie; and lords also of the temporaltie, as duke Alrike, duke Segwulfe, abbat Alebericke, and abbat Erhard. After this confirmation had of the Northumbers, there was also a councell holden in Mercia at Cealtide, in the which these persons subscribed, Iambert or Lambert archbishop of Canturburie, Offa king of Mercia, Hughbright bishop of Lichfield, Edeulfe bishop of Faron, with Vnwone bishop of Ligor, and nine other bishops, besides abbats; and thrée dukes, as Brorda, Farwald, and Bercoald, with earle Othbald.

Many other aspects were discussed for reform, both for spiritual reasons and regarding civil laws, like preventing children from being heirs to parents that were not their legitimate offspring but were born to concubines, whether they were nuns or secular women. Additionally, there were discussions about the payment of tithes, fulfilling vows, avoiding inappropriate clothing, and eliminating all forms of pagan practices and customs that contradicted the principles of Christianity, such as cutting the tails of horses and eating horse meat. These matters, along with many others outlined in 20 main articles (as we mentioned), were initially agreed upon to be accepted by the Church of the Northumbrians in a council held there, and were signed by Alfwold, King of the Northumbrians; Delberike, Bishop of Hexham; Eubald, Archbishop of York; Higwald, Bishop of Lindisfarne; Edelbert, Bishop of Whithorn; Aldulfe, Bishop of Mernt; Ethelwine, another bishop through his representatives, and many other members of the clergy; as well as lords of the realm like Duke Alrike, Duke Segwulfe, Abbot Alebericke, and Abbot Erhard. After this confirmation by the Northumbrians, another council was held in Mercia at Cealtide, where these individuals also signed: Iambert or Lambert, Archbishop of Canterbury; Offa, King of Mercia; Hughbright, Bishop of Lichfield; Edeulfe, Bishop of Faron; and Unwone, Bishop of Ligor, along with nine other bishops, several abbots, and three dukes: Brorda, Farwald, and Bercoald, along with Earl Othbald.

But now to returne backe to speake of other dooings, as in other parts 764. of this land they fell out. About the yéere of our Lord 764, the sée of Canturburie being void, one Iambert or Lambert was elected archbishop Sim. Dun. saith 780. there, and in the yéere 766, the archbishop of Yorke Egbert departed this life, in whose place one Adelbert succéeded. About the 25 yéere of Kenwulf king of Westsaxons, the Northumbers hauing to their capteine Simon Dun. two noble men, Osbald and Ethelherard, burned one of their iudges named Bearne, bicause he was more cruell in iudgement (as they tooke the matter) than reason required. In which vengeance executed vpon the cruell iudge (if he were so seuere as this attempt of the two noble men dooth offer the readers to suspect) all such of his liuerie & calling are taught lenitie & mildnes, wherwith they should leuen the rigor of the lawe. For

But now, let's go back to talking about other events that happened in different parts 764. of this land. Around the year 764 AD, the position of Archbishop of Canterbury became vacant, and one Iambert or Lambert was elected as the new archbishop Sim. Dun. says 780. In 766, the Archbishop of York, Egbert, passed away, and Adelbert succeeded him. About the 25th year of King Kenwulf's reign in Wessex, the Northumbrians, led by two noblemen, Osbald and Ethelherard, burned one of their judges named Bearne, because he was considered more cruel in his judgments (as they perceived the situation) than was fair. In this act of vengeance against the harsh judge (if he truly was as severe as the actions of these two noblemen might suggest), all those who served under him are reminded of the importance of leniency and compassion, which they should adopt to soften the rigor of the law. For

[Page 652]

[Page 652]


Ouid. lib. 2. de art. am.


Ouid. lib. 2. de art. am.

———— capit indulgentia mentes,

capit indulgentia mentes,

Asperitas odium sæuáque bella mouet.

Asperitas stirs anger and war.

Odimus accipitrem, quia viuit semper in armis,

Odimus the hawk because he always lives in arms,

Er pauidum solitos in pecus ire lupos.

Er pauidum solitos in pecus ire lupos.

At caret insidijs hominum, quia mitis hirundo est,

At the heart of humanity, because it is a gentle swallow,

Quásque colat turres Chaonîs ales habet.

Quásque colat turres Chaonîs ales habet.

At the same time, one Aswald or Alfewald reigned ouer the Northumbers, being admitted K. after that Ethelbert was expelled, and when the same He began his reigne ann. 779, as saith Simon Dun. and reigned but ten yéeres. Alfwald had reigned 10, or (as some say) 11 yéeres, he was traitorouslie and without all guilt made away; the chéefe conspirator was named Siga. The same Alfwald was a iust prince, and woorthilie gouerned the Northumbers to his high praise and commendation. He was murthered by his owne people (as before ye haue heard) the 23 of September, in the yéere of our Lord 788, and was buried at Hexham.

At the same time, Aswald or Alfewald ruled over the Northumbers, becoming king after Ethelbert was expelled. He started his reign in 779 AD, according to Simon Dun, and ruled for just ten years. Alfwald had ruled for 10, or (as some say) 11 years, when he was treacherously and unjustly killed; the main conspirator was named Siga. Alfwald was a just ruler and governed the Northumbers well, earning him high praise and commendation. He was murdered by his own people (as you have heard before) on September 23, in the year of our Lord 788, and was buried at Hexham.

788. Matth. West.
Simon Dun.

792.
In the yéere 792, Charles king of France sent a booke into Britaine, which was sent vnto him from Constantinople, conteining certeine articles agreed vpon in a synod (wherein were present aboue the number of thrée hundred bishops) quite contrarie and disagréeing from the true faith, namelie in this, that images ought to be worshipped, which the church of God vtterlie abhorreth. Against this booke Albinus that famous clearke wrote a treatise confirmed with places taken out of holie scripture, which treatise, with the booke in name of all the bishops and princes of Britaine, he presented vnto the king of France. Sim. Dunel. 800. ¶ In the yéere 800, on Christmasse éeuen chanced a maruellous tempest of wind, which ouerthrew whole cities and townes in diuerse places, and trees in great number, beside other harmes which it did, as by death of cattell, &c. In the yeere following a great part of London was consumed by fire.

788. Matth. West.
Simon Dun.

792.
In the year 792, Charles, king of France, sent a book to Britain, which had been sent to him from Constantinople. It contained certain articles agreed upon in a synod, where more than three hundred bishops were present, completely contrary to and disagreeing with the true faith, specifically the idea that images should be worshipped, which the Church of God absolutely rejects. In response to this book, Albinus, the famous clergyman, wrote a treatise supported by passages from Holy Scripture. He presented this treatise, along with the book, on behalf of all the bishops and princes of Britain to the king of France. Yes. Dunel. 800. ¶ In the year 800, on Christmas Eve, a terrible windstorm occurred, which uprooted entire cities and towns in various places, and brought down many trees, along with other damage, such as the death of livestock, etc. In the following year, a large part of London was destroyed by fire.


Britricus K. of the Westsaxons, his inclination, Egbert being of the bloud roiall is banished the land, & why; crosses of bloudie colour and drops of bloud fell from heauen, what they did prognosticate; the first Danes that arriued on the English coasts, and the cause of their comming; firie dragons flieng in the aire foretokens of famine and warre; Britricus is poisoned of his wife Ethelburga, hir ill qualities; why the kings of the Westsaxons decreed that their wiues should not be called queenes, the miserable end of Ethelburga; Kenulfe king of Mercia, his vertues, he restoreth the archbishops see to Canturburie which was translated to Lichfield, he inuadeth Kent, taketh the king prisoner in the field, and bountifullie setteth him at libertie, the great ioy of the people therevpon; his rare liberalitie to churchmen, his death and buriall.

Britricus, King of the West Saxons, is inclined to banish Egbert, who is of royal blood, from the land, and here's why: bloody crosses and drops of blood fell from the sky, what they foretold; the first Danes that arrived on the English coasts and the reason for their coming; fiery dragons flying through the air as omens of famine and war; Britricus is poisoned by his wife Ethelburga, due to her bad qualities; the reason the kings of the West Saxons decided that their wives should not be called queens, the tragic end of Ethelburga; Kenulfe, King of Mercia, his virtues, he restores the archbishopric to Canterbury, which had been moved to Lichfield, he invades Kent, captures the king in battle, and generously sets him free, the great joy of the people as a result; his rare generosity towards churchmen, his death and burial.

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

BRITRICUS. Hen. Hunt. Matt. West. saith 787.
Simon Dun. saith 786.
After Kenwulfe, one Britricus or Brightrike was ordeined king of Westsaxons, and began his reigne in the yéere of our Lord 787, which was about the 8 yéere of the gouernment of the empresse Eirene with hir son Constantinus, and about the second yeere of the reigne of Achaius K. of Scots. This Brightrike was descended of the line of Cerdicus the first king of Westsaxons, the 16 in number from him. He was a man of nature quiet & temperate, more desirous of peace than of warre, and therefore he stood in doubt of the noble valiancie of one Egbert, which after succéeded him in the kingdome. The linage of Cerdicus was in that season so confounded and mingled, that euerie one as he grew in greatest power, stroue to be king and supreame gouernour. But speciallie Egbertus was knowne to be one that coueted that place, as he that was of the bloud roiall, and a man of great power and lustie Egbert banished. courage. King Brightrike therefore to liue in more safetie, banished[Page 653] him the land, and appointed him to go into France. Egbert vnderstanding certeinlie that this his departure into a forreine countrie should aduance him in time, obeied the kings pleasure.

BRITRICUS. Hen. Hunt. Matt. West. says 787.
Simon Dun. says 786.
After Kenwulfe, a king named Britricus or Brightrike was made the ruler of the West Saxons, starting his reign in the year 787, which was around the 8th year of Empress Eirene's rule with her son Constantinus, and about the second year of Achaius, King of Scots. Brightrike was a descendant of Cerdicus, the first king of the West Saxons, making him the 16th in line from him. He was naturally calm and moderate, more interested in peace than in war, which is why he was uncertain about the noble bravery of Egbert, who later succeeded him as king. At that time, the lineage of Cerdicus was so mixed up that everyone who gained power sought to be king and take control. However, Egbert was especially known to desire that position, being of royal blood and a man of great strength and boldness. To ensure his own safety, King Brightrike banished him from the land and ordered him to go to France. Realizing that his departure to a foreign country could benefit him in the future, Egbert complied with the king's wishes.

A strange woonder. About the third yéere of Brightrikes reigne, there fell vpon mens garments, as they walked abroad, crosses of bloudie colour, and bloud fell from heauen as drops of raine. Some tooke this woonder for a Matt. West.
Wil. Malm.
Hen. Hunt.
Danes. signification of the persecution that followed by the Danes: for shortlie after, in the yeere insuing, there arriued thrée Danish ships vpon the English coasts, against whome the lieutenant of the parties adjoining made foorth, to apprehend those that were come on land, howbeit aduenturing himselfe ouer rashlie amongst them, he was slaine: but afterwards when the Danes perceiued that the people of the countries about began to assemble, and were comming against them, they fled to their ships, and left their prey and spoile behind them for that time. These were the first Danes that arriued here in this land, being onelie sent (as was perceiued after) to view the countrie and coasts of the same, to vnderstand how with a greater power they might be able to inuade it, as shortlie after they did, and warred so with the Englishmen, that they got a great part of the land, and held it in their owne possession. In the tenth yéere of king Brightrikes reigne, there were séene in the aire firie dragons flieng, which betokened (as Famin & war signified. was thought) two grieuous plagues that followed. First a great dearth and famine: and secondlie a cruell war of the Danes, which shortlie followed, as ye shall heare.

A bizarre marvel. Around the third year of Brightrike's reign, bloody crosses appeared on people's clothes as they walked around, and blood fell from the sky like rain. Some interpreted this wonder as a sign of the persecution that followed from the Danes: shortly after, in the following year, three Danish ships arrived on the English shores. The local lieutenant tried to apprehend those who had come ashore, but in his rashness, he was killed. However, when the Danes realized that the local people were gathering to confront them, they fled to their ships, abandoning their loot for that time. These were the first Danes to arrive in this land, sent (as was later understood) to scout the territory and coasts to find out how they could invade it with a larger force, which they soon did. They fought against the English, seizing a large part of the land and holding it for themselves. In the tenth year of King Brightrike's reign, fiery dragons were seen flying in the air, which were thought to signify two severe plagues that followed. First, a great famine; and second, a brutal war waged by the Danes, which came shortly after, as you will hear.

Finallie, after that Brightrike had reigned the space of 16 yéeres, he Ran. Cest. lib. 5. cap. 25. Brightrike departed this life. departed this life, and was buried at Warham. Some write that he was poisoned by his wife Ethelburga daughter vnto Offa king of Mercia (as before ye haue heard) and he maried hir in the fourth yere of his reigne. She is noted by writers to haue bin a verie euill woman, proud, and high-minded as Lucifer, and therewith disdainful. She bare hir the Ethelburga hir conditions and wicked nature. more statelie, by reason of hir fathers great fame and magnificence: whome she hated she would accuse to hir husband, and so put them in danger of their liues. And if she might not so wreake hir rancour, she would not sticke to poison them.

Finally, after Brightrike had ruled for 16 years, he Ran. Cest. lib. 5. cap. 25. Brightrike has passed away. passed away and was buried in Warham. Some say he was poisoned by his wife Ethelburga, daughter of Offa, king of Mercia (as you have heard before), whom he married in the fourth year of his reign. Writers describe her as a very wicked woman, proud and arrogant like Lucifer, and also disdainful. She carried her Ethelburga's character and mischief. more loftily because of her father's great fame and wealth. Anyone she hated, she would accuse to her husband, putting them in danger of their lives. And if she couldn't take revenge that way, she wouldn't hesitate to poison them.

It happened one day, as she meant to haue poisoned a yoong gentleman, against whome she had a quarell, the king chanced to tast of that cup, and died thereof (as before ye haue heard.) Hir purpose indeed was not to haue poisoned the king, but onelie the yoong gentleman, the which drinking after the king, died also, the poison was so strong and A decrée of the kings of the Westsaxons against their wiues. vehement. For hir heinous crime it is said that the kings of the Westsaxons would not suffer their wiues to be called quéenes, nor permit them to sit with them in open places (where their maiesties should bée shewed) manie yéeres after. Ethelburga fearing punishment, fled into France with great riches and treasure, & was well cherished in the court of king Charles at the first, but after she was thrust The end of Ethelburga. Simon Dun. into an abbeie, and demeaned hirselfe so lewdlie there, in keeping companie with one of hir owne countriemen, that she was banished the house, and after died in great miserie.

One day, as she planned to poison a young man she had a feud with, the king happened to sip from that cup and died from it (as you’ve heard before). Her intention was not to poison the king, but only the young man, who, after drinking from the cup, also died because the poison was so potent. A decree from the kings of the West Saxons addressing their wives. Because of her terrible crime, it is said that the kings of the West Saxons would not allow their wives to be called queens or to sit with them in public places (where their majesty should be displayed) for many years afterward. Ethelburga, fearing punishment, fled to France with great wealth and treasure and was initially well-received at King Charles's court, but later she was pushed into a convent. While there, she behaved so improperly by associating with one of her fellow countrymen that she was expelled from the convent and eventually died in great misery. The end of Ethelburga. Simon Dun.

Wil. Malm. Kenulfe. Egbert king of Mercia departing this life, after he had reigned foure moneths, ordeined his coosine Kenulfe to succeed in his place, which Kenulfe was come of the line of Penda king of Mercia, as rightlie descended from his brother Kenwalke. This Kenulfe for his noble courage, wisdome, and vpright dealing, was woorthie to be compared with the best princes that haue reigned. His vertues passed his fame: nothing he did that enuie could with iust cause reprooue. At home he shewed himselfe godlie and religious, in warre he became victorious, he The archbishops sée restored to Canturburie. restored the archbishops sée againe to Canturburie, wherein his humblenes was to be praised, that made no account of worldlie honour in his prouince, so that the order of the ancient canons might be obserued. He had wars left him as it were by succession from his predecessour Offa against them of Kent, and thervpon entring that countrie with a mightie armie, wasted and spoiled the same, and encountering in battell with king Edbert or Ethelbert, otherwise called The king of Kent taken prisoner. Prenne, ouerthrew his armie, and tooke him prisoner in the field, but afterwards he released him to his great praise and commendation. For whereas he builded a church at Winchcombe, vpon the day of the dedication thereof, he led the Kentish king as then his prisoner, vp to[Page 654] the high altar, and there set him at libertie, declaring thereby a great proofe of his good nature.

Wil. Malm. Kenulfe. Egbert, king of Mercia, passed away after reigning for four months, and appointed his cousin Kenulfe as his successor. Kenulfe was descended from Penda, a former king of Mercia, through his brother Kenwalke. For his noble courage, wisdom, and integrity, Kenulfe deserved to be compared with the best rulers in history. His virtues surpassed his reputation; nothing he did could justly be criticized by envy. At home, he demonstrated piety and devotion, and in battle, he was victorious. He restored the archbishopric to Canterbury, and his humility was commendable, as he placed little value on worldly honor in his realm, prioritizing the observance of the ancient canons. He inherited wars from his predecessor Offa against the people of Kent. Entering that country with a powerful army, he laid waste to it and fought in battle against King Edbert or Ethelbert, also known as Prenne, defeating his army and taking him prisoner. However, he later released him, which greatly enhanced his reputation. When he built a church at Winchcombe, during its dedication ceremony, he brought the Kentish king, his prisoner at the time, to the high altar and set him free, demonstrating a great measure of his good nature.

There were present at that sight, Cuthred whom he had made king of Kent in place of Ethelbert, or Edbert, with 13 bishops, and 10 dukes. The noise that was made of the people in reioising at the kings bountious liberalitie was maruellous. For not onelie he thus restored the Kentish Kenulfs liberalitie towards churchmen which was not forgotten by them in their histories. king to libertie, but also bestowed great rewards vpon all the prelates and noble men that were come to the feast, euerie priest had a peece of gold, and euerie moonke a shilling. Also he dealt and gaue away great gifts amongst the people, and founded in that place an abbeie, indowing the same with great possessions. Finallie, after he had reigned 24 yéeres, he departed this life, and appointed his buriall to be in the same abbeie of Winchcombe, leauing behind him a sonne named Kenelme, who succeeded his father in the kingdome, but was soone murthered by his vnnaturall sister Quendred, the 17 of Iulie, as hereafter shall be shewed.

At that event, Cuthred, whom he had made king of Kent in place of Ethelbert or Edbert, was present along with 13 bishops and 10 dukes. The noise from the crowd celebrating the king's generous gifts was incredible. Not only did he restore the Kentish king to freedom, but he also gave great rewards to all the bishops and nobles who came to the feast; every priest received a piece of gold, and every monk got a shilling. He also distributed and donated significant gifts among the people and established an abbey in that location, endowing it with substantial wealth. Finally, after reigning for 24 years, he passed away and arranged for his burial in the same abbey in Winchcombe, leaving behind a son named Kenelme, who succeeded him as king but was soon murdered by his unnatural sister Quendred on July 17, as will be detailed later.


Osrike king of Northumberland leaueth the kingdome to Edelbert reuoked out of exile, king Alfwalds sons miserablie slaine, Osred is put to death, Ethelbert putteth away his wife and marieth another, his people rise against him therefore and kill him, Oswald succeeding him is driuen out of the land; Ardulfe king of Northumberland, duke Wade raiseth warre against him and is discomfited; duke Aldred is slaine; a sore battell fought in Northumberland, the English men aflict one another with ciuill warres; king Ardulfe deposed from his estate; the regiment of the Northumbers refused as dangerous and deadlie by destinie, what befell them in lieu of their disloialtie; the Danes inuade their land and are vanquished; the roiall race of the Kentish kings decaieth, the state of that kingdome; the primasie restored to the see of Canturburie, Egbert (after the death of Britricus) is sent for to vndertake the gouernement of the Westsaxons, his linage.

Osrike, king of Northumberland, leaves the kingdom to Edelbert, who is recalled from exile. King Alfwald's sons are tragically killed, Osred is executed, and Ethelbert divorces his wife to marry another. His people rebel against him and kill him. Oswald takes his place but is soon driven out of the kingdom. Ardulfe, king of Northumberland, faces war led by Duke Wade and is defeated; Duke Aldred is killed. A fierce battle occurs in Northumberland as the English inflict civil wars upon each other. King Ardulfe is removed from power; the rule of the Northumbers is deemed dangerous and deadly due to fate, suffering for their disloyalty. The Danes invade their territory but are defeated. The royal lineage of the Kentish kings declines, affecting the state of that kingdom. The primacy is restored to the see of Canterbury, and Egbert is called upon to govern the West Saxons after the death of Britricus.

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

OSRED.
788.
When Aswald king of Northumberland was made away, his brother Osred the sonne of Alred tooke vpon him the rule of that kingdom anno 788, and within one yeere was expelled, and left the kingdome to Ethelbert or Wil. Malm.
Matth. West.
Hen. Hunt.
Simon Dun.
Edelred as then reuoked out of exile, in which he had remained for the space of 12 yéeres, and now being restored, he continued in gouernement of the Northumbers 4 yéeres, or (as some say) 7 yéeres; in the second Duke Ardulf taken and wounded. yéere whereof duke Eardulfe was taken and led to Ripon, and there without the gate of the monasterie wounded (as was thought) to death by the said king, but the moonks taking his bodie, and laieng it in a tent without the church, after midnight he was found aliue in the church.

OSRED.
788.
When Aswald, king of Northumberland, was killed, his brother Osred, son of Alred, took over the rule of that kingdom in 788. Within a year, he was overthrown, leaving the kingdom to Ethelbert or Wil. Malm.
Matth. West.
Hen. Hunt.
Simon Dun.
Edelred, who had just returned from exile after being away for 12 years. After his return, he governed the Northumbrians for 4 years, or as some say, 7 years. In the second year of his reign, Duke Eardulfe was captured and taken to Ripon, where he was severely wounded—thought to be mortally so—by the king outside the monastery gate. However, the monks took his body and laid it in a tent outside the church, and after midnight, he was found alive inside the church.

Moreouer, about the same time the sonnes of king Alfwald were by force drawne out of the citie of Yorke, but first by a wile they were trained out of the head church where they had taken sanctuarie, and so at length miserablie slaine by king Ethelbert in Wonwaldremere, one of 792. them was named Alfus, & the other Alfwin. In the yéere of our Lord 792, Osred vpon trust of the others and promises of diuerse noble men, secretly returned into Northumberland, but his owne souldiers forsooke him, and so was he taken, and by king Ethelberts commandment put to death at Cunbridge on the 14 day of September.

Moreover, around the same time, the sons of King Alfwald were forcibly drawn out of the city of York. At first, they were lured out of the main church where they had taken refuge, and eventually, they were tragically killed by King Ethelbert at Wonwaldremere. One was named Alfus, and the other Alfwin. In the year of our Lord 792, Osred, trusting in the others and the promises of various nobles, secretly returned to Northumberland, but his own soldiers abandoned him. He was captured and, by King Ethelbert's command, executed at Cunbridge on September 14th.

The same yéere king Ethelbert maried the ladie Alfled the daughter of Offa king of Mercia, forsaking his former wife which he had, & hauing no iust cause of diuorce giuen on hir part, wherby his people tooke such displeasure against him, that finallie after he had reigned now this second time 4 yéeres, or (as other say) seuen yéeres, he could not auoid the destinie of his predecessors, but was miserablie killed by his owne subiects at Cobre, the 18 of Aprill. After whome, one Oswald a noble man was ordeined king, and within 27 or 28 daies after was Holie Iland. expelled, and constreined to flie first into the Ile of Lindesferne,[Page 655] and from thence vnto the king of the Picts.

The same year, King Ethelbert married Lady Alfled, the daughter of Offa, king of Mercia, leaving his former wife behind without any valid reason for divorce on her part. This caused such anger among his people that, after reigning for either four years or, as some say, seven years, he couldn't escape the fate of his predecessors and was tragically killed by his own subjects at Cobre on April 18th. After him, a nobleman named Oswald was appointed king, but within 27 or 28 days, he was expelled and forced to flee first to the Isle of Lindisfarne, and from there to the king of the Picts.

Ardulfe. Then Ardulfe that was a duke and sonne to one Arnulfe was reuoked out of exile, made king, & consecrated also at Yorke by the archbishop
796.
Cumhald, and thrée other bishops, the 25 of June, in the yéere 796. About two yeeres after, to wit, in the yéere 798 one duke Wade, and other conspirators which had beene also partakers in the murthering of king Ethelbert, raised warre against king Ardulfe, and fought a battell Walalege.
799.
with him at Walleg, but king Ardulfe got the vpper hand, and chased Wade and other his enimies out of the field. In the yéere 799, duke Aldred that had murthered Ethelbert or Athelred king of Northumberland, was slaine by another duke called Chorthmond in reuenge of the death of his maister the said Ethelbert. Shortlie after, about the same time that Brightrike king of Westsaxons departed this life, there was a sore battell foughten in Northumberland at Wellehare, in the which Alricke the sonne of Herbert, and manie other with him were slaine: but to rehearse all the battels with their successes and issues, it should be too tedious and irkesome to the readers, for the English people being naturallie hard and high-minded, continuallie scourged each other with The English men afflicted each other with ciuill warre. intestine warres. About six or seuen yéeres after this battell, king Ardulfe was expelled out of the state.

Ardulfe. Then Ardulfe, who was a duke and the son of Arnulfe, was brought back from exile, made king, and also consecrated at York by the archbishop
796.
Cumhald, along with three other bishops, on June 25, in the year 796. About two years later, in 798, a duke named Wade and other conspirators who had also been involved in the murder of King Ethelbert declared war against King Ardulfe and fought a battle Walalege.
799.
with him at Walleg, but King Ardulfe gained the upper hand and chased Wade and his enemies off the battlefield. In 799, Duke Aldred, who had murdered Ethelbert or Athelred, the king of Northumberland, was killed by another duke named Chorthmond in revenge for the death of his lord, Ethelbert. Shortly after, around the same time that Brightrike, king of the West Saxons, passed away, a fierce battle was fought in Northumberland at Wellehare, where Alrick, the son of Herbert, and many others with him were slain. However, detailing all the battles and their outcomes would be too tedious and tiresome for readers, as the English people, being naturally tough and proud, constantly fought each other in The English men brought civil war upon each other. civil wars. About six or seven years after this battle, King Ardulfe was removed from power.

¶ Thus ye may consider in what plight things stood in Northumberland, by the often seditions, tumults and changings of gouernors, so that there be which haue written, how after the death of king Ethelbert, otherwise called Edelred, diuers bishops and other of the chiefest nobles of the countrie disdaining such traitorous prince-killings, ciuill seditions, and iniurious dealings, as it were put in dailie practise amongst the Northumbers, departed out of their natiue borders into voluntarie exile, and that from thencefoorth there was not anie of the nobilitie that durst take vpon him the kinglie gouernement amongst them, fearing the fatall prerogatiue thereof, as if it had béene Scians horsse, whose rider came euer to some euill end. But yet by that which is héeretofore shewed out of Simon Dunelm, it is euident, that there reigned kings ouer the Northumbers, but in what authoritie and power to command, it may be doubted.

¶ You can see what a difficult situation things were in Northumberland, with the constant rebellions, riots, and changes of governors. Some have written that after the death of King Ethelbert, also known as Edelred, various bishops and the top nobles of the region, disapproving of such treacherous acts of killing their prince, civil unrest, and wrongful actions that had become a daily occurrence among the Northumbrians, chose to voluntarily exile themselves from their native land. From that point on, no noble dared take on the royal governance among them, fearing the deadly consequences that came with it, as if it were like the horse of the Scythians, whose rider always met a bad end. However, as previously shown from Simon of Durham, it is clear that kings did reign over the Northumbrians, but it’s uncertain what authority and power they had to command them.

Howbeit this is certeine, that the sundrie murtherings and banishments of their kings and dukes giue vs greatlie to gesse, that there was but sorie obedience vsed in the countrie, whereby for no small space of time that kingdome remained without an head gouernor, being set open to the prey and iniurie of them that were borderers vnto it, and likewise vnto strangers. For the Danes, which in those daies were great rouers, This chanced in the yéere of our Lord 700, as Simon Dun. saith. had landed before in the north parts, & spoiled the abbeie of Lindesferne otherwise called holie Iland, and perceiuing the fruitfulnesse of the countrie, and easinesse for their people to inuade it (bicause that through their priuate quarelling there was little publike resistance to be looked for) at their comming home, entised their countriemen to make voiages into England, and so landing in The Danes inuade Northumberland. Northumberland did much hurt, and obtained a great part of the countrie in manner without resistance, bicause there was no ruler there able to raise anie power of men by publike authoritie to incounter with the common enimies, whereby the countrie was brought into great miserie, partlie with war of the Danes, and ciuill dissention amongest the nobles and people themselues, no man being of authoritie (I say) able to reforme such misorders. Yet we find that the nobles and capteines of the countrie assembling togither at one time against the Danes that The Danes vanquished.
This was in anno 794 as Simon Dun. saith.
were landed about Tinmouth, constreined them by sharpe fight to flée backe to their ships, and tooke certeine of them in the field, whose heads they stroke off there vpon the shore. The other that got to their ships, suffered great losse of men, and likewise of their vessels by tempest.

However, it's certain that the various murders and exiles of their kings and dukes lead us to believe that there was poor obedience in the country. For a significant period, that kingdom was without a head governor, left vulnerable to the attacks and injuries from those at its borders and also from outsiders. The Danes, who were notorious raiders at the time, had previously landed in the northern regions and plundered the abbey of Lindisfarne, also known as Holy Island. Seeing the country's fertility and the ease with which their people could invade it (since there was little public resistance due to internal conflicts), when they returned home, they encouraged their fellow countrymen to launch voyages to England. Thus, when they landed in Northumberland, they inflicted considerable damage and seized a large part of the territory almost without resistance because there was no leader able to muster any force to confront the common enemy with public authority. As a result, the area descended into great misery, partly due to the Danish wars and civil disputes among the nobles and the people themselves, with no one in authority capable of correcting such chaos. Nonetheless, we find that the nobles and captains of the country gathered together at one time against the Danes who had landed near Tinmouth and forced them to flee back to their ships after a fierce battle. They captured some of them in the field, beheading them right there on the shore. The others who managed to reach their ships suffered significant losses in men and also from storm damage to their vessels.

¶ Here then we are taught that the safest way to mainteine a monarchie, is when all degrées liue in loialtie. And that it is necessarie there should be one supereminent, vnto whome all the residue should stoope: this fraile bodie of ours may giue vs sufficient instruction. For reason ruleth in the mind as souereigne, and hath subiect vnto it all the affections and inward motions, yea the naturall actions are directed by hir gouernement: whereto if the will be obedient there cannot créepe in anie outrage or disorder. Such should be the sole regiment of a king in his kingdome; otherwise he may be called "Rex á[Page 656] regendo, as Mons a mouendo." For there is not a greater enimie to that estate, than to admit participants in roialtie, which as it is a readie way to cause a subuersion of a monarchie; so it is the shortest cut ouer to a disordered anarchie. But to procéed in the historie.

¶ Here we learn that the safest way to maintain a monarchy is when all levels of society live in loyalty. It's necessary to have one supreme leader to whom everyone else submits. This fragile body we have can teach us a lot. Reason governs the mind as a sovereign and controls all feelings and inner movements; even natural actions are guided by its authority. If the will aligns with this reasoning, no chaos or disorder can arise. This should be the only rule of a king in his kingdom; otherwise, he could be called "Rex à regendo, as Mons a movendo." There is no greater enemy to that position than allowing others to share in royal power, which is not only a quick route to destabilizing a monarchy but also the shortest path to chaotic anarchy. But let's continue with the story.

After that Alrike (the last of king Witchreds sonnes, which reigned in Kent successiuelie after their father) was dead, the noble ofspring of the kings there so decaied, and began to vade awaie, that euerie one which either by flattering had got rithes togither, or by seditious partaking was had in estimation, sought to haue the gouernement, and to vsurp the title of king, abusing by vnworthie means the honor and Edelbert. dignitie of so high an office. Amongest others, one Edbert or Edelbert, surnamed also Prenne, gouerned the Kentishmen for the space of two yeares, and was in the end vanquished by them of Mercia, and taken prisoner, as before is said: so that for a time he liued in captiuitie; and although afterwards he was set at libertie, yet was he not receiued againe to the kingdome, so that it is vncerteine what end he made. Cuthred that was appointed by Kinevulfe the king of Mercia, to reigne in place of the same Edbert or Edelbert, continued in the gouernement eight yéeres as king, rather by name than by act, inheriting his predecessors euill hap and calamitie, through factions and ciuill discord.

After Alrike, the last of King Witchred's sons who ruled in Kent after their father, died, the noble lineage of the kings there started to decline and fade away. Everyone who either gained wealth through flattery or was respected for their involvement in conflict wanted to take control and usurp the title of king, dishonoring the high office through unworthy means. Among others, a man named Edbert or Edelbert, who was also called Prenne, governed the people of Kent for two years. In the end, he was defeated by the Mercians and taken prisoner, as mentioned earlier. He lived in captivity for a time, and even though he was later freed, he was not welcomed back into the kingdom, so it's uncertain how his story ended. Cuthred, appointed by Kinevulfe, the king of Mercia, to rule in Edbert's place, continued to govern for eight years as king, but more in name than in action, inheriting the misfortunes and calamities of his predecessor due to factions and civil discord.

Lambert. After that Iambrith or Lambert the archbishop of Canturburie was departed this life, one Edelred was ordeined in his place, vnto whome the primasie was restored, which in his predecessors time was taken awaie by Offa king of Mercia, as before is recited. Also after the death of Eubald archbishop of Yorke, another of the same name called Eubald the second was admitted to succeed in that sée. After that Brightrike the king of Westsaxons was departed this life, messengers were sent with all spéed into France, to giue knowledge thereof vnto Egbert, which as before is shewed, was constreined by the said Brightrike to depart the countrie. At the first, he withdrew vnto Offa king of Mercia, with whome he remained for a time, till at length (through suit made by Brightrike) he perceiued he might not longer continue there without danger to be deliuered into his enimies hands; and so, Offa winking at the matter, he departed out of his countrie, and got him ouer into France. But being now aduertised of Brightriks death, and required by earnest letters sent from his friends to come and receiue the gouernement of the kingdome, he returned with all conuenient spéed into his countrie, and was receiued immediatlie for Egbert receiued a king of Westsaxons His linage. king, by the generall consent of the Westsaxons, as well in respect of the good hope which they had conceiued of his woorthie qualities and aptnesse to haue gouernement, as of his roiall linage, being lineallie descended from Inigils the brother of king Inas, as sonne to Alkemound, that was the sonne of one Eaffa, which Eaffa was sonne to Ope the sonne of the foresaid Inigils.

Lambert. After the death of Iambrith or Lambert, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Edelred was appointed in his place, and he was given back the primacy that had been taken away during his predecessor's time by Offa, the king of Mercia, as mentioned before. Also, after the death of Eubald, the Archbishop of York, another Eubald, known as Eubald the Second, was accepted to succeed in that see. After Brightrike, the king of the West Saxons, passed away, messengers were sent quickly to France to inform Egbert, who, as previously noted, had been forced by Brightrike to leave the country. Initially, he went to Offa, the king of Mercia, and stayed with him for a while, until he realized that he couldn't stay there anymore without risking capture by his enemies due to Brightrike's influence. So, Offa turned a blind eye, and he left his country, making his way to France. But now, upon hearing of Brightrike's death and receiving urgent letters from his friends asking him to return and take over the kingdom, he came back as quickly as possible and was immediately accepted as king by the general consent of the West Saxons, thanks to the good hopes they had about his worthy qualities and ability to govern, as well as his royal lineage, being directly descended from Inigils, the brother of King Inas, as the son of Alkemound, who was the son of Eaffa, and Eaffa was the son of Ope, the son of the aforementioned Inigils.


Egbert reigneth ouer the Westsaxons, his practise or exercise in the time of his exile, his martiall exploits against the Cornishmen and Welshmen, Bernulfe king of Mercia taketh indignation at Egbert for the inlarging of his roiall authoritie, they fight a sore battell, Egbert ouercommeth, great ods betweene their souldiers, bishop Alstan a warriour; Kent, Essex, Southerie, Sussex, and Eastangles subiect to Egbert; he killeth Bernulfe K. of Mercia, and conquereth the whole kingdome, Whitlafe the king thereof becommeth his tributarie, the Northumbers submit themselues to Egbert, he conquereth Northwales and the citie of Chester, he is crowned supreme gouernour of the whole land, when this Ile was called England, the Danes inuade the land, they discomfit Egberts host, the Welshmen ioine with the Danes against Egbert, they are both vanquished, Egbert dieth.

Egbert rules over the West Saxons. During his exile, he practices his military skills and fights against the Cornish and Welsh. Bernulf, the king of Mercia, feels resentful of Egbert for expanding his royal power, leading to a fierce battle in which Egbert prevails, despite the significant difference in their armies. Bishop Alstan, a warrior, supports him. Kent, Essex, Surrey, Sussex, and East Anglia all come under Egbert's rule. He defeats Bernulf, the king of Mercia, and conquers the entire kingdom, making Whitlafe, its king, his vassal. The Northumbrians submit to Egbert as well, and he conquers North Wales and the city of Chester. He is crowned the supreme ruler of the whole land when this island is referred to as England. The Danes invade the land and defeat Egbert's army. The Welsh ally with the Danes against Egbert, but both are ultimately defeated. Egbert dies.

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

EGBERT. 802 as Simon Dunel.
and M.W. hath noted but 801.
This Egbert began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 800, which was the 4 yeare almost ended, after that the emperour Eirine began the second time to rule the empire, and in the 24 yeare of the reigne of Charles the great king of France, which also was in the same yeare[Page 657] after he was made emperour of the west, and about the second yeare of Conwall king of Scots. Whilest this Egbert remained in exile, he turned his aduersaries into an occasion of his valiancie, as it had béene a grindstone to grind awaie and remoue the rust of sluggish slouthfulnes, in so much that hawnting the wars in France, in seruice of Charles the great, he atteined to great knowledge and experience, both in matters appertaining to the wars, and likewise to the well ordering of the common wealth in time of peace. The first wars that he tooke in hand, after he had atteined to the kingdome, was against the Cornishmen, a remnant of the old Britains, whome he shortlie ouercame and subdued. Then he thought good to tame the vnquiet Welshmen, the which still were Simon Dun.
Hen. Hunt.
readie to moue rebellion against the Englishmen, as they that being vanquished, would not yet seeme to be subdued, wherefore about the 14 yeare of his reigne, he inuaded the countrie of Wales, and went through the same from east to west, not finding anie person that durst resist him.

EGBERT. 802 as Simon Dunel.
and M.W. has mentioned, but 801.
Egbert started his reign in the year 800, which was nearly the fourth year since Emperor Irene began ruling the empire for the second time, and in the 24th year of Charles the Great's reign as king of France. This was also the same year[Page 657] that he was made emperor of the west, and around the second year of Conall's rule as king of Scots. While Egbert was in exile, he used his opponents as motivation to develop his bravery, like a grindstone polishing away the rust of laziness. By engaging in wars in France, serving Charles the Great, he gained significant knowledge and experience in military matters as well as in managing the commonwealth during peacetime. The first conflict he took on after becoming king was against the Cornish people, a remnant of the old Britons, whom he quickly defeated and subdued. He then decided to confront the restless Welsh, who were always ready to rebel against the English, as they, being conquered, still refused to appear subdued. Therefore, in the 14th year of his reign, he invaded Wales and traversed the country from east to west, encountering no one who dared to resist him.

King Egbert hauing ouercome his enimies of Wales and Cornewall, began to grow in authoritie aboue all the other rulers within this land, in somuch that euerie of them began to feare their owne estate, but Bernulf king of Mercia. namelie Bernulfe king of Mercia sore stomached the matter, as he that was wise, and of a loftie courage, and yet doubted to haue to doo with Egbert, who was knowen also to be a man both skilfull and valiant. At length yet considering with himselfe, that if his chance should be to speed well, so much the more should his praise be increased, he determined to attempt the fortune of warre, and therevpon intimated the same vnto Egbert, who supposing it should be a dishonor vnto him to giue place, boldlie prepared to méete Bernulfe in the field. Herevpon A battell fought at Ellendon. they incountred togither at Ellendon, & fought a sore battell, in the which a huge number of men were slaine, what on the one part, and on the other but in the end the victorie remained with Egbert, although he
Egbert won the victorie.
had not the like host for number vnto Bernulfe, but he was a politike prince, and of great experience, hauing chosen his souldiers of nimble, leane, and hartie men; where Bernulfs souldiers (through long ease) Wil. Malm.
826.
were cowardlie persons, and ouercharged with flesh. The battell was fought in the yeare of our Lord 826.

King Egbert, having defeated his enemies in Wales and Cornwall, began to gain authority over all the other rulers in the land, to the point that each of them started to fear for their own position, except for Bernulf, King of Mercia. Bernulf, who was wise and courageous, took the situation hard, yet he was wary of facing Egbert, who was also known to be skilled and brave. Eventually, after reflecting on it, he realized that if he succeeded, his reputation would grow even more, so he decided to try his luck in battle and communicated this to Egbert, who thought it would be dishonorable to back down and boldly prepared to meet Bernulf in the field. As a result, they clashed at Ellendon, where they fought a fierce battle, resulting in a huge number of casualties on both sides. In the end, victory went to Egbert, even though his forces were not as numerous as Bernulf's. However, he was a shrewd leader with great experience, having chosen quick, lean, and spirited soldiers, while Bernulf’s troops, having grown complacent, were overfed and cowardly. The battle took place in the year of our Lord 826.

King Egbert hauing got this victorie, was aduanced into such hope, that he persuaded himselfe to be able without great adoo to ouercome the residue of his neighbours, whose estates he saw plainlie sore weakened and fallen into great decaie. Herevpon before all other, he determined to assaile Edelvulfe king of Kent, whome he knew to be a man in no estimation amongest his subiects. A competent armie therefore being Alstan bishop of Shireborn a warrior. leuied, he appointed his sonne Ethelwulfe & Alstan bishop of Shireborne, with earle Walhard to haue the conduct therof, and sent them with the same into Kent, where they wrought such maisteries, that they chased both the king and all other that would not submit themselues, out of the countrie, constreining them to passe ouer the The conquests of the Westsaxons. Thames. And herewith the Westsaxons following the victorie, brought vnder subiection of king Egbert the countries of Kent, Essex, Henr. Hunt. Southerie, and Sussex. The Eastangles also about the same time receiued king Egbert for their souereigne Lord, and comforted by his setting on against Bernulfe king of Mercia, inuaded the confines of his kingdome, in reuenge of displeasures which he had doone to them latelie before, by inuading their countrie, and as it came to passe, incountring with Bernulf king of Mercia slaine. the said Bernulfe which came against them to defend his countrie, they slue him in the field.

King Egbert, having achieved this victory, became so hopeful that he convinced himself he could easily defeat the rest of his neighbors, whose territories he saw were clearly weakened and in decline. As a result, he decided to attack King Ethelwald of Kent first, knowing that he was not well-regarded by his subjects. A suitable army was therefore gathered, and he appointed his son Ethelwulf, along with Alstan, the bishop of Shireborne, and Earl Walhard, to lead it. They were sent into Kent, where they accomplished such feats that they drove both the king and anyone else who refused to submit out of the country, forcing them to cross the Thames. Following this victory, the West Saxons brought the regions of Kent, Essex, Southerly, and Sussex under King Egbert's control. Around the same time, the East Angles also accepted King Egbert as their sovereign lord and, encouraged by his support against King Bernulf of Mercia, invaded his kingdom to avenge the wrongs he had recently done to them by invading their land. As it happened, they confronted Bernulf, who came against them to defend his territory, and they killed him in battle.

Thus their minds on both parts being kindled into further wrath, the Eastangles eftsoones in the yeare following fought with them of Mercia, and ouercame them againe, and slue their king Ludicenus, who succéeded Bernulfe in that kingdome, with 5 of his earles. The state of the kingdome of Mercia being weakened, Egbert conceiued an assured hope of good successe, & in the 27 yeare of his reigne, made an open inuasion into the countrie, and chasing Whitlafe king of Mercia (that succéeded Ludicenus) out of his estate, conquered the whole kingdome of the Mercies. But yet in the yéere next following, or in the third yeare after, he restored it againe to Whitlafe, with condition, that he Simon Dun. should inioy the same as tributarie to him, and acknowledge him for his supreme gouernour. The same yeare that Bernulfe king of Mercia was slaine by the Eastangles, there was a sore battell foughten at[Page 658] These were the Cornish men as is to be supposed. Gauelford, betwixt them of Deuonshire, and the Britains, in the which manie thousands died on both parts.

Thus, as their anger flared up on both sides, the East Anglians once again fought the Mercians in the following year, defeating them again and killing their king Ludicenus, who had succeeded Bernulf in that kingdom, along with five of his earls. With the state of Mercia weakened, Egbert saw a strong opportunity for success and, in the 27th year of his reign, launched an open invasion into the territory. He drove Whitlafe, the king of Mercia who succeeded Ludicenus, from his position and conquered the entire kingdom of the Mercians. However, in the following year, or the third year later, he restored it to Whitlafe on the condition that he would hold it as a tributary to him and recognize him as his supreme governor. The same year that Bernulf, king of Mercia, was killed by the East Anglians, a fierce battle took place at [Page 658] These were the Cornish men, as you might expect. Gauford, between the people of Devonshire and the Britons, in which many thousands died on both sides.

King Egbert hauing conquered all the English people inhabiting on the south side of Humber, led foorth his armie against them of Northumberland: but the Northumbers being not onelie vexed with ciuill sedition, but also with the often inuasion of Danes, perceiued not King Egbert inuadeth Northumberland.
The Northumbers submit themselues to king Egbert.
how they should be able to resist the power of king Egbert: and therefore vpon good aduisement taken in the matter, they resolued to submit themselues, and therevpon sent ambassadors to him to offer their submission, committing themselues wholie vnto his protection. King Egbert gladlie receiued them, and promised to defend them from all forren enimies. Thus the kingdome of Northumberland was brought vnder subiection to the kings of the Westsaxons, after the state had béen sore weakened with contention and ciuill discord that had continued amongst the nobles of the countrie, for the space of manie yeeres, beside the inuasion made by outward enimies, to the gréeuous damage of the people.

King Egbert, having conquered all the English people living south of the Humber, marched his army against Northumberland. However, the Northumbrians, not only troubled by civil unrest but also by frequent invasions from the Danes, realized they couldn't resist King Egbert's power. So, after careful consideration, they decided to submit to him and sent ambassadors to offer their allegiance, placing themselves entirely under his protection. King Egbert gladly accepted them and promised to defend them from all foreign enemies. Thus, the kingdom of Northumberland came under the control of the kings of the West Saxons, after the region had been severely weakened by infighting and civil discord among the nobles for many years, in addition to the damage caused by outside invaders.

After that king Egbert had finished his businesse in Northumberland, he Ran. Higd. Northwales and the citie of Chester conquered by Egbert. turned his power towards the countrie of Northwales, and subdued the same, with the citie of Chester, which till those daies, the Britains or Welshmen had kept in their possession. When king Egbert had obteined these victories, and made such conquests as before is mentioned, of the people héere in this land, he caused a councell to be assembled at Winchester, and there by aduise of the high estates, he was crowned king, as souereigne gouernour and supreame lord of the whole land. It is also recorded, that he caused a commission to be directed foorth into all parts of the realme, to giue commandement, that from thence forward all the people inhabiting within this land, should be called English men, and not Saxons, and likewise the land should be called The name of this ile when it was changed. England by one generall name, though it should appéere (as before is mentioned) that it was so called shortlie after the first time that the Angles and Saxons got possession thereof.

After King Egbert finished his business in Northumberland, he turned his attention to North Wales and conquered it, along with the city of Chester, which until then had been held by the Britons or Welsh. Once King Egbert achieved these victories and made the conquests mentioned earlier, he summoned a council at Winchester, and with the advice of the high officials, he was crowned king as the sovereign ruler and supreme lord of the whole land. It is also noted that he issued a commission across all parts of the realm, commanding that from then on, all people living in this land should be called English, not Saxons, and that the land should be referred to as England by one general name, although it seems (as mentioned before) that it was named this shortly after the Angles and Saxons took possession of it.

Now was king Egbert setled in good quiet, and his dominions reduced out The Danes. of the troubles of warre, when suddenlie newes came, that the Danes with a nauie of 35 ships, were arriued on the English coasts, and began to make sore warre in the land. K. Egbert being thereof aduertised, with all conuenient spéed got togither an armie, and went foorth to giue battell to the enimies. Heerevpon incountring with them, there was a sore foughten field betwixt them, which continued with great slaughter on both sides, till the night came on, and then by chance of warre the Englishmen, which before were at point to haue gone awaie The Englishmen discomfited by Danes.
Simon Dun.
H. Hunt.
Matth. West.
834. with victorie, were vanquished and put to flight, yet king Egbert by couert of the night escaped his enimies hands: but two of his chiefe capteins Dudda and Osmond, with two bishops, to wit, Herferd of Winchester, and Vigferd of Shireborne, were slaine in that battell, which was foughten at Carrum, about the 834 of Christ, and 34 yéere of king Egberts reigne.

Now King Egbert was settled in peace, and his territories had been freed from the troubles of war, when suddenly news arrived that the Danes, with a fleet of 35 ships, had landed on the English coast and began to wage fierce war on the land. King Egbert, upon hearing this, quickly gathered an army and set out to confront the enemies. As a result, they engaged in a brutal battle, which lasted with heavy casualties on both sides until nightfall. By a twist of fate, the English, who had been on the verge of victory, were defeated and forced to flee. However, King Egbert managed to escape from the enemy’s grasp under the cover of night. Unfortunately, two of his top commanders, Dudda and Osmond, along with two bishops—namely, Herferd of Winchester and Vigferd of Shireborne—were killed in that battle, which took place at Carrum around the year 834 AD and in the 34th year of King Egbert's reign.

In the yeere following, the Danes with their nauie came into Westwales, and there the Welshmen ioining with them, rose against king Egbert, but Danes and Welshmen vanquished.
836.
he with prosperous fortune vanquished and slue both the Danes and Welshmen, and that in great number, at a place called Hengistenton. The next yéere after also, which was 836, he ouerthrew another armie of Danes which came against him, as one autor writeth. Finallie, when king Matth. West.
Egbert departeth this life.
837.
Egbert had reigned the tearme of 36 yéeres and seuen moneths with great glorie for the inlarging of his kingdome with wide bounds, which when he receiued was but of small compasse, he departed this life, leauing to his issue matter of woorthie praise to mainteine that with order which he with painefull diligence had ioined togither. His bodie was buried at Winchester, and he left behind him two sonnes Ethelwulfe, Matth. West. otherwise named Athaulfe and Adelstan. The first he appointed to succéed him in the kingdome of Westsaxons, and Adelstan he ordeined to haue the gouernment of Kent, Sussex, and Essex.

In the following year, the Danes arrived in West Wales with their fleet, and the Welsh joined forces with them to rise against King Egbert. However, he was fortunate and defeated both the Danes and the Welsh in large numbers at a place called Hengistenstone. The next year, in 836, he also defeated another army of Danes that came against him, as one author writes. Finally, when King Egbert passed away, he had reigned for 36 years and seven months, achieving great glory by expanding his kingdom, which was small when he took over. He left behind a legacy worthy of praise for his descendants to maintain with the order he had painstakingly built. His body was buried in Winchester, and he left behind two sons, Ethelwulfe, also known as Athaulfe, and Adelstan. He appointed the first to succeed him as king of the West Saxons, and he designated Adelstan to govern Kent, Sussex, and Essex.

¶ Héere we sée the paterne of a fortunate prince in all his affaires, as well forren as domesticall, wherein is first to be obserued the order of his education in his tender yéeres, which agreeing well with a princes nature, could not but in the progresse of his age bring great matters to passe, his manifold victories are an argument that as he[Page 659] lacked no policie, so he had prowesse inough to incounter with his enimies, to whome he gaue manie a fowle discomfiture. But among all other notes of his skill and hope of happie successe in his martiall affaires, was the good choise that he made of seruiceable souldiers, being such as knew how to get the victorie, and hauing gotten it, were not vntaught to vse it to their benefit, by their warinesse and héedtaking; for

¶ Here we see the pattern of a successful prince in all his affairs, both foreign and domestic. First, we should note the order of his education in his early years, which aligned well with a prince's nature and inevitably led to significant achievements as he grew. His numerous victories prove that, while he lacked no clever strategies, he also had enough skill to face his enemies, to whom he dealt many humiliating defeats. Among all the signs of his talent and potential for success in military matters, the wise choice of capable soldiers stands out. They were the kind who knew how to achieve victory and, once attained, knew how to use it to their advantage through their caution and vigilance; for

Sæpiùs incautæ nocuit victoria turbæ.

Victory often harmed the reckless crowd.


The kingdome of Kent annexed to the kingdome of the Westsaxons, the end of the kingdome of Kent and Essex; Kenelme king of Mercia murthered by the meanes of his owne sister Quendred, the order of hir wicked practise; his death prophesied or foreshewed by a signe, the kings of Mercia put by their roialtie one after another, the kingdome of Britaine beginneth to be a monarchie; Ethelwulfe king of the Westsaxons, he marrieth his butlers daughter, his disposition; the fourth destruction of this land by forren enimies, the Danes sought the ruine of this Ile, how long they afflicted and troubled the same; two notable bishops and verie seruiceable to king Ethelwulfe in warre, the Danes discomfited, the Englishmen chased, Ethelwulfs great victorie ouer the Danes, a great slaughter of them at Tenet, king Ethelwulfs deuotion and liberalitie to churches, Peter pence paid to Rome, he marieth the ladie Iudith, his two sonnes conspire (vpon occasion of breaking a law) to depose him, king Ethelwulfe dieth, his foure sonnes by his first wife Osburga, how he bequeathed his kingdoms.

The kingdom of Kent was annexed to the kingdom of the West Saxons, marking the end of Kent and Essex; Kenelm, the king of Mercia, was murdered by his own sister Quendred as part of her evil scheme; his death was prophesied or foreshadowed by a sign. The kings of Mercia were stripped of their royalty one after the other, and the kingdom of Britain began to become a monarchy. Ethelwulf, king of the West Saxons, married his butler's daughter, revealing his character; there was a fourth destruction of this land by foreign enemies, as the Danes sought to ruin this island, causing suffering and trouble for a long time. Two notable bishops were very helpful to King Ethelwulf in combat; the Danes were defeated, and the Englishmen pursued them. Ethelwulf achieved a great victory over the Danes, resulting in a significant slaughter of them at Tenet. King Ethelwulf showed devotion and generosity to the churches, and Peter's Pence was paid to Rome. He married Lady Judith, and his two sons conspired (due to a breach of the law) to depose him. King Ethelwulf died, leaving behind his four sons from his first wife, Osburga, along with his bequests for his kingdoms.

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

Wil. Malm. When Cuthred K. of Kent had reigned 8 yeeres, as before is mentioned, he was constreined to giue place vnto one Baldred, that tooke vpon him the gouernment, & reigned the space of 18 yéeres, without anie great authoritie, for his subiects regarded him but sorilie, so that in the end, when his countrie was inuaded by the Westsaxons, he was easilie constreined to depart into exile. And thus was the kingdome of Kent annexed to the kingdome of the Westsaxons, after the same kingdome had continued in gouernment of kings created of the same nation for the space of 382 yéers, that is to say, from the yéere of our Lord 464, The end of the kingdome of Kent.
827.
vnto the yéere 827. Suithred or Suthred king of Essex was vanquished and expelled out of his kingdome by Egbert king of Westsaxons (as before ye maie read) in the same yéere that the Kentishmen were subdued by the said Egbert, or else verie shortlie after. This kingdome The end of the kingdome of Essex. continued 281 yeeres, from the yéere 614, vnto the yeere 795, as by the table of the Heptarchie set foorth by Alexander Neuill appéereth. After the deceasse of Kenwulfe king of Mercia, his sonne Kenelme a child of the age of seuen yéeres was admitted king, about the yeere of our Lord Matth. West. 821. 821. He had two sisters, Quendred and Burgenild, of the which the one
The wickedness of Quendred.
(that is to say) Quendred, of a malicious mind, mooued through ambition, enuied hir brothers aduancement, and sought to make him awaie, so that in the end she corrupted the gouernour of his person one Ashbert, with great rewards and high promises persuading him to dispatch hir innocent brother out of life, that she might reigne in his place. Ashbert one day vnder a colour to haue the yoong king foorth on hunting, led him into a thicke wood, and there cut off the head from his bodie, an impe by reason of his tender yéeres and innocent age, King Kenelm murthered. vnto the world void of gilt, and yet thus traitorouslie murthered without cause or crime: he was afterwards reputed for a martyr.

Wil. Malm. When Cuthred, King of Kent, had reigned for 8 years, as mentioned earlier, he was forced to step down for Baldred, who took over the rule and reigned for 18 years, without much authority. His subjects hardly respected him, and in the end, when his country was invaded by the West Saxons, he was easily compelled to go into exile. Thus, the kingdom of Kent was annexed to the kingdom of the West Saxons after being under the rule of kings from the same nation for 382 years, from the year of our Lord 464, The fall of the kingdom of Kent.
827.
to the year 827. Suithred, or Suthred, king of Essex, was defeated and driven out of his kingdom by Egbert, king of the West Saxons (as you can read earlier), in the same year that the Kentish men were conquered by Egbert, or very shortly afterward. This kingdom The fall of the kingdom of Essex. lasted for 281 years, from the year 614 to the year 795, as shown in the table of the Heptarchy compiled by Alexander Nevill. After the death of Kenwulfe, king of Mercia, his son Kenelme, a child of seven years, was made king around the year of our Lord Matt. West. 821. 821. He had two sisters, Quendred and Burgenild, of whom one (that is to say) Quendred, with a malicious mind, fueled by ambition, envied her brother’s advancement and plotted to get rid of him so she could rule in his place. In the end, she corrupted the governor of his person, a man named Ashbert, with great rewards and high promises, persuading him to end her innocent brother’s life. One day, under the pretense of taking the young king out hunting, Ashbert led him into a dense forest and there beheaded him, a victim due to his tender years and innocent age, King Kenelm was murdered. completely free of guilt, yet treacherously murdered without cause or crime: he was later regarded as a martyr.

Sée legenda aurea. fol. 165. in the life of S. Kenelme. There hath gone a tale that his death should be signified at Rome, and the place where the murther was committed, by a strange manner: for (as they say) a white doue came and lighted vpon the altar of saint Peter, bearing a scroll in hir bill, which she let fall on the same altar, in which scroll among other things this was conteined, "In clenc kou bath, Kenelme kinbarne lieth vnder thorne, heaued bereaued:" that is, at Clenc in a cow pasture, Kenelme the kings child lieth beheaded vnder a thorne. This tale I rehearse, not for anie credit I thinke it woorthie[Page 660] of, but onelie for that it séemeth to note the place where the yoong prince innocentlie lost his life.

See Golden Legend. fol. 165. in the life of St. Kenelm. There’s a story that his death was announced in Rome and the spot where the murder happened in a peculiar way: a white dove supposedly came and landed on the altar of Saint Peter, carrying a scroll in its beak, which it dropped on the altar. This scroll contained, among other things, the words: "In Clenc cow pasture, Kenelme the king's child lies beheaded under a thorn." This tale I mention not because I find it particularly credible, but simply because it seems to indicate the place where the young prince innocently lost his life.

Ceolwulfe K. of Mercia 823. After that Kenelme was thus made awaie, his vncle Ceolwulfe the brother of king Kenulfe was created king of Mercia, and in the second yéere of his reigne was expelled by Bernwulfe. Bernwulfe in the third yéere of his reigne, was vanquished and put to flight in battell by Egbert king of Westsaxons, and shortlie after slaine of the Eastangles, as before ye haue heard. Then one Ludicenus or Ludicanus was created king of Mercia, and within two yeeres after came to the like end that happened to his predecessor before him, as he went about to reuenge his death, so that the kingdome of Britaine began now to réele from their owne estate, and leane to an alteration, which grew in the end to the erection of a perfect monarchie, and finall subuersion of their particular estates and regiments. After Ludicenus, succeeded Wightlafe, Matt. Westm. 728. who first being vanquisht by Egbert king of Westsaxons, was afterwards restored to the kingdome by the same Egbert, and reigned 13 yeeres, whereof twelue at the least were vnder tribute which he paied to the said Egbert and to his sonne, as to his souereignes and supreame gouernours. The kingdome of Northumberland was brought in subjection to the kings of Westsaxons, as before is mentioned, in the yéere of our 828. Lord 828, and in the yéere of the reigne of king Egbert 28, but yet héere it tooke not end, as after shall appéere.

Ceolwulfe, King of Mercia 823. After Kenelme was removed, his uncle Ceolwulfe, the brother of King Kenulfe, was made king of Mercia. In the second year of his reign, he was overthrown by Bernwulfe. In the third year of Bernwulfe's reign, he was defeated and driven from the battlefield by Egbert, the king of the West Saxons, and shortly after killed by the East Angles, as you have already heard. Then a man named Ludicenus or Ludicanus became king of Mercia, and within two years, he met the same fate as his predecessor while trying to avenge his death. As a result, the kingdom of Britain began to decline from its former state, leading to changes that eventually resulted in the establishment of a complete monarchy and the final collapse of their individual kingdoms and rule. After Ludicenus, Wightlafe succeeded him, Matt. Westm. 728. who, after being defeated by Egbert, the king of the West Saxons, was later restored to the throne by Egbert and reigned for 13 years, of which at least twelve were under tribute that he paid to Egbert and his son, recognizing them as his sovereigns and supreme rulers. The kingdom of Northumberland was subjected to the kings of the West Saxons, as mentioned earlier, in the year of our 828. Lord 828, and in the year of King Egbert's reign 28, but this was not the end of the story, as will be shown later.

ETHELWULFUS Ethelwulfus, otherwise called by some writers Athaulfus, began his reigne ouer the Westsaxons in the yéere 837, which was in the 24 yéere of the emperor Ludouicus Pius that was also K. of France, in the tenth yéere of Theophilus the emperor of the East, & about the third yéere of Kenneth, the second of that name king of Scots. This Ethelwulfe minding in his youth to haue béene a priest, entered into the orders as subdeacon, and as some write, he was bishop of Winchester: but Henrie Hunt.
Matth. West.
howsoeuer the matter stood, or whether he was or not, sure it is, that shortlie after he was absolued of his vowes by authoritie of pope Leo, and then maried a proper gentlewoman named Osburga, which was his butlers daughter. He was of nature courteous, and rather desirous to liue in quiet rest, than to be troubled with the gouernment of manie Wil. Malm. countries, so that contenting himselfe with the kingdome of Westsaxons, he permitted his brother Adelstan to inioy the residue of the countries which his father had subdued, as Kent and Essex, with other. He aided Burthred the king of Mercia against the Welshmen, and greatlie aduanced his estimation, by giuing vnto him his daughter in mariage.

ETHELWULF Ethelwulf, also known by some writers as Athaulfus, began his reign over the West Saxons in the year 837, which was in the 24th year of Emperor Louis the Pious, who was also King of France, in the tenth year of Theophilus, the Emperor of the East, and about the third year of Kenneth, the second of that name, King of Scots. Ethelwulf had intended in his youth to be a priest and entered the orders as a subdeacon; some say he was the Bishop of Winchester. However the truth may be, or whether he was or not, it is certain that shortly after, he was released from his vows by the authority of Pope Leo, and then married a lovely woman named Osburga, who was the daughter of his butler. He was naturally courteous and preferred to live in peace rather than be troubled with the governance of many lands, so he chose to content himself with the kingdom of West Saxons and allowed his brother Adelstan to enjoy the rest of the territories that their father had conquered, such as Kent and Essex, among others. He supported Burthred, the king of Mercia, against the Welsh and greatly enhanced his reputation by giving him his daughter in marriage.

Foure especiall destructions of this land. But now the fourth destruction which chanced to this land by forren enimies, was at hand: for the people of Denmarke, Norway, and other of those northeast regions, which in that season were great rouers by sea, had tasted the wealth of this land by such spoiles and preies as they had taken in the same, so that perceiuing they could not purchase more profit anie where else, they set their minds to inuade the same on ech side, as they had partlie begun in the daies of the late kings Brightrike and Egbert. The persecution vsed by these Danes séemed more Simon Dun.
Hen. Hunt.
gréeuous, than anie of the other persecutions, either before or sithens that time: for the Romans hauing quicklie subdued the land, gouerned it noblie without seeking the subuersion thereof. The Scots and Picts onelie inuaded the north parts. And the Saxons seeking the conquest of the land, when they had once got it, they kept it, and did what they could, to better and aduance it to a flourishing estate.

Four significant devastations of this land. But now the fourth destruction that happened to this land from foreign enemies was imminent: the people of Denmark, Norway, and other northeastern regions, who at that time were notorious raiders by sea, had experienced the wealth of this land through the plunder and spoils they took, realizing they couldn't find more profit anywhere else. They focused their efforts on invading from all sides, as they had partly begun in the days of the recent kings Brightrick and Egbert. The devastation caused by these Danes seemed more painful than any of the other invasions, either before or after that time: for the Romans quickly conquered the land and governed it nobly without seeking to destroy it. The Scots and Picts only invaded the northern parts. And the Saxons, seeking to conquer the land, once they had it, worked hard to improve and advance it to a flourishing state.

The Normans likewise hauing made a conquest, granted both life, libertie, and ancient lawes to the former inhabitants: but the Danes long time and often assailing the land on euerie side, now inuading it in this place, and now in that, did not at the first so much couet to The Danes sought the destruction of this land. conquer it, as to spoile it, nor to beare rule in it, as to waste and destroie it: who if they were at anie time, ouercome, the victors were nothing the more in quiet: for a new nauie, and a greater armie was readie to make some new inuasion, neither did they enter all at one place, nor at once, but one companie on the east side, and an other in the west, or in the north and south coasts, in such sort, that the Englishmen knew not whether they should first go to make resistance against them.

The Normans also conquered the land, granting life, freedom, and traditional laws to the existing inhabitants. However, the Danes repeatedly attacked the territory from all sides, invading here and there. At first, they weren’t so much interested in conquering it as they were in plundering it, and they aimed not to rule but to ravage and destroy it. Even if they were ever defeated, the victors found no peace, as a new fleet and a larger army were always ready to launch another invasion. They didn't strike all at once or in one place; one group would come from the east while another attacked from the west, or one group would come from the north and another from the south, leaving the English unsure of where to focus their defenses first.

How long the persecution of the Danes lasted.
Will. Malmes.
This mischiefe began chieflie in the daies of this king Ethelwulfe, but[Page 661] it continued about the space of two hundred yeeres, as by the sequele of this booke it shall appéere. King Ethelwulfe was not so much giuen to ease, but that vpon occasion for defense of his countrie and subiects, he was readie to take order for the beating backe of the enimies, as occasion serued, and speciallie chose such to be of his counsell, as were men of great experience and wisedome. Amongst other, Two notable bishops in Ethelwulfs daies. there were two notable prelats, Suithune bishop of Winchester, and Adelstan bishop of Shireborne, who were readie euer to giue him good aduise. Suithune was not so much expert in worldlie matters as Adelstan was, & therefore chieflie counselled the king in things apperteining to his soules health: but Adelstan tooke in hand to order matters apperteining to the state of the commonwealth, as prouiding of monie, and furnishing foorth of men to withstand the Danes, so that by him manie things were both boldlie begun, and happilie atchiued, as by writers hath béene recorded. He gouerned the sée of Shireborne the space of 50 yéeres, by the good counsell and faithfull aduise of those two prelats.

How long the persecution of the Danes continued.
Will. Malmes.
This trouble started mainly during the reign of King Ethelwulfe, but[Page 661] it lasted for about two hundred years, as will be shown later in this book. King Ethelwulfe was not one to seek comfort, but whenever there was a need to defend his country and subjects, he was ready to take action to push back the enemies, choosing advisors who were experienced and wise. Among others, Two prominent bishops during Ethelwulf's time. there were two significant bishops: Suithune, Bishop of Winchester, and Adelstan, Bishop of Shireborne, who were always ready to give him good advice. Suithune wasn't as knowledgeable about worldly issues as Adelstan, so he mainly advised the king on matters concerning the health of his soul, while Adelstan focused on managing the state’s affairs, such as securing funds and organizing troops to resist the Danes. Many things were boldly started and successfully accomplished through him, as historical accounts have recorded. He governed the see of Shireborne for 50 years, thanks to the wise counsel and faithful advice of those two bishops.

King Ethelwulfe gouerned his subiects verie politikelie, and by himselfe and his capteins oftentimes put the Danes to flight, though as chance of warre falleth out, he also receiued at their hands great losses, and sundrie sore detriments. In the first yéere of his reigne, Simon Dun.
Hen. Hunt.
the Danes arriued at Hampton, with 33 ships, against whome he sent earle Wulhard with part of his armie, the which giuing battell to the Danes discomfited.
Matth. West.
enimies, made great slaughter of them, and obteined a noble victorie. He sent also earle Adelhelme with the Dorsetshire men against an other number of the Danes, which were landed at Portesmouth, but after long fight, the said Adelhelme was slaine, and the Danes obteined the victorie. In the yéere following, earle Herbert fought against the Englishmen put to flight.
They are eftsoones vanquished.
Danes at Merseware, and was there slaine, and his men chased. The same yeere, a great armie of Danes passing by the east parts of the land, as through Lindsey, Eastangle, and Kent, slue and murthered an huge number of people. The next yéere after this, they entered further into the land, and about Canturburie, Rochester, and London, did much mischiefe.

King Ethelwulfe ruled his subjects very strategically, and he and his captains frequently drove the Danes back, although due to the unpredictability of war, he also suffered significant losses and various serious setbacks. In the first year of his reign, the Danes arrived at Hampton with 33 ships. He sent Earl Wulhard with part of his army to confront them, and in battle against the enemies, they inflicted heavy casualties and achieved a great victory. He also sent Earl Adelhelme with the men from Dorset against another group of Danes who had landed at Portsmouth, but after a long fight, Adelhelme was killed, and the Danes won the battle. In the following year, Earl Herbert fought the Danes at Merseware, where he was slain, and his men were chased away. That same year, a large army of Danes passed through the eastern parts of the country, such as Lindsey, East Anglia, and Kent, slaughtering a huge number of people. The next year, they moved further inland and caused a lot of destruction around Canterbury, Rochester, and London.

King Ethelwulfe in the fift yéere of his reigne, with a part of his Carrum. armie incountred with the Danes at Carrum, the which were arriued in those parties with 30 ships, hauing their full fraught of men, so that for so small a number of vessels, there was a great power of men of warre, in so much that they obteined the victorie at that time, and put The Danes wan the victorie in battell.
Danes are vanquished.
Simon Dun.
851.
the king to the woorse. About the tenth yéere of king Ethelwulfs reigne, one of his capteins called Ernwulfe, and bishop Adelstan, with the Summersetshire men, and an other capteine called Osred, with the Dorsetshire men, fought against the Danes, at a place called Pedredesmuth, and vanquished them with great triumph. In the sixtéenth yeere of his reigne, king Ethelwulfe and his sonne Edelbald hauing Ocley. assembled all their powers togither, gaue battell at Ocley, to an huge Two hundred and fiftie ships saith Hen. Hunt. host of Danes, the which with foure hundred and fiftie ships had arriued at Thames mouth, and destroied the famous cities of London and Canturburie, and also had chased Brightwulfe king of Mercia in battell, and being now entered into Southerie, were incountered by king Ethelwulfe at Ocley aforesaid, & after sore fight and incredible slaughter made on both sides, in the end, the victorie by the power of God was giuen to those that beléeued on him, and the losse rested with great confusion to the miscreants.

King Ethelwulf, in the fiftieth year of his reign, encountered the Danes at Carrum with part of his army. The Danes had arrived in those regions with 30 ships, fully loaded with men, so that for such a small number of vessels, they had a significant military force. As a result, they secured victory at that time, inflicting a blow on the king. Around the tenth year of King Ethelwulf's reign, one of his captains, Ernwulf, along with Bishop Adelstan and the men from Somerset, along with another captain named Osred and the men from Dorset, fought against the Danes at a place called Pedredesmuth and defeated them triumphantly. In the sixteenth year of his reign, King Ethelwulf and his son Edelbald assembled all their forces and battled a huge host of Danes at Ocley. The Danes had arrived at the mouth of the Thames with two hundred and fifty ships, devastating the famous cities of London and Canterbury, and had also chased King Brightwulf of Mercia in battle. As they entered Southern England, they were confronted by King Ethelwulf at Ocley. After a fierce fight with incredible losses on both sides, in the end, the victory, by the power of God, was granted to those who believed in Him, and the defeat fell upon the miscreants in great confusion.

The Danes eftsoones vanquished. Danes ouercome by sea. Thus king Ethelwulfe obteined a glorious victorie in so mightie a battell, as a greater had not beene lightlie heard of to chance within the English dominions. The same yeere also Athelstan king of Kent and duke Ealhere fought by sea with the Danes, and tooke 9 of their ships, and chased the residue. Moreouer, one earle Ceorle hauing with him the The Deuonshire men vanquish the Danes. power of Deuonshire, fought with the Danes at Winleshore, and got the victorie. This yéere was verie luckie to the English nation, but yet the armie of the Danes lodged all the winter season in the Ile of Tenet. And this was the first time that they remained héere all the winter, vsing afore time but to come and make an inuasion in one place or other, and immediatlie to returne home with the prey.

The Danes were defeated once more. The sea defeated the Danes. So, King Ethelwulf achieved a glorious victory in such a significant battle that none greater had easily been heard of happening within English territories. That same year, Athelstan, King of Kent, and Duke Ealhere fought the Danes at sea, capturing 9 of their ships and chasing the rest. Furthermore, an earl named Ceorle, with the support of the people from Devonshire, fought the Danes at Winleshore and won. This year was very fortunate for the English nation; however, the Danish army stayed on the Isle of Thanet all winter. This was the first time they remained here for the entire winter, as previously they would come, invade in one place or another, and immediately return home with their spoils.

Simon Dun.
852.
In the 18 yeere of king Ethelwulfes reigne, he aided Burthred king of[Page 662] Mercia against the Welshmen (as before is mentioned) and gaue to him his daughter in marriage, the solemnization whereof was kept at Chipnham. The same yéere king Ethelwulfe sent his sonne Alured as then but fiue yeeres of age to Rome, where he was consecrated K. by pope Leo the fourth, and was receiued of him as if he had beene his owne sonne. Duke Ealhere or Eachere with the Kentishmen, and one Huda or rather Wada, with the men of Southerie, fought against the armie of Danes at Great slaughter of Danes at Tenet. Tenet, where great slaughter was made on both sides, the Englishmen preuailing in the beginning, but in the end, both their foresaid dukes or leaders died in that battell, beside manie other that were slaine and drowned.

Simon Dun.
852.
In the 18th year of King Ethelwulf's reign, he assisted Burthred, the King of Mercia, against the Welsh (as mentioned earlier) and gave him his daughter in marriage, which was celebrated in Chipnham. That same year, King Ethelwulf sent his son Alfred, who was only five years old at the time, to Rome, where he was crowned king by Pope Leo IV and was treated by him as if he were his own son. Duke Ealhere or Eachere with the Kentishmen, and one Huda or rather Wada, with the men of South, fought against the Danish army at Major massacre of Danes at Tenet. Tenet, where there were heavy casualties on both sides. The Englishmen had the upper hand at first, but in the end, both of their aforementioned dukes or leaders were killed in that battle, along with many others who were slain or drowned.

In the 19 yéere of his reigne, king Ethelwulfe ordeined that the tenths or tithes of all lands due to be paid to the church, should be frée from all tribute, duties, or seruices regall. And afterwards, with great deuotion he went to Rome, where he was receiued with great honour, and taried there one whole yéere: he tooke with him his sonne Alured, who had béene there before as ye haue heard. He repaired the The Saxons schoole. Saxons schoole, which Offa king of Mercia had sometime founded in that citie, and latelie had béene sore decaied by fire. He confirmed the grant of Peter pence, to the intent that no Englishmen from King Ethelwulfs liberalitie to churches.
Mancusæ.
Will. Malmes.
Simon Dun.
thence-foorth should doo penance in bounds as he saw some there to doo before his face. It is also written, that he should acquit all the churches of his realme of paieng tribute to his coffers (as before ye haue heard) & moreouer couenanted to send vnto Rome euerie yéere three hundred marks, that is to say, one hundred marks to saint Peters church, an other hundred marks to saint Paules light, and the third hundred marks to the Pope.

In the 19th year of his reign, King Ethelwulfe ordered that the tenth or tithes of all lands to be paid to the church should be free from all taxes, duties, or royal services. Later, with great devotion, he went to Rome, where he was welcomed with great honor and stayed there for an entire year. He took his son Alured with him, who had been there before, as you have heard. He restored the The Saxons Academy. Saxons school, which Offa, king of Mercia, had once established in that city and had recently suffered significant decay due to fire. He confirmed the grant of Peter's Pence, intending that no Englishman from King Ethelwulf's generosity to churches.
Mancusæ.
Will. Malmes.
Simon Dun.
that point onward should do penance in the bounds as he saw some doing before him. It is also recorded that he exempted all the churches in his kingdom from paying tribute to his treasury (as you have heard before) and furthermore agreed to send to Rome every year three hundred marks, that is to say, one hundred marks to Saint Peter's church, another hundred marks to Saint Paul's light, and the third hundred marks to the Pope.

The ladie Iudith. In his returne thorough France, he married the ladie Iudith, daughter to Charles the bald, then K. of France, and bringing hir with him into his countrie, placed hir by him in a chaire of estate, with which déed he offended so the minds of his subiects, bicause it was against the order taken before him, for the offense of Ethelburga, that his sonne Ethelbald and Adelstan bishop of Shireborne, with Enwulfe earle of Wil. Malm. Summerset, conspired to depose him from his kinglie authoritie; but by mediation of friends, the matter was taken vp, and so ordered, that the kingdome was diuided betwixt the father and the sonne, with such parcialitie, that the sonne had the better part lieng westward, and the father was constreined to content himselfe with the east part being the woorst.

Lady Judy. On his return through France, he married Lady Judith, the daughter of Charles the Bald, who was King of France at that time. He brought her back to his country and placed her next to him in a position of honor, which upset his subjects because it went against the previous order set by him. This was in response to the offense of Ethelburga, which led his son Ethelbald, along with Adelstan, Bishop of Sherborne, and Enwulfe, Earl of Somerset, to conspire to remove him from his authority as king. However, through the intervention of friends, the situation was resolved, and the kingdom was divided between the father and son. The division was so biased that the son received the better portion, which was to the west, while the father had to settle for the eastern part, which was the less favorable area.

857. Of this trouble of Ethelwulfe some write otherwise, after this manner word for word. ¶ Ethelwulfe king of the Westsaxons being returned from Rome & the parties beyond the seas, was prohibited the entrance into his realme by Adelstane bishop of Shireborne, and Ethelbald his eldest sonne; pretending outwardlie the coronation of Alfride, the mariage of Iudith the French kings daughter, and open eating with hir at the table, to be the onelie cause of this their manifest rebellion. Whereby he séemeth to inferre, that this reuolting of Adelstane and his son, should procéed of the ambitious desire of Ethelbald to reigne, and likelie inough, or else this vnequall partition should neuer haue béene made.

857. Some accounts of Ethelwulfe's troubles differ and state the following word for word. ¶ Ethelwulfe, king of the West Saxons, returned from Rome and overseas, only to be denied entry into his kingdom by Adelstane, the bishop of Sherborne, and his eldest son Ethelbald. They claimed that the crowning of Alfride, the marriage to Judith, the French king's daughter, and sharing meals with her at the table were the sole reasons for their open rebellion. This seems to suggest that Adelstane and his son's revolt stemmed from Ethelbald's ambition to rule, and likely so, or else this unfair division would never have happened.

But howsoeuer the matter stood, king Ethelwulfe liued not long after his returne from Rome, but departed this life, after he had ruled the kingdome of the Westsaxons the space of 20 yéeres and od moneths. His bodie was buried at Winchester. He left behind him foure sonnes, Ethelbald, Ethelbert or Ethelbright, Ethelred, and Alsred or Alured, which was begotten of his first wife Osburga. A little before his death Onelie Westsex saith Matt. Westm. and Sim. Dunel. saith that Ethelbright had Sussex also, and so dooth H. Hunt. Matth. Paris. he made his testament and last will, appointing his sonne Ethelbald to succéed him in the whole regiment of his kingdoms of Westsex and Sussex, which he held by inheritance: but the kingdoms of Kent and Essex he assigned to his son Ethelbright. About the same time also the Danes soiourned all the winter season in the Ile of Shepie.

But however the situation was, King Ethelwulfe didn't live long after his return from Rome; he passed away after ruling the kingdom of the West Saxons for 20 years and a few months. His body was buried at Winchester. He left behind four sons: Ethelbald, Ethelbert (or Ethelbright), Ethelred, and Alsred (or Alured), who was born to his first wife Osburga. Shortly before his death, Only Westsex mentions Matt. Westm., while Sim. Dunel. and H. Hunt. state that Ethelbright also had Sussex. Matthew Paris. he made his will, appointing his son Ethelbald to succeed him in the complete governance of his kingdoms of Westsex and Sussex, which he held by inheritance; but the kingdoms of Kent and Essex he assigned to his son Ethelbright. Around the same time, the Danes stayed for the entire winter on the Isle of Sheppey.

¶ The old Saxons doo bring the genealogie of this Ethelwulfe to Adam, after this maner following.

¶ The old Saxons trace the genealogy of this Ethelwulfe back to Adam, in the following manner.

[Page 663]

[Page 663]

  • Ethelwulfe the sonne of Egbert,
  • the son of Alcmund,
  • the son of Eaffa,
  • the son of Eoppa,
  • the son of Ingils,
  • the son of Kenred,
  • the son of Coelwald,
  • the son of Cudwine,
  • the son of Ceawlin,
  • the son of Kenric,
  • the son of Cerdic,
  • the son of Eslie,
  • the son of Gewise,
  • the son of Wingie,
  • the son of Freawin,
  • the son of Fridagare,
  • the son of Brendie,
  • the son of Beldegie,
  • the son of Woden,
  • the son of Frethelwold,
  • the son of Freolaffe,
  • the son of Frethewolfe,
  • the son of Finnie,
  • the son of Godulfe,
  • the son of *Geta,*About which Sedulius writes in the Easter song.
  • the son of Teathwie,
  • the son of Beame,
  • the son of Sceldie,
  • the son of Seafe,
  • the son of Heremod,
  • the son of Itermod,
  • the son of Hordie,
  • the son of Wale,
  • the son of Bedwie,
  • the son of Sem,
  • son of Noah,
  • and so foorth to Adam, as you

shall find it by retrogradation from the 32 verse vnto the first of the fift chapter of Genesis. Which genealogicall recapitulation in their nationall families and tribes, other people also haue obserued; as the Spaniards, who reckon their descent from Hesperus, before the Gothes and Moors ouerran their land; the Italians from Aeneas, before they were mingled with the Vandals and Lumbards; the Saxons from Woden, before they were mixed with the Danes and Normans; the Frenchmen at this day from the Thracians; the Germans from the children of Gwiston; Iohn Castor.
Simon Dun.
Matt. Parker.
A kings son and heire a bishop. and other people from their farre fetcht ancestrie. To conclude, of this Ethelwulfe it is written, that he was so well learned & deuout, that the clerks of the church of Winchester did chuse him in his youth to be bishop, which function he vndertooke, and was bishop of the said see by the space of seuen yéeres before he was king.

You can trace it back from verse 32 to the first verse of the fifth chapter of Genesis. Other cultures have also recorded their genealogies within their national families and tribes, like the Spaniards, who trace their lineage to Hesperus, before the Goths and Moors invaded their land; the Italians from Aeneas, before they mixed with the Vandals and Lombards; the Saxons from Woden, before they merged with the Danes and Normans; the French today claim descent from the Thracians; the Germans from the children of Gwiston; John Castor.
Simon Dunn.
Matt Parker.
A king's son and heir, and a bishop. and various other groups from their distant ancestors. In conclusion, it is said of Ethelwulfe that he was so well-educated and devout that the clerks of the church of Winchester chose him as bishop in his youth. He took on this role and served as bishop of that see for seven years before he became king.


Bertwolfe king of Mercia tributarie to the Westsaxons, the fame of Modwen an Irish virgine, she was a great builder of monasteries, she had the gift of healing diseases, Ethelbald and Ethelbright diuide their fathers kingdome betwixt them, Ethelbald marieth his mother, he dieth, Winchester destroied by the Danes, they plaied the trucebreakers and did much mischiefe in Kent, Ethelbright dieth; Ethelred king of the Westsaxons, his commendable qualities, his regiment was full of trouble, he fought against the Danes nine times in one yere with happie successe, the kings of Mercia fall from their fealtie and allegiance to Ethelred; Hungar & Vbba two Danish capteines with their power lie in Eastangle, Osbright and Ella kings of Northumberland slaine of the Danes in battell, they set Yorke on fire, a commendation of bishop Adelstan, his departure out of this life.

Bertwolfe, king of Mercia, paid tribute to the West Saxons. The fame of Modwen, an Irish virgin, spread; she was a great builder of monasteries and had the gift of healing diseases. Ethelbald and Ethelbright divided their father's kingdom between them. Ethelbald married his mother, and then he died. Winchester was destroyed by the Danes, who broke their truce and caused much trouble in Kent. Ethelbright died; Ethelred became king of the West Saxons. He had admirable qualities, but his reign was full of turmoil. He fought against the Danes nine times in one year with successful outcomes. The kings of Mercia renounced their loyalty to Ethelred. Hungar and Vbba, two Danish captains, set up camp in East Anglia. Osbright and Ella, kings of Northumberland, were killed by the Danes in battle, and they set York on fire. There is commendation for Bishop Adelstan and his departure from this life.

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

Bertwolfe.
of Mercia.
After Wightlafe king of Mercia, one Bertwolfe reigned as tributarie vnto the Westsaxons, the space of 13 yeeres, about the end of which tearme he was chased out of his countrie by the Danes, and then one Burthred was made king of that kingdome, which maried Ethelswida the Matt. West. saith the daughter.
Ranulf. Cest.
Iohn Capgraue.
sister of Ethelwolfe king of Westsaxons. In this season, one Modwen a virgine in Ireland was greatlie renowmed in the world, vnto whome the forenamed king Ethelwolfe sent his sonne Alfred to be cured of a disease, that was thought incurable: but by hir meanes he recouered health, and therefore when hir monasterie was destroied in Ireland, Modwen came ouer into England, vnto whom king Ethelwolfe gaue land to build two abbeies, and also deliuered vnto hir his sister Edith to be professed a nun. Modwen herevpon built two monasteries, one at Pouleswoorth, ioining to the bounds of Arderne, wherein she placed the foresaid Edith, with Osith and Athea: the other, whether it was a monasterie or cell, she founded in Strenshall or Trentsall, where she[Page 664] hir selfe remained solitarie a certeine time in praier, and other vertuous exercises. And (as it is reported) she went thrice to Rome, and finallie died, being 130 yéeres of age. Hir bodie was first buried in an Iland compassed about with the riuer of Trent called Andresey, taking that name of a church or chappell of saint Andrew, which she had built in the same Iland, and dwelled therein for the space of seuen yéeres. Manie monasteries she builded, both in England (as partlie aboue is mentioned) and also in Scotland, as at Striueling, Edenbrough; and in Ireland, at Celestline, and elsewhere.

Bertwolfe of Mercia. After Wightlafe, king of Mercia, Bertwolfe ruled as a vassal to the West Saxons for 13 years. Toward the end of his reign, he was driven out of his country by the Danes, and then Burthred became king of that kingdom. Burthred married Ethelswida, the "Matt. West." says the daughter.
"Ranulf. Cest."
"Iohn Capgraue."
sister of Ethelwolfe, king of the West Saxons. During this time, a virgin named Modwen in Ireland was highly esteemed. King Ethelwolfe sent his son Alfred to her for treatment of a disease thought to be incurable. With her help, he regained his health. After her monastery was destroyed in Ireland, Modwen came to England, where King Ethelwolfe granted her land to build two abbeys and also entrusted his sister Edith to her to become a nun. Modwen then built two monasteries, one at Pouleswoorth, near the boundaries of Arderne, where she placed Edith along with Osith and Athea. The other, whether it was a monastery or a cell, she founded in Strenshall or Trentsall, where she [Page 664] stayed in solitude for a time, dedicated to prayer and other virtuous activities. It is reported that she traveled to Rome three times and eventually died at the age of 130. Her body was first buried on an island surrounded by the River Trent, called Andresey, taking that name from a church or chapel dedicated to Saint Andrew that she had built there, where she lived for seven years. She built many monasteries in England (as mentioned above), as well as in Scotland at Stirling and Edinburgh, and in Ireland at Celestine and elsewhere.

ETHELBALD AND ETHELBRIGHT. 857. Ethelbald and Ethelbright diuiding their fathers kingdom betwixt them, began to reigne, Ethelbald ouer the Westsaxons and the Southsaxons, and Ethelbright ouer them of Kent and Essex, in the yéere of our Lord 857, which was in the second yéere of the emperor Lewes the second, & the 17 of Charles surnamed Caluus or the bald king of France, and about the first yéere of Donald the fift of that name king of Scots. The said The vnlawful mariage of Ethelbald. Wil. Malm. Ethelbald greatlie to his reproch tooke to wife his mother in law quéene Iudith, or rather (as some write) his owne mother, whom his father had kept as concubine. He liued not past fiue yéeres in gouernement of the kingdome, but was taken out of this life to the great sorrow of his subiects whome he ruled right worthilie, and so as they had him in great loue and estimation. Then his brother Ethelbright tooke on him the rule of the whole gouernment, as well ouer the Westsaxons & them of Sussex, as ouer the Kentishmen and them of Essex.

ETHELBALD AND ETHELBRIGHT. 857. Ethelbald and Ethelbright divided their father's kingdom between them and began to rule, with Ethelbald over the West Saxons and South Saxons, and Ethelbright over the people of Kent and Essex, in the year 857 AD, which was the second year of Emperor Louis II and the 17th year of Charles the Bald, King of France, and around the first year of Donald V, King of Scots. The said Ethelbald's illegal marriage. Wil. Malm. Ethelbald, greatly to his shame, married his mother-in-law, Queen Judith, or rather (as some say) his own mother, whom his father had kept as a concubine. He did not live more than five years in power but was removed from this life to the great sorrow of his subjects, whom he ruled very well and who held him in great love and esteem. After that, his brother Ethelbright took on the rule of the entire government, over both the West Saxons and Sussex, as well as the Kentishmen and Essex.

Hen. Hunt. Winchester destroied by Danes. In his daies the Danes came on land, and destroid the citie of Winchester: but duke Osrike with them of Hamshire, and duke Adelwolfe

Danes vanquished.
with the Barkeshire men gaue the enimies battell, & vanquishing them, slue of them a great number. In the fift yeere of Ethelbrights reigne, a nauie of Danes arriued in the Ile of Tenet, vnto whome when the Kentishmen had promised a summe of monie to haue a truce granted for a time, the Danes one night, before the tearme of that truce was expired, brake foorth and wasted all the east part of Kent: wherevpon the Kentishmen assembled togither, made towardes those trucebreakers, and caused them to depart out of the countrie. The same yéere, after that Ethelbright had ruled well and peaceably the Westsaxons fiue yeeres, and the Kentishmen ten yéeres, he ended his life, and was buried at Shireborne, as his brother Ethelbald was before him.

Hen. Hunt. Winchester destroyed by Vikings. In his time, the Danes landed and destroyed the city of Winchester; but Duke Osrike with the people of Hampshire, and Duke Adelwolfe with the Berkshire men, fought back against the enemies and defeated them, killing a large number of them. In the fifth year of Ethelbright's reign, a fleet of Danes arrived on the Isle of Thanet. When the Kentishmen had promised a sum of money to secure a temporary truce, the Danes broke their agreement one night, before the truce was up, and ravaged all of East Kent. In response, the Kentishmen gathered together, went after those who broke the truce, and forced them to leave the country. That same year, after Ethelbright had ruled the West Saxons well and peacefully for five years, and the Kentishmen for ten years, he passed away and was buried at Shireborne, just like his brother Ethelbald was before him.

ETHELRED. 867. After Ethelbright succéeded his brother Ethelred, and began his reigne ouer the Westsaxons and the more part of the English people, in the yéere of our Lord 867, and in the 12 yéere of the emperour Lewes, in the 27 yéere of the reigne of Charles Caluus king of France, and about the 6 yéere of Constantine the second king of Scots. Touching this Ethelred, he was in time of peace a most courteous prince, and one that by all kind of meanes sought to win the hearts of the people: but abroad in the warres he was sharpe and sterne, as he that vnderstood what apperteined to good order, so that he would suffer no offense to escape vnpunished. By which meanes he was famous both in peace and warre: but he neither liued any long time in the gouernement, nor yet was suffered to passe the short space that he reigned in rest and quietnesse.

ETHELRED. 867. After Ethelbright succeeded his brother Ethelred and began his reign over the West Saxons and most of the English people in the year 867 AD, during the 12th year of Emperor Louis's reign, the 27th year of King Charles the Bald of France, and around the 6th year of King Constantine II of Scotland. Regarding Ethelred, he was a very gracious prince during times of peace, doing everything he could to win the hearts of his people. However, in times of war, he was tough and serious, knowing what it meant to maintain good order, so he did not allow any offense to go unpunished. Because of this, he became well-known in both peace and war. However, he did not govern for long and was not able to enjoy the brief time he reigned in peace and quiet.

Foure yéeres six moneths saith Harison.
Wil. Malm.
Ethelred fought with the Danes nine times in one yéere. For whereas he reigned not past six yeeres, he was continuallie during that tearme vexed with the inuasion of the Danes, and speciallie towards the latter end, insomuch that (as hath béene reported of writers) he fought with them nine times in one yéere: and although with diuers and variable fortune, yet for the more part he went away with the victorie. Beside that, he oftentimes lay in wait for their forragers, and such as straied abroad to rob and spoile the countrie, whom he met withall and ouerthrew. There were slaine in his time nine earles of those Danes, and one king, beside other of the meaner sort without number.

Four years and six months, says Harison.
Wil. Malm.
Ethelred battled the Danes nine times in a single year. During his six-year reign, he was constantly troubled by the invasion of the Danes, especially towards the end. It’s reported by various writers that he fought them nine times in one year. Although the outcomes varied, he mostly came out victorious. In addition, he often set traps for their raiders and those who wandered to steal and pillage the countryside, defeating them when he encountered them. During his time, nine earls of the Danes were killed, along with one king, not to mention countless others of lower rank.

But here is to be vnderstood, that in this meane time, whilest Ethelred was busied in warre to resist the inuasions of the Danes in the south and west parts of this land, the kings and rulers of Mercia and Northumberland taking occasion therof, began to withdraw their[Page 665] The kings of Mercia and Northumberland neglect their duties. couenanted subiection from the Westsaxons, and tooke vpon them as it were the absolute gouernment and rule of their countries, without respect to aid one another, but rather were contented to susteine the enimies within their dominions, than to preuent the iniurie with dutifull assistance to those, whom by allegiance they were bound to serue and obeie.

But it should be understood that during this time, while Ethelred was engaged in war to fend off the invasion of the Danes in the southern and western parts of the country, the kings and leaders of Mercia and Northumberland saw this as an opportunity and started to pull away from their obligations to the West Saxons. They took on what seemed like full control and governance of their regions, without regard for helping one another. Instead, they preferred to endure the enemies within their lands rather than prevent the harm by providing the loyal support they were obligated to give.

The Danes grow in puisance. By reason hereof, the Danes without resistance grew into greater power amongst them, whilest the inhabitants were still put in feare each day more than other, and euerie late gotten victorie by the enimies by the increase of prisoners, ministred occasion of some other conquest to follow. Euen about the beginning of Ethelreds reigne, there arriued vpon the English coasts an huge armie of the Danes, vnder the conduct Hungar and Vbba. of two renowmed capteins Hungar and Vbba, men of maruellous strength and valiancie, but both of them passing cruell of nature. They lay all the winter season in Estangle, compounding with them of the countrie for truce vpon certeine conditions, sparing for a time to shew their force for quietnesse sake.

The Danes gain power. As a result, the Danes grew stronger without any resistance while the locals were increasingly fearful each day. Every recent victory by the enemies, along with the growing number of captives, created further opportunities for conquest to follow. Around the start of Ethelred's reign, a huge army of Danes arrived on the English shores, led by two renowned captains, Hungar and Vbba, who were incredibly strong and brave but also exceedingly cruel by nature. They spent the entire winter in Estangle, negotiating a truce with the locals under certain conditions, temporarily holding back their force for the sake of peace.

In the second yéere of king Ethelred, the said capteins came with their armies into Yorkshire, finding the country vnprouided of necessarie defense bicause of the ciuill discord that reigned among the Hen. Hunt. King Osbright deposed and Ella placed. Northumbers, the which had latelie expelled king Osbright, that had the gouernement of those parts, and placed one Ella in his roome: howbeit now they were constreined to reuoke him home againe, and sought to accord him and Ella. But it was long yer that might be brought to passe, notwithstanding yet at length they were made friends, by reason of this inuasion attempted by forren enimies, and then raising their powers they came to Yorke, where the Danes, hauing wasted the countrie euen to the riuer of Tine, were lodged.

In the second year of King Ethelred, the mentioned leaders brought their armies into Yorkshire, finding the area unprepared for defense due to the civil strife that was ongoing among the Chickens. Hunting. King Osbright was overthrown, and Ella took his place. Northumbrians, who had recently ousted King Osbright, the ruler of that region, and appointed one Ella in his place. However, they were now forced to bring him back and sought to reconcile him with Ella. But it took a long time for this to happen, though eventually they became friends because of the invasion attempted by foreign enemies. They then gathered their forces and marched to York, where the Danes, having ravaged the land all the way to the River Tyne, were stationed.

The English host entring the citie, began to fight with the Danes, by reason whereof a sore battell insued betwixt them: but in the end the Osbright and Ella kings of Northumberland slaine. two kings Osbright and Ella were slaine, and a great number of the Northumbers, what within the citie, and what without lost their liues It must be vpon the 10 kalends of Aprill, or else it will not concurre with Palmsunday.
Sée Mat. West.
at that time, the residue were constreined to take truce with the Danes. This battell was fought the 21 day of March being in Lent, on the Friday before Palmsunday, in the yere 657.

The English host entered the city and began to fight the Danes, which led to a fierce battle between them. In the end, the two kings, Osbright and Ella, were killed, along with a large number of Northumbrians, both inside and outside the city. The remaining forces were forced to negotiate a truce with the Danes. This battle took place on March 21, during Lent, on the Friday before Palm Sunday, in the year 657.

¶ Some haue written otherwise of this battell, reporting that the Northumbers calling home king Osbright (whome before they had banished) incountred with the Danes in the field, without the walles of Yorke, but they were easilie beaten backe, and chased into the citie, the Yorke burnt by Danes. which by the Danes pursuing the victorie, was set on fier and burnt, togither with the king and people that were fled into it for succour. How soeuer it came about, certeine it is, that the Danes got the victorie, and now hauing subdued the Northumbers, appointed one Egbert to reigne ouer them as king, vnder their protection, which Egbert reigned in that sort six yeares ouer those which inhabited beyond the riuer of Tine. In the same yeare, Adelstane bishop of Shireborne departed this life, hauing gouerned that sée the terme of 50 yeares. The commendation of Adelstan bishop of Shirborne. This Adelstane was a man of high wisedome, and one that had borne no small rule in the kingdome of the Westsaxons, as hereby it may be coniectured, that when king Ethelwulfe returned from Rome, he would not suffer him to be admitted king, because he had doone in certeine points contrarie to the ordinances and lawes of the same kingdome, wherevpon by this bishops means Ethelbald the sonne of the same king Ethelwulfe was established king, and so continued till by agréement the kingdome was diuided betwixt them, as before is mentioned. Finallie, he greatlie inriched the sée of Shireborne, and yet though he was feruentlie set on Bishop Adelstan couetous. Hen. Hunt. couetousnesse, he was neuerthelesse verie free and liberall in gifts: which contrarie extremities so ill matched, though in him (the time wherein he liued being considered) they might seeme somewhat tollerable; yet simplie & in truth they were vtterlie repugnant to the law of the spirit, which biddeth that none should doo euill that good may come thereof. Against which precept because Adelstane could not but offend in the heat of his couetousnes, which is termed the root of all mischiefe, though he was excéeding bountifull and large in distributing the wealth he had gréedilie gotten togither, he must néeds incur reprehension. But this is so much the lesse to be imputed vnto him as a[Page 666] fault, by how much he was ignorant what (by the rule of equitie and conscience) was requirable in a christian man, or one of his vocation.

¶ Some have written differently about this battle, claiming that the Northumbrians called back King Osbright (whom they had previously banished) to confront the Danes in the field, outside the walls of York. However, they were easily pushed back and chased into the city, The Danes burned York. The Danes, pursuing their victory, set it on fire, along with the king and the people who had fled there for safety. Regardless of how it happened, it’s certain that the Danes were victorious, and having subdued the Northumbrians, they appointed a man named Egbert to rule over them as king, under their protection. Egbert ruled in this way for six years over those who lived beyond the River Tyne. In the same year, Adelstane, Bishop of Shireborne, passed away after governing that see for 50 years. The acknowledgment of Adelstan, Bishop of Sherborne. Adelstane was a man of great wisdom and had held significant power in the kingdom of the West Saxons, as evidenced by the fact that when King Ethelwulfe returned from Rome, he would not allow him to be made king because he had acted in ways contrary to the laws and ordinances of the kingdom. Therefore, through the bishop's influence, Ethelbald, the son of King Ethelwulfe, was established as king, and he continued to reign until an agreement divided the kingdom between them, as previously mentioned. Ultimately, he greatly enriched the see of Shireborne, and even though he was fervently driven by Bishop Adelstan's greed. Hen. Hunt. greed, he was still very generous with gifts. These contrary extremes, while seeming somewhat tolerable in his time, were fundamentally repugnant to the law of the spirit, which commands that no one should do evil so that good may come of it. Because Adelstane could not help but violate this precept in the heat of his greed—often described as the root of all evil—he was bound to face criticism, even though he was exceedingly generous in distributing the wealth he had so eagerly gathered. However, this flaw is less to be held against him considering that he was unaware of what was required of a Christian man, or one of his position, according to the principles of equity and conscience.


Burthred king of Mercia with aid beseegeth the Danes in Notingham, Basreeg and Halden two Danish kings with their powers inuade the Westsaxons, they are incountred by Ethelwulfe earle of Barkeshire; King Ethelred giueth them and their cheefe guides a sore discomfiture; what Polydor Virgil recordeth touching one Iuarus king of the Danes, and the warres that Ethelred had with them, his death; Edmund king of Eastangles giueth battell to the Danes, he yeeldeth himselfe, and for christian religion sake is by them most cruellie murthered, the kingdome of the Eastangles endeth, Guthrun a Dane gouerneth the whole countrie, K. Osbright rauisheth the wife of one Bearne a noble man, a bloodie battell insueth therevpon, wherein Osbright and Ella are slaine.

King Burthred of Mercia, with some help, is laying siege to the Danes in Nottingham. Basreeg and Halden, two Danish kings, invade the West Saxons with their forces. They encounter Ethelwulfe, the Earl of Berkshire. King Ethelred defeats them and their main leaders severely. Polydor Virgil records how Iuarus, the king of the Danes, relates to the wars Ethelred had with them and his death. Edmund, the king of the East Angles, engages the Danes in battle, but he surrenders and is brutally murdered by them for the sake of his Christian faith. This marks the end of the East Angles' kingdom, and Guthrun, a Dane, takes control over the entire region. King Osbright abducts the wife of a noble man named Bearne, leading to a bloody battle that results in the deaths of Osbright and Ella.

THE TWELFT CHAPTER.

BURTHRED king of Mercia. In the yeare following, that is to say, in the third yéere of Ethelreds reigne, he with his brother Alured went to aid Burthred king of Mercia, against the two foresaid Danish capteines Hungar and Vbba, the which were entred into Mercia, and had woon the towne for the winter season. Wherevpon the foresaid Ethelred and Burthred with their powers came to Danes besieged in Notingham. Notingham, and besieged the Danes within it. The Danes perceiuing themselues in danger, made suite for a truce & abstinence from war, which they obteined, and then departed backe to Yorke, where they soiourned the most part of all that yeare.

Burthred, King of Mercia. In the following year, which was the third year of Ethelred's reign, he and his brother Alured went to help Burthred, king of Mercia, against the two aforementioned Danish leaders, Hungar and Vbba, who had entered Mercia and taken the town for the winter. Consequently, Ethelred and Burthred, along with their forces, came to Danes under siege in Nottingham. Nottingham and laid siege to the Danes inside. Realizing they were in danger, the Danes requested a truce and a halt to hostilities, which they were granted, and then they returned to York, where they stayed for most of the year.

In the sixt yeare of king Ethelreds reigne, a new armie of great force and power came into the countrie of the Westsaxons vnder two leaders or Basreeg and Halden. kings of the Danes, Basréeg and Halden. They lodged at Reding with their maine armie, and within thrée daies after the earle of Edelwulfe, erle of Barkshire fought at Englefield with the Danes. Berrockshire Edelwulfe fought at Englefield with two earles of those Danes, vanquished them, and slue the one of those earles, whose name was Sidroc. After this king Ethelred and his brother Alured came with a great host vnto Reding, and there gaue battell vnto the armie of Danes, so that an huge number of people died on both parts, but the Danes had the victorie.

In the sixth year of King Ethelred's reign, a new army of great strength and power entered the land of the West Saxons under two leaders, Basréeg and Halden, kings of the Danes. They settled at Reading with their main army, and within three days, Ealdwulf, Earl of Berkshire, fought at Englefield against the Danes. Ealdwulf defeated two earls of those Danes and killed one of them, named Sidroc. After this, King Ethelred and his brother Alured arrived with a large force at Reading and engaged the Danish army in battle, resulting in a huge number of casualties on both sides, but the Danes emerged victorious.

The Danes wan the victory at Reading. After this also king Ethelred and his brother Alured fought againe with those Danes at Aschdon, where the armies on both sides were diuided into two parts, so that the two Danish kings lead the one part of their armie, & certeine of their earles lead the other part. Likewise on the English side king Ethelred was placed with one part of the host against the Danish kings, and Alured with the other part was appointed to incounter with the earles. Herevpon they being on both parts readie to giue battell, the euening comming on caused them to deferre it till the morow. And so earlie in the morning when the armies should ioine, king Ethelred staied in his tent to heare diuine seruice, whilest his brother vpon a forward courage hasted to incounter his enimies, the which receiued him so sharplie, and with so cruell fight, that at length, the Englishmen were at point to haue turned their backs. But herewith came king Ethelred and manfullie ended the battell, staied his people from running away, and so encouraged them, and discouraged the enimies, that by the power of God (whom as was thought in the morning The Danes discomfited. he had serued) the Danes finallie were chased and put to flight, losing one of their kings (that is to say) Basreeg or Osreeg, and 5 earles, Sidroc the elder, and Sidroc the yoonger, Osberne, Freine, and Harold. This battell was sore foughten, and continued till night, with the slaughter of manie thousands of Danes. About 14 daies after, king Ethelred and his brother Alured fought eftsoones with the Danish armie at Basing, where the Danes had the victorie. Also two moneths after[Page 667] A battell at Merton. this they likewise fought with the Danes at Merton. And there the Danes, after they had béene put to the woorse, & pursued in chase a long time, yet at length they also got the victorie, in which battell He was bishop of Shireborne as Matt. West. saith. Edmund bishop of Shireborne was slaine, and manie other that were men of woorthie fame and good account.

The Danes won the battle at Reading. After this, King Ethelred and his brother Alured fought again with the Danes at Ashdown, where both armies were divided into two parts. The two Danish kings led one part of their army, while certain earls led the other part. Similarly, on the English side, King Ethelred was positioned with one part of the host against the Danish kings, and Alured was appointed to face the earls with the other part. As both sides were ready to give battle, the evening came, causing them to postpone it until the next day. Early in the morning, when the armies were about to clash, King Ethelred stayed in his tent to attend a church service, while his brother, eager to confront the enemy, rushed into battle. The Danes met him with fierce resistance, and the English were on the verge of retreating. But then King Ethelred arrived and bravely turned the tide of the battle, stopping his men from fleeing, encouraging them, and demoralizing the enemy. With God's help, whom he had served that morning, the Danes were ultimately chased off, losing one of their kings, Basreeg or Osreeg, and five earls: Sidroc the Elder, Sidroc the Younger, Osberne, Freine, and Harold. This battle was fiercely fought and lasted until night, with many thousands of Danes slaughtered. About fourteen days later, King Ethelred and his brother Alured fought again against the Danish army at Basing, where the Danes secured the victory. Two months later, [Page 667] A fight at Merton. they also fought the Danes at Merton. After initially suffering a defeat and being pursued for a long time, the Danes ultimately claimed victory in that battle, during which Edmund, bishop of Shireborne, was killed, along with many other notable and respected men. He was the bishop of Shireborne, as stated by Matt. West..

In the summer following, a mightie host of the Danes came to Reading, Polyd. Virg. Iuarus. and there soiourned for a time. ¶ These things agrée not with that which Polydor Virgil hath written of these warres which king Ethelred had with the Danes: for he maketh mention of one Iuarus a king of the Danes, who landed (as he writeth) at the mouth of Humber, and like a stout enimie inuaded the countrie adioining. Against whome Ethelred with his brother Alured came with an armie, and incountring the Danes, fought with them by the space of a whole day togither, and was in danger to haue béene put to the woorse, but that the night seuered them asunder. In the morning they ioined againe: but the death of Iuarus, who chanced to be slaine in the beginning of the battell, discouraged Danes put to flight. the Danes, so that they were easilie put to flight, of whome (before they could get out of danger) a great number were slaine. But after that they had recouered themselues togither, and found but a conuenient place where to pitch their campe, they chose to their capteines Agnerus and Hubba. Agnerus, and Hubba, two brethren, which indeuored themselues by all meanes possible to repaire their armie: so that within 15 daies after, the Danes eftsoones fought with the Englishmen, and gaue them such an ouerthrow, that little wanted of making an end of all incounters to be attempted after by the Englishmen.

In the following summer, a large group of Danes came to Reading, Polydiversity Virgin. Iuarus. and stayed there for a while. ¶ These events don't match what Polydor Virgil wrote about the wars that King Ethelred had with the Danes. He mentions a Danish king named Iuarus, who landed (as he writes) at the mouth of the Humber and fiercely invaded the nearby country. Ethelred, along with his brother Alured, came with an army and fought against the Danes for an entire day. They were almost defeated, but night separated them. In the morning they joined battle again, but the death of Iuarus, who was killed at the start of the fight, discouraged the Danes, causing them to retreat easily, resulting in many of them being killed before they could escape. After regrouping and finding a suitable place to set up camp, they appointed two brothers, Agnerus and Hubba. Agnerus and Hubba, as their leaders, who did everything they could to rebuild their army. Within 15 days, the Danes fought the Englishmen again and dealt them such a blow that it nearly ended all future encounters that the Englishmen might attempt.

But yet within a few daies after this, as the Danes attended their market to spoile the countrie and range somewhat licentiouslie abroad, they fell within the danger of such ambushes as were laid for them by king Ethelred, that no small slaughter was made of them, but yet not without some losse of the Englishmen. Amongest others, Ethelred himselfe receiued a wound, whereof he shortlie after died. Thus saith Polydor touching the warres which king Ethelred had with the Danes, who yet confesseth (as the trueth is) that such authors as he herein followed, varie much from that which the Danish writers doo record of these matters, and namelie touching the dooings of Iuarus, as in the Danish historie you may sée more at large.

But within a few days after this, as the Danes were attending their market to loot the countryside and behaving somewhat recklessly, they fell into the traps that King Ethelred had set for them, resulting in significant losses for them, though the English suffered some casualties as well. Among others, Ethelred himself received a wound from which he soon after died. This is what Polydor says about the wars that King Ethelred fought with the Danes, although he acknowledges (as is the truth) that the sources he followed differ greatly from what Danish writers record about these events, particularly regarding the actions of Ivar, as you can see more extensively in the Danish history.

But now to our purpose touching the death of king Ethelred, whether by reason of hurt receiued in fight against the Danes (as Polydor saith) or otherwise, certeine it is, that Ethelred anon after Easter departed this life, in the sixt yeare of his reigne, and was buried at Winborne Winborne abbeie. Agnerus.
Fabian.
870.

Edmund K. of the Eastangles.
abbey. In the daies of this Ethelred, the foresaid Danish capteins, Hungar, otherwise called Agnerus, and Hubba returning from the north parts into the countrie of the Eastangles, came vnto Thetford, whereof Edmund, who reigned as king in that season ouer the Eastangles, being aduertised, raised an armie of men, and went foorth to giue battell vnto this armie of the Danes. But he with his people was chased out of Framingham castell. the field, and fled to the castell of Framingham, where being enuironed with a siege by his enimies, he yéelded himselfe vnto them. And because he would not renounce the christian faith, they bound him to a trée, King Edmund shot to death. and shot arrowes at him till he died: and afterwards cut off his head from his bodie, and threw the same into a thicke groue of bushes. But afterwards his friends tooke the bodie with the head, and buried the Eglesdon. same at Eglesdon: where afterward also a faire monasterie was builded by one bishop Aswin, and changing the name of the place, it was after called saint Edmundsburie. Thus was king Edmund put to death by the cruell Danes for his constant confessing the name of Christ, in the 16 yeare of his reigne, and so ceased the kingdome of Eastangles. For after that the Danes had thus slaine that blessed man, they conquered all the countrie, & wasted it, so that through their tyrannie it Wil. Malm. Eastangles without a gouernour.
Guthrun a Dane king of Eastangles.
remained without anie gouernor by the space of nine yeares, and then they appointed a king to rule ouer it, whose name was Guthrun, one of their owne nation, who gouerned both the Eastangles and the Eastsaxons.

But now, let’s focus on the death of King Ethelred, whether due to injuries he received while fighting the Danes (as Polydor says) or for some other reason. It is certain that Ethelred passed away shortly after Easter, in the sixth year of his reign, and was buried at Winborne Winborne Abbey. Agnerus.
Fabian.
870.
Edmund K. from East Anglia. abbey. During the days of Ethelred, the aforementioned Danish leaders, Hungar, also known as Agnerus, and Hubba, returned from the north to the land of the East Angles and came to Thetford. Edmund, who was king of the East Angles at that time, was informed of their arrival, raised an army, and went out to confront the Danish forces. However, he and his men were driven from the field and fled to Framingham Castle, where, surrounded by a siege by his enemies, he surrendered to them. Because he refused to renounce his Christian faith, they tied him to a tree, King Edmund was shot dead. and shot arrows at him until he died. Afterwards, they decapitated him and threw his head into a dense thicket of bushes. Later, his friends retrieved the body and the head, and buried them at Eglesdon. Eglesdon, where a fine monastery was later built by Bishop Aswin, and the place was renamed to Saint Edmundsbury. Thus, King Edmund was killed by the cruel Danes for his steadfast confession of Christ’s name, in the 16th year of his reign, marking the end of the kingdom of the East Angles. After the Danes had slain that blessed man, they conquered and devastated the entire region, leaving it without any governor for nine years. Eventually, they appointed a king from their own people named Guthrun, who ruled over both the East Angles and the East Saxons.

Ye haue heard how the Danes slue Osrike and Ella kings of Northumberland. After which victorie by them obteined, they did much[Page 668] Polychron. hurt in the north parts of this land, and amongest other cruell deeds, they destroied the citie of Acluid, which was a famous citie in the time of the old Saxons, as by Beda and other writers dooth manifestlie Caxton. appeare. Here is to be remembred, that some writers rehearse the cause to be this. Osbright or Osrike king of Northumberland rauished the wife of one Berne that was a noble man of the countrie about Yorke, who tooke such great despight thereat, that he fled out of the land, and went into Denmarke, and there complained vnto the king of Denmarke his coosin of the iniurie doone to him by king Osbright. Wherevpon the king of Denmarke, glad to haue so iust a quarell against them of Northumberland, furnished foorth an armie, and sent the same by sea (vnder the leading of his two brethren Hungar and Hubba) into Northumberland, where they slue first the said king Osbright, and after king Ella, at a place besides Yorke, which vnto this day is called Ellas croft, taking that name of the said Ella, being there slaine in defense of his countrie against the Danes. Which Ella (as we find registred by writers) was elected king by such of the Northumbers, as in fauour of Berne had refused to be subiect vnto Osbright.

You’ve heard how the Danes killed Osrike and Ella, the kings of Northumberland. After this victory, they caused a lot of damage in the northern parts of this land, and among other brutal acts, they destroyed the city of Acluid, which was a famous city back in the days of the old Saxons, as is clearly shown by Beda and other writers. It’s worth mentioning that some writers state the reason was this: Osbright or Osrike, king of Northumberland, raped the wife of a nobleman named Berne from the York area. Berne was so enraged by this that he fled the country and went to Denmark, where he complained to his cousin, the king of Denmark, about the wrong done to him by King Osbright. As a result, the king of Denmark, eager to have such a just reason to take on Northumberland, gathered an army and sent it by sea (led by his two brothers, Hungar and Hubba) to Northumberland, where they first killed King Osbright and then King Ella, at a place near York that is still called Ella's croft, named after Ella, who died while defending his country against the Danes. Ella (as recorded by historians) was chosen king by those Northumbrians who, in support of Berne, refused to be subject to Osbright.


Alfred ruleth ouer the Westsaxons and the greatest part of England, the Danes afflict him with sore warre, and cruellie make wast of his kingdome, they lie at London a whole winter, they inuade Mercia, the king whereof (Burthred by name) forsaketh his countrie and goeth to Rome, his death and buriall; Halden king of the Danes diuideth Northumberland among his people; Alfred incountreth with the Danes vpon the sea, they sweare to him that they will depart out of his kingdome, they breake the truce which was made betwixt him and them, he giueth them battell, and (besides a great discomfiture) killeth manie of their capteines, the Danes and English fight neere Abington, the victorie vncerteine, seuen foughten fieldes betwixt them in one yeare, the Danes soiourne at London.

Alfred rules over the West Saxons and most of England. The Danes are waging a harsh war against him and are devastating his kingdom. They stay in London for an entire winter and invade Mercia, whose king, Burthred, abandons his country and goes to Rome before his death and burial. Halden, the king of the Danes, divides Northumberland among his people. Alfred encounters the Danes at sea, and they swear to him that they will leave his kingdom. However, they break the truce that was made between them and Alfred. He battles them, resulting in a significant defeat for the Danes and the deaths of many of their leaders. The Danes and English fight near Abington, with the outcome uncertain, and there are seven battles between them in one year while the Danes remain in London.

THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.

ALURED OR ALFRED.
871. as Mat. West. & Sim. Dunelmen. doo note it.
Henr. Hunt. After the decease of king Ethelred, his brother Alured or Alfred succéeded him, and began his reigne ouer the Westsaxons, and other the more part of the people of England, in the yeare of our Lord 872, which was in the 19 yeare of the emperour Lewes the second, and 32 yeare of the reigne of Charles the bald, king of France, and about the eleuenth yeare of Constantine the second king of Scotland. Although this Alured was consecrated king in his fathers life time by pope Leo (as before ye haue heard) yet was he not admitted king at home, till after the decease of his thrée elder brethren: for he being the yoongest, was kept backe from the gouernement, though he were for his wisdome and policie most highlie estéemed and had in all honour.

ALURED OR ALFRED.
871. as Mat. West. & Sim. Dunelmen. mention.
Henr. Hunt. After the death of King Ethelred, his brother Alured or Alfred succeeded him and began his reign over the West Saxons and most of the other people of England in the year 872, which was in the 19th year of Emperor Louis II, the 32nd year of Charles the Bald's reign as King of France, and around the 11th year of Constantine II's reign as King of Scotland. Although Alured was consecrated king during his father's lifetime by Pope Leo (as you have heard before), he wasn't formally recognized as king at home until after the death of his three older brothers. Being the youngest, he was kept from ruling, even though he was highly esteemed for his wisdom and governance and was honored greatly.

Alured persecuted by Danes. Matt. Westm. In the beginning of his reigne he was wrapped in manie great troubles and miseries, speciallie by the persecution of the Danes, which made sore and greeuous wars in sundrie parts of this land, destroieng the same in most cruell wise. About a moneth after he was made king, he The Danes obteine the victorie. gaue battell to the Danes of Wilton, hauing with him no great number of people, so that although in the beginning the Danes that day were put to the woorse, yet in the end they obteined the victorie. Shortlie after, a truce was taken betwixt the Danes and the Westsaxons. And the Danes that had lien at Reading, remoued from thence vnto London, where The Danes wintered at London.
874.
they lay all the winter season. In the second yeare of Alured his reigne, the Danish king Halden led the same armie from London into Lindseie, and there lodged all that winter at Torkseie. In the yeare Repton. following, the same Halden inuaded Mercia, and wintered at Ripindon. There were come to him thrée other leaders of Danes which our writers name to be kings, Godrun, Esketell, & Ammond, so that their power was Burthred king of Mercia. greatlie increased. Burthred king of Mercia which had gouerned that countrie by the space of 22 yéeres, was not able to withstand the[Page 669] puissance of those enimies: wherevpon he was constreined to auoid the countrie, and went to Rome, where he departed this life, and was buried in the church of our ladie, néere to the English schoole.

Alured chased by Danes. Matt. Westm. At the start of his reign, he faced many great troubles and hardships, especially due to the Danes' attacks. They waged brutal wars throughout various parts of the land, causing immense destruction. About a month after he was crowned king, he fought the Danes at Wilton, but he had only a small army. Although the Danes were at first losing that day, they ultimately won the battle. Shortly after, a truce was reached between the Danes and the West Saxons. The Danes, who had been staying in Reading, moved to London, where they camped for the whole winter season. In the second year of Alured's reign, the Danish king Halden led his army from London into Lindsey, where they spent the winter at Torksey. In the following year, Halden invaded Mercia and spent the winter at Ripon. He was joined by three other Danish leaders who our writers refer to as kings: Godrun, Esketell, and Ammond, which greatly strengthened their forces. Burthred, the king of Mercia, who had ruled that region for 22 years, was unable to resist the power of these enemies. As a result, he was forced to flee the country and went to Rome, where he passed away and was buried in the church of Our Lady, near the English school.

875. In the fourth yeare of king Alured the armie of the Danes diuided it selfe into two parts, so that king Halden with one part thereof went The Danes went into Northumberland. into Northumberland, and lay in the winter, season néere to the riuer of Tine, where hee diuided the countrie amongest his men, and remained there for the space of two yeares, and oftentimes fetched thither booties and preis out of the countrie of the Picts. The other part of The Danes at Cambridge.
876.
the Danish armie with the thrée foresaid kings or leaders came vnto Cambridge, and remained there a whole yeare. In the same yeare king Alured fought by sea with 7 ships of Danes, tooke one of them, & chased the residue. In the yeare next insuing, the Danes came into the countrie of the Westsaxons, and king Alured tooke truce with them The Danes tooke an oth. Hen. Hunt. againe, and they sware to him (which they had not vsed to doo to anie afore that time) that they would depart the countrie. Their armie by sea sailing from Warham toward Excester, susteined great losse by tempest, for there perished 120 ships at Swanewicke.

875. In the fourth year of King Alfred, the Danish army split into two groups. King Halden took one part and went into Northumberland, where he spent the winter near the River Tyne. He divided the land among his men and stayed there for two years, frequently taking loot from the Pictish territory. The other part of the Danish army, led by three kings, went to Cambridge, where they camped for an entire year. During that same year, King Alfred fought at sea against seven Danish ships, capturing one and chasing the rest. The following year, the Danes invaded the land of the West Saxons, and King Alfred made a truce with them again, and for the first time, they swore an oath to him that they would leave the country. Their army, sailing by sea from Warham toward Exeter, suffered heavy losses in a storm, with 120 ships sinking at Swanwick.

The Danes went to Excester. Moreouer the armie of the Danes by land went to Excester in breach of the truce, and king Alured followed them, but could not ouertake them till they came to Excester, and there he approched them in such wise, Henr. Hunt. that they were glad to deliuer pledges for performance of such couenants as were accorded betwixt him and them. And so then they departed out of the countrie, and drew into Mercia. But shortlie after, when they had the whole gouernment of the land, from Thames northward, they thought it not good to suffer king Alured to continue in rest with the residue of the countries beyond Thames. And therefore the thrée foresaid rulers of Danes, Godrun, Esketell, and Ammond, inuading the 877. countrie of Westsaxons came to Chipnam, distant 17 miles from Bristow, & there pitched their tents.

The Danes went to Exeter. Moreover, the army of the Danes marched to Exeter, breaking the truce, and King Alfred pursued them but couldn’t catch up until they reached Exeter, where he approached them in such a way that they were eager to provide guarantees for fulfilling the agreements made between him and them. After that, they left the country and retreated to Mercia. However, shortly after, when they had complete control over the land from the Thames northward, they decided it was best not to let King Alfred remain undisturbed along with the rest of the territories beyond the Thames. Therefore, the three aforementioned leaders of the Danes—Godrun, Esketell, and Ammond—invaded the land of the West Saxons, arriving at Chipnam, which is 17 miles from Bristol, and there set up their tents.

Polydor. King Alured aduertised hereof, hasted thither, and lodging with his armie néere to the enimies, prouoked them to battell. The Danes perceiuing that either they must fight for their liues, or die with shame, boldlie came foorth, and gaue battell. The Englishmen rashlie incountered with them, and though they were ouermatched in number, yet with such violence they gaue the onset, that the enimies at the first were abashed at their hardie assaults. But when as it was perceiued that their slender ranks were not able to resist the thicke leghers of the enimies, they began to shrinke & looke backe one vpon an other, and so of force were constrained to retire: and therewithal did cast themselues into a ring, which though it séemed to be the best way that could be deuised for their safetie, yet by the great force and number of their enimies on each side assailing them, they were so thronged togither on heaps, that they had no roome to stir their weapons. Which disaduantage notwithstanding, they slue a great number of the Danes, Hubba slaine. and amongest other, Hubba the brother of Agner, with manie other of the Danish capteins. At length the Englishmen hauing valiantlie foughten a long time with the enimies, which had compassed them about, at last brake out and got them to their campe. To be briefe, this battell was The victorie doubtful. foughten with so equall fortune, that no man knew to whether part the victorie ought to be ascribed. But after they were once seuered, they tooke care to cure their hurt men, and to burie the dead bodies, namelie the Danes interred the bodie of their capteine Hubba with great funerall pompe and solemnitie: which doone, they held out their iournie Abington. till they came to Abington, whither the English armie shortlie after came also, and incamped fast by the enimies.

Polydor. King Alfred learned about this and hurried over, setting up camp with his army near the enemy to provoke them into battle. The Danes, realizing they had to either fight for their lives or be shamed, bravely came forward and engaged in combat. The English rushed forward to meet them, and even though they were outnumbered, they attacked with such ferocity that the enemies were initially taken aback by their daring assaults. However, as it became clear that their thin ranks couldn't withstand the heavy formations of the enemies, they started to falter and look back at one another, ultimately forced to retreat. They formed a circle, which seemed to be the best way to ensure their safety, but the sheer force and numbers of the attackers on both sides crowded them together so tightly that they couldn’t swing their weapons. Despite this disadvantage, they killed many Danes, including Hubba, the brother of Agner, along with several other Danish leaders. Eventually, after valiantly fighting for a long time against the encircling enemies, the English broke free and made it back to their camp. In short, this battle was fought with such uncertain outcomes that no one knew which side could claim victory. Once they separated, both sides focused on tending to their wounded and burying their dead; notably, the Danes gave a grand funeral for their leader Hubba. After this, they continued their journey Abington. until they arrived at Abington, where the English army soon followed and camped close to the enemy.

In this meane while, the rumor was spread abroad that king Alured had béene discomfited by the Danes, bicause that in the last battell he withdrew to his campe. This turned greatlie to his aduantage: for thereby a great number of Englishmen hasted to come to his succour. The Danes and Englishmen fight néer to Abington. On the morrow after his comming to Abington, he brought his armie readie to fight into the field: neither were the enimies slacke, on their parts to receiue the battell, and so the two armies ioined and fought verie sore on both sides: so that it séemed the Englishmen men had not to doo with those Danes, which had béene diuerse times before[Page 670] discomfited and put to flight, but rather with some new people fresh and lustie. But neither the one part nor the other was minded to giue ouer: in so much that the horssemen alighting on foot, and putting their horsses from them, entered the battell amongst the footmen, and thus they continued with equall aduantage till night came on, which parted the affraie, being one of the sorest foughten fields that had Vncerteine victorie. Thus farre Polydor. beene heard of in those daies. To whether partie a man might iustlie attribute the victorie, it was vtterlie vncerteine, with so like losse & gaine the matter was tried & ended betwixt them. With the semblable Ran. Higd. chance of danger and glorie seuen times that yéere did the English and Danes incounter in battell, as writers haue recorded. At length, when A peace agreed vpon. their powers on both parts were sore diminished, they agréed vpon a peace, with these conditions, that the Danes should not attempt anie further warre against the Englishmen, nor bring into this land anie new supplie of souldiers out of Denmarke. But this peace by those peacemakers was violated and broken, in so much as they ment nothing lesse than to fall from the conceiued hope which they had of bearing rule in this land, and of inriching themselues with the goods, possessions, rents and reuenues of the inhabitants. The same yéere the The Danes sojourned at London. Danes soiorned in the winter season at London, according as they had doone often times before.

In the meantime, word spread that King Alfred had been defeated by the Danes because he withdrew to his camp during the last battle. This actually worked to his advantage, as a significant number of Englishmen rushed to support him. The Danes and the English are fighting near Abington. The day after he arrived at Abington, he gathered his army, ready to battle in the field. The enemies weren't slow to engage either, and so the two armies clashed fiercely on both sides. It seemed like the English were not facing the same Danes they had defeated and driven away several times before, but rather a fresh and vigorous force. However, neither side was willing to back down; the cavalry dismounted and joined the foot soldiers in the fight. They battled evenly until night fell, which ended the conflict, making it one of the fiercest battles heard of in those times. Unclear win. Thus far __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. It was completely uncertain to which side one could justly assign the victory, with losses and gains being virtually equal. Ran. Higd. The English and Danes faced each other in battle seven times that year, as documented by writers. Eventually, when both sides had greatly diminished their forces, they agreed to a peace treaty. The terms were that the Danes would not wage further war against the English or send new reinforcements from Denmark. However, this peace was violated by those who made it, as they were less interested in keeping the peace than in pursuing their hopes of ruling the land and enriching themselves with the property, possessions, rents, and incomes of the inhabitants. That same year, the The Danes were in London. Danes wintered in London, just as they had done many times before.


Rollo a noble man of Denmarke with a fresh power entreth England, and beginneth to waste it, king Alured giueth him batell, Rollo saileth ouer into France; who first inhabited Normandie, and whereof it tooke that name; the Danes breake the peace which was made betwixt them and Alured, he is driuen to his shifts by their inuasions into his kingdome, a vision appeereth to him and his mother; king Alured disguising himselfe like a minstrell entereth the Danish campe, marketh their behauiour unsuspected, assalteth them on the sudden with a fresh power, and killeth manie of them at aduantage; the Deuonshire men giue the Danes battell vnder the conduct of Haldens brother, and are discomfited; Alured fighteth with them at Edanton, they giue him hostages, Gurthrun their king is baptised and named Adelstan, a league concluded betwixt both the kings, the bounds of Alureds kingdome.

Rollo, a nobleman from Denmark with fresh power, enters England and starts ravaging it. King Alfred battles him, but Rollo sails over to France; he is the first to settle in Normandy, which is how it got its name. The Danes break the peace that was made between them and Alfred, forcing him to find new ways to defend his kingdom against their invasions. A vision appears to him and his mother; disguised as a minstrel, King Alfred sneaks into the Danish camp, observes their behavior unnoticed, then suddenly attacks them with a fresh force, killing many of them by surprise. The men from Devonshire engage the Danes under the leadership of Haldan's brother but are defeated. Alfred fights them at Edington, and they give him hostages. Gurthrun, their king, is baptized and takes the name Athelstan, and a treaty is established between both kings, defining the boundaries of Alfred's kingdom.

THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.

Ann. 876. saith Simon Dun. About the same time, or shortlie after, there came into England one Rollo, a noble man of Denmarke or Norway, with a great armie, and (notwithstanding the peace concluded betweene the Englishmen and the Danes) began to waste and destroy the countrie. King Alured hearing these newes, with all spéed thought best in the beginning to stop such a common mischiefe, and immediatlie assembling his people, went against the enimies, and gaue them battell, in the which there died a great number of men on both sides, but the greater losse fell to Rollo his armie. Yet Matthew Westmin. saith that the Englishmen were put to flight. After this, it chanced that Rollo being warned in a dreame, left England, & sailed ouer into France, where he found fortune so 30 yéeres after this he was baptised. fauourable to him, that he obteined in that region for him and his people a countrie, the which was afterwards named Normandie, of those northerne people which then began to inhabit the same, as in the histories of France you maie sée more at large.

Ann. 876. says Simon Dun. Around the same time, or shortly after, a nobleman named Rollo from Denmark or Norway came to England with a large army. Despite the peace agreement made between the English and the Danes, he started to raid and destroy the countryside. King Alfred, hearing this news, quickly decided it was best to stop this widespread trouble. He gathered his people and marched against the enemies, leading them into battle, which resulted in heavy casualties for both sides, though Rollo's army suffered the greater loss. However, Matthew Westminster claims the English were routed. After this, Rollo received a warning in a dream, left England, and sailed to France, where he was fortunate enough to secure land for himself and his people, which later became known as Normandy, named after the northern people who began to settle there, as you can read more about in the histories of France. He was baptized 30 years later.

The Danes which had concluded peace with king Alured (as before you haue heard) shortlie after vpon the first occasion, brake the same, and by often inuasions which they made into the countrie of Westsaxons, brought the matter to that passe, that there remained to king Alured King Alured driuen to his shifts. but onlie the three countries of Hamshire, Wiltshire, & Summersetshire, in so much that he was constreined for a time to kéepe himselfe close within the fennes and maresh grounds of Summersetshire, with such small companies as he had about him, constreined to get their liuing with[Page 671] fishing, hunting, and other such shifts. He remained for the most part Edlingsey. within an Ile called Edlingsey, that is to say, the Iland of noble men, enuironed about with fennes and mareshes.

The Danes who had made peace with King Alfred (as you've heard before) soon after broke that peace at the first opportunity. Their frequent invasions into the land of the West Saxons brought matters to a point where only the three counties of Hampshire, Wiltshire, and Somerset remained to King Alfred, forcing him for a time to stay hidden within the marshes and wetlands of Somerset, with the small groups he had around him, struggling to survive by fishing, hunting, and other means. He mostly stayed on an island called Edlingsey, which means the Island of Noble Men, surrounded by marshes and wetlands.

A vision if it be true. Whiles he was thus shut vp within this Iland, he was by dreame aduertised of better hap shortlie to follow: for as it hath béene said, saint Cuthbert appéered to him as he laie in sléepe, and comforted him, declaring to him, that within a while fortune should so turne, that he should recouer againe his kingdome to the confusion of his enimies. And to assure him that this should prooue true, he told him that his men which were gone abroad to catch fish, should bring home great plentie, although the season was against them, by reason that the waters were frosen, and that a cold rime fell that morning, to the hinderance of their purpose. His mother also at that time being in sleepe, saw the like vision. And as they had dreamed, so it came to passe: for being awakened out of their sleepe, in came his men with so great foison of fish, that the same might haue sufficed a great armie of men, for the vittelling of them at that season.

A vision if it's real. While he was shut up on this island, he dreamt of better days ahead: it’s been said that Saint Cuthbert appeared to him while he was asleep, comforting him and declaring that soon fortune would change, and he would reclaim his kingdom, much to the embarrassment of his enemies. To assure him this would come true, he told him that his men who had gone out to fish would return with a bountiful catch, despite the unfavorable conditions since the waters were frozen and a cold frost had fallen that morning, hindering their efforts. His mother also had a similar vision while she slept. Just as they had dreamed, it happened: when they woke up, his men arrived with such a massive haul of fish that it could have fed a large army at that time.

King Alured disguiseth himselfe. Polydor.
Fabian.
Shortlie after, king Alured tooke vpon him the habit of a minstrell, and going foorth of his closure, repaired to the campe of the Danish king, onelie accompanied with one trustie seruant, and tarrieng there certeine daies togither, was suffered to go into euerie part, and plaie on his instrument, as well afore the king as others, so that there was no secret, but that he vnderstood it. Now when he had séene and learned the demeanour of his enimies, he returned againe to his people at Edlingsey, and there declared to his nobles what he had séene and heard, what negligence was amongst the enimies, and how easie a matter it should be for him to indamage them. Wherevpon they conceiuing a maruellous good hope, and imboldened with his words, a power was assembled togither, and spies sent foorth to learne and bring woord where the Danes lodged: which being doone, and certificat made Henr. Hunt. 877. accordinglie, king Alured comming vpon them on the sudden, slue of them a great number, hauing them at great aduantage.

King Alfred goes incognito. Polydor.
Fabian.
Soon after, King Alfred took on the disguise of a minstrel and left his home, heading to the camp of the Danish king, accompanied only by one trusted servant. He stayed there several days, gaining access to all areas, playing on his instrument for both the king and others, so that he learned all their secrets. After observing the behavior of his enemies, he returned to his people at Edlingsey and shared with his nobles what he had seen and heard, the negligence among the enemies, and how easy it would be to harm them. Encouraged by his words and filled with hope, they gathered an army and sent out spies to discover where the Danes were camped. Once this was done and reports were made, Henr. Hunt. 877. King Alfred surprised them and killed a large number of them, taking advantage of their unpreparedness.

878. Matth. West. About the same time the brother of king Halden came with thirtie and three ships out of Wales into the countrie of Westsaxons, on the coast of Deuonshire, where the Deuonshire men gaue him battell, and slue him with 840 persons of his retinue. Other write, that Halden himselfe was present at this conflict, with Inguare, otherwise called Hungar, and Simon Dun. that they were both slaine there, with twelue hundred of their companie (before a certeine castell called Kinwith) receiuing as they had deserued for their cruell dealing latelie by them practised in the parties of Southwales, where they had wasted all afore them with fire and swoord, not sparing abbeies more than other common buildings.

878. Matthew West. Around the same time, King Halden's brother arrived with thirty-three ships from Wales to the land of the West Saxons, on the coast of Devonshire, where the Devonshire people fought him and killed him along with 840 members of his crew. Others say that Halden himself was present at this battle, along with Inguare, also known as Hungar, and Simon Dun. that they both died there, along with twelve hundred of their men (near a certain castle called Kinwith), receiving the fate they deserved for their cruel actions recently carried out in South Wales, where they had devastated everything in their path with fire and sword, showing no mercy to abbeys or any other buildings.

King Alured being with that good lucke the more comforted, builded a Athelney. fortresse in the Ile of Edlingsey, afterwards called Athelney, and breaking out oftentimes vpon the enimies, distressed them at sundrie times with the aid of the Summersetshire men, which were at hand. About the seuenth wéeke after Easter, in the seuenth yéere of his reigne, king Alured went to Eglerighston, on the east part of Selwood, where there came to him the people of Summersetshire, Wiltshire, & Hamshire, Edantdune.
This battell should séeme the same that Polydor speaketh of fought at Abingdon.
Polychron.
Iohn Pike.
reioising greatlie to sée him abroad. From thence he went to Edanton, & there fought against the armie of the Danes, and chased them vnto their strength, where he remained afore them the space of fouretéene daies. Then the armie of the Danes deliuered him hostages and couenants to depart out of his dominions, and that their king should be baptised, Gurthrun or Gurmund baptised, and named Adelstan is made king of Eastangle. which was accomplished: for Gurthrun, whome some name Gurmond, a prince or king amongst these Danes, came to Alured and was baptised, king Alured receiuing him at the fontstone, named him Adelstan, and gaue to him the countrie of Eastangle, which he gouerned (or rather spoiled) by the space of twelue yéeres.

King Alfred, feeling encouraged by his good fortune, built a Athelney. fortress on the Isle of Edlingsey, later called Athelney, and frequently launched attacks on the enemy, distressing them several times with the help of the men from Somerset who were nearby. About the seventh week after Easter, in the seventh year of his reign, King Alfred went to Eglerighston, on the eastern side of Selwood, where the people from Somerset, Wiltshire, and Hampshire came to support him, Edantdune.
This battle appears to be the same one that Polydor refers to as having taken place at Abingdon.
Polychron.
John Pike.
They were very happy to see him in the field. From there, he traveled to Edanton, where he fought against the Danish army and chased them back to their stronghold, where he confronted them for fourteen days. Eventually, the Danish army delivered hostages and agreed to leave his territories, and that their king would be baptized, Gurthrun or Gurmund was baptized and named Adelstan, and he became the king of East Anglia. This was fulfilled: Gurthrun, whom some call Gurmund, a prince or king among the Danes, came to Alfred and was baptized. King Alfred received him at the baptismal font, named him Adelstan, and gave him the region of East Anglia, which he ruled (or rather plundered) for twelve years.

Diuerse other of the Danish nobilitie to the number of thirtie (as Simon Dunelmensis saith) came at the same time in companie of their king Gurthrun, and were likewise baptised, on whòme king Alured bestowed manie rich gifts. At the same time (as is to be thought) was the league concluded betwixt king Alured and the said Gurthrun or[Page 672] Gurmond, in which the bounds of king Alureds kingdome are set foorth thus: "First therefore let the bounds or marshes of our dominion stretch vnto the riuer of Thames, and from thence to the water of Lée, euen vnto the head of the same water, and so foorth streight vnto Bedford: and finallie going alongst by the riuer of Ouse, let them end at Watlingstréet."

Several other members of the Danish nobility, about thirty in total (as Simon Dunelmensis noted), came at the same time with their king Gurthrun, and were also baptized. King Alured bestowed many generous gifts upon them. At the same time (as might be assumed), a treaty was made between King Alured and Gurthrun or Gurmond, which outlined the boundaries of King Alured's kingdom as follows: "First, let the borders or marshes of our dominion extend to the River Thames, and from there to the River Lee, all the way to the source of that river, and then straight to Bedford; finally, following the River Ouse, let the bounds end at Watling Street."

This league being made with the aduise of the same sage personages as well English as those that inhabited within east England, is set foorth in maister Lamberts booke of the old English lawes, in the end of those lawes or ordinances which were established by the same king Alured, as in the same booke ye may sée more at large.

This league was created with the advice of the same wise individuals, both English and those living in eastern England, as outlined in Master Lambert's book on the old English laws, at the end of those laws or ordinances established by King Alfred. You can find more details in that book.


Th' English called diuers people Danes whom the French named Normans, whervpon that generall name was giuen them; Gurmo Anglicus K. of Denmark, whose father Frotto was baptised in England; the Danes besiege Rochester, Alfred putteth them to flight, recouereth London out of their hands, and committeth it to the custodie of duke Eldred his sonne in law; he assaulteth Hasting a capteine of the Danes, causeth him to take an oth, his two sonnes are baptised; he goeth foorth to spoile Alfreds countrie, his wife, children, and goods, &c: are taken, and fauourablie giuen him againe; the Danes besiege Excester, they flie to their ships, gaine with great losse, they are vanquished by the Londoners, the death of Alfred, his issue male and female.

The English referred to various people as Danes, whom the French named Normans, which is how they got that general name; Gurmo Anglicus, King of Denmark, whose father Frotto was baptized in England; the Danes laid siege to Rochester, but Alfred drove them away, took back London from their control, and handed it over to his son-in-law, Duke Eldred for safekeeping; he attacked Hasting, a captain of the Danes, forced him to take an oath, and had his two sons baptized; Hasting then went off to plunder Alfred's territory, but his wife, children, and possessions were captured and later returned to him; the Danes besieged Exeter, fled to their ships, suffered heavy losses, and were defeated by the Londoners, marking the death of Alfred and his male and female descendants.

THE XV. CHAPTER.

Here is to be noted, that writers name diuerse of the Danish capteins, kings (of which no mention is made in the Danish chronicles) to reigne in those parties. But true it is, that in those daies, not onelie the Danish people, but also other of those northeast countries or regions, as Swedeners, Norwegians, the Wondens, and such other (which the English people called by one generall name Danes, and the Frenchmen Normans) vsed to roaue on the seas, and to inuade forren regions, as England, France, Flanders, and others, as in conuenient places ye may find, as well in our histories, as also in the writers of the French histories, and likewise in the chronicles of those north regions. The Gurmo. writers verelie of the Danish chronicles make mention of one Gurmo, whome they name Anglicus, bicause he was borne here in England, which succeeded his father Frotto in gouernement of the kingdome of Denmarke, which Frotto receiued baptisme in England, as their stories tell.

It should be noted that writers mention several Danish captains and kings (not referenced in the Danish chronicles) who ruled in those regions. However, it's true that during those days, not only the Danish people but also others from the northeastern countries, such as Swedes, Norwegians, Wends, and others (whom the English referred to collectively as Danes and the French called Normans), used to roam the seas and invade foreign lands like England, France, Flanders, and others, as you can find in various places in our histories, as well as in French historical writings and the chronicles of those northern regions. The Gurmo. writers of the Danish chronicles indeed mention one Gurmo, whom they call Anglicus, because he was born here in England. He succeeded his father Frotto in ruling the kingdom of Denmark, and as their stories tell, Frotto was baptized in England.

Hen. Hunt. 878. In the eight yéere of king Alfred his reigne, the armie of the Danes wintered at Cirencester, and the same yéere an other armie of strangers called Wincigi laie at Fulham, and in the yéere following departed foorth of England, and went into France, and the armie of king Godrun 879. or Gurmo departed from Cirencester, and came into Eastangle, and there diuiding the countrie amongst them, began to inhabit the same. In the Simon Dun.
Matth. West.
14 yéere of king Alfred his reigne, part of the Danish armie which was Rochester beseiged.
885.
gone ouer into France, returned into England and besieged Rochester. But when Alfred approched to the reskue, the enimies fled to their ships, and passed ouer the sea againe. King Alfred sent a nauie of his ships well furnished with men of warre into Eastangle, the which at the mouth of the riuer called Sture, incountering with 16 ships of the Danes, set vpon them, and ouercame them in fight: but as they returned with their prises, they incountered with another mightie armie of the enimies, and fighting with them were ouercome and vanquished.

Hen. Hunt. 878. In the eighth year of King Alfred's reign, the Danish army spent the winter in Cirencester, and that same year another group of foreigners called Wincigi camped at Fulham. The following year, they left England and went to France. King Godrun's army, or Gurmo, left Cirencester and moved into East Anglia, where they divided the land among themselves and began to settle. In the Simon Dun.
Matth. West.
fourteenth year of King Alfred's reign, part of the Danish army that had gone to France returned to England and besieged Rochester. But when Alfred approached to rescue it, the enemies fled to their ships and crossed the sea again. King Alfred sent a fleet of his well-equipped ships into East Anglia, where, at the mouth of the river called Sture, they encountered 16 Danish ships. They attacked them and won the battle; however, on their way back with their spoils, they ran into another large enemy army, and after fighting, they were defeated and overcome.

889.
London recouered out of the hands of the Danes.
In the yeere following, king Alfred besieged the citie of London, the Danes that were within fled from thence, and the Englishmen that were inhabitants thereof gladlie receiued him, reioising that there was such a prince bred of their nation, that was of power able to reduce them into libertie. This citie being at that season the chiefe of all Mercia, he deliuered into the kéeping of duke Eldred, which had maried Wil. Malm.
Ethelfleda.
Colwolphas.
his daughter Ethelfleda, & held a great portion of Mercia, which[Page 673] Colwolphus before time possesed by the grant of the Danes, after they had subdued K. Burthred (as before is said.) About the 21 yere of K. Alfred, an armie of those Danes & Normans, which had béene in France, Limer, now Rother.
Andredeslegia.
A castell built at Appledore.

893.
returned into England, and arriued in the hauen or riuer of Limene in the east part of Kent, néere to the great wood called Andredesley, which did conteine in times past 120 miles in length, and thirtie in breadth. These Danes landing with their people builded a castle at Appledore.

London recovered from the Vikings. The following year, King Alfred laid siege to the city of London. The Danes inside fled, and the English residents welcomed him eagerly, delighted that there was such a prince from their own nation who had the power to free them. At that time, this city was the chief stronghold of all Mercia, so he entrusted it to Duke Eldred, who had married his daughter Ethelfleda and controlled a large part of Mercia, which had previously been held by Colwolphus through the Danes after they had conquered King Burthred (as mentioned earlier). Around the 21st year of King Alfred's reign, an army of Danes and Normans that had been in France returned to England. They landed at the harbor or river of Limene in the eastern part of Kent, near the large forest called Andredesley, which used to stretch 120 miles long and 30 miles wide. These Danes disembarked with their people and constructed a castle at Appledore.

Simon Dun. At Milton.
Hasting the capteine of the Danes besieged.
He receiueth an oth.
In the meane time came Hasting with 80 ships into the Thames, and builded a castle at Middleton, but he was constreined by siege which king Alfred planted about him, to receiue an oth that he should not in any wise annoie the dominion of king Alfred, who vpon his promise to depart, gaue great gifts as well to him as to his wife and children. One of his sonnes also king Alfred held at the fontstone, and to the other duke Aldred was god father. For (as it were to win credit, and to auoid present danger) Hasting sent vnto Alfred these his two sonnes, signifieng that if it stood with his pleasure, he could be content that they should be baptised. But neuerthelesse this Hasting was euer most Beanfield saith M. West.
This enterprise was atchiued by Etheldred duke of Mercia in the absence of the king, as Matth. West. hath noted.
vntrue of word and déed, he builded a castle at Beamfield. And as he was going foorth to spoile and wast the kings countries, Alfred tooke that castle, with his wife, children, ships and goods, which he got togither of such spoiles as he had abroad: but he restored vnto Hasting his wife and children, bicause he was their godfather.

Simon Dun. At Milton.
Hasting, the leader of the Danes, is under siege.
He makes an oath.
Meanwhile, Hasting arrived with 80 ships in the Thames and built a castle at Middleton, but he was forced by the siege that King Alfred set up around him to take an oath that he would not in any way disturb the kingdom of King Alfred. In exchange for his promise to leave, Alfred gave him great gifts for himself, his wife, and his children. King Alfred also held one of his sons at the baptismal font, while Duke Aldred was the godfather of the other. To gain favor and avoid immediate danger, Hasting sent these two sons to Alfred, indicating that he would be happy for them to be baptized if it pleased him. However, Hasting was always untrustworthy in word and deed; he built a castle at Beamfield. As he was preparing to raid and devastate the king's lands, Alfred took that castle along with Hasting's wife, children, ships, and goods that he had gathered from his raids. But he returned Hasting’s wife and children because he was their godfather.

Shortlie after, newes came that a great number of other ships of Danes Excester besieged. were come out of Northumberland, and had besieged Excester. Whilest king Alfred went then against them, the other armie which lay at Appledore inuaded Essex, and built a castell in that countrie, and after went into the borders of Wales, and builded another castell neere Seuerne. vnto the riuer of Seuerne: but being driuen out of that countrie, they returned againe into Essex. Those that had besieged Excester, vpon knowledge had of king Alfreds comming, fled to their ships, and so remaining on the sea, roaued abroad, séeking preies. Besides this, other armies there were sent foorth, which comming out of Chester taken by Danes.
Great famine.
Northumberland tooke the citie of Chester, but there they were so beset about with their enimies, that they were constreined to eate their horsses. At length, in the 24 yéere of king Alfred, they left that Hen. Hunt. citie, and fetcht a compas about Northwales, and so meaning to saile round about the coast to come into Northumberland, they arriued in Essex, and in the winter following drew their ships by the Thames The water of Luie, now Lée. into the water of Luie. That armie of Danes which had besieged Excester, tooke preies about Chichester, and was met with, so that they lost manie of their men, and also diuerse of their ships.

Shortly after, news came that a large number of other Danish ships had come out of Northumberland and had besieged Exeter. While King Alfred was going against them, another army that was at Appledore invaded Essex, built a castle there, and then moved into the Welsh borders, where they built another castle near the River Severn. However, after being driven out of that area, they returned to Essex. Those who had besieged Exeter, upon learning of King Alfred's approach, fled to their ships and remained at sea, raiding nearby areas in search of loot. Additionally, other armies were sent out; they came from Northumberland and captured the city of Chester, but they were so besieged by their enemies that they were forced to eat their horses. Eventually, in the 24th year of King Alfred's reign, they abandoned that city and took a long route around North Wales, intending to sail along the coast to return to Northumberland. They arrived in Essex, and in the following winter, they dragged their ships up the Thames into the River Luie. The army of Danes that had besieged Exeter raided around Chichester but faced opposition, resulting in the loss of many men and several of their ships.

In the yéere following, the other armie which had brought the ships Hen. Hunt. into the riuer Luie, began to build a castell néere to the same riuer, twentie miles distant from London: but the Londoners came thither, and The Londoners victors against the Danes. giuing battell to the Danes, slue foure of the chiefe capteins. But by Simon Dunel. and Matt. Westm. it should seeme, that the Londoners were at this time put to flight, and that foure of the kings barons were slaine in fight. Howbeit Henrie Hunt. hath written as before I haue recited; and further saith, that when the Danes fled for their refuge to the castell, king Alfred caused the water of Luie to be diuided into thrée chanels, so that the Danes should not bring backe their ships out of the place where they laie at anchor. When the Danes perceiued this, they left their ships behind them, and went into the borders of Wales, Quathbridge or Wakebridge. where at Cartbridge vpon Seuerne they built another castell, and lay there all the winter following, hauing left their wiues and children in the countrie of Eastangles. King Alfred pursued them, but the Londoners tooke the enimies ships, and brought some of them to the citie, and the rest they burnt.

In the following year, the other army that had brought the ships into the River Luie started to build a castle near the same river, twenty miles away from London. However, the Londoners came there and fought the Danes, killing four of their main leaders. But according to Simon Dunel and Matt. Westm., it seems that the Londoners were defeated at this time, and four of the king's barons were slain in battle. However, Henry Hunt has written as I mentioned earlier, and further states that when the Danes fled to the castle, King Alfred had the waters of Luie redirected into three channels so the Danes couldn't recover their ships from where they were anchored. When the Danes saw this, they abandoned their ships and moved into the borders of Wales, where at Cartbridge on the Severn, they built another castle and stayed there all the following winter, having left their wives and children in East Anglia. King Alfred pursued them, but the Londoners took the enemy's ships, bringing some of them to the city while they burned the rest.

Thus for the space of thrée yéeres after the arriuing of the maine armie of the Danes in the hauen of Luie, they sore indamaged the English people, although the Danes themselues susteined more losse at the Englishmens hands than they did to them with all pilfering and The Danish armie diuided into parts. spoiling. In the fourth yéere after their comming, the armie was diuided, so that one part of them went into Northumberland, part of them remained in the countrie of Eastangles, & another part went into France. Also certeine of their ships came vpon the coast of the[Page 674] Westsaxons, oftentimes setting their men on land to rob and spoile the countrie. But king Alfred tooke order in the best wise he might for defense of his countrie and people, and caused certeine mightie vessels to be builded, which he appointed foorth to incounter with the enimies ships.

For three years after the main Danish army arrived at the port of Luie, they caused significant damage to the English people, even though the Danes themselves suffered more losses at the hands of the English than they inflicted through all their looting and plundering. In the fourth year after their arrival, the army split into parts, with one group heading to Northumberland, another remaining in East Anglia, and a third going to France. Additionally, some of their ships came to the coast of the West Saxons, frequently sending men ashore to raid and plunder the countryside. However, King Alfred took measures to defend his kingdom and his people as best he could, ordering the construction of several large ships specifically to confront the enemy vessels.

The death of king Alfred. Thus like a worthie prince and politike gouernor, he preuented each way to resist the force of his enimies, and to safegard his subiects. Finallie after he had reigned 29 yéeres and an halfe, he departed this life the 28 day of October. His bodie was buried at Winchester: he left His issue. behind him issue by his wife Ethelwitha the daughter vnto earle Ethelred of Mercia, two sonnes, Edward surnamed the elder, which Elfleda. succéeded him, and Adelwold: also thrée daughters, Elfleda or Ethelfleda, Ethelgeda or Edgiua, and Ethelwitha.

King Alfred's death. Like a worthy prince and wise leader, he took every measure to counter the strength of his enemies and protect his subjects. Finally, after reigning for 29 and a half years, he passed away on October 28. His body was buried in Winchester, and he left behind His problem. two sons by his wife Ethelwitha, the daughter of Earle Ethelred of Mercia: Edward, known as the Elder, who succeeded him, and Adelwold. He also had three daughters: Elfleda or Ethelfleda, Ethelgeda or Edgiua, and Ethelwitha.


How Elfleda king Alfreds daughter (being maried) contemned fleshlie pleasure; the praise of Alfred for his good qualities, his lawes for the redresse of théeues, his diuiding of countries into hundreds and tithings, of what monasteries he was founder, he began the foundation of the vniuersitie of Oxford, which is not so ancient as Cambridge by 265 yéeres; king Alfred was learned, his zeale to traine his people to lead an honest life, what learned men were about him, the pitifull murthering of Iohn Scot by his owne scholers, how Alfred diuided the 24 houres of the day and the night for his necessarie purposes, his last will and bequests; the end of the kingdome of Mercia, the Danes haue it in their hands, and dispose it as they list, Eastangle and Northumberland are subiect vnto them, the Northumbers expell Egbert their king, his death; the Danes make Guthred king of Northumberland, priuileges granted to S. Cuthberts shrine; the death of Guthred, and who succéeded him in the seat roiall.

How Elfleda, King Alfred's daughter, disregarded physical pleasure after getting married; the praise for Alfred's good qualities, his laws to address theft, his division of countries into hundreds and tithings, and the monasteries he founded. He started the foundation of the University of Oxford, which is 265 years younger than Cambridge. King Alfred was educated, dedicated to guiding his people to live honorable lives, the learned men around him, the tragic murder of John Scot by his own students, how Alfred divided the 24 hours of day and night for his essential needs, his last will and bequests; the fall of the kingdom of Mercia, which the Danes now control and manage as they please. East Anglia and Northumberland are under their rule, the Northumbrians expel their king Egbert, his death; the Danes make Guthred king of Northumberland, privileges granted to St. Cuthbert's shrine; the death of Guthred and who succeeded him as king.

THE XVJ. CHAPTER.

In the end of the former chapter we shewed what children Alfred had, their number & names, among whome we made report of Elfleda, who (as you haue heard) was maried vnto duke Edelred. This gentlewoman left a notable example behind hir of despising fleshlie plesure, for bearing hir husband one child, and sore handled before she could be deliuered, The notable saieng of Elfleda. she euer after forbare to companie with hir husband, saieng that it was great foolishnesse to vse such pleasure which therwith should bring so great griefe.

At the end of the previous chapter, we showed who Alfred's children were, including their number and names, among which we mentioned Elfleda, who, as you have heard, was married to Duke Edelred. This woman left a remarkable example of rejecting physical pleasure, as she bore her husband one child and went through a lot of pain before she could deliver. Elfleda's famous saying. After that, she refrained from being intimate with her husband, saying that it was very foolish to seek a pleasure that brought such great sorrow.

To speake sufficientlie of the woorthie praise due to so noble a prince as Alfred was, might require eloquence, learning, and a large volume. He was of person comelie and beautifull, and better beloued of his father and mother than his other brethren. And although he was (as Will. Malmes. before is touched) greatly disquieted with the inuasion of forren enimies, yet did he both manfullie from time to time indeuour himselfe to repell them, and also attempted to sée his subiects gouerned in good King Alfred his lawes. and vpright iustice. And albeit that good lawes amongst the clinking noise of armor are oftentimes put to silence, yet he perceiuing how his people were gréeued with theeues and robbers, which in time of warre grew and increased, deuised good statutes and wholsome ordinances for punishing of such offenders.

To speak adequately about the worthy praise that a noble prince like Alfred deserves might need eloquence, knowledge, and a lengthy book. He was handsome and attractive, and his parents favored him more than his other brothers. Although he was (as Will. Malmes. mentioned earlier) greatly troubled by foreign invasions, he bravely tried to fend them off and also sought to ensure that his subjects were governed with good King Alfred's laws. and fair justice. Even though good laws are often silenced amidst the clamor of battle, he recognized that his people were suffering from thieves and robbers, which increased during wartime, so he created effective laws and beneficial regulations to punish such offenders.

Amongst other things he ordeined that the countries should be diuided into hundreds and tithings, that is to say, quarters conteining a certeine number of towneships adioining togither, so that euerie Englishman liuing vnder prescript of lawes, should haue both his hundred and tithing; that if anie man were accused of anie offense, he should find suertie for his good demeanor: and if he could not find such as would answer for him, then should he tast extremitie of the lawes. And if anie man that was giltie fled before he found suertie, or after: all the inhabitants of the hundred or tithing where he dwelt, shuld be put to their fine. By this deuise he brought his countrie into good tranquillitie, so that he caused bracelets of gold to be hanged vp[Page 675] aloft on hils where anie common waies lay, to sée if anie durst be so hardie to take them away by stealth. He was a liberall prince namely in relieuing of the poore. To churches he confirmed such priuileges as his father had granted before him, and he also sent rewards by way of deuotion vnto Rome, and to the bodie of saint Thomas in India. Sighelmus the bishop of Shireborne bare the same, and brought from thence rich stones, and swéet oiles of inestimable valure. From Rome also he brought a péece of the holy crosse which pope Martinus did send for a present vnto king Alfred.

Among other things, he ordered that the countries be divided into hundreds and tithings, which means quarters containing a certain number of neighboring townships, so that every Englishman living under a set of laws would have both his hundred and tithing; if anyone was accused of any offense, they had to find someone to vouch for their good behavior: and if they couldn’t find anyone to stand for them, then they would face the harsh consequences of the law. And if someone guilty fled before finding surety, or after, then all the people of the hundred or tithing where they lived would be fined. With this arrangement, he brought peace to his country, even hanging gold bracelets on hills along common roads to see if anyone would dare to steal them. He was a generous prince, especially in helping the poor. He confirmed the privileges for churches that his father had granted before him, and he also sent offerings to Rome and to the body of Saint Thomas in India. Sighelmus, the bishop of Shireborne, carried these gifts and brought back precious stones and sweet oils of immense value. From Rome, he also brought a piece of the holy cross that Pope Martin sent as a gift to King Alfred.

Foundation of monastaries. Moreouer king Alfred founded three goodlie monasteries, one at Edlingsey, where he liued sometime when the Danes had bereaued him almost of all his kingdome, which was after called Athelney, distant from Taunton in Sumersetshire about fiue miles: the second he builded at Winchester, called the new minster: and the third at Shaftesburie, which was an house of nuns, where he made his daughter Ethelgeda or Edgiua abbesse. But the foundation of the vniuersitie of Oxford passed all the residue of his buildings, which he began by the good exhortation and aduise of Neotus an abbat, in those daies highlie estéemed for his vertue and lerning with Alfred. This worke he tooke in hand about the 23 yéere of his reigne, which was in the yéere of our 895.
The vniuersitie of Oxford erected.
Lord 895. So that the vniuersitie of Cambridge was founded before this Polydor. other of Oxford about 265 yéeres, as Polydor gathereth. For Sigebert king of the Eastangles began to erect that vniuersitie at Cambridge about the yéere of our Lord 630.

Monastery foundations. Moreover, King Alfred established three impressive monasteries: one at Edlingsey, where he lived for a time after the Danes nearly took his entire kingdom, which later became known as Athelney, located about five miles from Taunton in Somersetshire; the second one at Winchester, called the New Minster; and the third at Shaftesbury, a convent where he appointed his daughter Ethelgeda, also known as Edgiua, as abbess. However, the foundation of the University of Oxford surpassed all of his other buildings. He initiated this project around the 23rd year of his reign, which was in the year 895, due to the encouragement and advice of Neotus, an abbot highly regarded for his virtue and knowledge by Alfred. The University of Oxford built. Lord 895. Thus, the University of Cambridge was founded about 265 years before Oxford, as noted by Polydor. King Sigebert of the East Angles began to establish that university in Cambridge around the year 630.

King Alfred was learned himselfe, and giuen much to studie, insomuch that beside diuerse good lawes which he translated into the English toong, gathered togither and published, he also translated diuerse other bookes out of Latine into English, as Orosius, Pastorale Gregorij, Beda de gestis Anglorum, Boetius de consolatione philosophiæ, and the booke of Psalmes; but this he finished not, being preuented by death. So this worthie prince minded well toward the common wealth of his people, in that season when learning was little estéemed amongst the west nations, did studie by all meanes possible to The vertuous zeale of Alured to bring his people to an honest trade of life. instruct his subiects in the trade of leading an honest life, and to incourage them generallie to imbrace learning. He would not suffer anie to beare office in the court, except he were lerned: and yet he himselfe was twelue yéeres of age before he could read a word on the He is persuaded by his mother, to applie himselfe to learning. booke, and was then trained by his mothers persuasion to studie, promising him a goodlie booke which she had in hir hands, if he would learne to read it.

King Alfred was well-educated and dedicated to studying, so much so that besides translating several good laws into English and publishing them, he also translated various other books from Latin into English, such as Orosius, Gregory’s Pastoral, Bede’s History of the English People, Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy, and the Book of Psalms; however, he didn't finish this last one because he was prevented by death. This worthy prince had the best interests of his people in mind during a time when learning was not highly valued among western nations, and he sought in every way possible to The dedicated passion of Alfred to guide his people towards a truthful way of living. teach his subjects the importance of living an honest life and to encourage them to embrace learning in general. He wouldn’t allow anyone to hold a position in the court unless they were educated: yet he himself was twelve years old before he could read a single word from a His mother convinces him to focus on his studies. book, and it was his mother's encouragement that motivated him to study, promising him a beautiful book she had in her hands if he would learn to read it.

Herevpon going to his booke in sport, he so earnestlie set his mind thereto, that within a small time he profited maruellouslie, and became such a fauorer of learned men, that he delighted most in their companie, to haue conference with them, and allured diuerse to come Asserius Meuenensis.
Werefridus.
Iohn Scot. vnto him out of other countries, as Asserius Meneuensis bishop of Shirborne, & Werefridus the bishop of Worcester, who by his commandement translated the bookes of Gregories dialogs into English. Also I. Scot, who whiles he was in France translated the book of Dionysius Ariopagita, intituled Hierarchia, out of Gréeke into Latine, and after was schoolemaister in the abbeie of Malmesburie, and there murthered by his scholars with penkniues. He had diuerse other about him, both Englishmen & strangers, as Pleimond afterward Grimbald. archbishop of Canturburie, Grimbald gouernor of the new monasterie at Winchester, with others.

Going to his book for fun, he became so focused on it that, within a short time, he made amazing progress and became such a supporter of learned men that he enjoyed their company the most, frequently engaging in discussions with them, and he attracted several to come to him from other countries, like Asserius Meneuensis, bishop of Shireborn, and Werefridus, the bishop of Worcester, who, by his command, translated the books of Gregory's dialogues into English. Also, J. Scot, who while in France translated the book of Dionysius Areopagita, titled Hierarchia, from Greek into Latin, later became a schoolmaster at the abbey of Malmesbury, where he was murdered by his students with knives. He had several others around him, both Englishmen and foreigners, like Pleimond, who later became archbishop of Canterbury, and Grimbald, governor of the new monastery at Winchester, among others.

Alured diuides the time for his necessarie vses. But to conclude with this noble prince king Alured, he was so carefull in his office, that he diuided the 24 houres which conteine the day and night, in thrée parts, so that eight houres he spent in writing, reading, and making his praiers, other eight he emploied in relieuing his bodie with meat, drinke and sléepe, and the other eight he bestowed in dispatching of businesse concerning the gouernement of the realme. He had in his chapell a candle of 24 parts, whereof euerie one lasted an houre: so that the sexton, to whome that charge was committed, by burning of this candle warned the king euar how the time passed away. A His last will and testament. little before his death, he ordeined his last will and testament, bequeathing halfe the portion of all his goods iustlie gotten, vnto such monasteries as he had founded. All his rents and reuenues he diuided into two equall parts, and the first part he diuided into thrée, bestowing the first vpon his seruants in houshold, the second to such labourers and workemen as he kept in his works of sundrie new buildings, the third part he gaue to strangers. The second whole part[Page 676] of his reuenues was so diuided, that the first portion thereof was dispersed amongst the poore people of his countrie, the second to monasteries, the third to the finding of poore scholers, and the fourth part to churches beyond the sea. He was diligent in inquirie how the iudges of his land behaued themselues in their iudgements, and was a sharpe corrector of them which transgressed in that behalfe. To be briefe, he liued so as he was had in great fauour of his neighbours, & highlie honored among strangers. He maried his daughter Ethelswida or rather Elstride vnto Baldwine earle of Flanders, of whome he had two sonnes Arnulfe and Adulfe, the first succéeding in the erledome of Flanders, and the yoonger was made earle of Bullogne.

Alfred allocates his time for essential purposes. To sum up about this noble King Alfred, he was so diligent in his duties that he divided the 24 hours of day and night into three parts. Eight hours were spent writing, reading, and praying; another eight were used to nourish his body with food, drink, and sleep; and the final eight hours were dedicated to managing the affairs of the kingdom. In his chapel, he had a candle divided into 24 sections, each of which burned for an hour, allowing the sexton entrusted with this task to remind the king how time was passing. A His final will and testament. little before his death, he made his last will and testament, leaving half of all his fairly acquired goods to the monasteries he had founded. He divided all his rents and revenues into two equal parts. The first part was further divided into three: the first was given to his household servants, the second to the laborers and craftsmen he employed in various new buildings, and the third part was given to strangers. The second half of his revenues was allocated so that the first portion went to the poor people of his country, the second to monasteries, the third to support poor scholars, and the fourth part to churches overseas. He was diligent in asking how the judges in his land conducted their judgments and was strict in correcting those who misbehaved in that regard. In short, he lived in such a way that he was highly regarded by his neighbors and greatly honored among strangers. He married his daughter Ethelthryth, also known as Elstride, to Baldwin, the Count of Flanders, with whom she had two sons, Arnulf and Adolf; the first succeeded him in the earldom of Flanders, and the younger became the Count of Boulogne.

The bodie of king Alured was first buried in the bishops church: but afterwards, because the Canons raised a fond tale that the same should walke a nights, his sonne king Edward remoued it into the new monasterie which he in his life time had founded. Finallie, in memorie of him a certeine learned clarke made an epitath in Latine, which for the woorthinesse thereof is likewise (verse for verse, and in a maner word for word) translated by Abraham Fleming into English, whose no litle labor hath béene diligentlie imploied in supplieng sundrie insufficiences found in this huge volume.

The body of King Alfred was initially buried in the bishop's church, but later, because the Canons spread a fanciful story that he walked at night, his son King Edward moved it to the new monastery that he had founded during his lifetime. Finally, in his memory, a certain learned scholar wrote an epitaph in Latin, which for its worthiness was also translated verse for verse, and nearly word for word, into English by Abraham Fleming, whose considerable effort has been diligently put to work in addressing various shortcomings found in this extensive volume.

NOBILITAS innata tibi probitatis honorem

Innate nobility grants you honor.

Nobilitie by birth to the (ó Alfred strong in armes)

Nobility by birth to the (oh Alfred strong in arms)

(Armipotens Alfrede) dedit, probitásque laborem,

(Armipotens Alfrede) gave, and integrity labor,

Of goodnes hath the honor giuen, and honor toilesome harmes,

Goodness has given honor, and honor brings tiring harms,

Perpetuúmque labor nomen, cui mixta dolori

Perpetual labor is a name mixed with pain.

And toilesome harmes an endlesse name, whose ioies were alwaies mext

And troublesome harms an endless name, whose joys were always mixed

Gaudia semper erant, spes semper mixta timori.

Gaudia were always present, with hope always mixed with fear.

With sorow, and whose hope with feare was euermore perplext.

With sorrow, and whose hope was always confused with fear.

Si modò victor eras, ad crastina bella pauebas,

Si modò victor eras, ad crastina bella pauebas,

If this day thou wert conqueror, the next daies warre thou dredst,

If you were the victor today, you would fear tomorrow's war.

Si modò victus eras, in crastina bella parabas,

Si modò victus eras, in crastina bella parabas,

If this day thou wert conquered, to next daies war thou spedst,

If you were defeated today, you would rush to the next day's battle,

Cui vestes sudore iugi, cui sica cruore,

Cui vestes sudore iugi, cui sica cruore,

Whose clothing wet with dailie swet, whose blade with bloudie stainte,

Whose clothes are soaked with daily sweat, whose blade is stained with blood,

Tincta iugi, quantum sit onus regnare probârunt,

Tincta iugi, quantum sit onus regnare probârunt,

Do proue how great a burthen tis in roialtie to raine,

Prove how heavy a burden it is to rule in royalty,

Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi,

Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi,

There hath not beene in anie part of all the world so wide,

There has not been in any part of the world so wide,

Cui tot in aduersis vel respirare liceret,

Cui tot in adversis vel respirare liceret,

One that was able breath to take, and troubles such abide,

One who could take a breath and endure such troubles,

Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere ferrum,

Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere ferrum,

And yet with weapons wearie would not weapons lay aside,

And yet, even though tired of fighting, would not put down their weapons,

Aut gladio potuit vitæ finisse labores:

Aut gladio potuit vitæ finisse labores:

Or with the sword the toilesomnesse of life by death diuide.

Or with the sword, the hardships of life are separated by death.

Iam post transactos regni vitæque labores,

Iam post transactos regni vitæque labores,

Now after labours past of realme and life (which he did spend)

Now after the hard work of the realm and life (which he spent)

Christus ei fit vera quies sceptrúmque perenne.

Christ brings him true peace and an everlasting reign.

Christ is to him true quietnesse and scepter void of end.

Christ is to him true peace and an endless reign.

In the daies of the foresaid king Alured, the kingdome of Mercia tooke end. For after that the Danes had expelled king Burthred, when he had reigned 22 yeares, he went to Rome, and there died, his wife also Ethelswida, the daughter of king Athulfe that was sonne to king Egbert followed him, and died in Pauia in Lumbardie. The Danes hauing got the Cewulfe. countrie into their possession, made one Cewulfe K. thereof, whome they bound with an oth and deliuerie of pledges, that he should not longer kéepe the state with their pleasure, and further should be readie at all times to aid them with such power as he should be able to make.[Page 677] This Cewulfe was the seruant of king Burthred. Within foure yeares after the Danes returned, and tooke one part of that kingdome into their owne hands, and left the residue vnto Cewulfe. But within a few yeares after, king Alured obteined that part of Mercia which Cewulfe ruled, as he did all the rest of this land, except those parcels which the Danes held, as Northumberland, the countries of the Eastangles, some part of Mercia, and other.

In the days of the aforementioned King Alfred, the kingdom of Mercia came to an end. After the Danes had ousted King Burthred, who had reigned for 22 years, he went to Rome, where he died. His wife, Ethelswida, the daughter of King Aethelwulf, who was the son of King Egbert, followed him and died in Pavia in Lombardy. The Danes, having taken control of the country, made one Cewulfe king, binding him with an oath and offering pledges, requiring that he no longer govern without their approval and that he should always be ready to assist them with whatever forces he could muster. This Cewulfe had been a servant of King Burthred. Within four years, the Danes returned and took over part of the kingdom for themselves, leaving the rest to Cewulfe. However, a few years later, King Alfred regained the part of Mercia that Cewulfe governed, just as he did with the rest of the land, except for the areas that the Danes still controlled, such as Northumberland, the lands of the East Angles, parts of Mercia, and others.

The yeare, in the which king Alured thus obteined all the dominion of that part of Mercia, which Cewulfe had in gouernance, was after the 886. Matth. West. birth of our Sauiour 886, so that the foresaid kingdome continued the space of 302 yeares vnder 22 kings, from Crida to this last Cewulfe. But there be that account the continuance of this kingdome, onelie from the beginning of Penda, vnto the last yeare of Burthred, by which reckoning it stood not past 270 yeares vnder 18, or rather 17 kings, counting the last Cewulfe for none, who began his reigne vnder the subiection of the Danes, about the yeare of our Lord 874, where Penda began his reigne 604.

The year in which King Alfred gained control over all the territory in that part of Mercia that Cewulf had governed was AD 886, marking a period of 302 years under 22 kings, from Crida to the last Cewulf. However, some people only count the duration of this kingdom from the beginning of Penda's reign to the final year of Burthred, which would make it only 270 years under 18, or more accurately 17 kings, since the last Cewulf is not included in the count, having started his reign under Danish control around the year 874, while Penda began his reign in 604.

The Eastangles and the Northumbers in these dales were vnder subiection of the Danes, as partlie may be perceiued by that which before is rehearsed. After Guthrun that gouerned the Eastangles by the terme of Guthrun K. of the eastangles died 890. 12 yeares, one Edhirike or Edrike had the rule in those parts, a Dane also, and reigned 14 yeares, and was at length bereued of his Simon Dun. gouernement by king Edward the sonne of king Alured, as after shall appeare. But now, although that the Northumbers were brought greatlie vnder foot by the Danes, yet could they not forget their old accustomed Simon Dun. maner to stirre tumults and rebellion against their gouernours, 872.
Egbert king of Northumberland expelled from his kingdome.
insomuch that in the yeare 872, they expelled not onelie Egbert, whome the Danes had appointed king ouer one part of the countrie (as before you haue heard) but also their archbishop Wilfehere. In the yeare Egbert departed this life.
Riesig.
following, the same Egbert departed this life, after whome one Rigsig or Ricsige succéeded as king, and the archbishop Wolfehere was restored home.

The East Angles and the Northumbers in these valleys were under the control of the Danes, as can partly be seen from what has been mentioned earlier. After Guthrun, who ruled the East Angles for twelve years, one Edhirike or Edrike, also a Dane, took over and reigned for fourteen years. He was eventually removed from power by King Edward, the son of King Alfred, as will be shown later. However, even though the Northumbers were greatly subdued by the Danes, they couldn't forget their usual tendency to incite unrest and rebellion against their rulers. So much so that in the year 872, they expelled not only Egbert, who had been appointed by the Danes as king over part of the country (as you’ve heard before), but also their archbishop Wilfehere. In the following year, the same Egbert passed away, after which one Rigsig or Ricsige succeeded as king, and archbishop Wilfehere was restored.

The Danes winter in Lindsie.
975.
In the same yeare the armie of Danes which had wintered at London, came from thence into Northumberland, and wintered in Lindseie, at a place called Torkseie, and went the next yeare into Mercia. And in the yeare 975, a part of them returned into Northumberland, as before ye haue Riesig departed this life. heard. In the yeare following, Riesig the king of Northumberland departed this life: after whome an other Egbert succéeded. And in the
983.
yeare 983, the armie of the Danes meaning to inhabit in Northumberland, and to settle themselues there, chose Guthrid the sonne of one Hardicnute to their king, whome they had sometime sold to a certeine widow at Witingham. But now by the aduise of an abbat called Aldred, they redéemed his libertie, and ordeined him king to rule both Danes and Englishmen in that countrie. It was said, that the same Aldred being abbat of holie Iland, was warned in a vision by S. Cuthberd, to giue counsell both to the Danes and Englishmen, to make the same Guthred ordeined king of Northumberland. Guthrid king. This chanced about the 13 yeare of the reigne of Alured king of Westsaxons.

The Danes spend winter in Lindsie.
975.
In the same year, the Danish army that had spent the winter in London moved into Northumberland and wintered in Lindseie, at a place called Torkseie, and the following year they went into Mercia. In the year 975, some of them returned to Northumberland, as you have heard before. Riesig passed away. In the next year, Riesig, the king of Northumberland, passed away, and another Egbert succeeded him. In the
983.
year 983, the Danish army, intending to settle in Northumberland, chose Guthrid, the son of Hardicnute, as their king, whom they had once sold to a widow at Witingham. But now, with the advice of an abbot named Aldred, they redeemed his freedom and appointed him king to rule both the Danes and the English in that region. It was said that this Aldred, being the abbot of Holy Island, was warned in a vision by St. Cuthberd to advise both the Danes and the English to make the same Guthred was made king of Northumberland. Guthrid their king. This happened around the 13th year of the reign of Alured, king of Wessex.

The bishops see remoued frō holie iland to Chester in the stréet. When Guthrid was established king, he caused the bishops sée to be remoued from holie Iland vnto Chester in the stréet, and for an augmentation of the reuenues and iurisdiction belonging thereto, he assigned and gaue vnto saint Cuthbert all that countrie which lieth betwixt the riuers of Teise and Tine. ¶ Which christian act of the king, liuing in a time of palpable blindnesse and mistie superstition, may notwithstanding be a light to the great men and péeres of this age (who pretend religion with zeale, and professe (in shew) the truth with feruencie) not to impouerish the patrimonie of the church to inrich themselues and their posteritie, not to pull from bishoprikes their ancient reuenues to make their owne greater, not to alienate ecclesiasticall liuings into temporall commodities, not to seeke the conuersion of college lands into their priuat possessions; not to intend the subuersion of cathedrall churches to fill their owne cofers, not to ferret out concealed lands for the supporte of their owne priuat lordlines; not to destroy whole towneships for the erection of one statelie manour; not to take and pale in the commons to inlarge their seueralles; but like good and gratious common-wealth-men, in all things to preferre the peoples publike profit before their owne gaine and glorie, before their owne pompe and pleasure, before the satisfieng of[Page 678] their owne inordinate desires.

The bishops were taken from Holy Island to Chester on the street. When Guthrid became king, he moved the bishops' seat from holy island to Chester in the street, and to increase the revenue and authority associated with it, he gave Saint Cuthbert all the land between the rivers Tees and Tyne. ¶ This Christian action of the king, living in a time of obvious ignorance and heavy superstition, should serve as a guiding light for the powerful and noble of this age (who profess religion with zeal and claim to uphold the truth passionately) not to weaken the church's heritage to enrich themselves and their descendants, not to strip bishoprics of their ancient revenues to elevate their own wealth, not to convert church properties into secular assets, not to turn college lands into their private possessions; not to undermine cathedrals to fill their own pockets, not to unearth hidden lands to support their personal dominance; not to destroy entire communities for the sake of a single grand estate; not to take and fence off common lands to expand their own holdings; but like good and virtuous citizens, to always prioritize the public good over their own profit and glory, over their own pride and pleasure, over satisfying their own excessive desires.

Priuiledges granted to S. Cuthberts shrine. Moreouer, this priuiledge was granted vnto saint Cuthberts shrine: that whosoeuer fled vnto the same for succour and safegard, should not be touched or troubled in anie wise for the space of thirtie, & seuen daies. And this freedome was confirmed not onelie by king Guthrid, but also by king Alured. Finallie king Guthrid departed this life in the 894. yeare of our Lord 894, after he had ruled the Northumbers with much crueltie (as some say) by the terme of 11 yeares, or somewhat more. He Polydor.
Will. Malmes.
is named by some writers Gurmond, and also Gurmo, & thought to be the same whome king Alured caused to be baptised. Whereas other affirme, that Guthrid, who ruled the Eastangles, was he that Alured receiued at
Wil. Malm.
Sithrike. the fontstone: William Malmesburie taketh them to be but one man, which is not like to be true. After this Guthrid or Gurmo his sonne Sithrike succeeded, and after him other of that line, till king Adelstane depriued them of the dominion, and tooke it into his owne hands.

Privileges given to St. Cuthbert's shrine. Additionally, this privilege was granted to St. Cuthbert's shrine: anyone who sought refuge and protection there would not be harmed or disturbed in any way for thirty-seven days. This freedom was confirmed not only by King Guthrid but also by King Alured. Finally, King Guthrid passed away in the 894. year of our Lord 894, after ruling the Northumbrians with considerable cruelty (as some say) for about 11 years, or maybe a little longer. He is referred to by some writers as Gurmond, and also as Gurmo, and is thought to be the same person King Alured had baptized. However, others claim that Guthrid, who ruled the East Angles, was the one who was received at the font stone by Alured: William of Malmesbury considers them to be the same man, which is likely not true. After this, Guthrid or Gurmo's son Sithrike succeeded him, and then others of that lineage, until King Athelstan took away their rule and assumed control himself.


Edward succeedeth his father Alured in regiment, he is disquieted by his brother Adelwold a man of a defiled life, he flieth to the Danes and is of them receiued, king Edwards prouision against the irruptions and forraies of the Danes, Adelwold with a nauie of Danes entreth Eastangles, the Essex men submit themselues, he inuadeth Mercia, and maketh great wast, the Kentishmens disobedience preiudiciall to themselues, they and the Danes haue a great conflict, king Edward concludeth a truce with them, he maketh a great slaughter of them by his Westsaxons and Mercians, what lands came to king Edward by the death of Edred duke of Mercia, he recouereth diuers places out of the Danes hands, and giueth them manie a foile, what castels he builded, he inuadeth Eastangles, putteth Ericke a Danish king therof to flight, his owne subiects murther him for his crueltie, his kingdome returneth to the right of king Edward with other lands by him thereto annexed, his sister Elfleda gouerned the countrie of Mercia during hir life.

Edward succeeds his father Alured as ruler, but he is troubled by his brother Adelwold, a man of questionable character. Adelwold flees to the Danes and is accepted by them. King Edward prepares for the invasions and raids by the Danes. Adelwold, with a fleet of Danes, invades East Anglia, and the people of Essex submit to him. He invades Mercia and causes great destruction. The disobedience of the Kentish people harms them, leading to a major conflict with the Danes. King Edward reaches a truce with them but inflicts significant casualties on them with his West Saxons and Mercians. Following the death of Edred, Duke of Mercia, King Edward recovers several territories from the Danes and defeats them in many battles. He builds castles and invades East Anglia, forcing the Danish King Ericke to flee. However, his own subjects murder him for his cruelty, and his kingdom returns to the rightful rule of King Edward, along with other lands he adds. His sister Elfleda governs the region of Mercia during her lifetime.

THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.

EDWARD THE ELDER.
901.
After the deceasse of Alured, his sonne Edward surnamed the elder began his reigne ouer the more part of England, in the yeare of our Lord 901, which was in the second yeare of the emperor Lewes, in the eight yeare of the reigne of Charles surnamed Simplex king of France, and about the eight yeare or Donald king of Scotland. He was consecrated after the maner of other kings his ancestors by Athelred the archbishop of Canturburie. This Edward was not so learned as his father, but in princelie power more high and honorable, for he ioined the kingdome of Eastangles and Mercia with other vnto his dominion, as after shall be shewed, and vanquished the Danes, Scots, and Welshmen, to his great glorie and high commendation.

EDWARD THE ELDER. 901. After the death of Alfred, his son Edward, known as the Elder, began his reign over most of England in the year 901 A.D. This was during the second year of Emperor Louis and the eighth year of Charles, known as the Simple, King of France, and around the eighth year of Donald, King of Scotland. He was crowned like his ancestors by Athelred, the Archbishop of Canterbury. Edward wasn't as learned as his father, but he was more powerful and respected. He united the kingdoms of the East Angles and Mercia along with others into his rule, as will be shown later, and defeated the Danes, Scots, and Welsh, earning great glory and high praise.

In the beginning of his reigne he was disquieted by his brother Winborne. Adelwold, which tooke the towne of Winborne besides Bath, and maried a nun there, whome he had defloured, & attempted manie things against his brother. Wherevpon the king came to Bath, and though Adelwold shewed a countenance as if he would haue abidden the chance of warre within Hen. Hunt.
Wil. Malm.
Adelwold fleeth to the Danes. Winborne, yet he stole awaie in the night, and fled into Northumberland, where he was ioifullie receiued of the Danes. The king tooke his wife being left behind, and restored hir to the house from whence she was taken. ¶ Some haue written, that this Adelwold or Ethelwold was not brother vnto king Edward, but his vncles sonne.

At the start of his reign, he was troubled by his brother Winborne. Adelwold, who took the town of Winborne near Bath and married a nun there, whom he had violated, and tried many things against his brother. As a result, the king went to Bath, and although Adelwold acted as if he was willing to face the battle in Hen. Hunt.
Wil. Malm.
Adelwold escapes to the Danes. Winborne, he secretly slipped away in the night and fled to Northumberland, where he was warmly welcomed by the Danes. The king took his wife, who was left behind, and returned her to the house from which she was taken. ¶ Some have written that this Adelwold or Ethelwold was not the brother of King Edward, but rather the son of his uncle.

After this, king Edward prouiding for the suertie of his subiects against the forraies, which the Danes vsed to make, fortified diuers cities and townes, and stuffed them with great garrisons of souldiers, to defend the inhabitants, and to expell the enimies. And suerlie the The English nation practised in wars go commonlie awaie with the victorie. Englishmen were so invred with warres in those daies, that the people being aduertised of the inuasion of the enimies in anie part of their countrie, would assemble oftentimes without knowledge of king or[Page 679] capteine, and setting vpon the enimies, went commonlie awaie with victorie, by reason that they ouermatched them both in number and Hen. Hunt. practise. So were the enimies despised of the English souldiers, and laughed to scorne of the king for their foolish attempts. Yet in the third yeare of king Edwards reigne, Adelwold his brother came with a nauie of Danes into the parties of the Eastangles, and euen at the Essex yéelded to Adelwold. Ran. Higd. first the Essex men yeelded themselues vnto him. In the yéere following he inuaded the countrie of Mercia with a great armie, wasting and spoiling the same vnto Crikelade, and there passing ouer the Thames, rode foorth till he came to Basingstoke, or (as some bookes haue) Brittenden. Brittenden, harieng the countrie on each side, and so returned backe vnto Eastangles with great ioy and triumph.

After this, King Edward made sure his subjects were safe from foreign attacks, which the Danes often carried out, by strengthening various cities and towns and filling them with large garrisons of soldiers to protect the residents and drive out the enemies. Indeed, the The English nation, experienced in warfare, usually came back victorious. Englishmen were so accustomed to warfare during those days that when they heard about enemy invasions in any part of their country, they would often gather without informing the king or [Page 679] their captain, and by attacking the enemies, they typically came away victorious because they outnumbered them and were more experienced Hen. Hunt.. The enemies were scorned by the English soldiers and mocked by the king for their foolish attempts. However, in the third year of King Edward's reign, his brother Adelwold arrived with a fleet of Danes in East Anglia, and the Essex surrendered to Adelwold. Ran. Higd. Essex men first surrendered to him. The following year, he invaded Mercia with a large army, devastating the land up to Cricklade, and after crossing the Thames, he moved on until he reached Basingstoke, or (as some books state) Brittenden. Brittenden, plundering the countryside on both sides, before returning to East Anglia with great joy and celebration.

Henr. Hunt. King Edward awakened héerewith assembled his people, and followed the enimies, wasting all the countries betwixt the riuer of Ouse and saint Edmunds ditch. And when he should returne, he gaue commandement that no man should staie behind him, but come backe togither for doubt to be The Kentishmen disobeing the kings commandement, are surprised by the enimies.
Adelwold king Edwards brother.
forelaid by the enimies. The Kentishmen notwithstanding this ordinance and commandement, remained behind, although the king sent seuen messengers for them. The Danes awaiting their aduantage, came togither, and fiercelie fought with the Kentishmen, which a long time valiantlie defended themselues. But in the end the Danes obtained the victorie, although they lost more people there than the Kentishmen did: and amongst other, there were slaine the foresaid Adelwold, and diuerse of the chiefe capteins amongst the Danes. Likewise of the English side, there died two dukes, Siwolfe & Singlem or Sigbelme, with sundrie other men of name, both temporall and also spirituall lords and abbats. In the fift yéere of his reigne, king Edward concluded a truce with the Danes of Eastangle and Northumberland at Itingford. But in the yéere following, he sent an armie against them of Northumberland, which slue manie of the Danes, and tooke great booties both of people and cattell, Fortie daies saith Simon Dun. remaining in the countrie the space of fiue weekes.

Henr. Hunt. King Edward woke up, gathered his people, and pursued the enemies, devastating all the lands between the River Ouse and Saint Edmund's ditch. As he prepared to return, he ordered that no one should stay behind, but instead come back together to avoid being caught by the enemies. The Kentishmen, however, ignored the king's command and stayed back, even though the king sent seven messengers for them. The Danes, waiting for their opportunity, gathered and fiercely fought against the Kentishmen, who valiantly defended themselves for a long time. In the end, the Danes won, although they lost more men than the Kentishmen did, including the aforementioned Adelwold and several of the key leaders among the Danes. On the English side, two dukes, Siwolfe and Singlem or Sigbelme, as well as various other notable figures, both temporal and spiritual lords and abbots, also perished. In the fifth year of his reign, King Edward agreed to a truce with the Danes of East Anglia and Northumberland at Itingford. However, the following year, he sent an army against the Northumbrians, which killed many Danes and captured a significant amount of loot, including people and cattle, Forty days, says Simon Dun. spending five weeks in the country.

The yéere next insuing, the Danes with a great armie entered into Mercia, to rob & spoile the countrie, against whome king Edward sent a mightie host, assembled togither of the Westsaxons & them of Mercia, which set vpon the Danes, as they were returning homeward, and slue of them an huge multitude, togither with their chiefe capteins and leaders, as king Halden, and king Eolwils, earle Vter, earle Scurfa, Hen. Hunt. and diuerse other. In the yéere 912, or (as Simon Dunel. saith) 908, the duke of Mercia Edred or Etheldred departed this life, and then king Edward seized into his hands the cities of London and Oxford, and all that part of Mercia which he held. But afterwards he suffered his sister Elfleda to inioy the most part thereof, except the said cities of London and Oxford, which he still reteined in his owne hand. This Elfleda was wife to the said duke Edred or Etheldred, as before you haue heard: of whose woorthie acts more shall be said heereafter.

The year after that, the Danes invaded Mercia with a large army to steal and pillage the land. In response, King Edward sent a powerful force made up of West Saxons and Mercia's people to confront the Danes as they were heading home. They attacked and killed a huge number of them, including their chief leaders like King Halden, King Eolwils, Earl Vter, Earl Scurfa, and several others. In the year 912, or as Simon of Durham says, 908, the Duke of Mercia, Edred or Etheldred, passed away. Following his death, King Edward took control of the cities of London and Oxford and all the parts of Mercia that he governed. However, he later allowed his sister Elfleda to manage most of it, except for the cities of London and Oxford, which he kept under his own control. Elfleda was the wife of Duke Edred or Etheldred, as mentioned earlier, and her notable deeds will be discussed later.

In the ninth yéere of his reigne, king Edward built a castell at Wightham. Hertford, and likewise he builded a towne in Essex at Wightham, and lay himselfe in the meane time at Maldon, otherwise Meauldun, bringing a great part of the countrie vnder his subiection, which before was subiect to the Danes. In the yéere following, the armie of the Danes Chester, or rather Leicester, as I thinke. departed from Northampton and Chester in breach of the former truce, and slue a great number of men at Hochnerton in Oxfordshire. And shortlie after their returne home, an other companie of them went Digetune. foorth, and came to Leighton, where the people of the countrie being assembled togither, fought with them & put them to flight, taking from them all the spoile which they had got, and also their horsses.

In the ninth year of his reign, King Edward built a castle at Wightham. Hertford, and he also established a town in Essex at Wightham, while he camped in the meantime at Maldon, also known as Meauldun, bringing a large part of the region under his control, which had previously been subject to the Danes. In the following year, the Danish army Chester, or maybe Leicester, as I believe. left Northampton and Chester, breaking the previous truce, and killed a great number of people at Hochnerton in Oxfordshire. Shortly after their return home, another group of them went Digetune. out and arrived at Leighton, where the local people gathered together, fought against them, and drove them back, taking all the spoils they had acquired, including their horses.

In the 11 yéere of king Edward, a fleet of Danes compassed about the west parts, & came to the mouth of Seuerne, and so tooke preies in Wales: they also tooke prisoner a Welsh bishop named Camelgaret, at Irchenfield. Irchenfield, whome they led to their ships: but king Edward redéemed him out of their hands, paieng them fortie pounds for his ransome. After that the armie of Danes went foorth to spoile the countrie about Irchenfield, but the people of Chester, Hereford, and other townes and countries thereabout assembled togither, and giuing battell to the enimies, put them to flight, and slue one of their noble men called earle Rehald, and Geolcil the brother of earle Vter, with a great part Danes discomfited. of their armie, & draue the residue into a castell, which they besieged[Page 680] till the Danes within it gaue hostages, and couenanted to depart out of the kings land. The king caused the coasts about Seuerne to be watched, that they should not breake into his countrie: but yet they stale twise into the borders: neuerthelesse they were chased and slaine as manie as could not swim, and so get to their ships. Then they remained in the The Ile of Stepen.
Deomedun.
Ile of Stepen, in great miserie for lacke of vittels, bicause they could not go abroad to get anie. At length they departed into
Danes saile into Ireland.
Northwales, and from thence sailed into Ireland.

In the 11th year of King Edward, a fleet of Danes surrounded the western regions and reached the mouth of the Severn, where they plundered Wales. They also captured a Welsh bishop named Camelgaret at Irchenfield. The Danes took him to their ships, but King Edward redeemed him, paying forty pounds for his ransom. After that, the Danish army moved on to pillage the area around Irchenfield, but the people of Chester, Hereford, and other nearby towns and regions gathered together, fought the enemies, defeated them in battle, and killed one of their nobles named Earl Rehald, along with Geolcil, the brother of Earl Uter, and a significant part of their army. They drove the remainder into a castle, which they besieged[Page 680] until the Danes inside surrendered hostages and agreed to leave the king's land. The king ordered the coasts around Severn to be watched to prevent them from invading his territory again. However, they slipped into the borders twice; nonetheless, those who couldn’t swim were chased down and killed before they could reach their ships. They then stayed on the The Isle of Stepen.
Deomedun.
Isle of Stepen, suffering greatly due to a lack of food since they couldn't venture out to find any. Eventually, they left for Danes arrive in Ireland. North Wales and from there sailed to Ireland.

The same yéere king Edward came to Buckingham with an armie, and there taried a whole moneth, building two castels, the one vpon the one side of the water of Ouse, and the other vpon the other side of the same Turketillus an earle. riuer. He also subdued Turketillus an earle of the Danes that dwelt in that countrie, with all the residue of the noble men and barons of the shires of Bedford and Northampton. In the 12 yéere of king Edwards reigne, the Kentishmen and Danes fought togither at Holme: but whether Simon Dun. partie had the victorie, writers haue not declared. Simon Dunelm. speaketh of a battell which the citizens of Canturburie fought against a number of Danish rouers at Holme, where the Danes were put to flight, but that should be (as he noteth) 8 yéeres before this supposed time, as in the yéere 904, which was about the third yéere of king Edwards reigne.

In the same year, King Edward came to Buckingham with an army and stayed there for a whole month, building two castles, one on each side of the Ouse River. He also defeated Turketillus, an Earl of the Danes who lived in that area, along with all the other nobles and barons from the shires of Bedford and Northampton. In the 12th year of King Edward's reign, the men of Kent and the Danes fought each other at Holme, but it's unclear which side won, as historians haven't specified. Simon Dunelm mentions a battle where the citizens of Canterbury fought against a group of Danish raiders at Holme, where the Danes were routed; however, he notes that this event should have taken place eight years prior, in the year 904, which was around the third year of King Edward's reign.

Anno 911. Simon Dun. After this, other of the Danes assembled themselues togither, and in Staffordshire at a place called Tottenhall fought with the Englishmen, and after great slaughter made on both parties, the Danes were ouercome: and so likewise were they shortlie after at Woodfield or Wodenfield. And thus king Edward put the Danes to the woorse in each place commonlie where he came, and hearing that those in Northumberland ment to breake the peace: he inuaded the countrie, and so afflicted the same, that the Danes which were inhabitants there, gladlie continued in Polydor. Ericke king of Eastangles. rest and peace. But in this meane time, Ericke the king of those Danes which held the countrie of Eastangle, was about to procure new warre, and to allure other of the Danes to ioine with him against the Englishmen, that with common agréement they might set vpon the English nation, and vtterlie subdue them.

Year 911. Simon Dun. After this, other Danes gathered together, and in Staffordshire at a place called Tottenhall, they fought against the English. After significant casualties on both sides, the Danes were defeated; they were also defeated shortly after at Woodfield or Wodenfield. King Edward consistently pushed the Danes back wherever he went, and upon hearing that those in Northumberland planned to break the peace, he invaded the country and caused such distress that the Danes living there were eager to maintain peace and rest. Meanwhile, Ericke, the king of the Danes in East Anglia, was planning to start a new war and to entice other Danes to join him in attacking the English so they could collectively overpower the English nation and completely subjugate them.

King Edward inuadeth the countrie of the Eastangles. King Edward hauing intelligence héereof, purposed to preuent him, and therevpon entering with an armie into his countrie, cruellie wasted and spoiled the same. King Ericke hauing alreadie his people in armor through displeasure conceiued heereof, and desire to be reuenged, hasted foorth to incounter his enimies: and so they met in the field, and fiercelie assailed ech other. But as the battell was rashlie begun Ericke put to flight. on king Ericks side, so was the end verie harmefull to him: for with small adoo, after great losse on both sides, he was vanquished and put to flight.

King Edward invades the territory of the East Angles. King Edward, having learned of this, planned to intercept him, and thereupon entered with an army into his territory, brutally ravaging and plundering it. King Erik, already having his men armed due to the anger he felt about this and a desire for revenge, rushed out to confront his enemies: and so they met in battle, fiercely attacking each other. But as the fight was hastily started Erik was defeated. on King Erik's side, the outcome was very damaging for him: for with little effort, after significant losses on both sides, he was defeated and driven away.

After his comming home, bicause of his great ouerthrow and fowle discomfiture, he began to gouerne his people with more rigor & sharper dealing than before time he had vsed. Whereby he prouoked the malice of the Eastangles so highlie against him, that they fell vpon him and murthered him: yet did they not gaine so much hereby as they looked to haue doone: for shortlie after, they being brought low, and not able to defend their countrie, were compelled to submit themselues vnto king The kingdom of the Eastangles subdued by K. Edward. Edward. And so was that kingdome ioined vnto the other dominions of the same king Edward, who shortlie after annexed the kingdome of Mercia vnto other of his dominions, immediatlie vpon the death of his sister Elfleda, whom he permitted to rule that land all hir life.

After he came home, due to his great defeat and disgrace, he began to govern his people with more strictness and harsher measures than he had used before. This angered the East Angles so much that they turned against him and killed him. However, they didn't gain as much from this as they had hoped, because shortly afterward, they were brought low and unable to defend their country, and were forced to submit to King Edward. Thus, that kingdom was added to the other territories ruled by King Edward, who shortly after incorporated the kingdom of Mercia into his other lands, right after the death of his sister Elfleda, whom he allowed to govern that land her entire life.


[Page 681]

[Page 681]

Elfleda the sister of king Edward highlie commended for government, what a necessarie staie she was vnto him in hir life time, what townes she builded and repared, hir warlike exploits against the Danes, hir death and buriall; the greatest part of Britaine in K. Edwards dominion, he is a great builder and reparer of townes, his death, the dreame of his wife Egina, and the issue of the same, what children king Edward had by his wiues, and how they were emploied, the decay of the church by the meanes of troubles procured by the Danes, England first curssed and why; a prouinciall councell summoned for the reliefe of the churches ruine, Pleimond archbishop of Canturburie sent to Rome, bishops ordeined in sundrie prouinces; dissention among writers what pope should denounce the foresaid cursse; a succession of archbishops in the see of Canturburie, one brother killeth another.

Elfleda, the sister of King Edward, was highly praised for her governance, her essential role in his life, the towns she built and repaired, her military actions against the Danes, her death, and burial. Most of Britain was under King Edward's rule; he was a notable builder and restorer of towns, his death, the dream of his wife Egina, and its significance, the children King Edward had with his wives and their roles, the decline of the church due to troubles caused by the Danes, England's initial curse and the reasons behind it; a provincial council convened to address the church's destruction, Pleimond, the Archbishop of Canterbury, sent to Rome, bishops appointed in various provinces; disagreements among writers on which pope should lift the aforementioned curse; a line of archbishops in the Canterbury see, with one brother killing another.

THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.

Not without good reason did king Edward permit vnto his sister Elfleda the gouernment of Mercia, during hir life time: for by hir wise and politike order vsed in all hir dooings, he was greatlie furthered & assisted; but speciallie in reparing and building of townes & castels, Hen. Hunt.
Matth. West.
Simon Dun.
wherein she shewed hir noble magnificence, in so much that during hir government, which continued about eight yéeres, it is recorded by writers, that she did build and repare these towns, whose names here Tamwoorth was by hir repared, anno 914.
Eadsburie and Warwike.
915.
insue: Tamwoorth beside Lichfield, Stafford, Warwike, Shrewsburie, Watersburie or Weddesburie, Elilsburie or rather Eadsburie, in the forrest of De la mere besides Chester, Brimsburie bridge vpon Seuerne, Rouncorne at the mouth of the riuer Mercia with other. Moreouer, by hir Chester repared, 905.
Sim. Dun.
helpe the citie of Chester, which by Danes had beene greatlie defaced, was newlie repared, fortified with walls and turrets, and greatlie inlarged. So that the castell which stood without the walls before that time, was now brought within compasse of the new wall.

King Edward had good reason to let his sister Elfleda govern Mercia during her lifetime. Her wise and strategic management significantly benefited him, especially in the repair and construction of towns and castles, where she demonstrated her remarkable generosity. It’s noted by writers that during her approximately eight-year rule, she built and repaired several towns, including: Tamworth, which she repaired in 914, and Eadsbury and Warwick in 915. The towns include Tamworth near Lichfield, Stafford, Warwick, Shrewsbury, Watersbury or Weddesbury, Elilsbury or perhaps Eadsbury in the forest of Delamere near Chester, Brimsbury Bridge on the Severn, and Rouncorne at the mouth of the River Mercia, among others. Additionally, with her help, the city of Chester, which had been significantly damaged by the Danes, was newly repaired, fortified with walls and turrets, and greatly expanded. The castle that had previously been outside the walls was now incorporated within the new walls.

Moreouer she boldlie assalted hir enimies which went about to trouble the state of the countrie, as the Welshmen and Danes. She sent an armie Quéene of the Welshmen taken.
Brecenamere.
Ran. Higd.
Hen. Hunt.
918.
Darbie won from the Danes.
into Wales, and tooke the towne of Brecknocke with the queene of the Welshmen at Bricenamere. Also she wan from the Danes the towne of Darbie, and the countrie adioining. In this enterprise she put hir owne person in great aduenture: for a great multitude of Danes that were withdrawen into Darbie, valiantlie defended the gates and entries, in so much that they slue foure of hir chiefe men of warre, which were named wardens of hir person, euen fast by hir at the verie entrie of the gates. But this notwithstanding, with valiant fight hir people entered, and so the towne was woon: she got diuerse other places out of their hands, & constreined them of Yorkeshire to agree with hir, so that some of them promised to become hir subiects: some vowed to aid hir, and some sware to be at hir commandement.

Furthermore, she boldly attacked her enemies who were trying to disrupt the state's stability, such as the Welsh and the Danes. She sent an army into Wales and captured the town of Brecknock along with the queen of the Welsh at Bricenamere. She also took the town of Derby from the Danes and the surrounding area. In this endeavor, she put herself in great danger, as a large number of Danes had gathered in Derby and fiercely defended the gates and entrances, even killing four of her top warriors, who were the guardians of her safety, right at the entrance. Despite this, her troops fought valiantly and managed to breach the town, winning it. She secured several other locations from their control and pressured those from Yorkshire to make agreements with her, so that some promised to become her subjects, some pledged to assist her, and others swore to follow her commands.

Hen. Hunt. Anno Christie 919. Finallie, this martiall ladie and manlie Elfleda, the supporter of hir countriemen, and terrour of the enimies, departed this life at Tamwoorth about the 12 of Iune, in the 18 or rather 19 yéere of hir Matt. West.
Simon Dun.
brother king Edwards reigne, as by Matth. West. it should appeere. But Simon Dunelm. writeth, that she deceassed in the yeere of Christ 915, which should be about the 14 yéere of king Edwards reigne. Hir bodie was conueied to Glocester, and there buried within the monasterie of S. Peter, which hir husband and she in their life time had builded, and translated thither the bones of saint Oswill from Bardona. The same monasterie was after

Chickens. Hunting. AD 919. Finally, this warrior lady and brave Elfleda, the supporter of her countrymen and fear of the enemies, passed away at Tamworth around June 12, in the 18th or rather 19th year of her brother King Edward's reign, as Matth. West suggests. However, Simon Dunelm states that she died in the year 915, which would be about the 14th year of King Edward's reign. Her body was taken to Gloucester and buried inside the monastery of St. Peter, which she and her husband had built during their lifetimes, and where they had transferred the bones of Saint Oswald from Bardon. The same monastery was later

Ranul. destroied by Danes. But Aldredus the archbishop of Yorke, who was also bishop of Worcester, repared an other in the same citie, that was after the chiefe abbeie there. Finallie, in memorie of the said Elfleds magnanimitie and valorous mind, this epitaph was fixed on hir toome.

Ranul. destroyed by the Danes. But Aldredus, the Archbishop of York, who was also the Bishop of Worcester, built another in the same city, which later became the main abbey there. Finally, in memory of Elfled's greatness and brave spirit, this epitaph was placed on her tomb.

O Elfleda potens, ô terror virgo virorum,

O powerful Elfleda, oh fearsome maiden of men,

O Elfleda potens, nomine digna viri.

O powerful Elfleda, worthy of a man's name.

Te quóque splendidior fecit natura puellam,

Nature also made the girl more splendid,

Te probitas fecit nomen habere viri.

Your integrity gave the man a good name.

Te mutare decet sed solum nomina sexus,

It should be changed, but only the names of the genders,

[Page 682]

Tu regina potens rexque trophea parans.

You, powerful queen, preparing trophies for the king.

Iam nec Cæsareos tantum mirere triumphos,

Now, don't just admire the triumphs of Caesar,

Cæsare splendidior virgo virago, vale.

Cæsar, you were a shining star, goodbye.

Translated by Abraham Fleming.

Translated by Abraham Fleming.

O puissant Elfled, ô thou maid

O powerful Elfled, oh you maiden

of men the dread and feare,

of men the dread and fear,

O puissant Elfled woorthie maid

O mighty Elfled, worthy maid

the name of man to beare.

the name of a man to bear.

A noble nature hath thee made

A noble nature has made you

a maiden mild to bee,

a gentle maiden to bee,

Thy vertue also hath procurde

Your virtue has also procured

a manlie name to thee.

a manly name for you.

It dooth but onelie thee become,

It only happens to you,

of sex to change the name,

of sex to change the name,

A puissant queene, a king art thou

A powerful queen, you are a king.

preparing trophes of fame.

preparing trophies of fame.

Now maruell not so much at Cæsars

Now don't be so amazed at Caesar's

triumphs [trim to vieu;]

triumphs

O manlike maiden more renowmd

Oh, man-like maiden more renowned

than Cæsar was, adieu.

than Caesar was, goodbye.

This Alfwen was sister to Edelfled, as H. Hunt. saith. After the deceasse of Elfleda, king Edward tooke the dominion of Mercia (as before we haue said) into his owne hands, and so disherited his néece Alfwen or Elswen, the daughter of Elfleda, taking hir awaie with him into the countrie of Westsaxons. By this meanes he so amplified the bounds of his kingdome, that he had the most part of all this Iland of Stratcluid or Stretcled, a kingdome in Wales. Britaine at his commandement: for the kings of the Welshmen; namelie the king of Stretcled, and of the Scots, acknowledging him to be their chiefe souereigne lord, and the Danes in Northumberland were kept so short, that they durst attempt nothing against him in his latter daies: K. Edward a great builder and reparer of townes.
Notingham bridge built.
Matt. West. so that he had time to applie the building and reparing of cities, townes, and castels, wherein he so much delighted. He builded a new towne at Notingham on the southside of Trent, and made a bridge ouer that riuer betwixt the old towne and the new. He also repared Manchester repared.
Anno 816.
Simon Dun.
Manchester beyond the riuer of Mercia in Lancashire, accounted as then in the south end of Northumberland, and he built a towne of ancient writers called Thilwall, neere to the same riuer of Mercia, and placed therein a garrison of souldiers: diuerse other townes and castels he

Henr. Hunt.
built, as two at Buckingham on either side of the water of Ouse (as before is shewed) and also one at the mouth of the riuer of Auon. He likewise built or new repared the townes of Tocetor and Wigmore, with diuerse other, as one at Glademuth, about the last yéere of his reigne. Some also he destroied which séemed to serue the enimies turne for harborough, as a castell at Temnesford, which the Danes builded and fortified.

This Alfwen was the sister of Edelfled, as noted by H. Hunt. After Elfleda's death, King Edward took control of Mercia (as we mentioned before) for himself and disinherited his niece Alfwen or Elswen, the daughter of Elfleda, taking her with him into the land of the West Saxons. This way, he enlarged the boundaries of his kingdom so much that he had command over most of Britain, including Stratcluid or Stretcled, a kingdom in Wales. the Welsh kings, specifically the king of Stretcled and the Scots, acknowledged him as their chief sovereign lord, and the Danes in Northumberland were kept in check, daring not to challenge him in his later years: K. Edward was a skilled builder and restorer of towns.
Nottingham bridge was constructed.
Matt. West. He had time to focus on building and repairing cities, towns, and castles, which he greatly enjoyed. He built a new town at Nottingham on the south side of the Trent River and constructed a bridge over that river connecting the old town and the new. He also repaired Manchester repaired.
Year 816.
Simon Dun.
Manchester across the River Mercia in Lancashire, which was then considered at the southern end of Northumberland. He built a town mentioned by ancient writers called Thilwall, near the same River Mercia, and stationed a garrison of soldiers there. He constructed several other towns and castles, such as two at Buckingham on either side of the River Ouse (as mentioned before) and another at the mouth of the River Avon. He also built or refurbished the towns of Tocetor and Wigmore, along with several others, including one at Glademuth, around the last year of his reign. Some he destroyed that seemed to provide refuge for enemies, such as a castle at Temnesford, which the Danes had built and fortified.

At length, after that this noble prince king Edward had reigned somewhat aboue the tearme of 23 yéeres, he was taken out of this life at Faringdon: his bodie was conueied from thence vnto Winchester, and there buried in the new abbeie. He had thrée wiues, or (as some haue Polydor. written) but two, affirming that Edgiua was not his wife, but his concubine, of whome he begat his eldest sonne Adelstan, who succéeded A dreame. him in the kingdome. This Edgiua (as hath béene reported) dreamed on a time that there rose a moone out of hir bellie, which with the bright shine thereof gaue light ouer all England: and telling hir dreame to an ancient gentlewoman, who coniecturing by the dreame that which followed, tooke care of hir, and caused hir to be brought vp in good manners and like a gentlewoman, though she were borne but of base parentage.

After reigning for about 23 years, the noble King Edward passed away at Faringdon. His body was transported from there to Winchester, where he was buried in the new abbey. He had three wives, or as some have claimed, only two, stating that Edgiua was not his wife but his concubine, with whom he had his eldest son Adelstan, who succeeded him as king. It has been reported that Edgiua once dreamed that a moon rose from her belly, casting its bright light over all of England. She shared her dream with an elderly woman, who interpreted it and took care of her, ensuring she was raised with good manners, even though she came from modest beginnings.

Heerevpon when she came to ripe yéeres, king Edward by chance comming to the place where she was remaining, vpon the first sight was streight rauished with hir beautie (which in déed excelled) that she could not rest till he had his pleasure of hir, and so begot of hir the foresaid Adelstan: by hir he had also a daughter that was maried vnto Sithrike a[Page 683] Dane and K. of Northumberland. The Scotish writers name hir Beatrice, Matt. West.
Polydor.
but our writers name hir Editha. His second or rather his first wife (if he were not maried to Eguina mother to Adelstan) was called Elfleda or Elfrida, daughter to one earle Ethelme, by whom he had issue; to The issue of K. Edward. wit, two sonnes Ethelward and Edwin, which immediatlie departed this life after their father; and six daughters, Elfleda, Edgiua, Ethelhilda, Ethilda, Edgitha, and Elfgiua. Elfleda became a nun, and Ethelhilda also liued in perpetuall virginitie, but yet in a laie habit.

When she reached adulthood, King Edward happened to come to the place where she was staying. Upon seeing her for the first time, he was immediately captivated by her outstanding beauty, which he couldn't resist until he had his way with her, and thus she gave birth to the aforementioned Adelstan. He also had a daughter with her who married Sithrike, a Dane and King of Northumberland. Scottish writers call her Beatrice, but our writers refer to her as Editha. His second or perhaps his first wife (if he was not married to Eguina, the mother of Adelstan) was named Elfleda or Elfrida, the daughter of Earl Ethelme, with whom he had children. To be specific, he had two sons, Ethelward and Edwin, both of whom passed away shortly after their father, and six daughters: Elfleda, Edgiua, Ethelhilda, Ethilda, Edgitha, and Elfgiua. Elfleda became a nun, and Ethelhilda also lived in perpetual virginity, though in a lay habit.

Alias Edgiua. Wil. Malm. Edgitha was maried to Charles king of France, surnamed Simplex. And Ethilda by helpe of hir brother Adelstan was bestowed vpon Hugh sonne to Robert earle of Paris, for hir singular beautie most highlie estéemed: sith nature in hir had shewed as it were hir whole cunning, in perfecting hir with all gifts and properties of a comelie personage. Edgiua and Elgiua were sent by their brother Adelstan into Germanie, vnto the emperor Henrie, who bestowed one of them vpon his sonne Otho, that was after emperor, the first of that name; and the other vpon a duke inhabiting about the Alpes: by his last wife named Edgiua, he had also two sonnes, Edmund & Eldred, the which both reigned after their brother Adestan successiuelie. Also he had by hir two daughters, Edburge that was made a nun, and Edgiue a ladie of excellent beautie, whom hir brother Adelstan gaue in mariage vnto Lewes king of Aquitaine.

Alias Edgiua. Wil. Malm. Edgitha was married to Charles, king of France, known as Simplex. And Ethilda, with the help of her brother Adelstan, was given to Hugh, son of Robert, the count of Paris, due to her exceptional beauty, highly regarded as nature had showcased her exceptional qualities by endowing her with all the traits of a beautiful person. Edgiua and Elgiua were sent by their brother Adelstan to Germany, to Emperor Henry, who married one of them to his son Otto, who later became emperor, the first of that name; and the other to a duke living in the Alps. With his last wife named Edgiua, he also had two sons, Edmund and Eldred, who both reigned after their brother Adelstan in succession. He also had two daughters by her, Edburge, who became a nun, and Edgiue, a lady of exquisite beauty, whom her brother Adelstan married to Louis, king of Aquitaine.

Ran. Higd.
Wil. Malm.
Matth. West.
Whilest this land was in continuall trouble of warres against the Danes, as before is touched, small regard was had to the state of the church, in somuch that the whole countrie of the Westsaxons by the space of seuen yéeres togither (in the daies of this king Edward) remained without anie bishop, to take order in matters apperteining to England first accurssed. the church. Wherevpon the pope had accurssed the English people, bicause they suffred the bishops sees to be vacant so long a time. King
Anno 903.
Edward to auoid the cursse, assembled a prouinciall councell, 905, in the which the archbishop of Canturburie Pleimond was president. Wherein it was ordeined, that whereas the prouince of Westsaxons in times past had but two bishops, now it should be diuided into fiue diocesses, euerie of them to haue a peculiar bishop.

Ran. Higd.
Wil. Malm.
Matth. West.
While this land was in constant turmoil due to wars against the Danes, as mentioned earlier, little attention was paid to the state of the church. In fact, the entire region of the West Saxons went without a bishop for seven years during the reign of King Edward, which meant there was no one to manage church matters. As a result, the pope had placed a curse on the English people for allowing the bishoprics to remain vacant for such an extended period. To lift the curse, King Edward convened a provincial council in 905, led by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Pleimond. It was decided that since the province of West Saxons previously had only two bishops, it would now be divided into five dioceses, each with its own bishop.

When all things were ordered and concluded in this synod (as was thought requisite) the archbishop was sent to Rome with rich presents, to appease the popes displeasure. When the pope had heard what order the king had taken, he was contented therewith. And so the archbishop returned into his countrie, and in one day at Canturburie ordeined seuen bishops, as fiue to the prouince of Westsaxons, that is to say, Winchester.
Cornewall.
Shireborne.
Welles.
Kirton.
Mercia.
Fridestane to the sée of Winchester, Adelstan to S. German in Cornwall, Werstan to Shireborne, Adelme to Welles, and Edulfe to Kirton. Also to the prouince of Sussex he ordeined one Bernegus, and to Dorchester for the prouince of Mercia one Cenulfus.

When everything was settled and wrapped up in this synod, as was thought necessary, the archbishop was sent to Rome with valuable gifts to smooth over the pope’s anger. Once the pope heard about the arrangement the king made, he was satisfied. So, the archbishop returned to his country and, in one day in Canterbury, appointed seven bishops—five for the province of Wessex, which are: Winchester.
Cornwall.
Shireborne.
Wells.
Kirton.
Mercia.
Fridestan to the see of Winchester, Adelstan to St. German in Cornwall, Werstan to Shireborne, Adelme to Wells, and Edulfe to Kirton. He also appointed one Bernegus for the province of Sussex, and Cenulfus for Dorchester in the province of Mercia.

Wil. Malm. saith that pope Formosus pronounced this cursse.
904.
¶ Heere ye must note, that where William Malme. Polychro. and other doo affirme, that pope Formosus did accursse king Edward and the English nation, for suffering the bishops sees to be vacant, it can not stand with the agreement or the time, vnlesse that the cursse pronounced by Formosus for this matter long afore was not regarded, vntill Edward had respect thereto. For the same Formosus began to gouerne the Romane see about the yéere of our Lord 892, and liued in the papasie not past six Polydor. yéeres, so that he was dead before king Edward came to the crowne. But how so euer this matter maie fall out, this ye haue to consider: although that Pleimond was sent vnto Rome to aduertise the pope what the king had decréed & doone, in the ordeining of bishops to their seuerall sées, as before ye haue heard, yet (as maister Fox hath noted) the gouernance and direction of the church depended chieflie vpon the kings of this land in those daies, as it manifestlie appeereth, as well by the decrees of king Alfred, as of this king Edward, whose authoritie in the election of bishops (as before ye haue heard) seemed then alone to be sufficient.

Wil. Malm. states that Pope Formosus cast this curse.
904.
¶ Here you must note that while William of Malmesbury, Polychromata, and others claim that Pope Formosus cursed King Edward and the English nation for allowing the bishoprics to be vacant, it doesn't add up with the timeline unless the curse issued by Formosus on this matter long before was ignored until Edward took it into consideration. Formosus began his papacy around the year 892 and only served for about six years, meaning he was dead before King Edward ascended to the throne. But however this matter unfolds, you should consider this: although Pleimond was sent to Rome to inform the pope about the king's decisions regarding the appointment of bishops, as you have heard before, the governance and direction of the church mainly relied on the kings of this land at that time, which is clearly demonstrated both by the decrees of King Alfred and this King Edward, whose authority in the election of bishops seemed to be sufficient on its own, as you have heard.

Moreouer, I thinke it good to aduertise you in this place, that this Pleimond archbishop of Canturburie (of whome ye haue heard before) was the 19 in number from Augustine the first archbishop there: for after Brightwold that was the 8 in number, and first of the English nation that gouerned the sée, succeeded Taduin, that sat three yeeres, Notelin fiue yéeres, Cuthbert 18 yéeres, Brethwin thrée yéeres, Lambert 27 yéeres, Adelard 13 yéeres, Wilfred 28 yéeres, Theologildus or[Page 684] Pleogildus 3 yéeres, Celuotus or Chelutus 10 yéeres. Then succéeded Aldred, of whome king Edward receiued the crowne, and he was Hen. Hunt. predecessor to Pleimond. A litle before the death of king Edward, Sithrike the king of Northumberland killed his brother Nigellus, and then king Reinold conquered the citie of Yorke.

Moreover, I think it's important to let you know that this Pleimond, the archbishop of Canterbury (whom you’ve heard about before), was the 19th in line from Augustine, the first archbishop there: after Brightwold, who was the 8th and the first of the English to govern the see, came Taduin, who served for three years, Notelin for five years, Cuthbert for 18 years, Brethwin for three years, Lambert for 27 years, Adelard for 13 years, Wilfred for 28 years, Theologildus or Pleogildus for three years, and Celuotus or Chelutus for ten years. Then came Aldred, from whom King Edward received the crown, and he was the predecessor to Pleimond. A little before King Edward’s death, Sithrike, the king of Northumberland, killed his brother Nigellus, and then King Reinold conquered the city of York.


Adelstane succeedeth his father Edward in the kingdome, Alfred practising by treason to keepe him from the gouernement, sanke downe suddenlie as he was taking his oth for his purgation; the cause why Alfred opposed himselfe against Adelstane, whose praise is notable, what he did to satisfie the expectation of his people, ladie Beatrice king Edwards daughter maried to Sithrike a Danish gouernor of the Northumbers, by whose meanes Edwin king Edwards brother was drowned, practises of treason, the ladie Beatrice strangelie put to death by hir stepsons for being of counsell to poison hir husband Sithrike, hir death reuenged vpon the tormentors by hir father king Edward, and how chronographers varie in the report of this historie.

Adelstane succeeded his father Edward in the kingdom, while Alfred, through treachery, tried to keep him from ruling. He suddenly fell down while taking his oath for his purification. The reason Alfred opposed Adelstane, who is highly praised for meeting his people's expectations, relates to Lady Beatrice, King Edward's daughter, who married Sithrike, a Danish governor of the Northumbrians. By her means, Edwin, King Edward's brother, drowned due to treasonous plots. Lady Beatrice was strangely killed by her stepsons for advising on the poisoning of her husband Sithrike. Her death was avenged by her father, King Edward, and the accounts of this story vary among chroniclers.

THE XIX. CHAPTER.

ADELSTAN. Matt. West.
Will. Malmes.
924.
Adelstane the eldest sonne of king Edward began his reigne ouer the more part of all England, the yeere of our Lord 924, which was in the 6 yere of the emperour Henrie the first, in the 31 yéere of the reigne of Charles surnamed Simplex king of France, three moneths after the burning of Pauie, & about the 22 or 23 yéere of Constantine the third, king of Scotland. This Adelstane was crowned and consecrated king at Kingstone vpon Thames, of Aldelme the archbishop of Canturburie, who succéeded Pleimond. He was the 24 king in number from Cerdicus or Cerdike the first king of the Westsaxons. There were in the beginning Alfred striueth in vaine to kéepe Adelstane from the gouernment. Wil. Malm.
See more hereof in the acts and monuments set foorth by M. Fox, vol. 1. leafe 195.
some that set themselues against him, as one Alfred a noble man, which practised by treason to haue kept him from the gouernement: but he was apprehended yer he could bring his purpose to passe, and sent to Rome there to trie himselfe giltie or not giltie. And as he tooke his oth for his purgation before the altar of saint Peter, he suddenlie fell downe to the earth, so that his seruants tooke him vp, and bare him into the English schoole or hospitall, where the third night after he died.

Athelstan. Matt. West.
Will. Malmes.
924.
Adelstan, the oldest son of King Edward, began his reign over most of England in the year 924, which was the 6th year of Emperor Henry I, the 31st year of the reign of Charles, nicknamed Simple, king of France, three months after the burning of Pavia, and around the 22nd or 23rd year of Constantine III, king of Scotland. Adelstan was crowned and consecrated king at Kingston upon Thames by Aldelme, the Archbishop of Canterbury, who succeeded Pleimond. He was the 24th king in line from Cerdicus, the first king of the West Saxons. In the beginning, there were some who opposed him, including Alfred, a nobleman, who plotted treason to keep him from power. However, he was captured before he could execute his plan and sent to Rome to face trial. As he swore an oath for his defense before the altar of Saint Peter, he suddenly fell to the ground, and his servants lifted him up and took him to the English school or hospital, where he died three nights later.

Pope Iohn the tenth sent vnto king Adelstane, to know if he would that his bodie should be laid in Christian buriall or not. The king at the contemplation of Alfreds friends and kinsfolks, signified to the pope that he was contented that his bodie should be interred amongst other christians. His lands being forfeited were giuen by the king vnto God and saint Peter. The cause that mooued Alfred and other his complices against the king, was (as some haue alledged) his bastardie. But whether that allegation were true or but a slander, this is certeine, that except that steine of his honor, there was nothing in this Adelstane worthie of blame: so that he darkened all the glorious fame of his predecessors, both in vertuous conditions and victorious triumphs. Such difference is there to haue that in thy selfe wherein to excell, rather than to stand vpon the woorthinesse of thine ancestors, sith that can not rightlie be called a mans owne.

Pope John the Tenth sent a message to King Athelstan, asking if he wanted his body to be buried in a Christian manner or not. Considering the wishes of Alfred's friends and family, the king informed the pope that he was okay with his body being buried among other Christians. Since his lands were forfeited, the king dedicated them to God and Saint Peter. The reason that motivated Alfred and some of his associates against the king was, as some have claimed, his illegitimacy. However, whether that claim was true or just a rumor, it's certain that aside from that stain on his honor, there was nothing about Athelstan deserving of blame: he overshadowed all the glorious achievements of his predecessors in both virtuous character and victorious triumphs. There’s a significant difference in having something within yourself that sets you apart, rather than relying on the worthiness of your ancestors, as that cannot truly be considered a person's own merit.

After that king Adelstane was established in the estate, he indeuored himselfe to answer the expectation of his people; which hoped for great Anno 925. Simon Dun.
Polydor.
wealth to insue by his noble and prudent gouernance. First therfore meaning to prouide for the suertie of his countrie, he concluded a peace with Sithrike king of the Northumbers, vnto whome (as ye haue heard) he gaue one of his sisters named Editha in mariage. Sithrike liued not past one yéere after he had so maried hir. And then Adelstane brought the prouince of the Northumbers vnto his subiection, expelling one Aldulph out of the same that rebelled against him. There be that write, that Godfrie and Aulafe the sonnes of Sithrike succéeding their[Page 685] father in the gouernement of Northumberland, by practising to mooue warre against king Adelstane, occasioned him to inuade their countrie, and to chase them out of the same, so that Aulafe fled into Ireland, & Godfrie into Scotland: but other write, that Godfrie was the father of H. Hunt. Reignold which wan Yorke, after that Sithrike had slaine his brother Nigellus, as before is mentioned.

After King Adelstane took power, he worked hard to meet the expectations of his people, who hoped for great wealth from his noble and wise leadership. First, to ensure the safety of his country, he made peace with Sithrike, the king of the Northumbrians. As you know, he married one of his sisters, named Editha, to Sithrike. Sithrike lived less than a year after marrying her. After that, Adelstane brought the Northumbrian province under his control, driving out a rebel named Aldulph. Some accounts say that Godfrie and Aulafe, the sons of Sithrike, attempted to wage war against King Adelstane, which prompted him to invade their territory and drive them out, resulting in Aulafe fleeing to Ireland and Godfrie fleeing to Scotland. However, other accounts claim that Godfrie was the father of Reignold, who captured York after Sithrike had killed his brother Nigellus, as mentioned earlier.

Hect. Boetius.
The Scotish writers varie from our English authors.
Beatrice daughter to K. Edward as the Scotish writers say.
Edwin was not brother to K. Edward but son to him.
¶ The Scotish chronicles varie in report of these matters from the English writers: whose chronicles affirme, that in the life time of king Edward, his daughter Beatrice was giuen in mariage to Sithrike, the gouernor of the Danes in Northumberland, with condition that if anie male were procreated in that mariage, the same should inherit the dominions of king Edward after his decease. King Edward had a brother (as they say) named Edwin, a iolie gentleman, and of great estimation amongst the Englishmen. He by Sithrikes procurement was sent into Flanders in a ship that leaked, and so was drowned, to the great reioising of all the Danes, least if he had suruiued his brother, he would haue made some businesse for the crowne.

Hect. Boetius.
Scottish writers have a different approach compared to our English authors.
Beatrice, daughter of King Edward, according to Scottish writers.
Edwin was not King Edward's brother, but his son.
¶ The Scottish chronicles report these events differently from the English writers: their chronicles assert that during King Edward's lifetime, his daughter Beatrice was married to Sithrike, the governor of the Danes in Northumberland, with the condition that if any male offspring were born from that marriage, he would inherit King Edward's dominions after his death. King Edward had a brother (as they say) named Edwin, a handsome gentleman, and highly respected among the English. By Sithrike’s influence, he was sent to Flanders on a leaking ship, and thus drowned, much to the delight of all the Danes, who feared that if he had survived his brother, he would have caused trouble for the crown.

Adelstane flieth the realme. About the same time Adelstane a base sonne of K. Edward fled the realme, for doubt to be made away by some like traitorous practise of the Danes. Shortlie after, king Edward vnderstanding that Sithrike went about some mischiefe toward him, persuaded his daughter to poison hir husband the said Sithrike. Then Aulafe or Aualassus, and Godfrie the sonnes of Sithrike, finding out by diligent examination, that Beatrice was of counsell in poisoning hir husband, they caused hir to be Beatrice put to death by hir stepsons. apprehended and put to death on this wise. She was set naked vpon a smithes cold anuill or stithie, and therewith hard rosted egs being taken out of the hot imbers were put vnder hir armepits, and hir armes fast bound to hir bodie with a cord, and so in that state she remained till hir life passed from hir. King Edward in reuenge of his daughters death mooued warre against the two brethren, Aulafe and Godfrie, and in battell finallie vanquished them, but was slaine in the same battell himselfe.

Adelstane escapes the kingdom. Around the same time, Adelstane, a illegitimate son of King Edward, fled the kingdom due to fear of being killed by a similar treacherous scheme from the Danes. Shortly after, King Edward learned that Sithrike was plotting some mischief against him and persuaded his daughter to poison her husband, Sithrike. Then Aulafe or Aualassus, and Godfrie, the sons of Sithrike, discovered through careful investigation that Beatrice was involved in the plot to poison her husband, so they had her Beatrice killed by her stepsons. captured and executed in this manner. She was placed naked on a blacksmith's cold anvil, and hot roasted eggs were taken from the coals and placed under her armpits, with her arms tightly bound to her body with a cord, and she remained in that condition until she died. In revenge for his daughter's death, King Edward waged war against the two brothers, Aulafe and Godfrie, and ultimately defeated them in battle, but he was killed in that same battle himself.

Thus haue the Scotish chronicles recorded of these matters, as an induction to the warres which followed betwixt the Scots and Danes as confederates against king Adelstane: but the truth thereof we leaue to the readers owne iudgement. For in our English writers we find no such matter, but that a daughter of king Edward named Edgitha or Editha, after hir fathers deceasse was by hir brother king Adelstane, about the first yéere of his reigne, giuen in mariage (as before ye haue heard) vnto the foresaid Sithrike king of Northumberland, that was descended of the Danish bloud, who for the loue of the yoong ladie, renounced his heathenish religion and became a christian; but shortlie after, forsaking both his wife and the christian faith, he set vp againe the worshipping of idols, and within a while after, as an apostata Editha a virgine. miserablie ended his life. Whervpon the yoong ladie, hir virginitie being preserued, and hir bodie vndefiled (as they write) passed the residue of hir daies at Polleswoorth in Warwikeshire, spending hir time (as the same writers affirme) in fasting, watching, praieng, and dooing of almesdéedes, and so at length departed out of this world. Thus our writers differ from the Scotish historie, both in name and maner of end as concerning the daughter of king Edward that was coupled in mariage with Sithrike.

Thus, the Scottish chronicles have recorded these events as a prelude to the wars that followed between the Scots and Danes allied against King Athelstan. However, we leave the truth of this to the readers' judgment. In our English writings, we find no such information, except that a daughter of King Edward named Edgitha or Edith, after her father's death, was given in marriage by her brother King Athelstan, around the first year of his reign, to the aforementioned Sithrick, King of Northumberland, who was of Danish descent. For the love of the young lady, he renounced his pagan religion and became a Christian; but shortly after, abandoning both his wife and the Christian faith, he resumed the worship of idols, and not long after, as an apostate, he met a miserable end. Consequently, the young lady, having preserved her virginity and kept her body undefiled (as they say), spent the rest of her days at Pollesworth in Warwickshire, dedicating her time (as those same writers claim) to fasting, prayer, and performing acts of charity, and eventually departed from this world. Thus, our writers differ from the Scottish account in both name and manner of end concerning King Edward’s daughter who was married to Sithrick.


[Page 686]

[Page 686]

Adelstane subdueth Constantine king of Scots, Howell king of Wales, and Wulferth king of Northwales, the Scots possesse a great part of the north countries, Adelstane conquereth the Scots for aiding Godfrie his enimie; a miracle declaring that the Scots ought to obey the king of England; king Adelstane banisheth his brother Edwin, he is for a conspiracie drowned in the sea, Adelstane repenteth him of his rigour (in respect of that misfortune) against his brother; Aulafe sometimes king of Northumberland inuadeth England, he disguiseth himselfe like a minstrell and surueieth the English campe unsuspected, he is discouered after his departure, be assaileth the English campe, Adelstane being comforted with a miracle discomfiteth his enimies, he maketh them of Northwales his tributaries, be subdueth the Cornishmen, his death; the description of his person, his vertues, of what abbeis & monasteries he was founder, his estimation in forren realmes, what pretious presents were sent him from other princes, and how he bestowed them; a remembrance of Guy the erle of Warwike.

Adelstane defeats Constantine, king of the Scots, Howell, king of Wales, and Wulferth, king of North Wales. The Scots control a large part of the northern territories, but Adelstane conquers them for assisting his enemy, Godfrie; a miracle shows that the Scots should obey the king of England. King Adelstane banishes his brother Edwin, who is drowned at sea due to a conspiracy. Adelstane regrets his harshness towards his brother after this tragedy. Aulafe, once the king of Northumberland, invades England, disguising himself as a minstrel to scout the English camp unnoticed. He is discovered after he leaves, and he attacks the English camp. With the help of a miracle, Adelstane defeats his enemies, makes the North Welsh his tributaries, and conquers the Cornish people. This leads to his death; there’s a description of his appearance, his virtues, the abbeys and monasteries he founded, his reputation in foreign lands, the precious gifts he received from other princes, and how he distributed them; a remembrance of Guy, the Earl of Warwick.

THE XX. CHAPTER.

After that king Adelstane had subdued them of Northumberland, he was aduertised, that not onelie Constantine king of Scots, but also Huduale Wil. Malm. or Howell K. of Wales went about a priuie conspiracie against him. Herevpon with all conuenient spéed assembling his power, he went against them, and with like good fortune subdued them both, and also Vimer or Wulferth K. of Northwales, so that they were constreined to submit themselues vnto him, who shortlie after moued with pitie in considering their sudden fall, restored them all three to their former estates, but so as they should acknowledge themselues to gouerne vnder Matth. West. The noble saieng of king Adelstane.
926.
him, pronouncing withall this notable saieng, that More honorable it was to make a king, than to be a king.

After King Athelstan conquered Northumberland, he was informed that not only was Constantine, king of the Scots, involved, but also Howel, king of Wales, was plotting against him. So, he quickly gathered his forces and went after them. With similar success, he defeated both of them, as well as Vimer or Wulferth, king of North Wales, who were all forced to submit to him. Soon after, feeling compassion for their sudden defeat, he restored all three of them to their former positions, but made it clear they had to acknowledge his rule. He famously declared that it was more honorable to make a king than to be one.

Ye must vnderstand, that (as it appeareth in the Scotish chronicles) the Scotishmen in time of wars that the Danes gaue the English nation, got a part of Cumberland and other the north countries into their possession, and so by reason of their néere adioining vnto the confines of the English kings, there chanced occasions of warre betwixt them, as well in the daies of king Edward, as of this Adelstane his sonne, although in déed the Danes held the more part of the north countries, till that this Adelstane conquered the same out of their hands, and ioined it vnto other of his dominions, constreining as well the Danes Polydor. (of whome the more part of the inhabitants then consisted) as also the Englishmen, to obey him as their king and gouernour. Godfrie (as is said) being fled to the Scots, did so much preuaile there by earnest sute made to king Constantine, that he got a power of men, and entring with the same into Northumberland, besiged the citie of Duresme, soliciting the citizens to receiue him, which they would gladlie haue doone, if they had not perceiued how he was not of power able to resist the puissance of king Adelstane: and therefore doubting to be punished for their offenses if they reuolted, they kept the enimies out. King 934. Adelstane being sore moued against the king of Scots, that thus aided his enimies, raised an armie, and went northward, purposing to reuenge that iniurie.

You must understand that, as mentioned in the Scottish chronicles, during times of war when the Danes challenged the English, the Scots gained control over part of Cumberland and other northern territories. Because these areas were close to the borders of the English kings, conflicts arose between them, both in the days of King Edward and in those of his son Athelstan. Even though the Danes held most of the northern lands until Athelstan drove them out and incorporated them into his realm, forcing both the Danes—who made up most of the population at that time—and the English to submit to him as their king and ruler. Godfrey, it is said, fled to the Scots and was able to persuade King Constantine to give him a fighting force. With this group, he invaded Northumberland and laid siege to the city of Durham, trying to convince the citizens to accept him. They would have gladly done so if they hadn’t realized he lacked the strength to stand against Athelstan's power. Fearing punishment for their betrayal if they switched sides, they kept the enemy at bay. Athelstan, deeply angered at the King of Scots for aiding his enemies, gathered an army and marched north to take revenge for this insult.

Ran. Higd. At his comming into Yorkshire, he turned out of the way, to visit the place where saint Iohn of Beuerlie was buried, and there offered his knife, promising that if he returned with victorie, he would redéeme the same with a woorthie price: and so proceeded and went forwards on Sim. Dun. his iournie, and entring Scotland, wasted the countrie by land vnto Dunfoader and Wertermore, and his nauie by sea destroied the coasts alongst the shore, euen to Catnesse, and so he brought the king of The Scots subdued. Scots and other his enimies to subiection at his pleasure, constreining the same K. of Scots to deliuer him his son in hostage.

Ran. Higd. When he arrived in Yorkshire, he took a detour to visit the site where St. John of Beverley was buried. There, he offered his knife, promising that if he returned victorious, he would redeem it with a worthy price. He then continued on Sure. Done. his journey, and upon entering Scotland, he devastated the land all the way to Dunfoader and Wertermore, while his navy destroyed the coastline up to Caithness. As a result, he brought the King of Scots and his other enemies under control, forcing the King of Scots to give him his son as a hostage.

A token shewed miraculouslie that the Scots ought to be subiect to the kings of England. It is said, that being in his iournie néere vnto the towne of Dunbar, he praied vnto God, that at the instance of saint Iohn of Beuerlie, it would please him to grant, that he might shew some open token, whereby it should appeare to all them that then liued, and should hereafter succeéd, that the Scots ought to be subiect vnto the kings of England. Herewith, the king with his sword smote vpon a great stone standing[Page 687] néere to the castle of Dunbar, and with the stroke, there appeared a clift in the same stone to the length of an elme, which remained to be shewed as a witnesse of that thing manie yeares after. At his comming backe to Beuerlie, he redéemed his knife with a large price, as before he had promised.

A sign showed that the Scots were meant to be ruled by the kings of England. It is said that while he was on his journey near the town of Dunbar, he prayed to God, that with the help of Saint John of Beverley, it would please Him to grant a clear sign, so that it would be evident to everyone living then and in the future that the Scots ought to be subject to the kings of England. With this, the king struck a large stone standing[Page 687] near the castle of Dunbar with his sword, and upon striking it, a crack appeared in the stone, extending the length of an elm, which remained as a testimony to that event for many years afterward. Upon his return to Beverley, he redeemed his knife for a considerable price, just as he had promised.

Wil. Malm.
Matt. Westm.
934. After this was Edwin the kings brother accused of some conspiracie by him begun against the king, wherevpon he was banished the land, and sent out in an old rotten vessell without rower or mariner, onelie accompanied with one esquier, so that being lanched foorth from the shore, through despaire Edwin leapt into the sea, and drowned himselfe, but the esquier that was with him recouered his bodie, and brought it to land at Withsand besides Canturburie. But Iames Maier in the annales of Flanders saieth, that he was drowned by fortune of the seas in a small vessell, and being cast vp into a créeke on the coast of Picardie, was found by Adolfe earle of Bullongne that was his coosin germane, and honorablie buried by the same Adolfe in the church of Bertine. In consideration of which déed of pietie and dutie of mindfull consanguinitie, the king of England both hartilie thanked earle Adolfe, Repentance too late. and bestowed great gifts vpon the church where his brother was thus buried. For verelie king Adelstane after his displeasure was asswaged, and hearing of this miserable end of his brother, sore repented himselfe of his rigour so extended towards him, in so much that he could neuer abide the man that had giuen the information against him, which was his cupbearer, so that on a time as the said cupbearer serued him at the table, and came towards him with a cup of wine, one of his féet chanced to slide, but he recouered himselfe with the helpe of the other foot, saieng, "One brother yet hath holpen & succored the other:" which words cost him his life. For the king remembring that by his accusation he had lost his brother that might haue béene an aid to him, caused this said cupbearer to be straight put to death.

Wil. Malm.
Matt. Westm.
934. After this, Edwin, the king’s brother, was accused of a conspiracy against the king, which led to his banishment from the land. He was sent away in an old, rotting boat without rowers or sailors, accompanied only by a squire. As they launched from the shore, Edwin, in despair, jumped into the sea and drowned. However, the squire with him managed to recover his body and brought it ashore at Withsand near Canterbury. But James Maier in the annals of Flanders says that he drowned by chance in a small boat and was washed up into a creek on the coast of Picardy. There, he was found by Adolfe, the Earl of Boulogne, who was his cousin, and he was buried honorably by Adolfe in the church of Bertine. In gratitude for this act of kindness and family duty, the King of England sincerely thanked Earl Adolfe and gave generous gifts to the church where his brother was buried. Indeed, King Adelstane, once his anger subsided and learning of his brother’s tragic end, deeply regretted his harsh treatment towards him. He could never stand the man who had informed against his brother, which was his cupbearer. One time, as this cupbearer served him at the table with a cup of wine, he stumbled, but managed to steady himself with the other foot, saying, "One brother has still helped and supported the other." Those words cost him his life. The king, remembering that his brother had been lost because of this man's accusation, ordered the cupbearer to be executed immediately.

Wil. Malm. In this meane while, Aulafe the sonne of Sitherike, late king of Northumberland (who is also named by writers to be king of the Irishmen, and of manie Ilands) assembled a great power of Danes, Irishmen, Scots, and other people of the out Iles, and imbarked them in 615 ships and craiers, with the which he arriued in the mouth of Humber, and there comming on land, began to inuade the countrie. This 937. Aulafe had maried the daughter of Constantine king of Scots, by whose procurement, notwithstanding his late submission, Aulafe tooke in hand Simon Dun. this iournie. King Adelstane aduertised of his enimies arriuall, gathered his people, and with all conuenient spéed hasted towards them, and approching néerer vnto them, pitcht downe his field at a place Hen. Hunt.
Wil. Malm.
called by some Brimesburie, by others Brimesford, and also Brunaubright, and by the Scotish writers Browmingfield.

Wil. Malm. Meanwhile, Aulafe, the son of Sitherike, the recent king of Northumberland (who is also referred to by writers as king of the Irish and many islands), gathered a large force of Danes, Irish, Scots, and other people from the outer islands. He loaded them onto 615 ships and vessels and arrived at the mouth of the Humber, where he landed and began invading the country. This937. Aulafe had married the daughter of Constantine, the king of Scots, and it was through her influence, despite his recent submission, that Aulafe undertook this expedition.Simon Dun. King Adelstane, notified of the arrival of his enemies, assembled his people and quickly moved towards them, setting up camp at a placeHen. Hunt.
Wil. Malm.
known by some as Brimesburie, by others as Brimesford, also as Brunaubright, and according to Scottish writers, Browmingfield.

Matth. West.
Hector Boet.
Ran. Higd.
Aulafe disguised, cometh to view the English camp. When knowledge hereof was had in the enimies campe, Aulafe enterprised a maruelous exploit, for taking with him an harpe, he came into the English campe, offring himselfe disguised as a minstrell, to shew some part of his cunning in musicke vpon his instrument: and so being suffered to passe from tent to tent, and admitted also to plaie afore the king, surueied the whole state and order of the armie. This doone, he returned, meaning by a cammisado to set vpon the kings tent. But one that had serued as a souldier sometime vnder Aulafe, chanced by marking his demeanour to know him, and after he was gone, vttered to the king what he knew. The king séemed to be displeased, in that he had not told him so much before Aulafs departure: but in excusing himselfe, the souldier said: "Ye must remember (if it like your grace) that the same faith which I haue giuen vnto you, I sometime owght vnto Aulafe, therfore if I should haue betraied him now, you might well stand in doubt least I should hereafter doo the like to you: but if you will follow mine aduise, remoue your tent, least happilie he assaile you vnwares." The king did so, and as it chanced in the night following, Aulafe assaileth the English camp. Aulafe came to assaile the English campe, and by fortune comming to the place where the kings tent stood before, he found a bishop lodged, which with his companie was come the same day to the armie, and had pitcht vp his tent in that place from whence the king was remoued: and so was the same bishop, and most part of his men there slaine, which slaughter executed, Aulafe passed forward, and came to the kings tent, who in this meane time, by reason of the alarum raised, was got vp, and[Page 688] taking to him his sword in that sudden fright, by chance it fell out of Ran. Higd. the scabbard, so that he could not find it, but calling to God and S. Aldelme (as saith Polychron.) his sword was restored to the scabbard againe. The king comforted with that miracle, boldlie preased foorth vpon his enimies, and so valiantlie resisted them, that in the end he put them to flight, and chased them all that morning and day following, so that he slue of them an huge number. Some haue written, that Wil. Malm. The enimies discomfited. Constantine king of Scots was slaine at this ouerthrow, and fiue other small kings or rulers, with 12 dukes, and welnéere all the armie of those strange nations which Aulafe had gathered togither. But the Scotish chronicles affirme, that Constantine was not there himselfe, but sent his sonne Malcolme, which yet escaped sore hurt and wounded from the battell, as in the same chronicles ye may sée more at large.

Matth. West.
Hector Boet.
Ran. Higd.
Aulafe, in disguise, approaches the English camp. When the enemies’ camp learned about this, Aulafe planned an incredible act. He took a harp and entered the English camp, presenting himself disguised as a minstrel to showcase his musical skills. Allowed to move from tent to tent and even play before the king, he observed the entire setup and organization of the army. Once he had done this, he returned, intending to launch a surprise attack on the king’s tent. However, one soldier, who had previously served under Aulafe, recognized him by his behavior and, after Aulafe left, informed the king of what he knew. The king appeared displeased that he hadn’t been told this before Aulafe’s departure, but the soldier explained, “You must remember, if you will, that the loyalty I owe you was once owed to Aulafe as well. So, if I had betrayed him now, you might rightly question whether I would do the same to you in the future. But if you take my advice, move your tent, so he doesn't surprise you.” The king followed the advice and that same night, Aulafe assaults the English camp. Aulafe came to attack the English camp, and by chance, arriving at the place where the king's tent used to be, he found a bishop who had just arrived with his company and set up his tent there after the king had moved. Most of the bishop's men were killed in the ensuing assault. After this slaughter, Aulafe continued and reached the king's tent, who, due to the alarm raised, had gotten up and, in a sudden panic, took his sword, but it accidentally fell from the scabbard. Unable to find it, he called on God and St. Aldelme (as Polychron. states), and his sword was miraculously restored to the scabbard. Encouraged by this miracle, the king boldly charged at his enemies, resisting them valiantly until, in the end, he drove them into flight, pursuing them throughout that morning and the following day, killing a huge number of them. Some have written that Wil. Malm. The enemies are defeated. Constantine, king of Scots, was killed in this defeat, along with five other minor kings or rulers, twelve dukes, and nearly all the army of the foreign nations that Aulafe had gathered. However, the Scottish chronicles claim that Constantine was not present, but sent his son Malcolm, who narrowly escaped severe injury in the battle, as you can see detailed in those same chronicles.

Ran. Higd. When K. Adelstane had thus vanquished his enimies in the north parties of England, he went against them of Northwales, whose rulers and princes he caused to come before him at Hereford, and there handled them in such sort, that they couenanted to pay him yeerlie in lieu of a Tribute.
The Cornish men subdued.
tribute 20 pounds of gold, 300 pounds of siluer, and 25 head of neate, with hawks and hownds a certeine number. After this, he subdued the Cornishmen: and whereas till those daies they inhabited the citie of Excester, mingled amongest the Englishmen, so that the one nation was as strong within that citie as the other, he rid them quite out of the Excester repaired.
940.
same, and repared the walles, and fortified them with ditches and turrets as the maner then was, and so remoued the Cornish men further into the west parts of the countrie, that he made Tamer water to be the confines betwéene the Englishmen and them. Finallie the noble prince Simon Dun. The decease of king Adelstane. king Adelstane departed out of this world, the 26 day of October, after he had reigned the tearme of 16 yeares. His bodie was buried at Malmesburie.

Ran. Higd. After K. Adelstane defeated his enemies in the northern regions of England, he turned his attention to North Wales, summoning its rulers and princes to meet him in Hereford. There, he negotiated with them, resulting in an agreement for an annual payment instead of a Tribute.
The Cornish men were defeated.
tribute of 20 pounds of gold, 300 pounds of silver, and 25 head of cattle, along with a specific number of hawks and hounds. Following this, he conquered the Cornishmen. Until that time, they had been living in the city of Exeter, intermixed with the English, making both groups equally strong in that city. He expelled them completely from Exeter, repaired the walls, and fortified them with ditches and towers as was customary at the time, pushing the Cornishmen further west in the country until he established the Tamar River as the boundary between the English and them. Finally, the noble prince Simon Dun. The death of King Adelstane. King Adelstane passed away from this world on October 26, after reigning for 16 years. His body was buried in Malmesbury.

The description of king Adelstane. He was of such a stature, as exceeded not the common sort of men, stooping somewhat, and yellowe haired, for his valiancie ioined with courtesie beloued of all men, yet sharpe against rebels, and of inuincible constancie: his great deuotion toward the church appeared in the building, adorning & indowing of monasteries and abbeis. He built one at Wilton within the diocesse of Salisburie, and an other at Michelnie in Summersetshire. But besides these foundations, there were few famous monasteries within this land, but that he adorned the same either with some new péece of building, iewels, bookes, or portion of Wolstan archbishop of Yorke.
His estimation in forain realmes.
lands. He had in excéeding fauour Wolstan archbishop of Yorke that liued in his daies, for whose sake he greatlie inriched that bishoprike. His fame spread ouer all the parties of Europe, so that sundrie princes thought themselues happie if they might haue his friendship, either by affinitie or otherwise: by meanes whereof, he bestowed his sisters so highlie in mariage as before ye haue heard. He receiued manie noble and rich presents from diuers princes, as from Hugh king of France, horsses and sundrie rich iewels, with certeine relikes: as Constantines sword, in the hilt whereof was set one of the nailes wherewith Christ was fastened to the crosse, the speare of Charles the great, which was thought to be the same wherewith the side of our sauiour was pearced, the banner of saint Maurice, with a part of the holie crosse, and likewise a part of the thorned crowne: yet Mandeuile saw the one halfe of this crowne in France, and the other at Constantinople, almost 400 yeares after this time, as he writeth. Of these iewels king Adelstane gaue part to the abbie of saint Swithon at Winchester, and part to the abbie of Malmesburie. Moreouer, the king of Norwaie sent vnto him a goodlie ship of fine woorkmanship, with gilt sterne and purple sailes, furnished round about the decke within with a Harding. rowe of gilt pauises. ¶ In the daies of this Adelstane reigned that right worthie Guy earle of Warwike, who (as some writers haue recorded) fought with a mightie giant of the Danes in a singular combat, and vanquished him.

King Adelstane's description. He was of a stature that didn't exceed the average of men, somewhat stooped, and had yellow hair. His bravery combined with courtesy made him loved by everyone, yet he was harsh against rebels and possessed unyielding determination. His deep devotion to the church was evident in his efforts to build, decorate, and fund monasteries and abbeys. He constructed one at Wilton within the diocese of Salisbury and another at Michelnie in Somerset. Besides these foundations, few famous monasteries in the land were not adorned by him with some new building, jewels, books, or land. Wolstan, Archbishop of York.
His reputation in foreign countries.
He had a strong rapport with Wolstan, Archbishop of York, who lived during his time, and for his sake, he greatly enriched that bishopric. His fame spread across Europe, so much so that various princes considered themselves fortunate to gain his friendship, either through marriage or otherwise. As a result, he married his sisters into high positions, as mentioned earlier. He received many noble and valuable gifts from different princes, such as horses and various rich jewels from Hugh, King of France, along with certain relics like Constantine's sword, which had a nail in the hilt that was believed to have been one used to nail Christ to the cross, the spear of Charlemagne, thought to be the one that pierced our Savior's side, the banner of Saint Maurice, a part of the Holy Cross, and a piece of the thorny crown. Mandeville claimed to have seen one half of this crown in France and the other half in Constantinople nearly 400 years later, as he wrote. King Adelstane gave part of these jewels to the Abbey of Saint Swithin at Winchester and part to the Abbey of Malmesbury. Additionally, the King of Norway sent him a beautiful ship of fine craftsmanship, with a gilded stern and purple sails, fully equipped around the deck with a row of gilt panels. ¶ During the reign of Adelstane, the worthy Guy, Earl of Warwick, fought a mighty giant of the Danes in single combat and defeated him, as some writers have recorded.


[Page 689]

[Page 689]

Edmund succeedeth Adelstane in the kingdome, the Danes of Northumberland rebell against him, a peace concluded betwene Aulafe their king and king Edmund vpon conditions, Aulafe dieth, another of that name succeedeth him; king Edmund subdueth the Danes, and compelleth them to receiue the christian faith, Reinold and Aulafe are baptised, they violate their fealtie vowed to king Edmund, they are put to perpetuall exile; why king Edmund wasted all Northumberland, caused the eies of king Dunmails sonnes to be put out, and assigned the said countrie to Malcolme king of Scots; the Scotish chroniclers error in peruerting the time & order of the English kings, king Edmunds lawes, by what misfortune he came to his end, how his death was foreshewed to Dunstane in a vision, a tale of the vertue of the crosse, Dunstane reproueth duke Elstane, his dreame, and how the interpretation thereof came to passe.

Edmund takes over the kingdom from Adelstane, and the Danes in Northumberland rise up against him. A peace is made between their king Aulafe and King Edmund under certain conditions, but Aulafe dies, and another king with the same name takes over. King Edmund defeats the Danes and forces them to accept Christianity. Reinold and Aulafe are baptized, but they break their oath to King Edmund and are sentenced to permanent exile. Because of this, King Edmund ravages all of Northumberland and blinds the sons of King Dunmail, then gives that region to Malcolm, King of Scots. The Scottish chroniclers make mistakes in distorting the timeline and order of the English kings, including King Edmund’s laws, how he met his end, how his death was foretold to Dunstan in a vision, a story about the power of the cross, Dunstan rebukes Duke Elstane regarding his dream, and how the interpretation of that dream came to be.

THE XXJ. CHAPTER.

EDMUND. After that Adelstane was departed this life, without leauing issue behind to succéed him in the kingdome, his brother Edmund, sonne of Edward the elder, borne of his last wife Edgiue, tooke vpon him the gouernement of this land, and began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 940, which was in the fift yeare of the emperor Otho the 1, in the 13 Wil. Malm. 940. of Lewes surnamed Transmarinus king of France, and about the 38 yeare of Constantine the third king of Scotland. The Danes of Northumberland Simon Dun. rebelled against this Edmund, and ordeined Aulafe to be their king, whom they had called out of Ireland. Some write that this Aulafe, which now in the beginning of Edmunds reigne came into Northumberland, was king of Norwaie, & hauing a great power of men with him, marched foorth towards the south parts of this land, in purpose to subdue the whole: but king Edmund raised a mightie armie, and incountred with his enimies at Leicester. Howbeit, yer the matter came to the vttermost triall of battell, through the earnest sute of the archbishop of Canturburie and A peace concluded.
941.
Yorke Odo and Wolstan, a peace was concluded; so as Edmund should inioy all that part of the land which lieth from Watlingstréet southward, & Aulafe should inioy the other part as it lieth from the same street northward. Then Aulafe tooke to wife the ladie Alditha, Matth. West.
Aulafe deceaseth.
Another Aulafe taketh upon him to rule.
daughter to earle Ormus, by whose counsell and assistance he had thus obtained the vpper hand. But this Aulafe in the yeare following, after he had destroied the church of saint Balter, and burned Tinningham, departed this life. Then the other Aulafe that was sonne to king Sithrike, tooke vpon him to gouerne the Northumbers. After this, in the 942. yeare 942, king Edmund assembling an armie, first subdued those Danes which had got into their possession the cities and towns of Lincolne, Leicester, Darbie, Stafford, and Notingham, constreining them to receiue the christian faith, and reduced all the countries euen vnto Humber vnder his subiection. This doone, Aulafe and Reinold the sonne of Gurmo, who (as you haue heard) subdued Yorke, as a meane the sooner Gurmo or Godfrey. Wil. Malm. to obteine peace, offered to become christians, & to submit themselues vnto him: wherevpon he receiued them to his peace. There be that write, that this Aulafe is not that Aulafe which was sonne to king Sithrike, but rather that the other was he with whom king Edmund made partition of the realme: but they agree, that this second Aulafe was a Dane also, & being conuerted to the faith as well through constraint of the kings puissance, as through the preaching of the gospell, was baptised, king Edmund being godfather both vnto him, and vnto the foresaid Reinold, to Aulafe at the verie fontstone, and to Reinold at his confirmation at the bishops hands. Neuerthelesse, their wicked natures could not rest 944. in quiet, so that they brake both promise to God, and to their prince, Simon Dun. and were therefore in the yeare next following driuen both out of the countrie, and punished by perpetuall exile. And so king Edmund adioined Northumberland, without admitting anie other immediat gouernor, vnto his owne estate.

EDMUND. After Adelstane passed away, leaving no heirs to take over the kingdom, his brother Edmund, son of Edward the Elder and his last wife Edgiva, took on the governance of this land and began his reign in the year 940, which was in the fifth year of Emperor Otto I, in the 13Wil. Malm. 940. of Louis, known as Transmarinus, king of France, and around the 38th year of Constantine III, king of Scotland. The Danes of Northumberland rebelled against Edmund and appointed Aulafe, whom they lured from Ireland, as their king. Some say that this Aulafe, who arrived in Northumberland at the beginning of Edmund's reign, was the king of Norway, and with a large force, he marched south with the intention of conquering the whole land. However, King Edmund raised a mighty army and confronted his enemies at Leicester. Before the matter escalated to a full battle, through the earnest pleading of the Archbishop of Canterbury and A peace agreement reached.
941.
York, Odo and Wolstan, a peace was reached; so Edmund would control all lands south of Watling Street, and Aulafe would have the northern part from the same street. Then Aulafe married Lady Alditha, Matt. West.
Aulafe has died.
Another Aulafe has taken on the responsibility to rule.
the daughter of Earl Ormus, through whose advice and support he had gained the upper hand. But this Aulafe passed away the following year after he had destroyed the church of Saint Balter and burned Tinningham. Then another Aulafe, son of King Sithrike, assumed leadership over the Northumbrians. After this, in 942. the year 942, King Edmund gathered an army and first subdued the Danes who had seized the cities and towns of Lincoln, Leicester, Derby, Stafford, and Nottingham, forcing them to accept the Christian faith and bringing all the territories up to the Humber under his control. Having done this, Aulafe and Reinold, the son of Gurmo, who, as mentioned, had conquered York, sought peace by offering to become Christians and submitting to him. Edmund accepted them into his peace. Some claim that this Aulafe is not the same as the one who was the son of King Sithrike, but rather the other Aulafe with whom King Edmund had divided the realm. However, they all agree that this second Aulafe was also a Dane, and being converted to the faith both by the king's power and through the preaching of the Gospel, was baptized, with King Edmund as his godfather at the font, and Reinold confirmed by the bishop. Nevertheless, their wicked natures could not remain peaceful, leading them to break their promises to God and to their prince, Simon Dun. which resulted in both being expelled from the country and punished with lifelong exile the following year. Thus, King Edmund incorporated Northumberland into his own estate, without appointing any other direct governor.

Leolin king of Southwales aided king Edmund in this enterprise.
946.
Moreouer, he wasted and spoiled whole Cumberland, because he could not[Page 690] reduce the people of that countrie vnto due obeisance, and conformable subiection. The two sonnes of Dunmaile king of that prouince he apprehended, and caused their eies to be put out. Herewith vpon consideration either of such aid as he had receiued of the Scots at that time, or some other friendlie respect, he assigned the said countrie of Cumberland vnto Malcolme king of Scots, to hold the same by fealtie of him and his successors. The Scotish chronicles, peruerting the time and order of the acts and doings of the English kings which reigned about this season, affirme, that by couenants of peace concluded betwixt Malcolme king of Scotland, and Adelstan king of England, it was agréed, that Cumberland should remaine to the Scots: as in their chronicles you may find at full expressed. And againe, that Indulfe, who succéeded Malcolme in the kingdome of Scotland, aided king Edmund against Aulafe, whom the same chronicles name Aualassus, but the time which they attribute vnto the reignes of their kings, will not alow the same to stand. For by account of their writers, king Malcolme began not his reigne till after the deceasse of king Adelstan, who departed this life in the yeare 940. And Malcolme succéeded Constantine the third in the yeare 944, which was about the third yeare of king Edmunds reigne, and after Malcolme (that reigned 15 yeares) succeeded Indulfe in the yeare 959. The like discordance precedeth and followeth in their writers, as to the diligent reader, in conferring their chronicles with ours, manifestlie appeareth. We therefore (to satisfie the desirous to vnderstand and sée the diuersitie of writers) haue for the more part in their chronicles left the same as we found it.

Leolin, the king of South Wales, helped King Edmund with this effort.
946.
Furthermore, he devastated and plundered all of Cumberland, as he could not[Page 690] bring the people of that region to proper obedience and submission. He captured the two sons of Dunmaile, the king of that province, and had their eyes put out. Considering either the help he had received from the Scots at that time or some other friendly regard, he granted the territory of Cumberland to Malcolm, the king of Scots, to hold it as a vassal of him and his successors. The Scottish chronicles, distorting the timeline and order of English kings' actions during this period, claim that a peace agreement between Malcolm, king of Scotland, and Athelstan, king of England, stipulated that Cumberland should remain with the Scots, as fully expressed in their chronicles. Additionally, they state that Indulf, who succeeded Malcolm in the Scottish kingdom, supported King Edmund against Olaf, whom those chronicles call Aulaf. However, the timeline attributed to their kings does not support this. According to their historians, King Malcolm did not start his reign until after King Athelstan's death, who passed away in 940. Malcolm succeeded Constantine III in 944, which was around the third year of King Edmund's reign, and after Malcolm (who reigned for 15 years), Indulf succeeded him in 959. Similar discrepancies occur before and after in their writings, which become evident to those who carefully compare their chronicles with ours. Therefore, to satisfy those interested in understanding and seeing the diversity of the writings, we have mostly left their chronicles as we found them.

Polydor. The lawes of king Edmund. But now to the other dooings of king Edmund: it is recorded, that he ordeined diuers good and wholsome lawes, verie profitable and necessarie for the commonwealth, which lawes with diuers other of like antiquitie are forgot and blotted out by rust of time, the consumer of things woorthie of long remembrance (as saith Polydor:) but sithens his time they haue béene recouered for the more part, & by maister William Lambert turned into Latine, & were imprinted by Iohn Day, in the yeare 1568, as before I haue said. Finallie, this prince king Edmund, after Five yeares and 7 months hath Si. Dun. he had reigned sixe yeares and a halfe, he came to his end by great misfortune. For (as some say) it chanced, that espieng where one of his seruants was in danger to be slaine amongest his enimies that were about him with drawen swords, as he stepped in to haue holpen his seruant, he was slaine at a place called Pulcher church, or (as other haue) Michelsbourgh.

Polydor. The laws of King Edmund. Now, about King Edmund’s other actions: it’s recorded that he established various good and beneficial laws, which were very useful and necessary for the common good. However, these laws, along with several others of similar age, have been forgotten and erased by the passage of time, the enemy of things worthy of lasting remembrance (as Polydor says). Nonetheless, since his time, they have mostly been recovered and translated into Latin by Master William Lambert, and were printed by John Day in the year 1568, as I mentioned before. Finally, this prince, King Edmund, afterHe had been at Si. Dun. for five years and seven months.reigned for six and a half years, met his end due to great misfortune. For (as some say) it happened that, seeing one of his servants in danger of being killed among his enemies who had their swords drawn, as he stepped in to help his servant, he was slain at a place called Pulcher Church, or (as others have it) Michelsbourgh.

Pridecire saith Si. Dun. Will. Malm.
Matth. West.
946.
Other say, that kéeping a great feast at the aforesaid place on the day of saint Augustine the English apostle (which is the 26 of Maie, and as that yeare came about, it fell on the tuesday) as he was set at the table, he espied where a common robber was placed neere vnto him, whome sometime he had banished the land, and now being returned without licence, he presumed to come into the kings presence, wherewith the king was so moued with high disdaine, that he suddenlie arose from the table, and flew vpon the théefe, and catching him by the heare of the head, threw him vnder his féet, wherewith the théefe, hauing fast hold on the king, brought him downe vpon him also, and with his knife stroke him into the bellie, in such wise, that the kings bowels fell out of his chest, and there presentlie died. The theefe was hewen in péeces by the kings seruants, but yet he slue and hurt diuers before they could dispatch him. This chance was lamentable, namelie to the English people, which by the ouertimelie death of their king, in whome appeared manie euident tokens of great excellencie, lost the hope which they had conceiued of great wealth to increase by his prudent and most princelie gouernement. His bodie was buried at Glastenburie where Dunstane was then abbat.

Pridecire says Yes. Done. Will. Malm.
Matth. West.
946.
Others say that while hosting a grand feast at the aforementioned location on the day of Saint Augustine, the English apostle (which is May 26, and that year it fell on a Tuesday), he noticed a notorious robber sitting near him, someone he had previously banished from the land. The robber had returned without permission and dared to enter the king's presence. This infuriated the king, who suddenly stood up from the table, lunged at the thief, grabbed him by his hair, and threw him to the ground. However, the thief managed to hold onto the king and pulled him down with him, stabbing him in the belly with a knife, causing the king's intestines to spill out, and he died on the spot. The king's servants quickly tore the thief apart, but he managed to injure and kill several before they could overpower him. This incident was tragic, especially for the English people, who, due to their king's untimely death—who showed many clear signs of great excellence—lost the hope they had for prosperity under his wise and princely rule. His body was buried at Glastonbury, where Dunstan was the abbot at the time.

There be that write, that the death of king Edmund was signified aforehand to Dunstane, who about the same time attending vpon the same Capgraue. A vaine tale. king, as he remooued from one place to an other, chanced to accompanie himselfe with a noble man, one duke Elstane, and as they rode togither, behold suddenlie Dunstane saw in the waie before him, where the kings musicians rode, the diuell running and leaping amongst the same[Page 691 musicians after a reioising maner, whome after he had beheld a good while, he said to the duke; Is it possible that you may see that which I sée? The duke answered that he saw nothing otherwise than he ought to sée. Then said Dunstane, Blesse your eies with the signe of the crosse, Crossing bringeth sight of the diuels, and crossing driueth them away. and trie whether you can see that I sée. And when he had doone as Dunstane appointed him, he saw also the féend in likenesse of a little short euill fauoured Aethiopian dansing and leaping, whereby they gathered that some euill hap was towards some of the companie: but when they had crossed and blessed them, the foule spirit vanished out of their sight.

There are accounts that say the death of King Edmund was foretold to Dunstane, who was attending the king at the time. As the king moved from one place to another, Dunstane happened to ride with a nobleman, Duke Elstane. Suddenly, Dunstane noticed ahead of them, where the king's musicians were riding, the devil running and jumping among them in a mocking way. After watching for a while, he said to the duke, "Can you see what I'm seeing?" The duke replied that he saw nothing unusual. Dunstane then said, "Bless your eyes with the sign of the cross, and see if you can see what I see." When the duke did as Dunstane instructed, he also saw the fiend in the form of a small, ugly Ethiopian dancing and leaping, which made them believe that some misfortune was about to happen to someone in the group. However, after they crossed and blessed themselves, the foul spirit disappeared from view.

Dunstane an interpreter of dreames. Now after they had talked of this vision, and made an end of their talke touching the same, the duke required of Dunstane to interpret a dreame which he had of late in sléepe, and that was this: He thought that he saw in a vision the king with all his nobles sit in his dining chamber at meate, and as they were there making merrie togither, the king chanced to fall into a dead sléepe, and all the noble men, and those of his councell that were about him were changed into robucks and Dunstan séeth the diuell often, but now he was become a waiter at the table when Dunstane sat with the king. goats. Dunstane quicklie declared that this dreame signified the kings death, and the changing of the nobles into dum and insensible beasts betokened that the princes & gouernors of the realme should decline from the waie of truth, and wander as foolish beasts without a guide to rule them. Also the night after this talke when the king was set at supper, Dunstane saw the same spirit, or some other, walke vp and downe amongst them that waited at the table, and within thrée daies after, the king was slaine, as before ye haue heard.

Dunstane, a dream interpreter. After they finished discussing this vision, the duke asked Dunstane to interpret a dream he had recently while asleep. In the dream, he believed he saw the king surrounded by all his nobles in his dining room enjoying a meal. As they were having a good time together, the king unexpectedly fell into a deep sleep, and all the noblemen and councilors around him transformed into deer and goats. Dunstane quickly stated that this dream indicated the king's death, and the transformation of the nobles into mute and senseless animals signified that the princes and governors of the realm would stray from the path of truth and act like foolish beasts without a leader to guide them. Also, the night after this conversation when the king was having supper, Dunstane saw the same spirit, or perhaps another, walking around among those who were waiting at the table, and within three days afterwards, the king was killed, as you have previously heard.


Edred succedeth his brother Edmund in the realme of England, the Northumbers rebell against him, they and the Scots sweare to be his true subiects, they breake their oth and ioine with Aulafe the Dane, who returneth into Northumberland, and is made king thereof, the people expell him and erect Hericius in his roome, king Edred taketh reuenge on the Northumbers for their disloialtie, the rereward of his armie is assalted by an host of his enimies issuing out of Yorke, the Northumbers submit themselues, and put awaie Hericius their king, Wolstane archbishop of Yorke punished for his disloialtie, whereto Edred applied himselfe after the appeasing of ciuill tumults, his death and buriall, a speciall signe of Edreds loue to Dunstane abbat of Glastenburie, his practise of cousenage touching king Edreds treasure.

Edred succeeds his brother Edmund as the king of England. The Northumbrians rebel against him, but they and the Scots swear to be his loyal subjects. They break their oath and join forces with Aulafe the Dane, who returns to Northumberland and is made its king. The people expel him and install Hericius in his place. King Edred takes revenge on the Northumbrians for their disloyalty, and his rear guard is attacked by an enemy force coming out of York. The Northumbrians submit and remove Hericius as their king. Wolstane, the Archbishop of York, is punished for his disloyalty, which Edred addresses after calming the civil unrest. His death and burial are a special sign of Edred’s affection for Dunstan, abbot of Glastonbury, and his schemes regarding King Edred's treasure.

THE XXIJ. CHAPTER.

EDRED.
946.
Edred the brother of Edmund, and sonne to Edward the elder and to Edgiue his last wife, began his reigne ouer the realme of England in the yéere of our Lord 946, or (as other say) 997, which was in the twelfe yéere of the emperor Otho the first, and in the 21 yéere of the reigne of Lewes K. of France, & about the third or fourth yéere of Malcolme the first of that name, king of Scotland. He was crowned and Hen. Hunt. annointed the 16 day of August by Odo the archbishop of Canturburie at Kingstone vpon Thames. In the first yéere of his reigne, the The Northumbers rebell and are subdued. Northumbers rebelled against him, wherevpon he raised an armie, inuaded their countrie, and subdued them by force. This doone, he went forward into Scotland: but the Scots without shewing anie resistance submitted themselues vnto him, and so both Scots and Northumbers receiued an oth to be true vnto him, which they obserued but a small while, for he was no sooner returned into the south parts, but that Aulafe which had Aulafe returned into Northumberland. beene chased out of the countrie by king Edmund, as before ye haue heard, returned into Northumberland with a great nauie of ships, and was ioifullie receiued of the inhabitants, and restored againe to the kingdome, which he held by the space of foure yéeres, and then by the accustomed disloialtie of the Northumbers he was by them expelled, and[Page 692] Hirke or Hericius.
The disloialtie of the Northumbers punished.
Wil. Malm.
then they set vp one Hirke or Hericius the sonne of one Harrold to reigne ouer them, who held not the estate anie long time. For in the third yeere of his reigne, Edred in the reuenge of such disloiall dealings in the Northumbers, destroied the countrie with fire & swoord, sleaing the most part of the inhabitants. He burnt the abbeie of Rippon, which was kept against him.

EDRED.
946.
Edred, the brother of Edmund and son of Edward the Elder and his last wife Edgiva, began his reign over England in the year 946, or (as others say) 997. This was in the twelfth year of Emperor Otto the First and in the twenty-first year of King Louis of France's reign, around the third or fourth year of Malcolm the First's reign as King of Scotland. He was crowned and anointed on August 16 by Odo, the Archbishop of Canterbury, at Kingston upon Thames. In the first year of his reign, the Northumbers rebelled against him, prompting him to raise an army, invade their territory, and forcefully subdue them. After this, he continued into Scotland, where the Scots, without offering any resistance, submitted to him. Both the Scots and Northumbers swore an oath of loyalty to him, which they kept for only a short time. As soon as he returned to the southern parts, Aulafe, who had been driven out of the country by King Edmund, as you have heard earlier, returned to Northumberland with a large fleet of ships and was joyfully welcomed by the inhabitants. He was restored to his kingdom, where he ruled for four years before being expelled by the usual disloyalty of the Northumbers. Then they set up a man named Hirke or Hericius, son of Harrold, to reign over them, though he did not hold power for long. In the third year of his reign, Edred avenged the disloyal actions of the Northumbers by destroying the country with fire and sword, killing most of the inhabitants. He burned down the abbey of Ripon, which had been fortified against him.

As he was returning homeward, an host of enimies brake out of Yorke, and setting vpon the rereward of the kings armie at a place called Ran. Higd.
Simon Dun.
Easterford. Easterford, made great slaughter of the same. Wherefore the king in his rage ment to haue begun a new spoile and destruction, but the Northumbers humbled themselues so vnto him, that putting awaie their forsaid king Hirke or Hericius, and offering great rewards and gifts to buy their peace, they obteined pardon. But bicause that Wolstane the archbishop of Yorke was of counsell with his countriemen in reuolting from king Edred, and aduancing of Hericius, king Edred tooke him and kept him in prison a long time after, but at length in respect of the reuerence which he bare to his calling, he set him at libertie, and pardoned him his offense. Matth. Westm. reciteth an other cause of The archbishop of Yorke imprisoned. Matth. West.
951.
Wolstans imprisonment, as thus. In the yéere of Grace, saith he, 951, king Edred put the archbishop of Yorke in close prison, bicause of often complaints exhibited against him, as he which had commanded manie townesmen of Theadford to be put to death, in reuenge of the abbat Aldelme by them vniustlie slaine and murthered.

As he was heading home, a group of enemies emerged from York, attacking the rear of the king's army at a place called Ran. Higd.
Simon Dune.
Easterford. Easterford, causing great slaughter. In his anger, the king intended to initiate new destruction, but the Northumbers humbled themselves before him, removing their former king Hirke or Hericius, and offering large rewards and gifts to secure their peace, which led to their pardon. However, because Wolstane, the archbishop of York, conspired with his countrymen against King Edred and supported Hericius, Edred captured him and kept him in prison for a long time. Eventually, out of respect for his position, he released him and pardoned his offense. Matth. Westm. mentions another reason for The Archbishop of York was imprisoned. Matth. West.
951.
Wolstan's imprisonment, stating that, in the year 951, King Edred imprisoned the archbishop of York due to numerous complaints against him, as he had commanded the execution of many townsmen of Theadford in revenge for the unjust killing of the abbot Aldelme.

Wil. Malm. After this, when Edred had appeased all ciuill tumults and dissentions within his land, he applied him selfe to the aduancing of religion, wholie following the mind of Dunstane, by whose exhortation he suffered patientlie manie torments of the bodie, and exercised himselfe in praier and other deuout studies. This Edred in his latter daies being greatlie addicted to deuotion & religious priests, at the request of his mother Edgiua, restored the abbeie of Abington which was built first by king Inas, but in these daies sore decaied and fallen into Edredus departeth this life. ruine. Finallie, after he had reigned nine yéeres and a halfe, he departed this life to the great gréeuance of men, and reioising of angels (as it is written) and was buried at Winchester in the cathedrall church there. ¶ Heere is to be noted, that the foresaid Edred, when he came first to the crowne, vpon a singular and most Dunstane in fauour. especiall fauour which he bare towards Dunstane the abbat of Glastenburie, committed vnto him the chiefest part of all his treasure, as charters of lands with other monuments, and such ancient princelie iewels as belonged to the former kings, with other such as he got of his owne, willing him to lay the same in safe kéeping within his monasterie of Glastenburie.

Wil. Malm. After this, once Edred had settled all civil unrest and disagreements in his kingdom, he turned his attention to promoting religion, fully embracing the teachings of Dunstan. At Dunstan's urging, he endured many physical hardships and dedicated himself to prayer and other spiritual practices. In his later years, Edred became very devoted to faith and religious leaders. At the request of his mother, Edgiua, he restored the Abbey of Abington, which had originally been founded by King Inas but had sadly fallen into disrepair. Edredus has passed away. Finally, after reigning for nine and a half years, he passed away, causing great sorrow among people but joy among angels (as it is written), and was buried in the cathedral church at Winchester. ¶ It should be noted that when Edred first ascended to the throne, he had a strong and particular affection for Dunstan, the abbot of Glastonbury, entrusting him with the majority of his treasures, including land charters, other important documents, and precious royal jewels that had belonged to previous kings, as well as those he acquired himself, instructing him to keep them safe in the monastery of Glastonbury.

Afterward, when king Edred perceiued himselfe to be in danger of death by force of that sickenesse, which in déed made an end of his life, he sent into all parties to such as had anie of his treasure in kéeping, to bring the same vnto him with all spéed, that he might dispose But was not this a deuise thereby to deteine the treasure? for I doo not read that he deliuered it out of his hands. thereof before his departure out of this life, as he should sée cause. Dunstane tooke such things as he had vnder his hands, & hasted forward to deliuer the same vnto the king, and to visit him in that time of his sickenesse according to his dutie: but as he was vpon the waie, a voice spake to him from heauen, saieng; Behold king Edred is now departed in peace. At the hearing of this voice, the horsse whereon Dunstane rode fell downe and died, being not able to abide the presence of the angell that thus spake to Dunstane. And when he came to the court, he vnderstood that the king died the same houre in which it was told An angell, or as some think a woorse creature. him by the angell, as before ye haue heard.

Afterward, when King Edred realized he was facing death due to the illness that ultimately took his life, he sent word to everyone who had any of his treasure in their possession to bring it to him quickly so that he could arrange it as he saw fit before leaving this world. But was this just a plan to keep the treasure? Because I don’t see that he distributed it from his possession. Dunstane collected what he had and rushed to deliver it to the king, intending to visit him during his illness as was his duty. However, while he was on his way, a voice spoke to him from heaven, saying; "Behold, King Edred has now passed away in peace." At the sound of this voice, the horse Dunstane was riding fell dead, unable to withstand the presence of the angel who spoke to him. When he arrived at court, he learned that the king had died at the very hour the angel informed him. An angel, or what some might consider a more sinister being.


[Page 693]

[Page 693]

Edwin succeedeth Edred in the kingdome of England, his beastlie and incestuous carnalite with a kinswoman of his on the verie day of his coronation, he is reproued of Dunstane and giueth ouer the gentlewomans companie, Dunstane is banished for rebuking king Edwin for his unlawfull lust and lewd life, the diuell reioised at his exile, what reuenging mischiefs the king did for displeasure sake against the said Dunstane in exile, the middle part of England rebelleth against king Edwin, and erecteth his brother Edgar in roiall roome ouer them, he taketh thought and dieth; Edgar succeedeth him, he is a fauourer of moonks, his prouision for defense of his realme, his policie and discretion in gouernment, what kings he bound by oth to be true vnto him, eight princes row his barge in signe of submission, the vicious inconueniences that grew among the Englishmen vpon his fauouring of the Danes, a restraint of excessiue quaffing; Dunstane is made bishop of Worcester and Ethelwold bishop of Wincester; iustice in Edgars time seuerelie executed, theft punished with death, a tribute of woolfs skins paid him out of Wales, and the benefit of that tribute.

Edwin succeeds Edred as the king of England. On the very day of his coronation, he is criticized by Dunstan for his sinful and incestuous relationship with a relative. After this rebuke, he ends his association with the woman. Dunstan is exiled for condemning King Edwin for his unlawful desires and immoral lifestyle, which brings joy to the devil. The king retaliates against Dunstan during his exile, leading to a rebellion in central England against King Edwin, who is then replaced by his brother Edgar. Edwin becomes troubled and dies. Edgar takes over and supports the monks, making preparations to defend his kingdom. He acts with wisdom and discretion in governance, binding other kings by oath to be loyal to him. Eight princes row his barge as a sign of submission. Under Edgar, England faces issues due to his favoring the Danes, leading to a ban on excessive drinking. Dunstan is appointed bishop of Worcester, and Ethelwold becomes bishop of Winchester. Justice is strictly enforced during Edgar’s reign, with theft punishable by death. A tribute of wolf skins is paid to him from Wales, and he benefits from that tribute.

THE XXIIJ. CHAPTER.

EDWIN.
955.
After the deceasse of Edred, his nephue Edwin the eldest sonne of king Edmund was made king of England, and began his reigne ouer the same in the yéere of our Lord 955, & in the 20 yéere of the emperor Otho the first, in the 28 and last yéere of the reigne of Lewes king of France, and about the twelfe yeere of Malcolme the first of that name, king of Scotland. He was consecrated at Kingston vpon Thames by Odo the archbishop of Canturburie. On the verie day of his coronation, as the Will. Malmes.
Polydor.
lords were set in councell about weightie matters touching the gouernment of the realme, he rose from the place, gat him into a chamber with one of his néere kinswomen, and there had to doo with hir, without anie respect or regard had to his roiall estate and princelie dignitie. Dunstane latelie before named abbat of Glastenburie, did not onlie without feare of displeasure reprooue the K. for such shamefull abusing of his bodie, but also caused the archbishop of Canturburie to constreine him to forsake that woman whom vnlawfullie he kept.

EDWIN. 955. After Edred's death, his nephew Edwin, the eldest son of King Edmund, became king of England and began his reign in the year 955 AD, during the 20th year of Emperor Otto I, in the 28th and final year of King Louis of France's reign, and around the 12th year of Malcolm I of Scotland's reign. He was crowned at Kingston upon Thames by Odo, the Archbishop of Canterbury. On the very day of his coronation, while the lords were gathered in council discussing important matters concerning the governance of the realm, he left the gathering, went into a chamber with one of his close relatives, and had relations with her, without any consideration for his royal position or dignity. Dunstan, recently named abbot of Glastonbury, boldly reprimanded the king for such disgraceful behavior regarding his body, and also urged the Archbishop of Canterbury to force him to abandon the woman he was unlawfully keeping.

Iohn Capgrave. There be that write, that there were two women, both mother and daughter, whome king Edward kept as concubines: for the mother being of noble parentage, sought to satisfie the kings lust, in hope that either he would take hir or hir daughter vnto wife. And therefore perceiuing that Dunstane was sore against such wanton pastime as the king vsed in their companie, she so wrought, that Dunstane was through hir earnest Dunstane banished the realme. trauell banished the land. This is also reported, that when he should depart the realme, the diuell was heard in the west end of the church, taking vp a great laughter after his roring maner, as though he should Dunstane séeth not the diuell. shew himselfe glad and ioifull at Dunstanes going into exile. But Dunstane perceiuing his behauiour, spake to him, and said: Well thou aduersarie, doo not so greatly reioise at the matter, for thou dooest not now so much reioise at my departure, but by Gods grace thou shalt be as sorrowfull for my returne.

John Capgrave. There are those who write that there were two women, both mother and daughter, whom King Edward kept as mistresses: the mother, coming from noble lineage, aimed to satisfy the king's desires, hoping that he would take either her or her daughter as his wife. Realizing that Dunstan strongly opposed such lewd activities with them, she manipulated events so that Dunstan was expelled from the land due to her persistent efforts. This is also reported: as he was to leave the kingdom, the devil was heard at the west end of the church, laughing loudly in his usual manner, as if he were celebrating Dunstan's exile. But Dunstan, noticing his behavior, spoke to him, saying: "Well, adversary, do not rejoice too much about this, for you are not so happy about my departure as you will be sorrowful at my return, with God's grace."

Dunstane departed into exile. Thus was Dunstane banished by king Edwine, so that he was compelled to passe ouer into Flanders, where he remained for a time within a monasterie at Gant, finding much friendship at the hands of the gouernor of that countrie. Also the more to wreake his wrath, the king spoiled manie religious houses of their goods, and droue out the monks, Wil. Malm. Edwine displaceth monks and putteth secular preists in their roomes. placing secular priests in their roomes, as namelie at Malmesburie, where yet the house was not empaired, but rather inriched in lands and ornaments by the kings liberalitie, and the industrious meanes of the same priests, which tooke vp the bones of saint Aldelme, and put the

Rebellion raised against king Edwine.
Simon Dun. same into a shrine. At length the inhabitants of the middle part of England, euen from Humber to Thames rebelled against him, and elected his brother Edgar, to haue the gouernement ouer them, wherwith king Edwine tooke such griefe, for that he saw no meane at hand how to remedie the matter, that shortlie after, when he had reigned somewhat Edwin departeth this life. more than foure yéeres, he died, and his bodie was buried at Winchester in the new abbeie.

Dunstane left for exile. Dunstane was exiled by King Edwine, so he had to go to Flanders, where he stayed for a while in a monastery in Ghent, receiving a lot of support from the governor of that region. To further express his anger, the king seized many religious houses of their possessions and expelled the monks, Wil. Malm. Edwine took out the monks and replaced them with secular priests. placing secular priests in their places, particularly at Malmesbury, where the house was not weakened but actually enriched in lands and treasures by the king's generosity and the diligent efforts of the same priests, who took up the bones of Saint Aldelme and placed them into a shrine. Eventually, the people in the central part of England, from the Humber to the Thames, rebelled against him and chose his brother Edgar to govern them, which caused King Edwine great distress, as he saw no way to fix the situation. Shortly after, having reigned for just over four years, he died, and his body was buried at Winchester in the new abbey.

EDGAR.
959.
Edgar the second sonne of Edmund late king of England, after the[Page 694] decease of his elder brother the foresaid Edwine, began his reigne ouer this realme of England in the yeere of our Lord God 959, in the 22 yéere of the emperour Otho the first, in the fourth yéere of the reigne of Lotharius king of France, 510 almost ended after the comming of the Saxons, 124 after the arriuall of the Danes, and in the last yéere of Polydor. Malcolme king of Scotland. He was crowned & consecrated at Bath, or (as some say) at Kingstone vpon Thames by Odo the archbishop of Canturburie, being as then not past 16 yéeres of age, when he was thus admitted king. He was no lesse indued with commendable gifts of mind, Edgar a fauorer of moonks. than with strength and force of bodie. He was a great fauorer of moonks, and speciallie had Dunstane in high estimation. Aboue all things in this world he regarded peace, and studied dailie how to preserue the same, to the commoditie and aduancement of his subiects.

EDGAR.
959.
Edgar, the second son of Edmund, the late king of England, began his reign over this realm of England in the year 959 AD, in the 22nd year of Emperor Otto the First, in the fourth year of King Lothair’s reign in France, 510 years after the arrival of the Saxons, 124 years after the arrival of the Danes, and in the last year of King Malcolm of Scotland. He was crowned and consecrated at Bath, or (as some say) at Kingston upon Thames by Odo, the Archbishop of Canterbury, at just 16 years of age, when he was made king. He was equipped with impressive mental gifts as well as physical strength. He was a great supporter of monks, especially valuing Dunstan. Above all else, he prioritized peace and worked daily to maintain it for the benefit and advancement of his subjects.

The diligent prouision of K. Edgar for defense of the realme. When he had established things in good quiet, and set an order in matters as seemed to him best for the peaceable gouernement of his people, he prepared a great nauie of ships, diuiding them in thrée parts, he appointed euerie part to a quarter of the realme, to waft about the coast, that no forren enimie should approch the land, but that they might be incountered and put backe, before they could take land. And euerie yéere after Easter, he vsed to giue order, that his ships should assemble togither in their due places: and then would he with the east nauie saile to the west parts of his realme, and sending those ships backe, he would with the west nauie saile into the north parts; and with the north nauie come backe againe into the east. This custome he vsed, that he might scowre the seas of all pirats & theeues. In the winter season and spring time, he would ride through the prouinces of his realme, searching out how the iudges and great lords demeaned themselues in the administration of iustice, sharpelie punishing those that were found guiltie of extortion, or had done otherwise in anie point than dutie required. In all things he vsed such Wil. Malm. politike discretion, that neither was he put in danger by treason of his subiects, nor molested by forren enimies.

The careful measures taken by King Edgar to protect the kingdom. After he had established peace and organized affairs in a way that he believed would best serve his people's peaceful governance, he prepared a large fleet of ships, dividing them into three parts, assigning each part to a different region of the kingdom to patrol the coast, ensuring that no foreign enemy could approach the land without being confronted and driven back before they could make landfall. Every year after Easter, he made arrangements for his ships to gather in their designated locations. Then he would sail with the eastern fleet to the western parts of his kingdom, sending those ships back and commanding the western fleet to sail north, while the northern fleet returned to the east. He followed this routine to clear the seas of pirates and thieves. In the winter and spring, he would travel through the provinces of his kingdom, monitoring how the judges and nobles were handling the administration of justice, severely punishing those found guilty of extortion or who acted outside their duties. In all matters, he exercised such political discretion that he was never endangered by treason from his subjects nor troubled by foreign enemies. Wil. Malm.

He caused diuerse kings to bind themselues by oth to be true and faithfull vnto him, as Kinadius or rather Induf king of Scotland, Mascutius.
Kings of Welshmen.
Malcolme king of Cumberland, Mascutius an archpirat, or (as we may call him) a maister rouer, and also all the kings of the Welshmen, as Duffnall, Girffith, Duvall, Iacob, and Iudithill, all which came to his court, and by their solemne othes receiued, sware to be at his commandement. And for the more manifest testimonie therof, he hauing them with him at Chester, caused them to enter into a barge vpon the King Edgar roweth on the water of Dée. water of Dée, and placing himselfe in the forepart of the barge, at the helme, he caused those eight high princes to row the barge vp and downe the water, shewing thereby his princelie prerogatiue and roial magnificence, in that he might vse the seruice of so manie kings that were his subiects. And therevpon he said (as hath bin reported) that then might his successours account themselues kings of England, when they inioied such prerogatiue of high and supreme honor.

He made several kings promise to be loyal and faithful to him, like Kinadius, or rather Induf, king of Scotland, Mascutius.
Kings of the Welsh.
Malcolme, king of Cumberland, Mascutius, an archpirate, or what we might call a master raider, and all the kings of the Welshmen, like Duffnall, Girffith, Duvall, Iacob, and Iudithill, who all came to his court and swore solemn oaths to be at his command. To show this more clearly, he had them with him at Chester, and made them get into a boat on the King Edgar rows on the waters of Dee. water of Dée. Positioning himself at the front of the boat, at the helm, he made those eight powerful princes row the boat back and forth on the water, demonstrating his royal power and magnificence by using the service of so many kings who were his subjects. He then reportedly said that his successors could consider themselves kings of England when they enjoyed such a privilege of high and supreme honor.

The fame of this noble prince was spred ouer all, as well on this side the sea as beyond, insomuch that great resort of strangers chanced in his daies, which came euer into this land to serue him, and to sée the state of his court, as Saxons and other, yea and also Danes, which Ran. Higd. King Edgar fauoureth Danes. became verie familiar with him. He fauored in déed the Danes (as hath béene said) more than stood with the commoditie of his subiects, for scarse was anie stréet in England, but Danes had their dwelling in the same among the Englishmen, whereby came great harme: for whereas the Danes by nature were great drinkers, the Englishmen by continuall English learned to quaffe of the Danes. Wil. Malm. conuersation with them learned the same vice. King Edgar to reforme in part such excessiue quaffing as then began to grow in vse, caused by the procurement of Dunstane, nailes to be set in cups of a certeine measure, marked for the purpose, that none should drinke more than was assigned by such measured cups. Englishmen also learned of the Saxons, Englishmen learne other vices of strangers. Flemings, and other strangers, their peculiar kind of vices, as of the Saxons a disordered fiercenesse of mind, or the Flemings a féeble tendernesse of bodie: where before they reioised in their owne simplicitie, and estéemed not the lewd and vnprofitable manners of strangers.

The fame of this noble prince spread everywhere, both on this side of the sea and beyond. During his reign, many strangers visited the land to serve him and see the state of his court, including Saxons, Danes, and others, who became quite familiar with him. He indeed favored the Danes (as has been mentioned) more than was beneficial for his subjects, for hardly a street in England didn't have Danes living among the English, which caused great harm. The Danes, known for being heavy drinkers, influenced the English who, through constant interaction with them, learned the same bad habit. To partly address the excessive drinking that was starting to take hold, King Edgar, at the urging of Dunstan, had nails set in cups of a certain measure, marked for this purpose, so no one could drink more than what was designated by those measured cups. Englishmen also picked up various vices from the Saxons, Flemings, and other foreigners, such as the Saxons’ reckless fierceness or the Flemings’ weak tenderness. Previously, they took pride in their own simplicity and didn't think much of the immoral and unproductive habits of outsiders.

Dunstane was made bishop of Worcester, and had also the administration[Page 695] of the sée of London committed vnto him. He was in such fauor with the Ethelwold made bishop of Winchester. king, that he ruled most things at his pleasure. Ethelwold, which being first a moonke of Glastenburie, and after abbat of Abington, was likewise made bishop of Winchester, and might doo verie much with the Oswald.
Floriacum.
king. Also Oswald, which had beene a moonke in the abbeie of Florie in France, and after was made bishop of Worcester, and from thence remooued to the sée of Yorke, was highlie in fauor with this king, so that by these thrée prelates he was most counselled. Iustice in his Moonks must néeds write much in praise of Edgar who had men of their cote in such estimatiō. daies was strictlie obserued, for although he were courteous and gentle towards his friends, yet was he sharpe and hard to offenders, so that no person of what estate or degree soeuer he was escaped worthie punishment, if he did transgresse the lawes and ordinances of the realme. There was no priuie theefe nor common robber that durst lay hands vpon other mens goods, but he might looke to make amends with losse of his life, if he were knowne to be giltie. For how might men that did offend, thinke to escape his hands, which deuised waies how to rid the countrie of all wild rauening beasts, that liued vpon sucking the bloud of others? For as it is said, he appointed Iudweall or A tribute instituted of woolf-skins. Ludweall king of Wales to present him thrée hundred woolues yéerelie in name of a tribute, but after thrée yéeres space, there was not a woolfe to be found, and so that tribute ceased in the fourth yéere after it began to be paid.

Dunstane was appointed bishop of Worcester and was also given the administration of the see of London. He was so favored by the king that he was able to influence most matters at his discretion. Ethelwold, who was first a monk at Glastonbury and later abbot of Abington, was also made bishop of Winchester, and he had significant influence with the king. Additionally, Oswald, who had been a monk at the abbey of Floriacum in France, was made bishop of Worcester and then moved to the see of York; he was held in high regard by this king, so these three bishops were his main advisors. Justice in his time was strictly enforced; although he was courteous and gentle with his friends, he was harsh and unforgiving toward offenders, so no matter who it was, they faced appropriate punishment if they broke the laws and ordinances of the realm. There was no petty thief or common robber who dared to steal from others, knowing that if caught, they would likely pay with their lives. How could those who committed offenses think they could evade him, considering he found ways to rid the country of all the wild predatory beasts that fed on the lives of others? As it is said, he appointed Ludweall, the king of Wales, to deliver three hundred wolves annually as tribute, but after three years, there wasn’t a single wolf left, and so that tribute ended in the fourth year after it started.


The death of Alfred king Edgars wife (or concubine) causeth him to fall into a fowle offense, an example teaching men to take heed how they put others in trust to woo for them; earle Ethelwold cooseneth the king of his wife, the danger of beholding a womans beautie with lustfull eies; king Edgar killeth earle Ethelwold to marrie faire Alfred his wife; the bloudie and unnaturall speach of Ethelwolds base sonne: examples of king Edgars great incontinencie and lewd life; Dunstane putteth the king to penance for his vnchastitie, the Welshmen rebell against him and are corrected, king Edgars vision before his death, of what religious buildings he was founder, his example a spur to others to doo the like, moonks esteemed and secular priests little regarded, king Edgars deformed reformation, his vices, stature, and bodilie qualities, he offereth to fight hand to hand with Kinadius king of Scots vpon occasion of words euill taken, Kinadius submitteth himselfe and is pardoned; his wiues and children, the good state of the realme in king Edgars time, the amplenesse of his dominions.

The death of Alfred, King Edgar's wife (or concubine), leads him to commit a terrible offense, serving as a warning to men about trusting others to pursue romantic interests for them; Earl Ethelwold deceives the king regarding his wife, highlighting the danger of looking at a woman's beauty with lustful eyes; King Edgar kills Earl Ethelwold to marry fair Alfred, his wife; the bloody and unnatural words of Ethelwold’s illegitimate son illustrate King Edgar’s great lack of self-control and immoral life; Dunstan puts the king to penance for his unchastity, the Welshmen rebel against him and face punishment, King Edgar’s vision before his death shows the religious buildings he founded, serving as an encouragement for others to do the same; monks are respected while secular priests are looked down upon, King Edgar’s flawed reformation, his vices, physical appearance, and characteristics, he offers to fight hand to hand with Kinadius, King of Scots, over a misunderstanding; Kinadius submits and is forgiven; his wives and children, the good condition of the realm during King Edgar’s rule, the extent of his dominions.

THE XXIIIJ. CHAPTER.

Osborne and Capgraue hold that she was not his wife but a nun. In this meane time, Alfred the wife of king Edgar (as some say) or rather (as others write) his concubine died, of whome he had begot a sonne named Edward. The death of this woman caused the king to commit an heinous offense. For albeit at the same time the fame went, that Horger. Horgerius duke of Cornewall, or rather Deuonshire, had a daughter named Wil. Malm. Alfred, a damosell of excellent beautie, whome Edgar minding to haue in mariage, appointed one of his noble men called earle Ethelwold, to go with all speed into Cornewall or Deuonshire, to sée if the yoong ladies beautie answered the report that went of hir, and so to breake the matter to hir father in his behalfe: yet Ethelwold being a yong iollie gentleman, tooke his iournie into Cornewall, and comming to the duke, was well receiued, and had a sight of his daughter, with whose beautie he was streight rauished so far in loue, that not regarding the kings Erle Ethelwold deceiueth the king of his wife. pleasure, who had sent him thither, he began to purchase the good will of both father and daughter for himselfe, and did so much that he obteined the same in déed. Herevpon returning to the king, he informed him that the damosell was not of such beautie and comelie personage, as might be thought woorthie to match in mariage with his maiestie.

Osborne and Capgraue argue that she wasn’t his wife but a nun. Meanwhile, Alfred, the wife of King Edgar (as some say) or perhaps (as others write) his concubine, died, and they had a son named Edward. The death of this woman led the king to commit a serious offense. Because at the same time, rumors circulated that Horger. Horgerius, the duke of Cornwall, or rather Devonshire, had a daughter named Wil. Malm. Alfred, a young woman of exceptional beauty, whom Edgar wanted to marry, instructed one of his noblemen named Earl Ethelwold to quickly go to Cornwall or Devonshire to check if the young lady's beauty matched the praise she received, and to discuss it with her father on his behalf. However, Ethelwold, being a young and charming gentleman, took his journey to Cornwall, and upon arriving at the duke's place, he was warmly welcomed and was able to see his daughter. He was so captivated by her beauty that disregarding the king's Earl Ethelwold tricks the king regarding his wife. wishes, who had sent him there, he began to win the favor of both the father and the daughter for himself, and managed to secure it. Upon returning to the king, he informed him that the young woman was not as beautiful and appealing as might be expected for someone worthy of marrying his majesty.

Shortlie after perceiuing the kings mind by his wrongfull misreport to[Page 696] be turned, and nothing bent that way, he began to sue to him that he might with his fauour marie the same damosell: which the king granted, as one that cared not for hir, bicause of the credit which he gaue to Ethelwolds words. And so by this meanes Ethelwold obteined Alfred in mariage, which was to his owne destruction, as the case fell out. For when the fame of hir passing beautie did spread ouer all the realme, now that she was maried and came more abroad in sight of the people, the king chanced to heare thereof, and desirous to sée hir, deuised vnder colour of hunting to come vnto the house of Ethelwold, and so did: where he had no sooner set his eie vpon hir, but he was so farre wrapped in the chaine of burning concupiscence, that to obteine his King Edgar séeketh the destruction of earle Ethelwold. purpose, he shortlie after contriued Ethelwolds death, and maried his wife.

Shortly after realizing the king's feelings were misrepresented to him, he decided to ask for his favor to marry the same woman. The king agreed, not caring for her because he believed Ethelwold's words. So, through this means, Ethelwold secured Alfred in marriage, which ultimately led to his own downfall. As her extraordinary beauty began to spread throughout the kingdom, especially after she was married and out in public more often, the king heard of it and, eager to see her, planned a visit to Ethelwold's house under the pretense of hunting. As soon as he laid eyes on her, he became consumed by desire, and shortly thereafter, he plotted Ethelwold's death and married his wife.

Some say, that the woman kindled the brand of purpose: for when it was knowne, that the king would sée hir, Ethelwold willed hir in no wise to trim vp hir selfe, but rather to disfigure hir in fowle garments, and some euil fauored attire, that hir natiue beautie should not appeare: but she perceiuing how the matter went, of spite set out hir selfe to the vttermost, so that the king vpon the first sight of hir, became so farre inamored of hir beautie, that taking hir husband foorth with him King Edgar a murtherer. on hunting into a forrest or wood then called Warlewood, & after Horewood, not shewing that he meant him anie hurt, till at length he had got him within the thicke of the wood, where he suddenlie stroke him through with his dart. Now as his bastard son came to the place, the king asked him how he liked the maner of hunting, wherto he answered; "Verie well if it like your grace, for that that liketh you, ought not to displease me." With which answer the king was so pacified, that he indeuored by pretending his fauor towards the sonne, to extenuat the tyrannicall murther of the father. Then did the king marie the countesse Alfred, and of hir begat two sonnes, Edmund which died yoong, and Etheldred or Egelred.

Some say that the woman sparked the flame of purpose: for when it was known that the king would see her, Ethelwold insisted that she should not dress herself up, but rather should ruin her appearance in ugly clothes and some unflattering attire, so that her natural beauty wouldn't show. However, sensing how things were going, she defiantly made herself look as appealing as possible, so that when the king saw her for the first time, he became so infatuated with her beauty that he took her husband with him on a hunting trip into a forest then called Warlewood, later known as Horewood, without showing any intention of harming him. Eventually, he got him deep into the woods and suddenly struck him down with a spear. Just as his illegitimate son arrived at the scene, the king asked him how he felt about the way the hunt was going, to which he replied, "Very well if it pleases your grace, for what pleases you should not displease me." With that answer, the king was so calmed that he tried to use his favor towards the son to downplay the brutal murder of the father. The king then married Countess Alfred, and with her he had two sons: Edmund, who died young, and Etheldred or Egelred.

Besides this cruell act wrought by king Edgar, for the satisfieng of his fleshlie lust, he also plaied another part greatlie to the staine of his honor, mooued also by wanton loue, with a yoong damosell named Wilfrid, for after that she had (to auoid the danger of him) either professed hir selfe a nun, or else for colour (as the most part of writers agrée) got hirselfe into a nunrie, and clad hir in a nuns wéed, he tooke hir foorth of hir cloister, and lay by hir sundrie times, and begat on hir a daughter named Edith, who comming to conuenient age, was His licentious life & incontinencie. made a nun. A third example of his incontinencie is written by authors, and that is this. It chanced on a time that he lodged one night at Andeuer, and hauing a mind to a lords daughter there, he commanded that she should bee brought to his bed. But the mother of the gentlewoman would not that hir daughter should be defloured: and therefore in the darke of the night brought one of hir maidseruants, and laid hir in the kings bed, she being both faire, proper, and pleasant.

Besides this cruel act committed by King Edgar to satisfy his fleshly desires, he also played another role that greatly stained his honor, motivated by lust, with a young woman named Wilfrid. After she had either professed herself a nun to avoid his advances or, as most writers agree, managed to enter a convent and dressed in nun’s attire, he took her out of her cloister, slept with her multiple times, and fathered a daughter named Edith. When she reached an appropriate age, she became a nun. A third example of his promiscuity is mentioned by authors. One time, he stayed overnight at Andeuer, and wanting a lord's daughter there, he ordered that she be brought to his bed. However, the mother of the young woman did not want her daughter to be deflowered, so in the dark of the night, she brought one of her maidservants and placed her in the king's bed, as she was both beautiful and charming.

In the morning when the day began to appeare, she made hast to arise: and being asked of the king why she so hasted; That I may go to my daies worke if it please your grace (quoth she.) Herewith she being staied by the king, as it were against hir will, she fell downe on hir knées, and required of him that she might be made frée, in guerdon of hir nights worke. For (saith she) it is not for your honor, that the woman which hath tasted the pleasure of the kings bodie should anie more suffer seruitude vnder the rule and appointment of a sharpe and rough mistresse.

In the morning when the day started to break, she hurried to get up. When the king asked why she was in such a rush, she replied, "So I can get to my day's work, if it pleases your grace." As she was being held back by the king, almost against her will, she fell to her knees and asked him to free her in return for her night’s work. She said, "It’s not honorable for a woman who has experienced the king’s body to remain in servitude under the control of a harsh and demanding mistress."

The king then being mooued in his spirits, laughed at the matter, though not from the heart, as he that tooke great indignation at the dooings of the dutchesse, and pitied the case of the poore wench. But yet in fine (turning earnest to a iest) he pardoned all the parties, and aduanced the wench to high honor, farre aboue those that had rule of hir afore, so that she ruled them (willed they nilled they:) for he vsed hir as his paramour, till he maried the foresaid Alfred.

The king, feeling a mix of emotions, laughed at the situation, though not genuinely, as he was quite upset with the duchess's actions and felt sorry for the poor girl. In the end, though turning seriousness into a joke, he forgave everyone involved and promoted the girl to a high position, far above those who had previously held power over her, so that she ruled them whether they liked it or not. He treated her as his mistress until he married the aforementioned Alfred.

For these youthfull parts, & namelie for the rauishing of Wilfride (which though she were no nun, yet the offense seemed heinous, for that he should not once touch anie woman shadowed vnder that habit) he greatlie displeased Dunstane, so that by him he was put to his seuen[Page 697]
Note the déep hypocrisie of Dunstane.
yéeres penance, and kept from the crowne till the 12 yeere of his reigne or more. For some write that he was not crowned nor annointed Ran. Higd.
Fabian out of Guido de Columna.
Wil. Malm.
king, till the 30 yéere of his age, which should be about the 13 or 14 yeere of his reigne by that account, sith he entred into the rule of the kingdome about the 16 yeere of his age. In déed one author witnesseth, that he was consecrated at Bath on a Whitsunday, the 13 Hen. Hunt.
Ranul. Hig.
yéere of his reigne, and that by Dunstane archbishop of Canturburie, and Oswold archbishop of Yorke. But some which suppose that he was consecrated king immediatlie vpon the death of Edridus, affirme that he Polydor. was crowned and annointed king by the archbishop Odo, Dunstane as then remaining in exile, from whence he was immediatlie reuoked by Edgar, and first made bishop of Worcester (as hath beene said) and after the decease of Odo was aduanced to be archbishop of Canturburie. But by Matt. West.
Simon Dun.
some writers it appeareth, that Dunstane was reuoked out of exile immediatlie vpon partition of the realme betwixt Edwin and Edgar, which chanced in the yéere 957, by the rebellion of the people of Mercia, & others (as before ye haue heard:) and that in the yéere following the archbishop Odo died, after whome succéeded Alfin bishop of Winchester, who also died the same yéere that king Edward deceassed, as he went to fetch his pall from Rome, and then Brighthelme bishop of Dorchester was elected archbishop. But bicause he was not able to discharge so great an office, by K. Edgars commandement he was forced to giue place to Dunstane.

For these youthful actions, especially for the seduction of Wilfride (even though she wasn't a nun, the offense seemed serious, since he shouldn't have touched any woman wearing that habit), he greatly upset Dunstane. As a result, he was made to do seven years of penance and was kept from the throne until the 12th year of his reign or even longer. Some say he wasn't crowned or anointed king until he was 30 years old, which would have been around the 13th or 14th year of his reign, given that he began ruling at about 16. In fact, one source states that he was consecrated at Bath on Whitsunday in the 13th year of his reign by Dunstane, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Oswold, Archbishop of York. However, some believe that he was made king immediately after Edridus's death and was crowned and anointed by Archbishop Odo, while Dunstane was in exile. He was then quickly brought back by Edgar, who first made him Bishop of Worcester (as mentioned) and later, after Odo's death, promoted him to Archbishop of Canterbury. According to some writers, Dunstane was called back from exile right after the kingdom was divided between Edwin and Edgar, which happened in the year 957 due to a rebellion by the people of Mercia and others (as you've heard before). The following year, Archbishop Odo died, and Alfin, Bishop of Winchester, succeeded him. Alfin also died the same year that King Edward passed away while going to get his pall from Rome, after which Brighthelme, Bishop of Dorchester, was elected archbishop. However, since he couldn't handle such a big position, King Edgar ordered him to step aside for Dunstane.

Fabian.
Ran. Higd.
The Welshmen rebel and are chastised. Toward the latter end of king Edgars daies, the Welshmen mooued some rebellion against him. Wherevpon he assembled an armie, and entering the countrie of Glamorgan, did much hurt in the same, chastising the inhabitants verie sharpelie for their rebellious attempts. Amongst other spoiles taken in those parties at that time by the men of war, the bell of saint Ellutus was taken away, and hanged about a horsses necke, and (as hath béene reported) in the after noone, it chanced that king Edgar laid him downe to rest, wherevpon in sleepe there appeared one vnto him, and smote him on the breast with a speare. By reason of which vision he caused all things that had beene taken away to be Will. Malmes. King Edgar departeth this life. restored againe. But within nine daies after the king died. Whether anie such thing chanced, or that he had anie such vision it forceth not. But truth it is, that in the 37 yeere of his age, after he had reigned 16 yéeres and two moneths he departed this life, the 8 day of Iulie, and was buried at Glastenburie.

Fabian.
Ran. Higd.
The Welshmen revolt and face consequences. Toward the end of King Edgar's reign, the Welshmen stirred up some rebellion against him. In response, he gathered an army and entered Glamorgan, causing significant damage there and harshly punishing the residents for their rebellious actions. Among other spoils taken by the soldiers at that time, the bell of Saint Ellutus was seized and hung around a horse's neck. Reportedly, in the afternoon, King Edgar lay down to rest and had a vision in which someone struck him on the chest with a spear. Because of this vision, he ordered that everything taken be returned. Will. Malmes. King Edgar has passed away. However, just nine days later, the king died. Whether any of this really happened or if he actually had such a vision is not important. The truth is that at the age of 37, after reigning for 16 years and two months, he passed away on July 8 and was buried at Glastonbury.

Wherefore Edgar is praised of some writers. This Edgar is highlie renowmed of writers for such princelie qualities as appeared in him, but chieflie for that he was so beneficiall to the church, namelie to moonks, the aduancement of whome he greatlie sought, both in building abbeies new from the ground, in reparing those that were decaied: also by inriching them with great reuenues, and in conuerting collegiat churches into monasteries, remoouing secular priests, and bringing in moonks in their places. There passed no one yéere of his reigne, wherin he founded not one abbeie or other. The abbeie of Glastenburie which his father had begun he finished. The abbeie of Abington also he accomplished and set in good order. The abbeies of Peterborough & Thornie he established. The nunrie of Wilton he founded and richlie endowed, where his daughter Editha was professed, and at length became abbesse there. To be briefe, he builded Fabian.
Ran. Higd.
Hen. Hunt.
(as the chronicles record) to the number of 40 abbeies and monasteries, in some of which he placed moonks, and in some nuns. By his example in those daies, other nobles, as also prelates, & some of the laitie, did begin the foundation of sundrie abbeies and monasteries: as Adelwold

Wil. Malm.
bishop of Winchester builded the abbeie of Elie, and (as some say) Peterborough & Thornie, though they were established by the king (as before is mentioned.) Also earle Ailewin, at the exhortation of the Hen. Hunt. same bishop Adelwold, builded the abbeie of Ramsey, though some attribute the dooing thereof vnto Oswald the archbishop of Yorke, and some to king Edward the elder.

That’s why some writers admire Edgar. This Edgar is highly regarded by writers for his noble qualities that were evident in him, but especially for his generosity towards the church, particularly towards monks, whose advancement he greatly supported, both by building new abbeys from scratch and repairing those that had fallen into disrepair. He also enriched them with substantial revenues and converted collegiate churches into monasteries, replacing secular priests with monks. Not a single year of his reign went by without him founding at least one abbey or the other. He completed the abbey at Glastonbury, which his father had started. He also finished the abbey at Abingdon and put it in good order. He established the abbeys of Peterborough and Thorney. He founded and richly endowed the nunnery at Wilton, where his daughter Editha was professed and eventually became abbess. In short, he built, as the chronicles record, around 40 abbeys and monasteries, in some of which he placed monks and in others, nuns. By his example, during those days, other nobles, as well as prelates and some members of the laity, began to found various abbeys and monasteries: for instance, Adelwold, the bishop of Winchester, built the abbey at Ely, and (according to some) Peterborough and Thorney, although they were established by the king, as mentioned earlier. Also, Earl Ailwin, at the urging of the same Bishop Adelwold, built the abbey at Ramsey, although some attribute the creation of it to Oswald, the Archbishop of York, and others to King Edward the Elder.

Matt. West. Moonks estéemed & secular priests little regarded. To conclude, the religious orders of moonks and nuns in these daies florished, and the state of secular priests was smallie regarded, insomuch that they were constreined to auoid out of diuerse colleges, and to leaue the same vnto moonks, as at Worcester and Winchester, wherein the new monasterie, bicause the kings liued not in such sort as Ran. Higd.
lib. 6. cap. 9.
was then thought requisite, the prebends were taken from them and giuen to vicars. But when the vicars were thought to vse themselues no[Page 698] better, but rather worse than the other before them, they were likewise put out, and moonks placed in their roomes by authoritie of pope John the 13. This reformation, or rather deformation was vsed by king Edgar in many other places of the realme.

Matt. West. Monks and regular priests weren't taken seriously. To sum up, the religious orders of monks and nuns thrived in those times, while secular priests were largely overlooked, to the point that they were forced to leave various colleges and hand them over to monks, like at Worcester and Winchester. In those cases, the new monastery was established because the kings weren't living in a way that Ran. Higd.
lib. 6. cap. 9.
was deemed necessary, so the prebends were taken from them and given to vicars. However, when the vicars were found to be no better, and in fact worse, than their predecessors, they were removed as well, and monks were placed in their positions by the authority of Pope John the 13th. This change, or rather decline, was implemented by King Edgar in many other places throughout the kingdom.

Wil. Malm.
Ran. Higd.
Tho. Eliot.
He was (as appeareth by diuers writers) namelie in his beginning, cruell against his owne people, and wanton in lusting after yoong women Edgar small of stature but strong and hardie. (as you haue heard before.) Of stature & proportion of bodie he was but small and low, but yet nature had inclosed within so little a personage such strength, that he durst incounter and combat with him that was thought most strong, onelie doubting this, least he which should haue to doo with him should stand in feare of him. And as it chanced at a great feast (where oftentimes men vse their toongs more liberallie than Kenneth king of Scots. néedeth) Kenneth the king of Scots cast out certeine words in this maner: "It may (saith hée) séeme a maruell that so manie countries and prouinces should be subiect to such a little sillie bodie as Edgar is." These words being borne awaie by a iester or minstrell, and afterwards vttered to Edgar with great reproch, he wiselie dissembled the matter for a time, although he kept the remembrance thereof inclosed within his breast: and vpon occasion, at length feigned to go on hunting, taking the king of Scots forth with him: and hauing caused one of his seruants to conuey two swords into a place within the forrest by him appointed in secret wise, of purpose he withdrew from the residue of his companie, and there accompanied onelie with the Scotish king, came to the place where the swords were laid; and there taking the one of them, deliuered the other to the Scotish king, willing him now to The noble courage of king Edgar. assaie his strength, that they might shew by proofe whether of them ought to be subiect to the other; "Start not, but trie it with me (saith he:) for it is a shame for a king to be full of brags at bankets, and not to be readie to fight when triall should be made abroad." The Scotish king herewith being astonied and maruellouslie abashed, fell downe at his féet, and with much humilitie confessed his fault, & desired pardon for the same, which vpon such his humble submission king Edward easilie granted.

Wil. Malm.
Ran. Higd.
Tho. Eliot.
He was, as various writers show, especially in his early days, cruel to his own people and lecherous when it came to young women Edgar is short in stature but strong and resilient. (as you have heard before.) He was short and of slight build, but nature had packed such strength into that small frame that he dared to confront and fight against those considered the strongest, only fearing that his opponent might be too intimidated. One time, at a grand feast (where people often speak more freely than Kenneth, King of Scots. necessary), Kenneth, king of Scots, remarked, "It seems surprising that so many lands and provinces could be ruled by such a little silly body as Edgar." These words were carried away by a jester or minstrel and later conveyed to Edgar as a great insult. He wisely chose to put on a front for a time, although he kept the memory of it tucked away in his heart. Eventually, he pretended to go hunting and invited the king of Scots to join him. He had one of his servants secretly stash two swords in a spot he had chosen in the forest. Then, he separated from the rest of his group and, now alone with the Scottish king, led him to where the swords were hidden. Edgar took one sword and handed the other to the Scottish king, urging him to test his strength so they could see who was meant to be dominant over the other. "Don’t hesitate, but fight me," he said, "for it’s shameful for a king to boast at banquets and not be ready to fight when it comes time to prove himself." The Scottish king, startled and greatly embarrassed, fell at his feet, humbly admitted his mistake, and asked for forgiveness, which King Edward easily granted upon such a humble submission.

This noble prince had two wiues, Egelfrida or Elfrida, surnamed the white, the daughter of a mightie duke named Ordiner, by whome he had issue a sonne named Edward that succéeded him. His second wife was called Alfreda the daughter of Orgar duke of Deuon or Cornewall (as some saie) by whome he had issue Edmund that died before his father, and Egelred which afterwards was king. Also he had issue a base Wil. Malm. daughter named Editha, begotten of his concubine Wilfrid (as before ye haue heard.) The state of the realme in king Edgars daies was in good point, for both the earth gaue hir increase verie plentiouslie, the elements shewed themselues verie fauorable, according to the course of times: peace was mainteined, and no inuasion by forraine enimies attempted. For Edgar had not onelie all the whole Ile of Britaine in subiection, but also was ruler & souereigne lord ouer all the kings of the out Iles that lie within the seas about all the coasts of the same Britaine euen vnto the realme of Norwaie. He brought also a great part Ireland subiect to king Edgar. of Ireland vnder his subiection, with the citie of Dublin, as by authentike recordes it dooth and may appeare.

This noble prince had two wives, Egelfrida or Elfrida, known as the White, the daughter of a powerful duke named Ordiner, with whom he had a son named Edward who succeeded him. His second wife was Alfreda, the daughter of Orgar, duke of Devon or Cornwall (as some say), with whom he had children, Edmund, who died before him, and Egelred, who later became king. He also had a daughter named Editha, born from his concubine Wilfrid (as you've heard before). The state of the realm during King Edgar's time was quite prosperous; the land produced plenty, and the weather was very favorable according to seasonal patterns. Peace was maintained, and there were no invasions by foreign enemies. Edgar not only had all of Britain under his control but was also the ruler and sovereign lord over all the kings of the outlying islands around the coasts of Britain, extending even to the kingdom of Norway. He also brought a significant part of Ireland under his rule, including the city of Dublin, as authentic records can show.


[Page 699]

[Page 699]

Contention amongest the peeres and states about succession to the crowne, the moonkes remoued and the canons and secular priests restored by Alfer duke of Mercia and his adherents, a blasing starre with the euents insuing the same, the rood of Winchester speaketh, a prettie shift of moonks to defeat the priests of their possessions, the controuersie betweene the moonks and the priests ended by a miracle of archbishop Dunstane, great hope that Edward would tread his fathers steps, the reuerent loue he bare his stepmother queene Alfred and hir sonne Egelred, hir diuelish purpose to murther Edward hir step-sonne accomplished, his obscure funerall in respect of pompe, but famous by meanes of miracles wrought by and about his sepulture, queene Alfred repenting hir of the said prepensed murther, dooth penance, and imploieth hir substance in good woorkes as satisfactorie for hir sinnes, king Edwards bodie remoued, and solemnlie buried by Alfer duke of Mercia, who was eaten up with lice for being against the said Edwards aduancement to the crowne, queene Alfreds offense by no meanes excusable.

Conflict among the nobles and states over the succession to the crown, the monks were removed and the canons and secular priests were restored by Alfer, Duke of Mercia, and his supporters. A comet appeared, and following events unfolded. The relic of Winchester speaks, a clever trick by the monks to undermine the priests' possessions. The dispute between the monks and the priests was resolved by a miracle from Archbishop Dunstan. There was great hope that Edward would follow in his father's footsteps, and the deep affection he had for his stepmother, Queen Alfred, and her son Egelred. Her wicked plan to murder Edward, her stepson, was carried out, leading to his humble funeral lacking in pomp, yet made renowned by the miracles associated with his tomb. Queen Alfred, regretting her premeditated murder, did penance and dedicated her resources to good works as atonement for her sins. King Edward’s body was moved and formally buried by Alfer, Duke of Mercia, who was infested with lice for opposing Edward’s rise to the throne. Queen Alfred's offense remains inexcusable.

THE XXV. CHAPTER.

EDWARD. After the deceasse of king Edgar, there was some strife and contention Some write that the father king Edgar appointed Edward to succeed him.
Simon Dun.
Iohn Capg.
amongst the lords & péeres of the realme about the succession of the crowne: for Alfred the mother of Egelredus or Ethelredus, and diuers other of hir opinion, would gladlie haue aduanced the same Egelredus to the rule: but the archbishop Dunstan taking in his hands the baner of the crucifix, presented his elder brother Edward vnto the lords as they were assembled togither, and there pronounced him king, notwithstanding that both queene Alfred and hir friends, namelie Alfer the duke of Mercia were sore against him, especiallie for that he was begot in vnlawfull bed of Elfleda the nun, for which offense he did seuen yeares penance, and not for lieng with Wilfrid (as maister Fox thinketh.) But Alfer duke of Mercia and other immediately upon Edgars death before the crowne was established, renounced the moonks and restored the canons. Simon Dun. Dunstane iudging (as is to be thought) that Edward was more fit for their behoofe to continue the world in the former course as Edgar had left it, than his brother Egelred (whose mother and such as tooke part with hir vnder hir sonnes authoritie were likelie inough to turne all vpside downe) vsed the matter so, that with helpe of Oswald the archbishop of Yorke, and other bishops, abbats, and certeine of the nobilitie, as the earle of Essex and such like, he preuailed in his purpose, so that (as before is said) the said Edward, being the second of that name which gouerned this land before the conquest, was admitted 975. king, and began his reigne ouer England in the yeare of our Lord 975, in the third yeare of the emperour Otho the second, in the 20 yeare of the reigne of Lothar king of France, and about the fourth yeare of Cumelerne king of Scotland. He was consecrated by archb. Dunstane at Kingston vpon Thames, to the great griefe of his mother in law Alfred and hir friends. ¶ About the beginning of his reigne a blasing starre Wil. Malm. was seene, signifieng (as was thought) the miserable haps that followed. And first there insued barrennesse of ground, and thereby famine amongest the people, and morraine of cattell.

EDWARD. After King Edgar's death, there was some conflict among the lords and peers of the realm regarding who would succeed to the throne. Alfred, the mother of Egelred or Ethelred, and several others who agreed with her, were eager to support Egelred's claim to power. However, Archbishop Dunstan took charge and presented Edward, his elder brother, to the assembled lords with the banner of the crucifix, declaring him king. This was despite strong opposition from Queen Alfred and her supporters, especially Alfer, the Duke of Mercia, who were against him, particularly because he was born from an unlawful relationship with Elfleda the nun. Edward had served seven years of penance for this offense, and not for his association with Wilfrid, as some, like Master Fox, believe. But Alfer, Duke of Mercia, and others, right after Edgar's death, before the crown was determined, dismissed the monks and reinstated the canons. Simon Dun. Dunstan, believing it preferable for Edward to maintain the kingdom's stability as Edgar had, rather than Egelred—whose mother and supporters could potentially cause upheaval—worked with Oswald, the Archbishop of York, along with other bishops, abbots, and noble figures like the Earl of Essex, and successfully achieved his goal. Thus, as previously mentioned, Edward, the second of that name to rule this land before the conquest, was accepted as king, beginning his reign over England in the year 975 AD, during the third year of Emperor Otto II's reign, in the 20th year of King Lothar of France, and around the fourth year of King Cumelerne of Scotland. He was consecrated by Archbishop Dunstan at Kingston upon Thames, much to the dismay of his mother-in-law Alfred and her allies. ¶ At the beginning of his reign, a comet was seen in the sky, which was thought to signify the impending misfortunes. Subsequently, there was a barrenness of the land causing famine among the people and disease among livestock.

Alfer or Elfer, duke of Mercia. Also duke Alfer or Elfer of Mercia, and other noble men destroyed the abbies which king Edgar and bishop Adelwold had builded within the limits of Mercia. The priests or canons, which had béene expelled in Edgars time out of the prebends and benefices, began to complaine of the wrongs that were doone to them, in that they had beene put out of possession from their liuings, alleging it to be a great offense and miserable case, that a stranger should come and remoue an old inhabitant, for such maner of dooing could not please God, not yet be allowed of anie good man, which ought of reason to doubt least the same should hap to him which he might sée to haue béene another mans vndooing. About this matter was hard hold, for manie of the temporall lords, and namelie the same Alfer, iudged that the priests had wrong. Iohn Capg.
Wil. Malm.
Ran. Higd.
Matt. West.
Simon Dun.
In so much that they remoued the moonks out of their places, and brought into the monasteries secular priests with their wiues. But Edelwin duke of the Eastangles, & Alfred his brother, with Brightnoth or Brightnode earle of Essex, withstood this dooing, & gathering an armie, with great valiancie mainteined the moonks in their houses,[Page 700]

Simon Dun.
within the countrie of Eastangles. Herevpon were councels holden, as at Winchester, at Kirthling in Eastangle, and at Calne.

Alfer or Elfer, Duke of Mercia. Duke Alfer or Elfer of Mercia, along with other noblemen, destroyed the abbeys that King Edgar and Bishop Adelwold had built within the borders of Mercia. The priests or canons, who had been expelled during Edgar's reign from their prebends and benefices, began to complain about the injustices they faced, claiming it was a grave offense and a miserable situation for a newcomer to replace an established resident. They argued that such actions could not please God and should not be accepted by any decent person, who might fear falling victim to the same fate they saw inflicted on others. This issue was contentious, as many of the secular lords, particularly Alfer, believed the priests had been wronged. John Capgrave.
William of Malmesbury.
Ranulf Higden.
Matthew of Westminster.
Simon of Durham.
As a result, they removed the monks from their positions and replaced them with secular priests and their wives in the monasteries. However, Edelwin, duke of the East Angles, along with his brother Alfred and Brightnoth, the earl of Essex, opposed this action and mustered an army, valiantly defending the monks in their homes,[Page 700]

Simon Dun.
in the territory of East Angles. Councils were convened in places like Winchester, Kirthling in East Anglia, and Calne.

Polydor. At Winchester, when the matter was brought to that passe that the priests were like to haue had their purpose, an image of the rood that stood there in the refectorie where they sat in councell, vttered A pretie shift of the moonks to disappoint the priests. Polydor. certeine woords in this wise; God forbid it should be so, God forbid it should be so: ye iudged well once, but ye may not change well againe. As though (saith Polydor Virgil) the moonks had more right, which had bereft other men of their possessions, than the priests which required restitution of their owne. But (saith he) bicause the image of Christ hanging on the crosse was thought to speake these words, such credit was giuen thereto, as it had béene an oracle, that the priests had their sute dashed, and all the trouble was ceassed. So the moonks held those possessions, howsoeuer they came to them, by the helpe of God, or rather (as saith the same Polydor) by the helpe of man. For there were euen then diuers that thought this to be rather an oracle of Phebus than of God, that is to say, not published by Gods power, but by the fraud and craftie deceit of men.

Polydor. At Winchester, when the situation reached a point where the priests were about to get what they wanted, an image of the cross that stood in the hall where they were sitting in council spoke certain words like this; God forbid it should be so, God forbid it should be so: you judged well once, but you can't change your judgment again. As Polydor Virgil says, the monks had less right to what they took from others than the priests who sought the return of their own. But, he adds, because the image of Christ hanging on the cross was thought to speak these words, it was given such credence that it was treated like an oracle, and the priests' appeal was dismissed, bringing an end to all the conflict. So, the monks kept those possessions, however they acquired them, with the help of God, or rather, as Polydor suggests, with the help of man. For even then, there were many who believed this to be more of an oracle from Phebus than from God, meaning it was not declared by God's power but rather by the deceitful tricks of men.

Wil. Malm. The matter therefore was not so quieted, but that vpon new trouble an other councell was had at a manour house belonging to the king, called Calne, where they that were appointed to haue the hearing of the matter, sat in an vpper loft. The king by reason of his yoong yéeres was spared, so that he came not there. Héere as they were busied in arguing the matter, either part laieng for himselfe what could be said, Dunstane was sore reuiled, and had sundrie reproches laid against him: but suddenlie euen in the verie heat of their communication, the ioists of the loft failed, and downe came all the companie, so that manie were Dunstane by woorking miracles had his will, when arguments failed. slaine and hurt, but Dunstane alone standing vpon one of the ioists that fell not, escaped safe and sound. And so this miracle with the other made an end of the controuersie betwéene the priests and moonks, all the English people following the mind of the archbishop Dunstane, who by meanes thereof had his will.

Wil. Malm. The situation was not completely settled, as more issues arose, leading to another council meeting at a manor house owned by the king, called Calne. Those appointed to hear the case gathered in an upper loft. The king, being still quite young, was excused from attending. While they were engaged in debating the matter, with each side presenting its arguments, Dunstane was harshly criticized and faced numerous insults. But suddenly, in the middle of their discussion, the beams of the loft gave way, and everyone fell down, resulting in many injuries and fatalities. However, Dunstane miraculously stood on one of the beams that didn’t collapse and was unharmed. This miracle, along with others, resolved the conflict between the priests and monks, with the entire English populace supporting Archbishop Dunstane, who ultimately got his way.

In this meane while, king Edward ruling himselfe by good counsell of such as were thought discréet and sage persons, gaue great hope to the world that he would walke in his fathers vertuous steps, as alreadie he well began, and bearing alwaie a reuerence to his mother in law, and a Polydor.
Will. Malms.
brotherlie loue to hir sonne Egelred, vsed himselfe as became him towards them both. Afterward by chance as he was hunting in a forrest néere the castell of Corfe, where his mother in law and his brother the said Egelred then soiourned, when all his companie were spred abroad in following the game, so that he was left alone, he tooke the waie streight vnto his mother in lawes house, to visit hir and his brother. The wicked purpose of quéene Alfred. The quéene hearing that he was come, was verie glad thereof, for that she had occasion offered to woorke that which she had of long time before imagined, that was, to slea the king hir sonne in law, that hir owne sonne might inioy the garland. Wherefore she required him to alight, which he in no wise would yéeld vnto, but said that he had stolne from his companie, and was onelie come to see hir and his brother, and to drinke with them, and therefore would returne to the forrest againe to sée some more sport.

In the meantime, King Edward, guided by the wise advice of those considered discreet and wise, gave great hope to the world that he would follow in his father's virtuous footsteps, as he had already begun to do, always showing respect to his mother-in-law and brotherly love to her son Egelred. He conducted himself as was appropriate towards both of them. Later, while hunting in a forest near the castle of Corfe, where his mother-in-law and his brother Egelred were staying, he found himself alone because his companions had spread out following the game. He decided to head straight to his mother-in-law's house to visit her and his brother. The evil intentions of Queen Alfred. The queen was very pleased to hear he had arrived because it presented her with the opportunity to carry out something she had long been planning—that is, to kill her son-in-law the king so her own son could take the throne. Therefore, she urged him to dismount, which he flatly refused, stating that he had left his company and had only come to see her and his brother, and to share a drink with them, and that he would return to the forest to enjoy some more sport.

The shameful murther of K. Edward. The queene perceiuing that he would not alight, caused drinke to be fetched, and as he had the cup at his mouth, by hir appointment, one of hir seruants stroke him into the bodie with a knife, wherevpon féeling himselfe wounded, he set spurres to the horsse thinking to gallop awaie, and so to get to his companie. But being hurt to the death, he fell from his horsse, so as one of his féet was fastened in the stirrup, by reason whereof his horsse drew him foorth through woods and Matth. West.
Fabian.
Sim. Dun.
Wil. Malm.
launds, & the bloud which gushed out of the wound shewed token of his death to such as followed him, and the waie to the place where the horsse had left him. That place was called Corphes gate or Corfes gate. His bodie being found was buried without anie solemne funeralls at Warham. For they which enuied that he should inioy the crowne, enuied also the buriall of his bodie within the church: but the memorie of his fame could not so secretlie be buried with the bodie, as they imagined. Miracles. For sundrie miracles shewed at the place where his bodie was interred, made the same famous (as diuerse haue reported) for there was sight restored to the blind, health to the sicke, and hearing to the deafe,[Page 701] which are easilier to be told than beleeued.

The disgraceful murder of King Edward. The queen, noticing that he wouldn't get down, had some drink brought over, and just as he raised the cup to his lips, one of her servants fatally stabbed him in the body on her orders. Realizing he was wounded, he kicked his horse to try to escape and reach his companions. But as he was fatally hurt, he fell from his horse, his foot caught in the stirrup. Because of this, his horse dragged him through woods and fields, and the blood pouring from his wound showed those who followed him that he was mortally wounded and marked the way to where his horse had left him. That spot came to be known as Corphes Gate or Corfes Gate. When his body was found, it was buried without any formal funerals at Warham. Those who were envious that he would claim the crown also begrudged him a burial in the church, but the memory of his legacy could not be buried so secretly with his body as they hoped. Miracles. Various miracles at the site of his burial made it famous (as many have reported), for sight was restored to the blind, health to the sick, and hearing to the deaf,[Page 701] which are easier to say than to believe.

Queene Alfred also would haue ridden to the place where he laie, mooued with repentance (as hath beene said) but the horsse wherevpon she rode would not come neere the graue, for anie thing that could be doone to him. Neither by changing the said horsse could the matter be holpen: for euen the same thing happened to the other horsses. Heerevpon the woman perceiued hir great offense towards God for murthering the innocent, and did so repent hir afterward for the same, that besides the chastising of hir bodie in fasting, and other kind of penance, she Building of abbeies in those daies was thought to be a full satisfaction for all manner of sinnes. imploied all hir substance and patrimonie on the poore, and in building and reparing of churches and monasteries. She founded two houses of nuns (as is said) the one at Warwell, the other at Ambresburie, and finallie professed hirselfe a nun in one of them, that is to say, at Warwell, which house she builded (as some affirme) in remembrance of hir first husband that was slaine there by king Edgar for hir sake (as before is mentioned.)

Queen Alfred also wanted to ride to the place where he lay, moved by repentance (as has been said), but the horse she rode wouldn’t go near the grave, no matter what she tried. Even switching horses didn’t help; the same thing happened with the other horses. Because of this, the woman realized her great sin against God for murdering the innocent, and she regretted it so deeply that, in addition to punishing her body through fasting and other forms of penance, sheBack then, building abbeys was believed to fully atone for all kinds of sins. used all her wealth and inheritance to help the poor and to build and repair churches and monasteries. She founded two convents (as is said), one at Warwell and the other at Amesbury, and ultimately became a nun in one of them, that is, at Warwell, which she built (as some claim) in memory of her first husband who was killed there by King Edgar for her sake (as mentioned earlier).

The bodie of this Edward the second, and surnamed the martyr, after that it had remained thrée yéeres at Warham where it was first buried, was remooued vnto Shaftesburie, and with great reuerence buried there Elferus. by the forenamed Alfer or Elfer, duke of Mercia, who also did sore repent himselfe, in that he had beene against the aduancement of the said king Edward (as ye haue heard.) But yet did not he escape woorthie Polydor. punishment: for within one yéere after, he was eaten to death with lice (if the historie be true.) King Edward came to his death after he had reigned thrée yéeres, or (as other write) thrée yéeres and eight moneths. ¶ Whatsoeuer hath béene reported by writers of the murther committed on the person of this king Edward, sure it is that if he were base begotten (as by writers of no meane credit it should appéere he was in déed) great occasion vndoubtedlie was giuen vnto quéene Alfred to seeke reuenge for the wrongfull keeping backe of hir son Egelred from his rightfull succession to the crowne: but whether that Edward was legitimate or not, she might yet haue deuised some other lawfull meane to haue come by hir purpose, and not so to haue procured the murther of the young prince in such vnlawfull maner. For hir dooing therein can neither be woorthilie allowed, nor throughlie excused, although those that occasioned the mischiefe by aduancing hir stepsonne to an other mans right, deserued most blame in this matter.

The body of Edward the Second, also known as the Martyr, after being buried for three years at Warham, was moved to Shaftesbury, where it was buried with great reverence by the previously mentioned Alfer or Elfer, the Duke of Mercia. He deeply regretted opposing the elevation of King Edward (as you have heard). However, he did not escape just punishment: within a year, he reportedly died from being infested with lice (if the story is true). King Edward met his end after ruling for three years, or as others claim, three years and eight months. ¶ Regardless of what has been said by writers about the murder of King Edward, it is certain that if he was born of low status (as suggested by writers of reputable standing), it gave Queen Alfred a reason to seek revenge for the wrongful exclusion of her son Egelred from his rightful claim to the throne. But whether Edward was legitimate or not, she could have devised some other lawful means to achieve her aims and not resorted to the unlawful murder of the young prince in such a way. Her actions cannot be justified or excused, even though those who caused the trouble by promoting her stepson over another's rightful claim deserve the most blame in this matter.

Thus farre the sixt booke comprising the first arriuall of the Danes in this land,
which was in king Britricus his reigne, pag. 652, at which time the
most miserable state of England tooke beginning.

So far, the sixth book covers the first arrival of the Danes in this land,
which happened during the reign of King Britricus, page 652, when the
most unfortunate period in England began.


[Page 702]

[Page 702]

THE SEVENTH BOOKE
OF THE
History of England.


  Page
THE FIRST CHAPTER 702
THE SECOND CHAPTER 705
THE THIRD CHAPTER 707
THE FOURTH CHAPTER 709
THE FIFT CHAPTER 712
THE SIXT CHAPTER 713
THE SEUENTH CHAPTER 716
THE EIGHT CHAPTER 718
THE NINTH CHAPTER 721
THE TENTH CHAPTER 724
THE XJ CHAPTER 727
THE TWELFTH CHAPTER 729
THE XIIJ CHAPTER 730
THE XIIIJ CHAPTER 732
THE XV CHAPTER 736

Egelred succeedeth Edward the martyr in the kingdoms of England, the decaie of the realme in his reigne, Dunstane refusing to consecrate him is therevnto inforced, Dunstans prophesies of the English people and Egelred their king, his slouth and idlenes accompanied with other vices, the Danes arriue on the coasts of Kent and make spoile of manie places; warre betwixt the king and the bishop of Rochester, archbishop Dunstans bitter denunciation against the king because he would not be pacified with the bishop of Rochester without moneie; Dunstans parentage, his strange trance, and what a woonderfull thing he did during the time it lasted, his education and bringing vp, with what good qualities he was indued, an incredible tale of his harpe, how he was reuoked from louing and lusting after women whereto he was addicted, his terrible dreame of a rough beare, what preferments he obteined by his skill in the expounding of dreames.

Egelred succeeded Edward the Martyr as king of England, marking the decline of the kingdom during his reign. Dunstane was forced to refuse his consecration; Dunstane's prophecies about the English people and their king Egelred foretold of his laziness and other failings. The Danes landed on the Kent coast and wreaked havoc in many places. There was conflict between the king and the Bishop of Rochester, with Archbishop Dunstane fiercely condemning the king for not reconciling with the bishop without pay. The section covers Dunstane's lineage, his mysterious trance, and the remarkable events during that time, his upbringing, and the good qualities he possessed. It tells an incredible story about his harp, how he was drawn away from his obsession with women, his frightening dream of a rough bear, and the advancements he achieved through his dream interpretation skills.

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

EGELRED. In the former booke was discoursed the troubled state of this land by the manifold and mutinous inuasions of the Danes; who though they sought to ingrosse the rule of euerie part and parcell therof into their hands; yet being resisted by the valiantnesse of the gouernors supported with the aid of their people, they were disappointed of their expectation, and receiued manie a dishonorable or rather reprochfull repulse at their aduersaries hands. Much mischiefe doubtlesse they did, and more had doone, if they had not béene met withall in like measure of extremitie as they offred, to the offense and ouerthrow of great multitudes. Their first entrance into this land is controuersed among writers, some saieng that it was in the daies of king Britricus, other some affirming that it was in the time of king Egbert, &c: about which point (sith it is a matter of no great moment) we count it labour lost to vse manie woords: onelie this by the waie is notewoorthie, that the Danes had an vnperfect or rather a lame and limping rule in this land, so long as the gouernors were watchfull, diligent, politike at home, and warlike abroad. But when these kind of kings discontinued, and that the raines of the regiment fell into the hands of a pezzant not a puissant prince, a man euill qualified, dissolute, slacke and licentious, not regarding the dignitie of his owne person, nor fauoring the good estate of the people; the Danes who before were coursed from coast to coast, and pursued from place to place, as more willing to leaue the land, than desirous to tarrie in the same; tooke occasion of stomach and courage to reenter this Ile, & waxing more bold and confident, more desperate and venturous, spared no force, omitted no opportunitie, let slip no aduantage that they might possiblie take, to put in practise and fullie to accomplish their long conceiued purpose.

EGELRED. In the previous book, the troubled state of the land was discussed due to the many rebellious invasions by the Danes. They tried to take control of every part of it; however, thanks to the bravery of the governors and the support of their people, they were met with fierce resistance. Their expectations were dashed, and they faced numerous disgraceful defeats at the hands of their opponents. They caused a lot of damage and would have done even more if they hadn't encountered equal intensity in return, which led to the offense and defeat of many of their forces. The details of their initial arrival in this land are debated among historians, with some claiming it was during the reign of King Britricus, while others insist it was during King Egbert's time, etc. Considering this is not a major issue, we find it pointless to spend many words on it. However, it is worth noting that the Danes had a weak or rather unstable control over this land as long as the governors were vigilant, diligent, politically savvy at home, and strong in battle abroad. But when these kinds of kings were no longer in power and the reins of leadership fell into the hands of an unworthy peasant instead of a powerful prince—someone poorly qualified, dissolute, lazy, and indulgent, who showed no regard for his own dignity nor cared for the welfare of the people—the Danes, who had previously been driven from coast to coast and chased from place to place, seizing the opportunity to return to this island. They became bolder, more confident, more reckless, and took full advantage of every opportunity to execute their long-held plans.

Now bicause the Danes in the former kings daies were reencountred (and[Page 703] that renowmedlie) so often as they did encounter, and séeking the totall regiment, were dispossessed of their partile principalitie, which by warlike violence they obteined; and for that the Saxons were interessed in the land, and these but violent incrochers, vnable to kéepe that which they came to by constreint; we haue thought it conuenient to comprise the troubled estate of that time in the sixt booke; the rather for the necessarie consequence of matters then in motion: and héere déeme it not amisse, at so great and shamefull loosenesse (speciallie in a prince) ministring hart and courage to the enimie, to begin the seuenth booke. Wherin is expressed the chiefest time of their flourishing estate in this land; if in tumults, vprores, battels, and bloudshed, such a kind of estate may possiblie be found. For héere the Danes lord it, heere they take vpon them like souereignes, & héere (if at anie time they had absolute authoritie) they did what they might in the highest degrée: as shall be declared in the vnfortunate affaires of vngratious Egelred or Etheldred, the sonne of king Edgar, and of his last wife queene Alfred, who was ordeined king in place of his brother Edward, after the same Edward was dispatched out of the waie, and began his reigne ouer this realme of 979. Simon Dun. England, in the yéere of our Lord 979, which was in the seuenth yéere of the emperor Otho the second, in the 24 of Lothaire K. of France, and about the second or third yeere of Kenneth the third of that name king of Scotland.

Now, because the Danes during the previous kings' reigns faced many encounters (and notably so) as they sought total control, they lost their partial authority, which they had gained through military force. Since the Saxons were also involved in the land and were just violent intruders, unable to hold onto what they gained through coercion, we thought it appropriate to summarize the troubled state of that time in the sixth book. This is especially relevant due to the serious consequences of the events unfolding then. And here, it seems fitting, in light of such a great and shameful weakness (especially in a prince), which encouraged the enemy, to begin the seventh book. This book describes the height of their powerful position in this land; if such a situation can indeed be termed a flourishing state amidst turmoil, uprisings, battles, and bloodshed. Here, the Danes assert their dominance, acting like sovereigns, and here (if at any time they had full authority), they did everything they could to the fullest extent, as will be revealed in the unfortunate affairs of ungrateful Æthelred or Ethelred, the son of King Edgar and his last wife, Queen Alfred, who became king in place of his brother Edward after Edward was removed from the scene. He began his reign over this realm of England in the year of our Lord 979, which was in the seventh year of Emperor Otto the Second, in the 24th year of Lothaire, King of France, and around the second or third year of Kenneth the Third of that name, King of Scotland.

This Egelred or Etheldred was the 30 in number from Cerdicus the first king of the Westsaxons: through his negligent gouernment, the state of the commonwealth fell into such decaie (as writers doo report) that vnder him it may be said, how the kingdome was come to the vttermost point or period of old and féeble age, which is the next degrée to the graue. For wheras, whilest the realme was diuided at the first by the Saxons into sundrie dominions, it grew at length (as it were increasing from youthfull yeeres) to one absolute monarchie, which passed vnder the late remembred princes, Egbert, Adelstane, Edgar, and others, so that in their daies it might be said, how it was growne to mans state, but now vnder this Egelred, through famine, pestilence, and warres, the state thereof was so shaken, turned vpside downe, and weakened on ech part, that rightlie might the season be likened vnto the old broken yéeres of mans life, which through féeblenesse is not able to helpe it selfe. Dunstane archbishop of Canturburie was thought to haue foreséene this thing, and therfore refused to annoint Egelred king, which by the murther of his brother should atteine to the gouernment: but at length he was compelled vnto it, and so he consecrated him at Kingston vpon Thames, as the maner then was, on the 24 day of Aprill, assisted by Oswald archbishop of Yorke, and ten other bishops.

This Egelred or Etheldred was the 30th in line from Cerdicus, the first king of the West Saxons. Due to his careless leadership, the state of the commonwealth fell into such decline (as writers report) that under him, it could be said the kingdom reached the uttermost point of old and feeble age, which is the next step to the grave. When the realm was initially divided by the Saxons into various dominions, it eventually grew (as if maturing from youth) into one absolute monarchy, which thrived under the previously mentioned kings, Egbert, Athelstan, Edgar, and others, making it seem like it had reached maturity. However, now under this Egelred, due to famine, disease, and wars, the state was so shaken, turned upside down, and weakened in every aspect, that rightly the time could be compared to the old, broken years of a man's life, which through frailty could not help itself. Dunstan, Archbishop of Canterbury, was believed to have foreseen this issue and therefore refused to anoint Egelred king, who would gain power through the murder of his brother. Ultimately, he was compelled to do so and consecrated him at Kingston upon Thames, as was the custom, on April 24, assisted by Oswald, Archbishop of York, and ten other bishops.

Will. Malmes. But (as hath béene reported) Dunstane then said that the English people should suffer condigne punishment generallie, with losse of ancient liberties, which before that time they had inioied. Dunstane also long before prophesied of the slouthfulnesse that should remaine in this Egelred. For at what time he ministred the sacrament of baptisme to him; shortlie after he came into this world, he defiled the font with the ordure of his wombe (as hath beene said:) whervpon Dunstane being troubled in mind, "By the Lord (saith he) and his blessed mother, this child shall prooue to be a slouthfull person." It hath beene written also, that when he was but ten yeeres of age, and heard that his brother Edward was slaine, he so offended his mother with wéeping, bicause she could not still him, that hauing no rod at hand, she tooke tapers or sizes that stood before hir, and beat him so sore with them, that she had almost killed him, whereby he could neuer after abide to haue anie such candels lighted before him.

Will. Malmes. But (as has been reported) Dunstane then stated that the English people would face severe punishment in general, losing the ancient liberties they had enjoyed up until that time. Dunstane also predicted long before the laziness that would remain in this Egelred. For when he administered the sacrament of baptism to him shortly after he was born, he contaminated the font with the waste from his body (as has been said): upon which Dunstane, troubled in mind, said, "By the Lord and his blessed mother, this child will prove to be a lazy person." It has also been written that when he was only ten years old and heard that his brother Edward had been killed, he so upset his mother with his crying, because she couldn’t calm him down, that having no rod at hand, she took the candles or sticks that were in front of her and beat him so hard with them that she nearly killed him, which is why he could never stand to have any such candles lit in front of him again.

Polydor. This Egelred (as writers say) was nothing giuen to warlike enterprises, but was slouthfull, a louer of idlenesse, and delighting in riotous lusts, which being knowne to all men, caused him to be euill spoken of amongst his owne people, and nothing feared amongst strangers. Ran. Higd. 980. Heerevpon the Danes that exercised rouing on the seas, began to conceiue a boldnesse of courage to disquiet and molest the sea-coasts of the realme, in so much that in the second yéere of this Egelreds reigne, they came with seuen ships on the English coasts of Kent, and Simon Dun. spoiled the Ile of Tenet, the towne of Southampton, and in the yeere[Page 704] following they destroied S. Petroks abbeie in Cornwall, Porthland in Deuonshire, and diuerse other places by the sea side, speciallie in Deuonshire & Cornwall. Also a great part of Cheshire was destroied by pirats of Norway.

Polydor. This Egelred (as writers say) was not at all inclined to military pursuits, but was lazy, a lover of idleness, and indulged in excessive pleasures, which was well-known and made him unpopular among his own people and not feared by outsiders. Ran. Higd. 980. As a result, the Danes, who were raiding the seas, began to feel emboldened to disturb and harass the coastlines of the kingdom. In the second year of Egelred's reign, they arrived with seven ships on the English shores of Kent and Simon Dun. plundered the Isle of Thanet, the town of Southampton, and the following year they destroyed St. Petroc’s Abbey in Cornwall, Portland in Devonshire, and several other places along the coast, especially in Devonshire and Cornwall. Additionally, a large part of Cheshire was devastated by Norwegian pirates.

982.
983.
Alfer or Elfer duke of Mercia departed this life.
Alfrike or Elfrike duke of Mercia.
Fabian.
Wil. Malm.
Matt. West.
The same yéere by casualtie of fire, a great part of the citie of London was burnt. In the yeere of our Lord 983, Alfer duke of Mercia departed this life, who was coosen to king Edgar, & his sonne Alfrike tooke vpon him the rule of that dukedome, and within thrée yéeres after was banished the land. About the eight yéere of his reigne, Egelred maried one Elgina or Ethelgina, daughter of earle Egbert. In the ninth yeere of his reigne, vpon occasion of strife betwéene him and the bishop of Rochester, he made warre against the same bishop, wasted his lordships, and besieged the citie of Rochester, till Dunstan procured the bishops peace with paiment of an hundred pounds in gold. And bicause the K. would not agrée with the bishop without moneie at the onelie request of Dunstane, the said Dunstane did send him woord, that sithens he made more account of gold than of God, more of monie than of S. Andrew, patrone of the church of Rochester, and more of couetousnesse than of him being the archbishop, the mischiefs which the Lord had threatned would shortlie fall and come to passe, but the same should not chance whilest he was aliue, who died in the yéere following, on the 25 of Maie, being saturdaie.

982.
983.
Alfer or Elfer, Duke of Mercia, has died.
Alfrike or Elfrike, Duke of Mercia.
Fabian.
Wil. Malm.
Matt. West.
That same year, a large part of the city of London was burned in a fire. In the year 983, Alfer, Duke of Mercia, died. He was a cousin to King Edgar, and his son Alfrike took over the leadership of that duchy. However, within three years, he was exiled from the land. Around the eighth year of his reign, Egelred married Elgina, or Ethelgina, the daughter of Earl Egbert. In the ninth year of his reign, due to a dispute with the Bishop of Rochester, he waged war against the bishop, devastated his lands, and besieged the city of Rochester until Dunstan negotiated peace for the bishops with a payment of one hundred pounds in gold. Because the King refused to reach an agreement with the bishop without money at Dunstan's sole request, Dunstan sent word to him that since he valued gold more than God, money more than St. Andrew, the patron of the church of Rochester, and greed more than him as the archbishop, the disasters that the Lord had threatened would soon befall him, but this would not occur while Dunstan was alive. Dunstan died the following year, on May 25th, which was a Saturday.

Vita Dunstani. Of this Dunstane manie things are recorded by writers, that he should be of such holinesse and vertue, that God wrought manie miracles by him, both whilest he liued heere on earth, and also after his deceasse. Iohn Capgr.
Osborne.
Ran. Higd.
He was borne in Westsaxon, his father was named Heorstan, and his mother Cinifride, who in his youth set him to schoole, where he so profited, that he excelled all his equals in age. Afterward he fell sicke of an ague, which vexed him so sore that it draue him into a frensie: and therefore his parents appointed him to the cure and charge of a certeine woman, where his disease grew so on him, that he fell in a trance, as though he had béene dead, and after that he suddenlie arose, & by chance caught a staffe in his hand, and ran vp and downe through hils and dales, and laid about him as though he had béene afraid of mad dogs. The next night (as it is said) he gat him to the top of the church (by the helpe of certeine ladders that stood there for woorkemen to mend the roofe) and there ran vp and downe verie dangerouslie, but in the end came safelie downe, and laid him to sléepe betwéene two men that watched the church that night, & when he awaked, he maruelled how he came there. Finallie, recouering his disease, his parents made him a priest, and placed him in the abbeie of Glastenburie, where he gaue himselfe to the reading of scriptures and knowledge of vertue. But as well his kinsmen as certeine other did raise a report of him, that he gaue not himselfe so much to the reading of scriptures, as to charming, coniuring and sorcerie, which he vtterlie denied: howbeit learned he was in déed, & could doo manie pretie things both in handie woorke and other deuises: he had good skill in musicke and delighted much therein. At length he grew in such fauour, that he was aduanced into the seruice of king Adelstane.

Vita Dunstani. Many things have been written about this man Dunstane, noting that he was so holy and virtuous that God performed many miracles through him, both while he lived here on earth and after his death. John Capgrave.
Osborne.
Ran. Higdon.
He was born in Wessex; his father was named Heorstan, and his mother was Cinifride, who sent him to school in his youth. He excelled all his peers in age due to his great progress. Later, he became ill with a fever that troubled him so much it drove him into a frenzy. As a result, his parents assigned him to care for a certain woman, where his condition worsened to the point that he fell into a trance as if he were dead. Afterward, he suddenly arose, grabbed a staff, and began running through hills and valleys, behaving as if he were being chased by rabid dogs. That night (it is said), he climbed to the top of the church using some ladders left there for workers to repair the roof, and he ran dangerously up and down, but eventually came down safely and went to sleep between two men who were watching over the church that night. When he woke up, he was amazed at how he ended up there. Finally, after recovering from his illness, his parents made him a priest and placed him in the abbey of Glastonbury, where he devoted himself to reading scriptures and pursuing knowledge of virtue. However, some of his relatives and others spread rumors that he was more involved in charms, conjuring, and sorcery than in studying scriptures, which he completely denied. Nonetheless, he was indeed learned and could perform many neat tricks both in handiwork and other crafts; he was skilled in music and took great pleasure in it. Eventually, he gained such favor that he was elevated to serve King Adelstane.

Vpon a time, as he came to a gentlewomans house with his harpe, and hoong the same on the wall, while he shaped a priests stole, the harpe suddenlie began to plaie a psalme, which draue the whole houshold in such feare, that they ran out and said, he was too cunning, and knew more than was expedient: wherevpon he was accused of necromancie, and so banished out of the court. After this he began to haue a liking to women, and when Elfeagus then bishop of Winchester and his coosen, persuaded him to become a moonke, he refused it, for he rather wished to haue maried a yoong damesell, whose pleasant companie he dailie inioied. But being soone after striken with such a swelling disease in his bellie, that all his bodie was brought into such state, as though he had béene infected with a foule leprosie, he bethought him selfe, and vpon his recouerie sent to the bishop, who immediatlie shore him a moonke, in which life he liued in so great opinion of holinesse, as he in time became abbat of Glastenburie: where on a time as he was in his praiers before the altar of S. George, he fell asléepe: and imagining in his dreame, that an vglie rough beare came towards him with open mouth, and set his forefeet vpon his shoulders readie to deuoure him,[Page 705] he suddenlie wakening for feare, caught his walking staffe which he commonlie went with, and laid about him, that all the church rang Polychron. thereof, to the great woonder of such as stood by. The common tale of his plucking the diuell by the nose with a paire of pinsors, for tempting him with women, while he was making a chalice: the great loue that the ladie Elfleda néere kinswoman to king Adelstane bare him to hir dieng day, with a great manie of other such like matters, I leaue as friuolous, and wholie impertinent to our purpose: onelie this I read, that through declaring of his dreames and visions, he obteined in the time of king Edgar, first the bishoprike of Worcester, after of London, & last of all the archbishoprike of Canturburie. But leauing Dunstane and the fond deuises depending vpon the commemoration of his life, we will now returne to the dooings of Egelred, and speake of such things in the next chapter as chanced in his time.

Once upon a time, as he arrived at a lady's house with his harp and hung it on the wall while he prepared a priest's stole, the harp suddenly began to play a psalm. This frightened the entire household, causing them to rush out and claim he was too skilled and knew more than was wise. Because of this, he was accused of practicing witchcraft and banished from the court. After this, he developed a fondness for women, and when Elfeagus, the bishop of Winchester and his cousin, encouraged him to become a monk, he refused because he preferred to marry a young woman whose delightful company he enjoyed daily. However, soon after, he was struck by a swelling disease in his belly, and his entire body became so ill that it appeared as though he had contracted a horrible leprosy. He reflected on this and, upon recovering, sent for the bishop, who quickly made him a monk. In this life, he gained a reputation for holiness and eventually became the abbot of Glastonbury. One time, while he was praying at the altar of St. George, he fell asleep. In his dream, he imagined a fearsome, rough bear approaching him with its mouth open, ready to devour him. Suddenly waking in fright, he grabbed his walking staff and swung it around, causing the whole church to echo with the commotion, much to the amazement of those nearby. The common tale of him grabbing the devil by the nose with a pair of pincers for tempting him with women while making a chalice, and the great affection that Lady Elfleda, a close relative of King Athelstan, had for him until her dying day, along with many other similar stories, I will set aside as trivial and entirely unrelated to our purpose. I only read that through declaring his dreams and visions, he obtained, during the reign of King Edgar, first the bishopric of Worcester, then of London, and finally the archbishopric of Canterbury. But putting aside Dunstan and the fanciful stories surrounding his life, we will now return to the actions of Ethelred and discuss events that occurred during his time in the next chapter.


The Danes inuade England on each side, they are vanquished by the English, Goda earle of Deuonshire slaine; the Danes in a battell fought at Maldon kill Brightnod earle of Essex and the most of his armie, ten thousand pounds paid to them by composition that they should not trouble the English subjects, they cease their crueltie for a time, but within a while after fall to their bloudie bias, the English people despaire to resist them, Egelred addresseth a nauie against the Danes vnder the erles Alfrike and Turold, Alfrike traitorouslie taketh part with the Danes, his ship and souldiers are taken, his sonne Algar is punished for his fathers offense, the Danes make great wast in many parts of this Iland, they besiege London and are repelled with dishonor, they driue king Egelred to buy peace of them for 16000 pounds; Aulafe king of Norwey is honorablie interteined of Egelred, to whome he promiseth at his baptisme neuer to make warre against England, the great zeale of people in setting forward the building of Durham towne and the minster.

The Danes invade England on both sides, but they are defeated by the English. Goda, the Earl of Devonshire, is killed; during a battle at Maldon, the Danes kill Brightnod, the Earl of Essex, along with most of his army. They receive ten thousand pounds as a settlement to avoid troubling the English subjects, and they pause their cruelty for a time. However, after a while, they revert to their violent ways, and the English people despair of resisting them. Egelred sends a navy against the Danes under the earls Alfrike and Turold. Alfrike betrays them by siding with the Danes, and his ship and soldiers are captured. His son Algar is punished for his father's treachery. The Danes cause great destruction in many parts of the island, besiege London, and are driven away in disgrace. King Egelred is forced to pay them 16,000 pounds for peace. Aulafe, the King of Norway, is honorably received by Egelred, who promises at his baptism never to wage war against England. There is a strong enthusiasm among the people for the construction of Durham town and the minster.

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

Wil. Malm.
Matt. Westm.
The Danes inuade this land. Shortlie after the decease of Dunstane, the Danes inuaded this realme on each side, wasting and spoiling the countrie in most miserable wise. They arriued in so manie places at once, that the Englishmen could not well deuise whither to go to encounter first with them. Some of them
Alias Wecederport.

H. Hunt.
Simon Dun.
spoiled a place or towne called Wichport, and from thence passing further into the countrie, were met with by the Englishmen, who giuing them battell, lost their capteine Goda: but yet they got the victorie,
Danes vanquished.


Simon Dun.
and beat the Danes out of the field, and so that part of the Danish armie was brought to confusion. Simon Dunel. saith, that the Englishmen in déed wan the field here, but not without great losse. For besides
Goda earle of Deuonshire slain.


Matt. West.
Goda (who by report of the same author was Earle of Deuonshire) there died an other valiant man of warre named Strenwold. In the yeere 991, Brightnod earle of Essex, at Maldon gaue battell to an armie of Danes (which vnder their leaders Iustine and Guthmond had spoiled Gipswich) and was there ouercome and slaine with the most part of his people, and so the Danes obteined in that place the victorie.

Wil. Malm.
Matt. Westm.
The Danes invade this territory. Shortly after the death of Dunstan, the Danes invaded this kingdom on both sides, devastating and plundering the country in the most terrible way. They landed in so many places at once that the Englishmen couldn't figure out where to go to confront them first. Some of them Wecederport.
H. Hunt.
Simon Dun.
attacked a town called Wichport, and after that moved further into the country, where they were met by the Englishmen. The English fought back and lost their captain Goda; however, they managed to win the battle, Danes defeated.

Simon Dun.
and drove the Danes off the field, causing that part of the Danish army to fall into disarray. Simon of Durham states that the English indeed won the field here, but not without heavy losses. For besides Goda, Earl of Devonshire, killed.

Matt. West.
Goda (who, according to the same author, was Earl of Devonshire) also lost another brave warrior named Strenwold. In the year 991, Brightnod, the Earl of Essex, fought an army of Danes at Maldon (who under their leaders Justine and Guthmond had ravaged Gipswich) and was overcome and killed, along with most of his men, and so the Danes achieved victory at that location.

991. In the same yéere, and in the 13 yeere of, king Egelreds reigne, when the land was on each side sore afflicted, wasted and haried by the Danes, which couered the same as they had béene grashoppers: by the aduise of the archbishop of Canturburie Siricius (which was the second of that sée after Dunstane) a composition was taken with the Danes, so Ten thousand pounds paid to the Danes.
Danegilt.
that for the sum of ten thousand pounds to be paied to them by the king, they should couenant not to trouble his subjects anie further. This monie was called Danegilt or Dane monie, and was leuied of the people. Although other take that to be Danegilt, which was giuen vnto such Danes as king Egelred afterwards reteined in his seruice, to defend the land from other Danes and enimies that sought to inuade his dominions. But by what name so euer this monie (which the Danes now[Page 706] receiued) was called, true it is that herevpon they ceassed from their Wil. Malm. 992. most cruell inuasions for a time. But shortlie after they had refreshed themselues, and recouered new strength, they began to play their old parts againe, dooing the like mischéefe by their semblable inuasions, as they had vsed before. By reason hereof such feare came vpon the English people, that they despaired to be able to resist the enimies.

991. In the same year, during the 13th year of King Egelred's reign, when the land was severely affected, devastated, and harassed by the Danes, who covered it like grasshoppers, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Siricius (who was the second to hold that see after Dunstan), advised that a settlement be made with the Danes. Ten thousand pounds paid to the Danes.
Danegilt.
For a payment of ten thousand pounds to be given by the king, they agreed not to further trouble his subjects. This money was referred to as Danegilt or Dane money, and it was collected from the people. Some say that Danegilt refers to money given to those Danes that King Egelred later kept in his service to defend the land from other Danes and enemies who sought to invade his territory. But whatever this money (which the Danes now[Page 706] received) was called, it is true that they temporarily ceased their most brutal invasions. However, shortly after they recovered and regained strength, they resumed their old ways, committing similar mischief through invasions as they had done before. Because of this, fear overwhelmed the English people, leading them to despair of their ability to resist the enemies.

Hen. Hunt. A nauie set forth. The king yet caused a nauie to be set foorth at London, whereof he appointed earle Alfrike (whome before he had banished) to be high admerall, ioining with him earle Turold. This nauie did set forward from London toward the enimies, who hauing warning giuen them from Alfrike, escaped away without hurt. Shortly after a greater nauie of the Danes came, and incountered with the kings fléet, so that a great number of the Londoners were slaine, and all the kings ships taken: for Alfrike a traitour to his countrie. Matth. West. Alfrike like a traitor turned to the Danes side. ¶ Matt. West. maketh other report of this matter, declaring that Alfrike in déed being one of the chiefe capteins of the fléet, aduertised them by forewarning of the danger that was toward them, and that when they should come to ioining, the same Alfrike like a traitor fled to the Danes, and after vpon necessitie being put to flight escaped away with them: but the other capteins of the kings fléet, as Theodred, Elstan, and Escwen, pursued the Danes, tooke one of their ships, and slue all those that were found therein. The Londoners also (as the same Matt. West, saith) met with the nauie of the Danish rouers as they fled away, and slue a great number, and also tooke the ship of the traitor Alfrike with his souldiers & armor, but he himselfe escaped, though with much paine, hauing plaied the like traitorous part once before, and yet was Hen. Hunt. The son punished for his fathers offense.
993.
reconciled to the kings fauor againe. Vpon this mischiefe wrought by the father, the king now tooke his sonne Algar, and caused his eies to be put out.

Hen. Hunt. A navy set sail. The king ordered a navy to be launched from London, appointing Earl Alfrike (whom he had previously banished) as the high admiral, along with Earl Turold. This navy set out from London towards the enemies, who, having been warned by Alfrike, managed to escape without harm. Soon after, a larger fleet of Danes arrived and clashed with the king's fleet, resulting in many Londoners being killed and all the king's ships being captured: for Alfrike is a traitor to his country. Matth. West. Alfrike, like a traitor, switched sides to the Danes. ¶ Matt. West gives a different account of this matter, stating that Alfrike, truly one of the main commanders of the fleet, warned them about the imminent danger, and that when they engaged, the same Alfrike, like a traitor, fled to the Danes. Later, when he was forced to escape, he fled with them. However, the other commanders of the king's fleet, such as Theodred, Elstan, and Escwen, chased the Danes, seized one of their ships, and killed everyone found aboard. The Londoners also (as Matt. West says) encountered the Danish raiders as they were fleeing, killed a large number, and captured Alfrike's ship along with his soldiers and armor, but he himself escaped, although with great difficulty, having played the same treacherous role once before, and yet was Hen. Hunt. The son is punished for his father's wrongdoing.
993.
reconciled to the king's favor again. Because of the wrongdoing caused by the father, the king took his son Algar and had his eyes put out.

About the same time was Bambrough destroied by the Danes, which arriued after in Humber, and wasted the countrie of Lindsey and Yorkeshire, on either side that riuer. And when the Englishmen were assembled to giue them battell, before they ioined, the capteines of the English armie, Simon Dun.
Polydor.
Matth. West.
Frena, Godwin, and Fredegist, that were Danes by their fathers side began to flie away, and escaped, so giuing the occasion of the ouerthrow that lighted on their people. But by some writers it should appéere, that after the Danes had destroied all the north parts, as Aulafe king of Norway, & Swein king of Denmarke were capteins of this fléet, as saith Simon Dun.
994.
they spred abroad without order and good arraie, the people of the countrie fell vpon them, and slue some of them, and chased the residue. Other of the Danes with a nauie of 94 ships entered the Thames, and besieged London about our ladie daie in September. They gaue a verie sore assault to the citie, and assaied to set it on fire: but the citizens so valiantlie defended themselues, that the Danes were beaten backe and repelled, greatlie to their losse, so that they were constreined to depart thence with dishonor. Then they fell to and wasted the countries of Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Hamshire, and ceassed Hen Hunt.
Wil. Malm.

The king compounded with the Danes for monie.
not till they had inforced the king to compound with them for 16 thousand pounds, which he was glad to pay to haue peace with them.

Around the same time, Bambrough was destroyed by the Danes, who arrived later in the Humber and ravaged the countryside of Lindsey and Yorkshire on both sides of the river. When the English gathered to fight them, before they engaged, the leaders of the English army, Simon Dun.
Polydor.
Matth. West.
Frena, Godwin, and Fredegist, who were Danes on their father's side, began to flee and escaped, which led to the devastation that affected their people. However, according to some historians, after the Danes had destroyed all the northern regions, as Aulafe, king of Norway, and Swein, king of Denmark, were the leaders of this fleet, according to Simon Dun.
994.
they spread out without organization and proper formation, and the local population attacked them, killing some and chasing the rest. Other Danes, with a fleet of 94 ships, entered the Thames and besieged London around Our Lady's Day in September. They launched a severe assault on the city and attempted to set it on fire, but the citizens defended themselves so valiantly that the Danes were pushed back and repelled, suffering significant losses, which forced them to leave in disgrace. They then turned to ravaging the lands of Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire and did not cease until they had compelled the king to negotiate with them for 16 thousand pounds, which he was eager to pay for peace. Hen Hunt.
Wil. Malm.

The king made a deal with the Danes for money.

Matt. West.
Simon Dun.
Aufale king of Norwey baptised.
His promise.
Moreouer, whereas they wintered that yéere at Southampton, the king procured Aulafe king of the Norwegians to come vnto Andeuer (where at that time he lay) vpon pledges receiued of the king for his safe returne. Elphegus bishop of Winchester, and duke Ethelwold were appointed by king Egelred to bring Aulafe vnto him in most honorable maner. The same time was Aulafe baptised, king Egelred receiuing him at the fontstone, and so he promised neuer after to make anie war within this land. And receiuing great gifts of the king, he returned into his countrie, and kept his promise faithfullie: but the euils tooke not so an end, for other of the Danes sprang vp, as they had béene the heads of the serpent Hydra, some of them euer being readie to trouble the quiet state of the English nation.

Matt. West.
Simon Dun.
Aulafe, the king of Norway, was baptized.
His commitment.
Moreover, while they spent the winter that year in Southampton, the king arranged for Aulafe, king of the Norwegians, to come to Andeuer (where he was at the time) based on the king's assurances for his safe return. Elphegus, bishop of Winchester, and Duke Ethelwold were tasked by King Egelred to bring Aulafe to him in the most honorable way. At the same time, Aulafe was baptized, with King Egelred receiving him at the baptismal font, and he promised never to wage war in this land again. After receiving substantial gifts from the king, he returned to his country and kept his promise faithfully; however, troubles did not completely end, as other Danes emerged like the heads of the Hydra, some of them always ready to disrupt the peace of the English nation.

Iohn Leland.
Simon Dun.
995. About this season, that is to say, in the yéere of our Lord 995, bishop Aldaine which was fled from Chester in the stréet (otherwise called Cunecester) with the bodie of saint Cuthbert for feare of the inuasion of Danes, vnto Rippon, brought the same bodie now vnto Durham, and The church of Durham builded. there began the foundation of a church; so that the sée of that bishoprike was from thencefoorth there established, and the woods were there cut downe, which before that time couered and ouergrew that[Page 707] Earle Vthred. place, wherevpon it began first to be inhabited. Earle Vthred, who gouerned that countrie, greatlie furthered the bishop in this worke, so that all the people inhabiting betweene the riuers of Coquid and Theis, Durham town and minster builded. came togither to rid the woods, and to helpe forwards the building of the church and towne there.

John Leland.
Simon Dun.
995. Around this time, specifically in the year 995 AD, Bishop Aldaine, who had fled from Chester in the street (also known as Cunecester) with the body of Saint Cuthbert due to the fear of a Danish invasion, made his way to Ripon and then brought the body to Durham. There, he began the foundation of a church, establishing the bishopric's seat from that point on. The surrounding woods, which had previously covered the area, were cut down, making way for habitation. Earl Uhtred, who governed that region, significantly supported the bishop in this endeavor, so that all the people living between the rivers Coquet and Tees gathered to clear the woods and assist in building the church and town there.


The Danes inuading the west parts of this land make great hauocke by fire and sword, they arriue at Rochester, and conquer the Kentishmen in field, king Egelred ouercommeth the Danes that inhabited Cumberland and wasteth the countrie, the Summersetshire men are foiled; the miserable state of the realme in those daies; the English bloud mixed with the Danes and Britaines, and what inconueniencies grew thervpon, the disordered gouernement of king Egelred, sicknesses vexing the people, treason in the nobles, the tribute paid to the Danes vnmercifillie inhansed, the realme brought to beggerie; king Egelred by politike persuasion and counsell marrieth Emma the duke of Normandies daughter, vpon what occasion the Normans pretended a title to the crowne of England, they conquer the whole land, what order king Egelred tooke to kill all the Danes within his kingdoms, and what rule they bare in this realme yer they were murdered, the thraldome of the English people under them, whereof the word Lordane sprang.

The Danes invading the western parts of this land cause great chaos through fire and sword. They arrive at Rochester and defeat the Kentishmen in battle. King Egelred overcomes the Danes who settled in Cumberland and devastates the countryside. The men of Somerset are beaten. The miserable state of the kingdom during those days saw English blood mixed with that of the Danes and Britons, leading to various problems. The disorganization of King Egelred's rule, sickness affecting the people, treachery among the nobles, and the tribute paid to the Danes being mercilessly increased left the kingdom in poverty. King Egelred, through political persuasion and advice, marries Emma, the daughter of the Duke of Normandy, which leads the Normans to claim a right to the English crown. They conquer the entire land, and King Egelred's orders to kill all the Danes in his kingdoms are put into effect, along with the control they exerted over this realm until they were murdered, resulting in the subjugation of the English people under them, from which the term Lordane originated.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

997.
The Danes inuade the west parts of this land.
In the nineenth yere of king Egelreds reigne, the Danes sailed about Cornewall, and comming into the Seuerne sea, they robbed & tooke preies in the coasts of Deuonshire & Southwales, and landing at Wicheport, they burned vp the countrie, and came about vnto Penwithstréet on the south coast, and so arriuing in the mouth of Tamer water, came vnto Lidford, and there wasted all afore them with force of fire. They burned, amongst other places, the monasterie of saint Ordulfe at Tauestocke. Essingstocke. After this they came into Dorcetshire, and passed through the countrie with flame and fire, not finding anie that offered to resist them. The same yéere also they soiourned in the Ile of Wight, 998.
999.
The Danes arriue in the Thames.
and liued vpon spoiles & preies which they tooke in Hampshire and Sussex. At length they came into the Thames, and so by the riuer of Medwey arriued at Rochester. The Kentishmen assembled togither and fought with the Danes, but they were ouercome, and so left the field to the Danes. After this, the same Danes sailed into Normandie, and king Egelred went into Cumberland, where the Danes inhabited in great 1000. numbers, whome he ouercame with sore warre, and wasted almost all Cumberland, taking great spoiles in the same. About the same time, or shortlie after, the Danes with their nauie, returning out of Normandie, 1001.
Exmouth.
came vnto Exmouth, and there assaulted the castell, but they were repelled by them that kept it. After this they spread abroad ouer all the countrie, exercising their accustomed trade of destroieng all before them with fire and sword. The men of Summersetshire fought with Pentho. them at Pentho, but the Danes got the vpper hand.

997.
The Danes invade the western regions of this land.
In the nineteenth year of King Egelred's reign, the Danes sailed around Cornwall and, coming into the Severn Sea, they plundered and took loot from the shores of Devonshire and South Wales. Landing at Wicheport, they burned down the countryside and came around to Penwith Street on the south coast. Arriving at the mouth of the Tamar River, they reached Lidford, where they devastated everything in their path with fire. They burned, among other places, the monastery of Saint Ordulfe at Tavistock. Essingstock. After this, they moved into Dorsetshire, sweeping through the land with fire and flames, not encountering anyone willing to resist them. That same year, they stayed on the Isle of Wight, 998.
999.
The Danes reach the Thames.
living off the spoils and loot they took in Hampshire and Sussex. Eventually, they made their way to the Thames and, by the Medway River, reached Rochester. The Kentishmen gathered together and battled the Danes, but they were defeated and left the field to them. After this, those same Danes sailed into Normandy, and King Egelred went to Cumberland, where many Danes were settled. He defeated them in a fierce war, devastating almost all of Cumberland and taking a great deal of spoils from there. Around the same time, or shortly after, the Danes returned with their fleet from Normandy, 1000. arriving at Exmouth, where they attacked the castle, but were repelled by the defenders. Afterward, they spread across the country, continuing their usual practice of destroying everything in front of them with fire and sword. The men of Somerset fought with Pentho. them at Pentho, but the Danes came out on top.

Thus the state of the realme in those daies was verie miserable, for there wanted worthie chieftains to rule the people, and to chastise them when they did amisse. There was no trust in the noble men, for euerie one impugned others dooing, and yet would not deuise which way Disagréement with councellors what fruit it bringeth. to deale with better likelihood. When they assembled in councell, and should haue occupied their heads in deuising remedies for the mischiefe of the common wealth, they turned their purpose vnto altercation, about such strifes, contentions and quarels as each one against other, and suffered the generall case to lie still in the dust. And if at anie time there was anie good conclusion agreed vpon, for the withstanding of the enimie, & reléefe of the common wealth, anon should the enimie be aduertised thereof by such as were of aliance or consanguinitie to them. For (as Caxton, Polychr. and others say) the English bloud was so mixed with that of the Danes and Britains, who were like enimies to the[Page 708] Englishmen, that there was almost few of the nobilitie and commons, which had not on the one side a parent of some of them.

The state of the realm during those days was very miserable, as there were no worthy leaders to govern the people and discipline them when they went wrong. There was no trust among the noblemen, as everyone opposed each other's actions but wouldn’t come up with a better solution. When they gathered in council, instead of focusing on finding remedies for the issues affecting the common good, they ended up arguing over personal disputes and conflicts. The general issues were left to gather dust. And if, by chance, a good decision was reached to confront the enemy and help the commonwealth, the enemy would be informed immediately by those related to them. As noted by Caxton, Polychr. and others, the English blood was so intertwined with that of the Danes and Britons, who were adversaries of the English, that there were very few nobles and commoners who didn't have at least one parent from one of those groups.

Whereby it came to passe, that neither the secret purposes of the king could be concealed till they might take due effect; neither their assemblies proue quiet without quarelling and taking of parts. Manie also being sent foorth with their powers one way (whilest the king went to make resistance another) did reuolt to his enimies, and turned their swords against him (as you haue heard of Elfrike and his complices, and shall read of manie others) so that it was no maruell that Egelred sped no better, and yet was he as valiant as anie of his predecessors, although the moonks fauour him not in their writings, because he demanded aid of them toward his warres, and was nothing fauorable to their lewd hypocrisie. But what is a king if his subiects be not loiall? What is a realme, if the common wealth be diuided? By peace & concord, of small beginnings great and famous kingdomes haue oft times procéeded; whereas by discord the greatest kingdoms haue oftner bene brought to ruine. And so it proued here, for whilest priuat quarels are pursued, the generall affaires are vtterlie neglected: and whilest ech nation séeketh to preferre hir owne aliance, the Iland it selfe is like to become a desert.

As a result, the king's secret plans couldn’t be kept under wraps long enough to take effect, and their meetings weren’t peaceful without arguments and taking sides. Many who were sent out with their powers in one direction (while the king went to fight a different enemy) defected to his foes and turned their swords against him (as you’ve heard about Elfrike and his associates, and you’ll read about many others). So it’s no surprise that Egelred didn’t do any better, even though he was as brave as any of his predecessors, although the monks don’t portray him favorably in their writings because he asked for their help in his wars and showed no sympathy for their sham hypocrisy. But what is a king if his subjects aren’t loyal? What is a kingdom if the common good is divided? Through peace and harmony, even small beginnings can lead to great and famous kingdoms; whereas, through discord, the greatest kingdoms have often been brought to ruin. And that’s what happened here, because while private quarrels are fought, the overall matters are completely ignored: and while each nation tries to promote its own alliances, the island itself is likely to become a wasteland.

But to procéed with our monasticall writers: certes they lay all the fault in the king, saieng that he was a man giuen to no good exercise, he delighted in fleshlie lustes and riotous bankettings and still sought waies how to gather of his subiects what might be got, as well The misgouernement of the king. by vnlawfull meanes as otherwise. For he would for feined or for verie small & light causes disherit his natiue subiects, and cause them to redéeme their owne possessions for great summes of monie. Besides these Sicknesse vexeth the people. oppressions, diuers kinds of sicknesses vexed the people also, as the bloodie flix, and hot burning agues which then raged through the land, so that manie died thereof. By such manner of meanes therefore, what Treason in the nobilitie. through the misgouernance of the king, the treason and disloialtie of the nobilitie, the lacke of good order and due correction amongst the people, and by such other scourges and mishaps as afflicted the English nation in that season, the land was brought into great ruine, so that, where by strength the enimie could not be kept off, there was now no hope but to appease them with monie. By reason hereof from time of the The inhancing of the tribute paid to the Danes. first agréement with the Danes for 10 thousand pounds tribute, it was inhanced to 16000 pounds, (as you haue heard) & after that to 20000 pounds, then to 24000 pounds, & so to 30000 pounds, & lastlie to 40000 pounds, till at length the relme was emptied in maner of all that monie The death of quéene Elgina. and coine that could be found in it. In this meane time died Elgina or Ethelgina the quéene. Shortlie after it was deuised that the king Emma. Hen. Hunt. should be a suter vnto Richard duke of Normandie, for his sister Emma, a ladie of such excellent beautie, that she was named the floure of Normandie. This sute was begun and tooke such good successe, that the 1002.
Emma daughter of R. duke of Normandie maried to K. Edgar.
king obteined his purpose. And so in the yeare of our Lord 1002, which was about the 24 yeare of king Egelreds reigne, he maried the said Emma with great solemnitie.

But to continue with our monastic writers: they certainly blame all the problems on the king, saying that he was a man who engaged in no good activities. He indulged in carnal pleasures and extravagant feasting and constantly looked for ways to extract money from his subjects, using both illegal and legal methods. For he would disinherit his native subjects for trivial or very minor reasons and force them to buy back their own possessions for large sums of money. In addition to these oppressions, various diseases troubled the people, such as dysentery and high fevers that raged through the land, causing many deaths. Due to these means, the land was brought to great ruin through the king's mismanagement, the treason and disloyalty of the nobility, the absence of good order and appropriate discipline among the people, and other scourges that afflicted the English nation at that time. Where strength could not keep the enemy away, there was now no hope but to appease them with money. Because of this, from the time of the original agreement with the Danes for a tribute of 10,000 pounds, it was raised to 16,000 pounds, (as you have heard) and then to 20,000 pounds, then to 24,000 pounds, and so on to 30,000 pounds, and finally to 40,000 pounds, until at last the realm was nearly emptied of all the money and coin that could be found in it. Meanwhile, Queen Elgina, or Ethelgina, died. Shortly after, it was decided that the king should seek Richard, Duke of Normandy, for his sister Emma, a lady of such extraordinary beauty that she was called the flower of Normandy. This proposal was made and was so successful that the king achieved his goal. And so, in the year 1002, which was about the 24th year of King Egelred’s reign, he married the said Emma with great ceremony.

This mariage was thought to be right necessarie, honorable, and profitable for the realme of England, because of the great puissance of the Norman princes in those daies: but as things afterward came to passe, it turned to the subuersion of the whole English state: for by such affinitie and dealing as happened hereby betwixt the Normans and Englishmen, occasion in the end was ministred to the same Normans to pretend a title to the crowne of England, in prosecuting of which title, they obteined and made the whole conquest of the land, as after shall appeare. Egelred being greatlie aduanced (as he thought) by reason of his mariage, deuised vpon presumption thereof, to cause all the Danes within the land to be murthered in one day. Herevpon he sent priuie commissioners to all cities, burrowes and townes within his dominions, commanding the rulers and officers in the same, to kill all such Danes as remained within their liberties, at a certeine day 1012.
The 18 of Nouember.
The murder of the Danes.
prefixed, being saint Brices day, in the yeare 1012, and in the 34 yeare of king Egelreds reigne. Herevpon (as sundrie writers agree) in one day & houre this murther began, and was according to the commission and iniunction executed. But where it first began, the same is vncerteine: some say at Wellowin in Herefordshire, some at a place in Hownhill, or Houndhill, a place within Merchington parish beside the forest of Néedwood, somewhat more than two miles from Vtoxcester. Staffordshire called Hownhill, & others in other places, but whersoeuer[Page 709] it began, the dooers repented it after.

This marriage was seen as necessary, honorable, and beneficial for the kingdom of England because of the significant power of the Norman princes at that time. However, as events unfolded, it ended up leading to the downfall of the entire English state. Through the alliance and interactions that occurred between the Normans and the English, the Normans were eventually given the opportunity to claim a right to the crown of England, which they pursued and led to their complete conquest of the land, as will be shown later. Egelred, believing he was greatly advanced because of his marriage, schemed to have all the Danes in the land killed in one day. He sent secret commissioners to all cities, boroughs, and towns within his territory, instructing the leaders and officials there to kill all the Danes in their regions on a specific day 1012.
November 18.
The killing of the Danes.
set for St. Brice's Day in the year 1012, during the 34th year of King Egelred's reign. According to various writers, this massacre began at the same time and was carried out according to the commission and instructions. However, the exact location where it started is uncertain: some say at Wellowin in Herefordshire, while others mention places in Hownhill, or Houndhill, is a location in the Merchington parish next to the Needwood forest, just over two miles from Uttoxeter. Staffordshire called Hownhill, and still others refer to different locations. But wherever it started, those who carried it out later regretted their actions.

The miserable state of this realme vnder the thraldome of the Danes. But now yer we procéed anie further, we will shew what rule the Danes kept here in this realme before they were thus murthered, as in some bookes we find recorded. Whereas it is shewed that the Danes compelled the husbandmen to til the ground & doo all maner of labour and toile to be doone about husbandrie: the Danes liued vpon the fruit and gaines that came thereof, and kept the husbandmens wiues, their daughters, maids and seruants, vsing and abusing them at their pleasures. And when the husbandmen came home, then could they scarse haue such sustenance of meats and drinkes as fell for seruants to haue: so that the Danes had all their commandements, eating and drinking of the best, where the sillie man that was the owner, could hardlie come to his fill of the worst. Besides this, the common people were so oppressed by the Danes, that for feare and dread they called them in euerie such house where Hector Boet. anie of them soiourned, Lord Dane. And if an Englishman and a Dane chanced to méet at anie bridge or streight passage, the Englishman must staie till the Lord Dane were passed. But in processe of time, after the Danes were voided the land, this word Lord Dane was in derision and despight of the Danes turned by Englishmen into a name of reproch, as Lordane whereof the word came. Lordane, which till these our daies is not forgotten. For when the people in manie parts of this realme will note and signifie anie great idle lubber that will not labour nor take paine for his liuing, they will call him Lordane. Thus did the Danes vse the Englishmen in most vile manner, and kept them in such seruile thraldome as cannot be sufficientlie vttered.

The unfortunate condition of this kingdom under Danish control. But before we go any further, we will explain what rule the Danes had in this realm before they were murdered, as recorded in some books. It is shown that the Danes forced the farmers to work the land and do all sorts of labor related to farming: the Danes lived off the fruits and profits generated from that work, and kept the farmers' wives, daughters, maids, and servants, using and abusing them as they pleased. When the farmers came home, they could barely get enough food and drink, while the Danes had everything they wanted, feasting on the best of food and drink, while the unfortunate owner struggled to get his fill of the worst. Moreover, the common people were so oppressed by the Danes that out of fear, they referred to them in every household where any of them stayed as Lord Dane. If an Englishman and a Dane happened to meet at any bridge or narrow passage, the Englishman had to wait until the Lord Dane passed. However, over time, after the Danes left the land, the term Lord Dane became a mockery and a term of disdain used by the English, evolving into Lordane, a term that has not been forgotten to this day. When people in many parts of this realm want to point out a lazy good-for-nothing who refuses to work for a living, they will call him Lordane. Thus, the Danes treated the English in a most vile manner, keeping them in a servile bondage that cannot be adequately expressed.


A fresh power of Danes inuade England to reuenge the slaughter of their countrimen that inhabited this Ile, the west parts betraied into their hands by the conspiracie of a Norman that was in gouernement, earle Edrike feined himselfe sicke when king Egelred sent vnto him to leuie a power against the Danes, and betraieth his people to the enimies; Sweine king of Denmarke arriueth on the coast of Northfolke, and maketh pitifull spoile by fire and sword; the truce taken betweene him and Vikillus is violated, and what reuengement followeth; king Sweine forced by famine returneth into his owne countrie, he arriueth againe at Sandwich, why king Egelred was vnable to preuaile against him, the Danes ouerrun all places where they come and make cruell waste, king Egelred paieth him great summes of monie for peace; the mischiefes that light vpon a land by placing a traitorous stranger in gouernement, how manie acres a hide of land conteineth, Egelreds order taken for ships and armour, why his great fleet did him little pleasure; a fresh host of Danes vnder three capteines arriue at Sandwich, the citizens of Canturburie for monie purchase safetie, the faithlesse deeling of Edrike against king Egelred for the enimies aduantage, what places the Danes ouerran and wasted.

A new wave of Danes invades England to avenge the slaughter of their countrymen who lived on this island. The western parts were betrayed into their hands by a Norman in charge; Earl Edrike pretended to be sick when King Egelred asked him to gather forces against the Danes and betrayed his people to the enemies. Sweine, the king of Denmark, arrives on the coast of Norfolk, causing terrible destruction with fire and sword. The truce made between him and Vikillus is broken, leading to further revenge. King Sweine, forced back by famine, returns to his own country but later shows up again at Sandwich. King Egelred finds himself unable to defeat him, as the Danes plunder everywhere they go and cause cruel devastation. King Egelred pays him large sums of money for peace. The disasters that befall a land when a treacherous foreigner is in charge, how many acres are in a hide of land, Egelred's plans for ships and armor, and why his great fleet brought him little satisfaction. A new host of Danes under three captains arrives at Sandwich. The citizens of Canterbury buy their safety with money, while Edrike's treachery against King Egelred benefits the enemies, and the places the Danes overran and devastated.

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

Vpon knowledge giuen into Denmarke of the cruell murder of the Danes here in England, truth it is, that the people of the countrie were greatlie kindled in malice, and set in such a furious rage against the Hen. Hunt.
Simon Dun.
The Danes returne to inuade England.
Excester taken.
1002.
Englishmen, that with all spéed they made foorth a nauie full fraught with men of warre, the which in the yeare following came swarming about the coasts of England, and landing in the west countrie, tooke the
Hugh a Norman conspireth with the Danes.
citie of Excester, and gat there a rich spoile. One Hugh a Norman borne, whome quéene Emma had placed in those parties as gouernour or shirife there, conspired with the Danes, so that all the countrie was ouerrun and wasted.

Upon learning about the brutal murder of the Danes here in England, the people of Denmark were extremely enraged and filled with hatred towards the English. With urgency, they prepared a fleet packed with soldiers, which the following year swarmed the coasts of England. Landing in the west, they captured the city of Exeter and took away a rich plunder. A Norman named Hugh, who Queen Emma had appointed as the governor there, conspired with the Danes, resulting in the entire region being overrun and devastated.

The king hearing that the Danes were thus landed, and spoiled the west parts of the realme, he sent vnto Edricus to assemble a power to withstand the enimies. Herevpon the people of Hampshire and Wiltshire rose and got togither: but when the armies should ioine, earle Edricus The counterfait sicknesse of duke Edrike. surnamed de Streona feigned himselfe sicke, and so betraied his people,[Page 710] of whome he had the conduct: for they perceiuing the want in their leader, were discouraged, and so fled. The Danes followed them vnto Wilton spoiled. Wilton, which towne they rifled and ouercame. From thence they went to Salisburie, and so taking their pleasure there, returned to their ships, because (as some write) they were aduertised that the king was comming towards them with an huge armie. In the yeare next insuing, Simon Dun. 1004.
Swein king of Denmarke.
that is to saie 1004, which was about the 24 yeare of K. Egelreds reigne, Sweine or Swanus, king of Denmarke, with a mightie nauie of ships came on the coast of Northfolke, and there landing with his Norwich taken by the Danes.
Thetford burnt.
people, made toward Norwich, and comming thither tooke that citie, and spoiled it. Then went he vnto Thetford, and when he had taken and
Vikillus or Wilfeketell gouernour of Norffolke.
rifled that towne, he burnt it, notwithstanding a truce taken by Vikillus or Wilfketell gouernor of those parties with the same king Swaine after the taking of Norwich. In reuenge therefore of such breach of truce, the same Vikillus, or Wilfeketell, with such power as he could raise, assaulted the host of Danes as they returned to their ships, and slue a great number of them, but was not able to mainteine the fight, for his enimies ouermatched him in number of men. And so he Hen. Hunt. was constrained in the end to giue backe: and the enimies kept on their waies to their ships.

The king, upon hearing that the Danes had landed and were pillaging the western part of the kingdom, sent word to Edric to gather a force to confront the enemies. Consequently, the people of Hampshire and Wiltshire rose up and came together, but when the armies were set to join, Earl Edricus, known as de Streona, pretended to be sick and betrayed his people, whom he was supposed to lead. Realizing their leader's absence, the army lost morale and fled. The Danes pursued them to Wilton, where they looted and captured the town. From there, they moved on to Salisbury, indulged themselves there, and then returned to their ships, because, as some report, they had been informed that the king was approaching with a large army. The following year, in 1004, during the 24th year of King Egelred's reign, Sweyn, king of Denmark, arrived on the coast of Norfolk with a powerful fleet of ships. He landed with his men and made his way to Norwich, which he captured and plundered. Then he went to Thetford, where he took and ransacked the town, even though Vikillus or Wilfeketell, the governor of that area, had made a truce with King Sweyn after Norwich was taken. In revenge for this breach of truce, Vikillus, or Wilfeketell, gathered as many forces as he could and attacked the Danish camp as they returned to their ships, killing a significant number of them. However, he was unable to maintain the fight, as the Danes outnumbered him. In the end, he was forced to retreat, and the enemies continued on their way to their ships.

1005.
Swaine returned into Denmarke.
Simon Dun. In the yeare following king Swaine returned into Denmarke with all his fléet, partlie constrained so to doo (as some write) by reason of the great famin & want of necessarie sustenance, which in that yeare sore Hen. Hunt.
1006.
Swaine returned into England.
oppressed this land. In the yeare of our Lord 1006, king Swaine returned againe into England with a mightie & huge nauie, arriuing at Sandwich, and spoiled all the countrie néere vnto the sea side. King Egelred raised all his power against him, and all the haruest time laie abroad in the field to resist the Danes, which according to their woonted maner spared not to exercise their vnmercifull crueltie, in wasting and spoiling the land with fire and sword, pilfering and taking of preies in euerie part where they came. Neither could king Egelred remedie the matter, because the enimies still conueied themselues with their ships into some contrarie quarter, from the place where they knew him to be, so that his trauell was in vaine.

1005.
Swaine went back to Denmark.
Simon Dun. The following year, King Swaine went back to Denmark with his entire fleet, partly because (as some say) he was forced to due to the severe famine and lack of essential supplies that greatly affected the land that year. Hen. Hunt. Swaine came back to England. In the year 1006, King Swaine came back to England with a powerful and massive navy, arriving at Sandwich, and ravaged all the countryside near the coast. King Egelred gathered all his forces against him, and during the harvest season, they were camped in the fields to resist the Danes, who, as was their usual practice, showed no mercy by destroying the land with fire and sword, looting, and taking plunder wherever they went. King Egelred could do nothing to stop them, as the enemies continuously slipped away with their ships to different locations from where they knew he was, making his efforts futile.

The Danes winter in the Ile of Wight.
They inuade Hampshire, Barkeshire, &c.
About the beginning of winter they remained in the Ile of Wight, & in the time of Christmasse they landed in Hampshire, and passing through that countrie into Barkeshire, they came to Reading, and from thence to Wallingford, and so to Coleseie, and then approching to Essington, came to Achikelmeslawe, and in euerie place wheresoeuer they came, they made cleane worke. For that which they could not carie with them, they consumed with fire, burning vp their innes and sleaing their hoasts. In returning backe, the people of the west countrie gaue them battell, but preuailed not, so that they did but inrich their enimies with the Winchester. spoile of their bodies. They came by the gates of Winchester as it were in maner of triumph, with vittels and spoiles which they had fetched fiftie miles from the sea side. In the meane time king Egelred lay about Shrewsburie sore troubled with the newes hereof, and in the yeare 1007.
36000 pound saith Si. Dun.
next insuing, by the aduise of his councell he gaue to king Swaine for the redeeming of peace 30000 pounds.

The Danes spent the winter on the Isle of Wight.
They invaded Hampshire, Berkshire, and other areas.
Around the beginning of winter, they stayed on the Isle of Wight, and during Christmas, they landed in Hampshire. They moved through that area into Berkshire, reaching Reading, then Wallingford, and on to Colesey. Approaching Essington, they made it to Achikelmeslawe, and everywhere they went, they caused destruction. Anything they couldn't carry, they burned, setting fire to homes and slaughtering their hosts. On their return, the people from the west tried to fight them, but they were unsuccessful, only enriching their enemies with the Winchester. spoils of war. They entered Winchester almost in triumph, bringing food and loot they had taken fifty miles from the coast. Meanwhile, King Egelred was at Shrewsbury, deeply troubled by the news. In the following year, 36,000 pounds according to Si. Dun. he decided, with the advice of his council, to give King Swain 30,000 pounds to secure peace.

Edrike de Streona made duke or earle of Mercia. In the same yeare K. Egelred created the traitor Edrike earle of Mercia, who although he had maried Edgiua the kings daughter, was yet noted to be one of those which disclosed the secrets of the realme, and the determinations of the councell vnto the enimies. But he was such a craftie dissembler, so greatlie prouided of sleight to dissemble and cloake his falshood, that the king being too much abused by him, had him in singular fauour, whereas he vpon a malicious purpose studied dailie how to bring the realme into vtter destruction, aduertising the enimies from time to time how the state of things stood, whereby they came to knowlege when they should giue place, and when they might safelie come forward. Moreouer, being sent vnto them oftentimes as a Wil. Malm. commissioner to treat for peace, he persuaded them to warre. But such was the pleasure of God, to haue him and such other of like sort aduanced to honor in this season, when by his diuine prouidence he meant to punish the people of this realme for their wickednesse and sinnes, whereby they had iustlie prouoked his wrath and high displeasure.

Edrike de Streona became the duke or earl of Mercia. In the same year, King Egelred appointed the traitor Edrike as earl of Mercia. Although he was married to Edgiva, the king's daughter, he was known to be one of those who revealed the secrets of the kingdom and the council's decisions to the enemies. However, he was such a cunning deceiver, so well-equipped with tricks to disguise and cover up his betrayal, that the king, being too fooled by him, held him in high favor, while he secretly plotted daily to lead the kingdom to total ruin, informing the enemies from time to time about the state of affairs, allowing them to know when to retreat and when it was safe to advance. Furthermore, being sent to them often as a Wil. Malm. commissioner to negotiate peace, he instead encouraged them to go to war. But such was God's will, to have him and others like him promoted to power during this time, when by His divine providence, He intended to punish the people of this kingdom for their wickedness and sins, which had justly provoked His wrath and deep displeasure.

Henr. Hunt.
Simon Dun.

An hundred acres is an hide of land.
1008.
In the 30 yeare of king Egelreds reigne, which fell in the yeare of our[Page 711] Lord 1008, he tooke order that of euerie thrée hundred and ten hides of land within this realme, there should one ship be builded, and of euerie eight hides a complet armor furnished. In the yeare following, the kings whole fléet was brought togither at Sandwich, and such souldiers came thither as were appointed to go to sea in the same fléet. There had not béene séene the like number of ships so trimlie Provision for ships and armour. rigged and furnished in all points, in anie kings daies before. But no great profitable péece of seruice was wrought by them: for the king had Matt. West. about that time banished a noble yoong man of Sussex called Wilnot, who getting togither twentie sailes, laie vpon the coasts taking prices where he could get them. Brithrike the brother of earle Edrike, being desirous to win honor, tooke forth foure score of the said ships, and promised to bring in the enimie dead or aliue. But as he was sailing forward on the seas, a sore tempest with an outragious wind rose with such violence, that his ships were cast vpon the shore: and Wilnot comming vpon them, set them on fire, and so burned them euerie one. The residue of the ships, when newes came to them of this mishap, returned backe to London; and then was the armie dispersed, and so all the cost and trauell of the Englishmen proued in vaine.

Henr. Hunt.
Simon Dun.
One hundred acres is one hide of land.
1008.
In the 30th year of King Egelred's reign, which was in the year of our[Page 711] Lord 1008, he ordered that for every three hundred and ten hides of land in this kingdom, one ship should be built, and for every eight hides, a complete set of armor should be prepared. In the following year, the entire fleet was gathered at Sandwich, and the soldiers designated to go to sea with this fleet arrived there. There had never been a similar number of ships so well-rigged and equipped in any king's time before. However, not much useful service was achieved by them, because the king had Matt. West. around that time banished a young nobleman from Sussex named Wilnot, who gathered together twenty ships and operated along the coasts, seizing what he could. Brithrike, the brother of Earl Edrike, eager for glory, took forth eighty of those ships and promised to bring back the enemy, dead or alive. But while he was sailing forward at sea, a fierce storm with a violent wind arose with such force that his ships were driven ashore. When Wilnot came upon them, he set them on fire, burning them all. The remaining ships, upon hearing the news of this disaster, returned to London; and so the army was dispersed, rendering all the efforts and labor of the Englishmen pointless.

Danes land at Sandwich.
1009.
After this, in the haruest time a new armie of Danes, vnder the conduct of thrée capteines, Turkill, Henning, and Aulafe landed at Sandwich, and from thence passed forth to Canturburie, and had taken the citie but that the citizens gaue them a 1000 pounds to depart from thence, 3000 pound saith Sim. Dun. and to leaue the countrie in peace. Then went the Danes to the Ile of Sussex and Hampshire spoiled. Wight, and afterwards landed and spoiled the countrie of Sussex and Hampshire. King Egelred assembled the whole power of all his subiects, and comming to giue them battell, had made an end of their cruell harieng the countrie with the slaughter of them all, if earle Edrike with forged tales (deuised onelie to put him in feare) had not The Danes returne into Kent. dissuaded him from giuing battell. The Danes by that meanes returning in safetie, immediatlie after the feast of saint Martine, returned into Kent, and lodged with their nauie in the winter following in the Thames, and oftentimes assaulting the citie of London, were still beaten backe to their losse.

Danes arrive at Sandwich.
1009.
After this, during harvest time, a new army of Danes, led by three captains, Turkill, Henning, and Aulafe, landed at Sandwich. From there, they moved on to Canterbury and would have taken the city if the citizens hadn’t given them 1,000 pounds to leave, 3,000 bucks says Sim. Dun. and to leave the country in peace. The Danes then went to the Isle of Wight and later invaded and plundered the lands of Sussex and Hampshire. King Egelred gathered all his subjects' forces, and when he came to confront them, he would have put an end to their brutal raids on the country by defeating them, if Earl Edrike hadn’t dissuaded him with made-up stories meant to scare him. The Danes return to Kent. As a result, the Danes safely returned and, shortly after the feast of Saint Martin, came back to Kent, where they set up camp with their fleet in the Thames. They frequently attacked the city of London but were continually driven back and suffered losses.

1010.
Oxford burnt.
After the feast of Christmasse they passed through the countrie and woods of Chilterne vnto Oxford, which towne they burned, and then returning backe they fell to wasting of the countrie on both sides the Thames. But hearing that an armie was assembled at London to giue them battell; that part of their host which kept on the northside of the Stanes. riuer, passed the same riuer at Stanes, and so ioining with their fellowes marched foorth through Southerie, and comming backe to their ships in Kent, fell in hand to repare & amend their ships that were in anie wise decaied. Then after Easter, the Danes sailing about the Gipswich in Suffolke. Simon Dun. coast, arriued at Gipswich in Suffolke, on the Ascension day of our Lord: and inuading the countrie, gaue battell at a place called Wigmere or Rigmere, vnto Vikill or Wilfeketell leader of the English host in those parties, on the fift of Maie. The men of Northfolke and Suffolke fled at the first onset giuen: but the Cambridgeshire men sticked to it valiantlie, winning thereby perpetuall fame and commendation. There was no mindfulnesse amongest them of running awaie, so that a great number of the nobilitie and other were beaten downe and slaine, till at length Capat formicæ. one Turketell Mireneheued, that had a Dane to his father, first began to take his flight, and deserued thereby an euerlasting reproch.

1010.
Oxford was burned.
After Christmas, they traveled through the countryside and forests of Chilterne to Oxford, which they set on fire. On their way back, they began raiding the areas on both sides of the Thames. But when they heard an army was gathering in London to fight them, the part of their group that was on the north side of the Stones. river crossed the river at Stanes. Joining forces with their comrades, they marched through Southerie, and after returning to their ships in Kent, they focused on repairing and refurbishing any damaged vessels. Then, after Easter, the Danes, sailing along the Ipswich in Suffolk. Simon Dun. coast, landed at Gipswich in Suffolk on Ascension Day. They invaded the land and fought against Vikill or Wilfeketell, the leader of the English forces in that area, on May 5. The men of Norfolk and Suffolk ran away at the first attack, but the men from Cambridgeshire fought bravely, earning everlasting fame and praise. They didn't even think about fleeing, and many nobles and others were beaten down and killed until finally Ant colony. one Turketell Mireneheued, who had a Dane for a father, was the first to run away, earning himself eternal disgrace.

The Danes obteining the vpper hand, for the space of thrée moneths togither went vp and downe the countries, & wasted those parties of the realme, that is to say, Northfolke, and Suffolke, with the borders of Lincolnshire, Huntingtonshire, and Cambridgeshire where the fens are, gaining excéeding riches by the spoile of great and wealthie abbies and churches which had their situation within the compasse of the same Thetford.
Cambridge.
Hen. Hunt. fens. They also destroied Thetford, and burnt Cambridge, and from thence passed through the pleasant mountaine-countrie of Belsham, cruellie murdering the people without respect of age, degrée or sex. After this also they entred into Essex. and so came backe to their The Danes arrive in the Thames.
1011.
ships, which were then arriued in the Thames. But they rested not anie long time in quiet, as people that minded nothing but the destruction of this realme. So as soone after, when they had somwhat refreshed them, they set forward againe into the countrie, passing through Buckinghamshire, & so into Bedfordshire.

The Danes gained the upper hand and for three months traveled up and down the lands, plundering parts of the realm, specifically Norfolk and Suffolk, along with the borders of Lincolnshire, Huntingdonshire, and Cambridgeshire where the fens are located. They amassed considerable wealth from raiding large and wealthy abbeys and churches situated within those fens. They also destroyed Thetford and burned Cambridge, and from there they moved through the beautiful hilly region of Belsham, brutally murdering people regardless of age, status, or gender. After this, they entered Essex and returned to their ships, which had just arrived in the Thames. But they didn’t stay quiet for long, as they were focused solely on the destruction of this realm. Soon after resting for a bit, they pushed forward again into the countryside, moving through Buckinghamshire and then into Bedfordshire.

Northampton burnt by Danes. And about saint Andrewes tide they turned towards Northampton, &[Page 712] comming thither set fire on that towne. Then turning through the west countrie, with fire & sword they wasted and destroied a great part thereof, & namelie Wiltshire, with other parties. And finallie about the feast of Christmas they came againe to their ships. Thus had the How manie shires the Danes wasted. Danes wasted the most part of 16 or 17 shires within this realme, as Northfolke, Suffolke, Cambridgeshire, Essex, Middlesex, Hartfordshire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire, with a part of Huntingtonshire, and also a great portion of Northamptonshire. This was doone in the countries that lie on the northside of the riuer of Thames. On the southside of the same riuer, they spoiled and wasted Kent, Southerie, Sussex, Barkeshire, Hampshire, and (as is before said) a great part of Wiltshire.

Northampton burned by Vikings. Around St. Andrew's tide, they headed toward Northampton, and upon arriving there, they set fire to the town. Then, moving through the west country, they wreaked havoc and destroyed a large part of it, particularly Wiltshire, along with other areas. Finally, around the Christmas feast, they returned to their ships. In this way, the How many counties the Danes destroyed. Danes devastated most of 16 or 17 shires in this realm, such as Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Essex, Middlesex, Hertfordshire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire, along with part of Huntingdonshire and a significant portion of Northamptonshire. This occurred in the regions to the north of the River Thames. On the south side of the same river, they ravaged and destroyed Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Berkshire, Hampshire, and (as mentioned earlier) a large part of Wiltshire.


King Egelred offereth the Danes great summes of moneie to desist from destroieng his countrie, their unspeakable crueltie, bloudthirstinesse, and insatiable spoiling of Canturburie betraied by a churchman; their merciles murthering of Elphegus archbishop of Canturburie, Turkillus the Dane chiefe lord of Norfolke and Suffolke, a peace concluded betweene the Danes and the English vpon hard conditions; Gunthildis a beautifull Danish ladie and hir husband slaine, hir courage to the death.

King Egelred offers the Danes large sums of money to stop destroying his country, their unimaginable cruelty, bloodthirstiness, and relentless plundering of Canterbury revealed by a churchman; their merciless murder of Archbishop Elphegus of Canterbury, Turkillus the Dane, chief lord of Norfolk and Suffolk, a peace treaty made between the Danes and the English under harsh conditions; Gunthildis, a beautiful Danish lady, and her husband are killed, her bravery until death.

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

The king sendeth to the Danes. Simon Dun. The king and the peeres of the realme, vnderstanding of the Danes dealing in such merciles maner (as is aboue mentioned) but not knowing how to redresse the matter, sent ambassadors vnto the Danes, offering them great summes of moneie to leaue off such cruell wasting and spoiling of the land. The Danes were contented to reteine the moneie, but yet could not absteine from their cruell dooings, neither was their greedie thirst of bloud and spoile satisfied with the wasting and destroieng of so manie countries and places as they had passed through. 1011.
Canturburie wonne by Danes.
Wherevpon, in the yeere of our Lord 1011, about the feast of S. Matthew in September, they laid siege to the citie of Canturburie, which of the citizens was valiantlie defended by the space of twentie daies. In the end of which terme it was taken by the enimies, through the treason of a deacon named Almaricus, whome the archbishop Elphegus had before that Fabian ex Antonino. time preserued from death. The Danes exercised passing great crueltie in the winning of that citie (as by sundrie authors it dooth and maie appéere.) For they slue of men, women, and children, aboue the number The archbishop Elphegus taken. Hen. Hunt. of eight thousand. They tooke the archbishop Elphegus with an other bishop named Godwine; also abbat Lefwin and Alseword the kings bailife there. They spared no degrée, in somuch that they slue and tooke 900 priests, and other men of religion. And when they had taken their Antoninus.
Vincentius.
Wil. Lamb. ex Asserio Meneuensi, & alijs.
pleasure of the citie, they set it on fire, and so returned to their ships. There be some which write that they tithed the people after an inuerted order, slaieng all by nines through the whole multitude, and reserued the tenth: so that of all the moonks there were but foure saued, and of the laie people 4800, whereby it followeth that there died 43200 persons. Whereby is gathered that the citie of Canturburie, and the countrie thereabouts (the people whereof belike fled thither for succor) was at that time verie well inhabited, so as there haue not wanted (saith maister Lambert) which affirme that it had then more people than London it selfe.

The king reaches out to the Danes. Simon Dun. The king and the nobles of the realm, learning about the Danes' ruthless actions (as mentioned above) but unsure how to address the situation, sent ambassadors to the Danes, offering them large sums of money to stop their cruel destruction and pillaging of the land. The Danes agreed to take the money but still couldn't refrain from their brutal acts, nor were their greedy thirst for blood and destruction satisfied with the devastation of so many countries and places they had passed through. 1011.
Canterbury beat the Danes.
Therefore, in the year 1011, around the feast of St. Matthew in September, they besieged the city of Canterbury, which was valiantly defended by the citizens for twenty days. Ultimately, during this period, it was taken by the enemies due to the treachery of a deacon named Almaricus, whom Archbishop Elphegus had previously saved from death. The Danes exhibited extreme cruelty in conquering that city (as various authors indicate). They killed more than eight thousand men, women, and children. They captured Archbishop Elphegus along with another bishop named Godwine, as well as Abbot Lefwin and Alseword, the king's bailiff. They showed no mercy, killing and taking 900 priests and other religious men. After satisfying their desires in the city, they set it on fire and returned to their ships. Some accounts claim that they executed the people in a systematic way, killing them in batches of nine throughout the crowd and sparing the tenth, resulting in only four monks and 4,800 laypeople surviving, which suggests that 43,200 people died. This indicates that the city of Canterbury and the surrounding countryside (where people likely fled for safety) was quite densely populated at that time, with some, as Master Lambert states, claiming it had more inhabitants than London itself.

1112. Henr. Hunt. But now to our purpose. In the yéere next insuing, vpon the Saturday in Easter wéeke, after that the bishop Elphegus had béene kept prisoner with them the space of six or seuen moneths, they cruellie in a rage led him foorth into the fields, and dashed out his braines with stones, The archbishop Elphegus murthered. bicause he would not redéeme his libertie with thrée thousand pounds, which they demanded to haue beene leuied of his farmers and tenants. This cruell murther was commited at Gréenewich foure miles distant from London, the 19 of Aprill, where he lay a certeine time vnburied, but at Miracles. length through miracles shewed (as they say, for miracles are all wrought now by dead men, and not by the liuing) the Danes permitted[Page 713] Elphegus buried in London. that his bodie might be caried to London, and there was it buried in the church of S. Paule, where it rested for the space of ten yeeres, till king Cnute or Knought had the gouernment of this land, by Translated to Canturburie. whose appointment it was remooued to Canturburie.

1112. Henr. Hunt. But now, back to our main point. In the year that followed, on the Saturday of Easter week, after Bishop Elphegus had been held captive for about six or seven months, they brutally took him out into the fields and smashed his skull with stones, Archbishop Elphegus was murdered. because he refused to pay three thousand pounds to secure his freedom, which they claimed his farmers and tenants had raised. This horrific murder happened at Greenwich, four miles from London, on April 19, where he lay unburied for a while, but eventually, through miracles shown (or so they say, because miracles these days seem to be performed by the dead rather than the living), the Danes allowed [Page 713] Elphegus buried in London. his body to be taken to London, and there he was buried in St. Paul's Church, where he rested for ten years until King Cnute (or Knought) governed this land, Translated to Canterbury. and by his order, it was moved to Canterbury.

Wil. Malms. Turkillus held Norffolk and Suffolke. Turkillus the leader of those Danes by whome the archbishop Elphegus was thus murthered, held Northfolke and Suffolke vnder his subiection, & so continued in those parties as chiefe lord and gouernor. But the residue of the Danes at length, compounding with the Englishmen for a
48 thousand pound as saith Sim. Dun. and M. West.
Henr. Hunt. tribute to be paid to them of eight thousand pounds, spred abroad in the countrie, soiorning in cities, townes and villages, where they might find most conuenient harbour. Moreouer, fortie of their ships, or rather (as some write) 45 were reteined to serue the king, promising to defend the realme; with condition, that the souldiers and mariners should haue prouision of meate and drinke, with apparell found them at the kings charges. As one autor hath gathered, Swaine king of Denmarke was in England at the concluding of this peace, which being confirmed with solemne othes and sufficient hostages, he departed into Denmarke.

Will. Malms. Turkillus controlled Norfolk and Suffolk. Turkillus, the leader of the Danes who murdered Archbishop Elphegus, held Norfolk and Suffolk under his control and continued as the chief lord and governor of those areas. Eventually, the rest of the Danes negotiated with the English for a 48,000 pounds, according to Sim. Dun. and M. West. Henr. Hunt. tribute of eight thousand pounds, spreading across the country, settling in cities, towns, and villages where they could find the most suitable shelter. Furthermore, forty of their ships, or possibly 45 as some accounts say, were retained to serve the king, with the promise to defend the realm; on the condition that the soldiers and sailors would be provided with food, drink, and clothing at the king's expense. According to one author, Swain, the King of Denmark, was in England when this peace was established, which was confirmed with solemn oaths and sufficient hostages before he returned to Denmark.

Matth. West. The same author bringeth the generall slaughter of Danes vpon S. Brices day, to haue chanced in the yéere after the conclusion of this Gunthildis the sister of K. Swaine murthered. agreement, that is to say, in the yeere 1012, at what time Gunthildis the sister of king Swaine was slaine, with hir husband & hir sonne, by the commandement of the false traitor Edrike. But bicause all other authors agree that the murther of Danes was executed about ten yeeres before this supposed time: we haue made rehearsall thereof in that place. Howbeit, for the death of Gunthildis, it maie be, that she became hostage either in the yéere 1007, at what time king Egelred paied thirtie thousand pounds vnto king Swaine to haue peace (as before you haue heard) or else might she be deliuered in hostage, in the yéere 1011, when the last agréement was made with the Danes (as aboue is mentioned.) But when or at what time soeuer she became hostage, this we find of hir, that she came hither into England with hir husband Wil. Malm. Palingus, a mightie earle, and receiued baptisme héere. Wherevpon she earnestlie trauelled in treatie of a peace betwixt hir brother and king Egelred: which being brought to passe chieflie by hir sute, she was contented to become an hostage for performance thereof (as before is recited.) And after by the commandement of earle Edrike she was put to death, pronouncing that the shedding of hir bloud would cause all England one day sore to rue. She was a verie beautifull ladie, and tooke hir death without all feare, not once changing countenance, though she saw hir husband and hir onelie sonne (a yoong gentleman of much towardnesse) first murthered before hir face.

Matthew West. The same author states that the general slaughter of Danes occurred on St. Brice's Day, the year after this agreement, which means in the year 1012, when Gunthildis, sister of King Swaine, was killed along with her husband and son, by the orders of the treacherous Edrike. However, since all other authors agree that the murder of the Danes happened about ten years before this supposed date, we have mentioned it in that context. Regarding the death of Gunthildis, it’s possible she was taken hostage either in 1007, when King Ethelred paid thirty thousand pounds to King Swaine for peace (as mentioned before), or she may have been delivered as a hostage in 1011, when the last agreement was made with the Danes (as noted above). Regardless of when she became a hostage, we know that she came to England with her husband Wil. Malm. Palingus, a powerful earl, and was baptized here. After that, she worked hard to negotiate peace between her brother and King Ethelred: this was largely achieved through her efforts, and she agreed to become a hostage to ensure the agreement was fulfilled (as previously mentioned). Later, under the orders of Earl Edrike, she was executed, declaring that the shedding of her blood would one day cause all of England to deeply regret it. She was a very beautiful lady, and she faced her death with complete courage, not once changing her expression, even as she witnessed the murder of her husband and only son (a young man of great promise) right before her eyes.


Turkillus the Danish capteine telleth king Swaine the faults of the king, nobles, & commons of this realme, he inuadeth England, the Northumbers and others submit themselues to him, Danes receiued into seruice vnder Egelred, London assalted by Swaine, the citizens behaue themselues stoutlie, and giue the Danish host a shamefull repulse, Ethelmere earle of Deuonshire and his people submit themselues to Swaine, he returneth into Denmarke, commeth back againe into England with a fresh power, is incountred withall of the Englishmen, whose king Egelred is discomfited, his oration to his souldiers touching the present reliefe of their distressed land, their resolution and full purpose in this their perplexitie, king Egelred is minded to giue place to Swaine, he sendeth his wife and children ouer into Normandie, the Londoners yeeld vp their state to Swaine, Egelred saileth oner into Normandie, leauing his land to the enimie.

Turkillus, the Danish captain, tells King Swaine about the faults of the king, nobles, and common people of this realm. He invades England, and the Northumbrians and others submit to him. The Danes, who were taken into service under Egelred, attack London. The citizens fight bravely and give the Danish forces a humiliating defeat. Ethelmere, the Earl of Devonshire, and his people surrender to Swaine. He returns to Denmark, then comes back to England with fresh troops. The English soldiers, led by their king Egelred, face him and suffer defeat. Egelred gives a speech to his men about relieving their struggling land, discussing their resolve and determination in this difficult situation. King Egelred decides to give in to Swaine, sending his wife and children to Normandy. The people of London surrender to Swaine, and Egelred sails to Normandy, leaving his land to the enemy.

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

Turkillus discloseth the secrets of the Realme to K. Swaine.
Simon Dun.
Now had Turkillus in the meanetime aduertised king Swaine in what state things stood here within the realme: how king Egelred was negligent, onlie attending to the lusts & pleasures of the flesh: how the noble men were vnfaithfull, and the commons weake and feeble through want of[Page 714] good and trustie leaders. Howbeit, some write, that Turkillus as well as other of the Danes which remained héere in England, was in league with king Egelred, in somuch that he was with him in London, to helpe and defend the citie against Swaine when he came to assalt it (as after shall appéere.) Which if it be true, a doubt may rise whether Swaine receiued anie aduertisement from Turkillus to mooue him the rather to inuade the realme: but such aduertisements might come from him before that he was accorded with Egelred.

Turkillus shares the secrets of the realm with King Swaine.
Simon Dun.
Meanwhile, Turkillus had informed King Swaine about the situation in the realm: how King Egelred was negligent, focused only on his own desires and pleasures; how the nobles were unfaithful, and how the common people were weak and vulnerable due to a lack of[Page 714] good and trustworthy leaders. However, some sources say that Turkillus, like other Danes who remained in England, was allied with King Egelred, to the extent that he was in London with him to help defend the city against Swaine when he attacked (as will be shown later). If this is true, it raises a question of whether Swaine received any information from Turkillus to encourage him to invade the realm, but such information might have come from him before he made an agreement with Egelred.

Swaine prepareth an armie to inuade England. Swaine therefore as a valiant prince, desirous both to reuenge his sisters death, and win honor, prepared an huge armie, and a great number of ships, with the which he made towards England, and first He landeth at Sandwich.
1013.
Gainsbourgh.
comming to Sandwich, taried there a small while, and taking eftsoones the sea, compassed about the coasts of Eastangles, and arriuing in the mouth of Humber, sailed vp the water, and entering into the riuer of Trent, he landed at Gainesbourgh, purposing to inuade the Northumbers. But as men brought into great feare, for that they had béene subiect to the Danes in times past, and thinking therefore not to reuolt to the enimie, but rather to their old acquaintance, if they should submit The Northumbers yéeld to Swaine.
The people of Lindsey yéeld themselues to him.
Simon Dun. themselues to the Danes, streightwaies offered to become subiect vnto Swaine, togither with their duke named Wighthred. Also the people of Lindsey and all those of the northside of Watlingstréet yéelded themselues vnto him, and delivered pledges. Then he appointed his sonne Cnutus to haue the kéeping of those pledges, and to remaine vpon the safegard of his ships, whiles he himselfe passed forward into the South Mercia. countrie. Then marched he forward to subdue them of south Mercia: and so came to Oxford & to Winchester, making the countries subiect to him throughout wheresoeuer he came.

Swaine gets an army ready to invade England. Swaine, as a brave prince eager to avenge his sister's death and gain honor, assembled a massive army and a large number of ships to head towards England. First, he He arrives at Sandwich.
1013.
Gainsborough.
arrived at Sandwich, stayed there for a short time, and then quickly took to the sea again, navigating around the coast of East Anglia. Upon reaching the mouth of the Humber, he sailed up the river and entered the Trent, landing at Gainsborough with the intention of invading the Northumbrians. However, fearing the Danes due to past experiences, they contemplated not rebelling against the enemy but rather returning to their former allies; thus, they swiftly offered to submit to Swaine along with their duke, Wighthred. Furthermore, the people of Lindsey and all those north of Watling Street also yielded to him and gave hostages. Swaine then appointed his son Cnut to take care of these hostages and stay with the ships while he ventured deeper into the South Mercia. countryside. He advanced to conquer South Mercia, reaching Oxford and Winchester, bringing the lands under his control wherever he went.

With this prosperous successe Swaine being greatlie incouraged, prepared to go vnto London, where king Egelred as then remained, hauing Sim. Dunel. with him Turkillus the Dane, which was reteined in wages with other of the Danes (as by report of some authors it maie appeare) and were now readie to defend the citie against their countriemen in support of king Egelred, togither with the citizens. Swaine, bicause he would not step so farre out of the way as to go to the next bridge, lost a great number of his men as he passed through the Thames. At his comming to Swaine assaulteth London. London, he began to assault the citie verie fiercelie, in hope either to put his enimie in such feare that he should despaire of all reliefe and comfort, or at the least trie what he was able to doo. The Londoners on the other part, although they were brought in some feare by this sudden attempt of the enimies, yet considering with themselues, that the hazard of all the whole state of the realme was annexed to Polydor. theirs, sith their citie was the chiefe and metropolitane of all the kingdome, they valiantlie stood in defense of themselues, and of their king that was present there with them, beating backe the enimies, chasing them from the walles, and otherwise dooing their best to kéepe them off. At length, although the Danes did most valiantlie assault the citie, yet the Englishmen to defend their prince from all iniurie of enimies, did not shrinke, but boldlie sallied foorth at the gates in heapes togither, and incountered with their aduersaries, and began to fight with them verie fiercelie.

With this successful outcome, Swain, feeling greatly encouraged, got ready to go to London, where King Ethelred was at that time, accompanied by Turkill the Dane, who was on the payroll along with other Danes (as some authors report) and were now ready to defend the city against their fellow countrymen in support of King Ethelred, along with the citizens. Swain, because he didn't want to go out of his way to the nearest bridge, lost a significant number of his men while crossing the Thames. Upon arriving in London, he began to fiercely assault the city, hoping either to scare his enemy into despair of all help and comfort, or at least to test his own capabilities. The Londoners, on the other hand, although initially frightened by this sudden attack from the enemies, realized that the fate of the whole kingdom depended on them, since their city was the capital of the whole realm. They bravely defended themselves and their king who was there with them, beating back the enemies, chasing them from the walls, and doing everything they could to keep them away. Eventually, even though the Danes attacked the city with great valor, the Englishmen, determined to protect their prince from all harm, did not back down; instead, they boldly charged out of the gates in groups, confronted their adversaries, and began to fight them fiercely.

Swaine whilest he went about to kéepe his men in order, as one most desirous to reteine the victorie now almost gotten, was compassed so about with the Londoners on each side, that after he had lost a great number of his men, he was constreined for his safegard to breake out through the midst of his enimies weapons, and was glad that he might so escape: and so with the residue of his armie ceassed not to iournie day Wil. Malm.
Polydor.
Erle of Deuonshire as saith Matt. West. and night till he came to Bath, where Ethelmere an earle of great power in those west parts of the realme submitted himselfe with all his people vnto him, who shortlie after neuerthelesse (as some write) was compelled through want of vittels to release the tribute latelie couenanted to be paied vnto him for a certeine summe of monie, which Swaine returneth into Denmarke. when hée had receiued, he returned into Denmarke, meaning shortlie to returne againe with a greater power.

Swaine, while trying to keep his men in line, eager to hold onto the victory he was about to secure, was surrounded by the Londoners on both sides. After losing a significant number of his men, he was forced to break through the middle of his enemies' weapons to escape safely, and he was glad to get away like that. So, with the rest of his army, he continued to march both day and night until he reached Bath. There, Ethelmere, an earl with considerable power in the western parts of the kingdom, submitted himself and all his people to him. However, shortly afterward, as some accounts say, he was compelled by a shortage of supplies to cancel the tribute that had been recently agreed upon to be paid to him for a certain amount of money, which Swaine received before returning to Denmark, intending to come back soon with a larger force.

King Egelred supposed that by the paiment of that monie he should haue[Page 715] béene rid out of all troubles, of warre with the Danes. But the nobles of the realme thought otherwise, and therefore willed him to prepare an Swaine returneth into England to make warre. armie with all speéd that might be made. Swaine taried not long (to proue the doubt of the noble men to be grounded of foreknowledge) but that with swift spéed he returned againe into England, and immediatlie vpon his arriuall was an armie of Englishmen assembled and led against him into the field. Herevpon they ioined in battell, which was sore foughten for a time, till at length by reason of diuerse Englishmen King Egelred discomfited in battell. that turned to the enimies side, the discomfiture fell with such slaughter vpon the English host, that king Egelred well perceiued the state of his regall gouernement to bée brought into vtter danger. Wherevpon after the losse of this field, he assembled the rest of his people that were escaped, and spake vnto them after this manner.

King Egelred thought that by paying that money, he would be rid of all troubles and the war with the Danes. But the nobles of the kingdom believed otherwise and advised him to prepare an army as quickly as possible. Swaine didn't wait long (to prove that the nobles' concerns were well-founded) and swiftly returned to England. Immediately upon his arrival, an army of Englishmen was gathered and led against him into battle. They engaged in a fierce fight for a while, but eventually, due to several Englishmen defecting to the enemy's side, the defeat was so devastating for the English forces that King Egelred realized his rule was in serious jeopardy. Following the loss of this battle, he gathered the remaining people who had escaped and spoke to them in this manner.

The oration of king Egelred to the remanent of his souldiers.

The speech of King Egelred to the rest of his soldiers.

"I shuld for euer be put to silence, if there wanted in vs the vertue of a fatherlie mind, in giuing good aduise & counsel for the well ordering and due administration of things in the common wealth, or if there lacked courage or might in our souldiers and men of warre to defend our countrie. Trulie to die in defense of the countrie where we are borne, I confesse it a woorthie thing, and I for my part am readie to take vpon me to enter into the midst of the enimies in defense of my kingdome. But here I see our countrie and the whole English nation to be at a point to fall into vtter ruine. We are ouercome of the Danes, not with weapon or force of armes; but with treason wrought by our owne people: we did at the first prepare a nauie against the enimies, the which that false traitour Elfrike betraid into their hands. Againe, oftentimes haue we giuen battell with euill successe, and onelie through the fault of our owne people that haue beene false and disloiall: whereby we haue bin constreined to agree with the enimies vpon dishonorable conditions, euen as necessitie required, which to ouercome, resteth onelie in God. Such kind of agreement hath beene made in deed to our destruction, sith the enimies haue not sticked to breake it (they being such a wicked kind of people as neither regard God nor man) contrarie to right and reason, and beside all our hope & expectation. So that the matter is come now to this passe, that we haue not cause onlie to feare the losse of our gouernement, but least the name of the whole English nation be destroied for euer. Therefore sithens the enimies are at hand, and as it were ouer our heads, you to whom my commandement hath euer bene had in good regard, prouide, take counsell, and see to succor the state of your countrie now readie to decay and to fall into irrecouerable ruine."

"I should forever be silenced if we lacked the virtue of a parental mindset in giving good advice and counsel for the proper organization and administration of affairs in the commonwealth, or if our soldiers and warriors lacked the courage or strength to defend our country. Truly, to die in defense of the land where we were born is, I admit, a worthy cause, and for my part, I am ready to confront the enemy to defend my kingdom. But I see our country and the entire English nation on the brink of total ruin. We have been overcome by the Danes, not through weapons or armed force, but through treachery committed by our own people. Initially, we prepared a navy against the enemies, which that false traitor Elfrike betrayed into their hands. Again and again, we have fought battles with poor outcomes, solely due to the betrayal and disloyalty of our own people, which has forced us to agree with the enemies under dishonorable terms, as necessity demanded, which we can only overcome with God's help. Such agreements have indeed led to our destruction, since the enemies have not hesitated to break them (being a wicked group that cares neither for God nor man) against all fairness and our hopes. The situation has reached a point where we not only fear losing our governance but also the possibility that the name of the entire English nation could be wiped out forever. Therefore, since the enemies are at hand and seem to be looming over us, you, to whom my authority has always been respected, prepare, take counsel, and see to it that you support the state of your country, now on the verge of decay and falling into irrecoverable ruin."

Herevpon they fell in consultation, euerie one alledging and bringing foorth his opinion as seemed to him best: but it appeared they had the woolfe by the eare, for they wist not which way to turne them. If they should giue battell, it was to be doubted least through treason among themselues, the armie should be betraied into the enimies hands, the which would not faile to execute all kind of crueltie in the slaughter of the whole nation. And if they stood not valiantlie to shew themselues readie to defend their countrie, there was no shift but yeeld themselues. Which though it were a thing reprochfull and dishonorable, yet should it be lesse euill, as they tooke the matter, for thereby might manie be preserued from death, and in time to come, be able to recouer the libertie of their countrie, when occasion should be offered. This point was allowed of them all, and so in the end they rested vpon that resolution.

Then they began to discuss, each one sharing his opinion as he thought best: but it seemed they were in a tough spot, as they didn't know which way to turn. If they fought, they feared that treachery among themselves could lead to their army being betrayed into the enemy's hands, who would surely carry out all kinds of cruelty in slaughtering the entire nation. And if they didn't stand bravely to show they were ready to defend their country, they had no choice but to surrender. Although that would be a shameful and dishonorable act, they believed it would be less evil, as it could save many from death and, in the future, allow them to regain their country's freedom when the opportunity arose. This point was agreed upon by all, and in the end, they settled on that resolution.

King Egelred determineth to give place vnto Swaine.
He sendeth his wife and sonnes ouer into Normandie.
Richard duke of Normandie. King Egelred therefore determined to commit himselfe into the hands of his brother in law Richard duke of Normandie, whose sister (as ye haue heard) he had maried. But bicause he would not doo this vnaduisedlie, first he sent ouer his wife quéene Emma, with his sonnes which he had begotten of hir, Alfred and Edward, that by their interteinment he might vnderstand how he should be welcome. Duke Richard receiued his sister and his nephues verie ioifullie, and promised to aid his brother king Egelred in defense of his kingdome. But in this meane while had Swaine conquered the more part of all England, and brought (by little[Page 716] and little) that which remained vnder his subiection. The people Simon Dun.
Hen. Hunt.
Turkill. 1014.
through feare submitting themselues on each hand, king Egelred in this meane time (for the Londoners had submitted themselues to Swaine) was first withdrawne vnto Gréenwich, and there remained for a time with the nauie of the Danes, which was vnder the gouernement of earle Turkill, and from thence sailed into the Ile of Wight, and there remained a great part of the winter, and finallie after Christmas himselfe sailed King Egelred passeth into Normandie. into Normandie, and was of his brother in law ioifullie receiued & greatlie comforted in that his time of necessitie.

King Egelred decides to yield to Swaine.
He sends his wife and sons to Normandy.
Richard, Duke of Normandy. King Egelred decided to entrust himself to his brother-in-law Richard, Duke of Normandy, whose sister (as you've heard) he had married. But because he didn’t want to do this hastily, he first sent his wife Queen Emma and their sons, Alfred and Edward, to see how they would be received. Duke Richard welcomed his sister and nephews joyfully and promised to support his brother King Egelred in defending his kingdom. In the meantime, Swaine had conquered most of England and was gradually bringing the remaining parts under his control. The people, out of fear, were submitting on all sides, while King Egelred (as the people of London had submitted to Swaine) first retreated to Greenwich, where he stayed for a time with the Danish fleet under Earl Turkill's command. From there, he sailed to the Isle of Wight and spent a significant part of the winter there, and finally, after Christmas, he himself sailed King Egelred goes to Normandy. to Normandy, where he was joyfully received and greatly comforted by his brother-in-law in his time of need.


Swaine king of Denmarke is reputed king of this land, he oppresseth the English people cruellie, and spoileth religious houses, the strange and miraculous slaughter of Swaine vaunting of his victories; the Danish chronicles write parciallie of him and his end, Cnute succeedeth his father Swaine in regiment, the Englishmen send king Egelred woord of Swaines death, Edward king Egelreds eldest sonne commeth ouer into England to know the state of the countrie and people of certeintie; Egelred with his power returneth into England; what meanes Cnute made to establish himselfe king of this land, and to be well thought of among the English people, Egelred burneth vp Gainesbrough, and killeth the inhabitants therof for their disloialtie; Cnutes flight to Sandwich, his cruel decree against the English pledges, he returneth into Denmarke, why Turkillus the Danish capteine with his power compounded with the Englishmen to tarrie in this land, his faithlesse seruice to Egelred, his drift to make the whole realme subiect to the Danish thraldome.

Swaine, the king of Denmark, is considered the king of this land. He cruelly oppresses the English people and plunders religious houses, boasting of his miraculous victories. The Danish chronicles tell a biased story about him and his fate. Cnute succeeds his father Swaine in ruling. The English send news to King Egelred about Swaine's death. Edward, Egelred's eldest son, comes to England to understand the state of the country and its people. Egelred, gathering his forces, returns to England. Cnute takes actions to establish himself as king of this land and to gain the favor of the English. Egelred destroys Gainsborough and kills its inhabitants for their disloyalty. Cnute's flight to Sandwich, his harsh decree against English hostages, and his return to Denmark are noted. Turkillus, the Danish captain, negotiates with the English to remain in this land, betraying Egelred and aiming to make the entire kingdom subject to Danish rule.

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

Swaine hauing now got the whole rule of the land, was reputed full king, and so commanded that his armie should be prouided of wages and vittels to be taken vp & leuied through the realme. In like maner Turkill commanded that to his armie lodged at Gréenewich, wages and vittels sufficient should be deliuered, for the finding, releeuing, Swaine handleth the Englishmen hardlie. succouring, and susteining thereof. Swaine vsed the victorie verie cruellie against the Englishmen, oppressing them on each hand; to the intent that them being brought low he might gouerne in more suertie. The yéere in which he obteined the rule thus of this realme, and that king Egelred was constreined to flie into Normandie, was in the 35 yeere of the same Egelred his reigne, and after the birth of our Lord 1014. Swaine being once established in the gouernment, did not onelie vse much crueltie in oppressing the laitie, but also stretched foorth his hand to the church, and to the ministers in the same, fléecing them and spoiling both churches and ministers, without anie remorse of conscience, insomuch that hauing a quarell against the inhabitants within the precinct of S. Edmunds land in Suffolke, he did not onelie harrie the countrie, but also rifled and spoiled the abbeie of Burie, where the bodie of saint Edmund rested.

Swaine, having taken full control of the land, was regarded as the true king, and he ordered that his army be given pay and provisions collected throughout the kingdom. Similarly, Turkill ordered that his army, stationed at Greenwich, receive enough wages and supplies for their support and sustenance. Swaine was very cruel in his victory against the English, oppressing them on all sides, aiming to bring them low so he could rule more securely. The year he took control of the kingdom, forcing King Egelred to flee to Normandy, was the 35th year of Egelred's reign, after the birth of our Lord in 1014. Once established in power, Swaine not only inflicted great cruelty on the common people but also targeted the church and its ministers, plundering them without any remorse. He even had a grudge against the people in the area of Saint Edmund's land in Suffolk, where he not only ravaged the countryside but also looted and destroyed the abbey of Bury, where the body of Saint Edmund was buried.

Fabian.
Simon Dun.
S. Edmund fighteth for the wealth, but not for the slaughter of his people.
1015.
Wherevpon shortlie after, as he was at Gainesbrough or Thetford (as some say) and there in his iollitie talked with his Nobles of his good successe in conquering of this land, he was suddenlie striken with a knife, as it is reported, miraculouslie, for no man wist how or by whome: and within thrée daies after, to wit, on the third of Februarie he ended his life with grieuous paine and torment in yelling and roring, by reason of his extreame anguish beyond all measure. There hath sproong a pleasant tale among the posteritie of that age, how he should be wounded with the same knife which king Edmund in his life Albertus Crantz.
Saxo Grammaticus.
time vsed to weare. Thus haue some of our writers reported, but the Danish chronicles report a farre more happie end which should chance to this Swaine, than is before mentioned out of our writers: for the said chronicles report, that after he had subdued England, he tooke order with king Egelred, whome they name amisse Adelstane, that he should not[Page 717] ordeine any other successor, but onlie the said Swaine. Then after this, he returned into Denmarke, where vsing himselfe like a right godlie prince, at length he there ended his life, being a verie old man.

Fabian.
Simon Dun.
S. Edmund fights for the riches, but not for the killing of his people.
1015.
Shortly after, while he was in Gainsborough or Thetford (as some say) and happily talking with his nobles about his success in conquering this land, he was suddenly attacked with a knife, as reported, in a miraculous way, for no one knew how or by whom. Three days later, on the third of February, he died in severe pain and torment, screaming and writhing due to his extreme anguish beyond all measure. A pleasant tale has arisen among the descendants of that age, suggesting that he was wounded with the same knife that King Edmund used to carry in his lifetime. Albertus Crantz.
Saxo Grammaticus.
However, the Danish chronicles tell a much more fortunate ending for this Swaine than what our writers have mentioned; they state that after he conquered England, he made an arrangement with King Egelred, whom they mistakenly call Adelstane, so that he would not appoint any other successor except for Swaine. After this, he returned to Denmark, where, living like a truly godly prince, he eventually passed away as a very old man.

Wil. Malmes.
H. Hunt.
Canute or Cnute. Notwithstanding all this, when or howsoeuer he died, immediatlie after his deceasse the Danes elected his sonne Cnute or Knought to succeed in his dominions. But the Englishmen of nothing more desirous than to shake off the yoke of Danish thraldome besides their necks & shoulders, streightwaies vpon knowledge had of Swaines death, with all spéed Eglered sent for home. aduertised king Egelred thereof, and that they were readie to receiue and assist him if he would make hast to come ouer to deliuer his countrie out of the hands of strangers. These newes were right ioiful vnto Egelred, who burning in desire to be reuenged on them that had expelled him out of his kingdome, made no longer tariance to set that Edmund K. Egelreds eldest sonne. enterprise forward. But yet doubting the inconstancie of the people, he sent his elder son (named Edmund) to trie the minds of them, and to vnderstand whether they were constant or wauering in that which they had promised.

Wil. Malmes.
H. Hunt.
Canute Even so, when and however he died, right after his passing, the Danes quickly chose his son Cnute or Knought to take over his lands. But the English were eager to throw off the Danish oppression hanging over their necks and shoulders. As soon as they learned of Swain's death, they swiftly informed King Egelred and told him they were ready to welcome and support him if he hurried back to free his country from foreign rule. This news brought great joy to Egelred, who was burning with the desire to take revenge on those who had driven him from his kingdom, so he wasted no time in moving that plan forward. Still wary of the people's instability, he sent his elder son, Edmund, to gauge their commitment and see if they were steadfast or wavering in their promises.

The yoong gentleman hasting ouer into England, and with diligent inquirie perceiuing how they were bent, returned with like spéed as he came into Normandie againe, declaring to his father, that all things were in safetie if he would make hast. King Egelred then conceiued King Egelred returneth into England. an assured hope to recouer his kingdom, aided with his brother in laws power, and trusting vpon the assistance of the Englishmen, returned into England in the time of Lent. His returne was ioifull and most acceptable to the English people, as to those that abhorred the rule of Canutes endeuor to establish himselfe in the kingdome. the Danes, which was most sharpe and bitter to them, although Cnute did what he could by bountifulnesse and courteous dealings to haue reteined them vnder his obeisance.

The young gentleman hurried back to England and, after carefully finding out how things stood, returned as quickly as he had come to Normandy, telling his father that everything was safe if he acted fast. King Egelred then felt hopeful about regaining his kingdom, supported by his brother-in-law’s strength, and relying on the help of the Englishmen, returned to England during Lent. His return was joyful and very welcomed by the English people, who hated the harsh rule of the Danes, which had been very hard and bitter for them, even though Cnut did his best with generosity and polite behavior to keep them under his control.

And of an intent to procure Gods fauour in the well ordering of things for the administration in the common wealth, he sought first to appease his wrath, and also to make amends to saint Edmund for his fathers offense committed (as was thought) against him: insomuch that after he S. Edmunds ditch. had obteined the kingdome, he caused a great ditch to be cast round about the land of saint Edmund, and granted manie fréedoms to the inhabitants, acquiting them of certeine taskes and paiments, vnto the which other of their neighbours were contributarie. He also builded a church on the place where saint Edmund was buried, and ordeined an house of moonks there, or rather remooued the canons or secular priests that were there afore, and put moonks in their roomes. He offered vp Polydor.
Fabian.
also his crowne vnto the same S. Edmund, and redéemed it againe with a great summe of monie, which maner of dooing grew into an vse vnto other kings that followed him. He adorned the church there with manie rich iewels, and indowed the monasterie with great possessions.

And with the intention of gaining God's favor by properly managing things for the administration of the commonwealth, he first tried to calm His anger and also to make up for his father’s offense against Saint Edmund. After he secured the kingdom, he had a large ditch dug around the land of Saint Edmund and granted many freedoms to the inhabitants, freeing them from certain tasks and payments that other neighbors still had to provide. He also built a church on the site where Saint Edmund was buried and established a house for monks there, or rather replaced the canons or secular priests who were there before with monks. He also offered his crown to Saint Edmund and redeemed it again with a large sum of money, which became a practice for other subsequent kings. He decorated the church with many valuable jewels and endowed the monastery with extensive possessions.

But these things were not done now at the first, but after that he was established in the kingdome. For in the meane time, after that king Egelred was returned out of Normandie, Cnute as then soiourning at Gainesbrough, remained there till the feast of Easter, and made agréement with them of Lindsey, so that finding him horsses, they should altogither go foorth to spoile their neighbors. King Egelred aduertised thereof, sped him thither with a mightie host, and with great crueltie burned vp the countrie, and slue the more part of the Canute driven to forsake the land. inhabitants, bicause they had taken part with his enimies. Cnute as then was not of power able to resist Egelred, and therefore taking his ships which lay in Humber, fled from thence, & sailed about the coast, He was driuen thither by force of contrarie winds as should appeare by Matth. West.
Will. Malmes.
till he came to Sandwich, and there sore gréeued in his mind to remember what mischéefe was fallen and chanced to his friends and The cruell decrée of Cnute against the English pledges. subiects of Lindsey, onelie for his cause; he commanded that such pledges as had béene deliuered to his father by certeine noble men of this realme, for assurance of their fidelities, should haue their noses slit, and their eares stuffed, or (as some write) their hands and noses cut off.

But these things didn't happen right away; they took place after he was established in the kingdom. In the meantime, after King Egelred returned from Normandy, Cnute, who was then staying in Gainsborough, remained there until Easter and made an agreement with the people of Lindsey. They would provide him with horses so they could all go out together to raid their neighbors. King Egelred learned of this and quickly marched there with a huge army, burning the countryside with great cruelty and killing most of the inhabitants because they had sided with his enemies. At that time, Cnute was not strong enough to resist Egelred, so he took his ships that were in the Humber, fled from there, and sailed around the coast until he arrived at Sandwich. There, he was deeply troubled as he remembered the misfortune that had befallen his friends and the subjects of Lindsey, solely because of him. In response, he ordered that the pledges that had been given to his father by certain nobles of this realm, as a guarantee of their loyalty, should have their noses sliced, their ears stuffed, or (as some write) their hands and noses cut off.

When this cruell act according to his commandement was doone, taking the sea, he sailed into Denmarke: but yet tooke not all the Danes with This Turkill was reteined in seruice with Egelred, as I thinke. him which his father brought thither. For earle Turkill perceiuing the wealthinesse of the land, compounded with the Englishmen, and chose rather to remaine in a region replenished with all riches, than to[Page 718] returne home into his owne countrie that wanted such commodities as were here to be had. And yet (as some thought) he did not forsake his souereigne lord Cnute for anie euill meaning towards him, but rather to aid him (when time serued) to recouer the possession of England againe, as it afterwards well appeared. For notwithstanding that he was now reteined by K. Egelred with fortie ships, and the flower of all the Danes that were men of warre, so that Cnute returned but with 60 ships into his countrie: yet shortlie after, erle Turkill with 9 of those ships sailed into Denmarke, submitted himselfe vnto Cnute, counselled him to returne into England, and promised him the assistance of the Encomium Emmæ. residue of those Danish ships which yet remained in England, being to the number of thirtie, with all the souldiers and mariners that to them belonged. To conclude, he did so much by his earnest persuasions, that Cnute (through aid of his brother Harrold king of Denmarke) got togither a nauie of two hundred ships, so roially decked, furnished, and appointed, both for braue shew and necessarie furniture of all maner of weapons, armor & munition, as it is strange to consider that which is written by them that liued in those daies, and tooke in hand to register the dooings of that time. Howbeit to let this pompe of Cnutes fléete passe, which (no doubt) was right roiall, consider a little and looke backe to Turkill, though a sworne seruant to king Egelred, how he did direct all his drift to the aduancement of Cnute, and his owne commoditie, cloking his purposed treacherie with pretended amitie, as shall appeare hereafter by his deadlie hostilitie.

When this cruel act was carried out under his command, he set sail for Denmark. However, he didn't take all the Danes with him that his father had brought there. Earl Turkill, realizing the wealth of the land, made a deal with the English and preferred to stay in a land abundant with riches rather than go back to his own country, which lacked such resources. Yet, as some believed, he didn't abandon his sovereign lord Cnute out of any ill will, but rather to help him regain possession of England when the time was right, as later events would show. Even though he was retained by King Egelred with forty ships and the best of all the Danes who were warriors—so that Cnute returned with only sixty ships to his homeland—shortly after, Earl Turkill sailed to Denmark with nine of those ships, submitted himself to Cnute, advised him to return to England, and promised him the support of the remaining thirty Danish ships still in England, along with all the soldiers and sailors who belonged to them. In the end, he persuaded Cnute so much that, with the help of his brother Harold, King of Denmark, he gathered a fleet of two hundred ships, splendidly adorned, equipped, and ready with all kinds of weapons, armor, and supplies, as it’s remarkable to read what those who lived at that time chronicled. However, to overlook the splendor of Cnute's fleet, which surely was royal, consider Turkill, although a sworn servant to King Egelred, directing all his efforts toward the advancement of Cnute and his own benefit, disguising his planned treachery with a facade of friendship, as will be revealed later through his deadly hostility.


A great waste by an inundation or inbreaking of the sea, a tribute of 30000 pounds to the Danes, king Egelred holdeth a councell at Oxford, where he causeth two noble men of the Danes to be murdered by treason, Edmund the kings eldest sonne marieth one of their wiues, and seizeth vpon his predecessors lands; Cnute the Danish king returneth into England, the Danish and English armies encounter, both susteine losse; Cnute maketh waste of certeine shires, Edmund preuenteth Edriks purposed treason, Edrike de Streona flieth to the Danes, the Westernemen yeeld to Cnute; Mercia refuseth to be subiect vnto him, Warwikeshire wasted by the Danes; Egelred assembleth an armie against them in vaine; Edmund & Vtred with ioined forces lay waste such countries and people as became subiect to Cnute; his policie to preuent their purpose, through what countries he passed, Vtred submitteth himselfe to Cnute, and deliuereth pledges, he is put to death and his lands álienated, Cnute pursueth Edmund to London, and prepareth to besiege the citie, the death and buriall of Egelred, his wiues, what issue he had by them, his unfortunatnesse, and to what affections and vices he was inclined, his too late and bootlesse seeking to releeue his decaied kingdome.

A major disaster caused by flooding or an invasion from the sea, a payment of 30,000 pounds to the Danes, King Egelred holds a council in Oxford, where he has two noble Danish men killed through treachery. Edmund, the king's oldest son, marries one of their wives and takes over his predecessor's lands. Cnute, the Danish king, returns to England, and the Danish and English armies clash, both suffering losses. Cnute devastates certain counties, while Edmund prevents Edrik's planned betrayal. Edrike de Streona flees to the Danes, the Westerners surrender to Cnute; Mercia refuses to submit to him, and Warwickshire is ravaged by the Danes. Egelred gathers an army against them in vain; Edmund and Utrid combine forces to destroy the territories and people that fall under Cnute's control. To thwart their plans, Utrid submits to Cnute and gives hostages; he is executed, and his lands are confiscated. Cnute chases Edmund to London and prepares to lay siege to the city. The death and burial of Egelred, his wives, the children he had with them, his misfortunes, and his inclinations towards certain emotions and vices, along with his belated and futile attempts to restore his crumbling kingdom.

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

But now to returne to our purpose, and to shew what chanced in England 1015. Matt. West. Simon Dun.
Wil. Malm.
after the departure of Cnute. In the same yeare to the forsaid accustomed mischiefes an vnwoonted misaduenture happened: for the sea rose with such high spring-tides, that ouerflowing the countries next adioining, diuers villages with the inhabitants were drowned and Matt. West. destroied. Also to increase the peoples miserie, king Egelred commanded, that 30000 pounds should be leuied to paie the tribute due to the Danes which lay at Gréenewich. This yeare also king Egelred held A councell at Oxford. Sigeferd and Morcad murdered. a councell at Oxford, at the which a great number of noble men were present, both Danes and Englishmen, and there did the king cause Sigeferd and Morcad two noble personages of the Danes to be murdered within his owne chamber, by the traitorous practise of Edrike de Streona, which accused them of some conspiracie. But the quarell was onelie as men supposed, for that the king had a desire to their goods and possessions. Their seruants tooke in hand to haue reuenged the[Page 719] death of their maisters, but were beaten backe, wherevpon they fled into the steeple of saint Friswids church, and kept the same, till fire was set vpon the place, and so they were burned to death. The wife of Sigeferd was taken, & sent to Malmsburie, being a woman of high fame and great worthinesse, wherevpon the kings eldest sonne named Edmund, tooke occasion vpon pretense of other businesse to go thither, and Edmund the kings eldest sonne marrieth the widow of Sigeferd. there to sée hir, with whome he fell so far in loue, that he tooke and maried hir. That doone, he required to haue hir husbands lands and possessions, which were an earles liuing, and lay in Northumberland. And when the king refused to graunt his request, he went thither, and seized the same possessions and lands into his hands, without hauing anie commission so to doo, finding the farmers and tenants there readie to receiue him for their lord.

But now let's get back to our topic and see what happened in England 1015. Matt. West. Simon Dun.
Wil. Malm.
after Cnut's departure. That year, amidst the usual troubles, an unusual disaster struck: the sea rose with such high tides that it flooded nearby areas, drowning several villages and their inhabitants, which were Matt. West. destroyed. To make matters worse, King Ethelred ordered that 30,000 pounds be raised to pay tribute to the Danes who were at Greenwich. That year, King Ethelred also held A council in Oxford. Sigeferd and Morcad were killed. a council in Oxford, attended by many nobles, both Danes and English. There, the king had Sigeferd and Morcad, two prominent Danes, murdered in his own chamber through the treacherous scheme of Edric Streona, who accused them of conspiracy. However, it was widely believed that the conflict was really about the king wanting their wealth and land. Their servants attempted to avenge their deaths but were driven back. They fled to the steeple of St. Frideswide's church, where they held out until the building was set on fire, resulting in their deaths. Sigeferd's wife was captured and sent to Malmesbury; she was a woman of great reputation and worth. This led to the king's eldest son, Edmund, seizing the opportunity under the pretext of other business to go there, and Edmund, the king's oldest son, marries Sigeferd's widow. when he saw her, he fell so deeply in love that he married her. After that, he requested to have her husband's lands and possessions, which were an earldom in Northumberland. When the king refused his request, he went there and took possession of the lands without any permission, finding the farmers and tenants ready to accept him as their lord.

Cnute returneth into England. Whilest these things were a dooing, Cnute hauing made his prouision of ships and men, with all necessarie furniture (as before ye haue heard) for his returne into England, set forward with full purpose, either to Encomium Emmæ. recouer the realme out of Egelreds hands, or to die in the quarrell. Herevpon he landed at Sandwich, and first earle Turkill obteined licence to go against the Englishmen that were assembled to resist the Danes, and finding them at a place called Scorastan, he gaue them the ouerthrow, got a great bootie, and returned therewith to the ships. After this, Edrike gouernor of Norwaie made a rode likewise into an other part of the countrie, & with a rich spoile, and manie prisoners, returned vnto the nauie. After this iournie atchiued thus by Edrike, Cnute commanded that they should not waste the countrie anie more, but gaue order to prepare all things readie to besiege London: but before Wil. Malm.
Hen. Hunt.
Matth. West.
Sim. Dun.
he attempted that enterprise, as others write, he marched foorth into Kent, or rather sailing round about that countrie, tooke his iournie westward, & came to Fromundham, and after departing from thence, wasted Dorsetshire, Summersetshire, & Wiltshire.

Cnute returns to England. While these events were unfolding, Cnute had made arrangements for ships and men, with all necessary supplies (as you have heard before) for his return to England. He set out with the full intention of either reclaiming the realm from Egelred’s hands or dying in the attempt. Consequently, he landed at Sandwich, and first, Earl Turkill obtained permission to engage the Englishmen gathered to resist the Danes. Finding them at a place called Scorastan, he defeated them, secured a significant amount of loot, and returned with it to the ships. Following this, Edrike, governor of Norway, conducted a raid into another part of the country and returned to the fleet with rich spoils and many prisoners. After this successful excursion by Edrike, Cnute ordered that they should no longer ravage the countryside but instead prepare everything necessary to besiege London. However, before undertaking that mission, as others recount, he marched into Kent, or rather sailed around that area, headed westward, and arrived at Fromundham. After leaving there, he pillaged Dorsetshire, Somersetshire, and Wiltshire.

King Egelred sicke. Matth. West. King Egelred in this meane time lay sicke at Cossam; and his sonne Edmund had got togither a mightie hoast, howbeit yer he came to ioine battell with his enimies, he was aduertised, that earle Edrike went about to betraie him, and therefore he withdrew with the armie into a
Edrike de Streona fléeth to the Danes.
The west countrie The people of Mercia would not yéeld.
Simon Dun.
Matth. West.
Hen. Hunt.
1016. place of suertie. But Edrike to make his tratorous purpose manifest to the whole world, fled to the enimies with fortie of the kings ships, fraught with Danish souldiers. Herevpon, all the west countrie submitted it selfe vnto Cnute, who receiued pledges of the chiefe lords and nobles, and then set forward to subdue them of Mercia. The people of that countrie would not yéeld, but determined to defend the quarrell and title of king Egelred, so long as they might haue anie capteine that would stand with them, and helpe to order them. In the yeare 1016, in Christmas, Cnute and earle Edrike passed the Thames at Kirkelade, & entring into Mercia, cruellie began with fire and sword to waste and Warwikeshire wasted by the Danes. destroie the countrie, and namelie Warwikeshire.

King Egelred is ill. Matt. West. At this time, King Egelred was sick in Cossam, and his son Edmund had gathered a large army. However, before he could engage in battle with his enemies, he was warned that Earl Edrike was plotting to betray him, so he retreated with the army to a safe place. Edrike de Streona flees to the Danes.
The people of Mercia in the western region would not surrender.
Simon Dun.
Matth. West.
Hen. Hunt.
1016. To make his treacherous intentions clear to everyone, Edrike fled to the enemies with forty of the king's ships filled with Danish soldiers. As a result, all the west country submitted to Cnute, who accepted pledges from the chief lords and nobles, then advanced to conquer Mercia. The people of that region refused to surrender and were determined to defend the cause and claim of King Egelred for as long as they had any leader willing to stand with them and help organize their efforts. In the year 1016, at Christmas, Cnute and Earl Edrike crossed the Thames at Kirkelade and entered Mercia, ruthlessly beginning to ravage and destroy the land, particularly Warwickshire. Warwickshire devastated by the Danes.

King Egelred recovered of his sicknesse.
He assembleth an armie in vaine.
In the meane time was king Egelred recouered of his sicknesse, and sent summons foorth to raise all his power, appointing euerie man to resort vnto him, that he might incounter the enimies and giue them battell. But yet when his people were assembled, he was warned to take héed vnto himselfe, and in anie wise to beware how he gaue battell, for his owne subiects were purposed to betraie him. Herevpon the armie brake vp, & king Egelred withdrew to London, there to abide his enimies within the walles, with whom in the field he doubted to trie the battell. His Wil. Malm.
Edmund king Egelreds sonne.
sonne Edmund got him to Vtred, an earle of great power, inhabiting beyond Humber, and persuading him to ioine his forces with his, forth they went to waste those countries that were become subiect to Cnute, as Staffordshire, Leicestershire, and Shropshire, not sparing to exercise great crueltie vpon the inhabitants, as a punishment for their reuolting, that others might take example thereby.

King Egelred got better from his illness.
He assembled an army, but it was pointless.
In the meantime, King Egelred had recovered from his illness and sent out summons to raise all his forces, instructing everyone to come to him so that he could confront the enemies and give them battle. However, once his people were gathered, he was warned to be cautious and to avoid engaging in battle, as some of his own subjects were planning to betray him. Consequently, the army disbanded, and King Egelred retreated to London, intending to wait for his enemies within the walls, as he was hesitant to face them in the field. His Edmund, son of King Egelred. son Edmund went to Utrid, a powerful earl living beyond the Humber, and persuaded him to join forces with him. Together, they set out to devastate those regions that had submitted to Cnute, including Staffordshire, Leicestershire, and Shropshire, showing no mercy as they inflicted great cruelty upon the inhabitants as punishment for their rebellion, hoping to set an example for others.

Cnute, what countries he passed through. But Cnute perceiuing whereabout they went, politikelie deuised to frustrate their purpose, and with dooing of like hurt in all places where he came, passed through Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, Huntingtonshire, and so through the fens came to Stamford, and then entred into Lincolnshire, and from thence into Notinghamshire, & so into Yorkeshire, not sparing to doo what mischiefe might be deuised in all places where he came. Vtred aduertised hereof, was constreined to depart home to saue his owne countrie from present destruction, and[Page 720] therefore comming backe into Northumberland, & perceiuing himselfe not able to resist the puissant force of his enimies, was constreined to Earle Vtred deliuered pledges to Cnute.
Aliùs Egricus.
deliuer pledges, and submit himselfe vnto Cnute. But yet was he not hereby warranted from danger, for shortlie after he was taken, and put to death, and then were his lands giuen vnto one Iricke or Iricius, whome afterward Cnute did banish out of the realme, because that he did attempt to chalenge like authoritie to him in all points as Cnute himselfe had. After that Cnute had subdued the Northumbers, he pursued Edmund, till he heard that he had taken London for his refuge, and staied there with his father. Then did Cnute take his ships, and came Cnute prepareth to besiege London. about to the coasts of Kent, preparing to besiege the citie of London.

Cnute, the countries he traveled through. But Cnute, realizing where they were headed, cleverly devised a plan to thwart their goals. As he caused harm throughout the places he visited, he made his way through Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, Huntingtonshire, and then through the fens to Stamford. From there, he entered Lincolnshire, and then Nottinghamshire, and continued on to Yorkshire, causing destruction wherever he went. Uhtred, being informed of this, felt compelled to return home to protect his own territory from imminent ruin, and[Page 720] so he came back to Northumberland. Seeing that he was unable to resist the powerful forces of his enemies, he was forced toEarl Uhtred made promises to Cnute.
Aliùs Egricus.
deliver pledges and submit to Cnute. However, this did not protect him from danger, as shortly after, he was captured and executed. His lands were then granted to a man named Irick or Iricius, who was later banished from the kingdom by Cnute because he tried to claim the same authority for himself that Cnute held. After Cnute had conquered the Northumbrians, he pursued Edmund until he learned that Edmund had taken refuge in London with his father. At that point, Cnute took his ships and wentCnute gets ready to besiege London. to the Kent coast, preparing to lay siege to the city of London.

King Egelred departed this life. Simon Dun.
Matth. West.
In the meane time, king Egelred sore worne with long sicknesse, departed this life on the 23 of Aprill, being saint Georges day, or (as others say) on saint Gregories day, being the 12 of March, but I take this to be an error growen, by mistaking the feast-day of saint
He is buried in the church of S. Paul at London.
Gregorie for saint George. He reigned the tearme of 37 yeares, or little lesse. His bodie was buried in the church of saint Pauls, in the north Ile besids the quéere, as by a memoriall there on the wall it maie appeare. He had two wiues (as before is mentioned.) By Elgina his first wife he had issue thrée sonnes, Edmund, Edwine, and Adelstane; besides one daughter named Egiua. By his second wife Emma, daughter to Richard the first of that name, duke of Normandie, and sister to Richard the second, he had two sonnes, Alfrid and Edward.

King Egelred has died. Simon Dun.
Matth. West.
Meanwhile, King Egelred, worn down by a long illness, passed away on April 23, which is Saint George's Day, or (as some say) on Saint Gregory's Day, which is March 12. However, I believe this is an error due to confusing the feast day of Saint Gregory with Saint George. He is buried in St. Paul's Church in London. He reigned for about 37 years. His body was buried in the church of St. Paul's, in the north aisle beside the choir, as is indicated by a memorial on the wall there. He had two wives (as mentioned earlier). With his first wife, Elgina, he had three sons: Edmund, Edwin, and Adelstan; as well as a daughter named Egiua. With his second wife, Emma, the daughter of Richard I of Normandy and sister of Richard II, he had two sons, Alfrid and Edward.

This Egelred (as you haue heard) had euill successe in his warres against the Danes, and besides the calamitie that fell thereby to his people, manie other miseries oppressed this land in his daies, not so much through his lacke of courage and slouthfull negligence, as by The pride of king Egelred alienated the harts of his people. reason of his presumptuous pride, whereby he alienated the hearts of his people from him. His affections he could not rule, but was led by them without order of reason, for he did not onlie disherit diuerse of his owne English subiects without apparant cause of offense by plaine forged cauillations; and also caused all the Danes to be murdered through his realme in one day, by some light suspicion of their euill meanings: but also gaue himselfe to lecherous lusts, in abusing his bodie with naughtie strumpets, forsaking the bed of his owne lawfull wife, to the great infamie & shame of that high degrée of maiestie, which by his kinglie office he bare and susteined. To conclude, he was from his tender youth more apt to idle rest, than to the exercise of warres; more giuen to pleasures of the bodie, than to anie vertues of the mind: although that toward his latter end, being growen into age, and taught by long experience of worldlie affaires, and proofe of passed miseries, he sought (though in vaine) to haue recouered the decaied state of his common wealth and countrie.

This Egelred (as you have heard) had bad luck in his wars against the Danes, and besides the disaster that fell on his people, many other hardships plagued this land during his reign, not so much due to his lack of courage and lazy negligence, but because of his arrogant pride, which drove the hearts of his people away from him. He couldn't control his feelings and was led by them without any sense of reason, as he not only disinherited several of his own English subjects without any clear cause of offense through outright false claims; he also ordered the murder of all Danes in his realm in one day based on some flimsy suspicion of their bad intentions. Additionally, he indulged in lewd desires, misusing his body with immoral prostitutes, abandoning the bed of his lawful wife, which brought great infamy and shame to the high status of majesty that he held as king. In conclusion, from his youth, he was more inclined to laziness than to the discipline of war, more focused on physical pleasures than on any virtues of the mind; although, toward the end of his life, having aged and learned from long experiences with worldly affairs and the trials of past miseries, he sought (though in vain) to restore the decayed state of his commonwealth and country.

¶ In this Egelreds time, and (as it is recorded by a British chronographer) in the yéere of our Lord 984, one Cadwalhon, the second sonne of Ieuaf tooke in hand the gouernance of Northwales, and first made warre with Ionauall his coosen, the sonne of Meyric, and right heire to the land, and slue him, but Edwall the yoongest brother escaped awaie priuilie. The yéere following, Meredith the sonne of Owen king or prince of Southwales, with all his power entered into Northwales, and in fight slue Cadwalhon the sonne of Ieuaf, and Meyric his brother, and conquered the land to himselfe. Wherein a man maie sée Sée the historie of Cambria pag. 62, 63. how God punished the wrong, which Iago and Ieuaf the sonnes of Edwall Voell did to their eldest brother Meyric, who was first disherited, and afterward his eies put out, and one of his sonnes slaine. For first Ieuaf was imprisoned by Iago; then Iago with his sonne Constantine, by Howell the son of Ieuaf: and afterward the said Howell, with his brethren Cadwalhon and Meyric, were slaine and spoiled of all their lands.

¶ During Egelred's time, and as noted by a British chronicler, in the year 984 AD, a man named Cadwalhon, the second son of Ieuaf, took control of North Wales. He initially went to war against his cousin Ionauall, the son of Meyric and the rightful heir to the land, and killed him, but Edwall, the youngest brother, managed to escape secretly. The following year, Meredith, the son of Owen, the king or prince of South Wales, came with all his power into North Wales and killed Cadwalhon, the son of Ieuaf, along with his brother Meyric, thus conquering the land for himself. Here, one can see See the history of Cambria, pages 62 and 63. how God punished the wrongs that Iago and Ieuaf, the sons of Edwall Voell, did to their eldest brother Meyric, who was first disinherited, then blinded, and had one of his sons killed. First, Ieuaf was imprisoned by Iago; then Iago, along with his son Constantine, was dealt with by Howell, the son of Ieuaf. Later, Howell and his brothers Cadwalhon and Meyric were killed and stripped of all their lands.


[Page 721]

[Page 721]

Edmund Ironside succedeth his father in the kingdome, the spiritualtie favouring Cnute would haue him to be king, the Londoners are his backe friends, they receiue Edmund their king honorablie and ioifullie, Cnute is proclaimed king at Southampton, manie of the states cleaue vnto him, he besiegeth London by water and land, the citizens giue him the foile, he incountreth with king Edmund and is discomfited, two battels fought betweene the Danes and English with equall fortune and like successe, the traitorous stratagem of Edrike the Dane, king Edmund aduisedlie defeateth Edriks trecherie, 20000 of both armies slaine, Cnute marching towards London is pursued of Edmund, the Danes are repelled, incountred, and vanquished; queene Emma prouideth for the safetie of hir sonnes; the Danes seeke a pacification with Edmund, thereby more easilie to betraie him; Cnute with his armie lieth neere Rochester, king Edmund pursueth them, both armies haue a long and a sore conflict, the Danes discomfited, and manie of them slaine; Cnute with his power assemble at Essex and there make waste, king Edmund pursuith them, Edrike traitorouslie reuolteth from the English to succour the Danes, king Edmund is forced to get him out of the field, the Englishmen put to their hard shifts and slaine by heapes; what noble personages were killed in this battell, of two dead bodies latelie found in the place where this hot and heauie skirmish was fought.

Edmund Ironside succeeds his father as king, and the clergy supporting Cnut want him to reign. The people of London stand behind Edmund, welcoming him as their king with honor and joy. Cnut is proclaimed king in Southampton, gaining the allegiance of many nobles. He lays siege to London by land and sea, but the citizens successfully fend him off. Cnut engages in battle with King Edmund and faces defeat. Two battles are fought between the Danes and the English, both with equal outcomes. The treacherous plan of Edrik the Dane is wisely thwarted by King Edmund; 20,000 soldiers from both sides are killed. As Cnut marches towards London, he is pursued by Edmund, and the Danes are repelled, confronted, and defeated. Queen Emma makes provisions for the safety of her sons. The Danes seek peace with Edmund, intending to betray him more easily. Cnut, with his army, camps near Rochester, and King Edmund tracks them down. Both armies engage in a long and fierce conflict, resulting in defeat for the Danes, with many slain. Cnut then gathers his forces in Essex, causing destruction, and King Edmund continues to pursue them. Edrik treacherously defects from the English to help the Danes. King Edmund is forced to withdraw from the battlefield, with Englishmen facing dire circumstances and falling in large numbers. Many noble figures were killed in this battle, with two bodies recently discovered where this intense and heavy skirmish took place.

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

EDMUND IRONSIDE. After that king Egelred was dead, his eldest sonne Edmund surnamed Ironside was proclaimed king by the Londoners and others, hauing the assistance of some lords of the realme, although the more part, and The kingdom goeth where the spiritualtie fauoreth. speciallie those of the spiritualtie fauoured Cnute, bicause they had aforetime sworne fealtie to his father. Some write, that Cnute had planted his siege both by water and land verie stronglie about the citie of London, before Egelred departed this life, and immediatlie vpon his deceasse was receiued into the citie; but the armie that was within the citie, not consenting vnto the surrender made by the citizens, departed the night before the day on the which Cnute by appointment should enter, and in companie of Edmund Ironside (whome they had chosen to be their king and gouernour) they prepared to increase their numbers with new supplies, meaning eftsoones to trie the The author of the booke intitled Encomium Emmæ saith that it was reported that Edmund offered the combate unto Cnute at this his going from the citie but Cnute refused it. fortune of battell against the Danish power. Cnute perceiuing the most part of all the realme to be thus against him, and hauing no great confidence in the loialtie of the Londoners, tooke order to leauie monie for the paiment of his men of warre and mariners that belonged to his nauie, left the citie, and imbarking himselfe, sailed to the Ile of Shepie, and there remained all the winter. In which meane while, Edmund Ironside came to London, where he was ioifullie receiued of the citizens, and continuing there till the spring of the yeere, made himselfe strong against the enimies.

EDMUND IRONSIDE. After King Egelred died, his eldest son, Edmund, nicknamed Ironside, was proclaimed king by the Londoners and others, with help from some lords of the realm, although most, particularly those from the church, supported Cnute because they had previously sworn loyalty to his father. Some say that Cnute had set up a strong siege by both land and water around the city of London before Egelred passed away, and immediately after his death, Cnute was welcomed into the city. However, the army inside the city, not agreeing with the surrender made by the citizens, left the night before the day Cnute was supposed to enter, and, along with Edmund Ironside (whom they had chosen as their king and leader), they planned to strengthen their numbers with new reinforcements, intending to test their fortune in battle against the Danish forces. Cnute, realizing that most of the realm was against him and lacking trust in the loyalty of the Londoners, arranged to raise money to pay his soldiers and sailors, left the city, and boarded his ships, sailing to the Isle of Sheppey, where he stayed all winter. Meanwhile, Edmund Ironside arrived in London, where he was joyfully received by the citizens, and he stayed there until spring, preparing to strengthen his position against the enemies.

1016. This Edmund for his noble courage, strength of bodie, and notable patience to indure and suffer all such hardnesse and paines as is requisite in a man of warre, was surnamed Ironside, & began his reigne in the yéere of our Lord 1016, in the sixtéenth yéere of the emperor Henrie the second surnamed Claudius, in the twentieth yéere of the reigne of Robert king of France, & about the sixt yéere of Malcolme the second king of the Scots. After that king Edmund had receiued the crowne in the citie of London by the hands of the archbishop of Yorke, he assembled togither such a power as he could make, and with the same marched foorth towards the west parts, and made the countrie subiect to Ran. Higd. him. In the meane time was Cnute proclaimed and ordeined king at Southampton by the bishops and abbats, and diuerse lords also of the temporaltie there tógither assembled, vnto whome he sware to be their good and faithfull souereigne, and that he would sée iustice trulie and vprightlie ministred.

1016. Edmund, known for his bravery, physical strength, and remarkable patience to endure all the hardships and pains required of a warrior, was given the nickname Ironside. He began his reign in the year 1016, during the sixteenth year of the reign of Emperor Henry II, also called Claudius, in the twentieth year of King Robert of France's reign, and around the sixth year of Malcolm II's reign as King of the Scots. After King Edmund received the crown in the city of London from the Archbishop of York, he gathered as many forces as he could and marched west, bringing the region under his control. Meanwhile, Cnut was proclaimed and appointed king in Southampton by the bishops, abbots, and several lords of the realm gathered there, to whom he swore to be their loyal and faithful sovereign, promising to ensure that justice was administered truly and fairly.

Hen. Hunt.
Simon Dun.
London besieged. After he had ended his businesse at Southampton, he drew with his people towards London, and comming thither, besieged the citie both by water and land, causing a great trench to be cast about it, so that no man might either get in or come foorth. Manie great assalts he caused[Page 722] to be giuen vnto the citie, but the Londoners and others within so valiantlie defended the wals and gates, that the enimies got small aduantage, and at length were constreined to depart with losse. Cnute then perceiuing that he might not haue his purpose there, withdrew Cnute at Gillingham in Dorsetshire put to flight. Polydor. westward, and besides Gillingham in Dorsetshire, incountred with K. Edmund in the Rogation weeke, and after sore & sharpe battell was put to the woorse, and constreined to forsake the field by the high prowesse & manhood of the said Edmund. King Cnute the same night, after the armies were seuered, departed towards Winchester, so to get himselfe out of danger. Shortlie after, king Edmund hearing that an Salisburie besieged. other armie of the Danes had besieged Salisburie, marched thither to succour them within, and immediatlie Cnute followed him, so that at a Simon Dun.
Matth. West.
Wil. Malm.
A battel with equall fortune. place in Worcestershire called Scorastan, on the foure and twentith of June, they incountred togither, and fought a verie cruell battell, which at length the night parted with equall fortune. And likewise on
An other battel with like successes.
the next day they buckled togither againe, and fought with like successe as they had doone the day before, for towards euening they gaue ouer well wearied, and not knowing to whome the victorie ought to be ascribed.

Hen. Hunt.
Simon Dun.
London under siege. After finishing his business at Southampton, he moved with his army towards London, and upon arriving, he besieged the city by both land and river. He had a large trench dug around it, preventing anyone from entering or leaving. He directed many fierce assaults on the city, but the Londoners and others inside defended the walls and gates so bravely that the enemies gained little advantage and were eventually forced to retreat with losses. Realizing he couldn't achieve his goal there, Cnute pulled backCnute at Gillingham in Dorsetshire was defeated. Polydor. to the west, and near Gillingham in Dorsetshire, he encountered King Edmund during Rogation week. After a fierce and intense battle, Cnute was worsted and forced to abandon the field due to the great bravery and skill of Edmund. That same night, after the armies separated, King Cnute headed towards Winchester to escape the danger. Shortly afterward, King Edmund learned that another Danish army had besieged Salisbury, so he marched there to aid the defenders. Cnute immediately followed him, and onSimon Dun.
Matth. West.
Wil. Malm.
A battle with equal odds. the 24th of June, they clashed in Worcestershire at a place called Scorastan, engaging in a very brutal battle, which ultimately ended in a standoff as night fell. The next day, they fought again with similar outcomes as the previous day; by evening, both sides grew weary and were unsure to whom the victory should be credited.

Edrike de Streona his treason. Simon Dun. Writers haue reported, that this second day, when duke Edrike perceiued the Englishmen to be at point to haue got the vpper hand, he withdrew aside, and hauing by chance slaine a common souldier called Osmear, which in visage much resembled king Edmund, whose head he cut off, held it vp, & shaking his swoord bloudie with the slaughter, cried to the Englishmen; "Flée ye wretches, flee and get awaie, for your king is dead, behold heere his head which I hold in my hands." Héerewith had the Englishmen fled immediatlie, if king Edmund aduised of this stratagem, had not quicklie got him to an high ground where his men might seé him aliue and lustie. Héerewith also the traitor Edrike escaped hardlie the danger of death, the Englishmen shot so egerlie at him. At length, as is said, the night parting them in sunder, they withdrew the one armie from the other, as it had béene by consent. The third day they remained in armor, but yet absteining from battell, sate still, in taking meate and drinke to relieue their wearied bodies, and Twentie thousand dead bodies. after gathered in heapes the dead carcases that had béene slaine in the former fight, the number of which on either partie reckoned, rose to the point of twentie thousand and aboue.

Edrike de Streona's betrayal. Simon Dun. Writers have reported that on the second day, when Duke Edrike noticed the English were about to gain the upper hand, he stepped aside and, by chance, killed a common soldier named Osmear, who looked much like King Edmund. He cut off Osmear's head, held it up, and, shaking his bloody sword, yelled to the English, "Run, you wretches, run and get away, for your king is dead! Look, here’s his head in my hands." The English would have fled immediately if King Edmund, aware of this trick, hadn’t quickly moved to a high ground where his men could see him alive and well. Because of this, the traitor Edrike narrowly escaped death, as the English shot at him eagerly. Eventually, as it’s said, night separated them, and both armies withdrew as if by agreement. On the third day, they stayed in armor but refrained from battle, resting and eating to regain their strength. They then gathered the dead bodies from the previous fight, which, when counted on both sides, totaled over twenty thousand.

The armies dislodged. In the night following, Cnute remooued his campe in secret wise, and marched towards London, which citie in a maner remained besieged by the nauie of the Danes. King Edmund in the morning when the light had discouered the departure of his enimies, followed them by the tract, and comming to London with small adoo remooued the siege, and entered The Danes ouercome at Brentford. Wil. Malm.
Hen. Hunt.
Fabian.
Caxton.
Polydor.
the citie like a conqueror. Shortlie after he fought with the Danes at Brentford, and gaue them a great ouerthrow. In this meane while queene Emma the widow of king Egelred, doubting the fortune of the warre, sent hir two sonnes Alfred and Edward ouer into Normandie vnto hir brother duke Richard, or rather fled thither hirselfe with them (as some write.)

The armies were dislodged. That night, Cnute secretly moved his camp and marched toward London, which was effectively under siege by the Danish navy. King Edmund, upon discovering the departure of his enemies with the morning light, followed their trail, and arriving in London, quickly lifted the siege and entered the city like a conqueror. Shortly after, he fought the Danes at Brentford and dealt them a significant defeat. Meanwhile, Queen Emma, the widow of King Egelred, fearing the outcome of the war, sent her two sons, Alfred and Edward, to Normandy to stay with her brother, Duke Richard, or some say she fled there herself with them. The Danes win at Brentford. Wil. Malm.
Hen. Hunt.
Fabian.
Caxton.
Polydor.

Moreouer, earle Edrike, perceiuing the great manhood of king Edmund, began to feare, least in the end he should subdue and vanquish the Danes, wherefore he sought meanes to conclude a peace, and take such order with him as might stand with both their contentations, which yer long he brought about. This was doone (as you shall heare) by the Henr. Hunt. consent of Cnute (as some write) to the intent that Edrike being put in trust with king Edmund, might the more easilie deuise waies how to betraie him. But Cnute disappointed of his purpose at London, and fetching a great bootie and preie out of the countries next adjoining, repared to his ships, to sée what order was amongst them, which a little before were withdrawen into the riuer that passeth by Rochester The river of Medwaie. called Medwaie. Héere Cnute remained certeine daies, both to assemble a greater power, and also to hearken and learne what his enimies ment to doo, the which he easilie vnderstood.

Moreover, Earl Edrick, noticing King Edmund's great bravery, began to worry that eventually he would conquer and defeat the Danes. Therefore, he sought ways to negotiate peace and come up with an agreement that would satisfy both of them, which he managed to arrange soon after. This was done (as you will hear) with the consent of Cnut (as some write), so that Edrick, being trusted by King Edmund, could more easily plot ways to betray him. However, Cnut was foiled in his plans at London, and after collecting a significant amount of loot and plunder from the neighboring lands, he prepared to return to his ships to check on the situation of his forces, which had recently retreated into the river near Rochester, called Medway. Here, Cnut spent several days both to gather a larger army and to listen in and understand what his enemies intended to do, which he easily figured out.

King Edmund's diligence. King Edmund, who hated nothing woorse than to linger his businesse, assembled his people, and marching forward toward his enimies, approched néere vnto them, & pitcht downe his tents not farre from his enimies campe, exhorting his people to remember their passed victories, and to doo their good willes, at length by one battell so to ouerthrow them, that they might make an end of the warre, and dispatch them[Page 723] cleerelie out of the realme. With these and the like woords he did so incourage his souldiers, that they disdaining thus to haue the enimies dailie prouoke them, and to put them to trouble, with eger minds and fierce courages offered battell to the Danes, which Cnute had prepared to receiue whensoeuer the Englishmen approched: and heerewith bringing his men into araie, he came foorth to méet his enimies. Then was the The battell is begun. battell begun with great earnestnesse on both sides, & continued foure houres, till at length the Danes began somewhat to shrinke, which when Cnute perceiued, he commanded his horssemen to come forward into the forepart of his dawnted host.

King Edmund's hard work. King Edmund, who hated nothing more than to waste time on his business, gathered his people and marched forward towards his enemies. He set up his tents not far from the enemy camp, urging his men to remember their past victories and to channel their determination into a single battle that would defeat them once and for all, clearing them out of the realm. With words like these, he encouraged his soldiers so much that they were determined not to let the enemies provoke them continually and trouble them, and with eager minds and fierce spirits, they challenged the Danes, whom Cnute had prepared to face whenever the English approached. With this, he brought his men into battle formation and went out to meet his enemies. Then theThe battle has begun. battle began with great intensity on both sides and lasted four hours, until finally the Danes started to falter. When Cnute noticed this, he ordered his horsemen to move forward to the front of his demoralized army.

The Danes put to flight. But whilest one part of the Danes gaue backe with feare, and the other came slowlie forward, the arraie of the whole armie was broken, & then

The number of Danes slaine.
Polydor.
Fabian.
Ran. Higd.
Matt. West.
Hen. Hunt.
Will. Malmes.
without respect of shame they fled amaine, so that there died that day of Cnutes side foure thousand and fiue hundred men; and of king Edmunds side, not past six hundred, and those were footmen. This battell was fought as should appéere by diuerse writers, at Okefort or Oteford. It was thought, that if king Edmund had pursued the victorie and followed in chase of his enimies in such wise as he safelie might haue doone, he had made that day an end of the warres: but he was counselled by Edrike Edriks counsell. (as some write) in no condition to follow them, but to staie and giue time to his people to refresh their wearie bodies. Then Cnute with his armie passed ouer the Thames into Essex, and there assembled all his power togither, and began to spoile and waste the countrie on each hand. King Edmund aduertised thereof, hasted foorth to succour his people, and at Ashdone in Essex three miles from Saffron Walden, gaue battell to Cnute, where after sore and cruell fight continued with great slaughter on both sides a long time, duke Edrike fled to the comfort of the Danes, and to the discomfort of the Englishmen.

The Danes ran away. But while one part of the Danes retreated in fear, the other advanced slowly, causing the entire army's formation to break. The number of Danes killed. Polydor.
Fabian.
Ran. Higd.
Matt. West.
Hen. Hunt.
Will. Malmes.
Without any shame, they fled in a hurry, resulting in the death of four thousand five hundred men on Cnut's side, and not more than six hundred on King Edmund's side, which were all foot soldiers. This battle, as noted by various writers, was fought at Okefort or Oteford. It was believed that if King Edmund had pursued the victory and chased his enemies as safely as he could, he would have ended the war that day. However, he was advised by Edrik Edrik's tips. (as some write) not to follow them under any circumstances, but to wait and give his men time to rest their weary bodies. Then Cnut and his army crossed the Thames into Essex, where he gathered all his forces and began to plunder and ravage the countryside on all sides. King Edmund, informed of this, hurried to assist his people, and at Ashdone in Essex, three miles from Saffron Walden, he engaged in battle with Cnut, where, after a prolonged and fierce fight with heavy casualties on both sides, Duke Edrik fled to the Danes' comfort and the Englishmen's dismay.

Héerevpon king Edmund was constreined in the end to depart out of the field, hauing first doone all that could be wished in a woorthie chieftaine, both by woords to incourage his men, & by deeds to shew them good example; so that at one time the Danes were at point to haue giuen backe, but that Cnute aduised thereof, rushed into the left wing where most danger was, and so relieued his people there, that finallie the Englishmen, both wearied with long fight, and also discouraged with the running awaie of some of their companie, were constreined to giue ouer, and by flight to séeke their safegard, so that king Edmund might not by anie meanes bring them againe into order. Héerevpon all the waies and passages being forelaid and stopped by the enimies, the [*Sic.] Englishmen wanting both carriage* to make longer resistance, and perceiuing no hope to rest in fléeing, were beaten downe and slaine in heapes, so that few escaped from that dreadfull and bloudie battell.

Then King Edmund was ultimately forced to leave the battlefield after doing everything a worthy leader could do, both by encouraging his men with words and by setting a good example with his actions. At one point, the Danes were close to retreating, but Cnut, aware of the situation, charged into the left flank where the danger was greatest and rallied his troops. In the end, the English, exhausted from the long fight and disheartened by the fleeing of some of their comrades, were compelled to give up and seek safety in flight, leaving King Edmund unable to regroup them. With all the routes and passages blocked by the enemy, the English, lacking the means to continue resisting and seeing no hope in fleeing, were overwhelmed and killed in droves, so that few escaped from that dreadful and bloody battle.

Noble men slaine at the battell of Ashdone. Simon Dun.
Wil. Malm.
There died on king Edmunds side, duke Edmund, duke Alfrike, and duke Goodwine, with earle Vlfekettell or Vrchell of Eastangle, and duke Aileward, that was sonne to Ardelwine late duke of Eastangle; and to be briefe, all the floure of the English nobilitie. There were also slaine at this battell manie renowmed persons of the spiritualtie, as the bishop of Lincolne, and the abbat of Ramsey, with others: king Edmund
King Edmund withdraweth into Glocestershire.
escaping awaie, got him into Glocestershire, and there began to raise a new armie. In the place where this field was fought, are yet seuen or eight hils, wherein the carcases of them that were slaine at the same field were buried: and one being digged downe of late, there were found two bodies in a coffin of stone, of which the one laie with his head towards the others féet, and manie chaines of iron, (like to the water-chains of the bits of horsses) were found in the same hill. But now to the matter.

Noble men killed in the battle of Ashdown. Simon Dun.
Wil. Malm.
On King Edmund's side, Duke Edmund, Duke Alfric, and Duke Godwin died, along with Earl Ulfketil or Urchell of East Anglia, and Duke Ailward, who was the son of Ardelwine, the late Duke of East Anglia; in short, all the cream of the English nobility. Many renowned members of the clergy were also killed in this battle, including the Bishop of Lincoln and the Abbot of Ramsey, among others. King Edmund King Edmund goes back to Gloucestershire. managed to escape and went into Gloucestershire, where he began to raise a new army. In the place where this field was fought, there are still seven or eight hills, where the bodies of those slain in that battle were buried. Recently, one of these hills was excavated, and two bodies were found in a stone coffin, one lying with his head towards the other's feet, along with many chains of iron (similar to the water chains of horse bits) found in the same hill. But now, back to the matter.


[Page 724]

[Page 724]

London & other great cities & townes submit themselues to Cnute, he hasteth after Edmund with his power, both their armies being readie to incounter by occasion are staied, the oration of a capteine in the hearing of both hosts; the title and right of the realme of England is put to the triall of combat betweene Cnute and Edmund, Cnute is ouermatched, his woords to king Edmund, both kings are pacified and their armies accorded, the realme diuided betwixt Cnute and Edmund, king Edmund traitorouslie slaine, the dissonant report of writers touching the maners of his death, and both the kings dealing about the partition of the realme, Cnute causeth Edrike to be slaine for procuring king Edmunds death, wherein the reward of treason is noted; how long king Edmund reigned, and where he was buried, the eclipsed state of England after his death, and in whose time it recouered some part of its brightnesse.

London and other great cities and towns submit themselves to Cnut. He rushes after Edmund with his army, but both their forces, ready to clash, are halted by a captain's speech heard by both sides. The title and right to the kingdom of England are put to the test in a combat between Cnut and Edmund. Cnut is outmatched, and his words to King Edmund lead to both kings being appeased and their armies agreeing. The kingdom is divided between Cnut and Edmund. King Edmund is treacherously killed, and there are conflicting accounts about the circumstances of his death and how both kings managed the division of the kingdom. Cnut orders Edrick to be killed for orchestrating King Edmund's death, highlighting the consequences of treason. The duration of King Edmund's reign and the place of his burial are noted, as well as the diminished state of England after his death and during the time it began to regain some of its former glory.

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

In the meane while that Edmund was busie to leauie a new armie in Glocester, and other parties of Mercia, Cnute hauing got so great a victorie (as before is mentioned) receiued into his obeisance, not onelie the citie of London, but also manie other cities and townes of great name, and shortlie after hasted forward to pursue his enimie king Edmund, who was readie with a mightie host to trie the vttermost chance Polydor. of battell if they should eftsoones ioine. Héerevpon, both the armies being readie to giue the onset, the one in sight of the other at a place called Dearehurst, neere to the riuer of Seuerne, by the drift of Matth. West.
Simon Dun.
duke Edrike, who then at length began to shew some token of good meaning, the two kings came to a communication, and in the end concluded an agreement, as some haue written, without anie more adoo. Others write, that when both the armies were at point to haue ioined, Matth. West. saith this was Edrike. one of the capteins (but whether he were a Dane or an Englishman, it is not certeinlie told) stood vp in such a place, as he might be heard of both the princes, & boldlie vttered his mind in forme following.

While Edmund was busy raising a new army in Gloucester and other parts of Mercia, Cnut, having achieved a great victory (as previously mentioned), gained the allegiance not only of the city of London but also many other notable cities and towns. Shortly after, he hurried forward to pursue his enemy King Edmund, who was ready with a powerful host to face the ultimate chance of battle if they were to join again. At this point, both armies were prepared to engage, one visible to the other at a place called Dearhurst, near the River Severn. Through the efforts of Duke Edrike, who finally began to show some signs of goodwill, the two kings engaged in dialogue and ultimately reached an agreement, as some have written, without further ado. Others say that when both armies were about to clash, one of the captains (though it remains unclear whether he was a Dane or an Englishman) stood up in a position where both princes could hear him and boldly expressed his thoughts as follows.

The oration of a capteine in the audience of the English and Danish armie.

The speech of a captain in front of the English and Danish army.

"We haue, most woorthie capteins, fought long inough one against another, there hath beene but too much bloud shed betweene both the nations, and the valiancie of the souldiers on both sides is sufficientlie seene by triall, & either of your manhoods likewise, and yet can you beare neither good nor euill fortune. If one of you win the battell, he pursueth him that is ouercome; and if he chance to be vanquished, he resteth not till he haue recouered new strength to fight eftsoones with him that is victor. What should you meane by this your inuincible courage? At what marke shooteth your greedie desire to beare rule, and your excessive thirst to atteine honour? If you fight for a kingdome, diuide it betwéene you two, which sometime was sufficient for seuen kings: but if you couet to winne fame and glorious renowme, and for the same are driuen to try the hazard whether ye shall command or obeie, deuise the waie whereby ye may without so great slaughter, and without such pitifull bloudshed of both your guiltlesse peoples, trie whether of you is most woorthie to be preferred."

"We have, most worthy captains, fought long enough against each other. There has been too much bloodshed between both nations, and the bravery of the soldiers on both sides is clearly evident from our trials, as is the courage in each of you. Yet you can endure neither success nor failure. If one of you wins the battle, he pursues the defeated; and if he happens to be vanquished, he doesn’t rest until he has regained strength to fight again against the victor. What do you mean by this unyielding bravery? What is your aim in your greedy desire for power and your excessive thirst for honor? If you are fighting for a kingdom, divide it between the two of you, which once was enough for seven kings. But if you desire fame and glorious renown, and are pushed to risk whether you will command or obey, find a way to determine who is most worthy to be favored without such great slaughter and pitiful bloodshed of your innocent people."

The two kings appoint to try the matter by a combat.
Oldney.
Thus made he an end, and the two princes allowed well of his last motion, and so order was taken, that they should fight togither in a singular combat within a litle Iland inclosed with the riuer of Seuerne called Oldney, with condition, that whether of them chanced to be victor, should be king, and the other to resigne his title for euer into his hands. The two princes entering into the place appointed, in faire armour, began the battell in sight of both their armies ranged in goodlie order on either side the riuer, with doubtfull minds, and nothing ioifull, as they that wauered betwixt hope and feare. The two Matt. Westm.
Cnute of what stature he was.
champions manfullie assailed either other, without sparing. First, they went to it on horssebacke, and after on foot. Cnute was a man of a meane stature, but yet strong and hardie, so that receiuing a great[Page 725] blow by the hand of his aduersarie, which caused him somewhat to stagger; yet recouered himselfe, and boldly stept forward to be reuenged. But perceiuing he could not find aduantage, and that he was Cnute ouermatched.
Cnutes woords to Edmund.
rather too weake, and shrewdlie ouermatched, he spake to Edmund with a lowd voice on this wise: "What necessitie (saith he) ought thus to mooue vs, most valiant prince, that for the obteining of a kingdome, we should thus put our liues in danger? Better were it that laieng armour and malice aside, we should condescend to some reasonable agreement. H. Hunt. Let vs become sworne brethren, and part the kingdome betwixt vs: and let vs deale so friendlie, that thou maist vse my things as thine owne, and I thine as though they were mine." King Edmund with those woords of his aduersarie was so pacified, that immediatlie he cast awaie his swoord, and comming to Cnute, ioined hands with him. Both the armies by their example did the like, which looked for the same fortune to fall on their countries, which should happen to their princes by the They make vp the matter betwixt themselves. successe of that one battell. After this, there was an agréement deuised betwixt them, so that a partition of the realme was made, and that part that lieth fore against France, was assigned to Edmund, and Wil. Malm. the other fell to Cnute. There be that write, how the offer was made by king Edmund for the auoiding of more bloudshed, that the two princes should trie the matter thus togither in a singular combat. But Cnute refused the combat, bicause (as he alledged) the match was not equall. For although he was able to match Edmund in boldnesse of stomach, yet was he farre too weake to deale with a man of such strength as Edmund was knowne to be. But sith they did pretend title to the realme by due and good direct meanes, he thought it most conuenient that the kingdome should be diuided betwixt them. This motion was allowed of both the armies, so that king Edmund was of force constreined to be contented therewith.

The two kings decide to resolve the issue through a fight.
Oldney.
So he finished speaking, and the two princes agreed with his proposal. It was arranged that they would fight each other in a one-on-one combat on a small island surrounded by the River Severn, called Oldney, with the condition that whichever of them emerged victorious would become king, and the other would surrender his title forever. The two princes entered the designated place in fine armor and started the battle in front of both their armies, lined up in good order on either side of the river, with uncertain minds and not very cheerful, as they were caught between hope and fear. The twoCnute's status. champions bravely attacked each other without holding back. First, they fought on horseback, then on foot. Cnute was of average height, but strong and courageous, so when he received a hard blow from his opponent that caused him to stagger a bit, he quickly regained his footing and boldly advanced to seek revenge. However, realizing he couldn't find an advantage and was rather overmatched, he called out to Edmund in a loud voice: "What necessity, most valiant prince, drives us to risk our lives like this for a kingdom? It would be better if we laid aside armor and malice and came to a reasonable agreement. H. Hunt. Let's become sworn brothers and share the kingdom between us: let us be so friendly that you can treat my belongings as your own, and I will treat yours as if they were mine." King Edmund was so swayed by these words from his opponent that he immediately threw away his sword and approached Cnute to shake his hand. Both armies followed their example, expecting the same fate to befall their countries, depending on what happened to their princes in that battle. They work out the problem on their own. After this, an agreement was made between them so that the kingdom would be divided, with the part facing France assigned to Edmund, while the other went to Cnute. Some write that King Edmund suggested the challenge of single combat to avoid further bloodshed. However, Cnute refused the combat, claiming the match was not equal. Although he felt capable of matching Edmund's courage, he recognized he was much too weak to deal with a man known for such strength. Since they both claimed rights to the kingdom through legitimate means, he thought it best to divide the kingdom between them. This proposal was accepted by both armies, forcing King Edmund to agree to it.

¶ Thus our common writers haue recorded of this agréement, but if I should not be thought presumptuous, in taking vpon me to reprooue, or rather but to mistrust that which hath béene receiued for a true narration in this matter, I would rather giue credit vnto that which Encomium Emmæ. the author of the booke intituled "Encomium Emmæ," dooth report in this behalfe. Which is that through persuasion of Edrike de Streona, king Edmund immediatelie after the battell fought at Ashdone, sent ambassadors vnto Cnute to offer vnto him peace, with halfe the realme of England, that is to say, the north parts, with condition that king Edmund might quietlie inioy the south parts, and therevpon haue pledges deliuered interchangeablie on either side.

¶ Our common writers have recorded this agreement, but if I may not be seen as presumptuous in questioning—or rather, doubting—what has been accepted as a true account in this matter, I would prefer to believe what the author of the book titled Encomium Emmæ. reports on this. He states that, through the persuasion of Edrike de Streona, King Edmund sent ambassadors to Cnute immediately after the battle fought at Ashdown to offer him peace, along with half of the kingdom of England, specifically the northern parts, on the condition that King Edmund could peacefully enjoy the southern parts, and that hostages would be exchanged between both parties.

Cnute hauing heard the effect of this message, staied to make answer till he heard what his councell would aduise him to doo in this behalfe: and vpon good deliberation taken in the matter, considering that he had lost no small number of people in the former battell, and that being farre out of his countrie, he could not well haue anie new supplie, where the Englishmen although they had likewise lost verie manie of their men of warre, yet being in their owne countrie, it should be an easie matter for them to restore their decaid number, it was thought expedient by the whole consent of all the Danish capteins, that the offer of king Edmund should be accepted.

Cnute, having heard the outcome of this message, waited to respond until he got advice from his council on what to do next. After careful consideration, he realized that he had lost a significant number of people in the previous battle and, being far from his own country, it would be difficult to gather new troops. The English, although they had also lost many of their warriors, were in their own land, making it much easier for them to replenish their depleted numbers. So, it was agreed by all the Danish captains that they should accept King Edmund's offer.

Herevpon Cnute calling the ambassadors before him againe, declared vnto them, that he was contented to conclude a peace vpon such conditions as they had offered: but yet with this addition, that their king whatsoeuer he should be, should paie Cnutes souldiers their wages, with monie to be leuied of that part of the kingdome which the English king should possesse. "For (this saith he) I haue vndertaken to sée them paid, and otherwise I will not grant to anie peace." The league and agréement therefore being concluded in this sort, pledges were deliuered and receiued on both parties, and the armies discharged. But This is alleged touching the partitiō of the kingdome. God (saith mine author) being mindfull of his old doctrine, that Euerie kingdome diuided in it selfe cannot long stand, shortlie after tooke Edmund out of this life: and by such meanes séemed to take pitie of the English kingdome, lest if both the kings should haue continued in life togither, they should haue liued in danger. And incontinentlie herevpon was Cnute chosen and receiued for absolute king of all the whole realme of England. Thus hath he written that liued in those daies, whose[Page 726] credit thereby is much aduanced.

Then, Cnut called the ambassadors back to him and declared that he was willing to agree to a peace based on the conditions they had proposed. However, he added that their king, whoever it might be, should pay Cnut's soldiers their wages with money collected from the part of the kingdom that the English king would occupy. "For," he said, "I have taken it upon myself to ensure they are paid, and I will not agree to any peace otherwise." Therefore, the treaty was finalized in this manner, pledges were exchanged, and the armies were disbanded. But This is claimed regarding the division of the kingdom. God, says my source, being mindful of His old doctrine that any kingdom divided against itself cannot stand for long, soon after took Edmund out of this life. By this means, He seemed to show mercy to the English kingdom, lest both kings living together would be in danger. Immediately following this, Cnut was chosen and accepted as the absolute king of all of England. Thus, he was documented by those who lived in those days, whose[Page 726] credibility was greatly enhanced.

Howbeit the common report of writers touching the death of Edmund varieth from this, who doo affirme, that after Cnute and Edmund were made friends, the serpent of enuie and false conspiracie burnt so in the hearts of some traitorous persons, that within a while after king K. Edmund traitorouslie slaine at Oxford. Fabian.
Simon Dun.
Edmund was slaine at Oxford, as he sat on a priuie to doo the necessaries of nature. The common report hath gone, that earle Edrike was the procurer of this villanous act, and that (as some write) his sonne did it. But the author that wrote "Encomium Emmæ," writing of the death of Edmund, hath these words (immediatlie after he had first declared in what sort the two princes were agréed, and had made partition of the realme betwixt them:) But God (saith he) being This is alleged againe for the proofe of Edmunds natural death. mindfull of his old doctrine, that Euerie kingdome diuided in it selfe can not long stand, shortlie after tooke Edmund out of this life: and by such meanes séemed to take pitie vpon the English kingdome, least if both the kings should haue continued in life togither, they should both haue liued in great danger, and the realme in trouble. With this agreeth also Simon Dunel. who saith, that king Edmund died of naturall Fabian. sicknesse, by course of kind at London, about the feast of saint Andrew next insuing the late mentioned agreement.

However, the common accounts of writers about the death of Edmund differ from this, as they claim that after Cnute and Edmund became friends, the poisonous feelings of envy and false conspiracy burned so hotly in the hearts of some traitorous individuals that shortly after, King K. Edmund was killed as a traitor in Oxford. Fabian.
Simon Dun.
Edmund was killed at Oxford while he was sitting on a privy to take care of personal needs. Common reports suggest that Earl Edrike orchestrated this wicked deed, and that (according to some) his son carried it out. However, the author of "Encomium Emmæ," writing about Edmund's death, states this (immediately after he first mentioned how the two princes had come to an agreement and divided the kingdom between them): But God (he says) being This is claimed again as evidence of Edmund's natural death. mindful of his old teaching that every kingdom divided against itself cannot long stand, soon took Edmund out of this life; and in this way seemed to show compassion for the English kingdom, lest if both kings continued to live together, they should both face great danger and the realm should be in turmoil. This is also supported by Simon Dunel, who says that King Edmund died of natural Fabian. sickness, by the course of nature in London, around the feast of Saint Andrew following the previously mentioned agreement.

Ranul. Hig.
Hen. Hunt.
And this should séeme true: for whereas these authors which report, that earle Edrike was the procurer of his death, doo also write, that when he knew the act to be done, he hasted vnto Cnute, and declared vnto him what he had brought to passe for his aduancement to the gouernment of the whole realme. Wherevpon Cnute, abhorring such a detestable fact, said vnto him: "Bicause thou hast for my sake, made away the worthiest bodie of the world, I shall raise thy head aboue all the lords of England," and so caused him to be put to death. Thus haue some bookes. Howbeit this report agreeth not with other writers, which declare how Cnute aduanced Edrike in the beginning of his reigne vnto Some thinke that he was duke of Mercia before, and now had Essex adioined thereto. high honor, and made him gouernor of Mercia, and vsed his counsell in manie things after the death of king Edmund, as in banishing Edwin, the brother of king Edmund, with his sonnes also, Edmund and Edward.

Ranul. Hig.
Hen. Hunt.
This seems to be true: because the authors who report that Earl Edrike was responsible for his death also write that when he learned the act was done, he rushed to Cnute and told him what he had done to advance his own position in governing the entire realm. In response, Cnute, horrified by such a heinous act, said to him, "Because you have, for my sake, eliminated the most worthy person in the world, I will elevate your head above all the lords of England," and ordered him to be executed. Thus, some books say. However, this account does not align with other writers, who describe how Cnute elevated Edrike at the beginning of his reign to high honor and appointed him governor of Mercia, utilizing his counsel in many matters after the death of King Edmund, including the banishment of Edwin, the brother of King Edmund, along with his sons, Edmund and Edward.

Diuerse and discordant reports of Edmunds death. Ran. Higd.
Wil. Malm.
But for that there is such discordance and variable report amongst writers touching the death of king Edmund, and some fables inuented thereof (as the manner is) we will let the residue of their reports passe; sith certeine it is, that to his end he came, after he had reigned about the space of one yéere, and so much more as is betwéene the moneth of Iune and the latter end of Nouember. His bodie was buried at Glastenburie, neere his vncle Edgar. With this Edmund, surnamed Ironside, fell the glorious maiestie of the English kingdome, the which afterward as it had beene an aged bodie being sore decaied and weakened by the Danes, that now got possession of the whole, yet somewhat recouered after the space of 26 yéers vnder king Edward, surnamed the Confessor: and shortlie therevpon as it had béene falne into a resiluation, came to extreame ruine by the inuasion and conquest of the Normans: as after by Gods good helpe and fauorable assistance it shall appeare. So that it would make a diligent and marking reader both muse and moorne, to see how variable the state of this kingdome hath béene, & thereby to fall into a consideration of the frailtie and vncerteintie of this mortall life, which is no more frée from securitie, than a ship on the sea in tempestuous weather. For as the casualties wherewith our life is inclosed and beset with round about, are manifold; so also are they miserable, so also are they sudden, so also are they vnauoidable. And true it is, that the life of man is in the hands of God, and the state of kingdoms dooth also belong vnto him, either to continue or discontinue. But to the processe of the matter.

There are many mixed reports about Edmund's death. Ran. Higd.
Wil. Malm.
The reason there are such conflicting and varied accounts among writers regarding the death of King Edmund, along with some fabricated tales about it (as is usual), is that we will overlook the rest of their reports; since it is certain that he met his end after reigning for about one year, plus the time between June and the end of November. His body was buried at Glastonbury, near his uncle Edgar. With him, Edmund, nicknamed Ironside, the glorious majesty of the English kingdom fell, which afterward, like an aged body that had grown decayed and weakened by the Danes who now held dominion over everything, somewhat recovered during the 26 years under King Edward, known as the Confessor. Shortly thereafter, as if it had fallen into a decline, it met utter ruin through the invasion and conquest of the Normans; as later, with God's help and favorable assistance, will become evident. This should leave a careful and observant reader both wondering and mourning at how variable the state of this kingdom has been, and lead them to reflect on the fragility and uncertainty of mortal life, which is no more free from security than a ship on the sea in stormy weather. For just as the misfortunes that surround our lives are many, they are also miserable, sudden, and unavoidable. It is true that human life is in the hands of God, and the fate of kingdoms also belongs to Him, whether to sustain or end them. But to the point of the matter.


[Page 727]

[Page 727]

Cnute vndertaketh the totall regiment of this land, he assembleth a councell at London, the nobles doo him homage, be diuideth the realme into foure parts to be gouerned by his assignes; Edwin and Edward the sonnes of Edmund are banished, their good fortune by honorable mariages, King Cnute marieth queene Emma the widow of Egelred, the wise and politike conditions wherevpon this mariage was concluded, the English bloud restored to the crowne and the Danes excluded, queene Emma praised for hir high wisedome in choosing an enimie to hir husband; Cnute dismisseth the Danish armie into Denmarke; Edrike de Streona bewraieth his former trecherie, and procureth his owne death through rashnesse and follie, the discordant report of writers touching the maner & cause of his death, what noble men were executed with him, and banished out of England, Cnute a monarch.

King Canute takes total control of this land, holds a council in London, and the nobles pay him respect. He divides the kingdom into four regions to be governed by his appointees. Edwin and Edward, the sons of Edmund, are exiled; their fortunes improve through honorable marriages. King Canute marries Queen Emma, the widow of Æthelred, under wise and strategic conditions. This marriage restores the English bloodline to the crown and excludes the Danes. Queen Emma is praised for her wisdom in choosing an enemy as her husband. Canute sends the Danish army back to Denmark. Eadric Streona reveals his past treachery and brings about his own death through rashness and folly, with conflicting accounts from writers regarding the manner and cause of his death, who noblemen were executed alongside him, and his banishment from England. Canute, a monarch.

THE XJ CHAPTER.

CANUTE, KNOUGHT OR CNUTE. Canute, or Cnute, whome the English chronicles doo name Knought, after the death of king Edmund, tooke vpon him the whole rule ouer all the 1017. realme of England, in the yéere of our Lord 1017, in the seuentéenth yeere of the emperour Henrie the second, surnamed Claudus, in the twentith yéere of the reigne of Robert king of France, and about the 7 yeere of Malcolme king of Scotland. Cnute shortlie after the death of king Edmund, assembled a councell at London, in the which he caused all the nobles of the realme to doo him homage, in receiuing an oth of loiall obeisance. He diuided the realme into foure parts, assigning Northumberland vnto the rule of Irke or Iricius, Mercia vnto Edrike, and Eastangle vnto Turkill, and reseruing the west part to his owne gouernance. He banished (as before is said) Edwin, the brother of king Edmund; but such as were suspected to be culpable of Edmunds death, he caused to be put to execution: whereby it should appeere, that Edrike was not then in anie wise detected or once thought to be giltie.

Canute, knought, or Cnut. Canute, or Cnute, whom the English chronicles call Knought, took on the full control of the kingdom of England after the death of King Edmund, in the year 1017, in the seventeenth year of Emperor Henry II, known as Claudus, in the twentieth year of the reign of King Robert of France, and around the seventh year of King Malcolm of Scotland. Shortly after King Edmund's death, Cnute called a council in London, where he made all the nobles of the realm pay him homage and take an oath of loyalty. He divided the kingdom into four parts, assigning Northumberland to the rule of Irke or Iricius, Mercia to Edrike, and East Anglia to Turkill, reserving the western part for his own rule. He banished, as mentioned before, Edwin, the brother of King Edmund; but he had those suspected of being involved in Edmund's death executed, which suggests that Edrike was not at that time detected or even suspected of being guilty.

Wil. Malm.
Ran. Higd.
Wil. Malm.
King of churles. The said Edwin afterwards returned, and was then reconciled to the kings fauor (as some write) but shortlie after traitorouslie slaine by his owne seruants. He was called the king of churles. Others write, that he came secretlie into the realme after he had béene banished, and kéeping himselfe closelie out of sight, at length ended his life, and was buried at Tauestocke. Moreouer, Edwin and Edward the sonnes of king Ran. Higd. Edmund were banished the land, and sent first vnto Sweno king of Norweie to haue bin made away: but Sweno vpon remorse of conscience sent them into Hungarie, where they found great fauor at the hands of king Salomon, insomuch that Edwin maried the daughter of the same Salomon, but had no issue by hir. Edward was aduanced to marie with Agatha, daughter of the emperour Henrie, and by hir had issue two sonnes, Edmund and Edgar surnamed Edeling, and as many daughters, Margaret and Christine, of the which in place conuenient more shall be said.

Wil. Malm.
Ran. Higd.
Wil. Malm.
King of jerks. Edwin later returned and was reconciled with the king (according to some accounts), but shortly after, he was treacherously killed by his own servants. He was known as the king of churls. Others say he secretly returned to the kingdom after being banished and, keeping himself hidden, eventually died and was buried at Tavistock. Moreover, Edwin and Edward, the sons of King Edmund, were banished from the land and were initially sent to Sweno, king of Norway, to be disposed of. However, Sweno, feeling remorseful, sent them to Hungary, where they were well-received by King Solomon. Edwin married the king's daughter but had no children with her. Edward was raised to marry Agatha, the daughter of Emperor Henry, and with her, he had two sons, Edmund and Edgar, nicknamed Edeling, and two daughters, Margaret and Christine, about whom more will be said in due time.

Polydor. King Cnute maried to quéene Emma the widow of Egelred, in Iulie, anno. 1017. When king Cnute had established things, as he thought stood most for his suertie, he called to his remembrance, that he had no issue but two bastard sonnes Harold and Sweno, begotten of his concubine Alwine. Wherefore he sent ouer to Richard duke of Normandie, requiring to haue quéene Emma, the widow of king Egelred in mariage, and so obteined hir, not a little to the woonder of manie, which thought a great ouersight both in the woman and in hir brother, that would satisfie the request Polydor. of Cnute herein, considering he had béene such a mortall enimie to hir former husband. But duke Richard did not onelie consent, that his said sister should be maried vnto Cnute, but also he himselfe tooke to wife the ladie Hestritha, sister to the said Cnute.

Polydor. King Cnut married Queen Emma, who was the widow of Ethelred, in July 1017. Once King Cnut felt he had everything in order for his security, he remembered that he had no legitimate heirs, only two illegitimate sons, Harold and Sweno, from his concubine Alwine. So, he sent a message to Richard, Duke of Normandy, asking to marry Queen Emma, the widow of King Ethelred, and managed to obtain her, much to the surprise of many who thought it was a significant oversight by both the woman and her brother to agree to Cnut's request, especially considering he had been such a sworn enemy of her late husband. However, Duke Richard not only agreed for his sister to marry Cnut but also took as his wife Lady Hestritha, who was Cnut's sister.

¶ Here ye haue to vnderstand, that this mariage was not made without The couenants made at the mariage betwixt Cnute and Emma. great consideration & large couenants granted on the part of king Cnute: for before he could obteine queene Emma to his wife, it was fullie condescended & agréed, that after Cnuts decease, the crowne of England should remaine to the issue borne of this mariage betwixt hir & Cnute, which couenant although it was not performed immediatlie after the deceasse of king Cnute, yet in the end it tooke place, so as the right séemed to be deferred, and not to be taken away nor abolished: for immediatlie vpon Harolds death that had vsurped, Hardicnute[Page 728] succéeded as right heire to the crowne, by force of the agréement made at the time of the mariage solemnized betwixt his father and mother, and being once established in the kingdome, he ordeined his brother Edward to succéed him, whereby the Danes were vtterlie excluded from all right that they had to pretend vnto the crowne of this land, and The English bloud restored. The praise of quéene Emma for hir wisdome. the English bloud restored thereto, chieflie by that gratious conclusion of this mariage betwixt king Cnute and quéene Emma. For the which no small praise was thought to be due vnto the said quéene, sith by hir politike gouernement, in making hir match so beneficiall to hir selfe and hir line, the crowne was thus recouered out of the hands of the Danes, and restored againe in time to the right heire, as by an Encomium Emmæ. auncient treatise which some haue intituled "Encomium Emmæ," and was written in those daies, it dooth and may appeare. Which booke although there be but few copies thereof abroad, giueth vndoubtedlie great light to the historie of that time.

¶ You should know that this marriage was made with careful thought and significant agreements from King Cnut: before he could win Queen Emma as his wife, it was fully agreed that after Cnut's death, the crown of England would go to the children born from this marriage between her and Cnut. While this agreement wasn't immediately fulfilled after King Cnut's death, it eventually happened, so it seemed like the rightful claim was delayed, not completely removed or abolished. Immediately after Harold, who had usurped the throne, died, Harthacnut succeeded as the rightful heir to the crown because of the agreement made at the time of his parents' wedding. Once established in the kingdom, he designated his brother Edward as his successor, thus completely excluding the Danes from any claim to the crown of this land. This resulted in the English blood being restored to the throne, mainly due to the fortunate union of King Cnut and Queen Emma. For this, Queen Emma deserves significant praise, as her political acumen made her marriage beneficial for herself and her lineage, allowing the crown to be reclaimed from the Danes and restored to the rightful heir, as evidenced in an ancient treatise titled "Encomium Emmæ," which was written at that time. Although there are only a few copies of this book available, it undoubtedly provides valuable insight into the history of that period.

Matth. West. But now to our purpose. Cnute the same yeare in which he was thus maried, through persuasion of his wife quéene Emma, sent awaie the Danish nauie and armie home into Denmarke, giuing to them fourescore and two thousand pounds of siluer, which was leuied throughout this Wil. Malm. 1018. land for their wages. In the yeare 1018, Edrike de Streona earle of Mercia was ouerthrowen in his owne turne: for being called before the king into his priuie chamber, and there in reasoning the matter about some quarrell that was picked to him, he began verie presumptuouslie to vpbraid the king of such pleasures as he had before time doone vnto him; "I did (said he) for the loue which I bare towards you, forsake my souereigne lord king Edmund, and at length for your sake slue him." At which words Cnute began to change countenance, as one maruellouslie abashed, and straightwaies gaue sentence against Edrike in this wise; "Thou art woorthie (saith he) of death, and die thou shalt, which art guiltie of treason both towards God and me, sith that thou hast slaine thine own souereigne lord, and my déere alied brother. Thy bloud therefore be vpon thine owne head, sith thy toong hath vttered thy treason." And immediatlie he caused his throat to be cut, and his bodie to be throwen out at the chamber window into the riuer of Thames. ¶ But Edrike put to death. others say, that hands were laid vpon him in the verie same chamber or closet where he murdered the king, & straightwaies to preuent all causes of tumults & hurlieburlies, he was put to death with terrible torments of fierbrands & links; which execution hauing passed vpon him, a second succeeded; for both his féet were bound together, and his bodie drawne through the streets of the citie, & in fine cast into a common ditch called Houndsditch; for that the citizens threw their dead dogs and stinking carrion with other filth into it, accounting him worthie of a worse rather than of a better buriall. In such hatred was treason had, being a vice which the verie infidels and grosse pagans abhorred, else would they not haue said, Proditionem amo, proditorem odi; Treason I loue, but a traitor I hate. This was the end of Edrike, surnamed de Stratten or Streona, a man of great infamie for his craftie dissimulation, falshood and treason, vsed by him to the ouerthrow of the English estate, as partlie before is touched.

Matthew West But now, let's get to the point. In the same year that Cnute got married, he sent the Danish navy and army back to Denmark at the urging of his wife, Queen Emma, giving them eighty-two thousand pounds of silver, which had been collected from this Wil. Malm. 1018. land as their payment. In the year 1018, Edrike de Streona, the Earl of Mercia, was defeated in his own turn. He was called before the king in his private chamber, and while discussing a quarrel he had, he began to arrogantly accuse the king of the favors he had done for him in the past. “I did (he said) for the love I had for you, forsake my sovereign lord King Edmund, and in the end, for your sake, I killed him.” At these words, Cnute's expression changed as he became incredibly shocked, and he immediately passed judgment on Edrike saying, “You are worthy of death, and you shall die, for you are guilty of treason against both God and me, since you have killed your own sovereign lord and my dear allied brother. Your blood will be on your own head since your tongue has revealed your treason.” He then ordered Edrike's throat to be cut, and his body was thrown out of the chamber window into the River Thames. ¶ But Edrike executed. some say that he was seized in the very same chamber where he had murdered the king, and to prevent any potential riots, he was executed in horrific agony with firebrands and torches; after that execution, a second followed; his feet were bound together, and his body was dragged through the streets of the city, ultimately cast into a common ditch known as Houndsditch because the citizens threw their dead dogs and rotting carcasses along with other waste into it, deeming him worthy of a worse fate than a better burial. Such was the contempt for treason, a vice that even the infidels and crude pagans despised; otherwise, they wouldn't have said, Proditionem amo, proditorem odi; Treason I love, but a traitor I hate. This was the end of Edrike, nicknamed de Stratten or Streona, a man notorious for his deceitful cunning, dishonesty, and treachery, which he employed to undermine the English state, as was partially mentioned before.

Simon Dun.
Encomium Emmæ.
But there be that concerning the cause of this Edriks death, séeme partlie to disagrée from that which before is recited, declaring that Cnute standing in some doubt to be betraied through the treason of Edrike, sought occasion how to rid him and others (whome he mistrusted) out of the way. And therefore on a day when Edrike craued some preferment at Cnuts hands, & said that he had deserued to be well thought of, sith by his flight from the battell at Ashendon, the victorie therby inclined to Cnutes part: Cnute hearing him speake these words, made this answere: "And canst thou (quoth he) be true to me, that through fraudulent meanes diddest deceiue thy soùereigne lord and maister? But I will reward thée according to thy deserts, so as from henceforth thou shalt not deceiue anie other," and so forthwith commanded Erike one of his chiefe capteines to dispatch him, who incontinentlie cut off his head with his axe or halbert. Verelie Simon Dunelmensis saith, that K. Cnute vnderstanding in what sort both king Egelred, and his sonne king Edmund Ironside had béene betraied by the said Edrike, stood in great doubt to be likewise deceiued by him, and therefore was glad to haue some pretended quarell, to dispatch both him[Page 729] and others, whome he likewise mistrusted, as it well appeared. For at the same time there were put to death with Edrike earle Norman the sonne of earle Leofwin, and brother to earle Leofrike: also Adelward the sonne of earle Agelmare and Brightrike the sonne of Alfegus gouernor of Deuonshire, without all guilt or cause (as some write.) And in place of Norman, his brother Leofrike was made earle of Mercia by the king, and had in great fauour. This Leofrike is commonlie also by writers named earle of Chester. After this, Cnute likewise banished Iric and Turkill, two Danes, the one (as before is recited) gouernor of Northumberland, and the other of Northfolke and Suffolke or Eastangle.

Simon Dun.
Encomium Emmæ.
There's some disagreement about the cause of Edrik's death, suggesting that Cnut, fearing he might be betrayed by Edrik's treachery, looked for a way to eliminate him and others he suspected. One day, when Edrik asked Cnut for a favor and claimed he deserved recognition since his retreat at the battle of Ashendon had turned the victory in Cnut's favor, Cnut responded, "Can you really be loyal to me when you deceived your sovereign lord through deceitful means? But I will reward you according to what you deserve, so you'll no longer betray anyone else," and then immediately ordered Erike, one of his chief captains, to kill him, who promptly beheaded him with his axe or halberd. Indeed, Simon of Durham notes that King Cnut, knowing how both King Egelred and his son, King Edmund Ironside, had been betrayed by Edrik, was very concerned about being deceived by him as well, and thus was eager for a pretext to eliminate both him and others he also distrusted. This was evident because, at the same time, Edrik was executed along with Earl Norman, the son of Earl Leofwin and brother to Earl Leofrike; Adelward, the son of Earl Agelmare; and Brightrike, the son of Alfegus, the governor of Devonshire, all without any guilt or reason (according to some accounts). In place of Norman, his brother Leofrike was made Earl of Mercia by the king and enjoyed high favor. This Leofrike is also commonly referred to by writers as the Earl of Chester. Following this, Cnut also banished Iric and Turkill, two Danes—one, as mentioned earlier, the governor of Northumberland, and the other governed Norfolk and Suffolk or East Anglia.

Then rested the whole rule of the realme in the kings hands, wherevpon he studied to preserue the people in peace, and ordeined lawes, according to the which both Danes and Englishmen should be gouerned in equall state and degrée. Diuers great lords whome he found vnfaithfull Hen. Hunt. Lords put to death.
A taxe raised.
or rather suspected, he put to death (as before ye haue heard) beside such as he banished out of the realme. He raised a tax or tribute of the people, amounting to the summe of fourescore & two thousand pounds, besides 11000 pounds, which the Londoners paid towards the maintenance of the Danish armie. But whereas these things chaunced not all at one time, but in sundrie seasons, we will returne somewhat backe to declare what other exploits were atchiued in the meane time by Cnute, not onelie in England, but also in Denmarke, and elsewhere: admonishing the reader in the processe of the discourse following, that much excellent matter is comprehended, whereout (if the same be studiouslie read and diligentlie considered) no small profit is to be reaped, both for the augmentation of his owne knowledge and others that be studious.

Then the entire rule of the kingdom rested in the king's hands, which led him to focus on keeping the people in peace and establishing laws under which both Danes and Englishmen would be governed equally. He had several major lords, whom he found untrustworthy or at least suspicious, executed (as you have heard before) in addition to those he banished from the kingdom. He imposed a tax on the people, amounting to eighty-two thousand pounds, plus eleven thousand pounds that the Londoners contributed for the support of the Danish army. However, since these events didn't all happen at once but over various periods, we will go back a bit to detail other achievements by Cnut, not only in England but also in Denmark and elsewhere. The reader is reminded that in the following discourse, there is much valuable information, which, if read and considered attentively, can yield significant benefits for expanding one’s own knowledge and that of others who are eager to learn.


Cnute saileth into Denmarke to subdue the Vandals, earle Goodwins good seruice with the English against the said Vandals, and what benefit accrewed vnto the Englishmen by the said good seruice, he returneth into England after the discomfiture of the enimie, he saileth ouer againe into Denmarke and incountreth with the Sweideners, the occasion of this warre or incounter taken by Olauus, his hard hap, vnluckie fortune, and wofull death wrought by the hands of his owne vnnaturall subiects; Cnuts confidence in the Englishmen, his deuout voiage to Rome, his returne into England, his subduing of the Scots, his death and interrement.

Cnut sails into Denmark to conquer the Vandals, Earl Godwin's good service with the English against these Vandals, and the benefits gained by the English from that good service. After defeating the enemy, he returns to England, then sails back to Denmark and encounters the Swedes. The reason for this conflict, led by Olaf, his unfortunate fate, tragic luck, and sorrowful death at the hands of his own disloyal subjects; Cnut's trust in the English, his devout journey to Rome, his return to England, his conquest of the Scots, his death, and burial.

THE TWELFTH CHAPTER.

1019.
King Cnute passeth into Denmarke.
In the third yeare of his reigne Cnute sailed with an armie of Englishmen and Danes into Denmarke, to subdue the Vandals there, which then sore annoied and warred against his subiects of Denmarke. Earle Earle Goodwin his seruice in Denmarke. Goodwine, which had the souereigne conduct of the Englishmen, the night before the day appointed for the battell got him forth of the campe with his people, and suddenlie assailing the Vandals in their lodgings, easilie distressed them, sleaing a great number of them, and chasing the residue. In the morning earlie, when as Cnute heard that the Englishmen were gone foorth of their lodgings, he supposed that they were either fled awaie, or else turned to take part with the enimies. But as he approched to the enimies campe, he vnderstood how the mater went; for he found nothing there but bloud, dead bodies, and the Cnute had the Englishmen in estimation for their good service. spoile. For which good seruice, Cnute had the Englishmen in more estimation euer after, and highlie rewarded their leader the same earle Goodwine. When Cnute had ordered all things in Denmarke, as was thought behoofefull, he returned againe into England: and within a few daies after, he was aduertised that the Swedeners made warre against his subiects of Denmarke, vnder the leding of two great princes, Vlfe and 1028.
Cnute passeth againe into Denmarke.
Will. Malm. Vlafe. Wherefore to defend his dominions in those parts, he passed againe with an armie into Denmarke, incountred with his enimies, and receiued a sore ouerthrow, loosing a great number both of Danes and Englishmen. But gathering togither a new force of men, he set againe[Page 730] vpon his enimies, and ouercame them, constreining the two foresaid Matt. Westm. princes to agrée vpon reasonable conditions of peace. Matth. West. recounteth, that at this time earle Goodwine and the Englishmen wrought the enterprise aboue mentioned, of assaulting the enimies campe in the night season, after Cnute had first lost in the day before no small number of his people: and that then the foresaid princes or kings, as Albertus Crantz. he nameth them Vlfus and Aulafus, which latter he calleth Eiglafe, were constrained to agrée vpon a peace. The Danish chronicles alledge, that the occasion of this warre rose hereof. This Olauus aided Cnute (as the same writers report) against king Edmund and the Englishmen. But when the peace should be made betwéene Cnute and Edmund, there was no consideration had of Olauus: whereas through him the Danes chieflie obteined the victorie. Herevpon Olauus was sore offended in his mind against Cnute, and now vpon occasion sought to be reuenged. But what soeuer the cause was of this warre betwixt these two princes, the end was thus: that Olauus was expelled out of his kingdome, and constreined to flée to Gerithaslaus a duke in the parties of Eastland, and afterward returning into Norwaie, was slaine by such of his subiects as tooke part with Cnute, in manner as in the historie of Norwaie, appeareth more at large, with the contrarietie found in the writings of Magnus Olauus. them which haue recorded the histories of those north regions.

1019.
King Cnut visits Denmark.
In the third year of his reign, Cnut sailed with an army of Englishmen and Danes to Denmark to defeat the Vandals, who were seriously troubling and attacking his subjects in Denmark. Earl Earl Godwin's involvement in Denmark. Godwin, who had command of the English forces, left the camp the night before the battle with his men and unexpectedly attacked the Vandals in their camps, causing them significant distress, killing many, and chasing the rest away. Early in the morning, when Cnut heard that the Englishmen had left their tents, he thought they had either fled or switched sides to join the enemy. But as he approached the enemy camp, he realized what had happened; he found only blood, dead bodies, andCnut respected the Englishmen for their service. the spoils of battle. Because of this brave effort, Cnut held the Englishmen in even higher regard from that point on and rewarded their leader, Earl Godwin, generously. After Cnut had arranged everything in Denmark as he deemed necessary, he returned to England. Soon after, he learned that the Swedes were waging war against his subjects in Denmark under the leadership of two powerful princes, Ulf andCnut returns to Denmark. Will. Malm. Olaf. To protect his territories there, he returned with an army to Denmark, faced his enemies, and suffered a significant defeat, losing many Danes and Englishmen. However, after gathering a new force of men, he again attacked his enemies and defeated them, forcing the two aforementioned princes to agree to reasonable terms of peace. Matth. West. recounts that at this time, Earl Godwin and the Englishmen successfully executed the aforementioned operation of attacking the enemy camp at night after Cnut had lost a significant number of his troops the day before. It was then that those princes or kings, as he names them, Ulf and Olaf, the latter of whom he calls Eiglafe, were compelled to agree to a peace treaty. Danish chronicles claim that the reason for this war arose from this situation. This Olaf supported Cnut (as those writers report) against King Edmund and the Englishmen. But when peace was to be established between Cnut and Edmund, Olaf was not taken into consideration, despite him being instrumental in securing victory for the Danes. Consequently, Olaf was greatly offended with Cnut and sought revenge. Whatever the reason behind the conflict between these two princes, the outcome was that Olaf was expelled from his kingdom and forced to flee to Gerithaslaus, a duke in the Eastland region, and later, upon returning to Norway, he was killed by some of his subjects who sided with Cnut, as is described in greater detail in the history of Norway, along with the discrepancies found in the writings ofMagnus Olaf. those who chronicled the histories of the northern regions.

Fabian.
Polydor.
Hen. Hunt.
Other say, that he went forth of Denmarke to Rome.
Anno 1031.
1032.
But here is to be remembred, that the fame and glorie of the English nation was greatlie aduanced in these warres, as well against the Swedeners as the Norwegians, so that Cnute began to loue and trust the Englishmen much better than it was to be thought he would euer haue

Simon Dun.
Wil. Malm.
Matth. West.
doone. Shortlie after that Cnute was returned into England, that is to say (as some haue) in the 15 yeare of his reigne, he went to Rome to performe his vow which he had made to visit the places where the apostles Peter and Paule had their buriall, where he was honorablie receiued of pope Iohn the 20 that then held the sée. When he had doone his deuotion there, he returned into England. In the yeare following, 1033.
Scots subdued.

Hen. Hunt.
Wil. Malm.
Hen. Hunt.
Alb. Crantz.
he made a iournie against the Scots, which as then had rebelled; but by the princelie power of Cnute they were subdued and brought againe to obedience: so that not onelie king Malcolme, but also two other kings Melbeath and Ieohmare became his subiects. Finallie after that this noble prince king Cnute had reigned the tearme of 20 yeares currant, Anno 1035.
The death of king Cnute.
after the death of Ethelred, he died at Shaftsburie, as the English writers affirme, on the 12 of Nouember, and was buried at Winchester. But the Danish chronicles record that he died in Normandie, and was buried at Rome (as in the same chronicles ye may reade more at large.)

Fabian.
Polydor.
Hen. Hunt.
Some say he left Denmark for Rome.
Year 1031.
1032.
It's important to remember that the reputation and glory of the English nation were greatly enhanced in these wars, both against the Swedes and the Norwegians, so Cnut began to like and trust the English much more than anyone would have expected.

Simon Dun.
Wil. Malm.
Matth. West.
Shortly after Cnut returned to England, which was, according to some, in the 15th year of his reign, he went to Rome to fulfill his vow to visit the burial sites of the apostles Peter and Paul, where he was honorably received by Pope John XX. After completing his devotion there, he returned to England. In the following year, 1033.
Scots defeated.

Hen. Hunt.
Wil. Malm.
Hen. Hunt.
Alb. Crantz.
he embarked on a campaign against the Scots, who had rebelled; but with Cnut's royal power, they were subdued and returned to obedience, so that not only King Malcolm, but also two other kings, Melbeath and Ieohmare, became his subjects. Finally, after this noble king Cnut had reigned for a full 20 years, Year 1035.
The death of King Cnut.
after the death of Ethelred, he died at Shaftesbury, as the English writers assert, on November 12, and was buried at Winchester. However, the Danish chronicles state that he died in Normandy and was buried in Rome (as you can read more about in those chronicles).


The trespuissance of Cnute, the amplenesse of his dominions, the good and charitable fruits of his voiage to Rome redounding to the common benefit of all trauellers from England thither, with what great personages he had conference, and the honour that was doone him there, his intollerable pride in commanding the waters of the flouds not to rise, he humbleth himselfe and confesseth Christ Iesus to be king of kings, he refuseth to weare the crowne during his life, he reproueth a gentleman flatterer, his issue legitimate and illegitimate, his inclination in his latter yeares, what religious places he erected, repaired, and inriched; what notable men he fauoured and reuerenced, his lawes; and that in causes as well ecclesiasticall as temporall he had cheefe and sole gouernement in this land, whereby the popes vsurped title of vniuersall supremasie is impeached.

The power of Cnut, the vastness of his territories, the good and charitable outcomes of his journey to Rome benefiting all travelers from England, the important figures he met, the honor he received there, his overwhelming pride in commanding the waters not to rise, his humility in confessing Christ Jesus as the king of kings, his refusal to wear the crown during his life, his rebuke of a flattering gentleman, his legitimate and illegitimate children, his later-life inclinations, the religious places he built, repaired, and enhanced; the notable individuals he supported and respected, his laws; and his chief and sole governance over both ecclesiastical and temporal matters in this land, which challenges the Pope's claim to universal supremacy.

THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.

The large dominion of K. Cnute. Hen. Hunt.
Alb. Crantz.
This Cnute was the mightiest prince that euer reigned ouer the English people: for he had the souereigne rule ouer all Denmark, England, Norwaie, Scotland, and part of Sweiden. Amongest other of his roiall acts, he caused such tolles and tallages as were demanded of way-goers at bridges and stréets in the high way betwixt England and Rome to be diminished to the halfes, and againe got also a moderation to be had in the paiment of the archbishops fees of his realme, which was leuied of[Page 731] them in the court of Rome when they should receiue their palles, as may appeare by a letter which he himselfe being at Rome, directed to the bishops and other of the nobles of England. In the which it also appeareth, that besides the roiall interteinment, which he had at Rome of pope Iohn, he had conference there with the emperour Conrad, with Rafe the king of Burgongne, and manie other great princes and noble men, which were present there at that time: all which at his request, Grants made to the benefit of Englishmen, at the instance of king Cnute. Fabian.
Polydor.
Matt. West.
in fauour of those Englishmen that should trauell vnto Rome, granted (as we haue said) to diminish such duties as were gathered of passingers.

The vast realm of K. Cnute. Hen. Hunt.
Alb. Crantz.
This Cnute was the most powerful king to ever rule over the English people: he held ultimate authority over all of Denmark, England, Norway, Scotland, and part of Sweden. Among his many royal actions, he reduced the tolls and taxes demanded from travelers at bridges and along the roads between England and Rome by half, and he also obtained a reduction in the payments owed for the archbishops' fees in his kingdom, which were collected in Rome when they received their palls, as shown in a letter he wrote while in Rome to the bishops and other nobles of England. This letter also shows that, in addition to the royal welcome he received from Pope John in Rome, he met with Emperor Conrad, Ralph the king of Burgundy, and many other great princes and nobles who were present at that time; all of them, at his request, Grants made for the benefit of Englishmen at the request of King Cnute. Fabian.
Polydor.
Matt. West.
agreed to lessen the fees collected from English travelers going to Rome.

He receiued there manie great gifts of the emperour, and was highlie honored of him, and likewise of the pope, and of all other the high princes at that time present at Rome: so that when he came home (as some write) he did grow greatlie into pride, insomuch that being néere He caused his chaire to be set there, as Matth. West. saith. Hen. Hunt. to the Thames, or rather (as other write) vpon the sea strand, néere to Southhampton, and perceiuing the water to rise by reason of the tide, he cast off his gowne, and wrapping it round togither, threw it on the sands verie neere the increasing water, and sat him downe vpon it, speaking these or the like words to the sea: "Thou art (saith he) within the compasse of my dominion, and the ground whereon I sit is mine, and thou knowest that no wight dare disobeie my commandements; I therefore doo now command thée not to rise vpon my ground, nor to presume to wet anie part of thy souereigne lord and gouernour." But the sea kéeping hir course, rose still higher and higher, and ouerflowed not onelie the kings féet, but also flashed vp vnto his legs and knees. Wherewith the king started suddenlie vp, and withdrew from it, saieng The saieng of king Cnute. withall to his nobles that were about him: "Behold you noble men, you call me king, which can not so much as staie by my commandement this small portion of water. But know ye for certeine, that there is no king but the father onelie of our Lord Iesus Christ, with whome he reigneth, Zealouslie inough, if it had bin according to true knowledge. & at whose becke all things are gouerned. Let vs therefore honor him, let vs confesse and professe him to be the ruler of heauen, earth, and sea, and besides him none other."

He received many great gifts from the emperor, and was highly honored by him, as well as by the pope and all the other high princes present in Rome at that time. When he returned home (as some say), he became very proud. It is said that when he was near the Thames, or according to others, on the beach near Southampton, he noticed the water rising due to the tide. He took off his gown, wrapped it up, and laid it on the sand close to the rising water, then sat down on it, speaking these or similar words to the sea: "You are,” he said, “within my realm, and the ground I'm sitting on is mine. You know that no one dares to disobey my commands; so now I command you not to rise over my land, nor to presume to wet any part of your sovereign lord." But the sea continued its course, rising higher and higher, and not only soaked the king's feet but also splashed up to his legs and knees. With that, the king suddenly stood up and moved away from it, saying to his nobles around him: "Look, noble men, you call me king, yet I cannot even stop this small body of water by my command. But know for certain that there is no king except for the Father alone of our Lord Jesus Christ, with whom He reigns, and at whose command all things are governed. Therefore, let us honor Him, let us acknowledge and proclaim Him to be the ruler of heaven, earth, and sea, and besides Him, there is none other."

From thence he went to Winchester, and there with his owne hands set his crowne vpon the head of the image of the crucifix, which stood Ran. Higd.
Polydor.
Matth. West.
there in the church of the apostles Peter and Paule, and from thenceforth he would neuer weare that crowne nor anie other. Some write that he spake not the former words to the sea vpon anie

Polydor.
presumptuousnesse of mind, but onelie vpon occasion of the vaine title, which in his commendation one of his gentlemen gaue him by way of flatterie (as he rightlie tooke it) for he called him the most mightiest king of all kings, which ruled most at large both men, sea, Flatterie reproued. and land. Therefore to reprooue the fond flatterie of such vaine persons, he deuised and practised the déed before mentioned, thereby both to reprooue such flatterers, and also that men might be admonished to consider the omnipotencie of almightie God. He had issue by his wife quéene Emma, a sonne named by the English chronicles Hardiknought, but by the Danish writers Canute or Knute: also a daughter named Gonilda, that was after maried to Henrie the sonne of Conrad, which also was Polydor.
Alb. Cranz.
afterwards emperour, and named Henrie the third. By his concubine Alwine that was daughter to Alselme, whome some name earle of Hampton, he had two bastard sonnes, Harold and Sweno. He was much giuen in his latter daies to vertue, as he that considered how perfect felicitie Polydor.
Fabian.
rested onelie in godlines and true deuotion to serue the heauenlie king and gouernour of all things.

From there he went to Winchester, and there with his own hands placed his crown on the head of the crucifix that stood in the church of the apostles Peter and Paul. From that point on, he would never wear that crown or any other. Some say he didn’t say those earlier words to the sea out of arrogance, but only because of a vain title given to him by one of his courtiers as a form of flattery (which he rightly recognized), who called him the most powerful king of all kings, ruling over men, sea, and land. To reproach the foolish flattery of such vain people, he devised and performed the action mentioned earlier, both to criticize such flatterers and to remind people to reflect on the omnipotence of Almighty God. He had a son by his wife Queen Emma, named Hardiknought by the English chronicles, but Canute or Knute by the Danish writers, as well as a daughter named Gonilda, who later married Henry, the son of Conrad, who also became emperor and was known as Henry III. By his concubine Alwine, who was the daughter of Alselme, sometimes referred to as the Earl of Hampton, he had two illegitimate sons, Harold and Sweno. In his later years, he was very much devoted to virtue, understanding that true happiness lies solely in piety and genuine devotion to serve the heavenly king and governor of all things.

He repared in his time manie churches, abbeies and houses of religion, which by occasion of warres had béene sore defaced by him and his father, but speciallie he did great cost vpon the abbeie of saint Edmund, in the towne of Burie, as partlie before is mentioned. He also Which is supposed to be Barclow: for Ashdone it selfe is halfe a mile from thence. 1020.
Simon Dun.
built two abbeies from the foundation, as saint Benets in Norffolke, seuen miles distant from Norwich, and an other in Norwaie. He did also build a church at Ashdone in Essex, where he obteined the victorie of king Edmund, and was present at the hallowing or consecration therof with a great multitude of the lords and nobles of the realme, both English and Danes. He also holpe with his owne hands to remooue the bodie of the holie archbishop Elphegus, when the same was translated from London to Canturburie. The roiall and most rich iewels which he &[Page 732] his wife quéene Emma gaue vnto the church of Winchester, might make the beholders to woonder at such their exceeding and bountifull munificence.

He repaired many churches, abbeys, and religious houses during his time, which had been badly damaged by wars involving him and his father. In particular, he spent a lot on the Abbey of Saint Edmund in the town of Bury, as mentioned earlier. He also It’s supposed to be Barclow, since Ashdone is half a mile away from there. 1020.
Simon Dun.
built two abbeys from the ground up, including Saint Benet's in Norfolk, seven miles from Norwich, and another one in Norway. He also built a church at Ashdon in Essex, where he secured victory over King Edmund, and he attended its consecration with a large gathering of lords and nobles from both England and Denmark. He also helped personally to move the body of the holy Archbishop Elphege when it was transferred from London to Canterbury. The royal and incredibly valuable jewels that he and his wife, Queen Emma, donated to the church of Winchester would astonish anyone who saw their generosity and lavishness.

Thus did Cnute striue to reforme all such things as he and his ancestors had doone amisse, and to wipe awaie the spot of euill dooing, as suerlie to the outward sight of the world he did in deed; he had the archbishop of Canturburie Achelnotus in singular reputation, and vsed Leofrike earle of Chester. his counsell in matters of importance. He also highlie fauoured Leofrike earle of Chester, so that the same Leofrike bare great rule in ordering of things touching the state of the common wealth vnder him as King Cnutes lawes. one of his chiefe councellors. Diuerse lawes and statutes he made for the gouernment of the common wealth, partlie agréeable with the lawes of king Edgar, and other the kings that were his predecessors, and partlie tempered according to his owne liking, and as was thought to him most expedient: among the which there be diuerse that concerne causes as well ecclesiasticall as temporall. Whereby (as maister Fox hath noted) it maie be gathered, that the gouernment of spirituall matters did depend then not vpon the bishop of Rome, but rather apperteined vnto the lawfull authoritie of the temporall prince, no lesse than matters and causes temporall. But of these lawes & statutes enacted by king Cnute, ye may read more as ye find them set foorth in the before remembred booke of maister William Lambert, which for briefenesse we héere omit.

Thus did Cnut strive to reform everything that he and his ancestors had done wrong, and to erase the stain of wrongdoing, as certainly he did in the eyes of the world; he had the Archbishop of Canterbury, Achelnotus, in high regard, and he used Leofric, Earl of Chester. his counsel on important matters. He also greatly favored Leofric, Earl of Chester, so that Leofric held significant power in managing the affairs of the commonwealth under him as King Cnut's rules. one of his chief counselors. He created various laws and statutes for governing the commonwealth, partly in agreement with the laws of King Edgar and other kings who preceded him, and partly tailored to his own preferences and what he thought was most appropriate: among which there are several that concern both ecclesiastical and temporal issues. Therefore (as Master Fox has noted), it can be inferred that the governance of spiritual matters did not depend then on the bishop of Rome, but rather fell under the lawful authority of the temporal prince, just like temporal matters and issues. For more details on these laws and statutes enacted by King Cnut, you can read more as they are set forth in the aforementioned book by Master William Lambert, which we will omit here for brevity.


Variance amongest the peeres of the realme about the roiall succession, the kingdome is diuided betwixt Harold the bastard sonne and Hardicnute the lawfullie begotten son of king Cnute late deceassed, Harold hath the totall regiment, the authoritie of earle Goodwine gardian to the queenes sonnes, Harold is proclaimed king, why Elnothus did stoutlie refuse to consecrate him, why Harold was surnamed Harefoot, he is supposed to be a shoomakers sonne, and how it came to passe that he was counted king Cnutes bastard; Alfred challengeth the crowne from Harold, Goodwine (vnder colour of friendlie interteinment) procureth his retinues vtter vndooing, a tithing of the Normans by the poll, whether Alfred was interessed in the crowne, the trecherous letter of Harold written in the name of queéne Emma to hir two sons in Normandie, wherevpon Alfred commeth ouer into England, the vnfaithfull dealing of Goodwine with Alfred and his people, teaching that in trust is treason, a reseruation of euerie tenth Norman, the remanent slaine, the lamentable end of Alfred, and with what torments he was put to death; Harold banisheth queene Emma out of England he degenerateth from his father, the short time of his reigne, his death and buriall.

There's a disagreement among the nobles of the realm about the royal succession. The kingdom is divided between Harold, the illegitimate son, and Hardicnute, the legally begotten son of the late King Cnute. Harold has complete control, backed by Earl Goodwine, who acts as guardian to the queen's sons. Harold is proclaimed king, but Elnothus bravely refuses to consecrate him. Harold is nicknamed Harefoot, and it's rumored that he is the son of a shoemaker, adding to the belief that he is King Cnute's illegitimate child. Alfred claims the crown from Harold. Goodwine, under the guise of friendly hospitality, schemes against him, including bringing in a group of Normans. There's debate whether Alfred had a claim to the crown. A treacherous letter from Harold, written in the name of Queen Emma to her two sons in Normandy, prompts Alfred to come to England. Goodwine betrays Alfred and his supporters, proving that trust can lead to treason. Every tenth Norman is reserved, and the rest are killed. Alfred meets a tragic end with brutal torture. Harold banishes Queen Emma from England and strays from his father's legacy, leading to his brief reign, death, and burial.

THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.

HAROLD. Matth. West.
Wil. Malm.
After that Cnute was departed this life, there arose much variance amongst the peeres and great lords of the realme about the succession. The Danes and Londoners (which through continuall familiaritie with the Danes, were become like vnto them) elected Harold the base sonne of Controuersie for the crowne. king Cnute, to succéed in his fathers roome, hauing earle Leofrike, and diuerse other of the noble men of the north parts on their side. But other of the Englishmen, and namelie earle Goodwine earle of Kent, with the chiefest lords of the west parts, coueted rather to haue one of king Egelreds sonnes, which were in Normandie, or else Hardicnute the sonne of king Cnute by his wife quéene Emma, which remained in Denmarke, aduanced to the place. This controuersie held in such wise, Simon Dun. The realme diuided betwixt Harold and Hardicnute. that the realme was diuided (as some write) by lot betwixt the two brethren Harold and Hardicnute. The north part, as Mercia and Northumberland fell to Harold, and the south part vnto Hardicnute: but at length the whole remained vnto Harold, bicause his brother Hardicnute refused to come out of Denmarke to take the gouernment vpon him.

HAROLD. Matthew West
William of Malmesbury
After Cnut passed away, there was a lot of disagreement among the nobles and lords of the realm about who should take over. The Danes and the people of London, who had become very familiar with the Danes, chose Harold, the illegitimate son of King Cnut, to succeed his father. They had Earle Leofric and several other noblemen from the north on their side. However, other Englishmen, particularly Earle Godwin of Kent and other leading lords from the west, preferred to have one of King Egelred’s sons, who were in Normandy, or Hardicnute, the son of King Cnut and Queen Emma, who was in Denmark, take the throne. This dispute resulted in a division of the realm (as some write) between the two brothers, Harold and Hardicnute. The northern part, including Mercia and Northumberland, went to Harold, while the south went to Hardicnute. In the end, the entire realm remained with Harold because his brother Hardicnute refused to come from Denmark to take power.


The authoritie of earle Goodwine.
H. Hunt. But yet the authoritie of earle Goodwine, who had the queene and the[Page 733] treasure of the realme in his kéeping, staied the matter a certeine time, (professing himselfe as it were gardian to the yoong men, the sonnes of the quéene, till at length he was constreined to giue ouer his hold, and conforme himselfe to the stronger part and greater number.) And so at Oxford, where the assemblie was holden about the election, Harold was proclaimed king, and consecrated according to the The refusall of the archbishop Elnothus to consecrate king Harold. maner (as some write.) But it should appeere by other, that Elnothus the archbishop of Canturburie, a man indued with all vertue and wisedome, refused to crowne him: for when king Harold being elected of the nobles and péeres, required the said archbishop that he might be of him consecrated, and receiue at his hands the regall scepter with the crowne, which the archbishop had in his custodie, and to whome it onelie did apperteine to inuest him therewith, the archbishop flatlie refused, and with an oth protested, that he would not consecrate anie other for king, so long as the quéenes children liued: "for (saith he) Cnute committed them to my trust and assurance, and to them will I kéepe my faith and loiall obedience. The scepter and crowne I héere lay downe vpon the altar, and neither doo I denie nor deliuer them vnto you: but I forbid by the apostolike authoritie all the bishops, that none of them presume to take the same awaie, and deliuer them to you, or consecrate you for king. As for your selfe, if you dare, you maie vsurpe that which I haue committed vnto God and his table."

The power of Earl Godwine. H. Hunt. But the authority of Earl Godwine, who had the queen and the [Page 733] treasure of the realm in his care, held off the matter for a while, (claiming to be the guardian of the young men, the sons of the queen, until he was eventually forced to give up his position and align himself with the stronger faction and greater numbers.) So at Oxford, where the assembly was held for the election, Harold was declared king and consecrated according to the The refusal of Archbishop Elnothus to consecrate King Harold. custom (as some write.) However, it appears from other accounts that Elnothus, the Archbishop of Canterbury, a man endowed with all virtue and wisdom, refused to crown him: for when King Harold was chosen by the nobles and peers and requested the archbishop to consecrate him and present him with the regal scepter and crown, which the archbishop had in his possession and which exclusively belonged to him to bestow, the archbishop flatly refused and, with an oath, declared that he would not consecrate anyone else as king as long as the queen's children were alive: "For (he said) Cnut entrusted them to my care, and to them will I keep my faith and loyal obedience. The scepter and crown I lay down here on the altar; I neither deny nor relinquish them to you: but I forbid, by apostolic authority, all bishops from presuming to take them away and hand them to you, or to consecrate you as king. As for yourself, if you dare, you may usurp what I have entrusted to God and His table."

But whether afterwards the king by one meane or other, caused the archbishop to crowne him king, or that he was consecrated of some other, he was admitted king of all the English people, beginning his 1036. reigne in the yéere of our Lord a thousand thirtie and six, in the fouretenth yéere of the emperor Conrad the second, in the sixt yéere of Henrie the first, king of France, and about the seuen and twentith yéere of Malcolme the second, king of Scots. This Harold for his great Harold why he is surnamed Harefoot. swiftnesse, was surnamed Harefoot, of whome little is written touching his dooings, sauing that he is noted to haue béene an oppressor of his
Harold euill spoken of.
Ran. Higa.
ex Mariano.
people, and spotted with manie notable vices. It was spoken of diuerse in those daies, that this Harold was not the sonne of Cnute, but of a shoomaker, and that his supposed mother Elgina, king Cnutes concubine, to bring the king further in loue with hir, feined that she was with child: and about the time that she should be brought to bed (as she made hir account) caused the said shoemakers son to be secretlie brought into hir chamber, and then vntrulie caused it to be reported that she was deliuered, and the child so reputed to be the kings sonne.

But whether later the king, by one means or another, had the archbishop crown him or if he was consecrated by someone else, he was accepted as the king of all the English people, starting his reign in the year of our Lord 1036, in the fourteenth year of Emperor Conrad II, in the sixth year of Henry I, king of France, and around the twenty-seventh year of Malcolm II, king of Scots. This Harold, known for his great swiftness, was nicknamed Harefoot. Little is written about his actions, except that he is noted as having been an oppressor of his people and was marked by many notable vices. It was said by various people at that time that this Harold was not the son of Cnut, but of a shoemaker, and that his supposed mother Elgina, Cnut's concubine, pretended to be pregnant to win the king's affection. Around the time she was supposed to give birth (as she planned), she secretly had the shoemaker's son brought into her chamber, and then falsely claimed she had delivered, with the child falsely considered to be the king's son.

Matth. West. Immediatlie vpon aduertisement had of Cnutes death, Alfred the sonne of king Egelred, with fiftie saile landed at Sandwich, meaning to challenge the crowne, and to obteine it by lawfull claime with quietnesse, if he might; if not, then to vse force by aid of his friends, and to assaie that waie foorth to win it, if he might not otherwise obteine it. From Sandwich he came to Canturburie: and shortlie after, earle Goodwine feining to receiue him as a friend, came to meet him, and at Gilford in the night season appointed a number of armed men to fall vpon the Normans as they were asléepe, and so tooke them togither with Alfred, & slue the Normans by the poll, in such wise that nine were shine, & the tenth reserued. But yet when those that were reserued, seemed to him a greater number than he wished to escape, he fell to and againe tithed them as before. Alfred had his eies put out, and was conueied to the Ile of Elie, where shortlie after he died.

Matthew West Immediately after hearing about Cnut's death, Alfred, the son of King Egelred, landed at Sandwich with fifty ships, intending to claim the crown and obtain it through legal means if possible; if not, he planned to use force with the help of his friends to win it. After leaving Sandwich, he went to Canterbury. Shortly afterward, Earl Godwin, pretending to welcome him as a friend, met him and at Guildford during the night, arranged for a group of armed men to attack the Normans while they were asleep, capturing Alfred along with them and killing the Normans in such a way that nine were killed and the tenth spared. However, when those spared seemed to be more than he wanted to let escape, he set about killing them again as before. Alfred had his eyes gouged out and was taken to the Isle of Ely, where he died shortly afterward.

Ran. Higd. ¶ How Alfred should claime the crowne to himselfe I sée not: for verelie I can not be persuaded that he was the elder brother, though diuers authors haue so written, sith Gemeticensis, & the author of the booke called "Encomium Emmae," plainlie affirme, that Edward was the elder: but it might be, that Alfred being a man of a stouter stomach Sée maister Fox acts and monuments, pag. 112.
Simon Dun.
than his brother Edward, made this attempt, either for himselfe, or in the behalfe of his brother Edward, being as then absent, and gone into Hungarie, as some write: but other say, that as well Edward as Alfred came ouer at this time with a number of Norman knights, and men of warre imbarked in a few ships, onelie to speake with their mother, who as then lay at Winchester, whether to take aduise with hir how to recouer their right heere in this land, or to aduance their brother Hardicnute, or for some other purpose, our authors doo not declare.

Ran. Higd. ¶ I don't see how Alfred could claim the crown for himself, because honestly, I can’t be convinced that he was the older brother, even though several authors have written that way. Both Gemeticensis and the author of the book "Encomium Emmae" clearly state that Edward was the older one. It could be that Alfred, being a stronger person than his brother Edward, made this attempt either for himself or on behalf of Edward, who was at that time absent and had gone to Hungary, according to some accounts. Others say that both Edward and Alfred arrived at this time with a group of Norman knights and soldiers, only to speak with their mother, who was then staying in Winchester, whether to get her advice on how to reclaim their rights in this land, to support their brother Hardicnute, or for some other purpose, our authors do not clarify.

But the lords of the realme that bare their good wils vnto Harold, and[Page 734] (though contrarie to right) ment to mainteine him in the estate, seemed to be much offended with the comming of these two brethren in such order: for earle Goodwine persuaded them, that it was great danger to suffer so manie strangers to enter the realme, as they had brought with them. Wherevpon earle Goodwine with the assent of the other lords, or rather by commandement of Harold, went foorth, and at Gilford met with Alfred that was comming towards king Harold to speake with him, accordinglie as he was of Harold required to doo. But now being taken, and his companie miserablie murthered (as before ye haue heard) to the number of six hundred Normans, Alfred himselfe was sent into the Ile of Elie, there to remaine in the abbeie in custodie of the moonks, hauing his eies put out as soone as he entered first into the same Ile. William Malmesburie saith, that Alfred came ouer, and was thus handeled betwixt the time of Harolds death, & the comming in of Hardicnute. Others write, that this chanced in his brother Hardicnuts daies, which séemeth not to be true: for Hardicnute was knowne to loue his brethren by his mothers side too dearelie to haue suffered anie such iniurie to be wrought against either of them in his time.

But the lords of the realm who were supportive of Harold, and[Page 734] (although it was against the law) intended to keep him in power, were quite upset about the arrival of these two brothers in such a manner. Earl Goodwine warned them that it was a big risk to allow so many outsiders into the kingdom with them. Consequently, Earl Goodwine, with the agreement of the other lords, or rather at Harold's command, went out and met Alfred at Gilford, who was on his way to speak with King Harold as he had been asked to do. However, now captured, and with his companions brutally killed (as you have heard before) — a total of six hundred Normans — Alfred himself was sent to the Isle of Ely, where he would remain in the abbey under the custody of the monks, having had his eyes put out as soon as he first entered the isle. William Malmesbury states that Alfred crossed over and was treated this way between the time of Harold's death and the coming of Harthacnut. Others claim that this happened during his brother Harthacnut's reign, which doesn’t seem to be true: Harthacnut was known to care for his half-brothers too dearly to have allowed such an injury to happen to either of them during his time.

¶ Thus ye sée how writers dissent in this matter, but for the better clearing of the truth touching the time, I haue thought good to shew also what the author of the said booke intituled "Encomium Emmæ" writeth hereof, which is as followeth. When Harold was once established king, he sought meanes how to rid quéene Emma out of the way, and that secretlie, for that openlie as yet he durst not attempt anie thing against hir. She in silence kept hir selfe quiet, looking for the end of these things. But Harold remembring himselfe, of a malicious purpose, by wicked aduise tooke counsell how he might get into his hands and make away the sons of quéene Emma, & so to be out of danger of all annoiance that by them might be procured against him. Wherefore A counterfet letter. he caused a letter to be written in the name of their mother Emma, which he sent by certeine messengers suborned for the same purpose into Normandie, where Edward and Alfred as then remained. The tenour of which letter here insueth.

¶ So you see how writers disagree on this matter, but to clarify the truth regarding the timing, I thought it would be good to show what the author of the book titled "Encomium Emmæ" writes about this, which is as follows. Once Harold became king, he looked for ways to secretly get rid of Queen Emma, as he didn’t dare take any open action against her yet. She remained quiet, waiting to see how things would unfold. However, Harold, with a malicious intent, maliciously sought counsel on how he could get his hands on and eliminate the sons of Queen Emma, thereby avoiding any threats they might pose against him. Therefore, A fake letter. he had a letter written in the name of their mother Emma, which he sent through certain messengers he had bribed for this purpose to Normandy, where Edward and Alfred were staying at that time. The content of that letter follows.

The tenour of a letter forged and sent in queene Emmas name to hir two sonnes.

The content of a letter that was forged and sent in Queen Emma's name to her two sons.

"Emma tantùm nomine regina filijs Edwardo & Alfredo materna impertit salutamina. Dū domini nostri regis obitum separatim plangimus (filij charissimi) dúmq; dietim magis magisque regno hæreditatis vestræ priuamini, miror quid captetis consilij, dum sciatis intermissionis vestræ dilatione inuasoris vestri imperij fieri quotidiè soliditatē. Is enim incessanter vicos & vrbes circuit, & sibi amicos principes muneribus, minis, & precibus facit: sed vnum è vobis super se mallent regnare quàm istius (qui nunc ijs imperat) teneri ditione. Vnde rogo vnus vestrum ad me velociter & priuatè veniat, vt salubre à me consilium accipiat, & sciat quo pacto hoc negotium quod volo fieri debeat, per præsentem quóque internuncium quid super his facturi estis remandate. Valete cordis mei viscera."

"Emma only addresses Edward and Alfred, the sons, with greetings from their mother. While we individually mourn the death of our king (dear sons) and daily worry more about the deprivation of your rightful inheritance, I wonder what you are planning, knowing that the longer you delay, the stronger your enemy becomes. He is constantly moving through towns and cities, winning over princes with gifts, threats, and pleas; yet, one of you would rather reign over him than remain under the control of the one who currently governs you. Therefore, I request that one of you come to me quickly and privately, so you can receive sound advice from me and know how this matter I wish to address should be handled. Also, please inform me through this messenger what you intend to do about this. Take care, from the depths of my heart."

The same in English.

Same in English.

"Emma in name onelie queene to hir sons Edward and Alfred sendeth motherlie greeting. Whilest we separatelie bewaile the death of our souereigne lord the king (most deare sonnes) and whilest you are euerie day more and more depriued from the kingdome of your inheritance, I maruell what you doo determine, sith you know by the delay of your ceassing to make some enterprise, the grounded force of the vsurper of your kingdom is dailie made the stronger. For incessantlie he goeth from towne to towne, from citie to citie, and maketh the lords his friends by rewards, threats, and praiers, but they had rather haue one of you to reigne ouer them, than to be kept vnder the rule of this man that now gouerneth them. Wherefore my request is, that one of you doo come with speed, and that priuilie ouer to me, that he may vnderstand my wholesome aduise, and know in what sort this matter ought to be handled, which I would haue to go forward, and see that ye send mee word by this present messenger what you meane to doo herein. Fare ye well euen the bowels of my heart."

"Emma, in name only queen to her sons Edward and Alfred, sends motherly greetings. While we individually mourn the death of our sovereign lord the king (most dear sons), and while you are increasingly deprived of the kingdom that is rightfully yours, I wonder what you plan to do, since you know that delaying any action gives the usurper of your kingdom more strength every day. He continuously travels from town to town, from city to city, winning over the lords with rewards, threats, and persuasion, but they would rather have one of you rule over them than remain under the control of this man who currently governs them. Therefore, my request is that one of you come to me quickly and privately, so he can understand my sound advice and know how this situation should be managed, which I want to move forward, and please send me a message with this current messenger about your intentions regarding this matter. Farewell, with all my heart."

These letters were deliuered vnto such as were made priuie to the[Page 735] purposed treason, who being fullie instructed how to deale, went ouer into Normandie, and presenting the letters vnto the yoong gentlemen, vsed the matter so, that they thought verelie that this message had béene sent from their mother, and wrote againe by them that brought the letters, that one of them would not faile but come ouer vnto hir according to that she had requested, and withall appointed the day and time. The messengers returning to king Harold, informed him how they had sped. The yoonger brother Alfred, with his brothers consent, tooke with him a certeine number of gentlemen and men of warre, and first came into Flanders, where after he had remained a while with earle Baldwine, he increased his retinue with a few Bullogners, and passed ouer into England, but approching to the shore, he was streightwaies descried by his enimies, who hasted foorth to set vpon him; but perceiuing their drift, he bad the ships cast about, and make againe to the sea; then landing at an other place, he ment to go the next way to his mother.

These letters were delivered to those who were informed about the planned treason. They were fully briefed on how to handle things, went over to Normandy, and showed the letters to the young gentlemen. They presented it in a way that made the young men truly believe that this message had come from their mother. They then wrote back with the messengers who brought the letters, saying that one of them would definitely come to her as she had asked, and they also set a specific day and time for it. When the messengers returned to King Harold, they told him how things had gone. The younger brother Alfred, with his brother’s consent, took a number of gentlemen and warriors with him, first heading to Flanders. After spending some time with Earl Baldwin and gathering a few more men from Boulogne, he crossed over to England. However, as he approached the shore, his enemies spotted him immediately and rushed to attack. Sensing their intentions, he ordered the ships to turn around and head back to sea. Then he landed somewhere else, intending to go directly to his mother.

Godwin was suspected to do this vnder a colour to betray him as by writers it séemeth. But earle Goodwine hearing of his arriuall, met him, receiued him into his assurance, and binding his credit with a corporall oth, became his man, and therwith leading him out of the high way that leadeth to London, he brought him to Gilford, where he lodged all the strangers, by a score, a doozen, and halfe a score togither in innes, so as but a few remained about the yoong gentleman Alfred to attend vpon him. There was plentie of meat and drinke prepared in euerie lodging, for the refreshing of all the companie. And Goodwine taking his leaue for that night, departed to his lodging, promising the next morning to come againe to giue his dutifull attendance on Alfred.

Godwin was thought to be doing this under the guise of betraying him, as some writers suggest. But Earl Goodwine, hearing about his arrival, met him, assured him of his loyalty, and swore an oath of fealty, becoming his man. He then led him off the highway that goes to London and brought him to Guildford, where he accommodated all the newcomers, about twenty in total, in inns, leaving only a few to attend to the young gentleman Alfred. There was plenty of food and drink prepared in each lodging for everyone's refreshment. Goodwine took his leave for the night, heading to his own lodging, and promised to return the next morning to provide his dutiful service to Alfred.

But behold, after they had filled themselues with meats and drinks, and Not onelie Goodwine but other such as king Harold appointed, took Alfred with his Normans. were gone to bed, in the dead of the night came such as king Harold had appointed, and entring into euerie inne, first seized vpon the armor and weapons that belonged to the strangers: which done, they tooke them, and chained them fast with fetters and manacles, so kéeping them sure till the next morning. Which being come, they were brought foorth with their hands bound behind their backs, and deliuered to most cruell tormentors, who were commanded to spare none but euerie tenth man, as he came to hand by lot, and so they slue nine and left the tenth aliue. Of those that were left aliue, some they kept to serue as bondmen, other for couetousnesse of gaine they sold, and some they put in prison, of whome yet diuerse afterwards escaped. This with more hath the foresaid author written of this matter, declaring further, that Alfred being conueied into the Ile of Elie, had not onelie his eies put out in most cruell wise, but was also presentlie there murthered. But he speaketh not further of the maner how he was made away, sauing that he saith he forbeareth to make long recitall of this matter, bicause he will not renew the mothers gréefe in hearing it, sith there can be no greater sorrow to the mother than to heare of hir sonnes death.

But look, after they had filled themselves with food and drinks, and Not just Goodwine, but others that King Harold appointed, took Alfred along with his Normans. had gone to bed, in the middle of the night came those that King Harold had appointed, and entering into every inn, first seized the armor and weapons that belonged to the strangers. Once that was done, they took them and chained them tightly with fetters and manacles, keeping them secure until the next morning. When morning came, they were brought out with their hands bound behind their backs and handed over to the most cruel tormentors, who were ordered to spare no one except every tenth man, as they came to hand by lot, killing nine and leaving the tenth alive. Of those that were left alive, some were kept as bondmen, others were sold for greed, and some were thrown in prison, though many of them later escaped. The aforementioned author has written more about this matter, further declaring that Alfred, being taken to the Isle of Ely, not only had his eyes cruelly gouged out but was also immediately murdered there. However, he doesn’t go into detail on how he was killed, only saying that he refrains from recounting this matter at length because he does not want to renew the mother's grief by hearing it, since there can be no greater sorrow for a mother than to hear of her son's death.

¶ I remember in Caxton we read, that his cruell tormentors should cause his bellie to be opened, & taking out one end of his bowels or guts, tied the same to a stake which they had set fast in the ground; then with néedels of iron pricking his bodie, they caused him to run about the stake, till he had woond out all his intrailes, & so ended he his innocent life, to the great shame & obloquie of his cruel aduersaries. But whether he was thus tormented or not, or rather died (as I thinke) of the anguish by putting out his eies, no doubt but his death was reuenged by Gods hand in those that procured it. But whether erle Goodwine was chéefe causer thereof, in betraieng him vnder a cloked colour of pretended fréendship, I cannot say: but that he tooke him and slue his companie, as some haue written, I cannot thinke it to be true, both as well for that which ye haue heard recited out of the author that wrote "Encomium Emmæ," as also for that it should séeme he might neuer be so directlie charged with it, but that he had matter to alledge in his owne excuse. But now to other affaires of Harold.

¶ I remember in Caxton we read that his cruel tormentors had his belly opened, and took out one end of his intestines, tying it to a stake they had fixed in the ground. Then, using iron needles to stab his body, they forced him to run around the stake until he had pulled out all his innards, and so he ended his innocent life, to the great shame and disgrace of his cruel enemies. Whether he was tormented like that or died, as I believe, from the pain of having his eyes gouged out, there’s no doubt his death was avenged by God on those who orchestrated it. As for whether Earl Goodwine was the main cause of his betrayal under a facade of false friendship, I can’t say for certain. However, I find it hard to believe he captured him and killed his companions, as some have written. This is supported by what you've heard quoted from the author who wrote "Encomium Emmæ," and it seems he could never be directly accused of it unless he had something to defend himself with. Now, onto other matters concerning Harold.

Simon Dun. Quéene Emma banished. After he had made away his halfe brother Alfred, he spoiled his mother in law quéene Emma of the most part of hir riches, and therewith banished hir quite out of the realme: so that she sailed ouer to Flanders, where she was honourablie receiued of earle Baldwine, and hauing of him honourable prouision assigned hir, she continued there for the space of thrée yeeres, till that after the death of Harold, she was sent for by hir sonne Hardiknought, that succéeded Harold in the[Page 736] Polydor.
Hen. Hunt.

Harold degenerateth from his father.
kingdome. Moreouer, Harold made small account of his subiects, degenerating from the noble vertues of his father, following him in few things (except in exacting of tributes and paiments.) He caused indeed eight markes of siluer to be leuied of euerie port or hauen in England, to the reteining of 16 ships furnished with men of warre, which continued euer in readinesse to defend the coasts from pirats. To
A nauie in a readinesse.
Euill men, the longer they liue, the more they grow into miserie.
Wil. Malm.
Hen. Hunt.
conclude with this Harold, his spéedie death prouided well for his fame, bicause (as it was thought) if his life had béene of long continuance, his infamie had béene the greater. But after he had reigned foure yéeres, or (as other gathered) three yéeres and thrée moneths, he departed out of this world at Oxford, & was buried at Wil. Malm. Winchester (as some say.) Other say he died at Meneford in the moneth of Aprill, and was buried at Westminster, which should appeare to be true by that which after is reported of his brother Hardiknoughts cruell dealing, and great spite shewed toward his dead bodie, as after shall be specified.

Simon Dun. Queen Emma was exiled. After he got rid of his half-brother Alfred, he took most of Queen Emma's wealth from her and completely banished her from the realm. She sailed over to Flanders, where she was received honorably by Earl Baldwin, who made sure she was well-provided for. She stayed there for three years until, after Harold's death, her son Hardiknought, who succeeded Harold in the[Page 736] Polydor.
Hen. Hunt.

Harold deviated from his father's path.
kingdom, called for her to return. Moreover, Harold had little regard for his subjects, drifting away from the noble qualities of his father, and only following in his footsteps regarding the collection of taxes and payments. He did indeed impose a tax of eight marks of silver on every port or harbor in England to fund 16 warships ready to defend the coasts from pirates. To
A navy on alert.
Evil individuals, the longer they exist, the more wretched they become.
Wil. Malm.
Hen. Hunt.
wrap up with Harold, his quick death actually benefited his reputation because it was believed that if he had lived longer, his infamy would have increased. But after reigning for four years, or as some say, three years and three months, he passed away in Oxford and was buried at Wil. Malm. Winchester (according to some). Others say he died at Meneford in April and was buried at Westminster, which seems true based on the reports of his brother Hardiknought's cruel treatment and intense malice towards his dead body, as will be detailed later.


Hardicnute is sent for into England to be made king; alteration in the state of Norwaie and Denmarke by the death of king Cnute, Hardicnute is crowned, he sendeth for his mother queene Emma, Normandie ruled by the French king, Hardicnute reuengeth his mothers exile upon the dead bodie of his stepbrother Harold, queene Emma and erle Goodwine haue the gouernment of things in their hands, Hardicnute leuieth a sore tribute upon his subiects; contempt of officers & deniall of a prince his tribute sharpelie punished; prince Edward commeth into England; the bishop of Worcester accused and put from his see for being accessarie to the murthering of Alfred, his restitution procured by contribution; Earle Goodwine being accused for the same trespasse excuseth himselfe, and iustifieth his cause by swearing, but speciallie by presenting the king with an inestimable gift; the cause why Goodwine purposed Alfreds death; the English peoples care about the succession to the crowne, moonke Brightwalds dreame and vision touching that matter; Hardicnute poisoned at a bridall, his conditions, speciallie his hospitalitie, of him the Englishmen learned to eate and drinke immoderatlie, the necessitie of sobrietie, the end of the Danish regiment in this land, and when they began first to inuade the English coasts.

Hardicnute is called to England to be made king; changes in Norway and Denmark follow the death of King Cnute. Hardicnute is crowned and summons his mother, Queen Emma. Normandy is ruled by the French king. Hardicnute seeks revenge for his mother's exile by punishing the dead body of his stepbrother Harold. Queen Emma and Earl Goodwine handle the government matters. Hardicnute imposes a heavy tribute on his subjects; disrespect towards officials and refusal to pay a prince's tribute are harshly punished. Prince Edward arrives in England. The Bishop of Worcester is accused and removed from his position for being involved in Alfred's murder, but his restoration is achieved through contributions. Earl Goodwine, accused of the same offense, defends himself and justifies his actions by swearing an oath, especially by presenting the king with a priceless gift. This reveals why Goodwine wanted Alfred dead. The English people are concerned about the succession to the throne, and Monk Brightwald has a dream and vision regarding that issue. Hardicnute is poisoned at a wedding; his behavior, particularly his hospitality, leads the English to learn to eat and drink excessively. The need for sobriety becomes clear, marking the end of Danish rule in this land, and noting when they first began invading the English coast.

THE XV. CHAPTER.

HARDICNUTE, or HARDIKNOUGHT. After that Harold was dead, all the nobles of the realme, both Danes and Englishmen agréed to send for Hardiknought, the sonne of Canute by his wife quéene Emma, and to make him king. Héere is to be noted, that by the death of king Canute, the state of things was much altered in those countries of beyond the seas wherein he had the rule and Alteration in the state of things. Simon Dun., & Matt. West. say, that he was at Bruges in Flanders with his mother when he was thus sent for, having come thither to visit hir. dominion. For the Norwegians elected one Magnus, the sonne of Olauus to be their king, and the Danes chose this Hardiknought, whome their writers name Canute the third, to be their gouernor. This Hardiknought or Canute being aduertised of the death of his halfe brother Harold, and that the lords of England had chosen him to their king, with all conuenient speed prepared a nauie, and imbarking a certeine number of men of warre, tooke the sea, and had the wind so fauorable for his purpose, that he arriued upon the coast of Kent the sixt day after he set out of Denmarke, and so comming to London, was ioifullie receiued, and proclaimed king, and crowned of Athelnotus archbishop of 1041. Canturburie, in the yere of our Lord 1041, in the first yéere of the emperour Henrie the third, in the 9 yeere of Henrie the first of that name king of France, and in the first yéere of Magfinloch, aliàs Machabeda king of Scotland. Incontinentlie after his establishment in Quéene Emma sent for. the rule of this realme, he sent into Flanders for his mother quéene Emma, who during the time of hir banishment, had remained there. For Normandie in that season was gouerned by the French king, by reason of the minoritie of duke William, surnamed the bastard.

HARDICNUTE, or HARDIKNOUGHT. After Harold died, all the nobles of the realm, both Danes and English, agreed to summon Hardiknought, the son of Canute and his wife, Queen Emma, to make him king. It’s important to note that with the death of King Canute, the situation changed significantly in the territories he ruled overseas. Change in the current situation. Simon Dun. and Matt. West. note that he was in Bruges, Flanders, with his mother when he was summoned, having gone there to visit her. The Norwegians elected one Magnus, son of Olauus, as their king, while the Danes chose Hardiknought, whom their historians refer to as Canute the third, as their ruler. When Hardiknought learned of his half-brother Harold’s death and that the lords of England had chosen him as their king, he quickly prepared a fleet and, with a contingent of warriors, set sail. The winds were favorable, allowing him to reach the coast of Kent just six days after leaving Denmark. Upon arriving in London, he was joyfully welcomed, proclaimed king, and crowned by Athelnotus, the Archbishop of 1041. Canterbury, in the year 1041 AD, during the first year of Emperor Henry the third, in the ninth year of Henry the first of that name, king of France, and in the first year of Magfinloch, also known as Machabeda, king of Scotland. Immediately after establishing his rule, he sent for his mother, Queen Emma, who had remained in Flanders during her banishment. At that time, Normandy was governed by the French king due to the minority of Duke William, nicknamed the bastard.

Moreouer, in reuenge of the wrong offered to quéene Emma by hir sonne[Page 737] in law Harold, king Hardicnute did cause Alfrike archbishop of Yorke and earle Goodwine, with other noble men to go to Westminster, and The bodie of king Harold taken vp, and throwen into Thames. there to take vp the bodie of the same Harold, and withall appointed, that the head thereof should be striken off, and the trunke of it cast into the riuer of Thames. Which afterwards being found by fishers, was S. Clement Danes. taken vp and buried in the churchyard of S. Clement Danes without Temple barre at London. He committed the order and gouernement of things to the hands of his mother Emma, and of Goodwine that was erle A tribute raised. Hen. Hunt. of Kent. He leuied a sore tribute of his subiects here in England to pay the souldiers and mariners of his nauie, as first 21 thousand pounds, & 99 pounds, and afterward vnto 32 ships there was a paiment

Moreover, in retaliation for the wrong done to Queen Emma by her son-in-law Harold, King Hardicnute ordered Archbishop Alfric of York and Earl Godwin, along with other nobles, to go to Westminster, and there to exhume the body of Harold. He also commanded that the head be severed and the trunk thrown into the River Thames. Later, the body was discovered by fishermen, who recovered it and buried it in the churchyard of St. Clement Danes outside Temple Bar in London. He entrusted the management of affairs to his mother Emma and Earl Godwin of Kent. He imposed a heavy tax on his subjects in England to pay the soldiers and sailors of his navy, initially raising £21,099, and later there was a payment for 32 ships.

Simon Dun.
Wil. Malm.
Matth. West.
Sim. Dun.
made of a 11 thousand and 48 pounds. To euerie mariner of his nauie he caused a paiment of 8 marks to be made, and to euerie master 12 marks. About the paiment of this monie great grudge grew amongst the people, insomuch that two of his seruants, which were appointed collectors in the citie of Worcester, the one named Feader, and the other Turstane, were there slaine. In reuenge of which contempt a great part of the countrie with the citie was burnt, and the goods of the citizens put to the spoile by such power of lords and men of warre as the king had sent against them.

Simon Dun.
Will. Malm.
Matt. West.
Sim. Dun.
made of 11,048 pounds. He arranged to pay every sailor in his fleet 8 marks, and each captain 12 marks. This payment caused a lot of resentment among the people, leading to the killing of two of his servants, who were appointed collectors in the city of Worcester: one named Feader and the other Turstane. In retaliation for this insult, a large part of the countryside along with the city was burned, and the citizens' properties were looted by the lords and soldiers that the king had sent against them.

Shortlie after, Edward king Hardicnutes brother came foorth of Normandie to visit him and his mother quéene Emma, of whome he was most Matt. West.
Ran. Higd.
Marianus.
ioifullie and honorablie welcomed and interteined, and shortlie after made returne backe againe. It should appeare by some writers, that after his comming ouer out of Normandie he remained still in the realme, so that he was not in Normandie when his halfe brother
Polydor.
Hardicnute died, but here in England: although other make other report, as after shall bée shewed. Also (as before ye haue heard) some writers seeme to meane, that the elder brother Alfred came ouer at the same time. But suerlie they are therein deceiued: for it was knowne well inough how tenderlie king Hardicnute loued his brethren by the mothers side, so that there was not anie of the lords in his daies, that durst The bishop of Worcester accused for making away of Alfred. attempt anie such iniurie against them. True it is, that as well earle Goodwine, as the bishop of Worcester (that was also put in blame and suspected for the apprehending and making away of Alfred, as before ye haue heard) were charged by Hardicnute as culpable in that matter, insomuch that the said bishop was expelled out of his sée by Hardicnute: and after twelue moneths space was restored, by meanes of such summes of monie as he gaue by waie of amends.

Shortly after, Edward, King Hardicnute's brother, came from Normandy to visit him and his mother, Queen Emma, and he was warmly and honorably welcomed. Soon after, he returned back. Some writers suggest that after his arrival from Normandy, he stayed in the kingdom, indicating he was not in Normandy when his half-brother Hardicnute died, but here in England. However, others report differently, as will be shown later. Also, as you've heard before, some writers seem to imply that the older brother Alfred came over at the same time. But they are definitely mistaken because it was well known how much King Hardicnute cared for his half-brothers, so there wasn't any lord during his reign who dared to harm them. It is true that both Earl Godwin and the Bishop of Worcester (who was also blamed and suspected for the capture and death of Alfred, as mentioned before) were accused by Hardicnute as responsible for that matter. As a result, the bishop was expelled from his see by Hardicnute, but after twelve months, he was restored through the sums of money he paid as compensation.

Earle Goodwin excuseth himselfe. Earle Goodwine was also put to his purgation, by taking an oth that he was not guiltie. Which oth was the better allowed, by reason of such a The gift which earle Goodwin gaue to the king. present as he gaue to the king for the redéeming of his fauour and good will, that is to say, a ship with a sterne of gold, conteining therein 80 souldiers, wearing on each of their armes two bracelets of gold of 16 ounces weight, a triple habergion guilt on their bodies, with guilt burgenets on their heads, a swoord with guilt hilts girded to their wastes, a battell-axe after the maner of the Danes on their left shoulder, a target with bosses and mails guilt in their left hand, a dart in their right hand: and thus to conclude, they were furnished at all points with armor and weapon accordinglie. It hath béene said, that Polydor. earle Goodwine minded to marie his daughter to one of these brethren, and perceiuing that the elder brother Alfred would disdaine to haue hir, thought good to dispatch him, that the other taking hir to wife, hée might be next heire to the crowne, and so at length inioy it, as afterwards came to passe.

Earl Goodwin explains himself. Earl Goodwin was also required to clear his name by taking an oath that he was not guilty. This oath was better accepted because of the The gift that Earl Goodwin gave to the king. gift he presented to the king to win back his favor and good will. Specifically, he offered a ship with a gold stern, containing 80 soldiers, each wearing two gold bracelets weighing 16 ounces on their arms, a gilded triple hauberk on their bodies, gilded helmets on their heads, swords with gold hilts strapped to their waists, and battle-axes in the style of the Danes on their left shoulders. They also carried shields with gold bosses and mail in their left hands, and darts in their right hands. In summary, they were fully equipped with armor and weapons. It has been said that Polydor. Earl Goodwin intended to marry his daughter to one of these brothers, and seeing that the elder brother Alfred would disdain to have her, he thought it wise to eliminate him so that the other could marry her, making him the next heir to the crown, which ultimately came to pass.

Also about that time, when the linage of the kings of England was in maner extinct, the English people were much carefull (as hath béene said) about the succession of those that should inioie the crowne. Wherevpon as one Brightwold a moonke of Glastenburie, that was afterward bishop of Wincester, or (as some haue written) of Worcester, studied oftentimes thereon: it chanced that he dreamed one night as he slept in his bed, that he saw saint Peter consecrate & annoint Edward the sonne of Egelred (as then remaining in exile in Normandie) king of England. And as he thought, he did demand of saint Peter, who should succéed the said Edward? Wherevnto answer was made by the apostle; Haue thou no care for such matters, for the kingdome of England is Gods kingdome. Which suerlie in good earnest may appeare by manie great arguments to be full true vnto such as shall well consider the state of[Page 738] this realme from time to time, how there hath béene euer gouernours raised vp to mainteine the maiestie of the kingdome, and to reduce the same to the former dignitie, when by anie infortunate mishap it hath beene brought in danger.

Also around that time, when the lineage of the kings of England was almost extinct, the English people were very concerned (as has been mentioned) about who would inherit the crown. One monk named Brightwold from Glastonbury, who later became the bishop of Winchester, or as some have written, of Worcester, often pondered this. One night, as he was sleeping in his bed, he dreamt that he saw Saint Peter consecrate and anoint Edward, the son of Egelred, who was then in exile in Normandy, as king of England. He was curious and asked Saint Peter who would succeed Edward. The apostle replied, “Don't worry about such matters, for the kingdom of England is God’s kingdom.” This is truly evident to anyone who reflects carefully on the state of this realm over time, observing how there have always been leaders raised up to uphold the majesty of the kingdom and restore it to its former glory whenever it faced unfortunate dangers.

The death of K. Hardicnute. Sim. Dunel.
Matth. West.
But to returne now to king Hardicnute, after he had reigned two yéers lacking 10 daies, as he sat at the table in a great feast holden at Lambeth, he fell downe suddenlie with the pot in his hand, and so died not without some suspicion of poison. This chanced on the 8 of Iune at
1042.
Lambeth aforesaid, where, on the same day a mariage was solemnized betwéene the ladie Githa, the daughter of a noble man called Osgot Clappa, and a Danish lord also called Canute Prudan. His bodie was buried at Winchester besides his father. He was of nature verie K. Hardicnute his conditions and liberalitie in housekeeping. Hen. Hunt. curteous, gentle and liberall, speciallie in keeping good chéere in his house, so that he would haue his table couered foure times a day, & furnished with great plentie of meates and drinks, wishing that his seruants and all strangers that came to his palace, might rather leaue Of whom the Englishmen learned excessiue féeding. than want. It hath béene commonlie told, that Englishmen learned of him their excessiue gourmandizing & vnmeasurable filling of their panches with meates and drinkes, whereby they forgat the vertuous vse of sobrietie, so much necessarie to all estates and degrées, so profitable for all common-wealthes, and so commendable both in the sight of God, and all good men.

The death of K. Hardicnute. Yes. Dunel.
Matt. West.
To return to King Hardicnute, after he had reigned for two years and ten days, he suddenly collapsed at the table during a grand feast in Lambeth, with the pot still in his hand, and died, leaving some suspicion of poison. This occurred on June 8th at 1042. Lambeth, where on the same day a wedding was celebrated between Lady Githa, the daughter of a nobleman named Osgot Clappa, and a Danish lord also named Canute Prudan. His body was buried in Winchester next to his father. He was naturally very K. Hardicnute's terms and generosity in managing his household. Chicken. Go hunting. courteous, gentle, and generous, especially in maintaining a lavish household, as he had his table set four times a day, filled with plenty of food and drink, hoping that his servants and all visitors to his palace would leave satisfied rather than wanting. It has been commonly said that the English learned from him their excessive gluttony and unmeasured filling of their stomachs with food and drinks, leading them to forget the virtuous practice of sobriety, which is so necessary for all classes and beneficial for all communities, and so commendable both in the eyes of God and good people.

The end of the Danish rulers. In this Hardicnute ceased the rule of the Danes within this land, with the persecution which they had executed against the English nation, for the space of 250 yeres & more, that is to say, euer since the tenth yeere of Brithrike the king of Westsaxons, at what time they first began to inuade the English coasts. Howbeit (after others) they should séeme to haue ruled here but 207, reckoning from their bringing in by the Welshmen in despite of the Saxons, at which time they first began to inhabit here, which was 835 of Christ, 387 after the comming of the Saxons, and 35 néere complet of the reigne of Egbert.

The end of the Danish rulers. With Hardicnute's rule, the reign of the Danes in this land came to an end, following the oppression they had inflicted on the English people for over 250 years, ever since the tenth year of Brithrike, the king of Wessex, when they first began invading the English shores. However, according to some accounts, they only ruled for 207 years, starting from their arrival, which was brought about by the Welsh in defiance of the Saxons. This began in the year 835 AD, 387 years after the Saxons had arrived, and 35 years nearly completed of Egbert's reign.

¶ But to let this péece of curiositie passe, this land felt that they had a time of arriuall, a time of inuading, a time of ouerrunning, and a time of ouerruling the inhabitants of this maine continent. Wherof manifest proofes are at this day remaining in sundrie places, sundrie ruines I meane and wastes committed by them; vpon the which whensoeuer a man of a relenting spirit casteth his eie, he can not but enter into a dolefull consideration of former miseries, and lamenting the defacements of this Ile by the crueltie of the bloudthirstie enimie, cannot but wish (if he haue but "Minimam misericordiæ guttam quæ maior est spatioso oceano," as one saith) and earnestlie desire in his heart that the like may neuer light vpon this land, but may be auerted and turned away from all christian kingdomes, through his mercie, whose wrath by sinne being set on fire, is like a consuming flame; and the swoord of whose vengeance being sharpened with the whetstone of mens wickednesse, shall hew them in péeces as wood for the fornace.

¶ But putting this curiosity aside, this land recognized that there was a time for arrival, a time for invading, a time for overrunning, and a time for ruling over the inhabitants of this main continent. Clear evidence of this still exists today in various places, specifically the ruins and destruction caused by them; whenever a person with a compassionate spirit looks upon these, they cannot help but enter into a sorrowful reflection on past sufferings. They lament the damage done to this island by the cruelty of bloodthirsty enemies and can only wish (if they have even "a minimal drop of mercy that is greater than the vast ocean," as one says) and sincerely desire in their heart that such things never occur in this land again, but may instead be averted and kept away from all Christian kingdoms, through His mercy, whose anger, ignited by sin, is like a consuming fire; and the sword of whose vengeance, sharpened by human wickedness, will cut them into pieces like wood for the furnace.

Thus farre the tumultuous and tyrannicall regiment of the Danes, inferring fulnesse of
afflictions to the English people, wherewith likewise the seuenth booke is shut vp.

So far, the chaotic and oppressive rule of the Danes has brought a heavy burden of
suffering to the English people, which also closes out the seventh book.


[Page 739]

[Page 739]

THE EIGHT BOOKE
OF THE
History of England.


  Page
THE FIRST CHAPTER 739
THE SECOND CHAPTER 741
THE THIRD CHAPTER 744
THE FOURTH CHAPTER 746
THE FIFT CHAPTER 748
THE SIXT CHAPTER 750
THE SEUENTH CHAPTER 752
THE EIGHT CHAPTER 755
THE NINTH CHAPTER 758
THE TENTH CHAPTER 759
THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER 761
THE TWELFE CHAPTER 763

Edward the third of that name is chosen king of England by a generall consent, ambassadours are sent to attend him homewardes to his kingdome, and to informe him of his election, William duke of Normandie accompanieth him, Edward is crowned king, the subtill ambition or ambitious subtiltie of earle Goodwine in preferring Edward to the crowne and betraieng Alfred; the Danes expelled and rid out of this land by decree; whether earle Goodwine was guiltie of Alfreds death, king Edward marieth the said earles daughter, he forbeareth to haue carnall knowledge with hir, and why? he useth his mother queene Emma verie hardlie, accusations brought against hir, she is dispossessed of hir goods, and imprisoned for suffering bishop Alwine to haue the vse of hir bodie, she purgeth and cleareth hir selfe after a strange sort, hir couetousnesse: mothers are taught (by hir example) to loue their children with equalitie: hir liberall deuotion to Winchester church cleared hir from infamie of couetousnesse, king Edward loued hir after hir purgation, why Robert archbishop of Canturburie fled out of England into Normandie.

Edward III is elected king of England by popular consent. Ambassadors are sent to bring him back to his kingdom and inform him of his election. William, Duke of Normandy, accompanies him. Edward is crowned king, while the cunning ambition of Earl Godwin, who preferred Edward to the crown and betrayed Alfred, plays a role. The Danes are expelled from this land by decree. It's unclear whether Earl Godwin was guilty of Alfred's death. King Edward marries the earl’s daughter but refrains from being intimate with her. Why? He treats his mother, Queen Emma, very harshly. Accusations are brought against her, leading to her being stripped of her possessions and imprisoned for allowing Bishop Alwine to take advantage of her. She defends herself in a peculiar way, driven by her greed. Mothers are taught (by her example) to love their children equally. Her generous devotion to Winchester Cathedral clears her of the stigma of greed, and King Edward loves her after her purification. This leads to Robert, Archbishop of Canterbury, fleeing England for Normandy.

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

EDWARD. Hen. Hunt. Immediatlie vpon the deth of Hardiknought, and before his corps was committed to buriall, his halfe brother Edward, sonne of king Egelred
Polydor
begotten of quéene Emma, was chosen to be K. of England, by the generall consent of all the nobles and commons of the realme. Therevpon were ambassadours sent with all spéed into Normandie, to signifie vnto him his election, and to bring him from thence into England in deliuering pledges for more assurance, that no fraud nor deceit was ment of the Englishmen, but that vpon his comming thither, he should receiue the crowne without all contradiction. Edward then aided by his coosine William duke of Normandie, tooke the sea, & with a small companie of Normans came into England, where he was receiued with great ioy as king of the realme, & immediatlie after was crowned at Henr. Hunt.
Wil. Malm.
The third of Aprill. 1043. Winchester by Edsinus then archbishop of Canturburie, on Easter day in the yeare of our Lord 1043, which fell also about the fourth yeare of the emperour Henrie the third, surnamed Niger, in the 12 yeare of Henrie the first of that name king of France, and about the third yeare of Macbeth king of Scotland.

EDWARD. Hen. Hunt. Immediately after the death of Hardiknought, and before his body was laid to rest, his half-brother Edward, the son of King Egelred Polydor born of Queen Emma, was chosen to be King of England by the unanimous agreement of all the nobles and common people of the realm. Following this, ambassadors were quickly sent to Normandy to inform him of his election and to bring him back to England, providing assurances in the form of pledges that there was no trickery or deceit intended by the English, and that upon his arrival, he would receive the crown without any opposition. Edward, supported by his cousin William, Duke of Normandy, set sail with a small group of Normans and arrived in England, where he was welcomed with great joy as the king of the realm, and soon after was crowned at Henr. Hunt.
Wil. Malm.
April 3, 1043. Winchester by Edsinus, then Archbishop of Canterbury, on Easter Day in the year of our Lord 1043, which also marked the fourth year of Emperor Henry III, known as Niger, in the 12th year of Henry I of that name, king of France, and around the third year of Macbeth, king of Scotland.

This Edward the third of that name before the conquest, was of nature more méeke and simple than apt for the gouernement of the realme, & therefore did earle Goodwine not onelie séeke the destruction of his elder brother Alfred, but holpe all that he might to aduance this Edward to the crowne, in hope to beare great rule in the realme vnder him, whome he knew to be soft, gentle, and easie to be persuaded. But whatsoeuer writers doo report hereof, sure it is, that Edward was the elder brother, and not Alfred: so that if earle Goodwine did shew his furtherance by his pretended cloake of offering his friendship vnto[Page 740] Alfred to betraie him, he did it by king Harolds commandement, and yet it may be that he meant to haue vsurped the crowne to him selfe, if each point had answered his expectation in the sequele of things, as he hoped they would; and therfore had not passed if both the brethren had béene in heauen. But yet when the world framed contrarie (peraduenture) to his purpose, he did his best to aduance Edward, trusting to beare no small rule vnder him, being knowen to be a man more appliable to be gouerned by other than to trust to his owne wit: and so chieflie by the assistance of earle Goodwine (whose authoritie, as appeareth, was not small within the realme of England in those daies) Edward came to atteine the crowne: wherevnto the earle of Chester Leofrike also shewed all the furtherance that in him laie.

This Edward, the third of that name before the conquest, was naturally more meek and simple than suited for governing the kingdom. Therefore, Earl Godwin not only sought the destruction of his older brother Alfred but also did everything he could to promote Edward to the throne, hoping to wield great power in the kingdom under him, knowing Edward to be soft, gentle, and easily persuaded. Regardless of what writers may report about this, it is clear that Edward was the older brother, not Alfred. So, if Earl Godwin showed his support through the pretense of offering his friendship to Alfred to betray him, he did so by King Harold's command. However, he might have intended to seize the crown for himself if everything had gone as he expected. Thus, he wouldn't have acted if both brothers had been in heaven. Yet, when the world didn't align (perhaps contrary) to his desires, he did his best to promote Edward, trusting he would have significant power under him, as he was known to be someone more inclined to be governed by others than to rely on his own judgment. And so, mainly with the support of Earl Godwin (whose authority, as is evident, was not insignificant in the kingdom of England at that time), Edward came to attain the crown, to which the Earl of Chester, Leofric, also contributed as much help as he could.

Ran. Higd. ex Mariano.
Alb. Crantz.
Some write (which seemeth also to be confirmed by the Danish chronicles) that king Hardiknought in his life time had receiued this Edward into his court, and reteined him still in the same in most honorable wise. But for that it may appeare in the abstract of the Danish chronicles, what their writers had of this matter recorded, we doo here passe ouer, referring those that be desirous to know the diuersitie of our writers and theirs, vnto the same chronicles, where they may find it more at large expressed. This in no wise is to be left vnremembred, that immediatlie after the death of Hardiknought, it was not onelie decreed & agreed vpon by the great lords & nobles of the realme, that no Dane from thenceforth should reigne ouer them, but also all men of warre and souldiers of the Danes, which laie within anie citie or castell in garrison within the realme of England, were then Polydor. Danes expelled. expelled and put out or rather slaine (as the Danish writers doo rehearse.) Amongst other that were banished, the ladie Gonild néece to Simon Dun.
Gonill néece to K. Swaine.
king Swaine by his sister, was one, being as then a widow, and with hir two of hir sonnes, which she had then liuing; Heming and Turkill were Polydor. also caused to auoid. Some write that Alfred the brother of king Edward, came not into the realme till after the death of Hardiknought, and that he did helpe to expell the Danes, which being doon, he was slaine by earle Goodwine and other of his complices. But how this may stand, considering the circumstances of the time, with such things as are written by diuers authors hereof, it may well be doubted. Neuerthelesse, whether earle Goodwine was guiltie to the death of Alfred, either at this time, or before, certeine it is, that he so cleared himselfe of that crime vnto king Edward the brother of Alfred, that there was none so highlie in fauour with him as earle Goodwine K. Edward marieth the daughter of earle Goodwine. was, insomuch that king Edward maried the ladie Editha, the daughter of earle Goodwine, begotten of his wife Thira that was sister to king Hardiknought, and not of his second wife, as some haue written. Howbeit, king Edward neuer had to doo with hir in fleshlie wise. But Polydor.
K. Edward absteineth from the companie of his wife.
whether he absteined because he had happilie vowed chastitie, either of impotencie of nature, or for a priuie hate that he bare to hir kin, men doubted. For it was thought, that he estéemed not earle Goodwine so greatlie in his heart, as he outwardlie made shew to doo, but rather for feare of his puissance dissembled with him, least he should otherwise put him selfe in danger both of losse of life and kingdome.

Ran. Higd. by Mariano.
Alb. Crantz.
Some people say (which seems to be backed by the Danish chronicles) that King Hardiknought welcomed Edward into his court during his lifetime and treated him with great honor. However, since it’s detailed in the Danish chronicles, we’ll skip over that here and suggest those interested should refer to those chronicles for a more comprehensive account of how different writers interpreted this matter. It’s important to note that immediately after Hardiknought's death, the great lords and nobles of the realm agreed that no Dane should rule over them from that point onward. Additionally, all Danish soldiers garrisoned in any city or castle in England were expelled or, as some Danish writers claim, killed. Among those who were banished was Lady Gonild, niece of King Swaine, who was a widow at the time and was accompanied by two of her sons, Heming and Turkill, who were also forced to leave. Some say that Alfred, brother of King Edward, did not return to the realm until after Hardiknought's death and that he helped expel the Danes, but after this was done, he was killed by Earl Goodwine and his associates. However, given the context of the time and the accounts of various authors, this is questionable. Nonetheless, whether Earl Goodwine was guilty of Alfred's death, either at that time or earlier, it’s clear that he convinced King Edward, Alfred’s brother, of his innocence so thoroughly that he became one of the king’s favorites. In fact, King Edward married Lady Editha, the daughter of Earl Goodwine, who was born of his wife Thira, sister to King Hardiknought, not of his second wife as some have alleged. However, King Edward never had a physical relationship with her. ButPolydor. K. Edward avoids being with his wife. there was speculation about whether he abstained because he had possibly vowed chastity, due to some natural impotence, or from a secret dislike of her family. Many believed that he didn’t truly regard Earl Goodwine with as much favor as he pretended, but rather masked his true feelings out of fear of Goodwine’s power, concerned that he might otherwise endanger his own life and kingdom.

Howsoeuer it was, he vsed his counsell in ordering of things concerning the state of the common wealth, and namelie in the hard handling of his K. Edward dealeth strictlie with his mother quéene Emma. mother queene Emma, against whome diuers accusations were brought and alledged: as first, for that she consented to marie with K. Cnute, the publike enimie of the realme: againe, for that she did nothing aid or succour hir sons while they liued in exile, but that woorse was,
Quéene Emma despoiled of hir goods.
She is accused of dissolute liuing.
She purgeth hir selfe by the law Ordalium.
Ran. Higd. contriued to make them away; for which cause she was despoiled of all hir goods. And because she was defamed to be naught of hir bodie with Alwine or Adwine bishop of Winchester, both she and the same bishop were committed to prison within the citie of Winchester (as some write.) Howbeit others affirme, that she was strictlie kept in the abbie of Warwell, till by way of purging hir selfe, after a maruellous manner, in passing barefooted ouer certeine hot shares or plough-irons, according to the law Ordalium, she cleared hir selfe (as the world tooke it) and was restored to hir first estate and dignitie.

However it was, he used his advisors to manage matters concerning the state of the commonwealth, particularly in his tough treatment of his mother, Queen Emma. She faced several accusations, such as consenting to marry King Cnut, the public enemy of the realm, and for failing to help her sons while they lived in exile. Worse still, she was stripped of all her possessions. She was also accused of living a dissolute life and tried to clear her name through trial by ordeal. Due to these allegations, she lost all her goods. She was rumored to have been involved with either Alwine or Adwine, the bishop of Winchester, and both she and the bishop were imprisoned in the city of Winchester, as some report. However, others claim she was held under strict conditions in the abbey of Warwell until she cleared her name in a remarkable way by walking barefoot over hot shares or plough-irons, in accordance with the law of ordeal. The public believed this cleared her name, and she was restored to her former status and dignity.

Wil. Malm. Hir excessiue couetousnesse, without regard had to the poore, caused hir also to be euill reported of. Againe, for that she euer shewed hir selfe to be more naturall to the issue which she had by hir second husband Cnute, than to hir children which she had by hir first husband[Page 741] king Egelred (as it were declaring how she was affected toward the fathers, by the loue borne to the children) she lost a great péece of good will at the hands of hir sonnes Alfred and Edward: so that now the said Edward inioieng the realme, was easilie induced to thinke euill of hir, and therevpon vsed hir the more vncurteouslie. But hir great liberalitie imploied on the church of Winchester, which she furnished with maruellous rich iewels and ornaments, wan hir great commendation in the world, and excused hir partlie in the sight of manie, of the infamie imputed to hir for the immoderate filling of hir coffers by all waies and meanes she could deuise. Now when she had purged hir selfe, Ran. Higd. as before is mentioned, hir sonne king Edward had hir euer after in great honor and reuerence. And whereas Robert archbishop of Canturburie had béene sore against hir, he was so much abashed now at the matter, that he fled into Normandie, where he was borne. But it should séeme by that which after shal be said in the next chapter, that he fled not the realme for this matter, but bicause he counselled the king to banish earle Goodwine, and also to vse the Englishmen more strictlie than reason was he should.

Wil. Malm. Her excessive greed, showing little concern for the poor, led people to think badly of her. Moreover, she always seemed to care more for the children she had with her second husband, Cnute, than for those she had with her first husband, King Egelred (which suggested her feelings for the fathers were tied to her affection for the children). This caused her to lose a lot of support from her sons, Alfred and Edward. As a result, Edward, now ruling the kingdom, was easily swayed to think poorly of her, and treated her more rudely. However, her significant generosity towards the church of Winchester, where she provided incredibly rich jewels and ornaments, earned her considerable praise and somewhat mitigated her infamous reputation for excessively filling her coffers by all possible means. After she cleared her name, Ran. Higd. as mentioned before, her son King Edward held her in great honor and respect from then on. And although Robert, the Archbishop of Canterbury, had been strongly opposed to her, he was so taken aback by these events that he fled to Normandy, his birthplace. However, it seems from what will be discussed in the next chapter that he didn’t leave the kingdom because of this issue, but because he advised the king to banish Earl Godwin and to treat the English more harshly than he should have.


Why Robert archbishop of Canturburie (queene Emmas heauie friend) fled out of England, the Normans first entrance into this countrie, dearth by tempests, earle Goodwines sonne banished out of this land, he returneth in hope of the kings fauour, killeth his coosen earle Bearne for his good will and forwardnes to set him in credit againe, his flight into Flanders, his returne into England, the king is pacified with him; certeine Danish rouers arriue at Sandwich, spoile the coast, inrich themselues with the spoiles, make sale of their gettings, and returne to their countrie; the Welshmen with their princes rebelling are subdued, king Edward keepeth the seas on Sandwich side in aid of Baldwine earle of Flanders, a bloudie fraie in Canturburie betwixt the earle of Bullongne and the townesmen, earle Goodwine fauoureth the Kentishmen against the Bullongners, why he refuseth to punish the Canturburie men at the kings commandement for breaking the kings peace; he setteth the king in a furie, his suborned excuse to shift off his comming to the assemblie of lords conuented about the foresaid broile, earle Goodwine bandeth himselfe against the king, he would haue the strangers deliuered into his hands, his request is denied; a battell readie to haue bene fought betweene him and the king, the tumult is pacified and put to a parlement, earle Goodwines retinue forsake him; he, his sonnes, and their wiues take their flight beyond the seas.

Why Robert, the Archbishop of Canterbury (Queen Emma's heavy friend), fled England during the Normans' initial invasion, a shortage caused by storms, Earl Goodwin's son banished from the land, his return in hope of the king's favor, killing his cousin Earl Beorn to regain his standing, his flight to Flanders, his return to England, the king is reconciled with him; certain Danish raiders arrive at Sandwich, ravage the coast, enrich themselves with the spoils, sell their loot, and return home; the Welshmen, led by their princes, rebel and are subdued, King Edward patrols the seas by Sandwich to assist Baldwin, the Earl of Flanders, a bloody fight occurs in Canterbury between the Earl of Boulogne and the townspeople, Earl Goodwin supports the Kentish men against the Boulognese, which is why he refuses to punish the Canterbury men at the king's command for disrupting the king's peace; this enrages the king, his made-up excuse to avoid attending the assembly of lords convened about the aforementioned conflict, Earl Goodwin aligns himself against the king, demanding the foreigners be handed over to him, his request is denied; a battle is about to take place between him and the king, the chaos is calmed and referred to Parliament, Earl Goodwin's followers abandon him; he, his sons, and their wives flee across the seas.

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

Robert archbishop of Canturburie.
Frenchmen or Normans first entered into England.
Ye must vnderstand, that K. Edward brought diuerse Normans ouer with him, which in time of his banishment had shewed him great friendship, wherefore he now sought to recompense them. Amongst other, the forenamed Robert of Canturburie was one, who before his comming ouer was a moonke in the abbeie of Gemeticum in Normandie, and being by the king first aduanced to gouerne the sée of London, was after made archbishop of Canturburie, and bare great rule vnder the king, so that he could not auoid the enuie of diuerse noble men, and speciallie of earle Goodwine, as shall appéere. About the third yéere of king Edwards reigne, Osgot Clappa was banished the realme. And in the yéere 1047.
A great death.
Ran. Higd. following, that is to say, in the yeere 1047, there fell a maruellous great snow, couering the ground from the beginning of Ianuarie vntill the 17 day of March. Besides this, there hapned the same yéere such tempest and lightnings, that the corne vpon the earth was burnt vp and blasted: by reason whereof, there followed a great dearth in England, and also death of men and cattell.

Robert, Archbishop of Canterbury.
The French or Normans were the first to come to England.
You should know that King Edward brought several Normans with him, who, during his exile, had shown him great loyalty; therefore, he sought to reward them. Among others, the aforementioned Robert of Canterbury was one. Before coming over, he was a monk at the abbey of Jumièges in Normandy. The king first appointed him to govern the see of London and later made him Archbishop of Canterbury, where he had significant influence under the king, which led to jealousy from various noblemen, especially Earl Godwin, as will be shown. Around the third year of King Edward's reign, Osgod Clappa was banished from the realm. In the year 1047.
A significant loss.
Ran. Higd. following, which was in 1047, there was an extraordinary snowfall that covered the ground from the beginning of January until March 17. In addition, that same year, there were such storms and lightning that the crops in the fields were scorched and ruined; as a result, there was a severe famine in England and significant mortality among both people and livestock.

Swain Goodwines sonne banished.
Edgiua abbesse of Leoffe.
About this time Swaine the sonne of earle Goodwine was banished the land, and fled into Flanders. This Swaine kept Edgiua, the abbesse of the monasterie of Leoffe, and forsaking his wife, ment to haue married the foresaid abbesse. Within a certeine time after his banishment, he[Page 742] returned into England, in hope to purchase the kings peace by his fathers meanes and other his friends. But vpon some malicious pretense, This Bearne was the sonne of Vlfusa Dane, vncle to this Swaine by his mother, the sister of K. Swaine. H. Hunt. he slue his coosen earle Bearne, who was about to labour to the king for his pardon, and so then fled againe into Flanders, till at length Allered the archbishop of Yorke obteined his pardon, and found meanes to reconcile him to the kings fauour.

Swain Goodwine's son was banished.
Edgiua, the abbess of Leoffe.
Around this time, Swain, the son of Earl Goodwine, was banished from the country and fled to Flanders. This Swain took Edgiua, the abbess of the monastery of Leoffe, and, abandoning his wife, intended to marry the abbess. After a certain period following his banishment, he[Page 742] returned to England, hoping to gain the king's pardon through his father's influence and other friends. However, under some malicious pretext, he killed his cousin Earl Bearne, who was about to plead for his pardon with the king, and then fled back to Flanders until finally, Allered the Archbishop of York obtained his pardon and managed to reconcile him with the king's favor.

Hen. Hunt.
The Danes spoile Sandwich.
In the meane time, about the sixt yéere of king Edwards reigne, certeine pirats of the Danes arriued in Sandwich hauen, and entring the land, wasted and spoiled all about the coast. There be that write, that the Danes had at that time to their leaders two capteins, the one named Lother, and the other Irling. After they had béene at Sandwich, and brought from thence great riches of gold and siluer, they coasted about vnto the side of Essex, and there spoiling the countrie, went backe to the sea, and sailing into Flanders, made sale of their spoiles and booties there, and so returned to their countries. After this, during the reigne of king Edward, there chanced no warres, neither forren nor ciuill, but that the same was either with small slaughter luckilie ended, or else without anie notable aduenture changed into peace. The Rise & Griffin princes of Wales. Welshmen in déed with their princes Rise and Griffin wrought some trouble, but still they were subdued, and in the end both the said Rise and Griffin were brought vnto confusion: although in the meane time they did much hurt, and namelie Griffin, who with aid of some Irishmen, with whome he was alied, about this time entred into the Seuerne sea, and tooke preies about the riuer of Wie: and after returned without anie battell to him offered.

Hen. Hunt.
The Danes raid Sandwich.
In the meantime, around the sixth year of King Edward's reign, certain pirates from Denmark arrived in Sandwich harbor and entered the land, attacking and plundering all along the coast. Some historians note that at this time, the Danes were led by two leaders, one named Lother and the other Irling. After they had raided Sandwich and taken away great wealth in gold and silver, they sailed along the coast to Essex, where they plundered the countryside before returning to the sea. They then sailed to Flanders, where they sold their spoils and returned to their homeland. After this, during King Edward's reign, there were no wars, neither foreign nor civil, except those that ended with minimal bloodshed or were fortunate enough to resolve into peace. Rise up, Griffin princes of Wales. The Welsh, led by their princes Rise and Griffin, certainly caused some trouble, but they were ultimately subdued, and in the end, both Rise and Griffin faced defeat. Although they caused significant damage during this time, particularly Griffin, who, with the help of some allied Irishmen, entered the Severn Sea and carried out raids around the river Wye, he returned without facing any battle.

1049. Simon Dun. About the same time, to wit, in the yéere 1049, the emperor Henrie the third made warres against Baldwine earle of Flanders, and for that he wished to haue the sea stopped, that the said earle should not escape by flight that waie foorth, he sent to king Edward, willing him to kéepe the sea with some number of ships. King Edward furnishing a Hermanus.
Contractus.
Ia. Meir.
nauie, lay with the same at Sandwich, and so kept the seas on that side, till the emperor had his will of the earle. At the same time, Swaine, sonne of earle Goodwine came into the realme, and traitorouslie slue his coosen Bearne (as before is said) the which trauelled to agrée Simon Dun. him with the king. Also Gosipat Clappa, who had left his wife at Bruges in Flanders, comming amongst other of the Danish pirats, which had robbed in the coasts of Kent & Essex, as before ye haue heard, receiued his wife, and departed backe into Denmarke with six ships, leauing the residue, being 23 behind him.

1049. Simon Dun. Around the year 1049, Emperor Henry III went to war against Baldwin, the Earl of Flanders. He wanted to control the sea so that the Earl couldn't escape by water, so he sent a message to King Edward, asking him to keep the sea guarded with a number of ships. King Edward, preparing a fleet, positioned it at Sandwich and maintained control of the seas on that side until the Emperor achieved his goals against the Earl. At the same time, Swain, the son of Earl Godwin, entered the kingdom and treacherously killed his cousin Bearne, who had been trying to negotiate peace with the King. Additionally, Gosipart Clappa, who had left his wife in Bruges, Flanders, returned with other Danish pirates who had raided the coasts of Kent and Essex, as you have previously heard. He picked up his wife and sailed back to Denmark with six ships, leaving the remaining 23 behind.

Fabian.
Matth. West.
Ran. Higd.
Wil. Malm.
1051.
The earle of Flanders commeth into England.
About the tenth yéere of king Edwards reigne, Eustace earle of Bullongne, that was father vnto the valiant Godfrey of Bullongne, & Baldwin, both afterward kings of Hierusalem, came ouer into England in the moneth of September, to visit his brother in law king Edward, whose


Wil. Malm.
Douer saith Matth. West.
sister named Goda, he had maried, she then being the widow of Gualter
Goda sister to K. Edward.
de Maunt. He found the king at Glocester, and being there ioifullie receiued, after he had once dispatched such matters for the which he chieflie came, he tooke leaue, and returned homeward. But at Canturburie one of his herbingers, dealing roughlie with one of the citizens about a lodging, which he sought to haue rather by force than by intreatance, occasioned his owne death. Whereof when the erle was aduertised, he hasted thither to reuenge the slaughter of his seruant, and slue both that citizen which had killed his man, and eightéene others.

Fabian.
Matt. West.
Ran. Higd.
Will. Malm.
1051.
The Earl of Flanders arrives in England.
About the tenth year of King Edward's reign, Eustace, the Earl of Boulogne, the father of the brave Godfrey of Boulogne and Baldwin, who later became kings of Jerusalem, came to England in the month of September to visit his brother-in-law King Edward, who had married his sister named Goda, the widow of Walter de Maunt. He found the king at Gloucester, and after being joyfully received there and taking care of the matters for which he primarily came, he took his leave and started heading home. However, in Canterbury, one of his messengers dealt roughly with a citizen over lodging, attempting to take it by force rather than by request, which led to his own death. When the earl was informed of this, he hurried there to avenge the killing of his servant, and he killed both the citizen who had slain his man and eighteen others.

A fraie in Canturburie betwixt the earle Bullongne and the townsmen.
The earle complaineth to the king.
The citizens héerewith in a great furie, got them to armor, and set vpon the earle and his retinue, of whom they slue twentie persons out of hand, & wounded a great number of the residue, so that the earle scarce might escape with one or two of his men from the fraie, & with all spéed returned backe to the king, presenting gréeuous information against them of Canturburie, for their cruell vsing of him, not onlie in sleaing of his seruants, but also in putting him in danger of his life. The king crediting the earle, was higlie offended against the citizens, and with all speed sending for earle Goodwine, declared vnto him in greeuous wise, the rebellious act of them of Canturburie, which were vnder his iurisdiction.

A clash in Canterbury between Earl Boulogne and the local residents.
The earl reports to the king.
The citizens, outraged, armed themselves and attacked the earl and his followers, killing twenty people right away and wounding many others. The earl barely managed to escape with one or two of his men and rushed back to the king, delivering a serious complaint about the people of Canterbury for their cruel treatment of him, not only for killing his servants but also for putting his life in danger. The king believed the earl and was very angry with the citizens, quickly summoning Earl Godwin to inform him in grave terms about the rebellious actions of the people of Canterbury, who were under his jurisdiction.

The earle who was a man of a bold courage and quicke wit, did perceiue[Page 743] that the matter was made a great deale woorse at the first in the beginning, than of likelihood it would prooue in the end, thought it reason therefore that first the answere of the Kentishmen should be heard, before anie sentence were giuen against them. Héerevpon, although the king commanded him foorthwith to go with an armie into Kent, and to punish them of Canturburie in most rigorous maner, yet he would not be too hastie, but refused to execute the kings commandement, both for that he bare a péece of grudge in his mind, that the king Earle Goodwine offended with the king for fauouring strangers. should fauour strangers so highlie as he did; and againe, bicause héereby he should séeme to doo pleasure to his countriemen, in taking vpon him to defend their cause against the rough accusations of such as had accused them. Wherefore he declared to the king that it should be conuenient to haue the supposed offenders first called afore him, and if they were able to excuse themselues, then to be suffered to depart without further vexation: and if they were found faultie, then to be put to their fine, both as well in satisfieng the king, whose peace they had broken, as also the earle, whom they had indamaged.

The earl, a man of bold courage and quick wit, realized that the situation was made much worse at the beginning than it was likely to turn out in the end. He thought it made sense to hear the response from the Kentishmen before passing any judgment against them. Although the king immediately ordered him to lead an army into Kent and harshly punish those in Canterbury, he was reluctant to act too quickly. He refused to carry out the king's command because he held a bit of a grudge in his mind about the king favoring outsiders so highly. Additionally, he felt that by refusing to act hastily, he would be showing support for his fellow countrymen, defending their case against harsh accusations. Therefore, he told the king that it would be appropriate to summon the supposed offenders first, and if they could justify themselves, they should be allowed to go without further trouble. If they were found guilty, then they could be fined, both to satisfy the king, whose peace they had disrupted, and to compensate the earl, who had been wronged.

Earle Goodwine departed thus from the king, leauing him in a great furie: howbeit he passed litle thereof, supposing it would not long continue. But the king called a great assemblie of his lords togither A councel called at Glocester.
Siward earle of Northumberland, Leofrike earle of Chester, Rafe earle of Hereford.
Will. Malmes. at Glocester, that the matter might be more déepelie considered. Siward earle of Northumberland, and Leofrike earle of Chester, with Rafe earle of Hereford, the kings nephue by his sister Goda, and all other the noble men of the realme, onlie earle Goodwine and his sonnes ment not to come there, except they might bring with them a great power of armed men, and so remained at Beuerstane, with such bands as they had leauied, vnder a colour to resist the Welshmen, whome they bruted abroad to be readie to inuade the marches about Hereford. But the Welshmen preuenting that slander, signified to the king that no such matter was ment on their parties, but that earle Goodwine and his sonnes with their complices went about to mooue a commotion against him. Héerevpon a rumor was raised in the court, that the kings power should shortlie march foorth to assaile earle Goodwine in that place where he was lodged. Wherevpon the same earle prepared himselfe, and sent to his friends, willing to sticke to this quarrell, and if the king should go about to force them, then to withstand him, rather than to yéeld and suffer themselues to be troden vnder foot by strangers. Earle Goodwine meaneth to defend himself against the king.
Swaine.
Ran. Higd.
Matth. West.
Simon Dun.

Simon Dun.
Goodwine in this meane time had got togither a great power of his countries of Kent, Southerie, and other of the west parts. Swaine likewise had assembled much people out of his countries of Barkeshire, Oxfordshire, Summersetshire, Herefordshire, and Glocestershire. And

Harold.
Harold was also come to them with a great multitude, which he had leuied in Essex, Norffolke, Suffold, Cambridgeshire, & Huntingtonshire.

Earle Goodwine left the king, who was very angry; however, Goodwine thought the king's anger wouldn't last long. The king then called a large meeting of his lords together at Glocester, so they could discuss the issue more thoroughly. Siward, the earl of Northumberland, Leofrike, the earl of Chester, and Rafe, the earl of Hereford, the king's nephew through his sister Goda, along with all the other noblemen of the realm, planned to attend, except for Earle Goodwine and his sons, who only intended to come if they could bring a large force of armed men with them. They stayed at Beuerstane with the troops they had gathered, under the pretense of defending against the Welsh, whom they claimed were ready to invade the borders around Hereford. However, the Welsh, wanting to clear their name, informed the king that they had no such plans and that Earle Goodwine and his sons were plotting a rebellion against him. This led to rumors in the court that the king's forces would soon march to attack Earle Goodwine at his camp. In response, Goodwine prepared himself and reached out to his allies, urging them to support this cause, vowing to resist the king if he attempted to force them, rather than allow themselves to be trampled by outsiders. Meanwhile, Goodwine had gathered a large force from his territories in Kent, Southerie, and other parts of the West. Swaine had also rallied many people from his areas in Barkeshire, Oxfordshire, Somersetshire, Herefordshire, and Gloucestershire. Harold had also joined them with a large crowd, which he had raised in Essex, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, and Huntingtonshire.

On the other part, the earles that were with the king, Leofrike, Siward, and Rafe, raised all the power which they might make, and the same approching to Glocester, the king thought himselfe in more suertie than before, in so much that whereas earle Goodwine (who lay with his armie at Langton there not farre off in Glocestershire) had sent vnto the king, requiring that the earle of Bullongne, with the other Frenchmen and also the Normans which held the castell of Douer, might be deliuered vnto him. The king, though at the first he stood in great doubt what to doo, yet hearing now that an armie of his friends was comming, made answere to the messingers which Goodwine had sent, that he would not deliuer a man of those whome Goodwine required, and héerewith the said messengers being departed, the kings armie entered into Glocester, and such readie good wils appéered in them all to fight with the aduersaries, that if the king would haue permitted, they would foorthwith haue gone out and giuen battell to the enimies.

On the other hand, the earls who were with the king, Leofrike, Siward, and Rafe, gathered all the forces they could muster. As they approached Gloucester, the king felt more secure than before. Even though Earl Godwine, who was camped nearby at Langton in Gloucestershire, had sent a message to the king asking for the Earl of Boulogne, along with the other Frenchmen and the Normans holding Dover Castle, to be turned over to him, the king initially hesitated. However, upon hearing that an army of his allies was on the way, he responded to Godwine's messengers that he would not hand over anyone they requested. After the messengers left, the king's army entered Gloucester, and the eagerness to fight the enemies was so strong that if the king had allowed it, they would have immediately marched out to battle.

Thus the matter was at point to haue put the realme in hazard not onelie of a field, but of vtter ruine that might thereof haue insued: for what on the one part and the other, there were assembled the chiefest lords and most able personages of the land. But by the wisedome and good aduise of earle Leofrike and others, the matter was pacified for a time, and order taken, that they should come to a parlement or communication at London, vpon pledges giuen and receiued as well on the one part as the other. The king with a mightie armie of[Page 744] the Northumbers, and them of Mercia, came vnto London, and earle Goodwine with his sonnes, and a great power of the Westsaxons, came into Southwarke, but perceiuing that manie of his companie stale awaie and slipt from him, he durst not abide anie longer to enter talke with the king, as it was couenanted, but in the night next insuing fled awaie with all spéed possible.

Thus, the situation was about to put the kingdom in danger, not just of a battle but of complete destruction that could have followed. On both sides, the top lords and most capable individuals of the land were gathered. However, through the wisdom and good advice of Earl Leofrike and others, the issue was temporarily resolved, and arrangements were made for them to meet in a parliament or discussion in London, with promises given and received from both sides. The king, along with a mighty army of the Northumbrians and men from Mercia, arrived in London, while Earl Goodwine, with his sons and a large force of the West Saxons, came to Southwark. Yet, noticing that many of his men were slipping away and abandoning him, he didn’t dare to stay any longer to speak with the king as was agreed. Instead, during the following night, he fled as quickly as possible.

Wil. Malm. Swaine eldest sonne to Goodwine banished. Some write, how an order was prescribed that Swanus the eldest sonne of Goodwine should depart the land as a banished man to qualifie the kings wrath, and that Goodwine and one other of his sons, that is to say, Harold should come to an other assemblie to be holden at London, accompanied with 12 seruants onelie, & to resigne all his force of knights, gentlemen and souldiers vnto the kings guiding and gouernment. But when this last article pleased nothing earle Goodwine, and that he perceiued how his force began to decline, so as he should not be able Earle Goodwine fled the realme. to match the kings power, he fled the realme, and so likewise did his sonnes. He himselfe with his sonnes Swanus, Tostie, and Girth, sailed into Flanders: and Harold with his brother Leofwine gat ships at Bristow, and passed into Ireland. Githa the wife of Goodwine, and Judith the wife of Tostie, the daughter of Baldwine earle of Flanders went ouer also with their husbands.

Wil. Malm. Swaine, Goodwine's oldest son, was exiled. Some report that an order was given for Swaine, the eldest son of Goodwine, to leave the country as a banished man to calm the king's anger. Goodwine and another son, Harold, were to attend a meeting in London, accompanied by only 12 servants, and to surrender all their knights, gentlemen, and soldiers to the king's direction and rule. However, the last point didn't sit well with Earl Goodwine, and when he realized that his power was starting to diminish, making it impossible for him to contest the king's strength, he fled the realm, as did his sons. He, along with his sons Swaine, Tosty, and Girth, sailed to Flanders; Harold and his brother Leofwine took ships from Bristol to go to Ireland. Githa, Goodwine's wife, and Judith, Tosty's wife and the daughter of Baldwin, Earl of Flanders, also went with their husbands.


Goodwine and his sonnes are proclaimed outlawes, their lands are giuen from them, king Edward putteth awaie the queene his wife who was earle Goodwines daughter, she cleareth hir selfe at the houre of hir death from suspicion of incontinencie and lewdnesse of life, why king Edward forbare to haue fleshlie pleasure with hir; earle Goodwine and his sonnes take preies on the coasts of Kent and Sussex; Griffin king of Wales destroieth a great part of Herefordshire, and giueth his incounterers the ouerthrow; Harold and Leofwine two brethren inuade Dorset and Summersetshires, they are resisted, but yet preuaile, they coast about the point of Cornwall and ioine with their father Goodwine, king Edward maketh out threescore armed ships against them, a thicke mist separateth both sides being readie to graple and fight, a pacification betweene the king and earle Goodwine, he is restored to his lands and libertie, he was well friended, counterpledges of agreement interchangablie deliuered; Swanus the eldest sonne of Goodwine a notable rebell and pirat, his troubled conscience, his wicked life and wretched death.

Goodwine and his sons are declared outlaws, their lands are taken away from them, and King Edward sends away his wife, who was Earl Goodwine's daughter. She clears herself of any suspicion of promiscuity and immoral behavior at the time of her death, explaining why King Edward refrained from having physical relations with her. Earl Goodwine and his sons attack the coasts of Kent and Sussex; Griffin, the king of Wales, destroys a large part of Herefordshire and defeats his opponents. Harold and Leofwine, two brothers, invade Dorset and Somerset, facing resistance but ultimately prevailing. They travel around the point of Cornwall to join their father Goodwine. King Edward sends out sixty armed ships against them, but a thick mist separates both sides as they prepare to engage in battle. A peace agreement is reached between the king and Earl Goodwine, restoring him to his lands and freedoms, facilitated by friendly relations and mutual exchange of hostages. Sweyn, Goodwine's eldest son, becomes a notorious rebel and pirate, plagued by a troubled conscience, a wicked life, and a miserable death.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

The king hauing perfect knowledge, that earle Goodwine had refused to come to the court in such order as he had prescribed him, and that he Goodwine and his sonnes proclaimed outlawes. was departed the realme with his sonnes: he proclaimed them outlawes, and gaue the lands of Harold vnto Algar, the sonne of earle Leofrike, who guided the same verie woorthilie, and resigned them againe without grudging vnto the same Harold when he was returned out of exile. Also vnto earle Oddo were giuen the counties of Deuonshire and Summersetshire.

The king, fully aware that Earl Goodwine had refused to attend the court as he had ordered, and that he had left the kingdom with his sons, Goodwine and his sons were declared outlaws. he declared them outlaws and gave Harold's lands to Algar, the son of Earl Leofrike, who managed them very well and returned them without complaint to Harold when he came back from exile. Earl Oddo was also granted the counties of Devonshire and Somerset.

The king put awaie his wife Editha. Moreouer, about the same time the king put his wife queene Editha from him, and appointed hir to streict keeping in the abbeie of Warwell. This Editha was a noble gentlewoman, well learned, and expert in all sciences, yet hir good name was stained somewhat, as though she had not liued so continentlie as was to be wished, both in hir husbands life time, and after his deceasse. But yet at the houre of hir death (which chanced in the daies of William Conqueror) she cleared hir selfe, in taking it vpon the charge of hir soule, that she had euer liued in perfect chastitie: for king Edward (as before is mentioned) neuer touched hir in anie actuall maner. By this streict dealing with the quéene that was daughter to earle Goodwine, now in time of hir fathers exile, it hath séemed to manie, that king Edward forbare to deale with hir in carnall wise, more for hatred of hir kin, than for anie other[Page 745] respect. But to proceed.

The king dismissed his wife, Editha. Additionally, around the same time, the king separated from his wife Queen Editha and placed her under strict confinement in the Abbey of Warwell. Editha was a noblewoman, well-educated, and knowledgeable in all subjects, yet her reputation was somewhat tarnished, as if she hadn’t lived as faithfully as one would expect, both during her husband's lifetime and after his death. However, at the time of her death (which occurred during the days of William the Conqueror), she defended herself, asserting for the sake of her soul that she had always lived in perfect chastity: for King Edward (as previously mentioned) never physically interacted with her in any way. This strict treatment of the queen, who was the daughter of Earl Godwin, during her father's exile led many to believe that King Edward refrained from being with her in a physical sense more out of hatred for her family than for any other reason.[Page 745] But to continue.

1052. Hen. Hunt. In the second yéere of Goodwines banishment, both he and his sonnes hauing prouided themselues of ships and men of warre conuenient for the purpose, came vpon the coasts of England, and after the maner of rouers, tooke preies where as they espied aduantage, namelie on the Griffin king of Wales destroieth Herefordshire. coasts of Kent and Sussex. In the meane time also Griffin the K. of Wales destroid a great part of Herefordshire, against whom the power of that countrie, & also manie Normans that lay in garrison within the castell of Hereford, comming to giue battell, were ouerthrowne on the same day, in the which about two and twentie yéeres before, or (as some copies haue) thirtéene yéeres, the Welshmen had slaine Edwine, the Harold inuadeth the shires of Dorset and Summerset. brother of earle Leofrike. Shortlie after, earle Harold and his brother Leofwine returning out of Ireland, entered into the Seuerne sea, landing on the coasts of Summersetshire and Dorsetshire, where falling to spoile, they were incountred by a power assembled out of the counties of Deuonshire and Summersetshire: but Harold put his aduersaries to flight, and slue thirtie gentlemen of honor, or thanes (as they called them) with a great number of others. Then Harold and his brethren, returning with their preie and bootie to their ships, and coasting about the point of Cornwall, came and ioined with their father & their other brethren, then soiorning in the Ile of Wight.

1052. Hen. Hunt. In the second year of Goodwine's exile, he and his sons obtained ships and soldiers suited for their mission and arrived on the coasts of England. Following the method of raiders, they seized opportunities for plunder, especially on the coasts of Kent and Sussex. Meanwhile, Griffin, the King of Wales, destroyed a large part of Herefordshire. The local forces, along with many Normans stationed in the castle of Hereford, came out to battle against him but were defeated on the same day that, about twenty-two years prior, or as some texts say, thirteen years prior, the Welshmen had killed Edwine, the brother of Earl Leofrike. Shortly after, Earl Harold and his brother Leofwine returned from Ireland, entering the Severn Sea and landing on the coasts of Somerset and Dorset. While raiding the area, they encountered a force gathered from Devonshire and Somerset; however, Harold routed his opponents and killed thirty noblemen, or thanes, as they called them, along with many others. Afterward, Harold and his brothers returned with their spoils to their ships and, sailing around the tip of Cornwall, reunited with their father and other brothers, who were then staying on the Isle of Wight.

King Edward to withstand their malice, had rigged and furnished foorth sixtie ships of warre, with the which he himselfe went to the water, Simon Dun. not sticking to lie aboord at that season, although he had appointed for capteines and admerals two earles that were his coosins, Odo and Rafe, who had charge of the whole armie. Rafe was his nephue, as sonne to his sister Goda by hir first husband Gualter de Maunt. But although they were knowne to be sufficient men for the ordering of such businesse, yet he thought the necessitie to be such, as his person could not be presentlie spared. Therefore he was diligent in foreséeing of things by good aduise, although age would not giue him leaue to execute the same by his owne hand and force of bodie. But as the nauies on both parts were readie to haue ioined, they were seuered by reason of a thicke mist that then rose, wherby their furious rage was restreined for that time: and immediatlie therevpon, Goodwine and his complices were forced by a contrarie wind, to returne to the places from whence they came. Shortlie after by mediation of friends, a peace was made, and earle Goodwine restored home, and obteined againe both the kings fauour, and all his former liuings: for he was such an eloquent & wise man, that he clered and purged himselfe of all such crimes and accusations, as in anie sort had béene laid against him. Thus haue some written concerning this agréement betwixt king Edward and erle Goodwine, where other make somewhat larger report thereof, as thus.

King Edward, to counter their hostility, had prepared and equipped sixty warships, with which he himself went to sea, Simon Dun. not hesitating to stay aboard during that time, even though he had appointed two earls who were his cousins, Odo and Rafe, as captains and admirals responsible for the entire army. Rafe was his nephew, being the son of his sister Goda from her first husband Gualter de Maunt. Although they were known to be capable men for managing such affairs, Edward felt that the urgency was such that he could not be absent. Therefore, he was diligent in anticipating events through wise counsel, even though his age prevented him from executing actions personally. Just as the fleets from both sides were ready to engage, they were separated by a thick mist that arose, restraining their fierce anger for that moment. Immediately afterward, Goodwine and his allies had to retreat due to a contrary wind back to their original locations. Shortly thereafter, through the mediation of friends, peace was established, and Earl Goodwine was restored, regaining both the king's favor and all his previous lands. He was such an eloquent and wise man that he cleared himself of all crimes and accusations that had been laid against him. Thus, some have written about this agreement between King Edward and Earl Goodwine, while others provide a somewhat more detailed account of it.

At the same time that the two sonnes of erle Goodwine Harold and Leofwine came foorth of Ireland, and inuaded the west countrie, king Edward rigged foorth fortie ships, the which throughlie furnished with men, munition, and vittels, he sent vnto Sandwich, commanding the capteines there to wait for the comming of erle Goodwine, whom he vnderstood to be in a readinesse to returne into England: but notwithstanding, there wanted no diligence in them to looke to their charge, erle Goodwine secretlie with a few ships which he had got togither, ariued in Kent; and sending foorth his letters and messengers abroad to the citizens of Canturburie, to them of Sussex, Southerie, & others, required aid of them, who with one consent promised to liue and die with him.

At the same time that the two sons of Earl Godwin, Harold and Leofwine, came out of Ireland and invaded the west country, King Edward equipped forty ships, fully stocked with men, supplies, and ammunition, and sent them to Sandwich, commanding the captains there to wait for Earl Godwin, whom he knew to be preparing to return to England. However, despite their efforts to manage their responsibilities, Earl Godwin secretly arrived in Kent with a few ships he had gathered. He sent letters and messengers to the citizens of Canterbury, those in Sussex, Southern, and others, asking for their support, and they all agreed to stand by him, pledging to live and die with him.

The capteines of the nauie at Sandwich aduertised hereof, made towards the place where they thought to haue found earle Goodwine: but he being warned of their comming, escaped by flight, and got him out of their danger, wherevpon they withdrew to Sandwich, and after returned to London. Earle Goodwine aduertised thereof, sailed to the Ile of Wight, and wafted vp and downe those seas, till his sonnes Harold and Leofwine came and ioined their nauie with his, and ceassing from spoile, onlie sought to recouer vittels to serue their turne. And incresing their power by such aid as they might any where procure, at length they came to Sandwich, wherof king Edward hauing knowledge, being then at London,[Page 746]
It séemeth that earle Goodwine was well friended.
he sent abroad to raise all the power he might make. But they that were appointed to come vnto him, lingred time, in which meane while earle Goodwine comming into the Thames, & so vp the riuer, arriued in Southwarke, on the day of the exaltation of the crosse in September, being monday, and their staieng for the tide, solicited the Londoners, so that he obteined of them what he could desire.

The captains of the navy at Sandwich were informed about this and headed to the place where they thought they would find Earl Godwin. However, he had been warned of their approach, managed to escape, and got out of danger. As a result, they retreated to Sandwich and then returned to London. Earl Godwin, hearing about this, sailed to the Isle of Wight and drifted back and forth in those waters until his sons Harold and Leofwine joined their fleet with his. They stopped raiding and just looked for supplies to meet their needs. Increasing their strength with whatever help they could gather, they eventually arrived at Sandwich. King Edward, knowing this and being in London at the time, sent out word to raise as many forces as he could. But those who were meant to come to him delayed, and during this time, Earl Godwin entered the Thames, went up the river, and arrived in Southwark on the day of the Exaltation of the Cross in September, which was a Monday. While waiting for the tide, he reached out to the people of London and got them to give him what he asked for.

Afterwards, without disturbance, he passed vp the riuer with the tide through the south arch of the bridge, & at the same instant, a mightie armie which he had by land, mustered in the fields on that south side the same riuer, and herewith his nauie made towards the north side of the riuer, as if they ment to inclose the kings nauie, for the king had also a nauie & an armie by land: but yet sith there were few either on the one part or the other, that were able to doo anie great feat except Englishmen, they were loth to fight one against another, wherevpon the wiser sort on both sides sought meanes to make an atonement: and so at length by their diligent trauell, the matter was taken vp, and the armies being dismissed on both parts, earle Goodwine was restored to his former dignitie. Herevpon were pledges deliuered on his behalfe, that is to say, Wilnotus one of his sonnes, and Hacun the sonne of Swanus the eldest sonne of Goodwine. These two pledges were sent vnto William duke of Normandie, to be kept with him for more assurance of Goodwines loialtie.

Afterwards, without any interruptions, he went up the river with the tide through the south arch of the bridge. At the same time, a mighty army he had on land gathered in the fields on the south side of the river. Meanwhile, his navy moved toward the north side of the river, as if they intended to surround the king's navy, since the king also had a navy and an army on land. However, since there were few on either side who could achieve anything significant except for the English, they were reluctant to fight each other. Therefore, the more sensible people on both sides looked for ways to make peace. Eventually, through their diligent efforts, the issue was resolved, and the armies from both sides were dismissed. Earl Goodwine was restored to his previous position. As part of this agreement, hostages were delivered on his behalf, namely, Wilnotus, one of his sons, and Hacun, the son of Swain, the eldest son of Goodwine. These two hostages were sent to William, Duke of Normandy, to be held for more assurance of Goodwine's loyalty.

Ran. Higd.
Matth. West.
Simon Dun.
Wil. Malm.
Some write that Swanus the eldest sonne of Goodwine was not reconciled to the kings fauour at this time; but whether he was or not, this is reported of him for a truth, that after he had attempted sundrie rebellions against king Edward, he lastlie also rebelled against his father Goodwine, and his brother Harold, and became a pirate, dishonouring with such manifold robberies as he made on the seas, the noble progenie whereof he was descended. Finallie vpon remorse of conscience (as hath béene thought) for murthering of his coosine (or as some say his brother) erle Bearne, he went on pilgrimage to Hierusalem, and died by the way of cold which he caught in returning homeward (as Ran. Higd.
Will. Malms.
some write) in Licia: but others affirme, that he fell into the hands of Saracens that were robbers by the high waies, and so was murthered of them.

Ran. Higd.
Matth. West.
Simon Dun.
Wil. Malm.
Some say that Swanus, the eldest son of Goodwine, wasn’t on good terms with the king at this time; but whether he was or not, it’s said that after he tried various rebellions against King Edward, he ultimately rebelled against his father Goodwine and his brother Harold, becoming a pirate and dishonoring the noble lineage he came from with his numerous sea robberies. Finally, out of a sense of guilt (as has been thought) for killing his cousin (or as some say, his brother) Earl Bearne, he went on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and died along the way from the cold he caught while returning home (as Ran. Higd.
Will. Malms.
some report) in Licia; but others claim he fell into the hands of highway robbers, the Saracens, and was murdered by them.


At what time William duke of Normandie came ouer into England, king Edward promiseth to make him his heire to the kingdom and crowne, the death of queene Emma, earle Goodwine being growne in fauor againe seeketh new reuenges of old grudges, causing archbishop Robert and certeine noble Normans his aduersaries to be banished; Stigand intrudeth himselfe into archbishop Roberts see, his simonie and lacke of learning; what maner of men were thought meet to be made bishops in those daies, king Edward beginneth to prouide for the good and prosperous state of his kingdome, his consideration of lawes made in his predecessours times and abused; the lawes of S. Edward vsuallie called the common lawes, how, whereof, and wherevpon instituted; the death of earle Goodwine being sudden (as some say) or naturall (as others report) his vertues and vices, his behauiour and his sonnes vpon presumption and will in the time of their authorities; his two wiues and children; the sudden and dreadfull death of his mother; hir selling of the beautifull youth male and female of this land to the Danish people.

When William, Duke of Normandy, came to England, King Edward promised to make him his heir to the kingdom and crown. After the death of Queen Emma, Earl Godwin, having regained favor, seeks new revenge for old grudges, causing Archbishop Robert and certain noble Normans, his adversaries, to be banished. Stigand intrudes into Archbishop Robert's position, lacking both learning and integrity. The types of men deemed suitable for bishoprics in those days are discussed. King Edward begins to plan for the good and prosperous state of his kingdom, taking into account the laws established by his predecessors that had been misused; the laws of St. Edward, commonly known as the common laws, their origins, and the reasons they were instituted are examined. The sudden death of Earl Godwin—some say it was unexpected, while others claim it was natural—highlights his virtues and vices, his behavior, and that of his sons, who acted out of presumption and will during their time in power; his two wives and children; and the abrupt and terrible death of his mother, who sold the beautiful young men and women of this land to the Danish people.

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

William duke of Normandie commeth ouer into England. K. Edwards promise to duke William.
Polydor.
The foresaide William duke of Normandie (that after conquered this land) during the time of Goodwines outlawrie, came ouer into this land with a faire retinue of men, and was ioifullie receiued of the king, and had great chéere. Now after he had taried a season, he returned into his countrie, not without great gifts of jewels and other things, which the king most liberallie bestowed vpon him. And (as some write) the king promised him at that[Page 747] time, to make him his heire to the realme of England, if he chanced to die without issue. ¶ Shortlie after, or rather somewhat before, queene Emma the kings mother died, and was buried at Winchester.

William, Duke of Normandy, arrives in England. King Edward's commitment to Duke William.
Polydor.
The aforementioned William, Duke of Normandy (who later conquered this land) came to England during the time of Goodwine's outlawry, with a fair entourage of men, and was joyfully received by the king, who treated him very well. After staying for a while, he returned to his country, not without receiving generous gifts of jewels and other items that the king generously bestowed upon him. And (as some write) the king promised him at that[Page 747] time, that he would make him his heir to the kingdom of England if he happened to die without an heir. ¶ Shortly after, or rather a bit before, Queen Emma, the king's mother, died and was buried at Winchester.

After that earle Goodwine was restored to the kings fauour, bicause he knew that Robert the archbishop of Canturburie had beene the chéefe procurer of the kings euill will towards him, he found means to weare him out of credit, and diuers other specially of the Normans, bearing the world in hand, that they had sought to trouble the state of the realme, & to set variance betwixt the king and the lords of the English nation: whereas the Normans againe alledged, that earle Goodwine and his sonnes abused the kings soft and gentle nature, & would not sticke to ieast and mocke at his curteous and mild procéedings. But howsoeuer The archbishop of Canturburie banished. the matter went, archbishop Robert was glad to depart out of the realme, and going to Rome, made complaint in the court there, of the iniuries that were offred him: but in returning through Normandie, he died in the abbeie of Gemmeticum, where he had bene moonke before his comming into England.

After that, Earl Goodwine regained the king's favor because he realized that Robert, the Archbishop of Canterbury, had been the main reason for the king's anger towards him. He found a way to undermine Robert’s reputation and several others, especially the Normans, claiming they had tried to disrupt the stability of the kingdom and incite conflict between the king and the English lords. Meanwhile, the Normans argued that Earl Goodwine and his sons took advantage of the king's kind and gentle nature, openly mocking his courteous and mild behavior. Regardless of how things turned out, Archbishop Robert was relieved to leave the kingdom and, on his way to Rome, he complained in the court about the injustices he had faced. However, while returning through Normandy, he died in the Abbey of Gemmeticum, where he had been a monk before coming to England.

Diuerse others were compelled to forsake the realme at the same time, both spirituall men and temporall, as William bishop of London, and Normans banished the realme. Vlfe bishop of Lincolne. Osberne named Pentecost, and his companion Hugh, were constreined to surrender their castels, and by licence of earle Leofrike withdrew thorough his countrie into Scotland, where, of king Mackbeth they were honorablie receiued. These were Normans: for (as partlie ye haue heard) king Edward brought with him no small number of that nation, when he came from thence to receiue the crowne, and by them he was altogither ruled, to the great offending of his owne naturall subiects the Englishmen, namelie earle Goodwine and his sonnes, who in those daies for their great possessions and large reuenues, were had in no small reputation with the English people.

Various others were forced to leave the kingdom at the same time, both clergy and nobles, like William, the Bishop of London, and Normans expelled from the kingdom. Ulf, the Bishop of Lincoln, along with Osberne, known as Pentecost, and his companion Hugh, were compelled to surrender their castles and, with the permission of Earl Leofric, made their way through his territory to Scotland, where they were honorably received by King Macbeth. These individuals were Normans because (as you may have heard) King Edward brought over a significant number of them when he came to take the throne, and he was completely guided by them, which greatly upset his own natural subjects, the English, particularly Earl Godwin and his sons, who were highly regarded by the English people for their vast estates and significant wealth.

After that Robert the archbishop of Canturburie, was departed the Stigand archbishop of Canturburie. realme, as before ye haue heard, Stigand was made archbishop of Canturburie, or rather thrust himselfe into that dignitie, not being lawfullie called, in like manner as he had doone at Winchester: for whereas he was first bishop of Shireborne, he left that church, and tooke vpon him the bishoprike of Winchester by force, and now atteining to be archbishop of Canturburie, he kept both Winchester and Canturburie in his hand at one instant. This Stigand was greatlie Ranul. Hig.
Fabian.
Stigand infamed of simonie. infamed for his couetous practises in sale of possessions apperteining to the church. He was nothing learned: but that want was a common fault amongest the bishops of that age, for it was openlie spoken in those
What maner of men méet to be bishops in those daies.
daies, that he was méet onelie to be a bishop, which could vse the pompe of the world, voluptuous pleasures, rich raiment, and set himselfe foorth with a iollie retinue of gentlemen and seruants on horsse-backe, for therein stood the countenance of a bishop, as the world then went; and not in studie how to haue the people fed with the word of life, to the sauing of their soules.

After that, Robert, the Archbishop of Canterbury, left the kingdom, as you've heard before. Stigand was made Archbishop of Canterbury, or rather he forced his way into that position without being properly called, just like he did at Winchester: he was initially the Bishop of Sherborne but left that church and took on the Bishopric of Winchester by force. Now, aiming to become Archbishop of Canterbury, he held onto both Winchester and Canterbury at the same time. This Stigand was notorious for his greedy practices in selling church possessions. He wasn't learned at all, but that was a common issue among bishops of that era, as it was openly said back then that a man was only fit to be a bishop if he could showcase worldly pomp, indulgent pleasures, rich clothing, and surrounded himself with a flashy entourage of gentlemen and servants on horseback. That's what defined a bishop’s status in the world back then, not the effort to nourish people with the word of life for the salvation of their souls.

Polydor. King Edward now in the twelfth yeare of his reigne, hauing brought the state of the realme quite from troubles of warre both by sea and land, began to foresée as well for the welth of his subiects, as for himselfe, being naturallie inclined to wish well to all men. He therefore considered, how by the manifold lawes which had beene made by Britaines, Englishmen and Danes within this land, occasion was ministred to manie, which measured all things by respect of their owne priuate gaine and profit, to peruert iustice, and to vse wrongfull dealing in stead of right, clouding the same vnder some branch of the lawe naughtilie misconstrued. Wherevpon to auoid that mischiefe, he picked out a summe of that huge and vnmesurable masse and heape of lawes, such as were thought most indifferent and necessarie, & therewith ordeined a few, & those most wholesome, to be from thenceforth vsed; according to whose prescript, men might liue in due The lawes of S. Edward instituted. forme and rightfull order of a ciuill life. These lawes were afterwards called the common lawes, and also saint Edward his lawes; so much esteemed of the Englishmen, that after the conquest, when the Normans oftentimes went about to abrogate the same, there chanced no small mutinies and rebellions for retaining of those lawes. But heére is to be noted, that although they were called saint Edwards lawes, they were[Page 748] for the more part made by king Edgar; but now by king Edward restored, after they had bin abrogated for a time by the Danes.

Polydor. King Edward, now in the twelfth year of his reign, having stabilized the kingdom and ended the troubles of war on both land and sea, began to think about the well-being of his subjects as well as his own, being naturally inclined to wish well for everyone. He considered how the many laws created by the Britons, Englishmen, and Danes had allowed people, who prioritized their own gain and profit, to corrupt justice and engage in wrongful dealing instead of what was right, often disguising their actions under a misinterpretation of the law. To address this problem, he selected a portion from the vast collection of laws, choosing those deemed most fair and necessary, and established a few of the most beneficial ones to be used moving forward; according to which, people could live in an appropriate and just order of civil life. These laws were later referred to as the common laws and also Saint Edward's laws; they were so highly valued by the English that after the conquest, when the Normans frequently attempted to abolish them, significant mutinies and rebellions arose in defense of those laws. However, it should be noted that although they were called Saint Edward's laws, most were created by King Edgar; they were restored by King Edward after being abolished for a time by the Danes.

1053. or 1054. Hector Boet.
Polydor.
Will. Malmes.
Matth. West.
About this time, earle Goodwine died suddenlie (as some haue recorded) as he sat at table with the king: and vpon talke ministred of the death of Alfred the kings brother, to excuse himselfe, he tooke a peece of bread, and did eate it, saieng; God let me neuer swallow this bread downe into my chest, but that I may presentlie be choked therewith, if euer I was weetting or consenting vnto Alfreds death! and immediatlie

Ran. Higd.
ex Mariano.
therewith he fell downe starke dead. Other say, that he ended his life at Winchester, where being suddenlie surprised with sicknesse, as he sat at the table with the king vpon an Easter monday; yet he liued till Simon Dun.
This is the likeliest tale.
the Thursday following, and then died. His earledome was giuen vnto his sonne Harold; and Harolds earledome, which was Oxford, was giuen vnto Algar the sonne of Leofrike.

1053 or 1054. Hector Boet.
Polydor.
Will. Malmes.
Matth. West.
Around this time, Earl Goodwine died suddenly (as some have recorded) while sitting at the table with the king. During a conversation about the death of Alfred, the king's brother, he took a piece of bread and ate it, saying, "May God never let me swallow this bread down into my chest, but rather let me be choked by it immediately if I ever knew about or agreed to Alfred's death!" And right after saying this, he collapsed dead. Others say that he passed away in Winchester, where he was suddenly struck by illness while sitting at the table with the king on Easter Monday; however, he lived until the Thursday after that and then died. His earldom was given to his son Harold, and Harold's earldom of Oxford was given to Algar, the son of Leofrike.

This Goodwine, as he was a man of great power, wise, hardie, and politike; so was he ambitious, desirous to beare rule, and loth that anie other person should passe him in authoritie. But yet, whether all be true that writers report of his malicious practises to bring himselfe and his sonnes to the chiefe seat of gouernement in the kingdome, or that of hatred such slanders were raised of him, it may of some perhaps be doubted; because that in the daies of king Edward (which was a soft and gentle prince) he bare great rule and authoritie, and so might procure to himselfe euill report for euerie thing that chanced amisse: as oftentimes it commeth to passe in such cases, where those that haue great dooings in the gouernement of the common wealth, are commonlie euill spoken of, and that now and then without their guilt. But truth it is, that Goodwine being in authoritie both in the daies of king Edward and his predecessors, did manie things (as should Hen. Hunt. appeare by writers) more by will than by law, and so likewise did his sonnes; vpon presumption of the great puissance that they and their father were of within the realme.

This Goodwine, being a man of significant power—wise, bold, and political—was also ambitious, eager to wield authority, and unwilling for anyone else to surpass him in power. However, whether all the claims made by writers about his malicious schemes to elevate himself and his sons to the highest position of government in the kingdom are true, or if these accusations stemmed from hatred, might be subject to some doubt. This is because during the reign of King Edward (who was a kind and gentle prince), Goodwine held considerable power and authority, which could have led to him receiving bad press for any misfortunes that occurred. This often happens in situations where those who play significant roles in the governance of the commonwealth are frequently unfairly criticized, sometimes without just cause. Nevertheless, it’s true that Goodwine, during the reigns of King Edward and his predecessors, acted in many matters (as writers should indicate) more out of personal will than legal obligation, and his sons did the same, presumably due to the significant influence that they and their father held within the realm.

He had to wife Editha, the sister of king Cnute, of whome he begat Polydor. thrée sonnes (as some write) that is to say, Harold, Biorne, & Tostie: also his daughter Editha, whome he found meanes to bestow in mariage
Will. Malm.
vpon K. Edward, as before ye haue heard. But other write, that he had but one son by Cnutes sister, the which in riding of a rough horsse was throwen into the riuer of Thames, and so drowned. His mother also was stricken with a thunderbolt, & so perished worthilie (as is reported) for hir naughtie dooings. She vsed to buy great numbers of yoong persons, and namelie maids that were of anie excellent beautie and personage, whome she sent ouer into Denmarke, and there sold them to hir most aduantage. After hir deceasse (as the same authors record) Goodwine maried another woman, by whome he had issue six sonnes, Swanus or Swaine, Harrold, Tostie or Tosto, Wilnot, Girth, and Leofrike; of whom further mention is & shall be made, as places conuenient shall serue thereto.

He married Editha, the sister of King Cnute, with whom he had Polydor. three sons (as some say), namely, Harold, Biorne, and Tostie; and also a daughter, Editha, whom he arranged to marry
Will. Malm.
King Edward, as you have heard before. However, other sources claim he had only one son with Cnute's sister, who was thrown into the River Thames while riding a rough horse and drowned. His mother was also struck by a thunderbolt, and reportedly perished justly for her wicked deeds. She used to buy large numbers of young people, especially beautiful young women, whom she sent to Denmark and sold at a profit. After her death (as the same authors report), Goodwine married another woman, with whom he had six sons: Swaine, Harold, Tostie, Wilnot, Girth, and Leofrike; further mention of them will be made as appropriate.


Edward earle of Northumberland discomfiteth Mackbeth the usurper of the Scotish kingdome and placeth Malcolme in the same, a controuersie whether Siward were at this discomfiture or no; his stout words when he heard that one of his sonnes was slaine in the field, bishop Aldred is sent to fetch home Edward the sonne of K. Edmund Ironside into England; earle Algar being banished ioineth with the Welshmen against the English and Normans, and getteth the victorie; Harold the son of earle Goodwine putteth earle Algar & his retinue to their shifts by pursute, pacification betweene the generals of both armies, their hosts, Siward earle of Northumberland dieth; his giantlike stature, his couragious heart at the time of his deceasse, why Tostie one of Goodwins sonnes succeeded him in the earledome.

Edward, Earl of Northumberland, defeats Macbeth, who usurped the Scottish kingdom, and installs Malcolm in his place. There's some debate about whether Siward was present during this defeat. His brave words upon hearing that one of his sons was killed in battle lead Bishop Aldred to go to England to bring home Edward, the son of King Edmund Ironside. Earl Algar, having been exiled, teams up with the Welsh against the English and Normans and wins. Harold, the son of Earl Goodwin, forces Earl Algar and his followers to flee through pursuit, and a peace agreement is reached between the leaders of both armies. Siward, Earl of Northumberland, dies; his giant stature and courageous heart are noted at the time of his death, and that's why Tostig, one of Goodwin's sons, took over the earldom.

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

1054. Matth. West.
Hector Boet.
About the thirteenth yeare of king Edward his reigne (as some write) or rather about the ninetéenth or twentith yeare, as should appeare by the Scotish writers, Siward the noble earle of Northumberland with a great[Page 749] power of horssemen went into Scotland, and in battell put to flight Mackbeth that had vsurped the crowne of Scotland, and that doone, placed Malcolme surnamed Camoir, the sonne of Duncane, sometime king of Scotland, in the gouernement of that realme, who afterward slue the Simon Dun.
M. West.
said Mackbeth, and then reigned in quiet. Some of our English writers say, that this Malcolme was king of Cumberland, but other report him to be sonne to the king of Cumberland. But héere is to be noted; that if Mackbeth reigned till the yeare 1061, and was then slaine by Malcolme, earle Siward was not at that battell; for as our writers doo testifie, he died in the yeare 1055, which was in the yeare next after (as the same writers affirme) that he vanquished Mackbeth in fight, and slue manie thousands of Scots, and all those Normans which (as ye haue heard) were withdrawen into Scotland, when they were driuen out of England.

1054. Matth. West.
Hector Boet.
Around the thirteenth year of King Edward's reign (according to some accounts) or more likely around the nineteenth or twentieth year, as Scottish writers suggest, Siward, the noble Earl of Northumberland, led a large force of cavalry into Scotland and defeated Macbeth, who had claimed the Scottish crown. After that, he installed Malcolm, nicknamed Camoir, the son of Duncan, former king of Scotland, to govern that realm. Malcolm later killed Macbeth and reigned peacefully afterward. Some English writers claim that this Malcolm was king of Cumberland, while others say he was the son of the king of Cumberland. However, it's important to note that if Macbeth ruled until 1061 and was then killed by Malcolm, Earl Siward was not present at that battle; for as our writers record, he died in 1055, the year after (as the same writers assert) he defeated Macbeth in battle, killing many thousands of Scots and all those Normans who (as you have heard) had retreated into Scotland when they were expelled from England.

It is recorded also, that in the foresaid battell, in which earle Siward vanquished the Scots, one of Siwards sonnes chanced to be slaine, whereof although the father had good cause to be sorowfull, yet when he heard that he died of a wound which he had receiued in fighting stoutlie in the forepart of his bodie, and that with his face towards the enimie, he greatlie reioised thereat, to heare that he died so manfullie. But here is to be noted, that not now, but a little before (as Henrie Hunt. saith) that earle Siward went into Scotland himselfe in person, he sent his sonne with an armie to conquere the land, whose hap was there to be slaine: and when his father heard the newes, he demanded whether he receiued the wound whereof he died, in the forepart of the bodie, or in the hinder part: and when it was told him that he receiued in the forepart; "I reioise (saith he) euen with all my heart, for I would not wish either to my sonne nor to my selfe any other kind of death."

It’s noted that in the aforementioned battle, where Earl Siward defeated the Scots, one of Siward's sons was killed. Although the father had every reason to be sorrowful, when he learned that his son died from a wound received while bravely fighting face-to-face with the enemy, he felt great joy to know he died so valiantly. It’s important to mention that not long before this (as Henry of Huntingdon says), Earl Siward personally went to Scotland, but he had sent his son with an army to conquer the land, and it was there that his son met his death. When Siward heard the news, he asked whether his son received the fatal wound in the front or the back of his body. When he was told it was in the front, he said, "I rejoice wholeheartedly, for I would not wish either for my son or myself any other kind of death."

Matth. West. 1057. Shortlie after, Aldred the bishop of Worcester was sent vnto the emperour Henrie the third, to fetch Edward the sonne of Edmund Ironside into England, whome king Edward was desirous to sée, meaning to ordeine Henr. Hunt. 1055. him heire apparant to the crowne: but he died the same yeare after he came into England. This Edward was surnamed the outlaw: his bodie was buried at Winchester, or (as an other saith) in the church of S. Pauls in London.

Matth. West. 1057. Shortly after, Aldred, the bishop of Worcester, was sent to Emperor Henry III to bring Edward, the son of Edmund Ironside, to England. King Edward wanted to see him, planning to make him the heir apparent to the throne. However, Edward died the same year he arrived in England. This Edward was known as the outlaw; his body was buried at Winchester, or as another source claims, in St. Paul's Church in London.

¶ About the same time K. Edward by euill counsell (I wot not vpon what occasion, but as it is thought without cause) banished Algar the sonne of earle Leofrike: wherevpon he got him into Ireland, and there prouiding 18 ships of rouers, returned, & landing in Wales, ioined himselfe with Griffin the king or prince of Wales, and did much hurt on the borders about Hereford, of which place Rafe was then earle, that Matth. West.
Simon Dun.
was sonne vnto Goda the sister of K. Edward by hir first husband Gualter de Maunt. This earle assembling an armie, came forth to giue battell to the enimies, appointing the Englishmen contrarie to their manner to fight on horssebacke, but being readie (on the two & twentith of October) to giue the onset in a place not past two miles from Hereford, he with his Frenchmen and Normans fled, and so the rest were discomfited, whome the aduersaries pursued, and slue to the number of The Welshmen obteine the victorie against Englishmen and Normans. 500, beside such as were hurt and escaped with life. Griffin and Algar hauing obteined this victorie, entered into the towne of Hereford, set the minster on fire, slue seuen of the canons that stood to defend the doores or gates of the principall church, and finallie spoiled and burned the towne miserablie.

¶ Around the same time, King Edward, influenced by bad advice (I’m not sure why, but it seems it was for no good reason), banished Algar, the son of Earl Leofric. Algar then made his way to Ireland, where he gathered 18 ships of raiders, returned, and landed in Wales. He joined forces with Griffin, the king or prince of Wales, and did significant damage along the borders near Hereford, where Rafe was the earl at the time, who was the son of Goda, Edward's sister, from her first husband, Walter de Maut. This earl gathered an army to confront the enemies, instructing the Englishmen to fight on horseback against their usual strategy. However, when they were ready (on October 22), just two miles from Hereford, he and his French and Norman troops fled, resulting in the rest being defeated; the enemies pursued them and killed about 500, in addition to those who were wounded and managed to escape. Griffin and Algar, having secured this victory, entered the town of Hereford, set the minster on fire, killed seven of the canons who were defending the doors of the main church, and ultimately looted and destroyed the town in a tragic manner.

The king aduertised hereof, gathered an armie, ouer the which Harold the sonne of earle Goodwine was made generall, who followed vpon the enimies that fled before him into Northwales, & staied not, till hauing Stratcluid.
Snowdon.
passed through Stratcluid, he came to the mountaines of Snowdon, where he pitched his field. The enimies durst not abide him, but got them into Southwales, whereof Harold being aduertised, left the more part of his armie in Northwales to resist the enimies there, & with the residue The citie of Hereford fortified by Harold. of his people came backe vnto Hereford, recouered the towne, and caused a great and mightie trench to be cast round about it, with an high rampire, and fensed it with gates and other fortifications. After this, he did so much, that comming to a communication, with Griffin and Algar at a place called Biligelhage, a peace was concluded, and so the nauie of earle Algar sailed about, and came to Chester, there to remaine, till the men of warre and marriners had their wages, while he went to[Page 750] the king, who pardoned his offense, & restored him to his earledome.

The king learned about this, gathered an army, and appointed Harold, the son of Earl Godwin, as the general. Harold pursued the enemies who fled before him into North Wales and didn't stop until he passed through Stratcluid and reached the mountains of Snowdon, where he set up camp. The enemies were too scared to face him and retreated to South Wales. Once Harold found out, he left most of his army in North Wales to hold off the enemies there and returned with the rest of his men to Hereford, recaptured the town, and had a huge trench dug around it, along with a high embankment, complete with gates and other defenses. After that, he managed to arrange a meeting with Griffin and Algar at a place called Biligelhage, where they agreed on a peace treaty. Earl Algar's fleet sailed around and arrived in Chester to stay until the soldiers and sailors were paid, while he went to the king, who forgave his offense and reinstated him as earl.

The decease of Siward earle of Northumberland. Ran. Higd. After this, in the verie same yeare, being the 15 of king Edwards reigne, as some writers affirme, Siward the noble earle of Northumberland died of the flix, of whom it is said, that when he perceiued the houre of death to be néere, he caused him selfe to be put in armour, & set vp in his chaire, affirming that a knight and a man of honour ought to die in that sort, rather than lieng on a couch like a féeble and fainthearted creature: and sitting so vpright in his chaire armed at all points, he ended his life, and was buried at Yorke. [O stout harted man, not vnlike to that famous Romane remembred by Tullie in his "Tusculane questions," who suffered the sawing of his leg from his bodie without shrinking, looking vpon the surgeon all the while, & hauing no part of his bodie bound for shrinking.] The said Siward earle of Northumberland was a man of a giantlike stature, & thereto of a verie stout and hardie courage, & because his sonne Walteif was but an infant, and as yet not out of his cradell, the earledome was giuen vnto earle Tostie one of Goodwins sonnes.

The death of Siward, Earl of Northumberland. Ran. Higd. After this, in the very same year, during the 15th year of King Edward's reign, as some writers claim, Siward, the noble Earl of Northumberland, died of a fever. It’s said that when he realized death was near, he had himself put in armor and propped up in his chair, stating that a knight and a man of honor should die this way, rather than lying on a couch like a weak and fainthearted person. Sitting upright in his fully armored chair, he passed away and was buried in York. [O brave-hearted man, not unlike that famous Roman remembered by Cicero in his "Tusculan Questions," who endured having his leg sawed off without flinching, all while watching the surgeon, with no part of his body restrained from shaking.] Siward, Earl of Northumberland, was a man of giant-like stature and had a very bold and courageous spirit. Since his son Walteif was only an infant and still in his cradle, the earldom was given to Earl Tostig, one of Godwin’s sons.


Edward the sonne of Edmund Ironside is sent for to be made heire apparant to the crowne, his death, the deceasse of Leofrike earle of Chester, the vertues and good deeds of him and his wife Gudwina, Couentrie free from custome and toll, churches and religious places builded and repared, Algar succedeth his father Leofrike in the earledome, he is accused of treason and banished, he recouereth his earledome by force of armes; Harold is sent with a power against Griffin king of Wales; the countrie wasted, and the people forced to yeeld, they renounce Griffin their king, kill him, and send his head to Harold, Griffins brethren rule Wales after him by grant of king Edward; Harolds infortunate going ouer into Normandie, the earle of Ponthieu taketh him prisoner, and releaseth him at the request of William duke of Normandie, for whose vse Harold sweareth to keepe possession of the realme of England, the duke promiseth him his daughter in mariage.

Edward, the son of Edmund Ironside, is summoned to become the heir apparent to the throne. His death, along with the passing of Leofrike, the Earl of Chester, is noted. The virtues and good deeds of him and his wife Gudwina are recognized. Coventry is free from customs and tolls, and churches and religious sites are built and repaired. Algar succeeds his father Leofrike as the earl but is accused of treason and exiled. He regains his earldom by force. Harold is sent with an army against Griffin, the king of Wales; the land is ravaged, and the people are forced to surrender. They reject Griffin as their king, kill him, and send his head to Harold. After Griffin's death, his brothers rule Wales with King Edward’s approval. Harold’s unfortunate trip to Normandy leads to him being captured by the Earl of Ponthieu, who releases him at the request of William, the Duke of Normandy. For William's benefit, Harold swears to maintain control of the kingdom of England, and the duke promises him his daughter in marriage.

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

Not long after, in the yeare 1057, Aldred bishop of Worcester, was sent ouer vnto the emperour Henrie the third, to fetch Edward the sonne of Edmund Ironside into England, whome king Edward was desirous to sée, meaning to ordeine him heire apparant to the crowne: but he died the same yeare, after that he was returned into England. This Edward was Edward the outlaw departed this life. 1057. surnamed the outlaw: his bodie was buried at Westminster, or (as others say) in the church of S. Paule within London. The same yeare, that is to say, in the seuentéenth yeare or in the sixtéenth yeare of king Ran. Higd.
Mat. West.
Edwards reigne (as some write) Leofrike the noble earle of Chester, or
Leofrike earle of Chester departed this life.
Mercia, that was sonne to duke Leofwine, departed this life in his owne towne of Bromelie on the last day of August, and was buried at Couentrie in the abbeie there which he had builded. This earle Leofrike was a man of great honor, wise and discréet in all his dooings. His high wisdome and policie stood the realme in great stéed whilest he liued.

Not long after, in the year 1057, Aldred, the bishop of Worcester, was sent to Emperor Henry III to bring Edward, the son of Edmund Ironside, back to England. King Edward wanted to see him and intended to appoint him as the heir apparent to the throne. However, Edward died that same year after returning to England. This Edward was known as the outlaw; his body was buried at Westminster, or as others say, in the church of St. Paul in London. That same year, which was the seventeenth year or the sixteenth year of King Edward's reign (as some record), Leofric, the noble Earl of Chester or Mercia, who was the son of Duke Leofwine, passed away in his hometown of Bromley on the last day of August and was buried in the abbey at Coventry that he had built. Earl Leofric was a man of great honor, wise and discreet in all his actions. His exceptional wisdom and strategy greatly benefited the kingdom while he was alive.

Couentrie made frée of toll and custome. He had a noble ladie to his wife named Gudwina, at whose earnest sute he made the citie of Couentrie frée of all manner of toll, except horsses: and to haue that toll laid downe also, his foresaid wife rode naked through the middest of the towne without other couerture, saue onlie hir haire. Moreouer, partlie moued by his owne deuotion, and partlie by the persuasion of his wife, he builded or beneficiallie augmented and repared manie abbeies & churches, as the said abbeie or priorie at Couentrie, the abbeies of Wenlocke, Worcester, Stone, Euesham, and Leof besides Hereford. Also he builded two churches within Churches in Chester built. the citie of Chester, the one called S. Iohns, and the other S. Werbrough. The value of the iewels & ornaments which he bestowed on the[Page 751] abbeie church of Couentrie, was inestimable.

Coventry was exempt from tolls and customs. He had a noble lady for a wife named Gudwina, who earnestly urged him to free the city of Coventry from all types of toll, except for horses. To remove that toll as well, his wife rode through the middle of the town completely naked except for her hair as her only covering. Additionally, partly motivated by his own devotion and partly by his wife's encouragement, he built or significantly enhanced and repaired many abbeys and churches, including the abbey or priory in Coventry, and the abbeys of Wenlock, Worcester, Stone, Evesham, and Leof near Hereford. He also constructed two churches within Churches built in Chester. the city of Chester, one called St. John's and the other St. Werbrough. The value of the jewels and ornaments he gave to the [Page 751] abbey church of Coventry was immeasurable.

After Leofriks death, his sonne Algar was made earle, and intituled in all his lands and seigniories. In the yeare following, to wit, 1058, the same Algar was accused againe (through malice of some enuious Henr. Hunt. Algar earle of Chester exiled.
1058.
persons) of treason, so that he was exiled the land, wherevpon he repaired againe vnto his old friend Griffin prince of Northwales, of whome he was ioifullie receiued, & shortlie after by his aid, & also by Simon Dun.

1063.
the power of a nauie of ships that by chance arriued in those parts at that selfe same season vnlooked for out of Norwaie, the said Algar recouered his earledome by force, as some haue written. King Edward Simon Dun.
Mat. West.
about the twentith yeare of his reigne, as then remaining at Glocester, appointed earle Harold to inuade the dominions of Griffin king of Wales. Harold taking with him a power of horssemen, made spéed, and came to Rutland, and there burned Griffins palace, and also his ships, and then about Midlent returned againe into England.

After Leofrik's death, his son Algar was made earl and given all his lands and lordships. In the following year, specifically 1058, Algar was again accused (out of envy by some people) of treason, which led to his exile from the land. He then went back to his old friend Griffin, the prince of North Wales, who welcomed him joyfully. Shortly after, with Griffin's help and the support of a fleet of ships that unexpectedly arrived from Norway at that time, Algar regained his earldom by force, as some have written. King Edward, around the twentieth year of his reign while he was in Gloucester, appointed Earl Harold to invade the territories of Griffin, the king of Wales. Harold, taking a group of horsemen with him, quickly went to Rutland, where he burned Griffin's palace and his ships, and then returned to England around Mid-Lent.

After this, about the Rogation wéeke, Harold eftsoones by the kings commandement went against the Welshmen, and taking the sea, sailed by Bristow, round about the coast, compassing in maner all Wales. His brother Tostie that was earle of Northumberland, met him by appointment Wales destroied and harried by the Englishmen. with an host of horssemen, and so joining togither, they destroied the countrie of Wales in such sort, that the Welshmen were compelled to

The Welshmen agrée to pay their accustomed tribute.
1064.
Wil. Malm.
Simon Dun.
submit themselues, to deliuer hostages, and conditioned to paie the ancient tribute which before time they had paied. And moreouer, they renounced their prince the forenamed Griffin, so that he remained as a banished person: and finallie, about the fift day of August, they slue him, and sent his head to earle Harold. Afterwards king Edward granted the rule of Wales vnto Blengent or Blethgent, & Riuall, Griffins two brethren, which did homage vnto him for the same, and had serued vnder Harold against their brother the foresaid Griffin. There be which write, that not onelie Griffin, but also another of his brethren called Wil. Malm. Rice, was brought to his death by the manfull meanes and politike order of earle Harold, & all the sauage people of Wales reduced into the forme of good order vnder the subiection of king Edward.

After this, around Rogation Week, Harold once again went against the Welshmen on the king's orders. He took to the sea, sailed past Bristol, and ended up going all around the coast, effectively surrounding all of Wales. His brother Tostig, who was the Earl of Northumberland, met him as planned with a group of horsemen. Together, they ravaged the land of Wales to such an extent that the Welsh were forced to submit themselves, provide hostages, and agree to pay the ancient tribute they had previously paid. Moreover, they renounced their prince, the aforementioned Griffin, leaving him a banished man. Finally, around the fifth of August, they killed him and sent his head to Earl Harold. Afterwards, King Edward granted control of Wales to Blethgent and Rivall, Griffin's two brothers, who pledged their loyalty to him for the land and had served under Harold against their brother Griffin. Some accounts say that not only Griffin but also another brother named Rice was brought to his end through the brave efforts and strategic moves of Earl Harold, and all the wild people of Wales were brought into proper order under King Edward's rule.

Harold goeth ouer into Normandie. Polydor.
Edmerus.
Shortlie after, earle Harold chanced to passe ouer into Normandie, whither of hap or of purpose it is hard to define, writers doo varie so much in report thereof. Some write that he made earnest sute to king Edward, to haue licence to go ouer to sée his brother Wilnot, and his nephue Hacune, which (as ye haue heard) were deliuered as pledges to king Edward, & sent into Normandie to remaine there with duke William, and at length with much adoo, got leaue: but yet he was told aforehand Mat. West.
Wil. Malm.
of the king, that he would repent his iournie, and doo the thing that should be preiudiciall to the realme. Other write that Harold lieng at his manor of Bosham, went aboord one day into his fishers boat or craier, and caused the same to lanch forth to the sea for his pleasure: but by misfortune at the same time, a contrarie wind suddenlie came about, and droue the vessell on land into France vpon the coast of Ponthieu, where he was taken by the countrie people, & presented to the earle of Ponthieu named Guie or Guido, who kept him as prisoner, meaning to put him to a grieuous ransome. But Harold remembring himselfe of a wile, dispatched a messenger forth with all spéed vnto William, duke of Normandie, signifieng vnto him, that he being sent from king Edward to confirme such articles, as other meane men that had béene sent vnto him afore had talked of, by chance he was fallen into the hands of the earle of Ponthieu, and kept as prisoner against all order of law, reason, or humanitie. Duke William thus informed by the messenger, sent to the earle of Ponthieu, requiring him to set earle Harold at libertie, that he might repaire to him according to his commission. The earle of Ponthieu at the dukes request, did not onelie restore Harold to his libertie, but also brought him into Normandie, Harold is presented to William duke of Normandie. and presented him there to the duke, of whome he was most ioifullie receiued.

Harold heads to Normandy. Polydor.
Edmerus.
Shortly after, Earl Harold happened to travel to Normandy, whether by chance or design is difficult to determine, as writers differ greatly in their accounts of it. Some say he earnestly requested King Edward’s permission to go see his brother Wilnot and his nephew Hacune, who (as you’ve heard) were given as hostages to King Edward and sent to Normandy to stay with Duke William. After much difficulty, he got the leave, but he was warned beforehand by the king that he would regret his journey and do something harmful to the realm. Others report that while Harold was at his manor in Bosham, he one day went aboard his fishing boat, intending to enjoy some time at sea. Unfortunately, a sudden wind changed direction and drove the vessel onto land in France, at the coast of Ponthieu, where he was captured by local people and presented to the Earl of Ponthieu, named Guie or Guido, who kept him as a prisoner, intending to demand a hefty ransom. Remembering a clever tactic, Harold quickly sent a messenger to William, the Duke of Normandy, informing him that he had been sent by King Edward to confirm certain agreements, as others had done before, but by chance had fallen into the hands of the Earl of Ponthieu and was being held without any legal or humane justification. Once Duke William received this message, he sent a request to the Earl of Ponthieu to free Earl Harold so he could report to him as per his commission. The Earl of Ponthieu, at the duke’s request, not only freed Harold but also took him to Normandy, Harold is introduced to William, Duke of Normandy. and there presented him to the duke, who received him very joyfully.

Hen. Hunt. There be that agrée partlie with this report, and partlie varie: for they write, that earle Harold tooke the sea vpon purpose to haue sailed into Flanders, and that by force of wind he was driuen to the coast of Ponthieu, and so after came into Normandie in maner as before is mentioned. But by what means or occasion soeuer he came thither, Harold was highly welcomed of Duke William. certeine it is, that he was ioifullie receiued, and had great chéere made him by the said duke William, who at that time was readie to make[Page 752] a iournie against the Britains, and tooke earle Harold with him to haue his companie in armes in that iournie, that he might haue the better triall of his valiancie. Earle Harold behaued himselfe so, that he shewed good proofe both of his wisedome and policie, and also of his forwardnesse to execute that with hand, which by wit he had deuised, so that duke William had him in high fauour, and (as it hath béene said) earle Harold (to procure him more friendship at the dukes hands) declared vnto him, that king Edward had ordeined him his heire if he died without issue, and that he would not faile to kéepe the realme of England to the dukes vse, according to that ordinance, if K. Edward Matth. West. Duke William promised to Harold his daughter in mariage. died without issue. And to performe this promise, he receiued a corporall oth, whether willinglie to win the more credit, or forced thereto by duke William, writers report it diuerslie. At the same time, duke William promised vnto him his daughter in marriage, whom Harold couenanted in like maner to take to wife.

Hen. Hunt. Some people agree with this account, while others disagree: they say that Earl Harold set out to go to Flanders but was blown off course by the wind to the coast of Ponthieu, and then later arrived in Normandy as previously mentioned. However he got there, it’s clear that Harold was warmly welcomed by Duke William. It is certain that he was received joyfully and was treated very well by Duke William, who was preparing to launch a campaign against the Britons. He took Earl Harold along to have him fight by his side in that campaign so he could better assess his bravery. Earl Harold proved himself to be wise and shrewd, and he also demonstrated a willingness to put into action what he had planned with his intellect, earning Duke William's favor. Reportedly, to gain even more friendship with the Duke, Earl Harold stated that King Edward had named him his heir if he died without children, and that he would ensure the kingdom of England was kept for the Duke’s benefit according to that decree if King Edward Matth. West. died without issue. To solidify this promise, he took a personal oath; whether he did this willingly to gain more trust or was pressured by Duke William varies according to different accounts. At the same time, Duke William promised him his daughter in marriage, and Harold agreed to marry her as well.


Harold at his returne into England reporteth to K. Edward what he had doone beyond the seas, and what the king said vnto him in that behalfe, who foresaw the comming of the Normans into this land to conquer it; when and why king Edward promised to make duke William his heire, (wherein note his subtiltie) dissention betwixt Harold and Tostie two brethren the sonnes of earle Goodwine, their vnnaturall and cruell dealing one with another, speciallie of the abhominable and merciles murthers committed by Tostie, against whome the Northumbers rebell vpon diuerse occasions, and reward him with answerable reuengement; Harold is sent against them, but preuaileth not; they offer to returne home if they might haue a new gouernor; they renounce Tostie and require Marchar in his roome, Tostie displeased getteth him into Flanders; king Edward dieth, his manners and disposition note-woorthie, his charitie and deuotion, the vertue of curing the maladie called the kings euill deriued from him to the succéeding kings of this land, he was warned of his death by a ring, he is canonized for a saint, the last woords that he spake on his death-bed, wherein he vttered to the standers by a vision, prophesieng that England should be inhabited with strangers, a description of the kings person, of a blasing starre fore-telling his death, the progenie of the Westsaxon kings, how long they continued, the names of their predecessors and successors; whence the first kings of seuen kingdoms of Germanie had their pedegree, &c.

When Harold returned to England, he reported to King Edward what he had done overseas and what the king said to him about it, foreseeing the arrival of the Normans to conquer the land. It also noted when and why King Edward promised to make Duke William his heir, highlighting his cunning. There was conflict between Harold and Tostig, the two brothers and sons of Earl Godwin, marked by their unnatural and cruel treatment of each other, especially the terrible and merciless murders committed by Tostig, which caused the Northumbrians to rebel against him on several occasions and reward him with fitting revenge. Harold was sent against them but did not succeed; they offered to go home if they could have a new governor. They rejected Tostig and asked for Marchar in his place. Upset, Tostig fled to Flanders. King Edward died, and his character and nature were notable, as well as his charity and devotion. The virtue of healing the disease called the king's evil was passed down to succeeding kings of this land. He was warned of his death by a ring and was later canonized as a saint. His last words on his deathbed included a vision, prophesying that England would be populated by strangers, alongside a description of the king's appearance and a blazing star that predicted his death, the lineage of the West Saxon kings, how long they reigned, the names of their predecessors and successors; and where the first kings of the seven kingdoms of Germany got their lineage, etc.

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

Now when Harold should returne into England, duke William deliuered him Polydor. his nephue Hacune, but kept his brother Wilnote with him still as a pledge. Then went earle Harold into England, and declared vnto king Edward what he had doone, who said vnto him; "Did not I tell thee that thou wouldest doo the thing whereof thou shouldest repent thee, and procure a mischiefe to follow vnto thy countrie? But God of his mercie turne that euill hap from this realme, or at the least, if it be his pleasure, that it must needs come to passe, yet to staie it till after my daies!" Some by Harolds purposed going ouer into Normandie, doo gather, that king Edward foresaw the comming of the Normans; and that When the promise was made by king Edward to make duke William his heire. he meant nothing lesse, than to performe the promise made vnto duke William, as to adopt him his heire, which promise should séeme to be made in time or his banishment, when he stood in néed of friendship; as the maner of men in such cases is, to promise much, how so euer they intend to fulfill. But rather it maie be thought, that king Edward had made no such promise at all, but perceiued the ambitious desire of duke William, and therefore would not that anie occasion should be ministred unto him to take hold of. Wherefore, he was loth that Harold should go ouer vnto him, least that might happen, which happened in déed.

Now when Harold was about to return to England, Duke William gave him his nephew Hacune but kept his brother Wilnote with him as a guarantee. Then Earl Harold went to England and told King Edward what he had done, who said to him, "Didn’t I warn you that you would do something you would regret and bring trouble to your country? But may God in His mercy remove that bad fortune from this realm, or at least, if it is His will that it must happen, let it happen only after my days!" Some believe that Harold's planned trip to Normandy indicated that King Edward foresaw the arrival of the Normans; and that he had no intention of keeping the promise made to Duke William to adopt him as his heir, which promise seemed to have been made during Edward's exile when he needed allies. As is common, people in such situations tend to make grand promises regardless of their true intentions to fulfill them. Rather it may be thought that King Edward never made such a promise and, recognizing Duke William's ambitious nature, did not want to give him any reason to seize the opportunity. Therefore, he was reluctant to let Harold go to him, fearing that it might lead to the very outcome that did indeed occur.

Hen. Hunt.
Matth. West.
Fabian.

Falling out between brethren.
The cruell dealing of earle Tostie.
In the foure and twentieth and last yéere of king Edward his reigne, or[Page 753] therabout, there fell variance betwixt the two brethren, earle Harold and earle Tostie at Windsor, where the court then lay, in so much that earle Harold caught Tostie by the haire of the head in the kings presence, and stroke him. Heervpon, Tostie departing from the court in great anger, came to Hereford in the marches of Wales, where Harolds seruants were preparing for the kings comming to their maisters house, which seruants he tooke and slue, chopping them in péeces, and threw into this hogshead of wine a leg, into that barrell of sider an arme, into this vessell of ale an head: and so into the lomes of meth and tubs of brine and other liquor he bestowed the parts of the dead carcasses of his brothers seruants, sending the king woord that he had prouided at his brothers manor, against his coming, good plentie of sowse & powdred meat, whatsoeuer he should find beside.

Hen. Hunt.
Matth. West.
Fabian.

Conflict among brothers.
The harsh actions of Earl Tostig.
In the twenty-fourth and final year of King Edward's reign, or around that time, a dispute broke out between the two brothers, Earl Harold and Earl Tostig, at Windsor, where the court was located. Earl Harold grabbed Tostig by the hair in front of the king and struck him. Angered by this, Tostig left the court and went to Hereford in the Welsh border region, where Harold's servants were getting ready for the king's visit to their master's house. Tostig killed these servants, chopping them into pieces and throwing a leg into one barrel of wine, an arm into another barrel of cider, and a head into a vessel of ale. He disposed of the remaining parts of his brother's servants into kegs of mead, brine, and other liquids, letting the king know that he had prepared plenty of pickled and salted meats at his brother's manor for the king's arrival, along with whatever else he could find.

The rumor of this cruell deed sprang ouer all the realme, wherevpon the Northumbers, whome he had gouerned for the space of ten yéeres verie The Northumbers rebell against Tostie their earle. cruellie, tooke occasion to rebell against him, and slue his seruants both Englishmen and Danes, spoiled his houses, and tooke awaie his horsses, his armour, and all other his goods and houshold stuffe. The chiefest cause (as is remembred by some writers) that mooued the Northumbers thus to rise and rebell against Tostie, was for the detestable murther of certeine gentlemen of their countrie, seruants unto Gospatrike, whom the queene in behalfe of hir brother had caused to be slaine in the court by treason, in the fourth night of Christmas last past, and also in reuenge of other noble men, which in the last yéere Tostie himselfe had commanded to be murthered in his owne chamber at Yorke, whither he had allured them to come vnder colour of concluding a peace with them. Also the gréeuous paiments, wherewith he charged the people of that countrie, set them in a great rage against him.

The rumor of this cruel deed spread throughout the entire kingdom, prompting the Northumbrians, who he had ruled harshly for ten years, to rebel against him. They killed his servants, both Englishmen and Danes, looted his houses, and took away his horses, armor, and all his belongings and household items. The main reason (as noted by some writers) that prompted the Northumbrians to rise up against Tostig was the horrific murder of certain gentlemen from their region, servants of Gospatrick, whom the queen had ordered to be killed at court as a favor to her brother on the fourth night of Christmas last year. Additionally, they sought revenge for other noblemen whom Tostig himself had ordered to be murdered in his own chamber in York, luring them there under the pretense of negotiating peace. The heavy burdens of taxation he imposed on the people also fueled their anger against him.

But the king aduertised héereof, liked not their dooings, for that they had doone it without commandement or commission, and therefore sent Wil. Malm. earle Harold with an armie to chastise them, but they were strong inough to withstand him, as those which were assembled in armour togither with the people of Lincolnshire, Notinghamshire, and Darbishire, and hauing with them Marcharus or Malcharus, the sonne of earle Algar, were come as farre as Northhampton, doing much hurt in the parts therabouts. Howbeit to haue the kings peace, they offered to returne home, so that they might haue an other earle appointed them, for that they plainlie protested, that they being freemen, borne and bred out of bondage, might not suffer anie cruell gouernor to rule ouer them, being taught by their ancestors, either to liue in libertie, or to die in defense thereof. If therefore it might please the king to assigne Marcharus the son of earle Algar to be their ruler, he should see how obedient subiects they would prooue & shew themselues to be, when they should be vsed after a reasonable and courteous manner. All things considered, their request seemed reasonable, or at least it Marcharus made earle of Northumberland. was thought necessarie that it should be granted. And so was Marcharus or Malcherus made earle of Northumberland. Tostie in great displeasure with his wife and children sailed ouer into Flanders, and there remained till after the deceasse of king Edward.

But the king, having been informed about this, didn’t approve of their actions since they had acted without his command or approval. So, he sent Earl Harold with an army to punish them, but they were strong enough to resist him, as they had gathered with the people from Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, and Derbyshire. They were joined by Marcharus or Malcharus, the son of Earl Algar, and had come as far as Northampton, causing a lot of damage in the surrounding areas. However, in order to have peace with the king, they offered to go home if they could have another earl appointed to them. They stated clearly that as free men, born and raised out of bondage, they would not tolerate a cruel ruler over them, as their ancestors had taught them to either live in freedom or die defending it. Therefore, if it would please the king to appoint Marcharus, the son of Earl Algar, as their ruler, he would see how obedient subjects they would be when treated in a reasonable and respectful manner. Considering everything, their request seemed fair, or at least it was viewed as necessary to grant it. Thus, Marcharus or Malcherus was made Earl of Northumberland. Tostie, very upset with his wife and children, sailed to Flanders and stayed there until after King Edward's death.

K. Edward departed this life. Simon Dun. Finallie, after that this courteous prince king Edward had reigned thrée and twentie yéeres, seuen moneths, and od daies, he departed this life at London the fourth of Ianuarie, and was buried in the church of Westminster, which he had in his life time roiallie repared, after such a statelie sort as few churches in those daies were like therevnto K. Edvard his maners and disposition of mind described. within this realme, so that afterwards the same was a paterne for other to be built after the same forme. This Edward was a prince of such a vertuous disposition of mind, that his fame of holinesse sprang ouer all. He abhorred warres and shedding of bloud, in so much that when he liued as a banished man in Normandie, he had this saieng oftentimes in his mouth, that he had rather liue a priuate life for euer, than to obteine the kingdome by the slaughter and death of anie man. He could not abide to haue the people oppressed with tributes or exactions, in so much that he caused the paiement called Danegilt (which had continued for the space almost of fortie yéeres) to ceasse. It hath beene said, that when the collectors of this monies or some other subsidie, had got an huge quantitie of treasure togither, they brought A diuell fetching gambols. it vnto him, and laid it altogither vpon an heape, so to delight his eies: but he declaring that he saw a diuell plaieng and fetching[Page 754] gambols about that heape of monie, commanded that it should be had awaie, and restored againe to them of whome it was leauied.

K. Edward has passed away. Simon Dun. Finally, after this gracious prince King Edward had reigned for twenty-three years, seven months, and a few days, he passed away in London on January 4th and was buried in Westminster Abbey, which he had magnificently restored during his lifetime, making it one of the most impressive churches of his time. K. Edward's personality and mindset described. He was a prince of such virtuous character that his reputation for holiness spread far and wide. He detested wars and bloodshed, to the extent that when he lived in exile in Normandy, he often said that he would rather live a private life forever than gain the throne through the murder of anyone. He could not stand to see people burdened with taxes or levies, which is why he ended the payment called Danegilt, which had been collected for almost forty years. It has been said that when the collectors of this money or other taxes gathered a huge amount of treasure, they brought it to him and piled it up for his enjoyment. However, he declared that he saw a devil playing tricks around that heap of money and ordered it to be taken away and returned to those from whom it had been collected. A devil pulling pranks. [Page 754]

In diet and apparell he was spare and nothing sumptuous: and although on high feasts he ware rich apparell, as became the maiestie of his roiall personage; yet he shewed no proud nor loftie countenance, rather praising God for his bountifull goodnesse towards him extended, than estéeming heerein the vaine pompe of the world. The pleasure that he tooke chieflie in this world for the refreshing of his wits, consisted onelie in hawking and hunting, which exercises he dailie vsed, after he had first beene in the church at diuine seruice. In other things he seemed wholie giuen to a deuout trade of life, charitable to the poore, and verie liberall, namelie to hospitals and houses of religion in the parties of beyond the sea, wishing euer that the moonks and religious persons of his realme would haue followed the vertue and holinesse of life vsed amongst them of forren parties. As hath béene thought he was inspired with the gift of prophesie, and also to haue had the gift of healing infirmities and diseases. He vsed to helpe those that were vexed with the disease, commonlie called the kings euill, and left that vertue as it were a portion of inheritance vnto his successors the kings of this realme.

In diet and clothing, he was moderate and not extravagant. Even though he wore rich apparel on special occasions, fitting for the majesty of his royal status, he didn't show a proud or haughty demeanor; instead, he praised God for His abundant goodness towards him rather than valuing the vain pomp of the world. The pleasure he took in this world to refresh his mind mainly consisted of falconry and hunting, which he practiced daily after attending church for divine service. In other aspects, he seemed wholly dedicated to a devout lifestyle, charitable to the poor, and very generous, especially to hospitals and religious institutions overseas, always wishing that the monks and religious people of his realm would emulate the virtue and holiness practiced by those in foreign lands. It is believed that he was gifted with prophecy and also had the ability to heal illnesses and diseases. He used to help those afflicted with the disease commonly known as the king's evil, and he passed that ability on as a sort of inheritance to his successors, the kings of this realm.

A tale of a ring. He was warned (as hath béene reported) of his death certeine daies before he died, by a ring that was brought him by certeine pilgrims comming from Hierusalem, which ring he had secretlie giuen to a poore man that asked his charitie in the name of God and saint Iohn the King Edward canonized for a saint. Wil. Malms.
Matt. Westm.
the Euangelist. But to conclude, such was the opinion conceiued of his holinesse of life, that shortlie after his decease, he was canonized amongst the number of saints, and named Edward the Confessor. Whilest he lay sicke of that sicknesse, whereof at length he died, after he had remained for two daies speechlesse, the third day after when he had laine for a time in a slumber or soft sléepe, at the time of his waking, he fetched a déepe sigh, and thus said; "Oh Lord God almightie, if this be not a vaine fantasticall illusion, but a true vision which I haue séene, grant me space to vtter the same vnto these that stand héere present, or else not." And herewith hauing his speech perfect, he declared how he had séene two moonks stand by him as he thought, whome in his youth he knew in Normandie to haue liued godlie, and died christianlie. "These moonks (said he) protesting to me that they were the messengers of God, spake these words; Bicause the chéefe gouernors of England, the bishops and abbats, are not the ministers of God, but the diuels, the almightie God hath deliuered this kingdome for one yéere and a day into the hands of the enimie, and wicked spirits shall walke abroad through the whole land. And when I made answer that I would declare these things to the people, and promised on their behalfe, that they should doo penance in following the example of the Niniuites: they said againe, that it would not be, for neither should the people repent, nor God take anie pitie vpon them. And when is there hope to haue an end of these miseries said I? Then said they; When a grene trée is cut in sunder in the middle, and the part cut off is caried thrée acres bredth from the stocke, and returning againe to the stoale, shall ioine therewith, and begin to bud & beare fruit after the former maner, by reason of the sap renewing the accustomed nourishment; then (I say) may there be hope that such euils shall ceasse and diminish." ¶ With which words of the king, though some other that stood by were brought in feare, yet archbishop Stigand made but a ieast thereof, saieng, that the old man raued now in his sickenesse, as men of great yéeres vse to doo. Neuerthelesse the truth of this prophesie afterwards too plainlie appeared, when England became the habitation of new strangers, in such wise, that there was neither gouernor, bishop, nor abbat remaining therein of the English nation. But now to make an end with king Edward, he was of person comelie, & of an indifferent stature, of white haire, both head and beard, of face ruddie, and in all parts of his bodie faire skinned, with due state and proportion of lims as was thereto conuenient. In the yéere before the death of king Edward, a blasing starre appeared, the which when a moonke of Malmesburie named Eilmer beheld, he vttered these words (as it were by way of prophesieng:) Thou art come (saith he) thou art come, much to be[Page 755] lamented of manie a mother: it is long agone sith I saw thée, but now I doo behold thee the more terrible, threatening destruction to this countrie by thy dreadfull appearance. In the person of king Edward ceased by his death the noble progenie of the Westsaxon kings, which had continued from the first yeare of the reigne of Cerdike or Cerdicius, the space of 547 yeeres complet. And from Egbert 266 yéeres.

A story about a ring. He was warned (as has been reported) about his certain death a few days before he passed away, by a ring that was brought to him by some pilgrims coming from Jerusalem. He had secretly given this ring to a poor man who asked for his charity in the name of God and Saint John the King Edward was made a saint. Wil. Malms.
Matt. Westm.
the Evangelist. To sum up, such was the opinion formed about his holy life that shortly after his death, he was canonized among the saints and named Edward the Confessor. While he was sick with the illness that ultimately led to his death, after remaining speechless for two days, on the third day, when he had been in a light sleep for a time, upon waking, he took a deep sigh and said; "Oh Lord God Almighty, if this is not a vain fantasy, but a true vision I have seen, grant me the opportunity to share it with those present, or not at all." Having regained his speech, he revealed that he had seen two monks standing by him, who, he believed, he had known in Normandy as having lived righteously and died as Christians. "These monks (he said) asserted that they were messengers of God and spoke these words; Because the chief rulers of England, the bishops, and abbots, are not ministers of God, but devils, Almighty God has delivered this kingdom for a year and a day into the hands of the enemy, and wicked spirits will roam throughout the land. When I answered that I would share these things with the people and promised on their behalf that they would do penance following the example of the Ninevites, they replied that it wouldn't happen, for neither would the people repent, nor would God show them any mercy. And when will there be hope for an end to these miseries, I asked? Then they said; When a green tree is cut in half in the middle, and the part that is cut off is carried three acres away from the stump, and returns to the stump, joins with it, and begins to bud and bear fruit as before, due to the sap renewing the usual nourishment; then (I say) there may be hope that such evils will cease and diminish." ¶ With these words from the king, although some others present were filled with fear, Archbishop Stigand merely laughed at it, saying that the old man was raving in his sickness, as elderly people tend to do. Nevertheless, the truth of this prophecy later became too clear when England became the home of new strangers, so much so that there was no governor, bishop, or abbot remaining of the English nation. But to conclude with King Edward, he was of handsome appearance, of average height, with white hair, both on his head and beard, a ruddy face, and fair skin all over his body, with a proper stature and proportion of limbs as was fitting. In the year before King Edward's death, a blazing star appeared, which when a monk of Malmesbury named Eilmer saw, he uttered these words (as if prophesying): You have come (he said), you have come, much to be lamented by many a mother: it has been a long time since I saw you, but now I see you all the more terrible, threatening destruction to this country by your dreadful appearance. With the death of King Edward, the noble lineage of the West Saxon kings ceased, having continued from the first year of the reign of Cerdic or Cerdicius for 547 complete years. And from Egbert, it lasted 266 years.

Moreouer, sith the progenie of the Saxon kings seemeth wholie to take end with this Edward surnamed the Confessor, or the third of that name before the conquest, we haue thought good for the better helpe of memorie to referre the reader to a catalog of the names as well of those that reigned among the Westsaxons (who at length, as ye haue heard, obteined the whole monarchie) as also of them which ruled in the other seuen kingdomes before the same were vnited vnto the said kingdome of the Westsaxons, which catalog you shall find in the description of Britaine, pag. 31, 32, 33.

Moreover, since the lineage of the Saxon kings seems to come to an end with Edward, known as the Confessor, or the third of that name before the conquest, we thought it would be helpful for memory to direct the reader to a list of the names of those who ruled among the West Saxons (who ultimately, as you have heard, gained the entire monarchy) as well as those who governed the other seven kingdoms before they were united with the kingdom of the West Saxons. You will find this list in the description of Britain, pages 31, 32, 33.

Here is to be remembred, that as partlie before is expressed, we find Matt. West. in some old writers, how the first kings of seuen kingdomes of the Germane nation that bare rule in this Ile, fetcht their pedegrées from one Woden, who begat of Frea his wife seuen sonnes, that is to say, 1 Vecta, of whome came the kings of Kent, 2 Fethelgeta, or Frethegeath, from whome the kings of Mercia descended, 3 Balday, of whose race the kings of the Westsaxons had their originall, 4 Beldagius, ancestor to the kings of Bernicia, and the Northumbers, 5 Wegodach or Wegdagus, from whome came the kings of Deira, 6 Caser, from whome procéeded the kings of the Eastangles, 7 Nascad alias Saxuad, of whome the kings of the Eastsaxons had their beginning. And here you must note, that although the kings of the eight kingdome, that is, of the Southsaxons or Sussex, were descended of the same people, yet were they not of the same line. By other it should séeme, that Woden had but fiue sonnes: as Vecta, great grandfather to Hengist; Wepedeg, ancestor to the kings of the Eastangles; Viclac, from whome procéeded the kings of Mercia; Saxuad, from whom the kings of Essex came; and Beldag, of whose generation proceeded the kings of the Southsaxons, Westsaxons, and the Simon Dun.
Io. Textor.
Northumbers. Moreouer, there be that bring the genealogie from Noe to Noah, the sonne of Lamech, which Noe was the 9 in descent from Adam, and Woden the 15 from Noe, as you shall find in the historie of England, lib. 6. pag. 663. Noe was the father to Sem the father of Bedwi, the father of Wala, the father of Hatria or Hathra, the father of Itermod, the father of Heremod, the father of Sheaf or Seaf, the father of Seldoa or Sceldua, the father of Beatu or Beau, the father of Teathwij aliàs Tadwa or Teathwy, the father of Geta, reputed for a god among the gentiles, the father of Fingodulph otherwise Godulph, the father of Fritwolfe otherwise Friuin, the father of Freolaf aliàs Freolater, the father of Frethwold or Friderwald, the father of the aforenamed Woden or Othen.

It's important to remember that, as mentioned earlier, some old writers, like Matthew West noted how the first kings of the seven kingdoms of the Germanic people who ruled in this island traced their ancestry back to one Woden, who had seven sons with his wife Frea. These sons are: 1 Vecta, from whom the kings of Kent descended, 2 Fethelgeta, or Frethegeath, from whom the kings of Mercia came, 3 Balday, from whose lineage the kings of the West Saxons originated, 4 Beldagius, ancestor to the kings of Bernicia and the Northumbrians, 5 Wegodach or Wegdagus, from whom the kings of Deira descended, 6 Caser, from whom the kings of the East Angles came, and 7 Nascad, also known as Saxuad, from whom the kings of the East Saxons originated. Note that although the kings of the eighth kingdom, the South Saxons or Sussex, were descended from the same people, they were not from the same lineage. According to others, it seems that Woden had only five sons: Vecta, great-grandfather to Hengist; Wepedeg, ancestor to the kings of the East Angles; Viclac, from whom the kings of Mercia descended; Saxuad, from whom the kings of Essex came; and Beldag, from whose line came the kings of the South Saxons, West Saxons, and the Simon Dun.
Io. Textor.
Northumbrians. Furthermore, some trace the genealogy from Noah, son of Lamech, who was the ninth generation from Adam, and Woden was the fifteenth from Noah, as you will find in the history of England, lib. 6. pag. 663. Noah was the father of Shem, who was the father of Bedwi, the father of Wala, the father of Hatria or Hathra, the father of Itermod, the father of Heremod, the father of Sheaf or Seaf, the father of Seldoa or Sceldua, the father of Beatu or Beau, the father of Teathwij alias Tadwa or Teathwy, the father of Geta, regarded as a god among the pagans, the father of Fingodulph otherwise Godulph, the father of Fritwolfe otherwise Friuin, the father of Freolaf alias Freolater, the father of Frethwold or Friderwald, the father of the aforementioned Woden or Othen.


The peeres are in doubt to whome the rule of the land should be committed, why they durst not that Edgar Edeling should vndertake it though he was interested to the same, how William duke of Normandie pretended a right to the crowne, Harold the sonne of earle Goodwine crowned, proclaimed, and consecrated king; his subtill and adulatorie meanes to win the peoples fauour; duke William sendeth ambassadors to Harold to put him in mind of a promise passed to the said duke for his furtherance to obteine the crowne; Harolds negatiue answer to the said ambassage, as also to the marieng of the dukes daughter which was Harolds owne voluntarie motion; he prouideth against the inuasions of the enimie as one doubting afterclaps, a blasing starre of seuen daies continuance.

The nobles are uncertain about who should be in charge of the land, and they hesitate to let Edgar the Atheling take on the role, even though he has a claim to it. William, the Duke of Normandy, is asserting a right to the throne, while Harold, the son of Earl Godwin, has been crowned, proclaimed, and consecrated as king. He uses clever and flattering methods to gain the people's support. Duke William sends messengers to Harold to remind him of a promise he made to support the duke's claim to the crown. Harold's negative response to this message, as well as his earlier proposal to marry the duke's daughter, are significant. He prepares for the enemy’s invasions, remaining wary of potential repercussions, much like a comet that blazes for seven days.

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

HAROLD. K. Edward departed this life.
An. Christi. 1065, after the account of the church of England.
Matth. West.
Polydor.
King Edward being thus departed this life, the péeres of the land were in great doubt & perplexitie to whome they might best commit the roiall gouernement of the realme. For there was not anie among them that had iust title thereto, or able and apt to take the charge vpon him. For[Page 756]
Edeling, that is, a noble man, and such one as is come of the kings blood.
although Edgar surnamed Edeling, the sonne of Edward the outlaw, that was sonne of Edmund Ironside, was at the same time latelie come into England, with his mother and sisters out of Hungarie where he was borne: yet for that he was but a child, & not of sufficient age to beare rule, they durst not as then commit the gouernement of the realme vnto him, least (as some haue thought) his tendernesse of age might first bréed a contempt of his person, and therewith minister occasion to ciuill discord, wherby a shipwracke of the estate might ensue, to the great annoie and present ouerthrow of such as then liued in the same. But what consideration soeuer they had in this behalfe, they ought not to haue defrauded the yoong gentleman of his lawfull right to the crowne. For as we haue heard and séene, God, whose prouidence and mightie power is shewed by ouerthrowing of high and mightie things now and then, by the weake and féeble hath gouerned states and kingdomes oftentimes in as good quiet and princelie policie by a child, as by men of age and great discretion.

HAROLD. K. Edward has died.
In the year 1065, according to the records of the Church of England.
Matth. West.
Polydor.
With King Edward's death, the nobles of the land were greatly uncertain and confused about who they could trust to take over the royal governance of the kingdom. None among them had a rightful claim to the throne or were capable enough to handle the responsibility. For[Page 756] Edeling means a nobleman, a person of royal blood. although Edgar, known as Edeling, the son of Edward the Outlaw, who was the son of Edmund Ironside, had recently returned to England with his mother and sisters from Hungary, where he was born: they didn’t feel they could hand over the governance of the realm to him, since he was just a child and too young to rule. They feared that his youth might lead to a lack of respect for him, potentially causing civil discord, which could ultimately result in the downfall of the kingdom, to the great detriment of those living at that time. However, regardless of their concerns, they should not have denied the young man his rightful claim to the crown. As we've seen and heard, God’s providence and powerful might sometimes overturn the mighty through the weak, governing states and kingdoms in as much peace and noble order by a child as by mature and wise men.

But to the purpose, beside the doubt which rested among the lords, how to bestow the crowne, the manifold and strange woonders, which, were séene and heard in those daies, betokening (as men thought) some change to be at hand in the state of the realme, made the lords afraid, and namelie bicause they stood in great doubt of William duke of Normandie, who pretended a right to the crowne, as lawfull heire appointed by king Edward, for that he was kin to him in the second and third degree. For Dukes of Normandie. Richard the first of that name duke of Normandie, begot Richard the second, and Emma; which Emma bare Edward by hir husband Ethelred. Richard the second had also issue Richard the third, and Robert, which Robert by a concubine had issue William, surnamed the bastard, that was now duke of Normandie, and after the death of his coosine king Edward, made claime (as is said) to the crowne of England.

But to the point, besides the uncertainty among the lords about how to settle the crown, the many strange wonders seen and heard during those days, which people believed indicated some change was coming in the state of the kingdom, made the lords anxious, especially because they were greatly concerned about William, Duke of Normandy, who claimed a right to the crown as the lawful heir designated by King Edward, since he was related to him in the second and third degree. For Dukes of Normandy. Richard the first of that name, Duke of Normandy, fathered Richard the second and Emma; this Emma bore Edward with her husband Ethelred. Richard the second also had sons, Richard the third and Robert, who through a concubine had a son named William, known as the bastard, who was now Duke of Normandy, and after the death of his cousin King Edward, claimed (as it’s said) the crown of England.

Whilest the lords were thus studieng and consulting what should be best Harold proclaimed king of England. for them to doo in these doubts, Harold, the son of Goodwine earle of Kent, proclaimed himselfe king of England: the people being not much offended therewith, bicause of the great confidence and opinion which they had latelie conceiued of his valiancie. Some write (among whome Edmerus. Edmerus is one) how king Edward ordeined before his death, that Harold should succéed him as heire to the crowne, and that therevpon the lords immediatlie after the said Edwards deceasse, crowned Harold for their king, and so he was consecrated by Aldred archbishop of Yorke, according to the custom and maner of the former kings, or (as other Matth. West. affirme) he set the crowne on his owne head without anie the accustomed ceremonies, in the yéere after the birth of our sauiour 1066, or in the yéere of Christ 1065, after the account of the church of England (as before is noted.)

While the lords were busy discussing what would be best for them to do about these uncertainties, Harold, the son of Goodwine, the Earl of Kent, declared himself king of England. The people were not very upset by this because they had recently developed a strong confidence and opinion of his bravery. Some write, including Edmerus, that King Edward had arranged before his death for Harold to succeed him as heir to the crown, and that right after Edward's death, the lords crowned Harold as their king. He was consecrated by Aldred, the Archbishop of York, following the customs of former kings, or as others assert, he placed the crown on his own head without the usual ceremonies, in the year 1066 after the birth of our Savior, or in the year 1065 according to the account of the Church of England, as previously noted.

But how and whensoeuer he came to the seat roiall of this kingdome, certeine it is, that this Harold in the begining of his reigne, considering with himselfe how and in what sort he had taken vpon him the rule of the kingdome, rather by intrusion than by anie lawfull Harold séeketh to win the peoples hearts. Sim. Dunel. right, studied by all meanes which way to win the peoples fauour, and omitted no occasion whereby he might shew anie token of bountious liberalitie, gentlenesse and courteous behauiour towards them. The gréeuous customes also and taxes which his predecessors had raised, he either abolished or diminished: the ordinarie wages of his seruants and men of warre he increased, and further shewed himselfe verie well bent to all vertue and goodnesse, whereby he purchased no small fauor among such as were his subiects.

But however he came to the royal throne of this kingdom, it’s clear that Harold, at the start of his reign, reflecting on how he had taken on the rule of the kingdom—more by intrusion than by any lawful right—sought by every means to win the people's favor. He seized every opportunity to show tokens of generosity, kindness, and courteous behavior towards them. He either abolished or reduced the heavy customs and taxes that his predecessors had imposed. He raised the regular wages of his servants and soldiers and also demonstrated a strong inclination towards all virtues and goodness, which earned him considerable favor among his subjects.

An ambassage from Normandie. Whilest Harold went about thus to steale the peoples good willes, there came ouer vnlooked for sundrie ambassadours from William the bastard duke of Normandie, with commission to require him to remember his oth sometime made to the said William in the time of his extremitie, which was, that he the said Harold should aid him in the obteining of the crowne of England, if king Edward should happen to die without issue. This couenant he made (as it is supposed) in king Edwards daies, when (by licence of the same Edward, or rather (as Edmerus writeth) against his will) he went ouer into Normandie to visit his brethren, which laie there as pledges.

An embassy from Normandy. While Harold was trying to win the people's support, unexpected ambassadors arrived from William the Bastard, Duke of Normandy. They were sent to remind him of the oath he made to William during his time of need, which was that Harold would help him claim the crown of England if King Edward died without an heir. This agreement was supposedly made during King Edward's reign when Harold, with Edward's permission—or as Edmerus writes, against his will—traveled to Normandy to visit his brothers, who were there as hostages.

K. Harolds answer. Howbeit at this present, Harolds answer to the said ambassadors was,[Page 757] that he would be readie to gratifie the duke in all that he could
Eadmerus.
demand, so that he would not aske the realme, which alreadie he had in his full possession. And further he declared vnto them (as some write) that as for the oth which he had made in times past vnto duke William,
Matth. West.
the same was but a constreined & no voluntarie oth, which in law is nothing; since thereby he tooke vpon him to grant that which was not in his power to giue, he being but a subiect whilest king Edward was liuing. For if a promised vow or oth which a maid maketh concerning the bestowing of hir bodie in hir fathers house, without his consent, is made void; much more an oth by him made that was a subiect, and vnder the rule of a king, without his souereignes consent, ought to be void and of no value. He alledged moreouer, that as for him to take an oth to deliuer the inheritance of anie realme without the generall consent of the estates of the same, could not be other than a great péece of presumption, yea although he might haue iust title therevnto; so it was an vnreasonable request of the duke at this present to will him to renounce the kingdome, the gouernance whereof he had alreadie taken vpon him, with so great fauor and good liking of all men.

K. Harold's response. However, at this time, Harold's response to the ambassadors was,[Page 757] that he would be willing to satisfy the duke in everything he could demand, as long as he didn't ask for the kingdom, which he already had in his full possession. He also explained to them (as some have written) that the oath he had made in the past to Duke William was only a coerced and not a voluntary oath, which in legal terms means nothing; since it obligated him to grant something he had no authority to give, being just a subject while King Edward was alive. For, if a vow or oath that a maid makes about offering her body in her father's house without his consent is rendered void, then even more should an oath made by someone who was a subject and under the rule of a king, without his sovereign's consent, be null and worthless. He further argued that for him to swear an oath to hand over the inheritance of any kingdom without the general consent of its estates would be nothing short of a huge presumption, even if he might have a just claim to it; thus, it was an unreasonable request from the duke at this time to ask him to renounce the kingdom, the governance of which he had already assumed with the great favor and approval of everyone.

Duke William eftsoones sendeth to king Harold. Duke William hauing receiued this answer, and nothing liking thereof, sent once againe to Harold, requiring him then at the least-wise, that he would take his daughter to wife, according to his former promise; in refusing whereof he could make no sound allegation, bicause it was a thing of his owne motion, and in his absolute power, both to grant and to performe. But Harold being of a stout courage, with proud countenance frowned vpon the Norman ambassadors, and declared to them that his mind was nothing bent as then to yéeld therevnto in any maner of wise. And so with other talke tending to the like effect he sent them away without anie further answer. The daughter of duke William Gemeticensis. whome Harold should haue maried, was named Adeliza, as Gemeticensis saith, and with hir (as the same author writeth) it was couenanted by duke William, that Harold should inioy halfe the realme in name of hir Wil. Malm. dower. Howbeit some write that this daughter of duke William was departed this life before the comming of these ambassadors, and that Harold therevpon thought himselfe discharged of the oth and couenants made to duke William, and therefore sent them away with such an vntoward answer.

Duke William quickly sent a message to King Harold. After receiving Harold's answer, which he found unsatisfactory, Duke William sent another message, asking him to at least marry his daughter, as he had previously promised. In rejecting this request, Harold couldn't offer a solid reason since it was his own initiative and entirely within his control to agree or refuse. However, Harold, displaying strong resolve, frowned at the Norman ambassadors and declared that he had no intention of complying with their request. With more talk along the same lines, he dismissed them without giving any further response. The daughter of Duke WilliamGemeticensis. whom Harold was supposed to marry was named Adeliza, as noted by Gemeticensis, and it was agreed by Duke William that Harold would receive half the kingdom in her nameWil. Malm. as her dowry. However, some reports claim that this daughter of Duke William had passed away before the arrival of the ambassadors, and that Harold then believed he was freed from the oath and agreements made with Duke William, leading him to send them away with such an unpleasant answer.

Polydor. But howsoeuer it was, after the departure of these ambassadors, king Harold (doubting what would insue) caused his ships to be newlie rigged, his men of warre to be mustered, and spéedilie put in a readinesse, to the end that if anie sudden inuasion should be made and attempted by his enimie, he might be able to resist them. ¶ About the same time also, and vpon the 24 of Aprill (whilest Harold was making prouision to withstand the Norman force) there appeared a blasing starre, which was séene not onelie here in England, but also in other parts of the world, and continued the space of seuen daies. This Rog. Houed.
Simon Dun.
blasing starre might be a prediction of mischéefe imminent & hanging ouer Harolds head; for they neuer appeare but as prognosticats of afterclaps. To be resolutelie instructed herein, doo but peruse a treatise intituled; A doctrine generall of comets or blasing starres published by a bishop of Mentz in Latine, and set foorth in English by Abraham Fleming vpon the apparition of a blasing starre séene in the southwest, on the 10 of Nouember 1577, and dedicated to the right worshipfull sir William Cordell knight, then maister of hir maiesties rolles, &c.

Polydor. But anyway, after these ambassadors left, King Harold, fearing what might happen, had his ships re-rigged, gathered his soldiers, and quickly got everything ready, so that if his enemy launched a sudden attack, he would be ready to defend himself. ¶ Around the same time, on April 24th (while Harold was preparing to face the Norman threat), a bright star appeared; it was seen not only in England but also in other parts of the world, and it lasted for seven days. ThisRog. Houed.
Simon Dun.
bright star could have been a warning of looming trouble for Harold since such phenomena usually appear as signs of upcoming disasters. To understand this better, just read a treatise called "A General Doctrine of Comets or Blazing Stars," published by a bishop of Mainz in Latin and translated into English by Abraham Fleming after the sighting of a blazing star in the southwest on November 10, 1577, dedicated to the honorable Sir William Cordell, knight, who was then Master of Her Majesty's Rolls, etc.


[Page 758]

[Page 758]

Earle Tostie afflicteth his brother Harold on sea and land, he taketh the repulse, and persuadeth Harfager king of Norweie to attempt the conquest of England against Harold, Harfager & Tostie with their powers arriue at Humber, they fight with the Northumbers vnder the conduct of Edwine and Marchar, and discomfit them; Harold leuieth an armie against them, the rare valiantnes of a Norwegian souldior; Harfager and Tostie slaine in battell; the Norwegians are foiled and flie; Harolds vnequall and parciall dividing of the spoile, he goeth to Yorke to reforms things amisse.

Earle Tostie attacks his brother Harold on both sea and land; he faces defeat and convinces King Harfager of Norway to try to conquer England against Harold. Harfager and Tostie arrive at the Humber with their forces, where they battle the Northumbrians led by Edwine and Marchar, and defeat them. Harold raises an army to confront them, showcasing the exceptional bravery of a Norwegian soldier. Harfager and Tostie are killed in battle; the Norwegians are defeated and flee. Harold's unfair and biased distribution of the spoils leads him to go to York to correct the issues.

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

Whilest Harold desirous to reteine, and verie loth to let go his vsurped roialtie, had crackt his credit with the duke of Normandie, and by his lewd reuolting from voluntarie promises ratified with solemne othes, had also kindled the fire of the dukes furie against him; it came to passe, that the proud and presumptuous man was (to begin Tostie séekes to disquiets his brother. withall) vexed in his owne flesh, I meane his owne kinred. For Tostie the brother of king Harold (who in the daies of king Edward for his crueltie had béene chased out of the realme by the Northumbers) returning out of Flanders, assembled a nauie of ships from diuers parts Matt. West. saith but 40.
Polydor.
Ran Higd.
Sim. Dun.
to the number of 60, with the which he arriued in the Ile of Wight, & there spoiled the countrie, and afterward sailing about by the coasts of Kent, he tooke sundrie preies their also, and came at the last to Sandwich: so that Harold was now constreined to appoint the nauie which he had prepared against the Normans, to go against his brother earle Tostie. Whereof the said Tostie being aduertised, drew towards Lindsey in Lincolnshire, and there taking land did much hurt in the countrie, Tosties repelled. Wil. Malm.
Polydor.
Ran. Higd.
both with sword and fire, till at length Edwine earle of Mercia, and Marchar earle of Northumberland, aided with the kings nauie, chased him from thence, and caused him to flie into Scotland, not without some losse both of his men and ships.

While Harold, eager to hold onto, and very reluctant to let go of his usurped royalty, had damaged his reputation with the Duke of Normandy, and through his wicked rebellion against voluntary promises confirmed with solemn oaths, had also ignited the duke's fury against him; it happened that the proud and arrogant man was (to begin with) troubled by his own flesh, meaning his own kin. For Tostig, Harold's brother (who during King Edward's reign had been driven out of the kingdom by the Northumbrians for his cruelty) returned from Flanders, gathering a fleet of ships from various places to the number of 60. With this, he arrived on the Isle of Wight, plundered the area, and later sailed along the coasts of Kent, seizing various spoils there as well, finally arriving at Sandwich. So, Harold was now forced to send the fleet he had prepared against the Normans to confront his brother, Earl Tostig. When Tostig learned of this, he moved towards Lindsey in Lincolnshire, where he landed and caused significant damage in the area, both with sword and fire, until at last, Edwin, Earl of Mercia, and Morkar, Earl of Northumberland, supported by the king's fleet, drove him out and forced him to flee to Scotland, not without suffering some losses of both men and ships.

This trouble was scarse quieted, but streightwaies another came in the necke thereof, farre more dangerous than the first. For Tostie, perceiuing that he could get no aid in Scotland to make anie account Harold Harfager king of Norweie. of, sailed forth into Norweie, and there persuaded Harold Harfager king of that realme, to saile with an armie into England, persuading him that by meanes of ciuill dissention latelie kindled betwixt the king and his lords (which was not so) it should be an easie matter for him to make a conquest of the whole realme, and reigne ouer them as his predecessors had done before. Some authors affirme, that Harold king of Matt. West.
Simon Dun.
Norwey tooke this enterprise in hand of his owne mind, and not by procurement of Tostie, saieng, that Tostie méeting with him in Scotland, did persuade him to go forward in his purposed busines, and that the said Harold Harfager with all conuenient spéed passed foorth, Simon Dun. saith 500. & with a nauie of 300 saile entered into the riuer of Tine, where after he had rested a few daies to refresh his people, earle Tostie came also with his power (according to an appointment which should be made betweene them.) They ad furthermore, that they sailed forth alongst the The Norwegians arriue in Humber.
Richall.
Hen. Hunt. coast, till they arriued in the mouth of Humber, & then drawing vp against the streame of the riuer Owse, they landed at length at a place called Richhall, from whence they set forward to inuade the countrie, & néere vnto Yorke on the northside of the citie, they fought with the power of the Northumbers, which was led by the earls Edwine and Marchar The English men discomfited. (two brethren) and there discomfited and chased them into the citie, with great slaughter and bloudshed.

This trouble was barely settled when another one arrived, much more dangerous than the first. Tostie, realizing he couldn't get any support in Scotland worth mentioning, sailed to Norway and convinced King Harold Harfager of that kingdom to launch an invasion into England. He argued that due to recent civil unrest between the king and his lords (which wasn’t actually happening), it would be easy for Harold to conquer the entire realm and rule over them as his predecessors had. Some sources claim that King Harold of Norway initiated this venture on his own, not due to Tostie's influence, asserting that Tostie met him in Scotland and urged him to proceed with his plans. According to reports, Harold Harfager quickly set out, and with a fleet of 300 ships, he entered the River Tyne, where he rested for a few days to refresh his crew. Earl Tostie also arrived with his forces, as previously arranged. They then sailed along the coast until they reached the mouth of the Humber, before moving up the River Ouse, eventually landing at a place called Richhall. From there, they advanced to invade the country. Near York, on the north side of the city, they clashed with the Northumbrian forces led by the Earls Edwin and Marchar (two brothers), defeating them and driving them back into the city with significant casualties and bloodshed.

This battell was fought on the even of S. Mattew the apostle, as saith Si. Dun. Wil. Malm.
Hen. Hunt.
Matt. West.
Harold king of England being aduertised of this chance, made the more hast forward (for he was alreadie in the field with his armie, intending also to come towards his enimies) so that vpon the fift day after he came to Stamford bridge, finding there the said king Harfager and Tostie readie imbattelled, he first assailed those that kept the bridge, where (as some writers affirme) a Norwegian souldier with his axe defended the passage, mauger the whole host of the Englishmen, and slue fortie of them or more with his axe, & might not be ouercome, till an Englishman went with a boat vnder the said bridge, and through an hole thereof thrust him vp into the bodie with his speare: yet Matt. West, saith that he was slaine with a dart which one of king Harold his[Page 759] seruants threw at him, & so ended his life. Which bridge being woone,
The Norwegians discomfited.
the whole host of the Englishmen passed ouer, and ioined with their enimies, and after a verie great and sore battell put them all to flight.

This battle happened on the eve of St. Matthew the Apostle, according to Si. Dun. Wil. Malm.
Hen. Hunt.
Matt. West.
Harold, King of England, upon hearing of this event, hurried forward (since he was already in the field with his army, planning to confront his enemies). On the fifth day after arriving at Stamford Bridge, he found King Harfager and Tostie ready for battle. He first attacked those guarding the bridge, where (as some writers assert) a Norwegian soldier, wielding his axe, defended the passage against the entire English army, killing forty or more men with his axe and could not be overcome until an Englishman rowed a boat under the bridge and thrust a spear through a hole, hitting him in the body. However, Matt. West claims that he was killed by a dart thrown by one of King Harold's servants, thus ending his life. Once the bridge was taken, The Norwegians were defeated. the entire English army crossed over, engaged their enemies, and after a fierce and intense battle, drove them into flight.

The king of Norwaie and Tostie slaine. In this conflict Harold Harfager king of the Norwegians was slaine, & so was Tostie the king of England his brother, besides a great number of other, as well in the battell as in the chase: neither did the Englishmen escape all frée, for the Norwegians fought it out a long This battell was fought on the 25 of September as saith Si. Dun. time verie stoutlie, beating downe and killing great numbers of such as assailed them with great courage and assurance. The residue of the Norwegians that were left to kéepe their ships vnder the guiding of Olaue sonne to the king of Norwaie, and Paule earle of Orkneie, after Matth. West. they vnderstood by their fellowes that escaped from the field, how the mater went with Harfager and Tostie, they hoised vp their sailes and directed their course homewards, bearing sorowfull newes with them into Simon Dun. their countrie, of the losse of their king and ouerthrow of all his people. Some write, that the king of England permitted them franklie to depart with 20 ships, hauing first caused them to deliuer such hostages as they had receiued of the citizens of Yorke. Harold reioising in that he had atteined so glorious a victorie, and being now surprised with pride and couetousnesse togither, he diuided the spoile of the field M. West. Vnequall diuiding of the spoile. nothing equallie, but to such as he fauored he distributed liberallie, and to other (though they had much better deserued) he gaue nothing at all, reteining still the best part of all to himselfe, by reason whereof he lost the fauor of manie of his men, who for this his discourtesie, did not a little alienate their good willes from him. Wil. Malm. This doone, he repaired to Yorke, and there staied for a time to reforme the disordered state of the countrie, which by reason of these warres was greatlie out of frame.

The king of Norway and Tostig have been killed. In this battle, Harold Hardrada, king of the Norwegians, was killed, as was his brother Tostig, the king of England, along with a large number of others, both in the fight and during the pursuit. The Englishmen also didn’t escape unscathed, as the Norwegians fought valiantly for a long time, defeating and killing many of those who attacked them with great courage and determination. The remaining Norwegians who stayed behind to guard their ships, led by Olaf, son of the king of Norway, and Paul, earl of Orkney, after learning from their comrades who escaped the battlefield about the fate of Hardrada and Tostig, raised their sails and set course homeward, bringing sorrowful news back to their country about the loss of their king and the defeat of his forces. Some report that the king of England allowed them to leave freely with 20 ships, after requiring them to return the hostages they had taken from the citizens of York. Harold, feeling pleased with such a glorious victory, became overwhelmed with pride and greed, dividing the spoils of the battlefield unfairly; he generously rewarded those he favored, while giving nothing to others who had deserved much more. He kept the best part for himself, which caused many of his men to lose their goodwill towards him because of this discourtesy. Wil. Malm. Having done this, he went to York, where he stayed for a while to restore order to the country, which had been greatly disrupted by the wars.

¶ But Harold being more presumptuous and foole-hardie, than prouident and wise in his enterprise; bending all his force to redresse enormities in those quarters of Yorkeshire (much like vnto him, whom the Comediographer marketh for a foole, "Ea tantùm quæ ad pedes iacent contemplans, non autem ventura præuidens") neglected the kinglie care which he should haue had of other parts of his realme, from the which he had withdrawen himselfe, and (as it is likelie) had not left sufficientlie prouided of a conuenient vicegerent to gouerne the same by his warranted authoritie, and such fortifications as might expell and withstand the enimie. Which want of foresight gaue occasion to the enimie to attempt an inuasion of the English coasts, as in the next chapt. shall be shewed.

¶ But Harold, being more overconfident and reckless than careful and wise in his actions, focused all his energy on fixing the problems in Yorkshire (much like the fool described by the playwright, "He only looks at what lies at his feet, not foreseeing what’s coming"). He neglected the royal responsibility he should have had over other parts of his kingdom, from which he had withdrawn, and (as is likely) he hadn’t left enough capable leadership to manage those areas with the authority he warranted, nor had he set up defenses strong enough to fend off the enemy. This lack of foresight allowed the enemy to attempt an invasion of the English coasts, as will be shown in the next chapter.


William duke of Normandie prepareth to inuade England and to conquere it, the earle of Flanders and the French king assist him, the number of his ships, hir arriuall at Peuensey in Sussex, vpon what occasions he entred this realme; the pope liked well duke Williams attempt, why king Harold was hated of the whole court of Rome; why duke William would not suffer his souldiers to wast the countries where they came; Harold goeth towards his enimies, why his vnskilfull espials tooke the Normans (being old beaten souldiers) for priests; Girth dissuadeth his brother Harold from present incountering with the duke; where note the conscience that is to be had of an oth, and that periurie can not scape vnpunished.

William, Duke of Normandy, is preparing to invade England and conquer it. The Earl of Flanders and the King of France are assisting him. The number of his ships and their arrival at Pevensey in Sussex, as well as the reasons he entered this realm; the Pope supported Duke William's attempt because King Harold was disliked by the entire court of Rome; Duke William would not allow his soldiers to ravage the lands they passed through; Harold is moving towards his enemies, unaware that his inexperienced spies mistook the Normans (who were seasoned soldiers) for priests; Girth advises his brother Harold against immediately confronting the duke; here we see the importance of keeping one's oath, and that perjury cannot go unpunished.

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

William duke of Normandie hauing knowledge after what maner K. Harold was busied in the north parts of his realme, and vnderstanding that the south parts thereof remained destitute of due prouision for necessarie Baldwine earle of Flanders aided duke William to conquere England. defense, hasted with all diligence to make his purueiance of men and ships, that he might vpon such a conuenient occasion set forward to inuade his enimie. And amongest other of his friends, vnto whome he Ia. Meir.
Wil. Geme.
laboured for aid, his father in law Baldwine earle of Flanders was one of the chiefest, who vpon promise of great summes of monie and other large offers made, did aid him with men, munition, ships, and victuals,[Page 760] verie freelie. The French king also did as much for his part as laie in him to helpe forwards this so high an enterprise. Wherefore when all things were now in a readinesse, he came to the towne of S. Valerie, where he had assembled togither an huge nauie of ships, to the number The chronicles of Normandie haue 896 ships. (as some authors affirme) of three hundred saile; and when he had taried there a long time for a conuenient wind, at length it came about euen as he himselfe desired. Then shipping his armie which consisted of Normans, Flemings, Frenchmen, and Britains, with all expedition he
Duke William landed at Peuensey, now Pemsey.
tooke the sea, and directing his course towards England, he finallie landed at a place in Sussex, ancientlie called Peuensey, on the 28 day of September, where he did set his men on land, & prouided all things necessarie to incourage and refresh them.

William, Duke of Normandy, learned that King Harold was busy in the northern part of his kingdom and realized that the south was lacking in proper defenses. So, he quickly made arrangements for men and ships to take advantage of this opportunity to invade his enemy. Among his friends he sought for help, and his father-in-law, Baldwine, the Earl of Flanders, was one of the most important. In exchange for a promise of large sums of money and other generous offers, he helped William with troops, supplies, ships, and provisions very freely. The French king also did everything he could to support this major endeavor. Once everything was ready, William arrived at the town of Saint-Valery, where he had gathered a massive fleet of ships, reportedly numbering three hundred (as some sources claim). After waiting a long time for the right wind, it finally came, just as he hoped. He then loaded his army—made up of Normans, Flemings, Frenchmen, and Britons—onto the ships, and hastily set sail for England, landing at a place in Sussex, once known as Pevensey, on September 28th, where he disembarked his men and arranged everything necessary to encourage and refresh them.

At his going out of his ship vnto the shore, one of his féet slipped as he stepped forward, but the other stacke fast in the sand: the which so soone as one of his knights had espied, and séeing his hand wherevpon he staied full of earth, when he rose, he spake alowd and said: "Now sir duke, thou hast the soile of England fast in thy hand, & shalt of a duke yer long become a king." The duke hearing this tale, laughed merilie thereat, and comming on land, by and by he made his proclamation, declaring vpon what occasion he had thus entered the realme.

As he stepped off his ship onto the shore, one of his feet slipped while the other got stuck firmly in the sand. As soon as one of his knights noticed this, and saw his hand covered in dirt when he stood up, he called out, "Now, sir duke, you grasp the soil of England in your hand, and soon you shall go from being a duke to a king." The duke, hearing this, laughed heartily, and as he came ashore, he immediately made a proclamation explaining why he had entered the kingdom.

Hen. Hunt. 1

Hen. Hunt. 1

The first and principall cause which he alleged, was for to chalenge his right, meaning the dominion of the land that to him was giuen and assigned (as he said) by his nephue king Edward late ruler of the same land.

The main reason he gave was to claim his right, referring to the ownership of the land that was granted to him and assigned (as he stated) by his nephew King Edward, who recently ruled that land.

2

2

The second was, to reuenge the death of his nephue Alured or Alfred the brother of the same king Edward, whome Goodwine earle of Kent and his adherents had most cruellie murthered.

The second was to avenge the death of his nephew Alured or Alfred, the brother of King Edward, who Goodwine, Earl of Kent, and his followers had cruelly murdered.

3

3

The third was to be reuenged of the wrong doone vnto Robert archbishop of Canturburie, who (as he was informed) was exiled by the meanes and labor of Harold in the daies of king Edward.

The third was to get revenge for the wrong done to Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, who (as he was informed) was exiled through the efforts of Harold during the reign of King Edward.

Wherein we haue to note, that whether it were for displeasure that the Wil. Lamb. The pope fauored duke Williams enterprise. pope had sometime conceiued for the wrong doone to the archbishop, or at the onlie sute of duke William, certeine it is that the pope, as then named Alexander the second, fauored this enterprise of the duke, and in token thereof sent him a white banner, which he willed him to set vp in the decke of the ship, wherein he himselfe should saile. In déed (as writers report) the pope with his cardinals, and all the whole court of Rome had king Harold euer in great hatred and disdaine, Matth. West. because he had taken vpon him the crowne without their consent, or anie ecclesiasticall solemnitie or agréement of the bishops. And although the pope and his brethren the said cardinals dissembled the matter for the time, yet now beholding to what end his bold presumption was like to come, with frowning fortune they shewed themselues open aduersaries, inclining streightwaies to the stronger part, after the manner of couetous persons, or rather of the réed shaken with a sudden puffe of wind.

We should note that whether it was due to displeasure the pope had for the wrong done to the archbishop, or simply at the request of Duke William, it is certain that Pope Alexander II supported Duke William's venture. As a sign of his support, he sent him a white banner, which he instructed him to display on the deck of the ship he would sail on. Indeed, writers report that the pope, along with his cardinals and the entire court of Rome, held King Harold in great disdain because he had taken the crown without their approval or any ecclesiastical ceremony or agreement from the bishops. Although the pope and his fellow cardinals pretended to ignore the situation at the time, upon seeing where Harold's bold actions might lead, they revealed themselves as open adversaries, quickly aligning with the stronger side, much like greedy people or a reed shaken by a sudden gust of wind.

Gemeticensis. Duke William at his first landing at Peuensey or Pemsey (whether you will) fortified a péece of ground with strong trenches, and leauing therein a competent number of men of warre to kéepe the same, he sped him toward Hastings, and comming thither, he built an other fortresse there with all spéed possible, without suffering his souldiers to rob or harrie the countrie adioining, saieng that it should be great follie Wil. Malm. for him to spoile that people, which yer manie daies to come were like to be his subiects. K. Harold being as yet in the north parts, and hearing that duke William was thus landed in England, sped him southward, and gathering his people togither out of the countries as he went forwards, at length came néere his enimies: and sending espials Matth. West. into their campe to vnderstand of what strength they were; the vnskilfull messengers regarding smallie their charge, brought woord againe of nothing else, but that all duke Williams souldiers were Normans berds shauen. Wil. Malm.
Hen. Marle.
priests. For the Normans had at that time their vpper lips and chéekes shauen, whereas the Englishmen vsed to suffer the haire of their vpper lips to grow at length. But Harold answered, that they were not priests, but wether-beaten and hardie souldiers, and such as were like to abide well by their capteine.

Gemeticensis. Duke William, upon his initial landing at Peuensey or Pemsey (whichever you prefer), fortified a piece of land with strong trenches. After leaving a sufficient number of soldiers to defend it, he rushed towards Hastings. Upon arriving there, he quickly built another fortress, ensuring that his soldiers didn’t loot or harass the neighboring areas, claiming it would be foolish to spoil the people who would soon become his subjects. King Harold, still in the north, learned of Duke William's landing in England and hastened south. Gathering his forces from the regions he passed through, he eventually approached his enemies. He sent spies into their camp to assess their strength, but the inexperienced messengers, paying little attention to their mission, reported back only that all of Duke William's soldiers looked like "priests." At that time, the Normans had shaven upper lips and cheeks, while the English were accustomed to letting their upper lip hair grow long. However, Harold insisted they were not priests, but rather seasoned and tough soldiers ready to stand by their leader.


Girth would not haue his brother king Harold fight himselfe.
Gemeticensis. In the meane season, Girth one of Harolds yoonger brethren (considering[Page 761] that periurie is neuer left vnpunished) aduised his brother not to aduenture himselfe at this present in the battell, for so much as he had beene sometime sworne to duke William, but rather to suffer him and other of the nobilitie to incounter with the said duke, that were not bound to him by former oth, or otherwise: but Harold answered that he was free from anie such oth, and that in defense of his countrie he would fight boldly with him as with his greatest enimie. ¶ Where (by the waie) would be noted the conscience which Girth a yoonger brother made of an oth, not concerning himselfe directlie, but his elder brother Harold, who had sworne the same; meaning nothing lesse than the performance therof, as the sequele of his dooings to his discredit and vndooing euidentlie declared, which euents might séeme countable to him as due punishments and deserued plagues inflicted vpon him and others, for his sake; sith he made no reckoning of violating a vow ratified with an oth to a prince of no small puissance, who afterwards became a whip vnto him for his periurie; a sinne detested of the heathen, and whereof the poet notablie speaketh, saieng:

Girth wouldn’t allow his brother King Harold to fight on his own. Gemeticensis. Meanwhile, Girth, one of Harold's younger brothers (considering that perjury is never left unpunished), advised his brother not to risk himself in battle right now, since he had once sworn an oath to Duke William. Instead, he suggested that William and the other nobles who weren't bound by previous oaths should face the duke. But Harold replied that he was free from any such oath and that, in defense of his country, he would fight boldly against him as his greatest enemy. ¶ Here, it’s worth noting Girth's sense of conscience as a younger brother about an oath that didn’t directly involve him, but rather his older brother Harold, who had made the same vow; he intended nothing less than to fulfill it, as his subsequent actions clearly showed, which could be seen as deserved punishments and calamities inflicted on him and others for his sake. He made no consideration of breaking a vow confirmed by an oath to a prince of considerable power, who later became a source of punishment for him due to his perjury; a sin condemned by the pagans, as the poet notably said:

Tibul, lib. 1.

Tibul, book. 1.

Ah miser, & si quis primò periuria celat,

Ah miser, & if anyone hides their lies at first,

Sera tamen tacitis pœna venit pedibus.

Sera, however, punishment comes on silent feet.


After peace offered & refused on each side, both armies meete in the field, the order of the Englishmens attire & araie, the maner how the Normans were placed to fight in battell; the dissolute and droonken behauior of the Englishmen the night before the incounter farre differing from the Normans deuout demenour; duke Williams speech vpon occasion of wrong putting on his armour, the battell betwixt him and king Harold is valiantlie tried, the English by duke Williams politike stratagem are deceiued, king Harold slaine, his armie put to flight and manie of them slaine after a long and bloudie incounter, manie of the Normans pursuing the English ouerhastilie procure their owne death, they take the spoile of the English, the dead bodies of both armies are licenced to be buried; the differing reports of writers touching the maner of Harolds death, a description of his person, his ambition did him much hurt and hinderance, the number that were slaine on both sides, his bodie buried at Waltham, nothing dispraisewoorthie in him but his ambitious mind, a view of his valiantnesse in a conflict against the Welshmen, his rigorous or rather pitilesse handling of them, his seuere law or decree touching their bounds, they are vtterlie subdued, and (by the kings leaue) the Welshwomen marrie with the Englishmen, the Saxon line ceasseth, how long it lasted, and how long it was discontinued by the inuasion of the Danes.

After peace was offered and refused by both sides, the two armies met in the field. This included the way the English were dressed and organized, and how the Normans were positioned to fight in battle. The reckless and drunken behavior of the Englishmen the night before the encounter was quite different from the Normans' devout demeanor. Duke William spoke about his armor being wrongly put on, and the battle between him and King Harold was fought valiantly. The English were deceived by Duke William's clever strategy; King Harold was killed, and his army was routed, with many slain after a long and bloody engagement. Many of the Normans, in their haste to pursue the English, brought about their own deaths. They looted the English, and the dead bodies from both armies were allowed to be buried. There were differing accounts from writers regarding the manner of Harold's death, a description of his appearance, and how his ambition caused him much harm and hindrance. The number of casualties on both sides is noted, and his body was buried at Waltham, with nothing blameworthy in him but his ambitious nature. A view of his bravery in conflicts against the Welshmen is given, including his harsh treatment of them and his strict laws regarding their borders. They were completely subdued, and with the king's permission, the Welsh women married the Englishmen, ending the Saxon line, with an account of how long it lasted and how long it was interrupted by the invasion of the Danes.

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

Will. Malmes. Now it fortuned that both armies, as well the kings as the earles, being prepared to battell, diuerse offers were made on each side (before they fell to the conflict) for an vnitie to haue béene had betwixt the two princes: but when no conditions of agreement could take place, they forthwith prepared themselues to trie the matter by dint of swoord. And so on the 14 day of October, being saturday, both hosts met in the field, at a place in Sussex not farre from Hastings, whereas the The order of the Englishmen. abbeie of Battell was afterward builded. The Englishmen were all brought into one entire maine batell on foot, with huge axes in their Matth. West. hands, and paled a front with paueises, in such wise that it was thought vnpossible for the enimie to breake their arraie. On the other side, the Normans were diuided into seuerall battels, as first the The arraie of the Normans. footmen that were archers, and also those that bare gleiues and axes were placed in the forefront, and the horssemen diuided into wings stood on the sides in verie good order.

Will. Malmes. It happened that both armies, including the kings and earls, were ready for battle, and various offers were made on each side (before they engaged in conflict) for a unity between the two princes. But when no terms for an agreement could be reached, they immediately prepared to settle the matter by the sword. So on Saturday, October 14th, both forces met in the field at a location in Sussex not far from Hastings, where the The Englishmen's order. abbey of Battle would later be built. The English were all organized into one large unit on foot, armed with huge axes in their Matt. West. hands, and formed a fortified front with shields, making it seem almost impossible for the enemy to break their formation. On the other side, the Normans were divided into several units, starting with the The array of the Normans. foot soldiers, who were archers, along with those carrying spears and axes placed at the front, while the horsemen were spread out on the flanks, maintaining very good order.

Hen. Hunt.
Will. Malmes.
All the night before the battell, the Englishmen made great noise and slept not, but sang and fell to drinking and making of reuell & pastime, as though there had beene no account to be made of the next daies trauell. But the Normans behaued themselues warilie and soberlie, spending all that night in praier and confessing their sinnes vnto God;[Page 762] and in the morning earelie they receiued the communion before they went foorth to the battell. Some write, that when duke William should put on his armour to go to the field, the backe halfe of his curasses by chance was set on before by such as holpe to arme him: at which chance he tooke occasion of laughter, saieng merrilie to them that stood by; "No force, this is good lucke, for the estate of my dukedome shall be yer night changed into a kingdome." Beside this, he spake manie comfortable woords vnto his men, to incourage them to the battell. Neither was Harold forgetfull in that point on his part. And so at conuenient time when both armies were readie, they made forward each to incounter with other, on the foresaid fouretéenth day of October, with great force and assurance.

Hen. Hunt.
Will. Malmes.
The entire night before the battle, the Englishmen were loud and restless, singing and drinking, as if there was no concern for the following day's fight. In contrast, the Normans acted carefully and seriously, spending the night in prayer and confessing their sins to God; [Page 762] and early in the morning, they received communion before heading into battle. Some say that when Duke William was putting on his armor to go to the field, the back half of his cuirass was accidentally fastened on by those helping him dress. He took the opportunity to laugh, saying lightheartedly to those around him, "No worries, this is a good sign, for the state of my dukedom will soon change into a kingdom." In addition, he spoke many encouraging words to his men to motivate them for the battle. Harold was not neglectful in this regard either. So, at the appropriate time, when both armies were ready, they advanced to confront each other on the aforementioned fourteenth day of October, with great strength and confidence.

Polydor. The battell betwixt king Harold and duke William is begun. In the beginning of the battell, the arrowes flue abroad freshlie on both sides, till they came to ioine at hand strokes, and then preassed each side vpon his counter part with swoords, axes, and other hand weapons verie egerlie. Duke William commanded his horssemen to giue the charge on the breasts of his enimies battels: but the Englishmen kéeping themselues close togither without scattering, receiued their enimies vpon the points of their weapons with such fiercenesse and in such stiffe order, that manie of the Norman horssemen were ouerthrowne without recouerie, and slaine at the first brunt. When duke William perceiued this inconuenience (as he that well and throughlie vnderstood the skilfull points of warre as well as the best) he gaue a signe to his men (according to an order appointed before hand vpon anie such The policie of duke William to disorder his enimies. H. Hunt.
Wil. Malm.
occasion) that they should giue backe, and make a countenance as though they did flée, which was quicklie doone by the Normans, and withall they imbattelled their footmen in a new order, so that their horssemen shifted themselues on the wings, readie to rescue the footmen if their arraie should happen to be disturbed.

Polydor. The fight between King Harold and Duke William has started. At the start of the battle, arrows flew across the field from both sides until they engaged in close combat, pressing against each other with swords, axes, and other weapons very fiercely. Duke William ordered his cavalry to charge into the heart of the enemy's forces, but the Englishmen, staying tightly grouped and refusing to scatter, met their enemies with such intensity and solid formation that many Norman horsemen were knocked down and killed right away. When Duke William noticed this problem (being someone who understood the tactics of war very well), he signaled his men (according to a plan established beforehand for such a situation) to fall back and feign a retreat, which the Normans did quickly. At the same time, they rearranged their foot soldiers in a new formation, allowing their horsemen to reposition on the flanks, ready to support the foot soldiers if their lines became disrupted.

By this wilie stratagem and policie of warre, the Englishmen were deceiued: for they beholding the Normans somwhat shrinking backe to bring themselues into the aboue said order, thought verelie that they had fled, and therevpon meaning to pursue them before they should recouer their ground, they brake their arraie, and began to follow the chase: wherevpon the Normans (perceiuing now that all things came to passe as they desired) spéedilie returned, and casting themselues togither quicklie into arraie, began to charge them againe afresh, and A sore foughten battell.
King Harold slaine.
so hauing them at that aduantage, they slue them downe on euerie side. The Englishmen on the other part fought sore, and though their king was beaten downe among them and slaine, yet were they loth to flée or giue ouer; so sharpe was the battell, that duke William himselfe had thrée horsses slaine vnder him that day, and not without great danger of his person.

By this clever strategy and military tactic, the English were deceived. As they saw the Normans slightly retreating to regroup, they genuinely believed the Normans were fleeing. Thinking they could chase them down before they regained their footing, they broke their formation and started pursuing. The Normans, realizing that everything was going as planned, quickly returned, regrouped, and launched another attack. A tough battle.
King Harold slain.
With this advantage, they took down the English on all sides. The English fought fiercely, and even though their king was knocked down and killed among them, they were reluctant to flee or give up. The battle was so intense that Duke William had three horses killed under him that day, and he came face to face with great risk to his own safety.

Wil. Malm.
Matth. West.
Some of the Englishmen got them to the height of an hill, and beate backe the Normans that forced themselues to win the hill of them, so that it was long yer the Normans could preuaile, being oftentimes driuen downe into the botome of the vallie beneath. At length the The Englishmen put to flight. Englishmen, perceiuing themselues to be ouermatched and beaten downe on euerie side, and therevnto greatlie discouraged with slaughter of their king, began first to giue ground, and after to scatter and to run away, so that well was he that might then escape by flight. When they had Chron. de bello.
Wil. Geme.
The Normans fall into a ditch. fought the most part of all that saturday, the Normans followed the chase with such eger rashnesse, that a great number of them falling with their horsses and armour into a blind ditch (shadowed with reed and sedges which grew therein) were smouldered and pressed to death, yer they could be succoured or get anie reliefe. The next day the Normans fell to gathering in the spoile of the field, burieng also the dead bodies of their people that were slaine at the battell, giuing licence in semblable manner to the Englishmen to doo the like. Giral. Camb. Of the death of Harold diuerse report diuerslie, in so much that Girald Cambrensis saith, that after king Harold had receiued manie wounds, and lost his left eie, he fled from the field vnto the citie of Westchester, and liued there long after, an holie life, as an anchoret in the cell of S. James, fast by S. Johns church, and there made a godlie end. But the saieng of Girald Cambren. in that point is not to be credited, bicause of the vnlikelihood of the thing it selfe, and Wil. Malm.
Hen. Hunt.
Matth. West.
also generall consent of other writers, who affirme vniuersallie that he was killed in the battell, first being striken thorough the left eie by the scull into the braine with an arrow, wherevpon falling from his horsse to the ground, he was slaine in that place, after he had reigned Floriac.
Simon Dun.
nine moneths and nine daies, as Floriacensis dooth report. He was a man[Page 763] of a comelie stature, and of a hawtie courage, & albeit that for his valiancie he was highlie renowmed and honored of all men, yet through
Henr. Hunt.
Polydor.
The chronicles of Normandie haue of English men slaine 67974, and of Normans 6013. his pride and ambition he lost the harts of manie. There were slaine in this battell, besides king Harold and his two brethren, Girth and Leofrike, what on the one side and on the other, aboue twentie thousand men.

Wil. Malm.
Matth. West.
Some of the Englishmen reached the top of a hill and pushed back the Normans who tried to take it from them, so much so that it took a long time before the Normans could gain the upper hand, as they were repeatedly driven back down into the valley below. Eventually, the The Englishmen were routed. Englishmen, realizing they were outmatched and overwhelmed on all sides, and further disheartened by the death of their king, began to retreat, then scattered and fled, with only the fortunate managing to escape. After fighting most of that Saturday, the Normans pursued with such reckless eagerness that many of them fell into a hidden ditch, overgrown with reeds and sedges, and were crushed to death before they could be rescued. The next day, the Normans started collecting the spoils from the battlefield and buried the bodies of their slain comrades, allowing the Englishmen to do the same. Giral. Camb. There are various reports about the death of Harold; for instance, Girald Cambrensis claims that after King Harold had received many wounds and lost his left eye, he fled to the city of Chester and lived there for a long time as a holy hermit in the cell of St. James, near St. John's church, where he met a peaceful end. However, Girald Cambrensis's account is not credible due to its implausibility and Wil. Malm.
Hen. Hunt.
Matth. West.
the general agreement among other writers, who unanimously assert that he was killed in battle, first struck through the left eye by an arrow that penetrated into his brain, causing him to fall from his horse and die on the spot, after having reigned Floriac.
Simon Dun.
for nine months and nine days, according to Floriacensis. He was a man of handsome stature and lofty courage, and although he was highly celebrated and honored for his bravery, his pride and ambition caused him to lose the support of many. In this battle, besides King Harold and his two brothers, Girth and Leofrike, over twenty thousand men were killed on both sides.

The bodie of king Harold being found among other slaine in the field, was buried at Waltham, within the monasterie of the holie crosse which he before had founded, and indowed to the behoofe of such canons as he had placed there, with faire possessions. Verelie (as some old writers Ex 6. libro Polycraticon, side de nugis curialium.
John Sarisb.
haue reported) there was nothing in this man to be in anie wise dispraised, if his ambitious mind could haue beene staied from coueting the kingdome, and that he could haue béene contented to haue liued as a subiect. Among other manifest proofes of his high valiancie, this is remembred of him, that being sent against the Welshmen (as before is partlie mentioned) knowing their readie nimblenesse in seruice, and how with their light armed men they were accustomed to annoie and distresse those that should assaile them, he likewise (to match them) prepared light armed men for the purpose, & so being furnished with such bands of nimble men and light souldiers, entered vpon the mounteins of Snowdon, and there remained amongst the enimies for the space of two yéeres. He sore afflicted the Welsh nation, tooke their kings, and sent their heads vnto the king that sent him about his businesse, and proceeding in such rigorous maner as might mooue the hearers to lament and pitie the case, he caused all the male kind that might be met with, to be miserablie slaine: and so with the edge of his swoord he brought the countrie to quiet, and withall made this lawe; that if anie Welshman from thencefoorth should presume to passe the limits ouer Offas ditch with anie weapon about him, he should lose his right hand. To conclude, by the valiant conduct of this chieftaine, the Welshmen were then so sore brought vnder, that in maner the whole nation might séeme to faile, and to be almost vtterlie destroied. And therefore by permission of the king of England, the Women of Wales ioined themselues in marriage with Englishmen. Finallie, héereby the bloud of the Saxons ceassed to reigne in England after they had continued possession of the same, from the first comming of Hengist, which was about the yéere of our Sauiour 450, or 449, vntill that present yeere of king Harolds 1069. death, which chanced in the yéere 1069. So that from the beginning of Hengist his reigne, vnto Harolds death, are reckoned 916 yéeres, or (after some) 617, as by the supputation of the time will easilie appeere. By all the which time there reigned kings of the Saxons bloud within this land, except that for the space of twentie yéeres and somewhat more, the Danes had the dominion of the realme in their possession: for there are reckoned from the beginning of K. Swaines reigne (which was the first Dane that gouerned England) vnto the last yéere of K. Hardicnute (the last Dane that ruled heere) 28 yéeres, in which meane space Egelred recouering the kingdome reigned 2 yéeres, then after him his sonne Edmund Ironside continued in the rule one yéere; so that the Danes had the whole possession of the land but 25 yéeres in all. Touching this alteration, and others incident to this Iland, read a short aduertisement annexed (by waie of conclusion) to this historie, comprising a short summarie of the most notable conquests of this countrie one after an other, by distances of times successiuelie.

The body of King Harold, found among other slain soldiers on the battlefield, was buried at Waltham, within the monastery of the Holy Cross that he had founded and endowed for the benefit of the canons he had placed there, along with generous possessions. Indeed, as some old writers have reported, there was nothing about this man that could be criticized if his ambitious nature had not pushed him to covet the kingdom and if he had been willing to live as a subject. Among various clear examples of his great bravery, it is noted that when he was sent against the Welsh (as previously mentioned), knowing their quickness and how their lightly armed men would usually harass and trouble attackers, he also prepared light-armed troops for the same purpose. Thus equipped with such nimble and lightly armored soldiers, he entered the mountains of Snowdon, where he stayed among the enemies for two years. He severely troubled the Welsh people, captured their kings, and sent their heads back to the king who had dispatched him on this mission. Continuing with such relentless force that it would move listeners to lament and feel pity, he caused all the males he encountered to be slaughtered mercilessly; with his sword, he brought peace to the land and instituted a law that if any Welshman dared to cross Offa's Dyke armed, he would lose his right hand. Ultimately, through the brave leadership of this chief, the Welsh people were so severely subdued that it seemed almost as if the entire nation was on the verge of collapse and total destruction. Consequently, with the king of England's permission, the women of Wales married Englishmen. Thus, the bloodline of the Saxons ceased to rule in England after they had maintained control since the arrival of Hengist, which was around the year 450 or 449 AD, until the year of King Harold's death in 1069. This means, from the start of Hengist's reign until Harold's death, there were 916 years, or 617 according to some, as can be easily seen from the timeline. During all that time, kings of Saxon blood ruled in this land, except for a period of twenty years and a little more, when the Danes held dominion over the realm. From the start of King Swain's reign (the first Dane to govern England) to the last year of King Hardicanute’s rule (the last Dane to rule here) is counted as 28 years, in which time Æthelred recovered the kingdom and reigned for 2 years, followed by his son Edmund Ironside, who ruled for 1 year. This means that the Danes held the entire land for a total of only 25 years. Regarding this change and other incidents in this land, refer to a brief note attached (by way of conclusion) to this history, summarizing the most notable conquests of this country sequentially over time.


The rule of this realme by Gods prouidence allotted to duke William, his descent from Rollo the first duke of Normandie downewards to his particular linage, he was base begotten vpon the bodie of Arlete duke Roberts concubine, a pleasant speech of hirs to duke Robert on a time when he was to haue the vse of hir person, a conclusion introductorie for the sequele of the chronicle from the said duke of Normandies coronation, &c: with a summarie of the notable conquests of this Iland.

The rule of this realm, determined by God's providence, was given to Duke William. His lineage traces back to Rollo, the first Duke of Normandy. He was born out of wedlock to Arlette, Duke Robert's concubine. There was a memorable conversation between her and Duke Robert at the time when he was about to spend the night with her, which serves as an introductory note for the rest of the chronicle about the Duke of Normandy's coronation, along with a summary of the significant conquests of this island.

THE TWELFE CHAPTER.

Now, forsomuch as it pleased God by his hid and secret iudgement so to dispose the realme of England, and in such wise, as that the gouernance thereof should fall after this maner into the hands of William duke of Normandie, I haue thought good before I enter further into this[Page 764] historie (being now come to the conquest of the realme, made by the foresaid duke of Normandie) to set downe his pedegrée, thereby to shew how he descended from the first duke of that countrie, who was named Rollo, and after by receiving baptisme called Robert.

Now, since it pleased God with His hidden and secret judgment to arrange the kingdom of England so that its governance would fall into the hands of William, Duke of Normandy, I thought it best before I delve further into this[Page 764] history (now that we’ve reached the conquest of the kingdom by the aforementioned Duke of Normandy) to outline his pedigree, in order to show how he descended from the first duke of that region, who was named Rollo, and later received baptism and was called Robert.

The said Rollo or Rou, was sonne to a great lord in Denmarke called Guion, who hauing two sons, the said Rou and Gourin, and being appointed to depart the countrie, as the lots fell to him and other (according to the maner there vsed, in time when their people were increased to a greater number than the countrie was able to susteine) refused to obeie that order, and made warre there against the king, who yet in the end by practise found meanes to slea the foresaid Guion, and his sonne Gourin; so that Rou or Rollo, hauing thus lost his father and brother, was compelled to forsake the countrie, with all those that had holpe his father to make warre against the king. Thus driuen to séeke aduentures, at length he became a christian, and was created duke of Normandie, by gift of Charles king of France, surnamed le Simple, whose daughter the ladie Gilla he also maried: but she departing this life without issue, he maried Popée daughter to the earle of Bessin and Baileux, whome he had kept as his wife before he was baptised, and had by hir a sonne named William Longespée, and a daughter named Gerlota.

The Rollo, also known as Rou, was the son of a powerful lord in Denmark named Guion. Guion had two sons, Rollo and Gourin, and when it was time for him to leave the country, as was customary when the population grew larger than what the land could support, he refused to follow that order and went to war against the king. Eventually, the king managed to kill Guion and his son Gourin. After losing his father and brother, Rollo was forced to leave his homeland with those who had helped his father in the fight against the king. Driven to seek new adventures, he eventually became a Christian and was made the Duke of Normandy by Charles, the King of France, also known as le Simple. He married Charles's daughter, Lady Gilla, but she passed away without having any children. He then married Popée, the daughter of the Count of Bessin and Baileux, whom he had already kept as his wife before his baptism. With her, he had a son named William Longespée and a daughter named Gerlota.

William Longespée or Longaspata, had to wife the ladie Sporta, daughter to Hubert earle of Senlis, by whome he had issue Richard the second of that name duke of Normardie, who married the ladie Agnes, the daughter of Hugh le grand, earle of Paris, of whome no issue procéeded: but after hir deceasse, he maried to his second wife a gentlewoman named Gonnor, daughter to a knight of the Danish line, by whom he had thrée Ye must note that there was one Richard duke of Normandie before Rollo. sonnes, Richard that was after duke of Normandie, the third of that name, Robert and Mauger. He had also by hir three daughters, Agnes otherwise called Emma, married first to Egelred king of England, and after to K. Cnute: Helloie, otherwise Alix, bestowed vpon Geffrey earle of Britaine: and Mawd coupled in marriage with Euldes earle of Charters and Blais. Richard the third of that name maried Iudith, sister to Geffrey earle of Britaine, by whome he had issue thrée sonnes, Richard, Robert, and William, and as manie daughters: Alix, married to Reignold earle of Burgogne, Elenor married to Baldwine earle of Flanders; and the third died yoong, being affianced to Alfonse king of Nauarre. Their mother deceassed after she had beene married ten yéeres, and then duke Richard married secondlie the ladie Estric, sister to Cnute king of England and Denmarke, from whome he purchased to be diuorsed, and then married a gentlewoman called Pauie, by whome he had issue two sonnes, William earle of Arques, and Mauger archbishop of Rouen.

William Longespée, also known as Longaspata, was married to Lady Sporta, the daughter of Hubert, Earl of Senlis. Together, they had a son named Richard, who became the second Duke of Normandy. He married Lady Agnes, the daughter of Hugh the Great, Earl of Paris, but they had no children. After her death, he married a woman named Gonnor, who was the daughter of a knight of Danish descent. With her, he had three sons: Richard, who later became Duke of Normandy and was the third of that name, Robert, and Mauger. He also had three daughters with Gonnor: Agnes, also known as Emma, who first married Ethelred, King of England, and then King Cnut; Helloie, also called Alix, who was married off to Geoffrey, Earl of Brittany; and Mawd, who married Eudes, the Earl of Chartres and Blois. Richard, the third of that name, married Judith, the sister of Geoffrey, Earl of Brittany, and they had three sons: Richard, Robert, and William, along with several daughters: Alix, who married Reginald, Earl of Burgundy, and Eleanor, who married Baldwin, Earl of Flanders; their third daughter died young while betrothed to Alfonso, King of Navarre. Their mother passed away after ten years of marriage, and then Duke Richard married for a second time to Lady Estric, the sister of King Cnut of England and Denmark. He later sought a divorce from her and then married a woman named Pauie, with whom he had two sons: William, Earl of Arques, and Mauger, Archbishop of Rouen.

Richard the fourth of that name, duke of Normandie, eldest sonne to Richard the third, died without issue, and then his brother Robert succéeded in the estate, which Robert begat vpon Arlete or Harleuina daughter to a burgesse of Felais, William surnamed the bastard, afterward duke of Normandie, and by conquest king of England. Of whose father duke Robert, & his paramour Arlete, take this pleasant remembrance for a refection after the perusing of the former sad and sober discourses.

Richard IV, Duke of Normandy, and the eldest son of Richard III, died without any children. His brother Robert then took over the estate. Robert had a son with Arlette, or Harlevina, who was the daughter of a burgher from Falaise. This son was William, nicknamed the Bastard, who later became Duke of Normandy and, through conquest, King of England. Remember this charming story about Duke Robert and his partner Arlette as a lighthearted break after reading the previous serious and somber discussions.

Wil. Malm. lib. 3. cap. 1.
Ranulph. lib. 6. cap. 19.
In the yéere of Christ 1030, Robert, the second sonne of Richard the second duke of Normandie, and brother to Richard the third duke of that name there hauing with great honour and wisedome gouerned his dukedome seuen yéeres, for performance of a penance that he had set to himselfe, appointed a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; leauing behind him this William a Wil. Malm. lib. 3. cap. 1.
Ranulph. lib. 6. cap. 19.
yoong prince, whome seuen yéeres before he had begotten vpon his paramour Arlete (whom after he held as his wife) with whose beautifull fauour, louelie grace and presence, at hir dansing on a time then as he was tenderlie touched, for familiar vtterance of his mind what he had further to say, would néeds that night she should be his bedfellow, who else as wiuelesse should haue lien alone: where when she was bestowed, thinking that if she should haue laid hir selfe naked, it might haue séemed not so maidenlie a part: so when the duke was about (as the maner is) to haue lift vp hir linnen, she in an humble modestie staid Ran. li. 6 ca. 19. hir lords hand, and rent downe hir smocke asunder, from the collar to[Page 765] the verie skirt. Heereat the duke all smiling did aske hir what thereby she ment? In great lowlines, with a feate question she answerd againe; "My lord, were it méet that any part of my garments dependant about me downeward, should presume to be mountant to my souereignes mouth vpward? Let your grace pardon me." He liked hir answer: and so and so foorth for that time.

Wil. Malm. lib. 3. cap. 1.
Ranulph. lib. 6. cap. 19.
In the year 1030, Robert, the second son of Richard, the second Duke of Normandy, and brother to Richard, the third Duke with the same name, having governed his duchy with great honor and wisdom for seven years, decided to go on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem as part of a penance he had set for himself. He left behind this William, a young prince, whom he had fathered seven years earlier with his mistress Arlete (whom he later took as his wife). Captivated by her beauty, charm, and presence during a dance, he felt a strong desire to have her in bed that night to avoid her sleeping alone like a widow. When she was brought to him, she thought that if she laid down naked, it might seem too unvirtuous, so when the duke was about to lift her linen (as was customary), she modestly held his hand and tore her smock from the collar to the very hem. The duke smiled and asked her what she meant by this. With great humility and a clever question, she replied, "My lord, would it be fitting for any part of my clothing that hangs downward to rise toward my sovereign's mouth? Please excuse me." He appreciated her answer, and so it went for that time.

Wil. Malm.
lib. 3 cap. 1.
Ran. ibid.
This duke before his voiage, calling at Fiscam all his nobilitie vnto him, caused them to sweare fealtie vnto his yoong sonne William, whome he then at his iournie betooke vnto the gouernance of earle Gilbert, and the defense of the gouernour vnto Henrie the French king. So Robert passing foorth in his pilgrimage, shewed in euerie place and in all
Ran. ibid.
points a magnanimitie and honour of a right noble prince, and pleasant withall; who once in Iurie not well at ease, in a litter was borne toward Ierusalem vpon Saracens shoulders, & méeting with a subiect of his that was going home toward Normandie: Friend (quoth he) if my people at thy returne aske after me, tell them that thou sawest their Ran. ibid.
Wil. Mal. idem.
Ran. idem.
lord carried to heauen by diuels. The Norman nobilitie during duke Roberts life, did their dutie to the yoong prince faithfullie, but after they heard of his fathers death, they slackened apace, euerie one shifting for himselfe as he list, without anie regard either of oth or obedience toward the pupill their souereigne. Whereby not manie yéeres after, as Gilbert the gouernour, by Rafe the childes coosine germane, was slaine; the dukedome anon, by murther and fighting among themselues was sore troubled in all parts. Thus much a little of duke Robert the father, and of prince William his sonne for part of his tender yéeres.

Wil. Malm.
book 3 chapter 1.
Ran. ibid.
Before his journey, the duke gathered all his nobles at Fiscam and made them swear loyalty to his young son William. He entrusted William to the governance of Earl Gilbert and the defense of the governor to Henry the French king. As Robert continued on his pilgrimage, he demonstrated in every place and in all aspects a generosity and honor befitting a true noble prince, and he was also quite pleasant. Once, when he was not feeling well in Judea, he was carried toward Jerusalem on the shoulders of Saracens in a litter, and he encountered one of his subjects who was heading home to Normandy. "Friend," he said, "if my people ask about me upon your return, tell them you saw their lord being carried to heaven by devils." During Duke Robert's lifetime, the Norman nobility served the young prince loyally, but after they learned of his father's death, their loyalty quickly faded. Each one began to look out for himself, disregarding any oaths or obedience to their youthful sovereign. Consequently, not long after, when Gilbert the governor was killed by Ralph, the child’s cousin, the dukedom was soon thrown into chaos from murder and fighting among themselves. This is a brief account of Duke Robert the father and Prince William his son during his early years.


A notable aduertisement touching the summe of all the foresaid historie, wherin the foure
great and notable conquests of this land are brieflie touched, being a
conclusion introductorie, as is said in the argument.

A significant advertisement regarding the essence of all the previously mentioned history, where the four
great and notable conquests of this land are briefly mentioned, serving as an
introductory conclusion, as noted in the argument.

In the former part of this historie it is manifest to the heedful Britaine inhabited by Brute. reader, that (after the opinion of most writers) Brute did first inhabit this land; and called it then after his owne name, Britaine, in the yéere after the creation of the world 2855, and in the yéere before the incarnation of Christ 1108. ¶ Furthermore the said land of Britaine 1  Britaine conquered by the Romans. was conquered by C. Iulius Cesar, and made tributarie to the Romans in the 50 yéere before the natiuitie of Christ, and so continued 483 yéeres. So that the Britains reigned without tribute and vnder tribute, from Brute, vntill the fourth yeere of the reigne of king Cadwalladar, which was in the yéere of our Lord 686. And so the Britains had continuance of the gouernement of this land the space of 1794 yéeres. Then was the realme of Britaine an heptarchie, that is, diuided into seuen kingdoms. And Britaine receiued the faith of Christ in the 7 2  Britaine conquered and ouercome by the Saxons. yéere of the reigne of king Lucius, which was in the 187 yéere after the birth of Christ. ¶ Next after the Britains entered the Saxons, in the third yéere of king Vortiger; and in the yéere of our Lord 450, and they gouerned vntill the last yéere of king Athelstane, which was in the yéere of Christ 938. So that the time of the Saxons first entrance into this realme, and the time of their regiment was the space of 487 yéeres. ¶ Howbeit, in the time of their gouernement, that is to say, in the 9 yéere of king Britricus, which was in the yéere of our Lord 387, 3  Britaine conquered and ouercome by the Danes. the Danes entred into this land, spoiling and persecuting the people therin most gréeuouslie. At the last, Sweno or Swaine the Dane obteined possession roiall, in the yéere of Grace 1012, whose time of regiment lasted about three yéeres. After whom his sonne Canutus succeeded, and reigned 19 yéeres. After him Harold his sonne, who ruled thrée yeeres: and after him Hardicnute the sonne of Canutus, whose gouernement continued but thrée yeeres. This Hardicnute was the last king of the Danes, at which time the Danes were expelled and hunted out of the realme, which was in the yéere of our Lord 1042. So that it may appeare by this collection, that the Danes ruled as kings in this land by the space of 28 yéeres. Hereby also it is euident, that from the time of the first entrance of the Danes into this realme, vntill their last
4  Britaine conquered and possessed by the Normans.
expulsion & riddance, was 255 yéeres. ¶ Finallie the Normans entred[Page 766] this land likewise, and conquered the same as before is expressed, in the yéere of our Lord 1067, which is since, vntill this present yéere of our Lord 1585, drawing néere to the number of 600 and od yéeres.

In the earlier part of this history, it is clear to the attentive reader that, according to most writers, Brute was the first to inhabit this land and named it after himself, Britain, in the year 2855 after the creation of the world, and in the year 1108 before the birth of Christ. ¶ Furthermore, this land of Britain was conquered by C. Julius Caesar and made tributary to the Romans in the year 50 before Christ's birth, and this continued for 483 years. So, the Britons ruled without tribute and then under tribute from Brute until the fourth year of King Cadwallader's reign, which was in the year 686 AD. The Britons thus governed this land for a total of 1794 years. At that time, Britain was an heptarchy, meaning it was divided into seven kingdoms. Britain accepted Christianity in the 7th year of King Lucius's reign, which was in the year 187 AD. ¶ Next, the Saxons invaded during the third year of King Vortigern’s reign, and in the year 450 AD, they governed until the last year of King Athelstan’s reign, which was in the year 938 AD. Therefore, the time from the Saxons' initial entry into this realm until the end of their rule was 487 years. ¶ However, during their governance, in the 9th year of King Britricus, which was in the year 387 AD, the Danes invaded this land, pillaging and persecuting the people very harshly. Eventually, Sweno or Swaine the Dane gained royal possession in the year 1012, and his reign lasted about three years. He was succeeded by his son Canute, who reigned for 19 years. After him, Harold, his son, ruled for three years; and then Hardicnute, the son of Canute, whose rule also lasted just three years. This Hardicnute was the last king of the Danes, during which time the Danes were expelled from the realm, in the year 1042 AD. It can be seen from this account that the Danes ruled as kings in this land for a total of 28 years. Additionally, it is evident that from the Danes' initial entry into this realm until their final expulsion was 255 years. ¶ Finally, the Normans also entered this land and conquered it as has been previously mentioned, in the year 1067 AD, which is now close to 600 years ago from the year 1585 AD.

Now let these alterations of regiments be remembred [touching the which read a notable animaduersion in the description of Britaine, pag. 49, 50, 51] and teach vs that therein the iudgements of God reuealed themselues to speciall purposes. And whatsoeuer hath béene mentioned before, either concerning the subuersion of people, the desolation of prouinces, the ouerthrow of nobles, the ruine of princes, and other lamentable accidents diuerslie happening vpon sundrie occasions; let vs (I say) as manie as will reape fruit by the reading of chronicles, imagine the matters which were so manie yéeres past to be present, and applie the profit and commoditie of the same vnto our selues; knowing (as one wisely said) Post sacram paginam chronica vivum veritatis typum gerere, that next vnto the holie scripture, chronicles doo carie credit. But now to the sequele, and first to duke William of Normandie.

Now let us remember these changes in the regiments [for which you should read a notable commentary in the description of Britain, pages 49, 50, 51] and learn that in these, the judgments of God reveal themselves for specific purposes. Whatever has been mentioned before, whether regarding the downfall of nations, the devastation of regions, the defeat of nobles, the ruin of princes, and other unfortunate events occurring for various reasons; let us (I say) as many as will benefit from reading the chronicles, imagine the issues from many years ago as if they are happening now, and apply the advantages of this to ourselves; knowing (as someone wisely said) Post sacram paginam chronica vivum veritatis typum gerere, that next to the holy scripture, chronicles hold credibility. But now, let’s move on, starting with Duke William of Normandy.

Thus farre the historie of England from Noah and his sonnes, &c; to William duke of Normandie.
Hereafter followeth a chronologicall continuation beginning at the first yeere of the said
dukes reigne ouer this land, vntill the 25 yeere of the Queenes most excellent
maiestie Elizabeth, &c; whose daies God in mercie prolong
(like the daies of heauen) in peace and prosperitie, &c.

This is the history of England from Noah and his sons, etc., to William, Duke of Normandy.
Next, there is a chronological continuation starting from the first year of the Duke's reign over this land, until the 25th year of the Queen's most excellent majesty, Elizabeth, etc.; may God extend her days in mercy
(like the days of heaven) in peace and prosperity, etc.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

END OF VOLUME ONE.


Transcriber's Note

Macrons on vowels (ā, ē, ī, ō, ū) sometimes indicate that 'n' has been omitted from the word. (Abbreviation in Mediæval manuscripts).

Macrons on vowels (ā, ē, ī, ō, ū) sometimes show that 'n' has been left out of the word. (Abbreviation in Medieval manuscripts).

Elizabethan words and spellings have been retained (e.g. 'height' and 'heigth' are both used, sometimes in the same sentence;
'hight' = 'known as, called, etc.').

Elizabethan words and spellings have been kept (e.g. 'height' and 'heigth' are both used, sometimes in the same sentence;
'hight' = 'known as, called, etc.').

Only obvious printer's errors have been corrected, as when a letter seems to have been inverted ('n' for 'u').

Only obvious printer's errors have been fixed, like when a letter appears to be flipped ('n' instead of 'u').

The letters 'u' and 'v' are mostly interchanged; as, e.g., "in haruest time" and "vnder a bridge".

The letters 'u' and 'v' are often swapped; for example, "in harvest time" and "under a bridge."

If a word or name did not fit the context, it was researched, and corrections made, if necessary.

If a word or name didn’t fit the context, it was looked up, and changes were made if needed.

There are a few printer's errors in this edition, which have been checked using the online 1587 edition (which itself is not without printing errors) as reference.

There are a few printing errors in this edition, which have been checked against the online 1587 edition (which also has some printing mistakes).

(http:// sceti.library.upenn.edu/sceti/PrintedBooksnew/index.cfm?TextID=holinshed_chronicle&PagePosition=1).

(http:// sceti.library.upenn.edu/sceti/PrintedBooksnew/index.cfm?TextID=holinshed_chronicle&PagePosition=1).

Also used were the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), and online Middle English and Anglo-Saxon Dictionaries, as well as online Wikipedia.

Also used were the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), and online Middle English and Anglo-Saxon Dictionaries, as well as online Wikipedia.

Some, but by no means all, of 'ee' has the first 'e' marked with an acute accent. This is not consistent. Where the 'é' is obviously missing from the scan, it has not been added to the text. This inconsistency in spelling and accents is an integral part of some very old books.

Some, but definitely not all, of 'ee' has the first 'e' marked with an acute accent. This isn't consistent. Where the 'é' is clearly missing from the scan, it hasn't been added to the text. This inconsistency in spelling and accents is an essential part of some very old books.

There are some instances of round brackets which have been opened and not closed, or nested, with only one pair closed (or closed, without having been opened). These have been retained as such.

There are some cases of round brackets that have been opened but not closed, or nested, with only one pair closed (or closed without being opened). These have been kept as they are.

Some placenames may have changed with the passage of time.

Some place names may have changed over time.

Some damaged or missing punctuation has been restored, but the punctuation in the lists at the end of Description III is as it appeared in the scans, and in the online edition.

Some damaged or missing punctuation has been fixed, but the punctuation in the lists at the end of Description III remains as it appeared in the scans and the online edition.

Page numbers have been added to the 'Description' Tables of Contents, for the convenience of the reader; and Tables of Contents have been added to the beginning of this Volume, and to each Booke of the 'Histories'.

Page numbers have been added to the 'Description' Tables of Contents for the reader's convenience; and Tables of Contents have been included at the beginning of this Volume and at the start of each Book of the 'Histories'.

There are a few instances of repeated word 'too'. These have been retained, being probably the author's personal style:

There are a few instances of the repeated word 'too.' These have been kept, probably reflecting the author's personal style:

  • 'is too too plaine'
  • 'being too too much'
  • 'haue too too manie'.
  • 'too too lewd'

Page 43: "practise and put in vre within your realme and kingdome."

Page 43: "practice and establish it within your realm and kingdom."

'vre', or 'ure', is an antique word, which survives in the modern word 'inure'.

'vre', or 'ure', is an old word that continues to exist in the modern word 'inure'.

(Ure) n. [OE. ure, OF. oevre, ovre, ouvre, work, F. œuvre, L. opera. cf. Inure .] Use; practice; exercise. [Obs.] (Ure), v.t. To use; to exercise; to inure; to accustom by practice. [Obs.] (Webster's online dictionary, 1913 edition).

(Ure) n. [OE. ure, OF. oevre, ovre, ouvre, work, F. œuvre, L. opera. cf. Inure .] Use; practice; exercise. [Obsolete] (Ure), v.t. To use; to exercise; to inure; to get used to through practice. [Obsolete] (Webster's online dictionary, 1913 edition).

Page 67: 'barnacle'; 'barnacls'; 'barnacles' ... there were no spelling conventions in Holinshed's time. 'barnacls' matches 1587 ed.

Page 67: 'barnacle'; 'barnacls'; 'barnacles' ... there were no spelling conventions in Holinshed's time. 'barnacls' matches the 1587 edition.

Page 110: Cainborne is possibly a misprint, or name change, for Camborne, a town in the relevant locality.

Page 110: Cainborne might be a typo or a name change for Camborne, a town in the nearby area.

The Caine riseth southeast of Caineburne [or Camborne] towne a mile and more, from whence it goeth without increase by west of Gwethian, and so into the sea west of Mara Darwaie.

The Caine rises southeast of Caineburne [or Camborne] town about a mile or more, from where it flows without any increase west of Gwethian, and then into the sea west of Mara Darwaie.

Page 252: 'hanting' could mean 'haunting', or 'frequenting'.

Page 252: 'hanting' could mean 'haunting' or 'visiting often'.

"... they ruffle and roist it out, excéeding in apparell, and hanting riotous companie (which draweth them from their bookes vnto an other trade.)"

"... they mess it up and show it off, going overboard with their clothing, and hanging out with rowdy crowds (which pulls them away from their books to a different pursuit.)"

Page 255: 'Philip' is an abbreviation for Queen Philippa (Philippe (d'Avesnes) de Hainaut), Edward III's Queen.

Page 255: 'Philip' is a short form for Queen Philippa (Philippe (d'Avesnes) de Hainaut), Edward III's Queen.

Page 347: "Gipping, of going vp to anie place. ... Chipping Walden, of the Saxon word ᵹipping (or ghipping) uses the insular 'g' (ᵹ), variant of (lowercase) yogh (ȝ).

Page 347: "Gipping, which means traveling to a location. ... Chipping Walden, from the Saxon word ᵹipping (or ghipping) uses the insular 'g' (ᵹ), a variant of (lowercase) yogh (ȝ).

(http: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Insular_G)

(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Insular_G)

Page 358: 'cuphar'.

'cuphar'

"Of all the elms that euer I saw, those in the south side of Douer court, in Essex néere Harwich are the most notable, for they grow (I meane) in crooked maner, that they are almost apt for nothing else but nauie timber, great ordinance, and béetels: and such thereto is their naturall qualitie, that being vsed in the said behalfe, they continue longer, and more long than anie the like trées in whatsoeuer parcell else of this land, without cuphar, shaking, or cleauing, as I find."

"Of all the elms I've ever seen, the ones on the south side of Dover Court in Essex near Harwich are the most remarkable. They grow in such a twisted way that they're almost only good for shipbuilding, heavy artillery, and beetles. Their natural quality is such that when used for these purposes, they last longer than any similar trees anywhere else in this country, without warping, shaking, or splitting, as I've noticed."

Possibly from 'ceorfan' to cut, cut down. (coppice?)

Possibly from 'ceorfan' meaning to cut or to cut down. (coppice?)

Page 386: 'Bratius' is probably 'Gratius'.

Page 386: 'Bratius' is likely 'Gratius'.

"Bratius De venatione, 1/386 - probably Faliscus Gratius, De venatione, 1534."

"Bratius De venatione, 1/386 - likely Faliscus Gratius, De venatione, 1534."

(http: //www.cems.ox.ac.uk/holinshed/Catalogue%20of%20additional%20sources....-1.pdf)

(http://www.cems.ox.ac.uk/holinshed/Catalogue%20of%20additional%20sources....-1.pdf)

Page 589: The symbol has been used to represent the Greek double letter omicron/upsilon, a mediaeval ligature.

Page 589: The symbol has been used to represent the Greek double letter omicron/upsilon, a medieval ligature.

Page 663: 'Sodulius in car. Pasch', 1/663 – Caelius Sedulius (probably fl. mid 5th century), poet,. Carmen Paschale, 1475>.

Page 663: 'Sodulius in car. Pasch', 1/663 – Caelius Sedulius (probably active in the mid-5th century), poet. Carmen Paschale, 1475>.

(www.cems.ox.ac.uk/.../Catalogue%20of%20additional%20sources....-1.pdf)

(www.cems.ox.ac.uk/.../Catalogue%20of%20additional%20sources....-1.pdf)

Errata

(Corrections are also indicated, in the text, by a dotted line underneath the correction.
Scroll the mouse over the word and the original text will appear.)   (Note: The dotted underline may not appear in some tables.)

(Corrections are also shown in the text with a dotted line under the correction.
Hover your mouse over the word and the original text will appear.) Please modernize the following text into contemporary English while maintaining its original meaning. Do not omit or add any information, and do not include commentary. If you encounter placeholders like __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_x__, DO NOT modify those placeholder strings in any way. Keep them exactly as-is for future link replacements. (Note: The dotted underline may not appear in some tables.)

Page 1: 'used' corrected to 'vsed', and 'upon' to vpon', for consistency, and as in 1587 edition.

Page 1: 'used' corrected to 'vsed', and 'upon' to 'vpon', for consistency, and as in 1587 edition.

"9 Of the ancient religion vsed in Albion."
"10 Of such Ilands as are to be seene vpon the coasts of Britaine."

"9 Of the ancient religion used in Albion."
"10 Of such islands that can be seen along the coasts of Britain."

Page 14: 'hane' corrected to 'haue', as in 1587 edition.

Page 14: 'hane' changed to 'haue', as seen in the 1587 edition.

"Besides these aforesaid nations, which haue crept (as you haue heard) into our Iland,"

"Aside from the nations mentioned above, which have crept (as you've heard) into our island,"

Page 26: 'Dehenbarth' corrected to 'Deheubarth'.

Page 26: 'Dehenbarth' corrected to 'Deheubarth'.

"In the begining it was diuided into two kingdoms onelie, that is to saie, Venedotia or Gwynhedh (otherwise called Deheubarth)...."

"In the beginning, it was divided into two kingdoms only, that is to say, Venedotia or Gwynedd (also known as Deheubarth)...."

Page 42: 'who lieconsented' corrected to 'wholie consented', as in 1587 edition.

Page 42: 'who lieconsented' corrected to 'wholie consented', as in 1587 edition.

"and foorthwith wholie consented to make a diuision of this land...."

"and immediately fully agreed to divide this land...."

Page 84: missing word "far" inserted, as in 1587 edition

Page 84: missing word "far" added, just like in the 1587 edition

"... Helledon parish, not far from Danberie,..."

"... Helledon parish, not far from Danberie,..."

Page 102: 'Ater' corrected to 'After', as in 1587 edition.

Page 102: 'Ater' corrected to 'After', as in 1587 edition.

"After this confluence it goeth on toward the south, till it méet with a pretie brooke rising northeast of Whettell...."

"After this junction, it continues south until it meets a small stream coming from the northeast of Whettell...."

Page 102: 'Done stroke' is probably a misprint for 'Dones broke' or 'Danes broke' (brook), which actually exists in the place mentioned.

Page 102: 'Done stroke' is likely a typo for 'Dones broke' or 'Danes broke' (brook), which actually exists in the location mentioned.

Sidenote: "Done aliàs Dones broke."

Sidenote: "Done aliàs Dones is broken."

Page 128: 'Monemouch' corrected to 'Monemouth' as in 'Monemouth' in previous sentence, and in 1587 edition.

Page 128: 'Monemouch' corrected to 'Monemouth' as in 'Monemouth' in previous sentence, and in 1587 edition.

"The Romenie ... is a goodlie water, and from the head a march betwéen Monemouth and Glamorgan shires."

"The Romenie ... is a lovely river, and from the source, it flows through a boundary between Monmouth and Glamorgan counties."

Page 128: 'pound.' corrected to 'pounds.' as in 1587 edition.

Page 128: 'pound.' corrected to 'pounds.' as in 1587 edition.

Sidenote: "This Ile went fiftie yeares agone for x. pounds."

Sidenote: "This island sold for ten pounds fifty years ago."

Page 130: 'Wormeslead' corrected to 'Wormeshead'.

Page 130: 'Wormeslead' corrected to 'Wormeshead'.

"Then casting about by Oxwich point, we go onward there by, and sailing flat north by the Holme (hauing passed the Wormeshead and S. Kennets chappell) and then ... northeast by Whitford point,..."

"Then looking around by Oxwich Point, we continue on and sail directly north by the Holme (having passed Wormshead and St. Kenneth's chapel) and then ... northeast by Whitford Point,..."

Page 135: 'Marierdiue' corrected to 'Marierdine', as above, and as in 1587 edition. 'Monardiue' is as in 1587 edition.
(It is now called 'Manordeifi', or 'Maenordeifi', and is a small village in north Pembrokeshire
http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manordeifi).

Page 135: 'Marierdiue' corrected to 'Marierdine', as above, and as in 1587 edition. 'Monardiue' is as in 1587 edition.
(It is now called 'Manordeifi', or 'Maenordeifi', and is a small village in north Pembrokeshire
http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manordeifi).

"... goeth by Marierdine, and so to Cardigon, taking in one rill from by north descending by Penneralt, by north of Monardiue or Marierdine,..."

"... goes by Marierdine, and then to Cardigon, taking in one stream from the north descending by Penneralt, north of Monardiue or Marierdine,..."

Page 135: 'Oswid' corrected to 'Oscoid' as in 1587 edition.

Page 135: 'Oswid' changed to 'Oscoid' as seen in the 1587 edition.

" ... Lantwood north west of Oscoid Mortemer,..."

" ... Lantwood northwest of Oscoid Mortemer,..."

Page 187: 'féeed' has been retained: 'fée-ed'?

Page 187: 'féeed' has been kept: 'fée-ed'?

"... & that euerie one which by féeed friendship (or otherwise) dooth attempt to procure oughts from the prince, that may profit but few and proue hurtfull to manie,..."

"... & that everyone who through fake friendship (or in any other way) tries to gain anything from the prince, which may benefit only a few and prove harmful to many,..."

Page 202: 'Pits' corrected to 'Picts', as in 1587 edition.

Page 202: 'Pits' changed to 'Picts', as seen in the 1587 edition.

"... and in all these wars against them, he had the seruice and obeisance of Scots and Picts."

"... and in all these wars against them, he had the service and loyalty of Scots and Picts."

Page 222: 'uame' corrected to 'name'

Page 222: 'uame' corrected to 'name'

"They beare also the name of their high chapleins continuallie,..."

"They also carry the name of their high chaplains continuously,..."

Page 223: (printer's error: ʃ (long 's') confused with 't'): 'to' corrected to 'so', as in 1587 online edition.

Page 223: (printer's error: ʃ (long 's') confused with 't'): 'to' corrected to 'so', as in 1587 online edition.

"... escaped to his ships, and so returned into Normandie."

"... escaped to his ships and returned to Normandy."

Page 243: 'iarror' is unknown. Perhaps misprint for 'terrier2', Land Register, which fits the context.

Page 243: 'iarror' is unknown. It might be a typo for 'terrier2', Land Register, which makes sense in the context.

From OED: terrier2, noun. Book recording site, boundaries, etc., of land of private persons or corporations; (hist.) collection of acknowledgements of vassals or tenants of a lordship.

From OED: terrier2, noun. A book that records the location, boundaries, etc., of land owned by private individuals or corporations; (historical) a collection of acknowledgments from vassals or tenants of a lord.

"I haue seene and had an ancient terrier of the lands of this monasterie,..."

"I have seen and had an old terrier of the lands of this monastery,..."

Page 244: 'Lindeffarne' corrected to 'Lindesfarne'.

Page 244: 'Lindeffarne' changed to 'Lindesfarne'.

(Printer's confusion of 'f' with ʃ (long 's'). Correct in 'Description 1').

(Printer's confusion of 'f' with 'ʃ' (long 's'). Correct in 'Description 1').

Page 254: 'hain' (a Middle English word meaning a park or enclosure), corrected to 'haue' which fits the context.

Page 254: 'hain' (a Middle English word meaning a park or enclosure), corrected to 'have' which fits the context.

"... so that there are not manie corporat townes now vnder the quéenes dominion, that haue not one Gramar schoole at the least, with a sufficient liuing for a maister and vsher appointed to the same."

"... so that there are not many corporate towns now under the queen's dominion, that do not have at least one grammar school, with a sufficient livelihood for a master and usher appointed to it."

Page 256: 'I' corrected to "In"

Page 256: 'I' corrected to "In"

"In my opinion...."

"I think..."

Page 260: 'fiue wapentaxes'. This may be correct, or an error for 'wapentakes', which also appears.

Page 260: 'five wapentaxes'. This might be correct, or it could be a mistake for 'wapentakes', which also appears.

Page 269: 'Sir Sanchet Dambricourt' corrected to 'Sir Sanchet D'Abrichecourt'.

Page 269: 'Sir Sanchet Dambricourt' changed to 'Sir Sanchet D'Abrichecourt'.

Sir Sanchet D'Abrichecourt (c.1330-c.1360) was a French knight and a founder Knight of the Garter. His surname was alternatively spelt D'Abridgecourt, Dabridgcourt, Dabrichecourt or Aubréciourt and derived from from the Hainault town of Auberchicourt. His father, Nicholas D'Abrichecourt, a nobleman from Hainault, had come to England in 1326 as an escort of Queen Isabella. (Wikipedia)

Sir Sanchet D'Abrichecourt (c.1330-c.1360) was a French knight and a founding member of the Order of the Garter. His last name was also spelled D'Abridgecourt, Dabridgcourt, Dabrichecourt, or Aubréciourt, and it came from the Hainault town of Auberchicourt. His father, Nicholas D'Abrichecourt, was a nobleman from Hainault who arrived in England in 1326 as an escort for Queen Isabella. (Wikipedia)

Page 274: 'ro corrected to 'or', and 'rae' corrected to 'are', as 1587 online edition.

Page 274: 'ro corrected to 'or', and 'rae' corrected to 'are', as 1587 online edition.

"But these citizens or burgesses are to serue the commonwealth in their cities and boroughs,..."

"But these citizens or burgesses are to serve the community in their cities and boroughs,..."

Page 282: 'savoureth' corrected to 'sauoureth', to match similar, and 1587 online edition.

Page 282: 'savoureth' corrected to 'sauoureth', to match similar, and 1587 online edition.

"... their talke is now and then such as sauoureth of scurrilitie"

"... their talk is now and then a bit crude."

Page 287: 'calla breakefast' corrected to 'call a breakefast', as 1587 online edition.

Page 287: 'calla breakefast' corrected to 'call a breakfast', as 1587 online edition.

"... although a little something was allowed in the morning to yoong children which we now call a breakefast."

"... although a small allowance was made in the morning for young children, which we now call breakfast."

Page 291: 'hous econsisting' corrected to 'house consisting', as 1587 online edition.

Page 291: 'hous econsisting' corrected to 'house consisting', as 1587 online edition.

"... the higher or vpper house consisting of the nobilitie,..."

"... the upper house made up of the nobility,..."

Page 295: Southampton' corrected to 'Southhampton' to match online ed.

Page 295: 'Southampton' corrected to 'Southhampton' to match online ed.

"The borough of Southhampton."

"The town of Southampton."

Page 296: 'The borough of Caine' corrected to 'The borough of Calne'.

Page 296: 'The borough of Caine' corrected to 'The borough of Calne'.

'The borough of Calne' is in Wiltshire; 'The borough of Caine' does not exist.

'The borough of Calne' is in Wiltshire; 'The borough of Caine' does not exist.

Page 299: Grecklade corrected to 'Cricklade' (alternate spelling 'Crekelade'). 'Cricklade' occurs earlier, in the list of Wilton (Wiltshire) boroughs.

Page 299: Grecklade corrected to 'Cricklade' (alternate spelling 'Crekelade'). 'Cricklade' appears earlier, in the list of Wilton (Wiltshire) boroughs.

Page 332: 'alsolued' corrected to 'absolued' to match other instances on same page, and 1587 edition.

Page 332: 'alsolued' corrected to 'absolued' to match other instances on the same page, and the 1587 edition.

"... till by repentance he deserue to be absolued."

"...until he deserves to be absolved through repentance."

Page 344: 'inhabit' corrected to 'inhibit', as 1587 edition.

Page 344: 'inhabit' corrected to 'inhibit', as 1587 edition.

"... till a law was made which did inhibit and restraine them."

"... until a law was passed that limited and restricted them."

Page 350: 'CHAP. XIX.' (second instance) corrected to 'CHAP. XX.' (which was missing)

Page 350: 'CHAP. XIX.' (second mention) corrected to 'CHAP. XX.' (which was absent)

Page 354: 'Cydims' corrected to 'Cydnus'.

Page 354: 'Cydims' corrected to 'Cydnus'.

"The Cydnus in Tarsus of Cilicia, is of such vertue,... "

"The Cydnus River in Tarsus, Cilicia, has such power,... "

Page 366: 'aeader' corrected to 'reader'.

Page 366: 'aeader' corrected to 'reader'.

"... I might make a greater chapter than would be either conuenient or profitable to the reader:"

"... I might write a longer chapter than would be either convenient or beneficial to the reader:"

Page 494: 'sush' corrected to 'such', as 1587 online edition.

Page 494: 'sush' corrected to 'such', as 1587 online edition.

"... within the which they were accustomed to sacrifice such as they tooke prisoners,..."

"... in which they were used to sacrifice those they captured as prisoners,..."

Page 497: 'increaes' corrected to 'increase', as 1586 online edition.

Page 497: 'increaes' corrected to 'increase', as per the 1586 online edition.

"... onelie to the Romans the dead doo still liue, and all to increase their commoditie and gaine."

"... only for the Romans, the dead still live, all to increase their convenience and gain."

Page 540: 'enterprisee' corrected to 'enterprises', as 1586 online edition.

Page 540: 'enterprisee' corrected to 'enterprises', as in the 1586 online edition.

"¶ If therefore the Britaine writers had considered and marked the valiant exploits and noble enterprises which the Brittish aids, armies and legions atchiued in seruice of the Romane emperours."

"¶ If the British writers had considered and noted the brave feats and noble achievements that the British allies, armies, and legions accomplished in service of the Roman emperors."

Page 566: 'whreof' corrected to 'wherof', as 1587 online edition.

Page 566: 'whreof' corrected to 'wherof', as 1587 online edition.

"'but in stead of that which should haue brought him health, he gaue him poison, wherof he died shortlie after at Winchester aforesaid,"

"'but instead of that which should have brought him health, he gave him poison, of which he died shortly after at Winchester mentioned above,"

Page 577: 'buruished' corrected to 'burnished'.

Page 577: 'buruished' corrected to 'burnished'.

"... of colour like to the burnished gold, which being touched, immediatlie fell to dust."

"... of color like polished gold, which, when touched, immediately crumbled to dust."

Page 600: 'Cantrburie' corrected to 'Canturburie', as 1587 online edition.

Page 600: 'Cantrburie' changed to 'Canturburie', as per the 1587 online edition.

"... the indeuour of Laurence archbishop of Canturburie in setting religion at large,..."

"... the efforts of Laurence, Archbishop of Canterbury, in promoting religion broadly,..."

Page 605: 'shost' corected to 'short', as 1587 online edition.

Page 605: 'shost' corrected to 'short', as 1587 online edition.

"... caried vnder his coate a short double edged woodknife inuenomed of purpose,..."

"... carried under his coat a short double-edged wood knife poisoned on purpose,..."

Page 626: 'pope Grogories' corrected to 'pope Gregories', as 1587 online edition.

Page 626: 'pope Grogories' corrected to 'pope Gregories', as in the 1587 online edition.

"after the maner as he had learned of pope Gregories disciples."

"in the way he had learned from the disciples of Pope Gregory."

Page 629: The year 872 would be a misprint for 672, which makes sense in the context.

Page 629: The year 872 is likely a typo for 672, which fits better in the context.

Page 640: 'espistle' corrected to 'epistle'.

Page 640: 'espistle' corrected to 'epistle'.

"The same Bonifacius in an other epistle wich he wrote vnto Cutbert the archbishop of Canturburie,..."

"The same Bonifacius in another letter that he wrote to Cuthbert, the Archbishop of Canterbury,..."

Page 700: 'forvest' corrected to 'forrest', as 1587 online edition.

Page 700: 'forvest' corrected to 'forrest', as per the 1587 online edition.

"Afterward by chance as he was hunting in a forrest néere the castell of Corfe,..."

"Later, by chance, while he was hunting in a forest near the castle of Corfe,..."

Note: This book contains many sidenotes, and if the screen is too wide, some sidenotes in the more densely populated areas will overlap, if there are more sidenotes than paragraph lines. The maximum width of the page has been set at 56em in an attempt to overcome this potential problem. Browsers vary slightly in the way they display the book, but ideally, the actual width of the page on the screen should be no more than 56em, 1000px, or about 12-13 inches, and may need to be set manually. Internet Explorer may need to be run in 'Compatibility View'.

Note: This book has a lot of sidenotes, and if your screen is too wide, some sidenotes in the denser sections will overlap if there are more sidenotes than paragraph lines. The maximum width of the page is set to 56em to help avoid this issue. Different browsers display the book slightly differently, but ideally, the page width on your screen shouldn't exceed 56em, 1000px, or about 12-13 inches, and you might need to adjust it manually. Internet Explorer might need to be used in 'Compatibility View'.

Old English Font is used on Page iii and in the table from Page 418 to Pag 421. If this font does not show on your computer, it is available Here:
[http://www.] uk-genealogy.org.uk/resources/

Old English Font is used on Page iii and in the table from Page 418 to Page 421. If this font doesn't show on your computer, you can get it Here:
[http://www.] uk-genealogy.org.uk/resources/


Chronicles, Volume I: Descriptions I - III - 42506 by Raphaell Holinshed

Chronicles, Volume I: Descriptions I - III - 42506 by Raphaell Holinshed

[Holinshed Chronicles 1, the Histories, Volume 1]

[Holinshed Chronicles 1, the Histories, Volume 1]

The First Booke of the Historie of England - 16496

The First Book of the History of England - 16496

The Second Booke of the Historie of England - 13624

The Second Book of the History of England - 13624

The Third Booke of the Historie of England - 16511

The Third Book of the History of England - 16511

The Fovrth Booke of the Historie of England - 16536

The Fourth Book of the History of England - 16536

The Fift Booke of the Historie of England - 16555

The Fifth Book of the History of England - 16555

The Sixt Booke of the Historie of England - 16610

The Sixt Booke of the Historie of England - 16610

The Seuenth Booke of the Historie of England - 16617

The Seventh Book of the History of England - 16617

The Eight Booke of the Historie of England - 16669 The Eight Booke of the Historie of England - 16669

The Eight Book of the History of England - 16669 The Eight Book of the History of England - 16669


Download ePUB

If you like this ebook, consider a donation!