This is a modern-English version of Letters of John Calvin, Volume II: Compiled from the Original Manuscripts and Edited with Historical Notes, originally written by Calvin, Jean. It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling, and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.

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LETTERS
OF
JOHN CALVIN

COMPILED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITED WITH HISTORICAL NOTES

COMPILED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITED WITH HISTORICAL NOTES

BY

BY

DR. JULES BONNET.

VOL. II.

VOL. 2.

TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN AND FRENCH LANGUAGES.

TRANSLATED FROM LATIN AND FRENCH.

—————

Understood. Please provide the text you'd like to modernize.

PHILADELPHIA:
P R E S B Y T E R I A N   B O A R D   O F   P U B L I C A T I O N,
NO. 821 CHESTNUT STREET.

PHILADELPHIA:
PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION,
NO. 821 CHESTNUT STREET.


Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by
JAMES DUNLAP, Treas.,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by
JAMES DUNLAP, Treasurer.,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.


CONTENTS.

1545.

1545.

LETTER PAGE
CXLIV.To Viret.—Unpopularity of Calvin—various advices,15
CXLV.To Mr. de Falais.—Exhortation to glorify God amid poverty and persecution,16
CXLVI.To Ms. de Falais.—Congratulations on the constancy manifested by her in the midst of trials—salutations from the suffering Idelette de Bure,19
CXLVII.To Mr. de Falais.—Vanity of trust reposed in the princes of this world—confidence in God,20
CXLVIII.To Farel.—Captivity of Farel's brother—ravages of the plague in Geneva,22
CXLIX.To Viret.—Dispersion of the School at Geneva—contests at Neuchatel on the subject of church property—Calvin's opinion of Farel,24
CL.To Mr. de Falais.—Prayers for his restoration to health,26

1546.

1546.

CLI.To Farel.—News from Germany—journey of the French Ambassador to Geneva—details concerning the condition of the town,26
CLII.To Mr. de Falais.—Calvin dedicates to him one of his Commentaries,29
CLIII.To John Frellon.—Rupture of the relations between Calvin and Servetus,30
CLIV.To Farel.—Reply to various questions—terrible threat against Servetus—imprisonment of one of the leaders of the Libertins,31
CLV.To Farel.—Pacification of the Church at Neuchatel—report of the speedy arrival of the Emperor in Savoy—dangers at Geneva—withering mention of Francis I.,34
[4]CLVI.To Viret.—Election of a minister at Neuchatel—sickness of Viret's wife,36
CLVII.To Viret.—Calvin invites his friend to repair to Geneva after the death of his wife,37
CLVIII.To Viret.—Renewed and more pressing invitation to come to Geneva,38
CLIX.To Ted Vitus.—Indication of the various documents wherein are set forth the opinions of Calvin regarding the Lord's Supper—earnest desires for union and peace among the Churches—condition of Geneva,39
CLX.To Viret.—Instructions to Viret about a journey to Geneva,42
CLXI.To Mr. de Falais.—Calvin's labours—the diet at Ratisbon—the Church of Metz—the Reformation at Heidelberg—Apology for M. de Falais—opinion regarding the sermons of Ochino,43
CLXII.To Mr. de Falais.—Advice regarding the editing of the Apology—details of a loan contracted for M. de Falais—news from Germany and Italy—Farel and Viret at Geneva—death of Juan Diaz,47
CLXIII.To Farel.—Troubles at Geneva—imprisonment of the several members of the family of Favre—account of the assassination of John Diaz at Neubourg,52
CLXIV.To Amy Perrin.—Complaints regarding the conduct of Perrin—firm and courageous declaration by the Reformer of his resolution to persevere in his duty unto death,56
CLXV.To Farel and Viret.—Requests in favour of the faithful in France,58
CLXVI.To Ms. de Falais.—Expression of Christian sympathy and condolence on occasion of the illness of M. de Falais,60
CLXVII.To Farel.—Excitement caused at Geneva by the Representation of a Play,61
CLXVIII.To Mr. de Falais.—Proposals of matrimony on behalf of Viret,63
CLXIX.To Viret.—Account of the steps taken relative to his marriage,65
CLXX.To Viret.—Fresh details regarding the projects for his marriage,65
CLXXI.To Viret.—Same subject as the preceding,68
CLXXII.To Viret.—Breaking off of the match treated of in the preceding letters,68
CLXXIII.To Farel.—Violence of the family of Amy Perrin—declamations of the wife of Froment against the ministers of Geneva,70
CLXXIV.To Farel.—Calvin's indisposition—literary labours—apparent reconciliation with Perrin and his family,72
[5]CLXXV.To Mr. de Falais.—Recurrence to the matrimonial projects of Viret—explanations on various subjects,74
CLXXVI.To Ms. de Falais.—Sad communication to be made to M. de Falais—promise to send several discourses,76
CLXXVII.To Mr. de Falais.—Congratulations on his convalescence—uncertainty of prospects in Germany—confidence in the all-powerful protection of God,77
CLXXVIII.To Mr. de Falais.—Excuses for Viret—uses of sickness—various rumours concerning the war in Germany—explanations on the subject of the Supper,79
CLXXIX.To Mr. de Falais.—Consolations on the death of his sister,84
CLXXX.To Ms. de Falais.—Assurances of affection for herself and her husband,85
CLXXXI.To Viret.—Statement of the expense of a visit to Lausanne, on the occasion of Viret's marriage—ecclesiastical difficulties at Berne,86
CLXXXII.To Mr. de Falais.—Military movements in Switzerland—policy of the Cantons in reference to the Emperor,88
CLXXXIII.To Ms. de Budé.—Calvin exhorts this lady to leave France, and retire with her family to Geneva,90

1547.

1547.

CLXXXIV.To the Avoyer Nœguely.—Complaints of the misconduct of several ministers in the Pays de Vaud,94
CLXXXV.To Farel.—Mission of Calvin in Switzerland—dispositions of the various Cantons,95
CLXXXVI.To Mr. de Falais.—Search for a house for that gentleman in Geneva—various details—mention of Charles V. and Francis I.,97
CLXXXVII.To Mr. de Falais.—Instructions regarding the Apology—alarming rumours current at Geneva—Calvin's confidence,100
CLXXXVIII.To Mr. de Falais.—Disputes of M. de Falais with Valeran Poulain—reports of the expected arrival of the former in Geneva,102
CLXXXIX.To Valeran Poulain.—Severe reprobation of his behaviour towards M. de Falais—reply to a calumny directed against the Reformer,104
CXC.To Viret.—Weakness of the Genevese magistracy—expectation of Viret's arrival in Geneva,106
[6]CXCI.To Wolfgang Musculus.—Anxiety regarding the Churches of Germany—advice to Musculus,108
CXCII.To Mr. de Falais.—Steps taken at Basle to retract a promise of marriage made to Valeran Poulain,110
CXCIII.To Francis Dryander.—Confused state of the Church—hopes and fears for the future,111
CXCIV.To Mr. de Falais.—The sending of a minister—perplexities regarding anticipated events in Germany,113
CXCV.To Mr. de Falais.—Information in regard to a house—advice on the subject of a marriage proposed for a relative of Monsieur de Falais,114
CXCVI.To Viret.—Interview of Calvin with a senator of Berne—advantage secured over the party of the Libertins,116
CXCVII.To Mr. de Falais.—Recommendation of John de Budé—uncertainty of the news from Germany,118
CXCVIII.To Mr. de Budé.—He exhorts him to follow the example of the rest of his family, and retire to Geneva,119
CXCIX.To Viret.—Citation before the Consistory of the wife of Amy Perrin—case of Gruet—news from Germany,122
CC.To Mr. de Falais.—Solemn lessons afforded by the sad occurrences in Germany—troubles in Geneva—energetic attitude of Calvin,125
CCI.To Viret.—Indecision of the Seigneurs of Geneva—inflexibility of Calvin,128
CCII.To the Believers of France.—State of Germany—details regarding the struggles of the Reformer in the cause of the truth at Geneva,129
CCIII.To Mr. de Falais.—Thanksgivings for the happy deliverance of Madame de Falais—false reports concerning the state of Geneva—details regarding the publication of the Apology—indisposition of Calvin, and his regret at being separated from Monsieur de Falais,132
CCIV.To Farel.—False report of Calvin's death—proposition (query) by the wife of Amy Perrin—calumnious accusation against Idelette de Bure—journey of Farel to Geneva,137
CCV.To Viret.—Mention of a letter from M. de Falais—Emmanuel Tremelli—a book by Viret—journey of Budé and Nicolas des Gallars to Paris,139
CCVI.To Mr. de Falais.—Dedication of the Apology—mention of M. de Mommor—sickness of Maldonado,141
CCVII.To Henry Bullinger.—Comments by Calvin on a work by Bullinger—state of Germany and Italy—policy of the Cantons,143
CCVIII.To Mr. de Falais.—Return of Nicolas des Gallars—stay of Farel and Viret at Geneva,145
[7]CCIX.To Mr. de Falais.—Re-assuring intelligence on the state of Geneva—restoration of Maldonado,146
CCX.To Farel.—Sad state of the Republic—discouragement of the Reformer,147
CCXI.To Viret.—Rising at the Hôtel de Ville—heroic bearing of Calvin—trust in God alone,148
CCXII.To Mr. de Falais.—Printing of The Apology—troubles at Geneva,150
CCXIII.To Viret.—Invitation to come to Geneva,151
CCXIV.To Farel.—Publication of The Antidote—statement regarding the condition of Geneva,152
CCXV.To Budé's Family.—Consolations on occasion of the Death of one of its Members,154

1548.

1548.

CCXVI.To Mr. de Falais.—Cost of printing of The Apology—despatch of several copies,157
CCXVII.To Mr. de Falais.—Particulars regarding his departure, and the purchase of a property near Geneva,159
CCXVIII.To Henry Bullinger.—Brotherly explanations regarding the difference on the subject of the Communion,160
CCXIX.To Mr. de Falais.—Obstacles to his departure—delay of some months,162
CCXX.To Farel.—Distressing condition of the Swiss churches,164
CCXXI.To Farel and Viret.—Disputes among the ministers of Berne—and Calvin's journey thither,165
CCXXII.To Viret.—Communications regarding affairs at Berne,166
CCXXIII.To Viret.—Ecclesiastical tyranny of the Seigneurs of Berne—sojourn of Idelette de Bure at Lausanne,167
CCXXIV.To Henry Bullinger.—New explanations regarding the Supper—violence of some of the Bernese ministers—Calvinism and Buceranism,168
CCXXV.To Mr. de Falais.—Preparations for the marriage of Mademoiselle de Wilergy, his relation,173
CCXXVI.To Farel.—Uncertainty regarding the disposition of the Cantons—stay of Monsieur and Madame de Falais in Calvin's house,175
CCXXVII.To Viret.—Embarrassment occasioned to Calvin by the treacherous publication of one of his letters to Viret,176
CCXXVIII.To a French Lord.—Exhortation to come to Geneva, that he might there serve the Lord faithfully,179
[8]CCXXIX.To the Guardian Somerset.—Duties imposed on the Protector by the high office which he holds—plan of a complete reformation in England—preaching of the pure word of God—rooting out of abuses—correction of vices and scandalous offences,182
CCXXX.To Farel.—Election of new magistrates at Geneva—troubles in France—letter from Bucer,198
CCXXXI.To John Sturm.—Evidences of faith and Christian steadfastness, amid the dangers that threaten the Church,200

1549.

1549.

CCXXXII.To Madame de Cany.—Exhortation to a courageous and honest profession of the truth,201
CCXXXIII.To Miss de ....—Exhortations to steadfastness in the faith—acknowledgment of liberality,205
CCXXXIV.To the Ministers of the Church of Montbeliard.—Exhortations to discharge to the end their ministerial duties,208
CCXXXV.To Henry Bullinger.—Hope of Union with the theologians of Zurich—dedication of several writings,210
CCXXXVI.To Bucer.—Consolations to be found in the study of divine and everlasting truth,212
CCXXXVII.To the Pastors of the Church of Bern.—Desire of union between the Churches of Berne and Geneva,214
CCXXXVIII.To Viret.—Death of Idelette de Bure, the wife of Calvin,216
CCXXXIX.To Farel.—Further details regarding the death of Idelette de Bure,217
CCXL.To Ms. de Cany.—Account of the instructive death of Madame Laurent de Normandie,219
CCXLI.To Viret.—Various particulars—recommendation of Francis Hotman, Jurisconsult,223
CCXLII.To Henry Bullinger.—Pleading in favour of the alliance of the Reformed Cantons with France,225
CCXLIII.To Madame de la Roche-Posay.—He exhorts her and her companions to live in conformity with the law of God,229
CCXLIV.To Bucer.—Encouragements and consolations—desire for the conclusion of peace between France and England—excesses of the ultra-Lutheran party in Switzerland and Germany—agreement between the Churches of Geneva and Zurich,232
[9]CCXLV.To Lady Anne Seymour.—Thanks to the Duchess of Somerset, the mother of Anne Seymour—exhortation to perseverance in the true faith,236
CCXLVI.To Farel.—Reply by the Protector of England to a letter from Calvin,238
CCXLVII.To Farel.—Imprisonment of two brothers of M. de Falais—persecution in the Low Countries and in France,239
CCXLVIII.To Viret.—Negotiations in reference to the publication of the Consensus—George, Count of Montbeliard,240
CCXLIX.To the Pastors of the Church of Zurich.—Urgent recommendation of the adoption of a fixed formulary in the celebration of the Lord's Supper,241
CCL.To Bullinger.—Revisal of the Formulary—persecutions in France,243
CCLI.To Farel and Viret.—Letter concerning Vergerio—history of Francis Spira,245
CCLII.To Farel.—Criticism on a work by Farel,246
CCLIII.To Viret.—First mention of Theodore Beza—poverty of Calvin's colleagues,248
CCLIV.To John Haller.—A reformer's complaints on the malevolence of the Bernese ministers,249
CCLV.To Wolfgang Musculus.—Prohibition of the Vaudois Conferences—remonstrances on the intolerance of the Bernese ministers towards those of France,251
CCLVI.To Mr. de Saint Laurens.—Statement of leading articles of the Reformed Faith,253

1550.

1550.

CCLVII.To the Protector, Somerset.—Congratulations on the royal favour shown to the Duke of Somerset—use to be made of his influence for spreading the Gospel in England,257
CCLVIII.To Farel.—Tidings from Germany and England—recommendation of a domestic,262
CCLIX.To Farel.—Election of a new Pope,264
CCLX.To Francis Dryander.—Counsels and encouragements—collection of Commentaries on Isaiah by Des Gallars,265
CCLXI.To Nicolas Colladon.—Settlement of the Colladon family at Geneva,266
CCLXII.To the Lordship of Geneva.—Notice of a publication attributed to Gruet,268
CCLXIII.To Melanchthon.—Controversies excited in Germany by the establishment of the Interim—brotherly reproofs,270
[10]CCLXIV.To Viret.—Hope of an early visit from Viret—projected excursions in the neighbourhood of Geneva,275
CCLXV.To Farel.—Opinion regarding Vergerio—intelligence regarding Bucer—letter to Melanchthon—disputes with Berne—literary publications of Calvin,276
CCLXVI.To William Rabot.—Exhortation to the study of the Scriptures,278
CCLXVII.To Farel.—Publication of the book on Scandals—persecution by the King of France—Bucer's discouragement,279
CCLXVIII.To Farel.—State of religion in England—Calvin's literary labours—arrival of Robert Stephens at Geneva,282
CCLXIX.To Mr. de Falais.—Misconduct of a servant of M. de Falais,285

1551.

1551.

CCLXX.To Haller.—Explanations on the subject of the abolition of the great festivals at Geneva,287
CCLXXI.To Viret.—Criticism of a mandate published by the Seigneurs of Berne,289
CCLXXII.To Richard Le Fevre.—Explanations regarding various points of doctrine in dispute between the Romish and the Reformed Churches,291
CCLXXIII.To Viret.—Various particulars—literary labours of Theodore Beza,298
CCLXXIV.To the King of England.—He exhorts him to persevere in the work of the Reformation in his kingdom—enumeration of abuses, ceremonies, ecclesiastical elections—universities,299
CCLXXV.To Bullinger.—He excuses the infrequency of his letters, and urges the publication of the Consensus,304
CCLXXVI.To Bullinger.—Thanks for a document—dedication of two commentaries to the King of England—captivity of Bishop Hooper—movements of the Emperor in Germany,306
CCLXXVII.To Bullinger.—Mention of a letter to the Duke of Somerset—re-opening of the Council of Trent—symptoms of war in Europe,308
CCLXXVIII.To Viret.—Death of Bucer and Joachim Vadian,310
CCLXXIX.To Farel.—Renewed expressions of regret for the death of Vadian and Bucer—controversies excited by Osiander—numerous migrations to Geneva—commencement of hostilities in Italy,311
[11]CCLXXX.To a French Gentleman.—Sickness of Theodore Beza—Calvin's grief,314
CCLXXXI.To the Duke of Somerset.—Protestations of attachment—reforms required in the Church of England—squandering of the revenues of benefices and of the universities,315
CCLXXXII.To Viret.—Reply to the attacks of Pighius, and of George of Sicily,317
CCLXXXIII.To the Ministers of Neuchâtel.—Arrest of a minister from Neuchatel in France—steps for obtaining his release,318
CCLXXXIV.To Bullinger.—Edict of Chateaubriand, in France—attacks on Calvin in Geneva,319
CCLXXXV.To the Ministers of Switzerland.—Statement of the controversy with Bolsec regarding Election,322
CCLXXXVI.To Oswald Myconius.—Recommendations regarding the dispute with Bolsec—request on behalf of the Protestants of France,326
CCLXXXVII.To Chris Fabri.—Calvin's dissatisfaction with the reply of the ministers of Bâle, and the conduct of Monsieur de Falais regarding the affair with Bolsec,327
CCLXXXVIII.To Farel.—Recommendation of a schoolmaster—complaints against the ministers of Zurich,328
CCLXXXIX.To Lelio Socinus.—Refusal to reply to the curious questions proposed to him by Socin,330

1552.

1552.

CCXC.To Bullinger.—Thanks for the zeal manifested on behalf of the faithful in France—complaints of the conduct of the ministers of Zurich in the affair of Bolsec,331
CCXCI.To Farel.—Fresh complaints by Calvin against the ministers of Zurich and Berne—his unpopularity in the latter city—advices to Farel,335
CCXCII.To Madame de Cany.—Rigorous and inflexible spirit of Calvin against heresy—praise of Theodore Beza,338
CCXCIII.To Bullinger.—Journey of Calvin and Farel in Switzerland—steps in favour of the Reformed in France—return to the affairs of Bolsec,341
CCXCIV.To Cranmer.—Agreement to the proposal for assembling a General Synod for the more close union of the Reformed Churches,345
[12]CCXCV.To Bullinger.—Fresh details regarding the persecutions in France,349
CCXCVI.To the Five Prisoners of Lyons—Martial Alba, Peter Escrivain, Charles Favre, Peter Naviheres, Bernard Seguin.—Information on various doctrinal points, and assurances of Christian sympathy,350
CCXCVII.To Edward VI.—Dedication of a new work, and Christian exhortations,354
CCXCVIII.To Cranmer.—Calvin exhorts him to prosecute with fresh zeal the reformation of the Church in England, by purging it of the relics of Popery,356
CCXCIX.To John Liner.—Thanks for the zeal manifested by him on behalf of the prisoners of Lyons,358
CCC.To the French Church in London.—Exhortations to harmony—Is it lawful to call Mary the Mother of God, and to pray for the Pope?360
CCCI.To the Lords of Geneva.—Reply of Calvin to the Syndics of Geneva in the case of Trolliet,363
CCCII.To Farel.—Conspiracy of the Libertins—energy of the Reformer—struggles of Viret at Lausanne,370
CCCIII.To Viret.—Literary labours of Theodore Beza,372
CCCIV.To Ambroise Blaurer.—Troubles at Geneva—sad intelligence from France and Germany—steady in the promises of God,373
CCCV.To Melanchthon.—Earnest desires for the continuance of their mutual affection—disputes with Trolliet—longing for agreement in doctrine regarding the Communion and Election,375
CCCVI.To Mr. de Falais.—Rupture of Calvin with the Seigneur,381

1553.

1553.

CCCVII.To Mathieu Dimonet.—Exhortation to patience and constancy under persecution,384
CCCVIII.To Chris Fabri.—Congratulations on the subject of his approaching marriage—Calvin's regret that he cannot be present at the ceremony,387
CCCIX.To John Cheke.—Calvin apologizes for silence, and enjoins him to use his influence with the King for the advancement of the Gospel in England,389
CCCX.To the Five Prisoners of Lyons.—Exhortations to constancy—mention of Oritz the Inquisitor,391
CCCXI.To Edward VI.—Recommendation of a French gentleman, a prisoner for the sake of the Gospel,393
[13]CCCXII.To Farel.—Serious illness and unexpected recovery of Farel—Calvin's joy,395
CCCXIII.To Christopher and Thomas Zollicoffre.—Last steps in favour of the prisoners of Lyons,396
CCCXIV.To Cranmer.—He entreats his influence in favour of the person already recommended to the King,398
CCCXV.To Mr. de Marolles.—Christian encouragement and consolation,399
CCCXVI.To Viret.—Extinction of all hope in regard to the prisoners of Lyons,401
CCCXVII.To Bullinger.—Assurances of respect and fraternal affection,402
CCCXVIII.To the Five Prisoners of Lyons.—He exhorts them to steadfastness unto the end, in the assurance of eternal joy reserved in heaven,404
CCCXIX.To Madame de Cany.—Expression of Christian sympathy under trial,408
CCCXX.To the Prisoners of Lyon.—He impresses on them the duty of maintaining their confession of the truth quietly and modestly,411
CCCXXI.To Bullinger.—Expression of regret for the death of the King of England—sad condition of the German Churches,414
CCCXXII.To Farel.—Arrest of Servetus, and institution of the process against him,416
CCCXXIII.To Denis Peloquin and Louis de Marsac.—Information regarding various controverted points—exhortation to fidelity, even unto martyrdom,418
CCCXXIV.To the Esteemed Pastors of the Church of Frankfort.—Request for the destruction of the copies at Frankfort of the book of Servetus,422
CCCXXV.To Viret.—Troubles at Geneva—Berthelier and the chiefs of the Libertins are refused admission to the Lord's Table,423
CCCXXVI.To Bullinger.—Deep anxiety on account of the condition of the English Churches—Conference of the Swiss Churches in regard to Servetus,425
CCCXXVII.To Sulzer.—Statement of the errors of Servetus, and of the duty of the Christian magistrate to repress them,427
CCCXXVIII.To a Captive Woman.—He consoles her under her trials, and exhorts her to use every means to secure her retreat to Geneva,430
CCCXXIX.To the Believers in the Islands.—Religious counsels, and announcement of the sending of a minister,432
CCCXXX.To Farel.—Acknowledgment of Farel's care for the Church of Geneva,434
[14]CCCXXXI.To Farel.—Deliverance by the Swiss Churches regarding Servetus—vain efforts of Calvin to obtain a mitigation of his punishment,435
CCCXXXII.To Mrs. de Pons.—He encourages her to come out of the spiritual bondage in which she is held,436
CCCXXXIII.To Viret.—Recommendation of several English refugees in Switzerland,439
CCCXXXIV.To Bullinger.—Appeal to the Magistrates of Zurich in reference to ecclesiastical discipline—thanks for the aid afforded by the ministers of that Church in the affair of Servetus,440
CCCXXXV.To the Pastors and Doctors of the Church of Zurich.—Account of the struggles at Geneva for the maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline—appeal to the Pastors of Zurich for their influence with the magistrates of that town,442
CCCXXXVI.To Bullinger.—Fresh details regarding ecclesiastical discipline—hope of speedy realization—announcement of the publication of a book against the errors of Servetus,447
CCCXXXVII.To Farel.—Assistance afforded to the faithful refugees in Switzerland—reply of the Churches on the subject of ecclesiastical discipline,448
CCCXXXVIII.To an Italian Woman.—He exhorts her to withdraw, by a voluntary exile, from the persecution and idolatry reigning in Italy,450
CCCXXXIX.To a Lord of Jersey.—Christian exhortations—sending of a minister,453

CALVIN'S LETTERS.


CXLIV.—To Viret.[1]

Unpopularity of Calvin—various advices.

[Geneva, September 1545.]

[Geneva, September 1545.]

When a crowd of the godly had come hither, and I heard some things which it was of great consequence you should know, I wished two of them at once to set out for you. You will understand that Satan seeks by every sort of artful contrivance to keep all men from thinking of succouring these people, and to give a keener edge to the ferocity of the King and courtiers, which is already more than sufficiently whetted against them. The Swiss also are uncommonly severe upon me, not only the pensionaries, but all those who have no other wisdom than that of Epicurus, because, by my importunity, I have drawn down upon their nation the hatred of the King. But may there be nothing of such moment as shall[16] retard us in the discharge of our duty beyond what cannot be avoided.

When a group of the righteous arrived here, and I heard some important things you need to know, I wanted two of them to leave for you right away. You should understand that Satan tries by every possible crafty trick to prevent everyone from thinking about helping these people and to fuel the brutality of the King and his court, which is already more than enough against them. The Swiss are being particularly harsh on me, not just the pensioners, but everyone who has no other wisdom than that of Epicurus, because my persistence has brought their nation the King's hatred. But may nothing so significant arise that it delays us in fulfilling our duty beyond what is unavoidable.

Charles the schoolmaster, on whose account Sebastian abused me, has deserted his post, induced by what prospect I know not. We have appointed Francis his successor; but as he had received one month's payment out of the salary of your school, it seemed the more honourable course that he should previously request permission and his discharge from the Bernese Council, a matter in which, as I trust, there will be no difficulty. A maternal uncle also of our colleague Peter sought a recommendation [for him,] which he brings with him. If you think it called for, you will likewise lend the aid of your suffrage. We have always found him an excellent and ingenuous man, peaceable and modest. He is said, for instance, to have laboured faithfully, and with success, in the vineyard of the Lord in Provence.

Charles the schoolmaster, who was the reason Sebastian mistreated me, has left his job, and I don't know why. We've appointed Francis as his replacement, but since he received a month's pay from your school's funds, it seemed more respectful for him to first ask for permission and his release from the Bernese Council, which I hope won't be an issue. A maternal uncle of our colleague Peter is also looking for a recommendation, which he’s bringing with him. If you think it’s necessary, please add your support. We've always found him to be an excellent and genuine person, peaceful and humble. He is said, for example, to have worked diligently and successfully in the vineyard of the Lord in Provence.

Adieu; may the Lord be ever present with you.—Yours,

Adieu; may the Lord always be with you.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CXLV.—To Mr. de Falais.[2]

Exhortation to glorify God amid poverty and persecution.

[September 1545.]

[September 1545.]

Monsieur,—Although I do not know the state of mind or body in which you are at present, nevertheless, I have good confidence in God that, whether in health or sickness, he gives you strength to overcome all the annoyance you may have to encounter. For you are no novice in the fight, seeing that for[17] a long time past the good Lord has begun to prepare you for it; and nothing has happened to you which you had not looked for beforehand. But it is time to show in reality that when you have set yourself frankly to follow Jesus Christ, you have not done so without being resolved to hold fellowship with him at the cross, since he has done us that honour to be crucified in us, to glorify us with himself. And there is no doubt, even at the time when you were in your own mansion, and in the peaceable enjoyment of your property, you would have had the courage to quit everything had it so pleased him, and that you were of the number of those who use the things of this world as not abusing them, (1 Cor. vii. 31.) But, forasmuch as it is very reasonable that one should be taught by experience to discern what our affection is most set upon, you are to consider that it has been our Lord's will to give you to many others for an example, and, by this means, to glorify his name in you.

Dude,—Even though I’m not sure how you’re feeling right now, I have faith that God will give you the strength to deal with any challenges you face, whether you’re well or unwell. You’re not new to this struggle; the good Lord has been preparing you for a long time now, and nothing has happened that you weren’t expecting. But now it’s time to demonstrate that when you decided to follow Jesus Christ, you committed to sharing in his suffering, since he honored us by being crucified for us, to glorify us alongside himself. There’s no doubt that even when you were comfortably settled in your home and enjoying your possessions, you would have been willing to give up everything if that’s what he wanted, showing you belong to those who use the things of this world as not abusing them, (1 Cor. vii. 31.) However, since it makes sense to learn from experience what we truly value, you should recognize that it has pleased our Lord to make you an example to others and, through this, to glorify his name in you.

On the other hand, we know not what it is to part with everything for the love of him, until he has brought us to the test. True it is, that he who has taken off his affection from the goods of this world has already sold all, and has made himself poor, so far as depends upon himself; but the fruit and the proof of this spiritual poverty are, patiently to endure the loss of worldly goods, and without any regret, when it pleases our heavenly Father that we should be despoiled of them. I do not set these things before you as to one who is ignorant, or who has need of lengthy remonstrances, but for the love that I bear you, of which God is my witness. I take comfort along with you, as I also suffer in your person.

On the other hand, we don't really know what it's like to give up everything for his love until we've been tested. It's true that someone who has let go of their attachment to worldly possessions has already given everything up and made themselves poor in that sense. However, the evidence and true measure of this spiritual poverty is to patiently endure the loss of material things without regret when our heavenly Father decides it's time for us to be stripped of them. I'm not saying this to you as if you're unaware or need a long explanation, but out of the love I have for you, which God can confirm. I find comfort alongside you, as I also feel your pain.

The time then is arrived when you must manifest that you reckon all things no more than dung, that you may reach forward to Him who not only has bestowed on you all his benefits, but also himself. And since God has permitted that you should be disburdened of a part of your worldly goods, you are to consider that he has clearly perceived that, for the present, they would prove a useless fardel for you. I say a part, albeit that, as it were, the whole has been snatched away from you, yet, so that there remains, as I hope, an abundance for your use. These[18] whirlpools, however, which engulf the whole world, have daily greater want than those whose substance they have swallowed down.

The time has come for you to show that you see all things as nothing more than garbage, so you can reach out to Him who has not only given you all His blessings but also Himself. And since God has allowed you to let go of some of your worldly possessions, you should understand that He has clearly seen that, for now, they would be a useless burden for you. I say "some," even though it feels like you've lost everything, yet I hope you still have plenty left for your needs. These[18] whirlpools, however, that consume the entire world, are in greater need each day than those whose substance they have swallowed.

In short, you have not been lessened one whit, seeing that our Lord, while teaching you that your inheritance is in heaven, has made provision for what might be useful for the life of the body, by bestowing contentment upon you, and, as regards property, more than was needful to make you contented. If the whole should be taken away from you, there would yet remain the consolation to which we must chiefly betake ourselves, namely, to yield ourselves up entirely. It is certain, that having the Son of God, we suffer no injury in being deprived of all else: for thus highly ought we indeed to prize him. But further, since this kind Saviour has so benignly upheld you, that while calling you to the fellowship of his cross, he has provided for your worldly comfort, it is quite fitting that you submit yourself to his good pleasure, and, besides, rejoice that in being minished, so far as the world is concerned, you are thereby so much the more exalted before him and his angels. For howsoever the world strives, by all means, to bury Jesus Christ in ignominy, his burial cannot be otherwise than glorious, not only in himself, but also in his members. Let us therefore endure personal humiliation, as shall seem good to him. But my letters would never come to an end were I to follow out the drift of this discourse. Therefore, Monseigneur, after having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I pray our good Lord that he would so work in you now more powerfully than ever, to make you despise all that is in the world, and to make you breathe upwards direct to him with your whole heart, without being turned aside by anything whatsoever, making you taste what is the worth of the hope which he reserves for us in heaven; and that it may please him to lighten your burden as regards the body, in order that you may be all the better disposed, well to meditate upon the favours he has bestowed upon you, and to take delight in them, acknowledging the love which he has shewn you. My wife, who is sick in bed, begs also to be humbly commended to your kind remembrance. This bearer, who is of the better sort, and of the[19] stamp such as you require, will inform you more at large concerning our state.

In short, you haven’t lost anything, since our Lord, while teaching you that your true home is in heaven, has also provided what’s necessary for your physical life, giving you contentment and, regarding material things, more than you need to be satisfied. Even if everything were taken away from you, you would still have the comfort we should focus on most, which is to fully surrender ourselves. It’s clear that having the Son of God means we suffer no harm by being deprived of everything else; we should indeed value him highly. Moreover, since this kind Savior has graciously supported you, calling you to share in his cross while ensuring your worldly comfort, it’s only right that you submit to his will and, in your decrease in worldly matters, find joy in being exalted before him and his angels. No matter how hard the world tries to shame Jesus Christ, his burial can only be glorious, both for him and for his followers. Therefore, let us endure personal humiliation as he sees fit. However, my letters would go on forever if I were to continue this train of thought. So, Monseigneur, after humbly asking for your kind consideration, I pray that our good Lord would now work in you more powerfully than ever, making you disregard all worldly things and direct your heart wholly to him, without being distracted by anything, allowing you to truly understand the value of the hope he keeps for us in heaven. I also pray that he lightens your physical burdens, so you can better reflect on the blessings he has given you and take joy in them, recognizing the love he has shown you. My wife, who is sick in bed, also sends her humble regards. This messenger, who is of good standing and of the quality you require, will provide you with more detailed information about our situation.

Your humble brother, servant, and assured friend,

Your devoted brother, servant, and loyal friend,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CXLVI.—To Ms. de Falais.

Congratulations on the constancy manifested by her in the midst of trials—salutations from the suffering Idelette de Bure.

From Geneva, this 18th September [1545.]

From Geneva, this September 18, 1545.

Madame,—I have not leisure to write at such length as I willingly would, on account of the state in which we are. The present letter shall be solely to praise our good Lord for the trust which he has bestowed on you, enlarging your heart in the midst of anxieties, by which it might have been tried, without your having his comfort from on high. Whatsoever may happen, if we have the patience to hearken to our Saviour, he will always give us wherewithal to rejoice our spirits, and will make us taste and feel, in a lively way, that it is not in vain that he has promised to make us unconquerable in tribulations. Now, then, learn in reality what that beautiful promise is worth, that we are indeed happy, when all the world shall speak ill of us, and shall hate us, and shall persecute us for his name's sake. Therefore it is, that he has prepared you, long before exposing you to danger. To this truth it is that you must now recur, that you may acquiesce in it; and, indeed, he is actually leading you thither by the hand.

Ma'am,—I don’t have the time to write as much as I'd like because of our current situation. This letter will only serve to praise our good Lord for the trust he has placed in you, expanding your heart despite the anxieties that could have tested you, without you receiving his comfort from above. No matter what happens, if we can be patient and listen to our Savior, he will always give us a reason to uplift our spirits, and will make us truly feel that his promise to make us unbeatable in times of trouble is real. Now, understand what that beautiful promise really means: we are truly blessed when the whole world speaks badly of us, hates us, and persecutes us for his name. That’s why he prepared you long before putting you in harm's way. You need to remember this truth so you can find peace in it; indeed, he is guiding you there step by step.

Wherefore are we not together, to provoke Satan, by meditating upon the things which may well cause us spiritual rejoicing, and give us matter for glorying more than ever, even when we are utterly discomfited according to the world's estimation? But I am aware that you have no need of my fellowship in that; and besides, I say so, more to content myself than because of your necessity. Above all, understand that now the hour is come when you must shew what a helpmeet you are to Monseigneur your husband, in such a sort that he may always have[20] occasion to bless God, as he has had hitherto, for having provided him with such a support. I say this, because I consider that it is the principal one that God has left him as regards the creature, without having deprived him of all. I see clearly, though absent, by what zeal you are urged forward to acquit yourself of duty, and what trouble you take to employ yourself therein. For which reason, what I now speak is not so much by way of exhortation as, while congratulating, to uphold you in that good courage which God has given.

Why aren’t we together to challenge Satan by thinking about the things that can truly bring us spiritual joy and give us a reason to celebrate, even when the world sees us as completely defeated? But I know you don’t need my support for that; I mention it more to satisfy myself than because you require it. Above all, understand that the time has come for you to show how supportive you are to your husband, so that he always has[20] reasons to thank God, just like he has in the past, for providing him with such a support system. I say this because I believe it is the most significant thing God has given him in terms of companionship. Even from a distance, I can see the enthusiasm driving you to fulfill your responsibilities and the effort you put into doing so. That’s why my comments now are not so much an admonition but more of a way to congratulate you and bolster the good strength that God has granted you.

I address to your care some reply which I have made to the sister of Monseigneur, who is at Mons, to a communication which she sent lately to the wife of Saint-André. If it seem good to you, you can cause forward it to her, with this which I send to the sister of Monsieur David. I submit the whole to your good discretion.

I’m sending you a response I made to Monseigneur's sister, who is in Mons, regarding a message she recently sent to Saint-André's wife. If you think it's appropriate, feel free to send it to her along with what I’m sending to Monsieur David's sister. I leave it all to your good judgment.

To conclude, Madame and very honoured sister, after having affectionately commended me to your kind favour, and having also presented to you the humble commendations of my wife, who lies sick in bed, I entreat our good Lord to fill you with all grace, daily to increase his glory in you, and to triumph in your constancy, in order that finally we may be also partakers of his glory which he has promised us.

To wrap up, dear sister, after warmly recommending me to your kindness and also passing on my wife's humble regards, as she is currently unwell in bed, I pray our good Lord fills you with all His grace, continually enhances His glory in you, and helps you remain steadfast, so that in the end we may also share in the glory He has promised us.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your humble brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CXLVII.—To Mr. de Falais.[3]

Vanity of trust reposed in the princes of this world—confidence in God.

Monseigneur,—I hope that, when these present shall reach you, they will find you, by the favour of our kind Lord, in such state of mind and bodily health as we desire, and likewise Madame your wife. The news, however, which we have had[21] of the sickness of both has grieved us, and will do so until we receive other which may gladden us. Besides, there is reason indeed that we should live and that we should die to Him who has purchased, in order to be every way glorified in us, and that we shew practically that we are his, submitting ourselves entirely to him in true obedience, which is not in our power to do without resigning and giving up our persons to him, so that he dispose of them as shall seem good to himself. If it please him to prolong life, we must prepare to see much poverty in the Christian Church. We see the dispersion and complete disorder there is in it at present. Hope of amendment there appears none on the side of the world; for to befool one's-self in relying upon princes, that is labour lost. They have, besides, so many hindrances, that they have not leisure to think about what ought to be the chief consideration of all. In short, they are entirely taken up with their civil state, for the sake of which they will persecute Jesus Christ, thinking that there is no other method of maintaining it. It will be nothing new, however, if, though only for shame's sake, they should make a pretence of applying a remedy for such horrible confusion, on account of which both heaven and earth cry out. Wherefore, it only remains for us to pray God that it may please him to strengthen us with true constancy in the midst of these scandals, in such a way that nothing may seduce us, but that we may persevere always. And also, that he would look in pity upon his Church, and put forth the hand to lift her up again, fulfilling that which the prophet has said, that seeing that he had no helper among men, he has put forth the strength of his arm, (Isa. lix. 16.)

Your Honor,—I hope that when this message reaches you, it finds you, with the grace of our kind Lord, in the state of mind and health that we wish for you and your wife. However, the news we've received about both of your illnesses has saddened us, and we will remain troubled until we hear something that brings us joy. Furthermore, we have every reason to live and die for Him who has bought us to be glorified in every way, and we must show through our actions that we belong to Him, fully submitting ourselves to Him in genuine obedience. We can't achieve this without surrendering ourselves to Him so that He can manage our lives as He sees fit. If it pleases Him to grant us longer life, we must prepare for a lot of struggles in the Christian Church. We see the chaos and division that currently exist within it. There seems to be no hope for improvement from the world; it’s pointless to fool ourselves by relying on rulers, as that effort will only go to waste. They face so many obstacles that they have no time to consider what should be their main focus. In short, they are completely consumed by their political concerns, for which they will persecute Jesus Christ, wrongly believing that this is the only way to sustain it. However, it wouldn’t be surprising if, at least out of shame, they pretended to seek solutions for such terrible disorder, which both heaven and earth are lamenting. Therefore, all we can do is pray to God that He grants us true strength amidst these scandals, so that nothing can lead us astray but that we may always persevere. We also ask that He looks mercifully upon His Church and extends His hand to lift her up again, fulfilling what the prophet said, that since He had no helper among men, He brought forth the strength of His arm, (Isa. lix. 16.)

In conclusion, let us employ ourselves in his service, labouring without growing weary or losing courage, until he call us away into that blessed rest where we have contentment in himself, delighting ourselves in the labours we shall have undergone, receiving then the recompense of reward which shall be there revealed to us.

In conclusion, let's commit ourselves to his service, working hard without getting tired or losing hope, until he calls us into that blessed rest where we find satisfaction in him, enjoying the efforts we've made, and receiving the rewards that will be revealed to us then.

Now therefore, Monsieur, after humble commendation to your favour and that of Madame, I beseech the good Lord to uphold you in real prosperity, continuing his graces in you,[22] so that to the end you may be instruments of his glory, and that he may be your sanctification.

Now, Monsieur, after respectfully extending my commendation to you and Madame, I pray that the good Lord blesses you with true prosperity and continues to grant you His grace, [22] so that you may be instruments of His glory until the end, and may He be your source of sanctification.

Your servant and humble brother ever,

Your servant and humble brother always,

Charles d'Espeville.

Charles d'Espeville.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CXLVIII.—To Farel.[4]

Captivity of Farel's brother—ravages of the plague in Geneva.

[September 1545.]

[September 1545.]

You will hear sad news; for this person will inform you that your brother Gautier[5] is lying in fetters, and in imminent peril of his life. The very thing that I always feared, and that I foretold would occur, has happened; and in this I regret that I have not proved a false prophet. But of what avail are such complaints? With regard to helping him, I do not know how far it is in the power of the Bernese to do so, nor what, at this time, they may be willing to undertake. You will know these things better than I. There is no hope of obtaining any seasonable assistance from Germany, unless by means of John Sturm, who, however well disposed he may be towards the cause, is not, so far as things have gone, friendly to your brother. Would that you had thought better, while there was time, of what it is to offend a friend who deserved well. Besides, you are not ignorant of the fact, that there are servile persons who wish, at this time of the day, to approve their obsequiousness to the princes. Yet, if you shall be of opinion that it will be useful to attempt something in that quarter, your influence with Sturm himself is great. You have, however, your own Bucer, to whom he never ventured to refuse anything; but it is a long circuit. Let him, therefore, accelerate the movements of the Bernese, lest the remedy come too late.

You’re going to hear some bad news; this person will tell you that your brother Gautier[5] is in chains and in serious danger of dying. The very thing I always feared, and warned you would happen, has taken place; and I regret that I couldn’t be proven wrong. But what good are such complaints? I’m not sure how much the Bernese can help him or what they might be willing to do right now. You know these things better than I do. There’s no hope of getting any timely help from Germany unless through John Sturm, who, although well-disposed to the cause, hasn’t been particularly friendly to your brother so far. I wish you had thought better of offending a friend who deserved better while you still had the chance. Also, you know there are some servants who want to prove their loyalty to the princes at this time. However, if you think it’s worth trying something in that direction, you have a lot of influence with Sturm. You also have your own Bucer, whom he never refused anything; but that’s a bit of a detour. So let him speed up the efforts of the Bernese, or the help might come too late.

We are surprised that we have had no announcement regarding[23] yourself. Viret made me aware of the resolution that had been come to by the brethren; but, as far as I can gather from his letter, nothing has been done in the Council. How long, therefore, will the matter remain in doubt? Here, as you know, we are in great straits: you are away from us; Matthæus is occupied in the hospital for those who are suffering from the plague. In the meantime, while we are calling upon you to come, we have lost our very excellent brother and most faithful colleague Geniston.[6] What if the others should likewise be taken away? What if one only should survive, [I myself?] What if the ministers be shut up by themselves, through the absurd superstition of our townsmen?—just as lately a large number was within a little of being so confined. Consider, therefore, these our difficulties, lest you put us off longer than is right. But what Viret mentions that your people have added, viz: that you are conceded to us, on the condition of our being able to bring about the succession of Toussain, is certainly ridiculous; for what can we do in that matter, or in what way shall we attempt the business? The short of it is, we by no means prescribe a definite time, but we desire you to use your utmost diligence to disengage yourself from the place where you are, in order that you may forthwith repair to us unfettered;[7] for we are now sadly in want of your presence, as you may judge from our condition. The wife of Geniston is, at the same time, in the death-throes, his little girl is wearing away, and his little boy is now given over....

We’re surprised that there’s been no announcement about you. Viret informed me about the decision made by the group; however, from what I can gather from his letter, nothing has happened in the Council. So, how long will this situation remain unclear? As you know, we’re in a tough spot here: you’re away, and Matthæus is busy at the hospital caring for plague victims. Meanwhile, while we’re urging you to come, we've lost our excellent brother and most faithful colleague, Geniston. What if the others are also taken from us? What if only one of us survives, [I myself?] What if the ministers are isolated due to the ridiculous superstitions of our townspeople?—just recently, a large number almost ended up being confined. So please consider our challenges and don’t delay longer than necessary. However, what Viret mentions that your people have added, that you’ll come to us only if we can arrange for Toussain’s succession, is laughable; how can we even handle that, and how would we go about it? In short, we aren't setting a specific deadline, but we want you to do everything you can to free yourself from where you are so you can join us immediately; we desperately need your presence, as you can see from our situation. Geniston's wife is currently in labor, his little girl is fading away, and his little boy is already given up on...

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CXLIX.—To Viret.

Dispersion of the School at Geneva—contests at Neuchatel on the subject of church property—Calvin's opinion of Farel.

24th October 1545.

October 24, 1545.

We shall wait until you either restore Francis to us, or send Erasmus. As, meanwhile, the school is dispersed,[8] you must make haste. If both of these courses appear to you tedious, or attended with difficulty, briefly signify so to us; for I will send for a person from Strasbourg, who, in my opinion, will be suitable, although I would rather have taken one from this quarter. With regard to the assistant-teacher, I do not venture upon anything, because it will be more satisfactory that the person who has the superintendence of the school shall have the unfettered power of selecting whom he chooses.

We will wait until you either bring Francis back to us or send Erasmus. In the meantime, since the school is scattered,[8] you need to be quick. If both options seem too slow or difficult for you, just let us know; I will arrange for someone from Strasbourg, who I think would be a good fit, even though I would prefer to choose someone from this area. As for the assistant-teacher, I won’t make any decisions, because it’s better for the person overseeing the school to have the freedom to choose whoever they want.

I had excused myself to Farel, but he remains fixed in his purpose.[9] It would not only be ridiculous, but bordering on imprudence, to undertake to correct in the Neuchatelese a vice which here we are not able to cure. I had given it as my advice, that it would be better to draw up a memorial, in which the Princes should promise that they would be always ready to make restitution, if an agreement could be come to regarding legitimate administration. In the next place, I advised them, under this pretext, to put a stop to those profane alienations, in order that the matter might be left undecided until a more favourable time. Farel replies, that the authority of the Princes will not avail much. What confidence then will our letter produce? He further urges me to enter into communication with Bucer, in order to obtain from the Council of Strasbourg a letter to the Council of Berne to this purport:—That[25] it had been pointed out to them that the Neuchatelese did very wrong in squandering the goods of the Church; and that it was the duty of the Bernese to check this license. He hopes that a letter of that nature would also do good at Berne. I, on the contrary, hardly think that the people of Strasbourg would write such a letter, as they would be afraid of increasing the sore. In the next place, if they should write, do we not know that their admonition would be laughed at? And, although the Bernese were in the highest degree desirous to remedy this fault of the Neuchatelese, with what face could they set about it? I have to implore that they will not venture to reprehend in others that which they pertinaciously defend as lawfully done by themselves. I may therefore say of Farel what Cicero said of Cato, "That he acts indeed with good judgment, but in counsel does not always shew the best." The cause of this is chiefly, that being carried away by the vehemence of his zeal, he does not always discern what is expedient, and either does not foresee dangers, or despises them; and there is to be added the evil, that he cannot bear with patience those who do not comply with his wishes. But what could I do? for I will not be induced to undertake anything which I think will be of injurious tendency.

I had excused myself to Farel, but he remains set on his goal.[9] It would not only be foolish, but also somewhat reckless, to try to fix a problem in the Neuchâtelese that we can’t resolve here. I had suggested that it would be better to draft a memorial where the Princes promise they would always be ready to make restitution if an agreement could be reached about proper management. Next, I advised them, under this pretext, to stop those wrongful disposals, so that the issue could remain unresolved until a better time. Farel responds that the authority of the Princes won’t matter much. What confidence will our letter inspire then? He also pushes me to contact Bucer to get a letter from the Council of Strasbourg to the Council of Berne stating that[25] they pointed out the Neuchâtelese were wrong to waste the Church's property; and that it was the Bernese's duty to curb this excess. He hopes that a letter like that would also have a positive impact in Berne. I, on the other hand, seriously doubt the people of Strasbourg would write such a letter, as they’d fear making things worse. Furthermore, if they did write, don’t we know that their warning would be ignored? And even if the Bernese were extremely eager to correct this mistake of the Neuchâtelese, how could they possibly do it without looking foolish? I must urge them not to criticize in others what they stubbornly defend as lawful for themselves. So I can say about Farel what Cicero said of Cato, "He acts with good judgment, but doesn’t always show the best in counsel." The reason for this is mainly that, driven by his intense zeal, he doesn’t always recognize what’s practical, and often either overlooks dangers or dismisses them. Additionally, he struggles to be patient with those who don’t agree with him. But what can I do? I won’t be persuaded to take on anything that I believe would be harmful.

Christopher will tell you about Champereau,[10] and I will write when the matter has come to an end. Adieu, most excellent brother, and most sincere friend. I have not yet had an opportunity of meeting Amédée. I will, however, fulfil your commission.—Adieu, again, including your wife, aunt, and brothers. The co-presbyters, my wife, and the neighbours respectfully salute you.—Yours,

Christopher will share updates about Champereau,[10] and I will write when everything is settled. Goodbye, my dear brother and true friend. I haven’t had a chance to meet Amédée yet. However, I will take care of your request. — Goodbye again, to you, your wife, aunt, and brothers. The co-presbyters, my wife, and the neighbors send their regards. — Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. copyLibrary of Geneva. Vol. 111.]

[Lat. copyGeneva Library. Vol. 111.]


CL.—To Mr. de Falais.

Prayers for his restoration to health.

From Geneva, this 26th of October [1545.]

From Geneva, this October 26, 1545.

Monseigneur,—I hope that, according to what Antony Maillet has latterly informed us, you are better in body and mind than usual, for which I thank our good Lord, beseeching him fully to confirm you; for I doubt not but the sickness has left a long trail of feebleness. But He who has begun to raise you up, will perfect, as I hope, what he has begun by his infinite goodness, as well to grant the prayers of his servants as to shut the mouth of the wicked, so that they take not occasion to say that you have been overcome by their temptation; for you are aware that they want not great colour for their blasphemy. Therefore, God will shew them that he has fitted you to receive still greater assaults, if there is need; and in the meanwhile, will grant us the favour to enjoy a longer time of you to our singular consolation. When we shall have tidings from yourselves, they will rejoice us still more.

Your Honor,—I hope that, according to what Antony Maillet has recently told us, you are feeling better in both body and mind than usual. I thank our good Lord for this and ask Him to strengthen you; I worry that the illness has left lingering weakness. But He who has started to lift you up will, I hope, complete what He has begun through His infinite goodness, both to grant the prayers of His servants and to silence the wicked, so they cannot claim that you have given in to their temptations; you know they don’t need much excuse for their blasphemy. Therefore, God will show them that you are equipped to withstand even greater trials if needed, and in the meantime, will grant us the blessing of enjoying more time with you for our comfort. We will be even more joyful when we hear from you.

In the meantime, Monsieur, after having humbly commended me to your kind favour and that of Madame, and having presented to both of you the kind remembrances of a woman brought back to life, I beseech our gracious Lord to have you always in his holy keeping, multiplying his graces in you daily, to the glory of his name.

In the meantime, Sir, after humbly asking for your kind favor and that of Madam, and after sending both of you warm regards from a woman who has been brought back to life, I pray that our gracious Lord always keeps you in his care, pouring out his blessings on you every day, for the glory of his name.

Your humble brother, servant, and entire friend,

Your devoted brother, servant, and true friend,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLI.—To Farel.

News from Germany—journey of the French Ambassadors to Geneva—details concerning the condition of the town.

Geneva, 26th January 1546.

Geneva, January 26, 1546.

There is nothing from your brothers since they passed through this place. I briefly indicated my opinion to Viret about the choice of a colleague for you. I am afraid that further delay may involve a long train of inconveniences, which[27] I should wish to be guarded against. Feron, our brother,[11] so far as I see, will never have quiet of mind until he is translated elsewhere. I had made mention of him to Viret, but it will be for you to consider the matter.

There hasn’t been any word from your brothers since they came through here. I briefly shared my thoughts with Viret about choosing a colleague for you. I’m worried that any more delays could lead to a long series of issues that I’d like to avoid. Feron, our brother, will not find peace of mind until he’s moved elsewhere. I mentioned him to Viret, but it’s up to you to think it over.

My brother brought back no news from Germany, except that the Ratisbon Assembly pretends that our party continue their deliberations at Frankfort,[12] and the confident report of a league, or at least a friendly alliance, between your party and the King. The Emperor was also said to be laid up with gout in the feet or hands. The King's ambassador in that quarter, when passing through, supped with me. We talked together familiarly, for he acknowledges being under some obligation to me. I again, however, urge you to beware lest our friends prove too compliant. I point to the license that prevails over the whole kingdom, of taking cruel measures against the godly. We will await the issue. You are aware that the Pope is now busying himself that, by means of false pretences, a council may be held at Trent; we do not, however, hear that there is to be a full convocation.

My brother brought back no news from Germany, except that the Ratisbon Assembly claims our side is still discussing things in Frankfurt,[12] and there's a confident report of a pact, or at least a friendly alliance, between your side and the King. The Emperor was also said to be dealing with gout in his feet or hands. The King's ambassador in that area, when passing through, had dinner with me. We spoke casually since he feels he owes me something. However, I urge you again to be careful that our allies don't become too yielding. I highlight the rampant license across the kingdom to take cruel actions against the righteous. We'll wait to see how things unfold. You know the Pope is currently trying to organize a council at Trent under false pretenses; however, we haven't heard of a full convocation being planned.

I wish that even one day could be given to a conference on our affairs. As this, however, is for the present impossible, do not needlessly vex yourself, should many reports be spread abroad. There was, indeed, a time when we were on our guard, when our party appointed sentinels for the gates, and were usually more careful in keeping watch.[13] But they inconsiderately gave a signal of alarm, without my knowledge, however, and when I had not the smallest suspicion that anything of the[28] kind would take place.[14] Seizing the opportunity, our neighbours [the Bernese] run to our aid, and most unreservedly offer their assistance. No one had any suspicion of kindness so obliging. Our friends make no communication to me, and after speeches had been made backwards and forwards, an agreement is come to between the parties. Shortly afterwards, there arrives a new embassy with the most monstrous commissions. The captain of the garrison, proffered by the Bernese, with his proposals, having met with a refusal, has quitted the city.[15] I am now aware how many various reports are everywhere circulated, but I see no danger. Should you hear anything, deny confidently the existence of any sort of alliance between us. For presently, when they become ashamed of themselves, they will have recourse to the old arts, saying that they are unjustly defamed, &c. I can hardly persuade our friends that there is need of deeds on our side; nor is this wonderful, for in other things they act foolishly in spite of my remonstrances. Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. Salute for me, in the kindest manner, all your co-presbyters and your family. May the Lord direct all of you by his Spirit, and preserve you safe.

I wish we could have at least one day dedicated to a conference about our situation. Since that's not possible right now, don't stress yourself out if you hear a lot of rumors. There was a time when we were careful, when our group appointed watchmen at the gates and paid close attention to everything.[13] But they carelessly raised the alarm without my knowledge, and I had no idea anything was happening.[28][14] Taking advantage of this, our neighbors [the Bernese] rushed to help us and offered their assistance without hesitation. No one expected such kindness. Our friends didn't communicate anything to me, and after discussions back and forth, an agreement was reached between the parties. Soon after, a new delegation arrived with outrageous demands. The captain of the garrison, sent by the Bernese with his proposals, was turned down and has left the city.[15] I know now how many different rumors are circulating, but I see no real danger. If you hear anything, confidently deny that any kind of agreement exists between us. Because soon, when they feel embarrassed about their actions, they'll resort to their old tricks, claiming they're unjustly accused, etc. I can hardly convince our friends that we need to take action; it's no wonder, considering they often act foolishly despite my warnings. Goodbye, brother and dearest friend. Please send my warm regards to all your fellow elders and your family. May the Lord guide you all with His Spirit and keep you safe.

The impostor who had undertaken to carry Bucer's letter to you, stopped at Montbeliard, nor would he ever have conveyed it to you, had not my brother purposely set out for that place, because he had in his keeping another of far greater moment. He is a worker in gold by trade, but a fellow who is deserving of the gallows.

The impostor who took on the task of delivering Bucer's letter to you stopped at Montbeliard and wouldn't have delivered it to you if my brother hadn't intentionally gone there, as he had another, much more important letter with him. He works in gold by trade, but he's a guy who deserves to hang.

I am so far convalescent as to be able for preaching and lecturing, but am kept busy with arrears.[16]

I’m recovering enough to preach and give lectures, but I’m really busy catching up on other things.[16]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLII.—To Mr. de Falais.[17]

Calvin dedicates to him one of his Commentaries.

[January 1546.[18]]

[January 1546.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Monseigneur,—Since my written letter, I have changed my mind, touching the epistle dedicatory of my Commentary, because it is a great trouble and difficulty to be forced to fill up so many pages and no more; I therefore send it altogether, nevertheless, with this condition, that it shall not be printed but by your command. Wherefore, I enclose it in the present letter, in order that Vendelin[19] may not have it but from your hands. Should it not appear fitting that I address it to you, I shall make a new one, on being advertised to that effect. As for the rest, do not be astonished if I speak with brevity of you, for I would fear to touch some thorns in entering further on the subject. But according as circumstances will bear it, we can, should it so please God, on a second impression, discourse fully and say all that there shall be need for. Howbeit, I would greatly desire, if it might so please God, to be with you for three or four days, to confer by word of mouth rather than by writing. Possibly it is folly on my part to think that my presence can be of any service to you. But why so? while the power may be wanting, affection makes me speak thus. These wishes, however, are more easy to form than to fulfil. So let us be content with what God gives us.

Your Highness,—Since I wrote to you, I've changed my mind about the dedicatory letter for my Commentary. It's quite a hassle to fill so many pages, so I'm sending the whole thing anyway, with the condition that it won’t be printed without your approval. I'm including it with this letter so that Vendelin[19] won’t receive it until it comes from you. If you think it’s not appropriate for me to address it to you, I’ll write a new one upon your suggestion. As for the rest, please don’t be surprised if I mention you briefly; I'm hesitant to dig deeper into certain delicate matters. However, if circumstances allow, we can have a more thorough discussion about everything necessary during a second printing, if it pleases God. I would really love, if it pleases God, to spend three or four days with you to talk in person instead of through writing. Maybe it’s foolish of me to think my presence could be helpful to you, but I speak this way out of affection despite any limitations I might have. Still, these desires are easier to express than to realize. Let’s just be content with what God gives us.

Yesterday we had news here of the defeat of four thousand English by five hundred light horse. But it is from France.[20]

Yesterday we heard that four thousand English soldiers were defeated by five hundred light cavalry. But this news is from France.[20]

Monseigneur, after having humbly commended me anew to your kind favour, and that of Madame, I pray always our Lord that he would uphold you in his glory.

Monseigneur, after humbly asking for your kindness once again, and that of Madame, I always pray to our Lord that he supports you in his glory.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLIII.—To John Frellon.[21]

Rupture of the Relations between Calvin and Servetus.

This 13th of February 1546.

February 13, 1546.

Seigneur Jehan,—By cause that your last letter was brought to me at my going away, I had not leisure to reply to what was inclosed therein. Since my return, at the first leisure that I have had, I have been quite willing to satisfy your desire; not that I have had great hope of late of being profitable to a certain person, judging from the disposition in which I see him to be; but in order to try once more if there shall be any means of bringing him back, which will be, when God shall have wrought in him so effectually, that he has become entirely another man. Since he has written to me in so proud a spirit, I would fain[31] have beaten down his pride a little, speaking more harshly to him than is my wont; but I could scarcely do otherwise. For I do assure you that there is no lesson which is more necessary for him than to learn humility, which must come to him from the Spirit of God, not otherwise. But we must observe a measure here also. If God grants that favour to him and to us, that the present answer turns to his profit, I shall have whereof to rejoice. If he persists in the same style as he has now done, you will lose time in asking me to bestow labour upon him, for I have other affairs which press upon me more closely; and I would make a matter of conscience of it, not to busy myself further, having no doubt that it was a temptation of Satan to distract and withdraw me from other more useful reading. And therefore I beg you to content yourself with what I have done in the matter, unless you see some better order to be taken therein.

Lord John,—Since your last letter reached me just as I was leaving, I didn’t have the time to respond to what was included. Now that I’m back and have had some time to think, I’m more than willing to fulfill your request; not that I have high hopes of being able to help a certain individual, considering how I see him acting lately; but I want to make one last attempt to bring him back, if God can truly change him, so that he becomes a completely different person. Since he wrote to me with such arrogance, I would have preferred to humble him a bit, addressing him more sternly than usual; but I found it hard to do otherwise. I assure you, there’s no lesson more essential for him than to learn humility, which can only come from the Spirit of God. However, we must also be careful. If God allows this situation to benefit him and us, I will have reason to celebrate. But if he continues with his current attitude, asking me to invest my time in him will be pointless, as I have other pressing matters to attend to; and I can't justify focusing on him any longer, believing that it might just be a temptation from Satan to distract me from more worthwhile pursuits. Therefore, I ask you to be satisfied with what I’ve done so far unless you have a better approach in mind.

Wherefore, after my commendation to you, I beseech our good Lord to have you in his keeping.

Wherefore, after my best wishes for you, I ask our good Lord to watch over you.

Your servant and hearty friend,

Your loyal friend,

Charles d'Espeville.

Charles d'Espeville.

[Printed—Nouveaux Mémoires de l' Abbé d' Artigny, tom. ii. p. 70.]

[Printed—Nouveaux Mémoires de l' Abbé d' Artigny, vol. ii, p. 70.]


CLIV.—To Farel.

Reply to various questions—terrible threat against Servetus—imprisonment of one of the leaders of the Libertins.

Geneva, 13th February 1546.

Geneva, February 13, 1546.

You will be at ease regarding your brothers since you received the letter of Claude. The messenger who brought it asked whether mine would be ready when I returned from sermon, after three o'clock. I replied in the negative; but I bid him dine at my house with my wife, as I myself had been invited to dine with Macrin. I promised to be with him immediately after dinner, to make a brief reply. He did not come [to my house,] but hurried away without waiting a moment, so that I was confounded by so sudden a departure. And yet the youth[32] had not appeared to me to behave badly in general. I trust the reflection may occur to your brothers, that they have been thus extricated from all their difficulties by the hand of God, in order that they make the greater haste [in the work.] It did not become the Israelites, when a way was opened up to them, to show remissness in immediately girding themselves for flight.[22] Such would have been the burden of my epistle had not the messenger deceived me; but I am confident that they are burning with ardour of their own accord. I now come to your own contests.[23] If the ungodly still occasion you some trouble, when that letter shall arrive, I have briefly expressed in it what I think should be your mode of proceeding. I should wish, however, the matter to be discussed viva voce; and that, thereupon, the result, or something like it, be committed to writing. You will perhaps smile because I suggest nothing out of the common, as you looked for something recondite and elevated at my hands; but I do not wish, nor, besides, is it right to be fettered by your estimate of me. I had rather, however, be foolish by so writing, than by my silence lead you to suppose that your entreaties were neglected by me. If nothing can be effected by reasoning, and in this lawful way, the Bernese must be privately prevailed upon not to allow that wild beast to go out of its den. I do not sufficiently comprehend your meaning regarding a treaty, unless it be, as I conjecture, that you are turning your thoughts to some sort of alliance, with a view to your receiving the assistance of the Bernese; and that just as they guard the liberty of the people by the law of the state, so they may protect ministers in their office by some title which commands respect. If that be provided for, I do not disapprove of [the alliance.] Bear in mind, that recourse should be had to those extraordinary remedies only when there is the exculpatory plea of an ultimate necessity. In the next place, be very cautious[33] lest anything you do be such as may injure your interests in time to come. You may have greater cause of regret in that you once received aid, and were parties to a compact, than if you were to remain in your original servitude. Marcourt has, without doubt, already promised a place for himself; for he publicly proclaims that he does not regard the consent of the brethren, since he is desired, both by magistrates and people, and he has no doubt but that they are indignant against you. Finally, since he prematurely discloses the wickedness of his character, he must be repulsed by all artifices, lest he rise to a position in which he is able to perform what he threatens. With regard to those who gave out that we were establishing here a permanent seat of despotism, under colour of defence, let us suffer this rumour to spread on both sides. Their impudence has been met with civility and mildness, so that they ought to be ashamed of themselves.[24] I trust that they will keep quiet. I seek, as far as I am able, to persuade our friends to remain unconcerned. Servetus lately wrote to me, and coupled with his letter a long volume of his delirious fancies, with the Thrasonic boast, that I should see something astonishing and unheard of. He takes it upon him to come hither, if it be agreeable to me. But I am unwilling to pledge my word for his safety, for if he shall come, I shall never permit him to depart alive, provided my authority be of any avail.[25]

You should feel relaxed about your brothers now that you've got Claude's letter. The messenger who delivered it asked if mine would be ready when I got back from the sermon after three o'clock. I said no, but I invited him to dinner at my house with my wife since I'd been invited to dine with Macrin. I promised to meet him right after dinner to give a brief reply. He didn't come over but rushed off without waiting even a moment, which left me quite shocked by such a sudden exit. Still, the young man hadn’t seemed to act poorly overall. I hope your brothers realize that they've been pulled out of their troubles by God's hand so they can work faster. The Israelites shouldn't have hesitated to prepare for their escape once a way was opened up for them. Such would have been the main point of my letter if the messenger hadn't misled me; however, I'm sure they are eager on their own. Now, let's talk about your own struggles. If the wicked are still causing you trouble when that letter arrives, I've briefly laid out what I think should be your approach. However, I'd prefer to discuss it in person, and then write down the outcome or something similar. You might smile because I’m not suggesting anything out of the ordinary, as you expected something deep and sophisticated from me; but I don’t want to feel constrained by what you think of me. I'd rather seem foolish for being so straightforward than let you think I'm ignoring your requests by staying silent. If reasoning and proper methods can’t resolve this, the people of Bern must be convinced privately not to let that wild beast come out of its den. I don't fully understand what you mean about a treaty, unless you’re thinking of some sort of alliance to get help from the Bernese; and just as they defend the people's freedom through the law, they might protect ministers in their roles with some title that commands respect. If that’s the case, I don’t oppose the alliance. Remember, though, that extraordinary measures should only be considered when absolutely necessary. Also, be cautious not to do anything that could hurt your interests in the future. You might regret having received aid or forming a compact more than if you had stayed in your original servitude. Marcourt has definitely already secured a position for himself; he openly claims he doesn’t care for the brothers' consent since both the authorities and the people want him, and he believes they are upset with you. Finally, since he has prematurely revealed his wicked character, he should be repelled by all means so he doesn’t rise to a position where he can act on his threats. Regarding those who say we are establishing a permanent tyranny here under the guise of defense, let’s allow this rumor to circulate on both sides. Their boldness has been met with courtesy and kindness, so they should be ashamed of themselves. I trust they will keep quiet. I'm doing my best to persuade our friends to remain unbothered. Servetus recently wrote to me and included a long book of his crazy ideas, boasting that I would witness something astonishing and unheard of. He says he plans to come here if I’m okay with it. But I don’t want to guarantee his safety because if he comes, I won’t let him leave alive, as long as I have any authority.

More than fifteen days have now elapsed since Cartelier[26] was imprisoned, for having, at supper in his own house, raged against me with such insolence as to make it clear that he was not then in his right senses. I concealed what I felt, but I[34] testified to the judge that it would be agreeable to me were he proceeded against with the utmost rigour of the law. I wished to go to see him. Access was prohibited by decree of the Senate; and yet some good men accuse me of cruelty, forsooth, because I so pertinaciously revenge my injuries.[27] I have been requested by his friends to undertake the part of intercessor. I refused to do so, except on these two conditions, viz: that no suspicion should attach to me, and that the honour of Christ should remain intact. I have now done. I abide the judgment of the Council.—Adieu, brother, and most sincere friend. We all salute you and your sisters. You will convey to the brethren the best salutations in my name, and that of my brethren in the ministry. May God ever bless you and prosper your labours.—Yours,

More than fifteen days have passed since Cartelier[26] was imprisoned for losing his temper at dinner in his own home and speaking to me with such disrespect that it was obvious he wasn’t thinking clearly. I hid my feelings, but I[34] told the judge it would be fine with me if he faced the full force of the law. I wanted to visit him. Access was banned by a Senate decree, and yet some good people accuse me of being cruel, claiming I stubbornly seek revenge for my wrongs.[27] His friends have asked me to step in as an advocate. I declined, unless two conditions were met: that I wouldn’t be suspected, and that the honor of Christ would remain protected. That’s all I have to say. I await the Council's decision.—Goodbye, brother, and dear friend. We all send our regards to you and your sisters. Please send my warmest greetings to the brethren in my name and on behalf of my fellow ministers. May God always bless you and support your work.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Imp. Library, Coll. Dupuy. Vol. 102.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Imp. Library, Coll. Dupuy. Vol. 102.]


CLV.—To Farel.

Pacification of the Church at Neuchatel—report of the speedy arrival of the Emperor in Savoy—dangers at Geneva—withering mention of Francis I.

Geneva, 20th February 1546.

Geneva, February 20, 1546.

I specially congratulate you and all your friends, yea, ourselves also, and the whole Church of Christ, that the Lord has unexpectedly stilled all tumults, by restraining the ungodly. Viret had already requested me to be prepared at all points in case there should be need of my presence, and assuredly I should not have been behind; but God is twice to be praised, who by his own counsel has adjusted matters that were in so great confusion. We acknowledge that he was present with you when he opened up to you that plan of admonishing the heads of the citizens. We again acknowledge a memorable work of his, in having given to you those who of their own[35] accord were disposed to act well towards you. I feel confident that the matter has been brought to a conclusion in harmony with the desire of all good men. If our service be desired, you know that we are all yours. I now hourly expect your brothers. May the Lord restore them to us safe and with good fortune.[28] A confident report is spread abroad here of the arrival of the Emperor. I hold it for certain that a passage across will by no means be opened up to him without a bloody conflict. It cannot be doubted, that even though our neighbours were willing that we should be left exposed to the danger of becoming the prey of the conqueror, they would nevertheless find it necessary to guard their own territories; although I do not know why our party have so soon become careless, unless they wished to subject themselves to their sway, and thus save themselves from other masters. It is a hard condition that you must give up your liberty in order to secure allies as defenders.[29] Our party erred in one particular, that they made too violent a reply. But what could I do? On me, nevertheless, the odium redounds, though I strove with great vehemence to prevent the ground of it; but I have bid adieu to the perverted judgments of men. I pass on to another subject. Matters will go more severely with Cartelier, because he mixed up with myself part of the Senate. After that I have respectably enough discharged the duty of clemency, I have resolved to halt. The malevolent will heap obloquy upon me, but if there be an opportunity of replying, I have the means of stopping their mouths. No one certainly will allege that any word less than fair fell from me, for among good and bad I have endeavoured to extenuate his offence. The Parliament of Paris, as I hear, now wages war with fire and faggot against Christ.[30] It is indeed certain that a great[36] multitude of the godly are everywhere held in bonds. Sardanapalus,[31] meanwhile, in the midst of his courtezans, feeds his fancy with victories. May the Lord have respect to his Church!

I want to especially congratulate you and all your friends, as well as ourselves and the whole Church of Christ, that the Lord has surprisingly calmed all the chaos by keeping the wicked in check. Viret had already asked me to be ready for anything in case my presence was needed, and I definitely wouldn’t have held back; but God deserves double praise for sorting out everything that was so confusing. We acknowledge that He was with you when He revealed that plan to advise the leaders of the citizens. We also recognize His remarkable work in providing those who were willing to stand by you. I’m confident that everything has been resolved in line with what all good people desire. If you need our help, you know we are all here for you. I’m now eagerly waiting for your brothers. May the Lord bring them back to us safely and successfully.[28] There’s a strong rumor here about the Emperor’s arrival. I’m pretty sure that no route will be opened up for him without major conflict. It’s undeniable that even if our neighbors wanted to leave us vulnerable to the conqueror, they would still need to protect their own lands; although I don’t understand why our side has become so careless so quickly, unless they want to submit to their control to avoid other masters. It’s a tough situation when you have to give up your freedom to secure allies for protection.[29] Our side made a mistake in one area—they responded too harshly. But what could I do? The blame has fallen on me, even though I tried hard to prevent it; but I’ve let go of the twisted judgments of people. Moving on to another topic. Things will be tougher for Cartelier because he got mixed up with part of the Senate. After I’ve done my duty in showing mercy, I’ve decided to hold back. The malicious will criticize me, but if I get a chance to respond, I have ways to silence them. No one will certainly claim that I said anything unfair, because I’ve tried to lessen his offense among both the good and the bad. I’ve heard that the Parliament of Paris is now waging war with fire and brambles against Christ.[30] It is indeed true that many of the righteous are being held captive everywhere. Meanwhile, Sardanapalus,[31] surrounded by his courtesans, indulges in thoughts of victories. May the Lord take care of His Church!

Adieu, most upright brother in the Lord, together with all your fellow-ministers, whom you will respectfully salute in my name, and in that of the brethren. May Christ ever direct you all by right counsel, and bless your auspicious endeavours.—Yours,

Adieu, my honest brother in Christ, along with all your fellow ministers, whom you will kindly greet for me and on behalf of the brothers. May Christ always guide you with wise advice and bless your important work. —Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


To the four Presidents of the citizens, special compliments in my name. May the Lord bless them exceedingly.

To the four Presidents of the citizens, please accept my special regards. May the Lord bless them abundantly.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLVI.—To Viret.

Election of a minister at Neuchatel—sickness of Viret's wife.

Geneva, 22d February 1546.

Geneva, February 22, 1546.

I learned from Farel's last letter, that the commotions at Neuchatel were allayed. And I now feel assured that the matter of the choice of a pastor is concluded; for it had at length been agreed that the ministers should promise on oath to nominate in good faith the person whom they deemed most suitable. It was already considered as almost certain, that Christopher would be the man, provided the Bernese would part with him;[32] and there is hope that they will offer no objection. Farel wrote that the good cause had been not a little aided by the Consul Wateville.

I learned from Farel's last letter that the unrest in Neuchatel has settled down. I now feel confident that the process of choosing a pastor is wrapped up. It has finally been agreed that the ministers will take an oath to fairly nominate the person they think is most suitable. It was already seen as almost certain that Christopher would be the choice, as long as the Bernese are willing to let him go; [32] and there's hope they won’t object. Farel mentioned that the good cause was significantly supported by Consul Wateville.

Had they invited us as brethren, I should have been ready at any hour. But I rejoice especially, that you were of more service[37] than you thought you would be; for all loudly assert that your arrival was highly advantageous.

If they had invited us as friends, I would have been ready at any moment. But I'm especially glad that you were more helpful than you expected; everyone says that your arrival was really beneficial.

I see that Textor does not hold out much further hope of your wife. You need no more words to admonish you to hold yourself ready to bear with moderation the issue, whatever that may be. Would that I also could fly thither, that I might alleviate your sorrow, or at least bear a part of it![33] But so long a ride would cause me pain. I rather advise, should matters happen otherwise than as we wish, that you come hither for a few days.—Adieu, most sound-hearted brother, along with your wife and family. The Lord comfort and strengthen you all. Amen.—Yours,

I see that Textor doesn't have much hope left for your wife. You don't need any more reminders to prepare yourself to accept whatever happens with patience. I wish I could go there to ease your pain, or at least share it with you! But such a long journey would be too much for me. I suggest that if things don't turn out as we hope, you come here for a few days. — Goodbye, my dear brother, and to your wife and family as well. May the Lord comfort and strengthen you all. Amen. — Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLVII.—To Viret.[34]

Calvin invites his friend to repair to Geneva after the death of his wife.

Geneva, 8th March 1546.

Geneva, March 8, 1546.

Come, on this condition, that you disengage your mind not only from grief, but also from every annoyance. Do not fear that I will impose any burden upon you, for through my means you will be allowed to take whatever rest is agreeable to you. If any[38] one prove troublesome to you, I will interpose. The brethren, also, make the same promise to you as I do. I will also be surety that the citizens do not interfere with your wishes.

Come, under the condition that you free your mind not just from sadness, but from any frustrations as well. Don't worry, I won't place any burdens on you, because with my help, you'll be able to take whatever rest you find pleasant. If anyone bothers you, I'll step in. The others also promise you the same thing I do. I'll also make sure that the locals won't interfere with what you want.

I know not what I ought to imprecate on the wretches who had spread a report of your death. Never did a letter from you arrive more opportunely. Although your death was announced, yet as mention was made of poison, Textor was already in the midst of preparations for the journey, that he might speed to Orbe on fleet horses. A great part of the brethren were present, all overwhelmed with deep affliction. Shortly afterward your letter made its appearance, and such exultation instantly broke forth, that we were hardly masters of our senses. It was fortunate that we did not pass a night of sorrow, else I should not have borne it without danger. But why do I detain you, and not rather incite you to hasten hither as quickly as possible? Adieu, brother and most agreeable friend. Salute respectfully the brethren James, Ribitti, Hubert, Cordier, Celio, Francis, Merlin. The Lord protect you and the remainder of your family.—Yours,

I don't know what I should wish upon the miserable people who spread the rumor of your death. I've never received a letter from you at a better time. Even though your death was reported, since it mentioned poison, Textor was already making plans to leave, hoping to race to Orbe on fast horses. Many of the brethren were there, all completely filled with sorrow. Soon after, your letter arrived, and the joy that erupted was so intense that we could hardly believe it. Thankfully, we didn't have to spend a night in grief; otherwise, I might not have endured it without serious consequences. But why am I holding you up instead of encouraging you to come here as soon as you can? Goodbye, brother and dear friend. Please say hello for me to the brethren James, Ribitti, Hubert, Cordier, Celio, Francis, and Merlin. May the Lord protect you and your family. —Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. copyLibrary of Geneva. Vol. 111.]

[Lat. copyLibrary of Geneva. Vol. 111.]


CLVIII.—To Viret.

Renewed and more pressing invitation to come to Geneva.

15th March 1546.

March 15, 1546.

I have hitherto delayed writing to you, because I daily expected you to come hither, as you had promised; nor should I have written even now, as I remain in the same state of expectation, were it not that I might incite you to hasten your journey; for I wonder why it is that you thus put off from day to day. I remember that John de Tournay[35] told me that you had a horse; but why not rather come by boat? Unless David has sold his [horses,] that difficulty could be easily got over, although I believe that one may now be more easily procured than it could have been eight days ago, for fewer[39] couriers have passed this way during these days. Make haste, therefore, that you may recruit a little, and gather heart again with us; for people from your quarter say that you are half dead. Since I can draw you out by no other inducement, I make the announcement, that you shall have no letter from me until you come. Quick, then.—Adieu. Salute all friends. May the Lord shortly bring you in safety to us.—Yours,

I have been putting off writing to you because I've been expecting you to arrive here, as you said you would. I still wouldn’t be writing now since I’m still waiting for you, if it weren't to encourage you to speed up your trip. I'm curious why you keep delaying. I recall that John de Tournay told me you had a horse, but why not come by boat instead? Unless David has sold his horses, that shouldn't be a problem, though I believe it’s easier to find one now than it was eight days ago since fewer couriers have passed this way lately. So hurry up, so you can rest a bit and get your spirits up with us, because people from your area say you're looking really unwell. Since I can’t convince you to come any other way, I’m letting you know that you won’t receive a letter from me until you get here. So, hurry up—goodbye. Say hello to all our friends. May the Lord safely bring you to us soon.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLIX. To Theo Vitus.[36]

Indication of the various documents wherein are set forth the opinions of Calvin regarding the Lord's Supper—earnest desire for union and peace among the Churches—condition of Geneva.

Geneva, 17th March 1546.

Geneva, March 17, 1546.

Your letter gave me the greater pleasure, as I had not ventured to look for it, for it was my part to draw a letter from you by being the first to write. But that you, without being called upon, should of your own accord have anticipated me, I take as a proof of your greater friendship towards me. If, however, you would know the reason of my not writing, I refrained more from modesty than negligence. And generally the testimony of Philip [Melanchthon] is with me sufficient; but when no great familiarity intervenes, the crooked policy of the times sometimes makes me apprehensive. Wherefore, I am the more grateful to you for having removed every scruple. I greatly[40] rejoice, also, to find that my pamphlet, De Coenâ, has met with your approbation.[37] It was written in French ten years before. When, without my knowledge, it had been already translated into Latin by two individuals, I at length consented to its publication, being afraid, in fact, that some worse version might forestall it. A style of instruction, simple and popular, and adapted to the unlearned, shews what my purpose was from the first; for I usually write more carefully for those acquainted with Latin. I laboured, however, not only faithfully to express my views, and reduce them within a brief compass, but also to unfold them lucidly, and without technicalities. Since then the Institution, having been revised, was again given to the public, in which, unless I am mistaken, I expound and more fully confirm the same doctrine, under a different form of expression, and with somewhat greater development. I at length also published a Catechism, which is trustworthy and pertinent evidence of the kind of doctrine with which the common people are imbued by me. Would that the people of Zurich, as you say, were willing to give their assent to that confession![38] I do not think Luther is so unyielding but that there might easily be an agreement, and they do not, withal, venture to disapprove of my views. The chief obstacle to their giving a public assent to my doctrine is, that being pre-occupied by a meaning, once and now for a length of time prescribed to them, they so stick to their customary forms as to admit nothing new. But if you consider the tyranny manifested by certain of the adverse party in the attempt to force the world, not only into their peculiar views, but also into a prescribed form of words, the furious insolence they shew, what commotions they excite,—the moderation as well as rectitude by which you are characterized, will[41] lead you to condemn in the matter the absurd conduct of those parties, not less than the people of Zurich. May the Lord by his Spirit dispose us all to true moderation. You know that I am not in the habit of complaining when there is no ground for it; nor do I doubt but that you yourself, as might be expected from your eminent piety, sigh in secret over the same evils, while it is not in your power to remedy them. With respect to the assurances you give me regarding yourself, I wish you in turn to believe, that I am and always will be your sincere friend and brother. I now, with many others, request you to go on strenuously, and make no halt in your progress, until you have handed over to us Genesis completed.[39] For as Luther has just grounds for congratulating himself in having found such an artist to polish his works, so others experience how advantageous the labour is to the public. I may have wished, however, that you had been more sparing in your mention of the Sacramentaries, because I see that the minds of some are thereby exasperated, of whom there was a hope that they would be brought to moderate views. It will be for you to consider what may be more conducive to that end. I will be satisfied if you take my warning in good part, whether or not you act upon it. The Ratisbon Assembly will indeed bring forth smoke for us, which the Lord will soon dispel.[40]

Your letter brought me great joy, as I didn’t expect it; I thought I would need to write first to get a response from you. The fact that you reached out to me of your own accord shows your deeper friendship. If you're wondering why I haven’t written sooner, it’s more about modesty than negligence. Usually, the approval of Philip [Melanchthon] is enough for me; but when there’s not much familiarity, the tricky nature of the times makes me a bit uneasy. That’s why I’m even more grateful to you for easing my concerns. I’m also very happy to hear that my pamphlet, De Coenâ, has your approval.[37] It was actually written in French ten years ago. Unbeknownst to me, it was already translated into Latin by two people, and I eventually agreed to publish it out of fear that a worse version might get out first. I aimed for a style that was simple and accessible, suited for those who are unlearned, which reflects my intent from the start; I usually write more carefully for those familiar with Latin. I worked hard not only to clearly express my ideas in a concise way but also to present them clearly without jargon. Since then, the Institution has been revised and published again, where I think I clarify and reinforce the same teachings in a different way and with a bit more detail. I also published a Catechism, which is reliable evidence of the kind of teachings I share with the common people. I wish the people of Zurich, as you mentioned, were willing to accept that confession![38] I don't believe Luther is so rigid that we can’t reach an agreement, and they don’t openly reject my views either. The main obstacle to their public acceptance of my teachings is their attachment to an old meaning that’s been drilled into them for a long time, making them resistant to new ideas. But if you look at the tyranny shown by some of the opposing side who try to force their views and specific wording on everyone, with the furious arrogance they display and the chaos they create, your calmness and fairness will lead you to condemn such ridiculous behavior, just as much as that of the people of Zurich. May the Lord, through His Spirit, guide us all to true moderation. You know I don’t complain without cause; I also have no doubt that you, given your great commitment to piety, quietly lament the same issues, even if you can’t fix them. As for your assurances regarding yourself, I hope you believe that I am and will always be your true friend and brother. I, along with many others, urge you to keep pushing forward and not stop until you’ve completed Genesis.[39] Just as Luther has good reason to be pleased with finding such a skilled person to refine his works, others see how beneficial this work is for the public. I might have wished you had been less vocal about the Sacramentaries, as I see some people getting upset about it, and there was hope that they might come around to more moderate views. It’s up to you to think about what might help in that regard. I’ll be satisfied if you take my advice kindly, whether you choose to follow it or not. The Ratisbon Assembly will indeed create some tension for us, which the Lord will soon clear away.[40]

Here we are tranquil unless the Emperor molest us. Some suspect him of having an eye on Burgundy, with the view of threatening the kingdom of France from that quarter, while he would harass Provence by means of the young Duke of Savoy, and send in the English from the other side. I hold myself under the protection of God alone when I see that we are not far from certain danger. Adieu, most honoured sir, and most sincere friend. May the Lord Jesus ever guide and direct you by his Holy Spirit, and bless your labours. All my colleagues[42] respectfully salute you. To yours also you will convey the highest respects in my name, and in that of my colleagues.—Yours,

Here we are calm unless the Emperor bothers us. Some think he’s targeting Burgundy, planning to threaten the kingdom of France from that direction, while he would disturb Provence with the young Duke of Savoy and bring in the English from the other side. I rely solely on God's protection when I see that we’re not far from real danger. Goodbye, most esteemed sir, and my true friend. May the Lord Jesus always guide you with his Holy Spirit and bless your work. All my colleagues[42] send their respectful greetings. Please extend my highest regards to yours as well, on my behalf and on behalf of my colleagues.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. Copy, Library of Zurich, Coll. Simler. Vol. 59.]

[Lat. Copy, Library of Zurich, Coll. Simler. Vol. 59.]


CLX.—To Viret.[41]

Instructions to Viret about a journey to Geneva.

Geneva, 26th March, before supper.

Geneva, March 26, before dinner.

The person who delivered yours to me did not know whence it came. I thus received it somewhat later than I wished. I attended to the wish you expressed, that a suitable horse, and one without show, should be sent to you. It would, however, have been sent off sooner, had I not told our people beforehand that you could not leave your place of residence before the morning discourse. I certainly could have wished, if your letter had arrived in time, that you had been sent for sooner. But I supposed that you had set out with Christopher: for that was the reason why I gave you no letter by the messenger belonging to my household. If, after preaching, you can come as far as Nyon, you will be here on Monday before supper; but take care lest you fatigue yourself. You had better come to Nyon on Monday. We shall have you with us in good time, if we get you well. Salute all the brethren.

The person who brought yours to me didn’t know where it came from. So, I got it later than I wanted. I took care of your request for a suitable horse, one that isn’t flashy, to be sent to you. However, it would have been sent out sooner if I hadn’t told our people in advance that you couldn’t leave your place before the morning service. I definitely would have preferred if your letter had arrived on time so that you could have been sent for earlier. But I thought you had left with Christopher, which is why I didn’t give you a letter with my household messenger. If you can make it to Nyon after preaching, you’ll be here on Monday before dinner; just be careful not to overdo it. It’s better for you to come to Nyon on Monday. We’ll have you with us in good time if you’re well. Say hi to all the brothers.

May the Lord bring you to us safe and in good spirits.—Yours,

May the Lord keep you safe and in good spirits until we see you again.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXI.—To Mr. de Falais.

Calvin's labours—the diet at Ratisbon—the Church at Metz—the reformation at Heidelberg—apology for M. de Falais—opinion regarding the sermons of Ochino.

[April 1546.][42]

[April 1546.][42]

Monseigneur,—I thank you for the care which you have of my health, anxious that I would not overburthen myself, in straining a point to write to you, when I am not in a fit state to do so. But had I only to write to you, it would be to me a very easy labour, if that can be called toil wherein one only finds pleasure. The difficulty arises from the annoyances and interruptions of the train of thought which intervene, to break off a letter in the midst twenty times over, or even more, beyond all bounds. As regards health, I was much more feeble when I wrote to you a while ago than I am at present. But being in a good state of general bodily condition, I am unceasingly tormented with a heaviness, which, as it were, suffers me not to do anything. For, besides the sermons and lectures, there is a month already gone in which I have scarce done anything, in such wise that I am almost ashamed to live thus useless. But if it please God, of his goodness, to make use of me, he will release me and allay this ill, which holds me so fast that I cannot set about any labour of importance, to employ the leisure which he gives me. Nevertheless, he does not cease to exercise me by some means or other, in order that I may not grow rusty through laziness. If, however, he does not graciously restore me to a better condition, I am not likely ever to get on horseback. Even more than that, were I ever to be sent for, I could not stir out of the house in such a state. But, as you observe, they let me alone, from fear of setting astir the frantic blockheads; and on my side, I willingly give up the diets to those who have a liking for them, as for any good they do.[43] I am[44] glad that our Lord has put you out of pain as regards Norberg. As for what remains to be done, you will have an opportunity of considering what it ought to be, having been informed by Jéhan de Rochefort, and after having established your case, as it can be done, in coming forth out of Egypt and out of Babylon. It is like what is said by Moses and by Ezekiel,—in much stir and with haste. I hope, should it so please God, that all is over by this time. I would not have you to be too much astonished at the length of time you have been in receiving letters from him, considering the length of the journey. But if God has been so gracious to him, and to you also, as to make a way of escape out of danger, he will not have tarried so long on the way as not to be, by this time, on his return. Thus, being at rest in regard to that matter, you will take counsel for the future.

Your Excellency,—thank you for caring about my health and worrying that I might overdo it by trying to write to you when I'm not really able to. Honestly, if it were just about writing to you, it would be easy for me since I really enjoy it. The challenge comes from all the distractions and interruptions that keep breaking my train of thought, making it hard to finish a letter. Last time I wrote to you, I was feeling much weaker than I am now. I'm generally in better shape, but I can't shake this heavy feeling that makes it hard to get anything done. There's been a whole month where I've barely accomplished anything, and it's a bit embarrassing to feel so useless. If God, in His goodness, wants to use me, He’ll lift this burden from me, which feels so heavy that I can’t even start on anything significant during my free time. Still, He keeps finding ways to keep me busy so I won’t get lazy. If I don’t get better soon, I doubt I’ll ever be able to ride again. Plus, if I were called for something, I wouldn't even be able to leave the house as I am. But as you've noticed, I’m being left alone, probably to avoid upsetting the crazy people. On my part, I'm happy to let those who enjoy diets take them, since they don't seem to do me any good.[43] I’m[44] glad our Lord has relieved you regarding Norberg. As for what still needs to be done, you’ll have a chance to think about it now that you've heard from Jéhan de Rochefort and set your case for leaving Egypt and Babylon. It’s like Moses and Ezekiel said,—in much stir and with haste. I hope, if God wills, that everything is settled by now. Don't be too surprised that it’s taken a while to get letters from him, given how long the journey is. But if God has been kind enough to him and you, providing a way out of danger, then he shouldn't have taken so long that he’s not back by now. So, with that matter settled, you can think about what to do next.

As to Constance, I had not spoken to you, but that your present abode did not please you. When the crisis comes, however, Strasbourg is more suitable, and I like it better, were it not for the reason which you allege.

As for Constance, I hadn't talked to you, but I could tell that your current place isn't what you want. When the moment arrives, though, Strasbourg is a better fit, and I prefer it, except for the reason you mentioned.

In Metz,[44] I see a great evil, the want of guidance and of cordial interest, albeit that these are rather two evils. But God will find the remedy. We must try every method which he presents to us, and even stir up ourselves, where the means appear to be wanting. And whereas I know that you have no need to be exhorted not to spare yourself, I forbear to do so.

In Metz,[44] I see a significant problem, the lack of guidance and genuine concern, even though these are actually two separate issues. But God will provide a solution. We must explore every option He offers us and even motivate ourselves when it seems like there are no solutions. And since I know you don’t need to be told to give your all, I won’t mention it.

I am not at all amazed, if Master Peter Alexander is bold, having his chin thus held above water, and that besides he is quite accustomed at Heidelberg to hear that doctrine already for a long time past.[45] He is even well aware that he has no[45] other means for advancing himself. Thus it is no wonder if he takes advantage of it where there is no danger at all. But I see quite well that he is not an over-confident man, were it only by his conclusions. What is worse, he makes a stupid blunder in this, that he says, the swearing an oath is forbidden by God; and that with a blasphemy, inasmuch as he attributes authority to Saint Paul to permit what has been prohibited by his Master; but these are matters for the civil magistrate to decide.

I’m not surprised that Master Peter Alexander is so bold, considering he's used to having his chin held above water and has been hearing that doctrine in Heidelberg for a long time. He knows he has no other way to get ahead. So, it makes sense that he takes advantage of it when there’s no risk involved. But I can see he’s not overly confident, at least based on his conclusions. What’s worse is that he makes a foolish mistake by claiming that swearing an oath is forbidden by God, which is blasphemous since he gives authority to Saint Paul to allow what his Master has prohibited; but those decisions should be left to the civil authorities.

The Apology would be much better drawn up where you are than at a distance. This I say not to exempt myself, but inasmuch as I think that such is the case; for I am quite ready to undertake the employment. So also would Master Peter Viret, but his style of writing would not be altogether suited to such an argument, owing to his want of conciseness. And for myself I would have to bite my nails in more than a hundred passages, if we could not confer together so as to resolve by common accord what might be fit to say or to omit. Nevertheless, we shall take care to meet your wish whenever you shall have come to a determination upon the whole case and the state of your affairs. Howbeit, I have retained no memorandum of the particulars beside me. What I have told you about the Emperor, was not so much to find fault with what has been done, as to set forth the reason why it ought not to be inserted so as to be seen. I praise our Lord that the present of my Commentary is agreeable to you. In conformity with your answer, our brother sent his translation to Vendelin, addressing the preface to you, in order that having seen it beforehand, you may judge what course shall appear to you to be expedient.

The Apology would be much better written where you are than from afar. I mention this not to excuse myself, but because I genuinely believe it to be true; I’m completely ready to take on the task. Master Peter Viret is also willing, but his writing style isn’t quite right for this kind of argument due to his lack of brevity. As for me, I would have to reconsider more than a hundred parts if we couldn’t discuss together to agree on what should be included or left out. Nonetheless, we’ll make sure to accommodate your wishes once you've made a decision about the entire situation and the state of your affairs. However, I haven’t kept a record of the details with me. What I mentioned about the Emperor wasn’t meant to criticize what has been done, but to explain why it shouldn't be included for public viewing. I thank our Lord that you find my Commentary acceptable. Based on your response, our brother sent his translation to Vendelin, addressing the preface to you so that once you review it, you may decide what seems best to do.

The request which I made to you so affectionately, not to separate your household from the French Church,[46] was not founded upon any report, but solely upon a passage of your letter[46] where you signify that you were in course of doing so, not perceiving any amendment in that quarter. It suffices, that I am aware of your intention, so as not to be further troublesome to you on that score. I see indeed the reasons you may have, but I take into view the scandal which would thence arise. All is well, since you have condescended to my request.

The request I made to you with such care, not to separate your household from the French Church,[46] wasn’t based on any hearsay, but solely on a part of your letter[46] where you mentioned that you were in the process of doing so, not noticing any changes in that area. I understand your intention, so I won't bother you about it anymore. I do see the reasons you might have, but I also consider the scandal that could arise from it. Everything is fine now that you have agreed to my request.

I would desire, Monseigneur, that the hundred crowns [escus] might be sent to the lady, and they would be returned to you forthwith, sending to the Ladies de Tilly what is resting due to them, since the father shews himself such a one as he is. I would earnestly wish, that in disposing ourselves willingly and patiently to bear the cross, we were framing our shoulders to such a charge. But these are matters about which we shall better talk together than we can write.

I would like, Monseigneur, for the hundred crowns [escus] to be sent to the lady, and they would be returned to you right away, along with what is owed to the Ladies de Tilly, since the father shows himself to be who he is. I truly wish that by accepting our burdens willingly and patiently, we were preparing ourselves for such a responsibility. But these are things we should discuss in person rather than in writing.

I pray you to hold me excused, if I do not as yet signify my opinion of the translation of the Sermons of Messire Bernardino.[47] I may, however, speak a word in your ear, that they are more useful in Italian than in other languages, were it not that the name of the man is of use; and then there is such a variety of minds, that it is not amiss to endeavour to draw some of them by that means. Of the translator, I shall let you know my opinion, please God, in a few words shortly.

I hope you’ll excuse me for not sharing my thoughts on the translation of the Sermons of Messire Bernardino yet.[47] However, I want to mention that they are more beneficial in Italian than in other languages, especially since the author's name carries weight. Additionally, since people think differently, it’s worth trying to reach some of them this way. As for the translator, I’ll share my thoughts soon, God willing.

As touching the apology of the ladies,[48] I think, Monseigneur, you have my opinion of it signified already in brief, at least I would here declare it, that the author has not observed what the Latins call decorum. For the course of procedure is unbefitting[47] the individuals. Everybody will not perceive this, only those who have their wits about them. This is the reason why I have retained it beside me.

Regarding the apology from the ladies,[48] I think, Monseigneur, you’ve already gotten my brief opinion on it, but I want to make it clear here: the author hasn’t followed what the Latins call decorum. The way things unfolded is inappropriate for the people involved[47]. Not everyone will notice this, only those who are paying attention. That’s why I’ve kept it with me.

The letters of Diaz[49] were not needed to shew me on what authority you had opened those which he might write to me. For you have sufficient authority without any one else giving it to you. I humbly thank you for the offer which you have so kindly made for the baptism of our child.[50] And now, Monsieur, to conclude, after having humbly, and with all possible kindly affection, commended me to your good favour and that of Madame, and having also presented the humble salutations of my wife, I pray our good Lord to guide you always as he has done, shewing himself the true protector both of you and of all that concerns you.

The letters from Diaz[49] weren't necessary to show me on what authority you opened the ones he might send to me. You have enough authority on your own without needing anyone else's approval. I sincerely appreciate the kind offer you made for our child's baptism.[50] And now, Monsieur, to wrap things up, after having humbly and affectionately commended myself to your favor and that of Madame, and having also sent my wife’s warm regards, I pray that our good Lord continues to guide you as He has been, proving to be the true protector of you both and everything concerning you.

Your humble brother, servant, and ever your entire friend,

Your devoted sibling, servant, and always your loyal friend,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXII.—To Mr. de Falais.

Advice regarding the editing of the Apology—details of a loan contracted for M. de Falais—news from Germany and Italy—Farel and Viret at Geneva—death of Juan Diaz.

16th April 1546.

April 16, 1546.

Monseigneur,—You see here what I have done desiring to comply with your wish.[51] That it shall altogether satisfy you[48] I shall not venture to promise myself. It will be quite enough for me if you have the persuasion that I have not failed from lack of good-will. Indeed, I fear you may not find that which you had looked for. But it is not reasonable that I bear the blame of the too great credit which I may have with you. If I had been in a right frame, and had I had leisure, possible it is that I might have done better. But since these two things have been wanting to me, I pray you that you may please hold me as excused. It would not have cost me very much to fill up a much larger extent of paper; but I have studied brevity, thinking that nothing could be better, considering the personage to whom the writing is addressed. It did not occur to Saint André that it wanted anything, except that, on having come to the passage about your retirement, you might insist upon deducting separately in detail the travelling expenses which you had incurred up to that time. I had, indeed, thought of another conclusion to be urged, but because I did not well know how to keep within bounds, I have let it alone. You will exercise your own discretion as to adding an article to that effect, if you think fit, namely, with regard to the property, which you did not venture to make any other request to him about, fearing that it would be trouble thrown away, to speak to him about the property before being reinstated in his good graces, and also because that is the thing you most of all desire and prefer to anything else. In any event, let it please him to have regard to such a family, and not allow himself to be led by those who only seek its destruction. I know not whether it would be of advantage to your brothers[52] to make[49] mention of them. You will consider about that. Towards the end, it would be needful to add an express clause, to remove the suspicion that you had too great regret, declaring that for the honour of God you bear the loss patiently, beseeching God that he would always make you sensibly aware of the work of Jesus Christ, and of the benefits bestowed on you by him, so as to reckon all things but loss and dung in comparison of him. If you determine to enter upon the subject of the property, it appears to me that it would be advisable to mention it thus briefly; I have explained the reason why I have not done so.

Your Honor,—Here’s what I’ve done in hopes of fulfilling your request.[51] I can’t promise it will completely satisfy you[48], but it’s enough for me if you believe it’s not due to a lack of effort on my part. Honestly, I’m worried you may not find what you expected. However, it's not fair for me to take the blame for the high expectations you might have of me. If I had been in the right mindset and had some free time, maybe I could have done better. But since I lacked both, I ask that you excuse me. It wouldn’t have taken much to fill up much more paper, but I aimed for brevity, thinking that was best given who the letter is for. Saint André didn’t think anything was missing, except when you got to the part about your retirement—you might want to specifically list the travel expenses you incurred up to that point. I did think about closing with another point, but since I wasn’t sure I could keep it concise, I decided against it. You can choose to add a point about the property if you think it's appropriate, considering you didn’t want to make any other requests regarding it, fearing it might be pointless to discuss the property before regaining his favor, especially since that’s what you desire the most. In any case, please ensure he pays attention to the family and doesn’t get influenced by those wanting to see it harmed. I’m not sure if it would benefit your brothers[52] to mention them. You can think about that. Toward the end, it would be important to add a clear statement to dispel any suspicion that you regretted too much, declaring that for the honor of God, you bear the loss patiently, asking God to always remind you of the work of Jesus Christ and the blessings He has given you, so that you consider everything else as loss and meaningless compared to Him. If you decide to bring up the property, I believe it would be wise to mention it briefly; I’ve already explained why I didn’t do so.

But to proceed, Monseigneur, I have detained the man who has brought me your last, hoping that he would be the messenger to carry you this answer. But, at the end of six days, there has occurred a sudden piece of business to Sire Nicolas the present bearer. I have thereupon sent away the other, delivering to his care the two young children, because he could not have arrived so soon. He has been sufficiently admonished, not so much by me as by the others, to settle and choose some manner of livelihood; but I see clearly that he is not yet tired of running about. That arises in part from his too great simplicity,—for he has no great head-piece. Some clodpole, scarcely wiser than himself, had whispered in his ear in passing, that I would be quite able to recommend him to Berne, and put him in the way of his becoming a preacher. I have done everything to repress such an expectation: but he does not leave off his roving about; and although he seems to approve an advice when offered to him, immediately afterwards he begins to do the same thing again. I am sorry for it, for in other respects, I find him well disposed, and without malice.

But to continue, Monseigneur, I’ve held back the man who brought me your last message, hoping he’d be the one to deliver this answer to you. However, after six days, something unexpected came up with Sir Nicolas, the current messenger. So, I sent the other one away, entrusting him with the two young children since he wouldn’t have arrived so quickly otherwise. He’s been warned enough, not just by me but by others, to settle down and find a way to make a living, but I can see he’s not really tired of wandering yet. Part of this is because he’s a bit simple-minded—he’s not very bright. Some fool, hardly any smarter than he is, must have whispered to him that I could help him get a recommendation for a position in Berne and set him up to become a preacher. I’ve tried to squash that idea, but he keeps roaming around; even though he seems to agree with the advice he receives, he quickly goes back to his old ways. It’s unfortunate because aside from this, I find him to be well-intentioned and harmless.

As for the business of Sire Nicolas, the case is thus:—He had no means of squaring his accounts, but in taking the place which had been adjudged in hypothec to another preferable creditor, having struck off some pieces for law expenses. Thus he would have been excluded, had he not undertaken to reimburse the other party. What is worse, he who held the security was himself under hypothec elsewhere, in danger that his property might be sold, and needed to re-assure his interest therein. The subject is well worth what the said Nicolas has bargained[50] for. The hardship was for him, that he would have had to pay seven hundred crowns before next Easter, and also that it is too large for him. But the necessity made him forget all that. It is true that he has to receive from Sire Antony Sieglessen a sum in satisfaction thereof, but he fears that it may not be ready at so short a term, seeing that he will have to transact with people who have no pity. In that perplexity, he has thought that if, peradventure, Antony de Sieglessen might not so readily be forthcoming with that which he has to receive from him, you would afford him some assistance, for a month, or six weeks' delay, on his giving you the security of Sire Antony and the place, on good and equitable terms. When he asked advice of me, I requested him to try all means before having recourse to you, which he had already indeed determined, as he told me, but that it was his last remedy. In any event, however, he would bring you letters of assurance over the place. To this I have not agreed, fearing lest it might appear to you that it would have the effect of protracting a settlement, promising to him to assure you that the responsibility lies not with himself but with me.

Regarding Sire Nicolas’s situation, here’s the deal: he has no way to balance his accounts without taking the property that’s been assigned as collateral to another creditor, after deducting some expenses for legal fees. He would have been excluded from this if he hadn’t agreed to reimburse the other party. To make matters worse, the person holding the collateral is also under a mortgage elsewhere, at risk of having his property sold, and needs to secure his stake in it. The situation is worth whatever Nicolas has negotiated for it. The tough part for him is that he would need to pay seven hundred crowns before next Easter, which is a huge amount for him. But necessity overshadowed all that. He’s supposed to receive a payment from Sire Antony Sieglessen to cover this, but he worries it won’t be available in time since he’ll be dealing with people who are hard-hearted. In his confusion, he thought that if Antony de Sieglessen might not be able to provide the payment quickly, maybe you could help him with a delay of a month or six weeks in exchange for the security of Sire Antony and the property on fair terms. When he came to me for advice, I told him to explore every option before coming to you, which he had already decided to do, but he said it was his last option. Regardless, he would provide you with assurance letters for the property. I haven’t agreed to this, worrying it might seem to you like it would delay a resolution, but I promised him I would assure you that the responsibility rests not with him but with me.

I have wished much to make this statement to you, Monseigneur, on purpose that you should be informed, that he did not rashly go beyond his authority, but that he had been constrained thereto; in order also, that when he could nowise do without your help, you might the more be induced to aid him. I can indeed assure you, that there will be no risk, for the assignment is quite valid. And if money were to be had here, he would not need to stir out of the house. But the country is stripped so bare of money, that it is lamentable, the more so that there is more due to him at Strasbourg than he has need for. I do not take upon me to ask it of you, for that is not my business. In so far as I have endeavoured to remove the doubts which might prevent you, I hope you will take it in good part, and that you will not ascribe it to importunity. Besides that, it is my duty, for I have been the cause, along with Monsieur David, of involving him in this anxiety. For we made the first purchase in his absence, because the said Monsieur David was fully resolved from that time forward to complete the transaction.

I really wanted to share this with you, Monseigneur, to let you know that he didn't overstep his authority carelessly; he was pushed into it. I also want you to understand that since he really needs your assistance now, this might encourage you to help him. I can assure you that there’s no risk involved, as the assignment is completely legitimate. If money were available here, he wouldn't even need to leave the house. Unfortunately, the country is so financially drained that it's quite sad, especially since he is owed more in Strasbourg than he actually needs. I'm not asking you for this, as that’s not my place. I hope you understand that I’ve tried to clear up any uncertainties that might hold you back, and I hope you don't take it as being pushy. Moreover, it’s my responsibility, as I, along with Monsieur David, contributed to his current worry. We made the initial purchase while he was away because Monsieur David was determined to see the deal through from that point on.

I believe that you have been otherwise informed of the death of the Marquis of Guasto.[53] We are not aware what the Emperor intends to do, except that people are coming from Naples toward Genoa. One can scarce think that he would go so far for pastime as to Argiers. And, indeed, I believe, that considering himself secure upon the side of France, and leaving the English to occupy the King's attention, having fully ordered everything to his own advantage in Germany, he would not make a mere feint of going to Argiers.[54]

I believe you've already heard about the death of the Marquis of Guasto.[53] We don’t know what the Emperor plans to do, except that people are coming from Naples towards Genoa. It’s hard to believe he would travel all the way to Algiers just for fun. Honestly, I think, since he feels secure on the French side and has the English preoccupied with the King, having arranged everything to his advantage in Germany, he wouldn’t just be pretending to go to Algiers.[54]

Master William Farel and Master Peter Viret, in passing from hence, have requested me to present you their humble commendations. They have been here eight days to my great comfort, except in so far as they have made me put off my excusing myself to you. I am glad of your well-disposedness, and principally for your cheerfulness, and also because I hope that it will prove a means of our seeing you. We shall, in the meanwhile, however, pray God, that he would restore you from better to better, albeit that we must not look, neither you nor myself, to be ever of much worth in this world.

Master William Farel and Master Peter Viret, before they leave, have asked me to send you their humble regards. They have been here for eight days, which has brought me great comfort, except for the fact that they've made me delay my apologies to you. I'm pleased to hear that you're feeling well, especially your cheerful spirit, and I hope this will lead to us seeing each other soon. In the meantime, we'll pray that God continues to improve your health, even though neither of us should expect to be of much value in this world.

We have made Saint-André preacher, at which possibly you will be amazed. He did not look for it; and I believe also, that at the first move his courage would not have inclined him that way. But we have made conscience of it, seeing his zeal and readiness, not to leave him always idle. I hope that God will make use of him for the profit and upbuilding of his Church. He has not been brought to it without a struggle, but perceiving that the call was from on high, he has not resisted it.

We have appointed Saint-André as the preacher, which you might find surprising. He didn’t seek this position, and honestly, I think he wouldn’t have been inclined that way at first. But we felt it was right, recognizing his enthusiasm and willingness, so he wouldn’t remain idle. I hope that God uses him for the benefit and growth of his Church. He hasn’t taken on this role easily, but realizing that the call is from above, he has accepted it without resistance.

To conclude, Monseigneur, after having presented the humble commendations as well of myself as of my wife to your kind favour and to that of Madame, I shall supplicate our good Lord to have you always in his protection, guiding you with a view to his honour, as he has done hitherto, and shewing[52] himself so powerful in you, that we may always acknowledge the fruit of that great victory with which Jesus Christ consoles us.

To wrap things up, Your Excellency, after sending my humble greetings from both myself and my wife to your kindness and that of Madame, I will pray to our good Lord to keep you always under his protection, guiding you for his glory, just as he has done so far, and demonstrating his power in you, so that we may always recognize the blessing of that great victory with which Jesus Christ comforts us.

Your humble servant and brother in our Lord Jesus,

Your devoted servant and brother in our Lord Jesus,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


When I had finished these presents, I received the sad news of the death of good Diaz.[55] But it so happens, that the unhappy Papists shew more and more that they are led by the spirit of their father, who has been a murderer from the beginning.

When I finished these gifts, I got the sad news about the death of good Diaz.[55] But it turns out that the miserable Papists are increasingly showing that they are driven by the spirit of their father, who has been a murderer from the very start.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXIII.—To Farel.[56]

Troubles at Geneva—imprisonment of the several members of the family of Favre—account of the assassination of John Diaz at Neubourg.

[April 1546.]

[April 1546.]

After your departure the dances caused us more trouble than I had supposed. All those who were present being summoned to the Consistory, with the two exceptions of Corna and Perrin, shamelessly lied to God and us. I was incensed, as the vileness[53] of the thing demanded, and I strongly inveighed against the contempt of God, in that they thought nothing of making a mockery of the sacred obtestations we had used. They persisted in their contumacy. When I was fully informed of the state of the case, I could do nothing but call God to witness that they would pay the penalty of such perfidy; I, at the same time, however, announced my resolution of unbaring the truth, even though it should be at the cost of my own life, lest they should imagine that any profit was to come of lying. Francisca also, the wife of Perrin, grossly abused us, because we were so opposed to the Favres.[57] I replied as seemed proper, and as she deserved. I inquired whether their house was inviolably sacred, whether it owed no subjection to the laws? We already detained her father in prison, being convicted of one act of adultery,[58] the proof of a second was close at hand; there was a strong report of a third; her brother had openly contemned and derided the Senate and us. Finally, I added, that a new city must be built for them, in which they might live apart, unless they were willing to be restrained by us here under the yoke of Christ; that so long as they were in Geneva, they would strive in vain to cast off obedience to the laws; for were there as many diadems in the house of the Favres as frenzied heads, that that would be no barrier to the Lord being superior. Her husband had meanwhile gone to Lyons, hoping that the matter would be silently buried. I thought that they should be forced to a confession of the truth by an oath. Corna warned them that he would by no means suffer them to perjure themselves. They not only confessed what we wished, but that[54] they, on that day, danced at the house of the widow of Balthazar. They were all cast into prison. The Syndic was an illustrious example of moderation; for he publicly spoke against himself and the whole herd so severely, that it was unnecessary to say much to him. He was, however, severely admonished in the Consistory, being deposed from his office until he gave proof of repentance. They say that Perrin has returned from Lyons; whatever he may do, he will not escape punishment. Henry was stripped of his office with our consent. With him there fell out a ludicrous enough altercation. He had admitted that what had been taken down from the witnesses was true. Meanwhile he had recourse to the defence, 'Against an elder admit no accusation unless before two or three witnesses.' I inquired whose saying this was,—'Out of thine own mouth I judge thee, worthless servant;' for that now the case did not lie in the trustworthiness of the witnesses, but in his confession. Besides, when he repudiated the witnesses, that he was pressed by the dilemma, either his confession was true or it was false: if true, there was no further ground for hesitation; but if he had said what was false, he was to be held as answerable for perjury, because he had sworn to something different from the reality. It therefore came to this, that he might say that he had spoken falsely and without regard to principle. When he said that it was unfair that he should be pressed by one who ought to have been his defender, I inquired by what obligation I was bound to him to defend a bad cause, for that I had taken no oath to the Franciscan faction. Much was said to the man, backwards and forwards, but the result was, that he departed loaded with the reproach and odium of all. Being deprived of his ministry, he was, at the same time, thrust into prison, whence, however, he was liberated in three days. There he was a strenuous patron of the dances, that he might embitter, as far as was in his power, the hatred towards me of those who were already more than sufficiently alienated from me. But whatever Satan may essay by the like of him, he will afford a striking example. For two things are already matter of public talk, that there is no hope of impunity since even the first people of the city are not spared, and that I show[55] no more favour to friends than to those opposed to me. Perrin with his wife rages in prison; the widow is absolutely furious; the others are silent from confusion and shame.

After you left, the dances caused us more trouble than I expected. Everyone who was there was called to the Consistory, except for Corna and Perrin, and they all shamelessly lied to God and to us. I was outraged, as the wickedness of it deserved it, and I strongly condemned their disrespect toward God, since they thought nothing of mocking the sacred promises we had made. They continued in their defiance. Once I understood the situation fully, I could only call God as my witness that they would face the consequences of such betrayal; I also declared my determination to reveal the truth, even if it cost me my life, so they wouldn’t think they could benefit from lying. Francisca, Perrin’s wife, also insulted us because we opposed the Favres. I responded appropriately, as she deserved. I asked if their house was inviolably sacred and exempt from the law. We already had her father in prison, convicted of adultery, and evidence of a second offense was on the way; there were strong rumors about a third; her brother had openly disrespected the Senate and us. Lastly, I said a new city needed to be built for them, where they could live separately, unless they were willing to live under Christ's law here; as long as they were in Geneva, they would struggle in vain to escape the laws; even if the Favres had as many crowns as they had crazy ideas, that wouldn’t prevent God from being in charge. Her husband had gone to Lyons, thinking the issue would be quietly forgotten. I believed they should be forced to confess the truth under oath. Corna warned them that he wouldn’t tolerate any perjury. Not only did they confess what we wanted, but they also admitted that they had danced at the widow of Balthazar's house that day. They were all thrown into prison. The Syndic was a notable example of moderation; he spoke so severely against himself and the whole group that it was unnecessary to say much more to him. He was, however, sternly advised in the Consistory and removed from his position until he showed repentance. They say Perrin has returned from Lyons; whatever he does, he won't escape punishment. Henry was removed from his position with our agreement. He got into a rather amusing argument because he had admitted that what was taken from the witnesses was true. He then tried to defend himself by saying, 'Do not accept accusations against an elder unless there are two or three witnesses.' I asked whose saying that was — 'By your own words, I judge you, worthless servant;' for now the issue wasn't about the reliability of the witnesses, but his confession. Furthermore, when he dismissed the witnesses, he was caught in a dilemma: either his confession was true or it was false. If it was true, there was no further reason for doubt; but if he had lied, he could be held accountable for perjury because he had sworn to something that wasn’t real. Thus, it came down to this: he could say he had spoken falsely and without care for principle. When he claimed it was unfair that someone who should have defended him was pressuring him, I asked what obligation I had to defend a bad cause, as I hadn’t sworn any loyalty to the Franciscan faction. A lot was said back and forth, but the outcome was that he left bearing the shame and disdain of all. Being stripped of his role, he was also thrown into prison, but he was freed after three days. While there, he became a strong supporter of the dances to further embitter those who were already sufficiently angry with me. But no matter what Satan attempts through him, he will serve as a clear example. Two things are already common knowledge: there is no hope of escaping punishment since even the city's top people are not spared, and I show no more favor to friends than to those against me. Perrin and his wife are furious in prison; the widow is absolutely livid; the others are silent from embarrassment and shame.

Diaz, the Spaniard, whom you saw here, Viret, at the house of Des Gallars, and who, setting out from Neuchatel for Germany, had passed through with the two Senarclens, was most cruelly put to death. When the Emperor was said to be approaching, he had repaired to Neubourg, a town under the rule of Duke Otho Henry. From that place he wrote to me on the 13th of March. He had a brother at Rome of the name of Alphonso, who came thither with the express design of making away with this godly man. They conferred together for some days. When Juan observed that he was of no service, he left Alphonso. The latter, pretending that he had forgotten something, sends a servant to recall his brother, and put him to death in the house. He followed him to the house, nor did he believe the domestic that the slaughter had been perpetrated until he himself had viewed the corpse. Then he hurried off on fleet horses to the county of Tyrol.[59] Duke Otho sent the prefect of the palace to demand that he should be given up to punishment. Unless Ferdinand be willing to throw into confusion all things, both human and divine, he must of necessity avenge so base and abominable an outrage. For the prefect has at the same time surrendered himself a prisoner.

Diaz, the Spaniard you saw here, Viret, at Des Gallars' house, who set out from Neuchatel to Germany and traveled with the two Senarclens, was brutally executed. When it was said that the Emperor was approaching, he went to Neubourg, a town ruled by Duke Otho Henry. From there, he wrote to me on March 13th. He had a brother in Rome named Alphonso, who came there with the specific intention of killing this righteous man. They met for several days. When Juan realized he was no help, he left Alphonso. The latter, pretending to have forgotten something, sent a servant to call his brother back and killed him in the house. He followed him home, and he didn’t believe the servant who claimed the murder had happened until he saw the corpse himself. Then he rushed away on fast horses to the county of Tyrol.[59] Duke Otho sent the palace prefect to demand that he be handed over for punishment. Unless Ferdinand is willing to throw everything, both human and divine, into chaos, he must necessarily avenge such a vile and disgusting act. The prefect has also surrendered himself as a prisoner.

Adieu, dearest brethren; may God ever protect you. Salute all friends. You, Farel, will convey to the heads of the citizens my best greeting. I wish that I could one day creep your length, in whatever way it might be possible.—All ours salute you.

Goodbye, dear friends; may God always keep you safe. Say hello to all our friends. You, Farel, will pass on my warmest regards to the city's leaders. I hope that one day I can visit you, however it might be possible. —All of us send our greetings to you.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp.—Opera, tom. ix. p. 38.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp.—Opera, vol. ix, p. 38.]


CLXIV.—To Amy Perrin.[60]

Complaints regarding the conduct of Perrin—firm and courageous declaration by the Reformer of his resolution to persevere in his duty unto death.

[April 1546.]

[April 1546.]

I should willingly have met you, Lord Captain, had it not appeared to me that a different course was expedient. You will have an opportunity of hearing the reason from me at a proper place and time. I could have wished, however, that you had appeared at the Consistory, by way of example to others. As in that respect you did not do your duty, because you had perhaps not been warned, I desired you at least to be present at the close of the meeting to-day, that the Syndic Corna and I might there discuss the matter with you. What there was to prevent you I do not see. But this I wish you to consider, that we can not enjoy weight for weight with an unequal balance; and if impartiality must be observed in the administration of human law, any departure from it cannot be tolerated in the Church of God. You[57] yourself either know, or at least ought to know, what I am; that, at all events, I am one to whom the law of my heavenly Master is so dear, that the cause of no man on earth will induce me to flinch from maintaining it with a pure conscience. I cannot believe that you yourself have any other end in view, but I observe that no one has his eyes wide enough open when the case is his own. As far as I am concerned, I desire, in this very matter, to consult not only the edification of the Church and your salvation, but also your convenience, name, and leisure; for how odious would be the imputation which is likely to fall upon you, that you were apparently free from and unrestrained by the common law, to which every one is subject? It is certainly better, and in accordance with my zeal for your welfare, to anticipate the danger than that you should be so branded. I have heard, indeed, what has proceeded from your house, viz., that I should take care lest I stir up a slumbering fire, lest what occurred before should again take place, in the course of the seventh year. But these speeches have no weight with me; for I did not return to Geneva either for the sake of leisure or of gain, nor will it again grieve me to be constrained to leave it. The convenience and safety of Church and State made me willing to return; and if measures are now being taken against me alone, I should wish it to be said, once for all, to all who think me troublesome, "What you do, do quickly." But yet, the unworthy treatment and ingratitude of some parties will not cause me to fail in my duty, and I will lay aside that devoted attachment to this place only with my last breath, of which I take God as my voucher. Nor will I ever so far yield to the humours of any other individual, as hereafter to dispense with his personal attendance. These observations do not refer to you, but to that member of your family that is nearest to you. Nor do I write them with the view of spreading quarrels, but that it may be manifest with what firmness I am about to proceed, whatever may happen. I am especially desirous to impress upon you the necessity of earnestly seeking to acquire the primary virtue of obedience to God, and respect for the common order and polity of the Church. May the Lord protect you by his own defence, and discover to[58] you how greatly even the stripes of a sincere friend are to be preferred to the treacherous blandishments of others!—Adieu.

I would have gladly met with you, Lord Captain, if I didn’t think a different approach was necessary. You’ll have a chance to hear my reasons at a more appropriate place and time. However, I wished you had attended the Consistory to set an example for others. Because you didn’t fulfill that duty—perhaps because you weren’t warned—I wanted you to be at the end of today’s meeting so that Syndic Corna and I could discuss this matter with you. I don’t see what could have prevented you from attending. But please consider this: we can’t have fairness in law with an uneven scale, and if we must maintain impartiality in human law, any deviation from that can't be accepted in the Church of God. You either know or should know what I stand for; I hold the law of my heavenly Master so dearly that no one on earth can make me waver from upholding it with a clear conscience. I can’t believe you have any other agenda, but I notice that people often don’t see things clearly when it concerns themselves. As for me, I want to ensure that this matter supports not only the Church's growth and your salvation but also your comfort, reputation, and time. How terrible would it be if the accusation arose that you were above and beyond the common laws that everyone else must follow? It’s certainly better, and reflects my concern for your well-being, to address potential issues before you face such a stigma. I’ve heard what’s been said by your household—that I should be cautious not to stir up trouble, that history might repeat itself in the seventh year. But those words don’t matter to me; I didn’t return to Geneva for leisure or profit, nor would I be upset if I were forced to leave again. The convenience and safety of the Church and State made me willing to come back; if actions are being taken against me alone, I wish to tell all who consider me a bother, “Just do what you need to do quickly.” Nevertheless, the unkind treatment and ingratitude from some won’t deter me from my duty, and I will only set aside my deep connection to this place at the end of my life, with God as my witness. I will never yield to anyone’s whims enough to excuse their absence. These comments aren’t about you, but rather about the closest member of your family. I’m not writing this to incite conflict, but to make it clear how resolutely I plan to move forward, no matter what happens. I especially want to emphasize the importance of earnestly pursuing the fundamental virtue of obedience to God and respect for the common order and governance of the Church. May the Lord protect you, and may He show you how much better even the sharp truths from a genuine friend are than the deceitful flattery from others!—Goodbye.

Your attached and sincere brother,

Your supportive and genuine brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 80.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 80.]


CLXV.—To Farel and Viret.[61]

Requests in favour of the faithful in France.

Geneva, 1st May 1546.

Geneva, May 1, 1546.

This pious brother is a citizen of Uzés,[62] a place where many have been utterly ruined by the severity of the ungodly. They have all agreed to try whether any succour is to be found among the Germans. I replied, that I had somewhat greater hope to-day, in that our princes have shewn, by clear indications, their aversion from imprisoning. I had, besides, been reminded that there was a certain person at Worms, sent by the Dauphin, who makes many promises. I am, indeed, aware of the hollowness of courts, but there will be no harm in making trial. I should not have refused what they strenuously insisted upon, viz., that I should undertake this journey, were I not still a prisoner, so slow is the process of my convalescence. I hardly know what progress I have hitherto made towards recovery, unless that my sufferings are allayed.[63] I have, therefore, left[59] this duty to one of you. Whoever of you finds it convenient will provide the expenses. As you, Viret,[64] are on the eve of setting out for Berne, it is right that our friend Farel be relieved by you of this burden, if the Senate give its permission. But if you shall not be free to go, Farel himself, I know, will spare neither himself nor his age; certainly otherwise he will be absolutely indispensable. Wherefore, if leave of absence be denied to Viret, take care you do not fail, Farel, for I have almost given a pledge in your name to the brethren. It remains with you, therefore, to fulfil the pledge, even though it were given rashly. Moreover, because, from the present state of the kingdom, it would be in vain to ask of the King what he ought to do of his own accord, we have judged that he must at least be required to undertake the commission of inquiry. This, again, will be equivalent to interdicting the Parliaments from engaging in it. In the next place, he must be asked to nominate extraordinary impartial judges. If this is obtained, a great step will be made. To aim at anything beyond this would, as I said, be superfluous. If the Chancellor is disposed to favour us, all will be well.[65] But as he is timid and tardy, we must see to it that he is vigorously urged on. Accordingly, not less pains must be taken in these secondary matters than in those of prime importance. But abjuration is always to be expressly excluded; for we do the work of Satan, if we open up a path to the godly whereby they may be permitted to abjure Christ. I diligently commend the whole matter, first to Master James Sturm, whose authority in the conventions is of the highest order; in the next place to Bucer, that he may stimulate those whom he can; again to Sturm and Dr. Ulrich, that they may also interpose the weight of their personal influence. The affair itself will give you counsel. You are not, however, tyros. May the Lord[60] prosper his journey who shall undertake this sacred cause.—Yours,

This devout brother is a resident of Uzés,[62] a place where many have been completely ruined by the harshness of the wicked. They have all agreed to see if any help can be found among the Germans. I replied that I had a bit more hope today because our princes have clearly shown their reluctance to imprison anyone. I was also reminded that there is someone in Worms, sent by the Dauphin, who makes a lot of promises. I know how insincere courts can be, but it wouldn’t hurt to try. I wouldn't have declined their insistence that I undertake this journey if I weren't still a prisoner, as my recovery is taking such a long time. I hardly know what progress I have made towards healing, except that my pain is more manageable.[63] So, I've left this responsibility to one of you. Whoever finds it convenient will take care of the expenses. Since you, Viret,[64] are about to head to Berne, it's only right that our friend Farel be relieved of this burden by you, if the Senate gives its approval. However, if you can't go, I know that Farel will put in every effort he can, regardless of his age; he will certainly be absolutely necessary otherwise. So, if Viret is denied permission to leave, make sure you don't fail, Farel, because I've almost pledged on your behalf to the brethren. It’s up to you, therefore, to fulfill that pledge, even if it was made hastily. Moreover, since it would be pointless to ask the King to do what he should do on his own, we have decided that he must at least be required to undertake the investigation. This will essentially block the Parliaments from getting involved. Next, he should be asked to appoint extraordinary impartial judges. If we can achieve this, it will be a significant step forward. To aim for anything more would, as I said, be excessive. If the Chancellor is inclined to support us, everything will go well.[65] But since he is hesitant and slow, we must ensure he is pushed hard. As such, we need to put just as much effort into these secondary matters as we do into the critical ones. However, renunciation must always be strictly excluded; we do the devil's work if we create a pathway for believers to renounce Christ. I consistently recommend the whole situation first to Master James Sturm, whose authority in the conventions is very high; next to Bucer, so he can motivate those he can; and again to Sturm and Dr. Ulrich, so they can also lend their personal influence. The matter itself will guide you. You are not beginners, though. May the Lord[60] bless the journey of whoever takes on this sacred cause.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXVI.—To Ms. de Falais.

Expression of Christian sympathy and condolence on occasion of the illness of M. de Falais.

From Geneva, this 21st of June [1546.][66]

From Geneva, June 21, 1546.[66]

Madame,—Notwithstanding that the addition which you have made to your letter has marvellously saddened me, yet nevertheless it was kind to have informed me of it, for that will serve to bestir us, so that we may pray to God with so much the better heart, as danger is to be feared.[67] And, indeed, I had already heard somewhat thereof by Monsieur Dallein, and Master Peter Viret has confirmed it to me. Beside that in praying to God to look down with pity upon us in this strait, we must look patiently for an outlet such as he shall please to send; and whichsoever way he disposes thereof, that we may be prepared to bear with it in suchwise that it must effectually appear how obedient we are to him. Bethink yourself, also, how by that wearisome sickness and so many relapses, our Lord admonishes you, before the blow, so to strengthen you, that you may not be taken by surprise, whatever may happen. However the event may be, I do well believe that for all that, although he may get the better of it, we must not count, neither he nor myself, upon a long sojourning here below. And possibly you also may very soon after follow us. But, after all, I do not give up hope of more gladsome news.

Ma'am,—Even though the addition you made to your letter has deeply saddened me, I appreciate you letting me know, as it will motivate us to pray to God with a more sincere heart, since we need to be wary of danger.[67] In fact, I had already heard a bit about it from Monsieur Dallein, and Master Peter Viret has confirmed it for me. Besides praying to God to show us mercy in this difficult time, we must patiently wait for a solution that He chooses to provide; whatever direction He takes us, we should be ready to accept it in a way that clearly shows our obedience to Him. Remember how, through this exhausting illness and so many setbacks, our Lord is warning you, before the worst happens, to prepare yourself, so that you're not caught off guard by whatever may come. Regardless of the outcome, I truly believe that, even if he overcomes this, neither of us should expect a long stay here on earth. And it’s possible that you may soon join us. However, I still hold onto hope for more cheerful news.

To conclude, Madame, after having humbly commended me to your good graces, I pray our good Lord to have ever his eye[61] upon you, and to make you know it by experience for your consolation, increasing in you all those graces with which his children ought to be enriched.

To wrap up, Madame, after I’ve humbly asked you to look kindly upon me, I pray our good Lord to always watch over you and to let you feel it for your comfort, growing in you all the blessings with which His children should be blessed.[61]

Your humble brother, servant, and old friend,

Your humble brother, servant, and old friend,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


My wife presents you her humble commendations.

My wife sends you her best regards.

[Orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Orig. autogr.Geneva Library. Vol. 194.]


CLXVII.—To Farel.[68]

Excitement caused at Geneva by the Representation of a Play.

Geneva, 4th July 1546.

Geneva, July 4, 1546.

Our plays narrowly escaped being converted into tragedy. When the senate had asked my opinion, I said that I would make no reply unless concerning the common resolution of the brethren. The brethren having been heard, I replied, that for many reasons it did not seem to us expedient that the games should be proceeded with, and at the same time I explained the grounds of our opinion. I said, however, that we did not wish to oppose them, if the senate held out for them. When the day was coming on, Michael, (who had done so once before,) instead of preaching, inveighed against the actors; but so vehement was this second invective, that a concourse of[62] people straightway made towards me with loud shouts, threats, and what not. And had I not by a strong effort restrained the fury of some of them, they would have come to blows. I endeavoured in the second discourse to appease their exasperation, observing moderation, for I judged that he had acted imprudently in having at an unseasonable time chosen such a theme for declamation. But his extravagance was the more displeasing, since I could by no means approve of what he had said. He maintained it to be true; I firmly denied it. There were some of the brethren who encouraged the man in his obstinacy. About nine in the evening, I was told that a hundred or thereabouts would meet on the following day in the council-room. I immediately called the brethren together: we came to the resolution that we ought to accompany Michael. He was hardly suffered to go out along with me. I bring him to the place of meeting; meanwhile I order the others to be sent for. His accusers indicate their refusal to speak while we are present; for they said they had no concern with me, beyond that they regarded me with reverence, and were therefore unwilling to enter into any dispute with me. I strenuously insist that the cause is common, until it appear that Michael has erred in his duty. We are ordered to withdraw to separate sides of the house; from the opposite party arise seditious shouts; they threateningly assert that they would have killed Michael were it not that they revered me. To restrain the tumult, he was detained in the council-room, but in a respectful manner. On the following day, by the favour of the Lord, we quieted all disturbances; for Abel,[69] by the esteem in which he is held, and I by my authority, prevailed with the actors. The senate, however, was on our side. I was so far displeased with it, that it was not more courageous and spirited, for as usual it behaved too timidly; the result is, that the games are now going on. Viret is present as a spectator, who has again returned, according to arrangement, with a view to restore our furious friend to sanity.[70]

Our plays narrowly avoided turning into a disaster. When the senate asked for my opinion, I said I wouldn’t respond unless it was about the collective decision of the group. After hearing from the group, I said that for various reasons, we didn’t think it was a good idea to continue with the games, and I explained our reasoning. However, I also stated that we didn’t want to oppose them if the senate wanted to go ahead. As the day approached, Michael, who had done this before, instead of preaching, criticized the actors. His second attack was so intense that a crowd quickly gathered around me, shouting and threatening. If I hadn’t managed to calm some of them down, it could have turned violent. In my second speech, I tried to calm their anger, acting moderately, because I thought Michael had been reckless in choosing such a topic at an inappropriate time. His outburst was even more upsetting to me since I couldn’t agree with what he said. He insisted he was right; I firmly disagreed. Some members of the group encouraged his stubbornness. Around nine that evening, I was informed that about a hundred people would be gathering the next day in the council room. I immediately called the group together, and we decided we should support Michael. He was barely allowed to leave with me. I brought him to the meeting place while ordering the others to be summoned. His accusers refused to speak as long as we were there, saying they held me in high regard and didn’t want to argue with me. I insisted that the matter was a shared concern until it became clear that Michael had failed in his duty. We were asked to separate to different sides of the building, and from the opposing side, there were seditious shouts; they threatened to harm Michael, except for their respect for me. To calm the chaos, he was kept in the council room, but respectfully. The next day, with the Lord’s help, we managed to resolve the disturbances; for Abel, through the respect he garnered, and I, with my authority, persuaded the actors. However, the senate was on our side. I was somewhat disappointed that it wasn’t braver and more spirited, as usual, it acted too timidly; as a result, the games are now happening. Viret is there as a spectator, having returned as planned to help bring our furious friend back to reason.

Of your brothers I hear absolutely nothing. There is with you one Elie Limousin by name, a native of Rochelle, who has now in a third letter asked me to certify to you what I have known of his former life. Pious people who come from that district declare that he was an upright man, and of honourable life, and also that he was unmarried when he removed thence to us. There is no reason, therefore, why any suspicion of this nature should be a hindrance to his marriage. You will apologize for my not having replied to him, and also for having so cursorily gone over to you what perhaps demanded a longer discourse. Adieu, dearest brother in the Lord, and most sincere friend. Salute respectfully all the brethren; there is no salutation from any one here to you or them, as no one knew I was going to write except Nicolas, the father-in-law of a brother, who came in. May the Lord be ever present with you, and bless your sacred labours.

I haven't heard anything about your brothers. There's a guy named Elie Limousin from Rochelle who has asked me in his third letter to vouch for what I know about his past. People from that area who are known for their piety say he was a good and honorable man and that he was single when he came to us. So, there shouldn't be any concerns about him marrying. Please excuse my delay in responding to him and for my brief message to you, which probably deserved a longer explanation. Goodbye, my dear brother in the Lord, and my true friend. Please send my regards to all the brothers; no one here knows I’m writing to you or them, except for Nicolas, a brother's father-in-law, who happened to stop by. May the Lord always be with you and bless your important work.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 43.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 43.]


CLXVIII.—To Mr. de Falais.

Proposals of matrimony on behalf of Viret.

Geneva, 4th July 1546.

Geneva, July 4, 1546.

Monseigneur,—You see, by the date of the other letters, what a length of time they have lain by me since they were written, forasmuch as the bearer could not find means to fill his letter-case; whereof I wished to inform you, fearing that you might suppose that he had kept them up for such a length of time in his own hands. We are in great anxiety for news concerning you, on account of the rumour which is abroad. The Lord graciously vouchsafe that you may have matter wherewith to gladden us. Now, however, since the bearer has been tarrying for a while, I have taken upon me, Monsieur, to make a[64] request of you. You know that our brother Viret is about to marry. I am in as great anxiety about it as himself. We have plenty of wives here, both at Lausanne and at Orbe; but yet there has not hitherto appeared a single one with whom I should feel at all satisfied. While we have this matter in hand, I would beseech you earnestly, if you have remarked any one in your quarter who appears to you likely to suit him, that you would please let me know of it. I have not thought fit to apply to any other than yourself, seeing that every one has not the prudence which is herein required. You may reply to me, that I am at least acquainted with some one in your neighbourhood; but I shall not venture to breathe a word before having your opinion, which you can tell me in one word, for I shall hold your silence for a non placet.[71] I have not felt the least difficulty in addressing you privately in regard to this, although the subject may be rather delicate, for the necessity of the case would excuse me, were I even somewhat importunate, because there was no one else in whom it appeared safe to confide; and I am well aware that, for your part, knowing of how much consequence the marriage of such a man is for the Church of God, you would not spare yourself any pains therein. Indeed, I would not hinder your acting directly for him, supposing that a suitable party can be found there; but in regard to asking advice, I have taken for granted that you will allow me that liberty.

Your Excellency,—You can see from the dates on the other letters how long they’ve been sitting with me since they were written, because the messenger couldn’t find a way to fill his letter-case. I wanted to inform you of this, fearing you might think he kept them for too long himself. We are very anxious for news about you because of the rumors going around. May the Lord graciously allow you to have news that cheers us. However, since the messenger has been waiting for a while, I have taken it upon myself, Monsieur, to make a[64] request of you. You know that our brother Viret is about to get married. I am as anxious about it as he is. We have plenty of women here, both in Lausanne and Orbe; however, there hasn’t been anyone yet that I feel satisfied with. While we're on this topic, I would earnestly ask you, if you’ve noticed anyone in your area who you think would be a good match for him, to please let me know. I haven't thought it right to reach out to anyone but you, since not everyone has the discretion needed here. You might say that I know someone in your neighborhood, but I won’t say a word until I have your opinion, which you can give me simply, as I’ll take your silence as a non placet.[71] I haven’t hesitated to address you about this privately, even though the topic may be a bit delicate, because the urgency of the situation would excuse me if I seem a bit pushy, given that there’s no one else I feel safe confiding in; and I know that you, recognizing how important this marriage is for the Church, wouldn’t spare any effort in it. In fact, I wouldn’t want to prevent you from acting directly on his behalf if a suitable candidate can be found there; but regarding seeking advice, I’ve assumed you’d allow me that freedom.

In conclusion, Monseigneur, after having commended me to your kind favour with such affection as that wherewith I love you, I pray our good Lord to have always a care of you, guiding you in suchwise that you may be more and more serviceable for the advancement of his glory.

In conclusion, Monseigneur, after having recommended me to your kind support with as much affection as I have for you, I pray that our good Lord always watches over you, guiding you in a way that makes you increasingly helpful for the advancement of His glory.

Your servant, humble brother, and entire friend,

Your servant, humble brother, and loyal friend,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. copyLibrary of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. copyGeneva Library. Vol. 194.]


CLXIX.—To Viret.

Account of the steps taken relative to his marriage.

13th July 1546.

July 13, 1546.

Think of what you are going to do, and then write to me again what resolution you have come to. The more we inquire, the more numerous and the better are the testimonies with which the young lady is honoured. Accordingly, I am now seeking to discover the mind of her father. As soon as we have reached any certainty, I will let you know. Meanwhile, do you make yourself ready. This match does not please Perrin, because he wishes to force upon you the daughter of Rameau. That makes me the more solicitous about pre-occupying the ground in good time, lest we be obstructed by having to make excuses. To-day, as far as I gather, he will enter upon the subject with me, for we are both invited by Corna to supper. I will gain time by a civil excuse. It would tend to promote the matter if I, with your permission, should ask her. I have seen her twice; she is very modest, with an exceedingly becoming countenance and person. Of her manners, all speak so highly that John Parvi lately told me, he had been captivated by her. Adieu; may the Lord govern you by his counsel, and bless us in an undertaking of such moment.—Yours,

Think about what you’re going to do, and then write to me again about what decision you’ve made. The more we look into it, the more positive feedback we get about the young lady. So, I'm trying to figure out what her father thinks. As soon as we know anything for sure, I’ll let you know. In the meantime, get yourself ready. This match doesn't sit well with Perrin, because he wants to push you towards Rameau’s daughter. That makes me even more eager to secure our position early, so we don't end up having to make excuses. Today, as far as I understand, he plans to bring it up with me since we’re both invited to dinner at Corna’s place. I’ll buy some time with a polite excuse. It would help if I could ask her, with your permission. I’ve seen her twice; she’s very modest, with a really appealing face and figure. Everyone speaks so highly of her manners that John Parvi recently told me he was smitten. Goodbye; may the Lord guide you with his wisdom and bless us in such an important endeavor.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXX.—To Viret.

Fresh details regarding the projects for his marriage.

Geneva, 15th July 1546.

Geneva, July 15, 1546.

Three days ago, towards the conclusion of supper, mention was made of your marriage, which I had foretold you would be the case. But Dominic Arlot, whose assistance I had employed, presently interrupted the conversation; for he said that the matter was completed. On hearing this our friend instantly[66] sprung up from table, and, in his usual way, gave reins to his indignation; for, says he, his whole body shaking, "Will he then marry that girl of low connections? Could there not be found for him in the city one of better family? Whoever have been the originators or abettors of this business, I regard them as vile and infamous. Of a brother and sister I am thus unwillingly compelled to speak." I, in reply, say, "I could not be the originator of it, inasmuch as the young lady was unknown to me. I acknowledge that I was a promoter of it, and, indeed, the principal one; but that the matter is finally settled, as Dominic has asserted, is not true, beyond this, that I have gone so far in it that to draw back would be dishonourable. In that there is nothing for me to be ashamed of." His fury was thus turned into laughter. But he again began to grow hot, because the matter had been concealed from him by you. He was especially inflamed with a foolish jealousy, because Corna confessed that you and he, while riding, had talked over the thing together. "Is it even so?" he proceeded to say to Corna. "Was it for this I attended him along with you, that he might in the most insulting manner shut out from his counsels the most attached friend he has in the world? [for] I would cheerfully prefer him to myself."

Three days ago, towards the end of dinner, someone brought up your marriage, which I had predicted. But Dominic Arlot, whose help I had enlisted, quickly interrupted the conversation, saying that the deal was done. Hearing this, our friend immediately[66] stood up from the table and, as usual, expressed his outrage. He said, shaking all over, "Is he really going to marry that girl from a low background? Couldn't they find someone of better family for him in the city? Whoever started or supported this, I see them as despicable and disgraceful. I hate to talk about how it affects a brother and sister." I replied, "I couldn't have started this, since I didn't even know the young lady. I admit I promoted it, and in fact, I was the main one pushing for it; but it’s not true that it’s settled, as Dominic has claimed, except that I’ve gone too far to back out now, and there's nothing shameful in that." His anger then turned into laughter. But he became furious again because you had kept the matter from him. He was especially worked up with a foolish jealousy after Corna admitted that you two had discussed it while riding together. "Is that so?" he said to Corna. "Did I really go along with you to help him, just so he could treat his closest friend like this? I would gladly choose him over myself."

I objected that he himself drew a false conclusion, since you had not disclosed your mind even to Farel. He was, therefore, again pacified, though he talked of the daughter of Rameau, whom he extolled in an extraordinary manner. I nodded assent to all the encomiums, that I might remain firm in regard to the other party.

I disagreed with him, saying he was making a wrong assumption since you hadn't shared your thoughts even with Farel. He calmed down again, though he went on about Rameau's daughter, praising her in an incredibly over-the-top way. I nodded in agreement to all the compliments so I could stay strong regarding the other side.

Consider, now, whether it be expedient for you to come into the city disengaged. For there will be a hateful apologizing, if they proceed to obtrude her upon you. I know how dangerous even it may be to give a promise before the natural disposition of the girl has been ascertained. I am full of anxiety, nor can I easily clear a way for myself. I think, however, that this course would not be ridiculous. Suppose you consent to my asking the young lady in your name, the condition being added, that before the betrothal takes place, you are to meet her, that we may give some certain promise. They will thus not[67] dare to press you. Write in return, therefore, by the earliest possible messenger what your views are, although, at the same time, I give it as my advice that you should not delay long, but come on an early day. Of the lady, I hear nothing that is not highly pleasing. In her father and mother, also, there is nothing blamable. I am the more confirmed, when I see that our opponents have nothing to carp at beyond this, that it was impossible for them to frighten us from our purpose. There are some things about the daughter of Rameau which I fear; nevertheless, as it is your own affair, you will be free to choose. I will never, however, allow that there is any man on earth who has greater concern about his own matters than I have about the present.

Consider whether it’s wise for you to come to the city without any commitments. It would be awkward if they try to push her on you. I know how risky it can be to promise something before figuring out the girl’s true character. I’m quite anxious and finding it hard to navigate this situation. Still, I think this approach wouldn’t be silly. If you agree, I could ask the young lady on your behalf, with the condition that you meet her before any engagement happens, so we can make a definite promise. They wouldn’t dare pressure you this way. So, please reply as soon as possible with your thoughts, although I advise you not to wait too long and to come at an early date. I hear nothing but good things about the lady, and her parents seem to be just fine. I feel more confident seeing that our rivals have nothing to criticize except that they could not scare us off our goal. There are some concerns I have about Rameau’s daughter; however, since this is your decision, you can choose freely. I will never say there’s anyone on this planet who cares more about his own interests than I care about this situation.

This youth came to us from Italy, with the view of giving his attention to sacred literature, if a situation had been found such as he had hoped for. But as he has been disappointed, he wished, before he returned home, to pay you a visit. I have observed in him a truly good disposition. You will say a few words to confirm him in the fear of the Lord, and in reverence for his teaching.—Adieu. May the Lord direct you by his counsel, and bless you in a recommendation of so much moment. Salute respectfully all the brethren.—Yours,

This young man came to us from Italy, hoping to focus on sacred literature if an opportunity arose as he expected. However, since he has been let down, he wants to visit you before returning home. I've noticed he has a genuinely good character. Please say a few words to encourage him in his respect for the Lord and his teachings. —Goodbye. May the Lord guide you with His advice and bless you in such an important matter. Please give my respects to all the brethren. —Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


Forgive me for not having, some time ago, sent to you this letter by our treasurer—I mean Bucer's, for, as the messenger brought it open, I thought that it had been already read by you and Farel. Afterwards, he reminded me that not even Toussain had read it. You will therefore send it to Farel, as soon as you shall have an opportunity. I am surprised that Bucer was not aroused by the murderous outrage so greatly to be execrated, which the Emperor perpetrated when he struck off the heads of the principal senators at Ratisbon. I am also surprised that he has made no mention of the incendiaries, but I set it down partly to his engagements. The other matter he has perhaps passed over on purpose, because he did not dare to commit everything to writing in these dubious times.

Forgive me for not sending this letter to you earlier via our treasurer—I mean Bucer's letter. Since the messenger brought it open, I thought you and Farel had already read it. Later, he reminded me that even Toussain hadn't seen it. So, you'll need to pass it on to Farel as soon as you can. I'm surprised that Bucer wasn't upset by the brutal act committed by the Emperor when he had the main senators beheaded in Ratisbon. I'm also surprised he hasn't mentioned the arsonists, but I attribute that to his busy schedule. He might have intentionally skipped over that issue because he didn't want to put everything in writing during these uncertain times.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXXI.—To Viret.

Same subject as the preceding.

[July 1546.]

[July 1546.]

Only say the word, the thing is settled. I should never have been in such haste, had I not been stimulated by so many remarkable testimonies. But nothing gave me a greater impulse than the desire to be freed from those embarrassments of which you are aware.

Only say the word, and it’s done. I shouldn’t have rushed so much if I hadn’t been pushed by so many impressive testimonies. But nothing motivated me more than the wish to be free from those complications you know about.

Adieu, again.—Yours,

Goodbye, again.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXXII.—To Viret.[72]

Breaking off of the match treated of in the preceding letters.

Geneva, 25th July 1546.

Geneva, July 25, 1546.

What I wrote to you, by the treasurer, regarding the settlement of the matter, was told to me by Peter Ursier, whom I was then employing as negotiator; because I was unwilling to say anything myself, until I had received a more definite commission. But after reading your letter, I waited on the father and daughter, that I might be absolutely certain of success. As soon, however, as reference was made to a change of residence, the father took exception to it, on the ground that something different had been promised him. I said that no promise to that effect had been made with our knowledge; and, moreover, that I had carefully enjoined Peter Ursier not to cajole them by[69] such promises. I pointed out how absurd it would be if we were to leave our churches to follow whither our wives called us; that a marriage consummated under such a condition would be an unhappy, because an unholy, alliance, that would not pass without punishment falling on both you and the girl; finally, that you would never be prevailed upon to afford the first example of so disgraceful a practice, and, therefore, that it was in vain to make the request. I added, that Lausanne was not so far distant from this as to prevent his daughter from being with him as often as might be necessary; that it would, likewise, be more satisfactory to have daily to congratulate his absent daughter than constantly to see and hear her weeping and bewailing the cruelties of her husband, which he observed was the case with so many. He requested space for deliberation, and, at the end of three days, he replied, that he was unwilling to send his only daughter from home. I felt greatly indignant at being so deluded by the folly of those in whom I trusted. I restrained myself, however, and dissembled my anger. But I do not need to offer any more lengthened excuse to you, as I am free from all blame. We may accordingly turn to some other quarter. Christopher spoke to me of a certain widow, who, he asserts, pleases him admirably. If such is the case, I am at rest, and leave it. But if not, indicate your mind. We shall very shortly, also, have a messenger from Strasbourg.—Adieu, brother, and most sincere friend. Salute all the co-presbyters very affectionately. May the Lord preserve you all safe, and direct you by his Holy Spirit even to the end.—Yours,

What I wrote to you, through the treasurer, about settling the matter was something I heard from Peter Ursier, whom I had hired as a negotiator; I didn't want to say anything myself until I got a more specific commission. However, after reading your letter, I met with the father and daughter to ensure everything would go smoothly. But as soon as we mentioned a change of residence, the father objected, claiming something different had been promised to him. I responded that no such promise had been made with our knowledge, and I had explicitly told Peter Ursier not to deceive them with such promises. I pointed out how ridiculous it would be for us to abandon our churches just to follow where our wives led us; that a marriage based on such a condition would be unhappy and unholy, bringing punishment upon both you and the girl; and that you would never set the first precedent of such disgraceful behavior, so his request was pointless. I also mentioned that Lausanne wasn't so far away that his daughter couldn't visit him as needed; it would be better for him to greet his absent daughter every day than to see her constantly crying and lamenting the cruelty of her husband, which he noted happened to many. He asked for some time to think it over, and after three days, he replied that he was unwilling to send his only daughter away from home. I was very upset at being deceived by the foolishness of those I trusted. However, I held back my anger and pretended to be calm. I don't need to offer you any more excuses since I am blameless. We might as well look elsewhere. Christopher mentioned a certain widow who he claims he likes very much. If that's the case, I'm okay with it and will let it go. But if not, let me know what you think. We will also have a messenger from Strasbourg soon. — Farewell, brother and dear friend. Please greet all the other presbyters warmly. May the Lord keep you all safe and guide you by His Holy Spirit until the end. — Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


Excuse me for not writing by the female servant of Petronilla, for I was not then fully aware of the state of the case; in other words, there was still a gleam of hope.

Excuse me for not writing through Petronilla's maid, because I wasn't fully aware of what was going on at the time; in other words, there was still a glimmer of hope.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXXIII.—To Farel.

Violence of the family of Amy Perrin—declamations of the wife of Froment against the ministers of Geneva.

Geneva, [1st September 1546.]

Geneva, [1st September 1546.]

Although the letter was not in every respect to my mind, for I was afraid that its undue harshness might hurt so delicate a stomach, I took care to have it forwarded, but in such a way that he should not know that I had seen it.[73] For this person conveyed it to his house as if it had been intrusted by you to himself. Should he thunder after his peculiar fashion, his bolts will die away in mere clatter. I not only appear before him, but almost obtrude myself upon him; only, I observe a mean, that I may keep in mind the place I hold; nor is this done on my own account, but because the man, being accustomed to adulation, would abuse my modesty, to the derision of Christ. I therefore despair of him, unless God apply a remedy. His wife is an unnatural fury. The widow N. is so shamelessly wanton, that you would say she is quite youthful. Then, having an evil conscience, she is excited by every word that is spoken before the congregation, and discharges upon us at home the venom she harbours. She has manifested towards you, however, marvellous good-will; for she took to her house your two nephews, when they were dangerously ill, and treats them as her own sons. This kind office deserves a liberal meed of thanks, which you will not omit to convey to her, whenever a messenger shall present himself. She is so opposed to all of us, that I believe Cæsar[74] himself is not more of an enemy; and yet, I confess I do not know what cause is to be assigned for this, unless that she shamelessly undertakes the defence of all her crimes.

Although the letter wasn't exactly what I wanted, as I feared its harshness might offend someone so sensitive, I made sure it was sent on, but in a way that he wouldn't know I had seen it.[73] This person delivered it to his house as if you had given it to him directly. If he reacts loudly as he usually does, it will just be noise without substance. I not only show myself to him but almost impose myself upon him; still, I keep a balance to remind myself of my position. I'm not doing this for my own sake, but because he, being used to flattery, would take advantage of my humility to mock Christ. So, I have little hope for him unless God intervenes. His wife is an unnatural rage. The widow N. is so openly promiscuous that you'd think she was very young. Having a guilty conscience, she reacts to every word said in public and unleashes her bitterness on us at home. However, she has shown remarkable kindness to you by taking in your two nephews when they were very sick and treating them like her own sons. This kind act deserves a generous thank you, which you should not forget to send her whenever a messenger comes. She is so hostile toward all of us that I believe even Cæsar[74] himself could not be more of an enemy; yet, I honestly can't pinpoint the reason, unless it's that she shamelessly defends all her wrongdoings.

I am now going to give you a humorous story. The wife of Froment[75] lately came to this place. She declaimed through all the shops, and at almost all the cross-roads, against long garments. When she knew that I was aware of it, she excused herself by alleging that she had said with a smile, that we were either unbecomingly clothed, to the great detriment of the Church, or that you taught what was erroneous, when you said that false prophets could be distinguished by their long vestments. When I was rebutting so stale a calumny, she began to ascribe even to the Holy Spirit what she had directed against us. What is the meaning, said she, of that passage of the Gospel, "They will come to you in long garments?" I replied, that I did not know where that sentence was to be found, unless, perhaps, it might occur in the gospel of the Manichæans; for the passage of Luke xx. 45, is as follows: "Beware of the Scribes, who desire to walk in long robes," but not, "They will come to you," &c., which she had interpolated from Matthew vii. [15.] Feeling that she was closely pressed, she complained of our tyranny, because there was not a general license of prating about everything. I dealt with the woman as I should have done. She immediately proceeded to the widow of Michael, who gave her a hospitable reception, sharing with her not only her table, but her bed, because she maligned the ministers. I leave these wounds untouched, because they appear to me incurable until the Lord apply his hand. We are to celebrate the Supper on the next Lord's-day. You may thus form a judgment of the straits by which I am encompassed. Would that it could be celebrated without me, even on condition that I should creep to you on my hands! I wish that the verse of Terence would occur to your brothers, "To lose in time is to make gain." I have admonished them, but they do not make the haste I wished. They may bear, however, for a short time the delay that has taken place, although it is disagreeable to us.—Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. Salute respectfully, in my name, all the brethren, your family, and the godly[72] citizens. May the Lord preserve you, and always direct you by his Spirit! Amen.

I’m going to share a funny story. Froment's wife recently came to this place. She went around all the shops and at nearly every intersection, complaining about long garments. When she found out I knew about it, she tried to justify herself by claiming she had said it with a smile, saying we were either poorly dressed, which was bad for the Church, or that you were teaching something wrong when you said false prophets could be recognized by their long robes. As I countered such a tired accusation, she even tried to twist it to say that the Holy Spirit was on her side. She asked, what does the Gospel mean when it says, "They will come to you in long garments?" I replied that I didn’t know where that line was from, unless it was in the Manichaean gospels; the passage in Luke 20:45 says, "Beware of the Scribes, who desire to walk in long robes," but doesn't say "They will come to you," etc., which she had mixed up with Matthew 7:15. Feeling cornered, she complained about our supposed tyranny for not allowing everyone to chatter about everything. I dealt with her as I should have. She then went straight to the widow of Michael, who welcomed her warmly, sharing not just her food but also her bed since she slandered the ministers. I’ll leave these wounds unaddressed because they seem beyond healing until the Lord intervenes. We’re set to celebrate the Supper next Sunday. You can see the tight situation I’m in. I wish it could happen without me, even if I had to crawl to you on my hands! I hope Terence’s line comes to your brothers’ minds: "To lose in time is to make gain." I’ve reminded them, but they aren’t rushing as I hoped. They might have to endure this delay a bit longer, even though it’s frustrating for us. —Farewell, brother and true friend. Please extend my respectful greetings to all the brethren, your family, and the faithful citizens. May the Lord keep you safe and always guide you with His Spirit! Amen.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp.—Opera, vol. ix. p. 38.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp.—Opera, vol. ix. p. 38.]


CLXXIV.—To Farel.

Calvin's indisposition—literary labours—apparent reconciliation with Perrin and his family.

Geneva, 2d October 1546.

Geneva, October 2, 1546.

Not to beguile you by a vain hope, I may say that I do not think I shall come to your place before winter; for having once experienced the inconvenience of a voyage, I shall not venture again to commit myself to the waters. A good part of the journey would thus fall to be accomplished on foot, for the jolting of a horse is not only hurtful to me, but the rubbing also is dangerous. I am not acquainted with the physician of whom you speak, nor do I rightly understand what druggist you blame, unless, as I conjecture, you hint at Francis. What Textor may now think I do not know, except that he was too stringent in his prescriptions. For by involving himself in the lawsuits of his father, he has woven, in his native place, a Penelope's web that will have no end. Meanwhile, you see him complaining that he was deprived of my advice. But this peevishness of the good man must somehow or other be tolerated by us. As you exhort me to write, I wish I had more leisure occasionally, and more robust health. I have now, however, set myself in earnest to the Epistle to the Galatians.[76] I am not free in the matter of publication, as far at least as the Epistles of Paul are concerned. You once heard from me when I was at Strasbourg, that Wendelin laid me under obligations by services of such a nature, that I should be constrained to charge myself with ingratitude unless[73] I offered this work to him. For at the time of my greatest straits, he expended on my behalf above forty golden pieces, and he was not less prompt in his assistance in taking charge of my domestic affairs, than if I had hired him for the express purpose of superintending them. I am, therefore, now not at liberty to refuse him the Epistles. If I should write anything else, it will rather be published here, and yet Des Gallars could find no one to undertake to bring out two short treatises he had composed. Before, however, I subject my writings to any risk, I shall retain a copy. I left off for a time a short treatise, De Scandalis,[77] that I had begun, because the style did not flow so freely as I wished, nor have I a mind to resume it, until I shall have completed the Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians. I had lately some conversation with our friend Perrin. If he perform what he promised, matters will not be at the very worst.[78] Penthesilæa, while in her outward deportment she affects a wonderful friendship, rages within doors in a terrible manner. I observe that you have written to her. I shall call for her on the earliest opportunity. I shall then discover what effect your letter has had.—Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. May the Lord be ever present with you, always protect you, and render your labours prosperous! I wrote to the ministers of Berne. If you desire to know the contents of the letter Viret, I think, retained a copy. My wife reverently salutes you, as also Des Gallars, Feron, my brother, (for since I received yours I have not seen the others.) The best greeting to the brethren and friends, and to your whole family.—Yours,

Not to mislead you with false hope, I should say that I don’t think I’ll make it to your place before winter. Having once dealt with the hassle of traveling, I won’t risk putting myself on the water again. A good part of the journey would have to be done on foot, because riding a horse is not only uncomfortable for me but also risky. I’m not familiar with the doctor you mentioned, nor do I really understand which pharmacist you’re referring to, unless you’re hinting at Francis. I’m not sure what Textor thinks now, except that he was too strict with his prescriptions. In getting involved in his father's lawsuits, he’s woven a never-ending web in his hometown, like Penelope. In the meantime, you see him complaining that he missed my advice. But we have to tolerate this grumpiness from the good man. As you urge me to write, I wish I had more free time and better health. However, I’ve sincerely committed myself to the Epistle to the Galatians.[76] I can’t publish anything freely, at least regarding Paul's Epistles. You heard me mention when I was in Strasbourg that Wendelin did so much for me that I’d feel ungrateful if I didn’t dedicate this work to him. When I was in my greatest need, he spent over forty gold coins on my behalf, and he was just as quick to help with my personal affairs as if I had hired him to manage them. So, I can’t refuse him the Epistles. If I write anything else, it’ll probably be published here, but Des Gallars couldn’t find anyone willing to publish two short pieces he wrote. Before I put my writings at any risk, I’ll keep a copy. I paused for a bit on a short piece, De Scandalis,[77] because the style wasn’t flowing as smoothly as I wanted, and I don’t plan to return to it until I finish the Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians. I recently had a chat with our friend Perrin. If he follows through on his promise, things won’t be too bad.[78] Penthesilea, while she puts on a friendly act in public, is raging terribly behind closed doors. I noticed that you wrote to her. I’ll visit her at the first chance I get. Then I’ll see what impact your letter has had.—Goodbye, brother and dear friend. May the Lord always be with you, protect you, and make your efforts successful! I wrote to the ministers of Berne. If you want to know what Viret’s letter said, I think he kept a copy. My wife sends her respectful greetings to you, as do Des Gallars, Feron, and my brother (since I received your letter, I haven’t seen the others.) Best wishes to the brethren and friends, and to your whole family.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


I had no talk with Perrin about your letter. I was unwilling to touch that sore, until it should have been somewhat mollified[74] by the lapse of time. If there is any news, provided it be certain, let us immediately know, I pray you.

I didn't discuss your letter with Perrin. I didn't want to bring up that sensitive topic until some time had passed and it might have eased up a bit[74]. If there's any news, and it's reliable, please let us know right away.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXXV.—To Mr. de Falais.

Recurrence to the matrimonial projects of Viret—explanations on various subjects.

From Geneva, this 4th of October 1546.

From Geneva, October 4, 1546.

Monseigneur,—While hour after hour I was on the lookout for James on his return from Lyons, to reply to you by him, I was amazed the other day when my brother told me that he had passed through without speaking with me. And now it happens that I must write you very much in haste, because of the sudden departure of the bearer. It is very true I was told of it yesterday, but it was at eight o'clock at night, when my megrim troubled me so severely, that it was with great pain I could open my mouth. This morning I thought that he would be gone away, until at the end of the sermon, he told me that he would wait a quarter of an hour to oblige me; wherefore, I must beg of you to excuse the brevity.

Monsignor,—While I was waiting hour after hour for James to return from Lyons to reply to you, I was shocked when my brother told me that he had come through without speaking to me. Now I have to write to you very quickly because the messenger is leaving suddenly. It's true I was informed about this yesterday, but it was at eight o'clock at night, when my headache was bothering me so much that I could hardly speak. This morning, I thought he would have already left, but at the end of the sermon, he told me he would wait another fifteen minutes to help me out; so I must ask you to excuse the briefness of this message.

As to the affair of the individual for whose sake I have made the request, he has replied to me, thanking you very humbly for the kind affection you have shewn him; that he would desire above all things to have communication with the party, fearing lest, from the want of a mutual understanding, they might not assort so well together in future. Besides, while these troubles last, it appeared to him that the journey could not be well undertaken, and I am much of that opinion; for thereby there would be some danger of a long protraction of the affair, and this is by no means your intention, which I find very reasonable. As for the rest, there is no sort of hindrance arising from health; but I find this to be an annoyance, that a matter, uncertain at any rate, should be kept for so long in suspense, although I do not find fault with his request, considering the reasons which he has alleged to me for it, that it is necessary[75] that the wife he shall take may be informed beforehand of some domestic charges which he is obliged to bear. Besides, love requires previous acquaintance, and the household affairs never go on well without a private mutual understanding, and a settlement of the conditions required on both sides. The mischief is, the waiting for that length of time; and besides, I do not see any great object to be gained by it. I pray God that, in any event, he would well order it.

As for the situation with the person I made the request about, he thanked you sincerely for the kindness you've shown him. He really wants to communicate with the other party, worried that without a mutual understanding, they might not get along well in the future. Furthermore, with all this trouble going on, he thinks it wouldn't be wise to undertake the journey right now, and I agree. It could lead to a prolonged situation, which I know is not your intention, and I totally understand that. On another note, there’s no health issue preventing this; it’s just frustrating that an already uncertain matter has been left hanging for so long. I don't blame him for his request, considering the reasons he gave me—that it’s necessary for the wife he intends to marry to know about certain domestic responsibilities he has to handle ahead of time. Plus, love needs some prior connection, and household matters usually don’t go smoothly without a clear mutual understanding and agreement on expectations from both sides. The real problem is the long wait, and I don't see much benefit in dragging this out. I pray that, whatever happens, God will handle it well.

About the book,[79] it strikes me that I have told you enough already of what occurred to me, and therefore I do not comprehend wherefore you ask my opinion anew, unless it might be to shew it to him. Besides, he will take it better, methinks, if it may please you, to shew him the passage of my letter on that point, the more that I speak therein more freely, not knowing the author. Nevertheless, if it appears to you that there is somewhat more to be said, when you shall please to inform me of it, I will follow your advice.

About the book,[79] I feel like I’ve already shared enough about what happened to me, so I don’t understand why you’re asking for my opinion again, unless you want to show it to him. Besides, I think he’d take it better if you showed him the part of my letter that touches on that topic, since I speak more openly there, not knowing the author. However, if you think there’s more to discuss, just let me know, and I’ll follow your lead.

Furthermore, Antony Maillet has written to me, that he had spoken to Peter Telsen, and tells me that the twelve crowns which Master Valerand has disbursed, are to be refunded to you, although I need not be in very much haste about it, but suit my own convenience. I know not whether he has done so by mistake, but if he has still twelve crowns to pay, Peter Telsen must have laid out twice as much as he ought; for I have sent you twelve crowns by my brother, the which you have told me you had received. Notwithstanding, if Peter Telsen have failed to do so, I would not that you should be the loser, albeit I know not for what purpose he can have employed the money; but as to that, it will be my business to settle with him. Before saying a word about it, I was desirous to know the truth. I pray you, then, that you may please let me know whether, besides the twelve crowns which my brother returned to you, there has a still further sum of like amount gone out of your purse. Seeing that they have roused so much indignation down there, I see not what hinders you to publish your Apology, and it seems to me very fit that you do so. Nevertheless, I say[76] what I think about it without prejudice. The rest remains still in the pen, for the bearer has not given me a long enough time. And thus, Monseigneur, after commending me humbly to your kind favour and that of Madame, I pray our good Lord to have you always in his keeping, vouchsafing you grace in suchwise ever to walk, that he may be ever more and more glorified in you. I render thanks to him for that he hath set you up again, but I beseech of him to increase you in strength daily, until you are completely restored. My wife presents her humble commendations.

Furthermore, Antony Maillet has written to me that he spoke to Peter Telsen and informs me that the twelve crowns which Master Valerand has paid out are supposed to be refunded to you. I don’t need to rush about it, but can decide according to my own convenience. I’m not sure if he made a mistake, but if he still owes twelve crowns, then Peter Telsen must have spent twice as much as he should have, because I sent you twelve crowns through my brother, which you told me you received. However, if Peter Telsen didn’t do that, I don't want you to be at a loss, though I have no idea what he could have used the money for; that’s something I’ll deal with him about. Before addressing this, I wanted to know the truth. Therefore, please let me know if, besides the twelve crowns my brother returned to you, there has been any additional amount taken from your purse. Given the outrage it has caused down there, I don’t see any reason why you shouldn’t publish your Apology, and it seems appropriate that you do so. Nevertheless, I share my thoughts on the matter without bias. The rest is still with the pen, as the messenger hasn’t given me enough time. So, Monseigneur, after humbly commending myself to your kindness and that of Madame, I pray that our good Lord keeps you safe, granting you grace to walk in a way that He may be glorified more and more through you. I thank Him for lifting you up again, but I ask Him to strengthen you daily until you are fully restored. My wife sends her humble regards.

Your servant, humble brother, and entire friend,

Your servant, humble brother, and loyal friend,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. copyLibrary of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. copyLibrary of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXXVI.—To Ms. de Falais.

Sad communication to be made to M. de Falais—promise to send several discourses.

From Geneva, this 19th of October [1546.]

From Geneva, October 19, 1546.

Madame,—Forasmuch as you informed me by your last, that you sent me therewith the letter of Monsieur de Fresne, I feared that the bearer had not done his duty in taking proper care of what had been committed to him. But he has assured me that he had received nothing else but what he has delivered to me. Wherefore, I guess that it has been left behind by neglect. I believe that your intention in sending it to me, was in order to have my advice how to inform Monsieur of it.[80] Now, as he must be made aware of the news, I could have no hesitation in opening up somewhat of the business, whenever he shall be in a good humour, and then telling him all about it. Except when he is ailing, he is not a man that lets himself be overcome by sadness, and who does not know how to make a profitable improvement of the grace which God vouchsafes him for his consolation.

Ma'am,—Since you told me in your last message that you sent me the letter from Monsieur de Fresne, I was worried that the person delivering it hadn’t taken proper care of it. However, he assured me he only received what he delivered to me. So, I suspect it was just left behind by mistake. I think you meant to send it to me so that I could advise you on how to inform Monsieur about it.[80] Now, since he needs to know the news, I have no problem bringing it up a bit when he’s in a good mood, and then telling him everything. Unless he's unwell, he’s not the kind of man to be easily brought down by sadness, and he knows how to make good use of the grace that God gives him for his comfort.

He has put me in mind that you were complaining lately of Monsieur enjoying himself all alone in the reading of my Commentary.[81] You request me also to have some thought of those who only understand French, that they also may partake, and you ask for my sermons. Well, if there had been a demand for putting them forth, I would indeed have set about it in good earnest; but that will not be this year. However, if God bestow grace to finish the Epistle to the Galatians, which ought to be summary, I have the framework of something of a treatise which shall speak French as well as Latin, that may prove somewhat useful, as I hope.

He reminded me that you were recently complaining about Monsieur enjoying my Commentary all by himself.[81] You also asked me to consider those who only understand French so they can join in, and you requested my sermons. Well, if there had been a demand for sharing them, I would have truly gotten to work on it; but that won’t happen this year. However, if God gives me the grace to finish the Epistle to the Galatians, which should be a summary, I have the outline for a treatise that will be available in both French and Latin, which I hope will be somewhat useful.

After having affectionately commended me to your kind favour, and presented the humble salutations of my wife, I beseech our good Lord to have you in his safeguard, making you more and more serviceable for the advancement of his kingdom.

After kindly recommending me to your favor and sending warm regards from my wife, I ask our good Lord to keep you safe, making you increasingly helpful for the growth of his kingdom.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your servant and humble brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXXVII.—To Mr. de Falais.

Congratulations on his convalescence—uncertainty of prospects in Germany—confidence in the all-powerful protection of God.

From Geneva, this 19th of October 1546.

From Geneva, October 19, 1546.

Monseigneur,—I believe that you have received my last letter, by which you will have understood that yours had been delivered by Alexander, but somewhat tardily. I give thanks to our good Lord affectionately for the news which Madame has communicated to me of the recovery of your health. I hope that it may please Him, who has begun so well, that in the spring you will feel yourself so nimble that you will not know how to restrain your merriment, so as to make up for past time. We shall look for that, and for all else, as it shall please him of his infinite goodness to allot, having good expectance[78] that the rage which the Court of Malines has vented upon you will pass off in smoke.[82]

Your Honor,—I believe you received my last letter, which should have made it clear that yours was delivered by Alexander, although a bit late. I’m deeply grateful to our good Lord for the news that Madame shared with me about your recovery. I hope that it pleases Him, who has started this healing so well, that by spring you’ll feel so lively that you won’t be able to contain your joy to make up for lost time. We look forward to that, and to everything else, as it pleases His infinite goodness to provide, with hopeful expectations that the anger the Court of Malines directed at you will soon fade away.[78]

I believe that it will soon be time to sound a retreat for both camps.[83] I pray God so to direct the whole that the upshot may prove for the advancement of his own honour. I am better pleased that he makes war upon that unhappy tyrant with his own hand, than otherwise. For if we were to attempt anything of importance, I should always fear the fatal consequences of the presumption. We have never yet heard what has become of that harebrained fellow, the Count de Buren,[84] whether he has passed on with his army, or whether he has been driven back. Howsoever it may be, it is not the multitude nor the arm of flesh that can prevail.

I think it’s almost time for both sides to withdraw. [83] I pray that God guides everything so that the outcome brings him glory. I’m more satisfied that he’s fighting against that miserable tyrant himself rather than having us take action. If we attempted anything big, I would always worry about the disastrous results of our arrogance. We still haven’t heard what happened to that reckless guy, Count de Buren,[84] whether he’s moved on with his army or been pushed back. Regardless of what happens, it’s not the numbers or human strength that will win.

Master Valerand is returning; you shall know better from him the whole state of your affairs. Howbeit, I see no other means, unless you yield somewhat on your side, until God opens up a better. You will know who this bearer is, and his purpose in going to you. Because I believed his determination to be right, I have not desired to turn him back from it.

Master Valerand is coming back; he will give you a better update on everything that's going on with your situation. However, I don’t see any other way forward unless you compromise a little until God provides a better solution. You’ll know who this messenger is and why he’s coming to you. Since I believed his intentions were good, I didn’t try to stop him from going.

To conclude, Monseigneur, after my humble commendation to your kind favour, I shall pray our good Lord to have ever his hand stretched out to guide you by his grace.

To wrap it up, Your Excellency, after my humble recommendation for your kind support, I will ask our good Lord to always have His hand outstretched to guide you with His grace.

Your servant, humble brother and entire friend,

Your servant, humble brother, and loyal friend,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


My wife also entreats to be always humbly commended to your kind favour.

My wife also asks to always be humbly remembered in your kind favor.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXXVIII.—To Mr. de Falais.

Excuses for Viret—uses of sickness—various rumours concerning the war in Germany—explanations on the subject of the Supper.

From Geneva, this 16th of November 1546.

From Geneva, November 16, 1546.

Monseigneur,—Although I was expecting a letter from you from day to day, I could not let this messenger go away without writing, to make some reply to your last. I shall begin upon the subject of the little book which you sent me. Having read my answer, and the opinion I had of it, you have mentioned to me the name of the author; and because he is somewhat opinionative, you request me to let you know my mind about it, in order that you may tell him on his return the opinion you have formed. Your words are these, "The author is Denis de la Roche, who has requested of me that I would send it you privately. In consequence of this I feel puzzled how to set about finding fault, for I fear he will suspect that the criticism comes from you, and he is a little proud, and withal tenacious of his own views. Inasmuch as you have known him longer than I, write me your advice, so that upon his return I may be able to tell him the judgment which I have come to, when he shall ask me for it."

Monsignor,—Even though I’ve been waiting for a letter from you any day now, I couldn’t let this messenger leave without writing back to respond to your last message. I’ll start with the topic of the little book you sent me. After you read my response and my thoughts about it, you mentioned the author’s name. Since he tends to have strong opinions, you asked me to share my thoughts so you can relay them to him when he’s back. You said, "The author is Denis de la Roche, who asked me to send it to you privately. Because of this, I feel unsure about how to point out any flaws, as I worry he might think the criticism is coming from you. He’s a bit proud and holds onto his opinions tightly. Since you’ve known him longer than I have, please give me your advice, so when he returns, I can share the judgment I’ve formed when he asks for it."

You must hold me excused in this matter. I know not how to proceed therein, since I have already shortly stated to you my opinion in regard to it. If you ask me for a lengthened discussion, I could not do it so well as when it was fresh in my recollection; and indeed I have doubtless forgotten part of what I formerly wrote. What made me doubtful as to your drift, was that it seemed to me you were asking me to do over again what I had already done. And even now I do not comprehend wherefore you would have a new declaration of my opinion, unless you were dissatisfied with the first. It would be very difficult for me to discuss in detail the things which have escaped me. For I have retained but a confused idea of the general argument, and of some points here and there.

You need to excuse me in this matter. I’m not sure how to move forward since I’ve already briefly shared my opinion with you. If you want a more detailed discussion, I wouldn’t be able to articulate it as clearly as I could when it was fresh in my mind, and honestly, I've probably forgotten some of what I previously wrote. What confused me about your intention was that it seemed like you were asking me to repeat something I had already done. Even now, I don't understand why you want a new statement of my opinion unless you're not satisfied with the first one. It would be really challenging for me to discuss in detail the points I've missed. I only have a vague idea of the overall argument and a few specific points.

As concerns the marriage in reference to which I have put you[80] in requisition,[85] I beseech you, Monseigneur, to believe what I shall tell you, for I shall recount the pure truth without any dissimulation whatever. The reason which induced me to write you about it was, that a party had been proposed here who was no wise suitable for him. But on account of the forwardness of some of those who had meddled in the affair, we had very great difficulty in getting the proposal set aside. And so, to break the blow, it was my earnest desire to have found some one in another quarter; for there would have been less envy and jealousy had he taken one from a distance, as we have already had ample experience in the murmurs which some have made when we would not follow their leading-string. I assure you, however, that he has not been making indirect application elsewhere. But without reference either to her whom you kindly named in your reply, nor yet to any other, I have thought it advisable, under the circumstances of the case, to recommend the man to you. Then you know the first letter loitered long upon the way, before we had any news from you, which was the occasion of my writing again, and that at his own instance, although I did not comprehend very clearly why. For in the meantime, from what I have since learnt, he had a proposition from another quarter. Nevertheless, after receiving tidings from you, I communicated with himself, and the result was such as I have told you, without feigned civility or double-dealing. Since then, I have understood that the proposal about a widow was still under consideration, although to this hour I know not how it stands. And so far was I from meddling, that knowing in this town of a widow as well endowed as I could have wished for myself if God had so far afflicted me as to have deprived me of my helpmate,[86] and that there was a necessity for my marrying again; on considering the other proposals which were under consideration, I have not felt inclined to bring forward her name. And notwithstanding, I have no doubt whatever that it would prove an admirable match for him.[81] But all the more that I refrained from active friendly interference, it was sufficient for me to commit him to God, and to let the stream find its own channel. You see how I have thanked you without hypocrisy, now that I have set before you the difficulties that I have had here. And I do not think that there was any want of honesty in the man for whom I spoke; indeed I might venture to assure you of it. But purposes change in a few hours. Seeing the present position of matters, I did not like to communicate to him anything of what was contained in your letter. I shall not trouble you with long excuses; and besides, it is well that the thing has not taken wind. Wherefore, if you think fit, consider the whole matter as if it had never been mooted. Meanwhile, your goodwill toward me must not be buried out of mind, nor toward the man who is principally concerned in the affair. For I assure you that he was truly grateful for your interference, and I know that he has it imprinted on his heart, although it was attended with no result.

Regarding the marriage I called your attention to[80], I ask you, Monseigneur, to trust what I’m about to share, as I will tell you the absolute truth without any deception. The reason I wrote to you about it was that a candidate was proposed here who was quite unsuitable for him. However, due to the eagerness of some who got involved, we had significant challenges in getting that proposal rejected. To lessen the impact, I genuinely wanted to find someone from another place; it would cause less envy and jealousy if he chose someone from afar, given our previous experiences with the complaints when we didn’t follow certain people's guidance. I assure you, though, he hasn’t sought anyone else indirectly. But without referring to the person you kindly mentioned in your reply, or anyone else, I thought it wise to recommend him to you under the current circumstances. As you know, the first letter took a long time to reach you, which is why I wrote again at his request, although I wasn’t exactly clear why. In the meantime, from what I learned later, he had a proposition from someone else. Nevertheless, after hearing back from you, I spoke to him, and the outcome was exactly as I’ve told you, without any pretense or deception. Since then, I’ve learned that the proposal about a widow is still being considered, but to this day, I don’t know the status of it. I was so far removed from meddling that, knowing of a widow in this town who is as well-off as I could wish for myself if God had put me in a position where I needed to remarry,[86] I didn’t feel inclined to suggest her name among the other proposals that were being discussed. Still, I have no doubt it would be a wonderful match for him.[81] The less I got involved, the more I felt it was enough to leave him in God’s hands and let things unfold naturally. You see how I have expressed my gratitude without falsehood, having laid out the challenges I faced here. I genuinely believe there was nothing dishonest about the man I spoke of, and I would confidently vouch for that. But plans can change in just a few hours. Given the current circumstances, I didn't want to share anything from your letter with him. I won't burden you with lengthy explanations; it's also fortunate that it hasn't attracted attention. Therefore, if you think it best, treat the whole matter as if it had never been brought up. Meanwhile, please don’t forget your support for me and for the man directly involved in this situation. I assure you he truly appreciated your involvement, and I know he carries it in his heart, even if it didn’t lead to anything.

With regard to the money which has been laid out on account of our child, that you may not be further troubled about it, Antony Maillet will settle the amount. And now, please God, I shall do my duty, thanking you most affectionately that you have been pleased to have patience until the settlement could be made.

With respect to the money spent on our child, so you won't be bothered about it anymore, Antony Maillet will take care of the payment. Now, God willing, I'll fulfill my responsibilities, and I sincerely thank you for your patience until the payment is processed.

Since the Apology has not yet gone forth, it is very desirable to have the news which Master Valeran[87] may bring along with him. And, indeed, over and above the circumstance which has befallen in your particular case, the general declaration which the man has made against the whole cause, well deserves that the style should be altered, and that some additions be interwoven. And seeing that God has allowed you to wait so long, he will so end all as to instruct you the more certainly.

Since the Apology hasn’t been released yet, it’s important to get the news that Master Valeran[87] may bring with him. And, in addition to the situation that has happened in your specific case, the overall statement he made against the entire cause deserves a change in style and some new additions to be included. Since God has allowed you to wait this long, He will ensure that the outcome teaches you more clearly.

Although I have indeed heard of a man having been seized at Berne for poisoning and fire-raising, nevertheless, I have so little correspondence in that quarter, that I have heard nothing of it but upon common report. On which account I did not care to say much to you about it. If it be really so as has been related[82] to you, I must acknowledge that it is a good thing that God is more concerned about my life than are my neighbours.

Although I’ve heard about a man being arrested in Bern for poisoning and arson, I don’t have much contact there, so all I know is what I’ve heard through word of mouth. Because of that, I didn't want to say too much to you about it. If what’s been told to you is true[82], I have to admit it’s a good thing that God cares more about my life than my neighbors do.

Although your weakness may be protracted, it is much that you go on steadily, though by slow degrees, in the way of amendment. And when I consider the complaint, I feel that there is still greater reason to be well content. Notwithstanding, we shall not give over praying to God that it would please him to confirm you entirely, with thanksgiving that he has brought you back from the brink of the grave. Besides, I hope, from present appearances, that he is minded yet to make use of you in health, since he has employed you in sickness. For although laid powerless upon a bed, we are by no means useless to him, if we testify our obedience by resigning ourselves to his good pleasure,—if we give proof of our faith by resisting temptation,—if we take advantage of the consolation which he gives us in order to overcome the troubles of the flesh. It is in sickness, especially when prolonged, that patience is most needful; but most of all in death. Nevertheless, as I have said, I confide in this good God, that after having exercised you by sickness he will still employ your health to some good purpose. Meanwhile, we must beseech him that he would uphold us in steadfast courage, never permitting us to fall away because of lengthened on-waiting.

Although your weakness may last a while, it's important that you keep moving forward steadily, even if it's at a slow pace, on the path to improvement. When I think about the situation, I realize there’s even more reason to feel grateful. Still, we will continue praying to God that He fully restores you, with gratitude that He has brought you back from the edge of death. Additionally, I hope that, based on the current signs, He intends to use you in good health, just as He has had you serve during your illness. Even when lying powerless in bed, we are not useless to Him if we show our obedience by surrendering to His will—if we demonstrate our faith by resisting temptation—if we take advantage of the comfort He provides to help us overcome our physical troubles. It is during sickness, especially when it lasts a long time, that patience is most necessary; but even more so in the face of death. Nevertheless, as I mentioned, I trust in this good God that after having tested you with illness, He will still use your health for a positive purpose. In the meantime, we must ask Him to keep us strong and courageous, never allowing us to fall away because of prolonged waiting.

Howsoever doubtful the retreat of Renard[88] may be, it is nevertheless no small matter, that instead of reaching the point aimed at, which would have been his great advantage, he has made a crablike movement backwards. And from what we have heard, he has left behind the marks of the persecution of God's hand. I am much better pleased that God should cut off his finger than we his arm. Not that that is not still God's work, which he performs by us, but I always fear so much the effect of glory, that I rejoice the more when it is plainly the doing of the Lord. And the unhappy man has likewise still greater occasion to feel uneasiness at heart. Whatever may come of it, I think that I have only spoken the truth, after the news of his departure, in writing what follows:—Whither is he going? Whither is he gone? What will become of that[83] wicked man?—By thus driving him away, God has at least lowered his pride.

No matter how uncertain Renard's retreat may be, it's still significant that instead of reaching his goal, which would have been a huge advantage for him, he's actually moved backward. From what we've heard, he's left behind signs of the persecution brought on by God’s hand. I'm much happier that God chose to clip his finger rather than cut off our arm. Not that it isn’t still God’s work, which He accomplishes through us, but I always worry about the effects of glory, so I’m even more relieved when it’s clearly the Lord’s doing. The unfortunate man also has even more reasons to feel troubled. Whatever happens, I believe I've only spoken the truth after hearing about his departure, in writing what follows:—Where is he going? Where has he gone? What will happen to that wicked man?—By driving him away, God has at least humbled his pride.

A report is afloat, which troubles and plagues more than it astonishes me. It is that Maurice has entered into an understanding with him to ruin his own cousin and his father-in-law, and in the end to ruin himself;[89] for Satan must assuredly have got entire possession of him. We shall await, however, whatsoever shall please God, prepared to accept all that shall please him.

A report is circulating that worries and disturbs me more than it surprises me. It says that Maurice has made a deal with him to destroy his own cousin and his father-in-law, ultimately leading to his own downfall; [89] because Satan must have completely taken over him. However, we will wait for whatever God decides, ready to accept all that pleases Him.

Concerning the advice which you require of me, whether it were expedient to refresh the memory of the ambassadors: before I had an opportunity of writing to you, the time to do so had gone by; I therefore rather held my peace, not so much from forgetfulness as from this consideration: Ne pluvia post messem.

Regarding the advice you need from me on whether it would be wise to remind the ambassadors: before I had a chance to write to you, the time for that had passed; so instead, I chose to stay quiet, not out of forgetfulness, but because of this thought: Ne pluvia post messem.

There is one point, however, that I think I have forgotten, namely, the complaint they make, that it appears I would shut up the body in the bread alone. I know not where they have dreamed that dream. In several treatises I speak of that matter, but chiefly in the Institution, in the Catechism, in the Commentary on Corinthians, and in the manner of administration of the Lord's Supper. In the Supplication I have only touched upon it very lightly. Besides that, I have written a little book upon the subject, in which I believe a reader of sound judgment will meet with nothing to find fault with. But here is their mistake: many think that we make no distinction between the sign and the truth signified, unless we separate them entirely, to make God like a mountebank, who exhibits delusive representations by sleight of hand. It is our duty, however, to proclaim, that this comes by the craft of Satan, who only seeks to bewilder the understanding, that he may render our labours of no avail. Let us therefore pray to God that he would bestow increase by his grace, so that our labour may not be in vain. Such examples ought to incite us thereto, and likewise to admonish us, not to think that we have done some great thing by merely having written.

There is one point I think I may have overlooked: the complaint they have that it seems I would confine the body to the bread alone. I’m not sure where they got that idea. In several writings, I address this issue, primarily in the Institution, the Catechism, the Commentary on Corinthians, and the way the Lord's Supper is administered. In the Supplication, I only briefly touch on it. Additionally, I've written a small book on the topic, which I believe a reasonable reader will find no fault with. But here’s their error: many believe that we don’t distinguish between the sign and what it signifies unless we completely separate them, making God seem like a trickster who uses sleight of hand to show misleading representations. However, we must declare that this confusion arises from the craft of Satan, who seeks to confuse our understanding so that our efforts become useless. Let us pray to God to grant us growth through his grace so that our work may not be in vain. Examples like these should inspire us and remind us that we shouldn't think we’ve accomplished something great just by writing.

Monsieur, having presented the humble commendations of myself, as well as of my wife, to your kind favour, and also that of Madame, I pray our good Lord, that it would please him ever to preserve you in his holy protection, strengthening you in all might by his Spirit, making his glory to shine forth in you ever more and more.

Monsieur, after sending my humble regards, as well as my wife's, to your kind favor, and also those from Madame, I pray that our good Lord always keeps you in His holy protection, empowering you by His Spirit, and letting His glory shine through you more and more.

I beg to be excused for faults, for I have not been able to revise the present letter, being engrossed by headache with which I have been seized. Our friend and brother, Des Gallars,[90] also humbly commends himself to you, and sends you a distich which he has composed upon Renard. We greatly desire to have some news. If the war did not give holiday to the printing-presses, I would have sent Vendelin the Galatians; but since the Corinthians lie quiet in his desk, there is no need for my being in any hurry.

I hope you can overlook my mistakes, as I haven’t had a chance to revise this letter because I’ve been dealing with a bad headache. Our friend and brother, Des Gallars, also sends his regards and shares a short poem he wrote about Renard. We really want to hear any news. If the war hadn’t stopped the printing presses, I would have sent Vendelin the Galatians; but since the Corinthians are still sitting in his desk, there’s no need for me to rush.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXXIX.—To Mr. de Falais.

Consolations on the death of his sister.

From Geneva, this 20th of November 1546.

From Geneva, November 20, 1546.

Monseigneur,—The day before Camus arrived, I had written to you, as well as to others, by a young tailor of Picardy; but because I was not certain whether they had as yet informed you of the death of Madame your sister,[91] I did not venture to mention it. Now I have rejoiced, and have thanked God with my whole heart, perceiving by the letter of Madame that you had at once taken your stand upon the point whereon I would have founded my principal argument, if I had wished to console you. And, indeed, you have much occasion for gratitude on account of the grace which God has vouchsafed to her, and to you also. For seeing that her husband had waxed so[85] cold, the good lady would have been in an unhappy captivity had she remained longer in the world, and would only have languished her life away. On your part, you would not have had it in your power to lend her a helping hand, nor to solace her sorrows; and so you never could have thought of her without regret and vexation. God, therefore, has had pity upon you and her, in thus providing, and above all, in preventing the dangers into which she might have fallen in a long career, by reason of the frailty which is in us. And we have yet a better ground of further consolation, that it will not be long ere we find ourselves together again. Meanwhile, let us think of preparing ourselves to follow her, for the time will soon come. But I like much better to congratulate you, seeing that our Lord has already put these things in your heart, than to labour in recalling them to your memory. The other news which Camus has told me about you, has also cheered me to await the time when God will bring to pass what he has put into so good a train.

Mister,—The day before Camus arrived, I wrote to you and others through a young tailor from Picardy; however, since I wasn't sure if they'd informed you about your sister's passing,[91] I refrained from mentioning it. Now, I'm filled with joy and have thanked God wholeheartedly because, from Madame’s letter, I see you quickly recognized the point I would have used as my main argument to comfort you. Indeed, you have much to be thankful for regarding the grace God granted her, and to you as well. Given that her husband had grown so indifferent, the kind lady would have suffered greatly had she stayed in this world longer and would have just wasted away. You wouldn't have been able to help her or ease her sorrows, and you would have only thought of her with regret and frustration. So, God has shown compassion for both of you by arranging this, especially by sparing her from the dangers she might have faced if she lived longer, due to our human frailty. Furthermore, we have even more reason for consolation: it won't be long before we're together again. In the meantime, let's prepare ourselves to follow her, as that time will come soon. However, I prefer to congratulate you, knowing our Lord has already placed these thoughts in your heart, than to bring them back to your mind. The other news that Camus shared about you has also encouraged me as I await the moment when God will fulfill what He has set in motion.

Monseigneur, after humble commendations to your kind favour, and having presented the humble remembrances of my wife, I pray our good Lord to have you ever in his safeguard, to strengthen you in body and in spirit, so as always to make you more abound in his service.

Monseigneur, after sending my best regards to your kind support, and after passing on the warm wishes from my wife, I pray that our good Lord always keeps you safe, strengthens you in body and spirit, and helps you continue to excel in his service.

Your humble servant and bounden friend,

Your devoted friend,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


I assure you that you make me desire the arrival of the spring-time more than I would otherwise have done. Our brother Des Gallars commends himself also very humbly to your kind favour.

I promise you that you make me look forward to spring much more than I normally would. Our brother Des Gallars also sends his warm regards and thanks for your kindness.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXXX.—To Ms. de Falais.

Assurances of affection for herself and her husband.

From Geneva, this 20th of November 1546.

From Geneva, November 20, 1546.

Madame,—Having been made aware that Monseigneur had been informed of the death of his sister, I have only given him[86] one word on the subject, knowing beforehand from yourself that he has no need of long consolation, seeing that God, without human means, has put into his heart that which cannot fail to alleviate his sadness.

Ma'am,—I’ve learned that Monseigneur knows about his sister’s death. I’ve only mentioned it once to him, knowing from you that he doesn’t need a lengthy consolation, since God, without any human support, has already placed in his heart what will surely help ease his sorrow.

As for my promise, to which you hold me bound, I shall discharge myself of it, when God shall have vouchsafed me the means wherewith to do so. But I am astonished that you should even hint at the reward which my said Lord intends for me, as if I were looking to that, and had not other considerations in the discharge of my duty to him. The love and reverence which I may well bear toward him in our Lord are so strong, that I am very sorry that I cannot devote myself more to his and your service, to shew what is in my heart. Howbeit, I beseech you not to take amiss what I have now said, for I have had no other feeling than the fear that you may not place such reliance upon me as I desire. Besides, I do not mean to make any complaint which deserves a reply; for it is quite enough for me that you have neither entertained a doubt nor a suspicion which has induced you to mention it.

Regarding my promise that you hold me accountable for, I will fulfill it when God gives me the means to do so. However, I'm surprised that you would even suggest the reward my Lord has in mind for me, as if that’s what I’m focused on and that I don’t have other reasons for fulfilling my duty to him. The love and respect I feel for him in our Lord are so deep that I regret not being able to dedicate myself more fully to his and your service to show what’s in my heart. I hope you won’t take my words the wrong way, as I only have the concern that you might not trust me as much as I wish. Also, I don’t intend to make any complaint that needs a response; it’s enough for me that you haven’t had any doubts or suspicions that led you to bring it up.

Now therefore I shall make an end, after having humbly commended me to your kind favour. I pray our good Lord to have you always in his holy protection, guiding and governing you after his own good will, so as to glorify his holy name in you.

Now, I will conclude by humbly asking for your kindness. I pray that our good Lord keeps you always in his holy protection, guiding and directing you according to his will, so that he may be glorified through you.

Your humble servant and good brother for ever,

Your loyal servant and good brother forever,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXXXI.—To Viret.

Statement of the expense of a visit to Lausanne, on the occasion of Viret's marriage—ecclesiastical difficulties at Berne.

Geneva, 3d Dec. 1546.

Geneva, 3rd Dec. 1546.

Two letters of Bucer were delivered to me after a short interval. I send both of them to you, although they may contain almost nothing which you have not learned from other sources. With regard to the King of France, I think that he will shortly[87] be brought to give some assistance with money to our party—the only thing that is sought from him. It is, moreover, in the highest degree, his interest to distract the attention of Charles by another war.[92] I have enjoined Peter Textor to pay to you sixteen crowns; for although I had ten with me when I came to the marriage, it escaped my memory. But here is a greater lapse of memory; when I had found them laid aside in my desk, I stood still for some time, not knowing whether I had ever seen them before. Raymond came upon me, who reminded me of the fact, that he had given them to me by order of Antony Maillet. You will therefore add this sum to the former. In the other six [crowns,] I am afraid that I have made a mistake; for they may possibly belong to my brother. For as a teacher of Orleans was in his debt, he arranged that payment should be made by the son of Bruno. He had lately received five [crowns.] You will therefore retain these until I shall have learned with certainty from Saint André, whether they ought to be given to you or to my brother.

Two letters from Bucer were sent to me after a short while. I’m sharing both of them with you, even though they probably don’t contain much that you haven’t already heard from other sources. Regarding the King of France, I believe he will soon provide some financial support to our group—the only thing we need from him. It’s also very much in his interest to divert Charles's attention with another war.[92] I’ve instructed Peter Textor to pay you sixteen crowns; even though I had ten with me when I came to the wedding, I forgot about them. But here’s a bigger lapse of memory: when I found them set aside in my desk, I paused for a moment, unsure if I had ever seen them before. Raymond came upon me and reminded me that he had given them to me on Antony Maillet’s orders. So, you’ll add this amount to the previous one. As for the other six crowns, I’m afraid I might have made a mistake; they might actually belong to my brother. A teacher from Orleans owed him money, and he arranged for the son of Bruno to make the payment. He had just received five crowns. So, please hold onto these until I can confirm with Saint André whether they should be given to you or my brother.

Sulzer lately wrote to me that matters had reached an extremity.[93] He implores our aid. I consulted with the brethren. As we could discover no plan of procedure in circumstances so perplexed, and almost desperate, I repaired to Nyon. I became aware that they had committed much more grievous errors than the letters contain any mention of. They are not, in my opinion, fighting for a cause that is good in every respect. All see that their proceedings are preposterous; and yet when we also see that everything is going to ruin, with what conscience shall we be silent? I asked Nicolas,[94] whether he thought that a letter from us would be of any service? He gave a[88] trembling and hesitating consent to our writing. Should a messenger present himself in good time, I wish that you also would intimate your opinion; thereafter consider whether it be not time to press for obtaining a Synod.

Sulzer recently wrote to me that things have become critical.[93] He is pleading for our help. I talked to the others. Since we couldn't come up with a plan in such confusing and desperate circumstances, I went to Nyon. I realized they had made far worse mistakes than the letters mention. In my view, they are not fighting for a cause that's good in every way. Everyone sees that what they're doing is ridiculous; and yet, as we also see everything falling apart, how can we stay silent? I asked Nicolas,[94] if he thought a letter from us would help at all. He reluctantly agreed to us writing one. If a messenger comes in time, I hope you will also share your thoughts; then we should consider whether it’s time to push for a Synod.

Adieu, brother, and most sincere friend, along with your wife, whom you will respectfully salute in the name of all ours, as well as James and the rest.—Yours,

Adieu, brother, and my dear friend, along with your wife, whom you will kindly greet on behalf of all of us, as well as James and everyone else.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXXXII.—To Mr. de Falais.

Military movements in Switzerland—policy of the Cantons in reference to the Emperor.

From Geneva, this 8th of December 1546.

From Geneva, December 8, 1546.

Monseigneur,—I have nothing to write you at present, except that we are waiting to see what will be done by the Swiss.[95] All is in readiness at Berne as if to start at any moment, the captain, his council, officers, soldiers, chosen and commissioned; a second order sent, to be ready to march, with artillery and baggage. Their army consists of ten thousand men. I believe they would not have delayed so long, if there had not been an impediment which holds them as it were tied by the leg. For it is now about a year since all the cantons agreed that none should leave the country to engage in war, without the consent of the rest. Now there is fear that the Papists may be urged to invade the country while it is depopulated, under colour of breach of treaty; which if the King of France had only thrown in a word, would have happened a long time ago,—namely, had he called the Papists to enter his[89] service, which ours would have readily agreed to do. Thus would the one side have spoken German to Charles, the others Italian or Picard.

Your Honor,—I don't have much to update you on right now, except that we’re waiting to see what the Swiss will decide.[95] Everything is ready in Berne, as if they're about to leave at any moment; the captain, his council, officers, and soldiers are all organized and appointed. A second order has been issued to prepare for marching, complete with artillery and supplies. Their army consists of ten thousand soldiers. I think they wouldn’t have taken so long if there wasn't something holding them back, like a constraint. It's been about a year since all the cantons agreed that no one could leave the country for war without the approval of the others. Now there’s concern that the Papists might be tempted to invade while the area is weakened, citing a breach of treaty; if the King of France had just said the word, this would have happened much earlier—specifically, if he had called the Papists to join his[89] service, which ours would have quickly agreed to do. Thus one side would have spoken German to Charles, while the others would have used Italian or Picard.

I fear indeed that there must be a want of good management as well in that as in other things. Thereby are we so much the more admonished to pray God that he by his infinite goodness would be pleased to supply so many shortcomings. True it is, that the ignorant are apt to judge foolishly. But however that may be, every one is amazed that they are so long ——,[96] without putting forth an effort. For it looks as if God were holding out the hand to us, as much as to say—enter in. And in letting the time slip by, we only invigorate him who is already almost desperate. Let us pray, therefore, and seeing that it pleases God to make trial of our patience for our good, let us be content with what he sends us, never growing weary of serving him, on any account whatsoever.

I really worry that there must be a lack of good management both here and in other areas. This makes it even more important for us to pray to God, asking Him in His infinite goodness to address our many shortcomings. It’s true that those who don’t know better often judge foolishly. Still, everyone is surprised that they take so long—[96]—without making an effort. It seems like God is reaching out to us, almost saying—come on in. By letting time pass us by, we only strengthen the one who is almost at his breaking point. So, let’s pray, and since it pleases God to test our patience for our own good, let’s be satisfied with what He provides and never tire of serving Him for any reason.

There has been murmuring of late on account of some appointment. They would indeed need wondrous masons to complete the building. But I fear that our people, or some of them at least, may let themselves be so far led away as to entertain the proposals, which would be to replace the enemy, not only in the exercise of his former tyrannous sway, but even of that to which he has always aspired. Yet, inasmuch as I feel assured that it will not so happen unless God shall be altogether exasperated against us, I trust that he will avert so great a danger. For I have no doubt that he looks rather upon his own work in us, than upon our sins and shortcomings, that he may have pity on us.

There has been some whispering lately about an appointment. They would really need amazing builders to finish the construction. But I'm worried that our people, or at least some of them, might be tempted to consider the proposals, which would just replace the enemy, not only in his former oppressive rule but even in the power he has always wanted. However, since I believe this won't happen unless God is completely angered with us, I trust that He will keep such a great danger away. I have no doubt that He pays more attention to His work in us than to our sins and failures, so that He may show us mercy.

And now, Monseigneur, having humbly commended me to your good favour, and that of Madame; having also presented the commendations of my wife, and of our neighbours, I pray God of his goodness to keep you always in his protection, and to make you feel more and more the joy of his help.

And now, Your Excellency, after humbly asking for your favor and that of Madame; after also sharing greetings from my wife and our neighbors, I pray that God in His goodness keeps you always under His protection and helps you feel His joy more and more.

Your servant and humble brother and ever bounden friend,

Your servant, humble brother, and always grateful friend,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXXXIII.—To Madame de Budé.[97]

Calvin exhorts this lady to leave France, and retire with her family to Geneva.

This 20th .... 1546.[98]

This 20th .... 1546.[98]

Madame,—Howbeit that I have occasion to praise God for the great zeal and constancy he has vouchsafed to you, as I have heard from the bearer, yet, believing that my exhortation might not be superfluous to you, in the midst of such diversified trials and conflicts, I was unwilling to forego writing you some words by him, and, above all, to help you to come to a determination upon the point on which you are still somewhat doubtful; that is, as to your retiring hitherward that you may serve God in peace of conscience. Were it possible for you to discharge your duty where you are, I would by no means advise you to stir. But I am well aware in what captivity you are held. If God had given you strength and constancy to prepare for death, and not to flinch for any fear of the danger wherein you are, there would be nothing better than to keep that grace in exercise. But if you feel that the weakness of the flesh gets the mastery, and hinders you from doing your duty, seeing that[91] your conscience must needs be troubled and in continual torment, the only way is to seek a suitable remedy. For it is no slight perplexity, yea, even agony, to feel ourselves blamable in a matter of so great moment; yea, and that the evil continues to such an extent, that we can make no end of offending God. Although many deceive themselves in this matter, making themselves believe that it is but a trifling fault to defile themselves with superstitions which are repugnant to the word of God, and derogate from his honour, I reckon that his honour, to whom we owe everything, is so precious to you, that it is felt to be a subject of intolerable regret to you to offend against it daily, as you are constrained to do at present. I do not doubt, therefore, but that you have a special desire to escape out of such wretchedness, and that until you do, you cannot but be in very great anxiety and sadness. Consider, now, whether this is not an unhappy condition, thus to linger for ever. I know, indeed, that there are many who reply to us, that we here are no more angels than themselves, and that we offend God even as they do; which is true. But as the proverb says, "Sickness upon sickness is not health." If, then, we come far short in other respects, what need is there to increase our condemnation by adding to the rest this sin which is so grievous; to wit, that of not giving glory to the Son of God, who became as nothing for our salvation?

Ms.,—While I have reason to thank God for the great passion and determination He has given you, as I've been told by the messenger, I still believe my encouragement might be helpful to you amid all your different trials and struggles. I didn’t want to miss the chance to share a few words through him, especially to help you make a decision about the matter you still feel uncertain about; that is, whether to come here so you can serve God in peace of mind. If it were possible for you to fulfill your duties where you are, I wouldn't advise you to leave. But I know the difficult situation you’re in. If God has given you the strength and firmness to prepare for death and to stand firm despite the dangers you face, then there’s nothing better than to keep using that grace. However, if you feel overwhelmed and unable to fulfill your duties, your conscience must be troubled and in constant distress, and the best course is to seek an appropriate remedy. It’s no minor distress, even agony, to feel guilty about something so significant; indeed, the situation is so severe that it feels like you can never stop offending God. Although many deceive themselves, thinking it's a small issue to engage in superstitions that go against the word of God and undermine His honor, I believe His honor, to whom we owe everything, means so much to you that it must be incredibly painful to daily offend Him as you’re forced to do currently. Therefore, I’m sure you deeply want to escape such misery, and until you do, you must be very anxious and sad. Think about whether it isn’t a sad situation to linger forever in this way. I know there are many who respond to us by saying that we are no different from them, and that we offend God just as they do; which is true. But as the saying goes, "Sickness upon sickness is not health." If we fall short in many other ways, why should we add to our guilt by also committing this grievous sin of failing to give glory to the Son of God, who became as nothing for our salvation?

Besides, after you have done your best by dissimulation, to keep clear of the perils which surround you, you are not a whit better; for the wicked are very sharp-sighted, and you will never content them but by an entire renunciation of God; wherefore, you have no rest for the body any more than for the soul. And after declension from God, in order to comply with the world, you have derived no benefit from it, except that you languish as in a trance. You will ask me if, being come hither, you shall always have assured repose. I confess that you will not; for while we are in this world, it is fitting that we should be like birds upon the branch. So it has pleased God, and it is good for us. But since this little corner is vouchsafed to you, where you may finish the remainder of your life in his service, if he so please, or profit more and more, and be confirmed[92] in his word, in order that you may be more ready to endure persecutions, if it shall so please him, it is not right that you refuse it. We have always to take care lest we be the cause of our own misfortune, and draw it down upon ourselves by not accepting the means of escape which God presents to us. I know that it is a hard thing to leave the country of our birth, most of all to a woman like yourself, of rank, and advanced in life. But you ought to overcome such difficulties by higher considerations; such as, that we should prefer to our own country every region where God is purely worshipped; that we should not desire any better repose for our old age than to abide in his Church, his dwelling-place and the place of his rest; that we should prefer to be contemptible in the place where his name may be glorified by us, to being honourable in the sight of men, while we defraud him of the honour which belongs to him.

Besides, after you’ve done your best to avoid the dangers around you through pretense, you still won’t be any better off. The wicked are very perceptive, and you’ll never satisfy them unless you completely turn your back on God; therefore, you’ll find no peace for your body or your soul. After drifting away from God to fit in with the world, you gain nothing except feeling like you’re in a daze. You might ask me if, now that you’re here, you’ll always have peace. I admit that you won’t; while we’re in this world, we’re meant to be like birds on a branch. That’s how God intends it, and it’s for our good. However, since you’ve been given this little space where you can spend the rest of your life in His service, if He wishes, or grow more and more and be strengthened in His word, so that you’re better prepared to face persecutions if He desires, it’s not right for you to reject this opportunity. We always need to be cautious not to be the cause of our own misfortunes and to avoid bringing them upon ourselves by ignoring the escape routes God offers us. I know it’s tough to leave your homeland, especially for someone like you, of noble birth and advanced in years. But you should rise above such challenges by focusing on higher principles; for instance, that we should choose any place where God is truly worshipped over our own country; that we shouldn’t seek a better peace in our old age than to stay in His Church, His home and place of rest; and that we should prefer to be looked down upon in a place where His name is glorified by us, rather than being respected in the eyes of people while denying Him the honor that belongs to Him.

Concerning the doubts which may come into your mind, it would be too tedious to reply to them all. But you have always this as a settled point, that we must refer our many anxieties to the Providence of God, trusting that he will provide an outlet in cases where we see none. And in fact it is undoubted, that if we seek him we shall find him. That is to say, he will be with us to guide our steps, and to have a care of our affairs, to order them well for us. True it is, that we shall not cease to be subject to many troubles and annoyances; but let us pray him that, having been strengthened by his word, we may have wherewithal to overcome them. And assuredly you possess many helps, which deprive you of the excuse which many others have. If it shall please God to lead you hither, you will not come so bereft of property as to have nothing to live upon, while there are many poor people who have only burdens without temporal provision. How many Christian women are there who are held captive by their children! while our Lord has given you this advantage, that you have children who not only are ready to aid in your deliverance from captivity, but also exhort you thereto. You have the liberty which many wish for, of which you ought to avail yourself, that you may all the more freely engage in the service of God. Among the other[93] hindrances that it appears you have, your daughter may be one, inasmuch as she is still unmarried. But instead of reckoning that to be a hindrance, it ought rather to serve as a spur the more readily to decide you. I understand that you love her not merely with the common love of mothers, but with a peculiar affection. I beseech you, then, to consider well whether it would be better for her to be there tied down in marriage, to live in perpetual bondage, or to be brought by you to a place where she may be free to live as a Christian with her husband; for you must trust that God will find out for her a worthy person, who will be a comfort to you as well as to herself.[99] There is one thing of which it is right that you should be made aware, in order that nothing may alarm you as new and unforeseen. It is this, that Satan will stir up many troubles in order to upset or to delay your pious purpose; but when you shall have taken your fixed resolve, it will not be difficult for you to rise above all. Meanwhile, profit by the opportunity, now when it is offered to you; for as, in matters of conscience, it behoves us to resolve speedily without seeking advice or long dalliance, it is also necessary to perform soon what we have decided on, fearing, because of the frailty which is in us, to grow cold upon our good intention.

Regarding the doubts that may arise in your mind, it would be too tedious to address them all. However, you should always keep this fact in mind: we must trust our many worries to God's Providence, believing that He will provide a solution when we see none. In fact, it's a certainty that if we seek Him, we will find Him. Meaning, He will be with us to guide our steps and care for our affairs, arranging them well for us. It’s true that we will continue to face many troubles and frustrations; but let us pray that, strengthened by His word, we may have the means to overcome them. You surely have many resources that eliminate the excuses that others may have. If it's God's will to bring you here, you won’t arrive with nothing to live on, especially when there are many poor people who have nothing but burdens without any support. How many Christian women are trapped by their children! Yet our Lord has given you the advantage of having children who are not only willing to help you escape captivity but also encourage you to do so. You have the freedom that many desire; you should take advantage of it, allowing you to serve God more freely. Among the other obstacles you might face, your daughter could be one since she is still unmarried. But instead of seeing that as a hindrance, let it motivate you to make a decision more readily. I understand that you love her deeply, not just with a typical mother’s love, but with a special affection. I urge you to seriously consider whether it would be better for her to be tied down in marriage, living in perpetual bondage, or to be brought by you to a place where she can freely live as a Christian with her husband; trust that God will bring someone worthy into her life, who will be a comfort to both of you. There’s something you should be aware of, to prevent anything from startling you as unexpected. Satan will stir up many troubles to disrupt or delay your righteous intentions; but once you have made a firm decision, it won’t be hard for you to rise above it all. In the meantime, take advantage of the opportunity while it’s available; because in matters of conscience, we should decide quickly without seeking too much advice or delaying too long. We must also act soon on what we have decided, fearing that, due to our frailty, we may grow indifferent to our good intentions.

To conclude, knowing that all my exhortations must be vain and useless, unless God make them effectual by gaining an entrance to your heart, I shall beseech him to instruct you with true prudence to decide upon what shall be most fitting for you to do; to bestow steadfast constancy upon you in obeying his will; to stretch out the hand, and be himself your guide; to grant you such grace, that in leaning upon him, you may perceive his assistance in everything, and all throughout.

To wrap up, understanding that all my pleas will be pointless unless God makes them effective by reaching your heart, I ask Him to give you true wisdom to choose what’s best for you to do; to give you the strength to follow His will; to extend His hand and be your guide; and to grant you the grace to rely on Him, so that you can see His help in everything, all the time.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your servant and humble brother,

Charles D'Espeville.

Charles D'Espeville.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]


CLXXXIV.—To the Avoyer Nœguely.[100]

Complaints of the misconduct of several ministers in the Pays de Vaud.

From Lausanne, this 12th January 1547.

From Lausanne, January 12, 1547.


Monseigneur,—Seeing that this present bearer[101] has brought me so good a testimony regarding Lion, and also that I myself have known him to be both well qualified and zealous, insomuch that I have no doubt of his fitness to serve the Church of God, I am constrained to recommend him to you, assured also that the letter of introduction which I give him to you will be of service to him, considering the kind affection which you bear to me. I pray you then humbly that it may please you to hold him as recommended, to the intent that by your means he may hereafter find an opening for the service of our Lord Jesus, in which you may have occasion to rejoice; for were not such my expectation, I would be very sorry to breathe a word about it.

Monsignor,—Since this current messenger[101] has brought me such positive news about Lion, and I personally know he is qualified and eager, I have no doubt about his ability to serve the Church of God. Therefore, I feel compelled to recommend him to you, confident that the introduction letter I’m providing will help him, given the kindness you have shown me. I humbly ask you to consider him as recommended, so that through your support, he may find an opportunity to serve our Lord Jesus, and you may take joy in that. If this were not my expectation, I wouldn’t even mention it.

Moreover, Monsieur, if God granted me an opportunity of speaking to you, I would willingly disburden my heart of the scandals which lie heavy upon us here, on account of the misconduct of some who are ministers of the word of God in your demesne, and in their whole life give constant occasion to blaspheme the name of God.[102] I am well persuaded that you, on being made aware of the wretchedness in which every one thereabouts is sunk, will be as well disposed to provide for it, as I have great regret and sorrow even to hear it spoken of. I believe, indeed, that you will have spoken about it in council, seeing that a poor brother who goes to your quarter, named[95] Master Francis Maurice, will give you occasion to think thereupon. I do not touch further on the maladies, except that I earnestly desire that it would please God to put it in your heart to apply an effectual remedy. And because I know that individually you are well inclined, as becomes you, I do beseech you, inasmuch as I ought to have the interest of the Church of God at heart, that it would please you to hold out a hand to those who are in trouble for having borne themselves faithfully in God's service and yours: Wherefore, Monsieur, after having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I pray our good Lord to uphold you in his safe keeping, guiding you always by his Spirit in obedience to his will.—Your humble servant,

Moreover, Sir, if God gave me the chance to speak with you, I would gladly share the burdens that weigh heavily on us here because of the misconduct of some who are ministers of God in your area, as their actions constantly lead others to disrespect God's name.[102] I am convinced that once you learn about the misery that everyone around is experiencing, you will be just as eager to address it as I am saddened to hear about it. I truly believe you will have discussed this in council, especially since a poor brother named Master Francis Maurice, who visits your area, will bring this to your attention. I won't delve further into these issues, except to sincerely hope that God will inspire you to find a real solution. And because I know that you personally care, as is fitting, I urge you, as someone who must be concerned for the Church of God, to offer help to those struggling for having faithfully served both God and you. Therefore, Sir, after humbly recommending myself to your kind favor, I pray that our good Lord keeps you safe, guiding you always by His Spirit in obedience to His will.—Your humble servant,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXXXV.—To Farel.[103]

Mission of Calvin to Switzerland—dispositions of the various Cantons.

Geneva, 20th February 1547.

Geneva, February 20, 1547.

Textor will have returned to us before my letter reaches you. The reason why I did not proceed by way of [Neuchatel] in returning from the Swiss, was, that I had engaged to be present with the brethren on a day that must have elapsed had I not made very great haste. With regard to the present disturbances, I have to remark, that the people of Bâle are either in a state of marvellous insensibility, or they possess a wonderful power of concealing their real feelings. They did, however, make some exertion, but coldly, and their zeal was not to my[96] mind. I observed great fervour at Zurich. The inhabitants of that place were as much concerned about the people of Constance[104] as about themselves. They made over to them all their resources, and yet the wretched state continued still to vacillate, just as if it had been without any help whatever. If it had stood to this hour, I think there would have been no danger for the future. If you are in possession of any information, make us aware of it. Some people were furious, because of a report that the ambassadors of the people of Strasbourg were seen in the court of Charles. To me it does not appear probable. The people of Zurich were soon persuaded. I was, however, greatly pleased to find that they forgot all causes of dissension, and thought only of the common weal, being prepared to spend their strength not less in behalf of Strasbourg than of Constance. You can hardly credit how offensive are the terms accepted by the cities that have surrendered; but the most disgraceful of all is Wurtemberg.[105] This, to be sure, is the reward of tyrants. I observe that the Bernese were occupied in defending their own bounds, that they might be the less conscious of the neighbouring conflagration. But there are very many more private matters regarding the churches that cannot be committed to writing. It would therefore repay the trouble if you came hither speedily, because I have now in hand certain materials which I must send back in a short time. I am desirous that their contents be communicated to you, and you will infer that I am not desirous of that without good grounds.—Adieu, my brother, along with your whole family, to the members of which you will convey the best greeting in my name and that of my wife. Salute also respectfully all the brethren.—Yours,

Textor will have returned to us by the time my letter reaches you. The reason I didn’t take the route through [Neuchatel] returning from Switzerland was that I had promised to be with the brethren on a day that would have passed if I hadn’t rushed. Concerning the current disturbances, I have to say that the people of Bâle seem either astonishingly oblivious or they are really good at hiding their true feelings. They did make some effort, but it was half-hearted, and their enthusiasm didn't match my expectations. I noticed a lot of passion in Zurich. The people there cared just as much about the folks in Constance as they did for themselves. They gave all their resources to help, yet the unfortunate situation continued to wobble as if it had no support at all. If it had held out until now, I believe there would be no danger for the future. If you have any updates, please let us know. Some people were really upset about a rumor that the ambassadors from Strasbourg were seen in Charles's court. It doesn’t seem likely to me. The people of Zurich were convinced pretty quickly. I was really pleased to see that they put aside all disagreements and focused solely on the common good, ready to devote their efforts equally for Strasbourg and Constance. You wouldn’t believe how harsh the terms accepted by the surrendered cities are, but the most shameful of all is Wurtemberg. This, of course, is the reward for tyrants. I note that the Bernese were busy defending their own borders so they wouldn't have to confront the neighbor’s disaster. But there are many more private issues regarding the churches that can’t be put in writing. It would be worth your while to come here soon because I have some important materials I need to send back shortly. I want to share their contents with you, and you’ll see that I have good reasons for wanting to do so. —Goodbye, my brother, and please give my best to your entire family. Let them know I send my regards along with those of my wife. Also, respectfully greet all the brethren for me. —Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXXXVI.—To Mr. de Falais.

Search for a house for that gentleman in Geneva—Various details—Mention of Charles V. and Francis I.

From Geneva, this 25th February 1547.

From Geneva, February 25, 1547.

Monseigneur,—Having received your letter by the Sieur de la Rivière, I feared that the other, of which you made mention, must have been lost. It has since been brought to me. In reply, I thank God for having increased your joy and contentment. I have written briefly a joint letter to the three companions, to congratulate them on their welfare. I know not whether God will one day so bless us, that they shall have no more need of my letters. If not, I shall another time be a little more liberal on paper.

Monsignor,—I got your letter through Sieur de la Rivière, and I was worried that the other one you mentioned might have been lost. It has since been delivered to me. In response, I thank God for bringing you more joy and happiness. I’ve written a short letter to the three companions to congratulate them on their well-being. I don’t know if God will one day bless us so much that they won’t need my letters anymore. If not, I’ll be a bit more generous with my words next time.

As for yourself, in obedience to the commission which you gave me, I have looked about since my return for a convenient lodging. As for that of Clébergue,[106] you would be too far away from the neighbours you desire;[107] although I have long had a wish for it myself, for the sake of retirement, when I seek to have leisure: And they promised to let me have an answer; but none has come. If I had it at my disposal as they had given me to hope, you know that it would be very much at your service. Near us, I have not been able to find one having a garden, which would be more suitable for you than the one which I have taken. Not that I am quite content with the lodging, but I took it for want of a better. You will have in front a small garden, and a tolerably spacious court. Behind there is another garden. A great saloon, with as beautiful a view as you could well desire for the summer. The other rooms have not so pleasant an aspect as I would like. But when you have arrived, possibly we may devise some satisfactory arrangement. With the exception of the saloon, one might find houses[98] better furnished and more conveniently laid out; but there would have been no garden, and I see that is a feature which you desire above all. However that may be, it is hired for twelve crowns. When you see it, if you say that this is too much, I shall have my excuse ready, that I am not such a manager as to be very sparing of my purse, any more than of that of others. I have hurried on the bargain solely on account of the garden. If time hangs heavy with you where you are, it appears to me the season will be as suitable in a month as at a later period, provided that the weather be as favourable as it usually is at that time. As for escort, although my brother is not here at this moment, I can safely venture to undertake for him that he will willingly serve you; and he has gone that road so often, that he ought to know it well. Moreover, he has already had to do with the boatmen: and I believe you will recollect my advice, that you should come part of the way by water, to refresh you. Awaiting your full resolve, we shall sow without making any stir about it, and prune the vines.

As for you, following the request you gave me, I've looked for a suitable place to stay since my return. Regarding Clébergue,[106] you would be too far from the neighbors you want;[107] although I've long wanted it myself for some peace and quiet when I want to relax. They promised to get back to me, but I still haven't heard anything. If I had it like they said, you know it would be at your service. Nearby, I haven’t found any place with a garden that would be more suitable for you than the one I've taken. I'm not entirely happy with the place, but I chose it because I couldn’t find anything better. You'll have a small garden in front and a decent-sized courtyard. Behind it, there's another garden. A large salon with a lovely view for the summer. The other rooms aren’t as nice as I’d prefer. But when you arrive, we might come up with a good solution. Except for the salon, you might find houses[98] that are better furnished and laid out more conveniently; but they wouldn't have a garden, which I know is very important to you. Regardless, it's rented for twelve crowns. When you see it, if you think that’s too much, I’ll have an excuse ready—I’m not exactly the best at managing my money, just like with others. I rushed the deal just because of the garden. If you're feeling bored where you are, I think this season will be just as nice in a month as it would be later, assuming the weather is as good as it usually is. As for escort, even though my brother isn't here right now, I can assure you he will gladly help you; he’s traveled that way so often that he knows it well. Plus, he has already dealt with the boatmen, and I think you’ll remember my suggestion for you to travel part of the way by water for a nice break. While we wait for your final decision, we'll start sowing and pruning the vines without making a fuss about it.

As for your causes of complaint, I beseech you, Monseigneur, to overlook many things, to avoid that vexation which does not alleviate the ill, and cannot mend it; above all, to please to bear with what may have been done from inconsiderate zeal, for that is a fault which happens with the best. But I believe the matter has been already settled in some way or other. I hope the consequences have been modified by your prudence.

As for your complaints, I kindly ask you, Monseigneur, to overlook many issues, to avoid frustrations that don’t help the situation, and can’t fix it; most importantly, I hope you can be patient with anything that may have been done out of misguided enthusiasm, as that’s a mistake even the best can make. However, I believe the issue has already been resolved in some way. I trust your wisdom has helped adjust the outcomes.

With regard to Sieur de Paré,[108] if peradventure he should come straight to you without passing this way, and that besides he makes fresh overtures in regard to the proposal, you have there Monsieur D'Albiac, who, being very intimate with him, will be able to inform you of everything better than Maldonado can have done. And it will be right to make diligent inquiry; for I would fear that by the follies of his youth he may have had some disease, such as many persons have now-a-days. I openly avow to you my fear, choosing to exceed in that respect, rather than to conceal anything until it be too late. You will ask me wherefore then I have put off so much time already. But my conjectures on this point have arisen since. It would indeed[99] have been the shortest way to communicate by word of mouth, if I had conceived in my mind all that I do now. I set the matter before you, that you may think of it. For I would not have that reproach,—I mean not only in the sight of the world, but also before God,—that the girl should have been in any way wronged by my concealment. I am aware, that by reason of its being a malady so common and prevalent, many make scarcely any difficulty about it. But I suspect that you, like myself, will have your scruples.

Regarding Sieur de Paré,[108] if he happens to come directly to you without stopping here, and if he brings up the proposal again, you have Monsieur D'Albiac there, who knows him well and can give you better information than Maldonado. It’s important to investigate thoroughly; I’m concerned that in his youth he may have had some illness, like many people do these days. I'm honestly sharing my fears with you, preferring to express them now rather than keeping quiet until it’s too late. You might wonder why I’ve delayed so long already. My thoughts on this have developed recently. It would have been easier to discuss it in person if I had realized all that I do now. I present this matter to you for your consideration. I wouldn’t want to have the blame—both in the eyes of the world and before God—that the girl might have been harmed due to my silence. I know that because this illness is so common, many don’t see it as a problem. But I suspect that you, like me, will have your reservations.

To make an end, Monsieur, after having humbly commended me to your kind favour, and that of Madame, I entreat our good Lord to have you in his keeping, which is the one thing needful of our whole life, as well for this present time as that which is to come; I mean that he may always make you to feel as he does now, that you are under his guidance. All those who do not write, humbly commend them to your good graces, and to those of Madame.

To wrap things up, Sir, after humbly asking for your and Madame's kind favor, I pray that our good Lord keeps you safe, which is the most important thing in life, both now and in the future. I hope he helps you always feel, as you do now, that you are under his guidance. For those who don't write, I humbly ask you to look out for them and for Madame as well.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your servant and humble bro,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


Monsieur, he who will present you this letter, is the ambassador from this town. There are two who proceed to your quarter, I know not wherefore, that is to say, on account of their private affairs, which they have to settle together. I have thought it well to inform you of this, for no other reason, save that I presume you would have been sorry not to have been told of it. For if your affairs admit of your deciding to come, you may avail yourself of this means of communication; not that there is need of great ceremony, as we have already spoken of it, but only in order that they may not fancy themselves slighted, especially if you should come hither. I speak the language of the country. If there are any good tidings, I hope that they will bring them to us. But there is need for God humbling us, from whichever side it may come. I hope, however, that our Antiochus,[109] who presses us at present, will be so[100] hard pressed, that he shall be regardless of the gout in his hands and in his feet; for he will have it over his whole body. As regards his companion, Sardanapalus,[110] may God have a like care of him! for they are both well worthy to have the same measure meted to them.

Sir, the person delivering this letter is the ambassador from this town. There are two individuals heading to your area, though I’m not sure why; it's for their personal matters that they need to sort out together. I thought it would be good to let you know this, simply because I figured you wouldn't want to miss being informed. If your situation allows you to decide to come, you can use this opportunity to communicate; there's no need for formalities since we've already discussed it, but I just want to ensure they don’t feel overlooked, especially if you end up coming here. I speak the local language. If there’s any good news, I hope they’ll bring it to us. However, we need to be humbled by God, regardless of where it comes from. I still hope that our Antiochus,[109] who is pressuring us right now, will be in such a tough spot that he’ll forget the gout in his hands and feet, as it will be all over his body. As for his companion, Sardanapalus,[110] may God take care of him as well! They both deserve to be treated equally.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXXXVII.—To Mr. de Falais.[111]

Instructions regarding the Apology—alarming rumours current at Geneva—Calvin's confidence.

From Geneva, this 7th of March 1547.

From Geneva, March 7, 1547.

Monseigneur,—I forgot in my last letter to mention the subject of the Apology, and I know not how it had escaped me. Saint André had the copy; and in so far I was not deceived in my opinion. But as matters stand at present, if you should think of printing it, I do not see anything there will be to change. To soften it down, that is not possible; and the times will not warrant its being kindled into greater vehemence, at least with any effect. And if you determine to have it printed at Strasbourg, I am not very sure that they will venture to admit it as it is. "For what can he dare to do who hath once involved himself with a tyrant?"[112] Here there would be more liberty. I recollect that you spoke to me, immediately after having seen it, about correcting some points, but without signifying to me what these were, nor how to be corrected. Will you therefore please to let me know your wish by the first opportunity, and what you desire that I should do? As for some one[101] to translate it into Latin, you have one at hand sufficiently elegant, should you think proper to make use of him.[113] Here, also, we might doubtless find one; for want of a better, I shall undertake it myself,—and that I hope I may do, without boasting; for provided that it is perspicuous, that will be sufficient; and besides, the barbarism of Majestas vestra, which one must employ, forbids a too exquisitely ornate style. In any event, however, we shall have need of your advice, in case we undertake it here. Moreover, our people are in some alarm. But I do not think they have any cause. You know very well that frontier towns are very apt to take fright; and forasmuch as we have Granvelle for a neighbour,[114] and we hear talk of a levy of men, one is somewhat in doubt. As for me, I think differently, for it is not the proper season for attempting anything here. But we must let many rumours glide past, even as we cannot hinder water from going downwards. However matters turn out, I am very glad that our Lord arouses us, in order to make us turn to himself; and that is the greatest mercy that can happen to us, that we may be led to commit ourselves in real earnest to his protection.

Your Highness,—I forgot to mention the Apology in my last letter, and I'm not sure how I overlooked it. Saint André had the copy, which confirms my initial opinion. However, given the current situation, if you're considering publishing it, I don't see anything that needs changing. Softening it isn’t an option, and the times don’t allow for inflating it further, at least not effectively. If you decide to publish it in Strasbourg, I’m not sure they would accept it in its current form. "What can one dare to do who has once entangled himself with a tyrant?"[112] Here, there would be more freedom. I remember you mentioned correcting some points right after seeing it but didn’t specify what those were or how to correct them. Could you please inform me of your preferences at your earliest convenience and what you want me to do? As for someone[101] to translate it into Latin, you have an elegant option available if you decide to use him.[113] Here, we could surely find someone too; lacking a better option, I’ll take it on myself—and I hope that’s not too presumptuous; as long as it’s clear, that should be enough; and the formality of Majestas vestra that we have to use limits overly extravagant language. In any case, we will need your guidance if we proceed with it here. Additionally, our people are somewhat anxious. However, I don’t think there’s any real cause for concern. You know how easily border towns can panic; with Granvelle as our neighbor,[114] and hearing talk of recruiting men, there is a sense of uncertainty. Personally, I feel differently, as this is not the right time for any actions here. But we must let many rumors pass, just as we can't stop water from flowing downhill. No matter how things unfold, I'm grateful that our Lord is stirring us to turn to Him, which is the greatest mercy we can receive, guiding us to genuinely seek His protection.

Making an end for the present, Monsieur, after having humbly commended myself to the kind favour both of yourself and Madame, and having presented the respects of our neighbours, I pray our good Lord to have you in his holy keeping, to guide you in all your paths, to show you what is right and fit for you to do, and to give eventually a good and prosperous result.

To wrap things up for now, Sir, I want to humbly express my appreciation for both you and Madame, and I pass along the regards of our neighbors. I pray that our good Lord keeps you safe, guides you in everything you do, shows you what’s right, and ultimately leads to a positive outcome.

You will perceive by the letter of Sire Nicolas how it goes with your money. He has also informed me of the choice which he sets before you; you will make your election as opportunity presents itself.

You will see from Sir Nicolas's letter how things are with your money. He has also told me about the options he presents to you; you will make your choice when the opportunity arises.

Your servant and humble brother for ever,

Your servant and humble brother always,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXXXVIII.—To Mr. de Falais.

Disputes of M. de Falais with Valeran Poulain—Reports of the expected arrival of the former in Geneva.

From Geneva, this 15th March 1547.

From Geneva, March 15, 1547.

Monseigneur,—I am glad that you have our brother, Master Peter Viret, to cheer you in the midst of the annoyances which must have been very hard upon you, seeing that I have been tormented more than I can express through mere sympathy. But I hope that God has applied a remedy as regards the actual issue; and assuredly he has cared for you by sending you him from whom you may receive as effectual consolation as from any man in the world, so that I am in nowise sorry that I did not undertake the journey; for I do not fear that you will have any need of me. For this reason, also, I shall make my letters to you shorter.

Your Honor,—I’m glad you have our brother, Master Peter Viret, to support you during the challenges you’ve been facing, which must have been really tough on you, especially since I’ve been feeling more anxious than I can express just out of sympathy. But I trust that God has provided a solution regarding the situation, and He has definitely looked after you by sending you someone from whom you can get as much comfort as from any man in the world. So, I’m not at all regretting that I didn’t make the trip; I’m confident that you won’t need me. For this reason, I’ll also keep my letters to you shorter.

Concerning the person you allude to,[115] I am not aware of having given him any reason to think that I deemed your complaints excessive; but fearing lest some illness might attack you, and also thinking it unbecoming that you should enter into contention with a man of his disposition; considering on the other hand his audacity, and what a venomous animal is apt to emit when pressed, I entreated you to take the whole with moderation, so far as might be possible. Besides, I know him well, and do not so much fear his ill-will, as to wish that the Church of God should suffer from my dissimulation. But I do not see now what I can do in the matter, and indeed there is no present need. For where he is known, his reputation is already lower than we need. Where he is unknown, nothing would be gained by speaking of him, unless he endeavours to insinuate himself. But yet God may make him wise, after having suitably chastised him on account of his foolishness.

Regarding the person you're referring to,[115] I don’t believe I’ve given him any reason to think that I consider your complaints to be too much. However, I worry that you might become unwell, and I also think it’s not appropriate for you to get into a dispute with someone like him. On the other hand, considering his boldness and what harm someone might unleash when cornered, I advised you to handle the situation with moderation as much as possible. Furthermore, I know him well and am not particularly concerned about his hostility; I just don’t want the Church of God to suffer because of my dishonesty. But right now, I’m not sure what I can do about it, and honestly, there’s no immediate need. Where he’s known, his reputation is already lower than necessary. Where he’s unknown, there’s no advantage to mentioning him unless he tries to insert himself into the situation. Still, God might make him wise after appropriately punishing him for his foolishness.

I now come to your journey. Although I see no danger in the way, either of ambush, or of other proceedings of a like kind, nor yet of open violence,—nevertheless, as for the first, I have given no assurance to any one to that effect, but on the contrary rather have my suspicion. In the second place, as regards the time of your coming, I have spoken as one who knew nothing at all about it. It is true that when I am asked if you have an intention of coming to see us, I am not very obstinate in the denial thereof to my friends, fearing lest they might think me a double dealer. And even when I have hired the house, not only he who spoke to you, but some others also, have at once conjectured that it was for yourself. I have answered them, Yea, that it was possible, but that there were others for whom it might be; that I took it thus at a venture, not doubting, however, to find a tenant to put into it. I cannot, however, hinder many from guessing about it, and persuading themselves, without my breathing a word on the subject, that you are coming. However, if it please God, you shall have no prejudice thereby so far as I am concerned. I hope, if the Lord will, that next week Master Peter Viret will bring us your news. If after having heard our brother Saint André, you have anything new to tell me, you will find a suitable messenger in him.

I’m now turning to your journey. While I don’t see any danger in the way—whether from ambushes or other similar tactics, nor open violence—I haven’t assured anyone of that, and I actually have my doubts. Regarding when you plan to arrive, I’ve talked as if I didn't know anything about it at all. It’s true that when people ask me if you plan to visit us, I don't firmly deny it to my friends because I worry they might think I'm being deceitful. Even when I rented the house, not just the person who spoke to you, but others guessed it was for you right away. I told them it was possible, but that it could be for others too; I took the place on a whim, but I’m confident I’ll find someone to rent it. However, I can’t stop many from speculating and convincing themselves, without me saying a word, that you’re coming. Still, if it’s God's will, you won’t be negatively affected in my eyes. I hope, if the Lord allows, that next week Master Peter Viret will bring us news about you. If, after hearing from our brother Saint André, you have any new updates to share with me, you’ll have a good messenger in him.

Whereupon, Monsieur, having affectionately commended me to your kind favour, and to that of Madame, and having presented to both of you the remembrance of my wife and friends, I beseech our good Lord to have you always in his keeping, to comfort you, to strengthen and perfect you in every work for his glory, and your salvation. Amen.

Whereupon, Sir, after warmly entrusting me to your kindness, as well as that of Madame, and sharing greetings from my wife and friends, I pray that our good Lord always looks after you, comforts you, and strengthens you in all your endeavors for His glory and your salvation. Amen.

Your very humble servant and brother,

Your very humble servant and brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXXXIX.—To Valeran Poulain.[116]

Severe reprobation of his behaviour towards M. de Falais—reply to a calumny directed against the Reformer.

[Geneva, March, 1547.]

[Geneva, March 1547.]

Greeting,—I only received your letter this day, which was later than was proper. Meanwhile, however, I think that the conversation of our friend Viret has done something towards changing your mind on the point. When I heard Saint André's account of the matter, I briefly replied that I was not a little grieved to find that you had thus sullied by your last act whatever praise you had earned, in the discharge of a mission so illustrious. And I am not indeed so light-minded, as to pronounce a judgment after hearing merely the one side of a question. Nor is my vision blinded by the splendour of rank; but while I hear men indifferent, and giving expression to no accusing word, I am constrained to think that you acted neither with prudence nor propriety in soliciting the girl in marriage. But I am still more displeased, seeing she complains that you circumvented her by means of numerous baseless accusations, and indirect arts. You mention to me Bucer and Bernardino. If you had done nothing but with their advice, you would, assuredly, never have set about what you did. Do you suppose that your cause will meet with their approval? I mentioned in a former letter, regarding the younger [lady] to whom you aspired, what I thought was censurable[105] in her. In seeking after this one, you seem to have forgotten what you wrote to the other on your departure. Even although nothing else had stood in the way, you ought to have absolutely abstained from the mention of marriage until she had reached her destination. But if what she herself testifies be true, the engagement was brought about through the influence of the worst inducements. Accordingly I shall not believe that the marriage is, as you say, from the Lord, until you prove that she says what is untrue, when she affirms that you had beforehand engrossed her mind with numerous calumnies. Albeit, she strongly asserts that she gave you no credence, and that no engagement was formed between you, but that she always expressly stipulated to be allowed to do everything in accordance with the advice of Monsieur de Falais. She says, however, that you affirmed that his will was quite well known to you, that the only difficulty would be with his wife, as she still regarded with admiration the fumes of nobility. These were not the tokens of God; but you prohibit me from believing them. I can do nothing less, however, than hear both sides. When I reflect on the whole circumstances, certain particulars appear with which, I confess, I am displeased. You remind me that illustrious men are sometimes guilty of grave offences. It is on other grounds, however, that I love and reverence M. de Falais, than on account of the mock greatness on which alone most of the nobility pride themselves. In the next place, I have, as yet, heard nothing from him but reasonable complaints. Moreover, I have looked more to the matter itself than to the persons. I wish that you had never involved yourself in those troubles; but since it has so happened, it remains for me to desire to see you relieved from them in a short space, which I trust is now accomplished.

Greeting,—I just received your letter today, which was later than it should have been. In the meantime, I think our friend Viret's conversation may have changed your mind on the matter. When I heard Saint André's account, I replied that I was quite disappointed to see you tarnish your reputation with your last action after successfully completing such an important mission. I'm not so naive to pass judgment based only on one side of the story. I’m not blinded by status; however, when I hear others being indifferent and not saying anything accusatory, I can't help but think that you acted poorly and inappropriately by proposing to the girl. I’m even more upset because she claims that you deceived her with many unfounded accusations and sly tactics. You mentioned Bucer and Bernardino. If you had consulted them, you definitely wouldn’t have done what you did. Do you really think they would support your actions? I previously mentioned some things I found questionable about the younger woman you were interested in. In pursuing this one, you seem to have forgotten what you wrote to the other one when you left. Even if nothing else had interfered, you should have completely avoided mentioning marriage until she arrived safely. But if her statements are true, the engagement happened under the worst circumstances. So until you can prove her wrong by showing that she was not led to believe you filled her head with false claims, I won’t accept that this marriage is from the Lord as you say. She insists that she didn’t believe you and that there was no engagement, but that she was always clear about wanting to follow the advice of Monsieur de Falais. She claims that you told her you knew his wishes well and that the only issue would be with his wife, who still admired nobility. Those are not signs from God, but you don’t want me to believe that. I must hear both sides of this. Considering everything, there are specific details that, I admit, upset me. You remind me that even great people can make serious mistakes. However, I admire M. de Falais for reasons other than the sham greatness that most nobles pride themselves on. So far, I have only heard reasonable complaints from him. Moreover, I focus more on the issue itself rather than the individuals involved. I wish you had never gotten into these troubles, but since you have, I hope you can resolve them quickly, which I trust will happen soon.

With regard to the estate which I am said to have purchased with so many thousands, I should indeed be silly if I spent many words in rebutting falsehoods so gross. There is no one here, or in the whole vicinity, who is not aware that I do not possess a foot of land. Moreover, my acquaintances well know that I never had money sufficient to purchase an acre, unless when I am paid what enables me to meet the expenditure[106] of the quarter. I have surely not reached the point alleged, as I am still using in my house another's furniture; for neither the table at which we eat, nor the bed on which we sleep, is my own. Whence, then, those reports? I know not, unless it be that godless men so malign me, in order to fix a brand on the Gospel. They will never, however, prevent me from being truly rich, because I am abundantly satisfied with my slender means; and while my poverty is a burden to no one, it is nevertheless an alleviation to some.

Regarding the estate that people say I bought for so many thousands, it would be foolish of me to waste my breath trying to refute such ridiculous falsehoods. Everyone around here knows that I don't own a single piece of land. My friends also know that I've never had enough money to buy even an acre, unless I receive payment that allows me to cover my expenses for the quarter. I've certainly not reached the point they claim, as I'm still using someone else's furniture in my home; neither the table we eat at nor the bed we sleep on is mine. So where do these rumors come from? I don't know, unless it's that godless people are spreading lies about me to tarnish the Gospel's reputation. However, they will never stop me from being truly rich, because I am completely content with my limited means; and while my poverty is a burden to no one, it still provides some relief to others.

Adieu, and believe that I am friendly disposed towards you. I wish there may sometimes occur occasion for correspondence, &c.

Adieu, and know that I have a friendly attitude towards you. I hope there will be opportunities for us to correspond sometimes, &c.

[Lat. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Lat. copy.Geneva Library. Vol. 194.]


CXC.—To Viret.[117]

Weakness of the Genevese magistracy—Expectation of Viret's arrival in Geneva.

Geneva, 27th March 1547.

Geneva, March 27, 1547.

I am in doubt with regard to your coming to us.[118] Roset, as far as I hear, exceeded due bounds in explaining to you the necessity for it, although he is not the only one who errs in this respect; for the whole council is in a state of groundless agitation. I see no one of the whole number in whom I can put confidence. I certainly observe no one here who can be said to be judicious. They show no boldness in a good and praiseworthy cause. So childish are they all, that they are frightened by the silly shake of a head, while a man of no consequence displays his insanity. I do not defend my cause[107] under the form of a public one, carried on in my absence. If I desist from prosecuting it, the whole consistory will of necessity go to ruin. Moreover, they so conduct themselves as to extort daily clamours in the course of their sermons; otherwise the entreaties of Roset would not have particularly influenced me. Just now, our brother has made known to me from Saint André, that our comic actor Cæsar, and certain of his faction, have been making diligent inquiry as to whether you were coming hither immediately. I observe, therefore, that there is a strong desire for you on the part of some, that others expect you because they are aware that you have been summoned. With no one belonging to the council have I any communication that can be relied on, Michel[119] alone excepted; but he is neither very sharp-sighted, nor is he even admitted to the more private deliberations. John Parvi makes a magnificent offer of his services, but he is not the thing. Besides these, no one has come near me. Certain guesses, not lightly formed, have made me suspicious of Corna. I indeed love the man, but he does not permit me to confide in him. In the first place, he is timid; in the next, he is distrustful; and, finally, he adores that shadow, or ghost if you will.[120] Those who are desirous that the matter should be arranged without disturbance, hope that you would prove a suitable pacificator. The party composing the faction itself is anxious for you, with the view of being somewhat relieved from its difficulties by your mediation. We desire and solicit you, I myself in particular, that you may see, judge, and do whatever in your opinion shall be for the interest of the Church. But observe its wretched condition. Farel lately learned that he had been unfortunate in turning to me for assistance, because nothing could be done unless he were separated from me. Nothing assuredly would be more agreeable to me, than if all matters here were brought to a happy issue by your interference, even though I were banished to the Garamantes. But this mode of procedure will be as little satisfactory to you as to myself. I mention this plan as that prescribed by the most moderate, as they wish to[108] be thought. But if you could be here by Tuesday next, and remain until Monday, you might have my opinion of this complicated matter; you would, in that case, I presume, conduct public worship. Should it be necessary for you to return sooner, I do not advise you to subject yourself to so much trouble for no purpose. If the arrangements of your church do not permit you to come in such good time, I have nothing to say; but if I were in your place, I know what I would do; I do not, however, wish you to be guided by my judgment. Adieu, therefore, brother and dearest friend, along with your wife and brothers, all of whom you will greet in my name. Des Gallars sends his warm thanks to you through me, and he expresses the same to me, on the ground that I am the cause of your undertaking the journey.—Yours,

I have doubts about your coming to us.[118] Roset, from what I hear, went overboard in explaining why it's necessary, though he's not the only one who makes this mistake; the whole council is unnecessarily agitated. I can't trust anyone among them. I certainly don’t see anyone here who can be considered sensible. They lack the courage to stand up for a good cause. They're all so childish that they're scared by the slightest headshake, while someone insignificant shows his madness. I’m not defending my case as a public matter carried out in my absence. If I stop pursuing it, the entire consistory will inevitably fall apart. Moreover, they behave in ways that spark daily complaints during their sermons; otherwise, Roset’s pleas wouldn’t have impacted me so much. Just now, our brother told me from Saint André that our comic actor Cæsar and some of his group have been asking if you’re coming here right away. I see, therefore, that some really want you to come, while others expect you because they know you’ve been summoned. I have no communication with anyone on the council that I can trust, except for Michel[119]; however, he is neither very perceptive nor included in the more private discussions. John Parvi has made a grand offer of his services, but he’s not the right person. Besides them, no one has approached me. Certain suspicions, not made lightly, have made me wary of Corna. I do like the guy, but he doesn’t let me trust him. First, he’s timid; second, he’s suspicious; and finally, he worships that shadow or ghost, if you will.[120] Those who want this matter settled without disruption hope you could be a suitable peacemaker. The faction itself is eager for you, looking to find some relief from its troubles through your mediation. We are asking you, especially me, to see, judge, and do whatever you think is best for the Church. But take note of its sorry state. Farel recently found out he was unlucky to turn to me for help, because nothing could be done unless he was separated from me. Nothing would please me more than if everything here ended happily through your intervention, even if I were sent away to the Garamantes. But this approach won’t be satisfactory for you any more than for me. I mention this plan as one proposed by the most moderate, as they want to appear. But if you could be here by Tuesday and stay until Monday, you could hear my take on this complicated issue; in that case, I suppose you’d lead public worship. If you need to return sooner, I wouldn’t advise you to put yourself through so much trouble for nothing. If your church's schedule doesn’t allow you to come at such a good time, I have nothing to say; but if I were in your position, I know what I would do; still, I don’t want you to feel you have to follow my judgment. So, farewell, dear brother and friend, along with your wife and brothers, all of whom you should greet for me. Des Gallars sends his warm thanks to you through me and expresses the same to me because I’m the reason you’re making the trip.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CXCI.—To Wolfgang Musculus.[121]

Anxiety regarding the Churches of Germany—advice to Musculus.

Geneva, 21st April 1547.

Geneva, April 21, 1547.

If I were to follow out the subject in this letter, as time and the present condition of things demand, I see that there would be no end to it. There are, besides, other reasons that prevent me from entering on this forest so full of thorns. I was unwilling,[109] however, to send away this youth wholly empty, who had come in my way, without at least testifying to you, in the present calamitous state of your church, and as becomes the friendly relations subsisting between us, that I ever bear you in mind. Indeed, when the earliest rumours reached this, you were among the first, of those whose danger caused me agony, to occur to my mind; and when the ungovernable violence of my grief had hurried me to Zurich, as soon as I fell in with Bernardino,[122] who had arrived about half an hour before I met him, I began at once, forgetful alike of salutation and everything else, to make inquiries after you. I confess, however, that I was solicitous about your safety, in proportion to the strength of the fear I had, lest you should abandon the Church in such a time of need, as usually happens when matters are desperate and past recovery; or rather lest, being as it were deserted by your flock, you should betake yourself elsewhere;[123] for it is difficult, amid so great darkness, to discern what is most expedient. Now, howsoever severe the trial may have been, I yet rejoice that the Lord has caused the spirit of prudence and counsel to spring up in you and your fellow-ministers, and has sustained your minds with the spirit of fortitude, as far as might be in circumstances not the best. I also give God thanks, that in whatsoever way matters have been improved, a short breathing time is granted you, until at length tranquil serenity may clearly dawn upon you. Meanwhile, it is proper we should learn, that it has been usual with God in all ages to preserve his own Church in a wonderful way, and without human protection. Relying therefore on this ground of confidence, let us strive to break through whatever difficulty there may be, and let us never lose heart, even although we should be destitute of all things.

If I were to follow the topic in this letter, as the situation and timing require, I realize there would be no end to it. Additionally, there are other reasons that stop me from diving into this thorny issue. Still, I didn’t want to send this young person away completely empty-handed, especially since they crossed my path, without at least expressing to you, in light of the unfortunate state of your church and considering our friendship, that you are always on my mind. In fact, when the first whispers of trouble reached me, you were one of the first people who caused me great concern. When the overwhelming weight of my grief drove me to Zurich, I ran into Bernardino, who had arrived about half an hour before I met him. Forgetting all about greetings and everything else, I immediately started asking about you. I admit, however, that I was worried about your safety, based on how much I feared you might abandon the Church in such a time of need, as often happens when things look desperate and hopeless; or rather, that being somewhat abandoned by your congregation, you might look for a different path, because it’s tough to know the best course of action in such total darkness. No matter how tough the challenge has been, I’m still glad that the Lord has inspired you and your fellow ministers with wisdom and strong resolve, supporting your spirits as much as possible given the circumstances. I also thank God that, however things have turned out, you’ve been granted a short reprieve until peace and calm can finally return to you. In the meantime, we should remember that throughout history, God has preserved His Church in incredible ways, without any human help. So, let's stand firm on this foundation of trust, push through whatever challenges we face, and hold onto hope, even if we find ourselves completely lacking in resources.

Adieu, most upright brother, and one dear to me from the[110] bottom of my heart, as also your fellow-ministers, all of whom you will very affectionately salute in my name. May the Lord Jesus be present with you, guide you by his Spirit, and bless your holy labours. You will also convey to your family my best greeting.—Yours,

Adieu, my most upright brother, someone I truly care about from the[110] bottom of my heart, as well as your fellow ministers, all of whom you will warmly greet in my name. May the Lord Jesus be with you, guide you through His Spirit, and bless your noble work. Please also send my best regards to your family.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


My colleagues also reverently salute you all. If any opportunity be afforded you, you will make me aware of the state of your affairs.

My coworkers also respectfully greet all of you. If you have a chance, please let me know how things are going with you.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Zoffingue. Vol. i. p. 10.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Zoffingue. Vol. i. p. 10.]


CXCII.—To Mr. de Falais.

Steps taken at Basle to retract a promise of marriage made to Valeran Poulain.

From Geneva, this first of May [1547.]

From Geneva, May 1, 1547.

Monseigneur,—I wrote to Myconius,[124] as you will see by the copy which I send you. I was of opinion that it was enough, because the judges will better comprehend my meaning from his mouth. It will have more weight, because the prosecution of the suit will not thus be so vehement on my part, as if I should take upon me to write to them, thus making myself too much a party in the matter. I believe that our brother, Master Peter Viret, will do the same in regard to the Sieur Bernard Mayer, in consequence of what I have told him. Should there be any need for it, he condemns himself of treachery in the letters which he has written to me. For after having requested me, in the month of January, to intercede for him in regard to the marriage of Merne, he has told me that Wilergy was in love with him many months before: so much so, as to ask him in marriage, rather than wait to be asked. How is that to be reconciled, unless he wanted to have both of them? But he[111] must be cut short in the whole of this troublesome nonsense; seeing that it is quite unworthy of a hearing. I have no doubt that the judges will very soon put an end to that.

Your Excellency,—I wrote to Myconius,[124] as you’ll see in the copy I'm sending you. I thought that was enough because the judges will understand my point better from him. It will carry more weight since I won't seem as involved in the case by writing to them myself, which would make me too much of a participant. I believe our brother, Master Peter Viret, will do the same regarding Mr. Bernard Mayer based on what I’ve told him. If necessary, he admits to being deceitful in the letters he wrote to me. After asking me in January to advocate for him about Merne's marriage, he mentioned that Wilergy was in love with him many months before: so much so that he proposed to him instead of waiting to be asked. How can that be reconciled unless he wanted both? But he[111] must be stopped in all this annoying nonsense; it’s clearly unworthy of serious consideration. I have no doubt the judges will quickly put an end to it.

Monsieur, having heartily commended me to your kind favour and that of Madame, without forgetting the three Demoiselles, I pray our good Lord to have you in his keeping, to confirm you always in patience, to deliver you from the annoyance of this importunate suitor, and to bring you into assured prosperity.

Monsieur, after warmly recommending me to your kindness and that of Madame, not to mention the three young ladies, I pray that our good Lord watches over you, always gives you patience, frees you from the annoyance of this persistent suitor, and leads you to guaranteed success.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your devoted servant and brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CXCIII.—To Francis Dryander.[125]

Confused state of the Church—hopes and fears for the future.

Geneva, 18th May 1547.

Geneva, May 18, 1547.

Greeting:—It would not require a letter of very great length, were I to comply with your request to write to you at full length my opinion of the present state of general disorder; because when matters are in so great confusion, I not only abstain from passing any judgment, but I do not even venture to inquire into what may be the issue of them. For as often as I have begun the attempt, I have been immediately involved in darkness so intense, that I thought it better to close my eyes upon the world, and fix them intently upon God alone. I only speak of myself, as I am here situated. Had I been placed in the situation which some others occupy, my mode of procedure[112] might then have required to be changed. Besides, I cannot from this retreat as from a watch-tower observe the circumstances that go to the formation of a judgment. And if anything reaches me, it comes late. Further, nothing can with certainty be determined, until the whole particulars are gathered together. But at present the more private counsels, from which an opinion is chiefly to be formed, are unknown to me. What folly then would it be for me to fatigue myself to no purpose or profit, by occupying my attention with what is obscure! "What," therefore, you will say, "do you alone wish to enjoy undisturbed quiet amid the ruins of the Church?" On the contrary, I sigh anxiously night and day, but I repel as much as I can all needless reflections that from time to time steal upon me. I do not, nevertheless, succeed in this so far as I could wish; it is, however, something, that I do not indulge a prurient disposition. I occupy myself in considering what is already done; and I connect matters that occur from day to day, with what preceded them. Reflection on these things furnishes me, I confess, with various grounds both of hope and fear. But because, as I have said, there are so many opposing reasons, I restrain myself in good time, lest I say anything rashly and beyond what is proper. The prediction, indeed, which you gave in your letter, will never deceive us, even although heaven and earth were mingled in confusion together, viz., that God will take so peculiar a care of his own Church, as to preserve it even amid the annihilation of the whole world. Excuse the brevity of this epistle, as I was warned a little before supper of the departure of the messenger. [My] brother had told me before mid-day, that he was ready for the journey: I would not have written, if he had gone so soon. He returned after three o'clock: I had thus less time than I should have had. Adieu: may the Lord direct you by his Spirit, and preserve you safe.—Yours,

Greeting:—My thoughts on the current state of chaos wouldn't take a long letter to express. When everything is so mixed up, I don't just hold back from making judgments; I also don’t dare to figure out where things might lead. Every time I try, I get pulled into such deep confusion that I've found it better to close my eyes to the world and focus entirely on God. I can only speak for myself in my current position. If I were in someone else's shoes, my approach would have to change. Besides, from this retreat, I can’t really observe the circumstances needed to form an opinion. And any information that does reach me comes too late. Moreover, nothing can be determined with certainty until all the details are gathered. Right now, the more private discussions that should inform an opinion are unknown to me. So, what foolishness it would be for me to exhaust myself on what is unclear! "What," you might ask, "do you just want to enjoy peaceful silence amid the Church's ruins?" On the contrary, I worry day and night, but I try to push away any unnecessary thoughts that occasionally creep in. I don’t always succeed as much as I’d like, but at least I’m not indulging in obsessive thoughts. I focus on what’s already happened and connect the events of each day to what came before. Reflecting on these things gives me a mix of hope and fear. However, as I’ve said, there are so many conflicting reasons that I hold back, so I don’t say anything rash or inappropriate. The prediction you made in your letter won’t mislead us, even if heaven and earth are thrown into chaos: God will take special care of His Church and preserve it even amid the destruction of the entire world. I apologize for the shortness of this letter; I was notified just before dinner that the messenger was leaving. My brother had told me before noon that he was ready to leave, and I wouldn’t have written if he had taken off that early. He returned after three o’clock, giving me less time than I anticipated. Adieu: may the Lord guide you by His Spirit and keep you safe.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Protestant Seminary of Strasbourg.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Protestant Seminary of Strasbourg.]


CXCIV.—To Mr. de Falais.

The sending of a minister—perplexities regarding anticipated events in Germany.

From Geneva, this 18th May 1547.

From Geneva, this May 18, 1547.

Monseigneur,—Since your convenience has not permitted your coming hither as we had hoped, it is enough if God graciously grants you health where you are. For albeit I might desire to be near you, nevertheless I prefer what is best for you. Concerning the man of whom Maldonado spoke to you, besides the knowledge which I have had of him while he has been here I have made inquiry about him at his old master, Gallars, who tells me that he found him very leal and serviceable. It is true, that he would not reckon him qualified to manage great affairs, unless one should instruct and set him his lesson; but that in the carrying out of whatsoever he shall be commanded to do, there will be nothing wanting; nay, that he will even be vigilant. And even as regards the former quality, I do not undervalue him. For a staid and modest man is far better, than one who is overbold and venturesome. You will decide according to the turn of your affairs, in order that the Sieur d'Albiac may send him; and thus you may not remain long unprovided. Moreover, I hope that God has rid you of the annoyances wherewith that marplot[126] has been so long teasing you. That done, you may be altogether at ease about your house.

Monsignor,—Since you haven't been able to come here as we had hoped, it's enough if God grants you good health where you are. While I would love to be near you, I prefer what's best for you. Regarding the man Maldonado told you about, based on my experience with him while he was here, I've also checked with his former master, Gallars, who says he found him very loyal and helpful. It's true that he wouldn't consider him capable of handling major tasks without guidance and instruction; however, when it comes to carrying out any orders he's given, he won't fall short—he'll even be attentive. I value him for this trait too. A calm and humble person is much better than someone who's overly bold and reckless. You will decide based on your circumstances so that Sieur d'Albiac can send him, ensuring you won't be left without support for long. Also, I hope God has freed you from the troubles that annoying person has been pestering you with for so long. Once that's settled, you can feel completely at ease about your home.

We are still on the lookout for news about the general state of the church. If God intends so sorely to afflict us, as to let loose that tyrant upon us,[127] who only seeks to ruin everything, we must be quite prepared to suffer. Considering that He who has us in charge, rules in the midst of his enemies, it becomes us to have patience, consoling ourselves in the assured hope, that in the end he will confound them. But yet I hope[114] that he will provide against these great troubles, supporting our weakness; and that he will check the boldness of those who triumph before the time, and that against himself.

We are still keeping an eye out for updates on the overall condition of the church. If God truly means to test us harshly by allowing that tyrant to come against us,[127] who only aims to destroy everything, we need to be ready to endure suffering. Since He who oversees us rules even among His enemies, we should practice patience, finding comfort in the firm belief that in the end He will bring them to shame. Still, I hope[114] that He will protect us from these significant troubles, bolstering our weaknesses; and that He will restrain the arrogance of those who celebrate prematurely, and that they do so against Him.

Monsieur, having humbly commended me to your kind favour, and that of Madame, and having presented to both of you the remembrances of my wife, I pray our good Lord to guide you continually, to watch over you and to enlarge you in all his mercies. I abstain from entering upon the proposal which the Sieur Maldonado has brought me, about settling a church in that quarter;[128]—for I know not what to say about it, except that I would desire that all may be well done.

Sir, having sincerely asked for your kind support and that of Madame, and having shared my wife’s regards with both of you, I pray that our good Lord continually guides you, watches over you, and enriches you with all His blessings. I won't speak about the proposal that Mr. Maldonado has brought to me regarding establishing a church in that area;[128]—I really don’t know what to say about it, other than that I hope everything turns out well.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your servant and devoted brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CXCV.—To Monsieur de Falais.

Information in regard to a house—advice on the subject of a marriage proposed for a relative of Monsieur de Falais.

From Geneva, this 26th of May 1547.

From Geneva, May 26, 1547.

Monseigneur,—I hope that the bearer of these presents will be the captain of our town,[129] from whom I have hired the house. He has a mind to betake himself to your quarter, in order to confer with you. He has offered me an alternative condition. In the first place: should it please you to lend him money for a certain term, that the house shall remain pledged to you in security for the repayment, without paying any rent; and that of the repairs which you may make for your convenience, he shall bear a part: secondly, that he should sell it to you. It is[115] true that he is not the feudal superior, but he engages at all risks to maintain and warrant you in the sale of it out and out. In this case, he must have three hundred crowns for it. If your intention is to purchase, you will discuss the price with himself, making the best bargain you can. It is very certain, that assuming the responsibility of keeping it in repair, he will not readily give it for two hundred crowns. You will have to choose between these two conditions, and to arrange with himself, if you see it to be for your advantage. If so be that you do not enter into agreement with him, I have told you already that the house could not be secured to you, consequently you would need to look about elsewhere. For you will not prevail on him to put it into a proper state for your accommodation, unless you go about it in this way. And in good earnest, if you purpose to come here about the end of summer, I advise you to endeavour that the repairs may be made before your arrival, to avoid having your heads broken, and many other inconveniences. I believe that the plan I have laid down would please you very well, so that your absence need be no hindrance, and it will be quite easy to have the thing done. He does not think much repair is needed, but I suspect it will not amount to less than forty crowns. Wherefore, the purchase would seem to me more expedient, especially if you could agree at two hundred crowns, and that he would take upon himself to warrant in perpetuity. I desire that you may do something in this matter, provided it be to your advantage.

Your Highness,—I hope the person delivering this to you is the captain of our town,[129] from whom I have rented the house. He intends to come over to your area to discuss things with you. He has given me an alternative proposal. First: if you’re willing to lend him some money for a specific time, the house will be put up as collateral for repayment, and you won’t have to pay any rent. He would also contribute to any repairs you might need to make for your convenience. Second, he could sell the house to you. It’s[115] true that he isn't the property owner, but he agrees to take all risks to secure the sale for you. In that case, he’s asking for three hundred crowns. If you’re interested in buying, you can negotiate the price directly with him and aim for the best deal possible. I can assure you that if you take on the responsibility for repairs, he won’t be willing to sell it for two hundred crowns. You’ll need to choose between these two options and negotiate with him if you think it benefits you. If you don’t reach an agreement, I’ve already mentioned that the house won’t be secured to you, and you’ll need to look for other options. You won’t be able to convince him to get it into good shape for your needs unless you pursue it this way. Honestly, if you plan to come here at the end of summer, I suggest you try to have the repairs done before your arrival to avoid any complications. I believe the plan I’ve suggested would work well for you, so your absence shouldn’t be an issue, and it should be quite easy to arrange. He doesn’t think much repair is needed, but I suspect it will cost at least forty crowns. Thus, buying the house seems like a better option, especially if you could agree on two hundred crowns, and he guarantees it indefinitely. I hope you can make some progress on this matter, as long as it’s in your best interest.

The Sieur de Parey[130] arrived last evening, and came to call for me about nine o'clock. As it was rather late, we had scarcely leisure to speak together, so that I do not yet know the position of his affairs. After having spoken to Sieur Maldonado, I would advise that you only inform the girl of the nature of the objection, without mentioning to her any mishap which may have occurred to him; for all that would be told over again afterwards. Therefore, I would merely let her understand: "He sleeps little, there is somewhat of levity about him, wherefore some danger might be apprehended from his peculiar constitution. Consider, then, whether you would be[116] patient if God were to visit you with such a trial." That, in my opinion, would be sufficient. And according as you shall see her disposed, you will do what you think right in the matter. We have had some report of the decision, and he,[131] complaining of the sentence of the judges, glories in his shame. May God give him a better mind.

The Sieur de Parey[130] arrived last night and came to get me around nine o'clock. Since it was quite late, we hardly had time to talk, so I still don't know the status of his situation. After speaking with Sieur Maldonado, I suggest you only inform the girl about the nature of the issue, without mentioning any problems he might have encountered; all of that would just be repeated later. So, I would just let her know: "He sleeps little, he has a bit of a carefree attitude, which means some risks might come from his unique nature. Think about whether you would be patient if God put you through such a trial." In my opinion, that would be enough. Depending on how she reacts, you can decide what to do next. We've heard some news about the verdict, and he,[131] complaining about the judges' decision, takes pride in his disgrace. May God grant him better judgment.

Monsieur, having humbly commended me to the kind favour of yourself and of Madame; and having presented to you the remembrances of Des Gallars and of my wife, I pray our good Lord to have you always in his keeping, to rule and guide you, and bestow grace upon you to glorify him always.

Monsieur, after respectfully introducing me to your kind favor and that of Madame, and having shared greetings from Des Gallars and my wife, I pray that our good Lord always watches over you, guides you, and grants you grace to continually glorify Him.

It is enough that you be informed who the bearer is. I do not know if he will have other company along with him, for he went away in such haste, that without having spoken of it to me, he came this morning all booted and spurred, to bid me adieu. You see what has been the cause of my not having been able to communicate with Maldonado, for he went away yesterday evening to sleep at Tourné. That is also the reason wherefore I have not sent you any compliments from him.

It’s enough for you to know who the messenger is. I’m not sure if he’ll have anyone else with him, since he left in such a rush. Without even mentioning it to me, he showed up this morning all dressed up, to say goodbye. That’s why I haven’t been able to get in touch with Maldonado; he left yesterday evening to stay at Tourné. That’s also why I haven’t sent you any greetings from him.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your loyal servant and brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CXCVI.—To Viret.

Interview of Calvin with a senator of Berne—advantage secured over the party of the Libertins.

Geneva, 28th May 1547.

Geneva, May 28, 1547.

Zerkinden[132] was here. I laid bare the ailments, and at the same time suggested the remedy of which we had spoken together.[133] He approved of it, but he thinks it will be difficult to obtain it. If, however, he come to Berne in time, he will make trial; for he admits that, in such an emergency, there is[117] nothing that should not be attempted. I am, however, afraid that others may be sent thither before him, who, as is usual with them, after making a great display, will perform nothing. Thus, what has been for long desired will be granted too late. But may God look to this, as to all other matters!

Zerkinden[132] was here. I laid out the issues we were facing and also suggested the solution we had discussed.[133] He agreed with it, but he thinks it will be hard to get. However, if he can make it to Berne in time, he’ll give it a shot; he acknowledges that in such urgent situations, everything should be tried. Still, I'm worried that others might be sent there before him, who, as usual, will make a big deal out of it but end up doing nothing. So, what has been wanted for so long might come too late. But may God take care of this and everything else!

We had here lately some little trouble about slashed breeches.[134] This was the pretext, but they had already begun to break out into the greatest license. When the Two Hundred had been summoned at their request, we were all present. I made a speech, which in a moment extorted from them what with firm expectation they had eagerly swallowed; for I discoursed about sources of corruption in general, premising that I was not speaking against these trumperies. They fall into a rage, and gnash with their teeth, as they do not dare openly to shout. By this one experiment, however, they learned, what they had not supposed to be the case, that the people are on our side. The tragic Cæsar hastily set off on a journey the following day, to avoid being present at the public procession, which that meeting rendered hazardous and puerile, whereas he was hoping that it would be the token of a certain supreme authority. He had returned to terms of friendship with Romanel, with a view to concuss the whole city, with no one to interpose. We, however, have unexpectedly shattered all his plans. Thus does God make sport of those Thrasoes!

We recently had some minor issues over slashed pants.[134] This was just the excuse, but they had already started to act with total disregard. When the Two Hundred were called together at their request, we were all there. I gave a speech that quickly got them to react to what they had eagerly accepted; I talked about sources of corruption in general, making it clear that I wasn’t criticizing these trivial matters. They got furious and gritted their teeth, though they didn't dare shout out loud. However, through this one experiment, they discovered, contrary to their beliefs, that the people are on our side. The tragic Cæsar quickly left for a trip the next day to avoid being present at the public event, which that meeting made seem risky and foolish, while he had hoped it would signify a certain ultimate authority. He had reconciled with Romanel, intending to undermine the whole city without anyone standing in his way. However, we unexpectedly derailed all his plans. This is how God plays with those Thrasoes!

Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. May the Lord be continually present with you, and bless and prosper your labours. You will hear the rest from Rebitti. Salute your wife in the name of me and mine.—Yours,

Adieu, brother and dear friend. May the Lord always be with you, and bless and succeed in your work. You'll hear more from Rebitti. Please say hello to your wife for me and mine.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CXCVII.—To Mr. de Falais.

Recommendation of John de Budé—Uncertainty of the news from Germany.

From Geneva, the 4th of June 1547.

From Geneva, June 4, 1547.

Monseigneur,—I have nothing to write you at present, except that the bearer is one of the sons of the late Mr. Budé.[135] When you shall have made his acquaintance, you will find him so excellent, that you will esteem him worthy of being loved by all those who love God, even if the memory of his father had not of itself recommended him. He is none of those who make a great show and parade. And all the more on that account is he valued by me, and I know that so it will be with you. His intention is to go to see Bâle and Strasbourg, then to return without making any long sojourn in those parts. Notwithstanding, I have advised him to make full inquiry whether the roads will be safe before going further, and he has promised me to do so; for where there is no necessity, it would answer no purpose to put himself in danger. I believe that before he arrives there, you will be no longer in deliberation with regard to Sieur de Parey. For the prolonged delay which he asks for, is by no means with a view to strengthen his resolution; and indeed I conjecture, that it has been cautiously suggested by his relations, thinking that between this time and that he might alter his mind, seeing that they must be acquainted with his humour.

Your Honor,—I don’t have much to tell you right now, except that the person bringing this message is one of the sons of the late Mr. Budé.[135] Once you get to know him, you will see he is such an outstanding individual that everyone who loves God will hold him in high regard, even without the memory of his father recommending him. He is not someone who seeks attention or makes a big deal out of himself. For this reason, I value him all the more, and I know you will as well. He plans to visit Bâle and Strasbourg and then return without staying too long in those areas. Still, I have advised him to check if the roads are safe before he travels further, and he has assured me he will do that; there’s no need to take unnecessary risks. I believe that by the time he gets there, you will have already made a decision regarding Sieur de Parey. The extended delay he’s requesting is definitely not intended to strengthen his resolve; in fact, I suspect it has been carefully suggested by his relatives, thinking that between now and then he might change his mind, since they must know his character well.

We are quite amazed to have no news that can be depended upon. One may perceive the disorder which prevails in Germany, and the wretched management. If there had been a grain of salt among them, they would have looked well to their affairs, before they came to the knowledge of that which was to be known far and wide three days afterwards. But what do I say? Non est consilium, non est fortitudo absque domino. Therefore they are taken unawares.

We are really surprised to have no reliable news. It's easy to see the chaos going on in Germany and the terrible management. If they had been even a little careful, they would have taken better care of their affairs before they learned about what would become common knowledge three days later. But what am I saying? Non est consilium, non est fortitudo absque domino. So, they are caught off guard.

I hope to know by the first what decision you have come to with our captain.[136]

I hope to find out by the first what decision you've made with our captain.[136]

To make an end, Monsieur: having humbly commended me to your good grace and of Madame, and having presented the like remembrances to you on the part of my wife and others, I supplicate our good Lord always to have a care of you, to rule you by his Spirit, to strengthen you against all stumbling-blocks and annoyances, as well as the whole of your household. Although I have not leisure to write to the young ladies, I desire to be very affectionately remembered to all three.

To wrap things up, sir: I have humbly entrusted my well-being to you and Madame, and have sent similar regards from my wife and others. I pray that our good Lord always watches over you, guides you with His Spirit, and gives you strength against all challenges and troubles, as well as for your entire household. Although I don’t have time to write to the young ladies, please send my warmest regards to all three of them.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your servant and humble brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CXCVIII.—To Mr. de Budé.[137]

He exhorts him to follow the example of the rest of his family, and retire to Geneva.

This 19th June 1547.

This is June 19, 1547.

Monsieur,—Although I am personally unknown to you, I do not hesitate on that account to write you privately, hoping that my letter will be welcome, as well for the sake of the Master whom I serve, as for the matter of which it treats; and[120] also that those who have induced me to do so, have credit enough with you, as I believe they have, to secure me access. I have heard of the upright spirit which our Lord has given you, wherefore let us all praise him. For although you may have many temptations of a worldly kind where you are, to impede and distract you, you nevertheless do not cease to groan under the unhappy captivity in which you are held, desiring to escape from it. And indeed your honest zeal has been already partially manifested, when, in place of hindering the party who were about to shift their quarters, you confirmed them in their good purpose, and instead of delaying, have endeavoured to forward their departure, only regretting that you could not follow them immediately. Now, then, seeing that Satan has many means to damp our zeal in well-doing, and that our nature is very apt to side with him, you must stir up the fire which God by his Spirit has already lighted in your heart, until the good desire be realized. You must abandon everything as hurtful which separates you from him, in whom lies all our happiness, and with whom if we are not united, we forfeit life and salvation. We do not mean, however, to condemn all those who live elsewhere, as if the kingdom of God were shut up within our mountains, while we know it is extended over all. But it is right, wheresoever we are, that God should be honoured by us, and we are nowise to be excused, if we pollute the earth which he has sanctified to our use. If we are in a place where we are not permitted to acquit ourselves of our duty, and where the fear of death leads us to do what is evil, we ought, knowing our grievous infirmity, to seek the remedy: which is, to withdraw from such bondage. Since our Lord has opened your eyes to let you see what an evil it is to defile yourself with superstition, it only remains for you to come forth of it. Besides, you have less excuse than another, considering the position which you hold, for the reckoning will be twofold, if instead of shewing the way, as you are bound to do, you give occasion to those who see you, to step aside out of it.

Mr.,—Even though we don't know each other personally, I'm still reaching out to you privately, hoping my letter is welcome, both for the sake of the Master I serve and for the subject I address; and[120] also trusting that the people who encouraged me to write have enough credibility with you, as I believe they do, to grant me access. I've heard about the strong spirit that our Lord has given you, so let's all praise Him. Even though you might face many worldly temptations where you are to distract and hinder you, you still feel the heavy burden of the captivity you're in and long to break free. Your sincere desire has already shown, as instead of stopping those who were about to move, you supported their good intentions, and instead of delaying, you've tried to help them leave, only regretting that you couldn't join them right away. Now, since Satan has many ways to dampen our enthusiasm for doing good, and our nature often sides with him, you need to stoke the fire that God’s Spirit has already ignited in your heart until your good desires come to pass. You must let go of anything harmful that separates you from Him, in whom our happiness lies; without this unity, we lose life and salvation. However, we do not mean to criticize those who live elsewhere, as if the kingdom of God is confined to our mountains when we know it extends everywhere. But it’s right, wherever we are, that we honor God, and we cannot excuse ourselves if we corrupt the earth He has sanctified for our use. If we find ourselves in a place where we can’t fulfill our duty, and where fear of death pushes us to do wrong, we should seek a way out of such bondage, knowing our serious weakness. Since our Lord has opened your eyes to see how wrong it is to defile yourself with superstition, it’s now time for you to step away from it. You have even less excuse than others, given your position, for the consequences will be greater if instead of showing the right path, as you are obliged to do, you lead others away from it.

As for the other difficulties which are peculiar to your present circumstances, I refer myself to your own experience. More than all that, you have to consider that if the good lady[121] with just reason dreaded to finish the remainder of her life there, you may well fear a longer period of languishing, according to the ordinary course of nature. There is assuredly no to-morrow that we can make ourselves sure of. Therefore, on the other hand, you ought to make the greater haste, for fear you should be taken unawares. You see, therefore, that God is urging you in every way. Howsoever the matter may be settled, I pray you, Monsieur, not to allow the grace which God has given you to be quenched. If he has given you worldly riches, have a care lest in place of rendering them in homage to him, you may be hindered by them from serving him. I need not tell you, that he has given you a help which every one has not. This is, that you have a Sarah who will be ready to follow you, whithersoever that kind Father shall call you; so that it depends upon yourself alone whether or not you shall follow the example of our father Abraham. It is quite true that you will find no spot on earth where you can be beyond the reach of trial, as indeed it is not reasonable to expect our faith to be exempt from these anxieties. But since the present is a time of conflict, there is nothing better for us than to fall back upon our standard, where we may receive courage to do battle steadfastly even unto death. It is an advantage not to be despised, when God gives us leisure to confirm our faith, that the preparation may be of service to us in due time and place. For this ought to be quite enough for us, when he arms us with his strength for victory, before putting us to the proof. But seeing that the very beginnings are difficult, and perseverance still more so, the best resource is to pray God that he would stretch out his hand to you, and give you courage to surmount all obstacles. To which end we also would beseech him along with you, that he would please to shew himself your protector even unto the end, upholding you not only against the wicked, but also against Satan their chief. Having humbly commended me to your good favour, and to that of Madame your wife....

As for the other challenges unique to your current situation, I leave those to your own experience. Moreover, you must consider that if the good lady[121] rightly feared spending the rest of her life there, you might understandably worry about a longer period of suffering, according to the usual course of nature. There's certainly no tomorrow that we can be certain of. Thus, on the other hand, you should expedite your actions, lest you be caught off guard. You see, God is urging you in every possible way. No matter how things turn out, I urge you, Monsieur, not to let the grace that God has given you fade away. If he has blessed you with worldly wealth, be careful not to let it hinder you from serving him instead of honoring him. I don’t need to tell you that he has granted you a support that not everyone has. This is that you have a Sarah who will be willing to follow you wherever that kind Father calls you; it’s up to you alone whether you will follow the example of our father Abraham. It's true that you won’t find a place on earth where you can be free from trials, as it’s unreasonable to expect our faith to be free from these worries. However, since the present is a time of conflict, it’s best for us to return to our foundation, where we can gain strength to fight steadfastly even unto death. It’s a valuable opportunity when God provides us the time to strengthen our faith, so that our preparation may serve us in the right time and place. This should be enough for us when he equips us with his strength for victory before testing us. But since the beginnings are tough, and perseverance even tougher, the best course of action is to pray that God reaches out his hand to you and gives you the courage to overcome all obstacles. To that end, we also ask him along with you to show himself as your protector even to the end, supporting you not only against the wicked but also against Satan, their leader. Having humbly asked for your good favor, and that of Madame your wife....

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. copyLibrary of Geneva. Vol. 111.]

[Fr. copyGeneva Library. Vol. 111.]


CXCIX.—To Viret.

Citation of the wife of Amy Perrin before the Consistory—case of Gruet—news from Germany.

2d July 1547.

July 2, 1547.

We must now fight in earnest. The wife of the comedian Cæsar was again summoned to the Consistory, on account of her frowardness.[138] While there, though she received no provocation, in the form even of too harsh a word, she vomited forth more venom than on any previous occasion. First of all, she denied the right of our court to take cognizance of her, even supposing she had been guilty of a delinquency. In the next place, she complained that she was deeply branded with ignominy, by being compelled to appear in a place to which the depraved and criminal could alone of right be summoned. When one of the assessors sought to restrain her intemperate behaviour, she turned her fury upon him. Abel then interposed, and expressed his surprise that she had at first professed that she was too modest, or too little given to speaking, to be able to answer at greater length, whereas she was a match in abuse for as many as there might be. At this her fury boiled all over. "No, indeed," she says, "but you are a reviler, who unscrupulously slandered my father. Begone, coarse swine-herd, you are a malicious liar!" She would have almost overwhelmed us by her thunders, had she not been forcibly extruded. The Senate desired that she should be more closely imprisoned. She escaped by means of that matron who is wont to take under her patronage all bad causes. One of her sons accompanied her in her flight. Accidentally meeting Abel not far from the city gate, she insulted him afresh, and even more shamelessly than before. Abel said nothing, but conducted himself with the greatest moderation, just as he had done in the Consistory. Next day a paper is found in the pulpit, threatening us with death, unless we remain silent. I[123] send a copy of it to you.[139] The Senate, startled by such audacity, orders a rigid inquiry to be made into the conspiracy. The investigation is committed to a few. As many suspected Gruet, he was immediately arrested.[140] It was, however, a different hand; but while they were turning over his papers, much was discovered that was not less capital. There was a humble petition which he had designed to present to the people in the Assemblies, in which he contended that no offence should be punished by the laws but what was injurious to the state; for that such was the practice of the Venetians, who were the highest authority in the matter of government; and that in truth there was danger, while this city submitted to be ruled by the brain of one man of melancholy temperament, of a thousand citizens being destroyed in the event of any outbreak. Letters were also found, chiefly written to André Philippe, and to others. In some he named me; at other times, he had enveloped me in figures of speech, so clumsily contrived, however, that one could lay his finger on what he meant to conceal. There were, besides, two pages in Latin, in which the whole of Scripture is laughed at, Christ aspersed, the immortality of the soul called a dream and a fable, and finally the whole of religion torn in pieces. I do not think he is the author of it; but as it is in his handwriting, he will be compelled to appear in his defence, although, it may be, that he himself has thrown into the form of a memorandum, according to the turn of his own genius, what he heard from others; for there are mutilated sentences, crammed with solecisms[124] and barbarisms. I know not whether Jacoba, whose sister is the wife of Des Gallars, has been apprehended. There is, indeed, a decree of the Senate [for that purpose.] What Vandel's sentence will be is still doubtful; but he is in considerable danger.[141] Such was the state of things when I wrote. You know that our Syndics have little enough judgment, otherwise the Senate is exceedingly well disposed to the cause.

We need to start taking this seriously. The wife of the comedian Cæsar was summoned again to the Consistory because of her unruly behavior.[138] While she was there, even though no one had provoked her with harsh words, she unleashed more venom than ever before. First, she denied our court's right to judge her, even if she had done something wrong. Then, she complained that she felt deeply shamed for having to appear in a place reserved for the depraved and criminal. When one of the assessors tried to calm her down, she directed her anger at him. Abel stepped in and expressed his surprise that she had initially claimed to be too modest to speak at length, yet here she was matching anyone with her insults. This only fueled her rage further. "No way," she replied, "you’re a slanderer who shamelessly spoke ill of my father. Get lost, you filthy pig, you’re a malicious liar!" She would have overwhelmed us with her outbursts had she not been forcefully removed. The Senate wanted her to be imprisoned more securely. She escaped with the help of that woman who supports all the bad causes. One of her sons fled with her. By chance, she ran into Abel near the city gate and insulted him again, even more brazenly than before. Abel stayed silent and conducted himself with the utmost restraint, just as he had in the Consistory. The next day, a threatening note was found in the pulpit, warning us of death if we didn’t stay quiet. I[123] am sending you a copy of it.[139] The Senate, shocked by such boldness, ordered a serious investigation into the conspiracy. A small group was tasked with the inquiry. Many suspected Gruet, so he was arrested immediately.[140] However, it was someone else; while they were going through his papers, they discovered a lot of other significant things. There was a humble petition he meant to present to the people during the Assemblies, arguing that no offense should be punished by law unless it harmed the state; pointing out that this was how the Venetians, the highest authority in governance, operated. He also warned about the danger of this city being ruled by one person's somber mind, which could lead to the destruction of a thousand citizens in case of any uprising. There were also letters, mainly addressed to André Philippe and others. In some, he mentioned me, and in others, he referred to me in vague terms, but they were so poorly concealed that it was obvious what he meant. Additionally, there were two pages in Latin that mocked all of Scripture, disparaged Christ, called the immortality of the soul a fantasy, and ultimately tore apart religion itself. I don’t believe he came up with this; however, since it’s in his handwriting, he’ll have to defend himself, though he might have put his spin on what he heard from others, as the sentences are fragmented and filled with errors[124] and bad grammar. I’m not sure if Jacoba, whose sister is married to Des Gallars, has been arrested. Indeed, there is a Senate decree for that purpose. What the outcome for Vandel will be is still uncertain, but he is in significant danger.[141] This was the situation when I wrote to you. You know our Syndics aren't very wise; however, the Senate is quite favorable to our cause.

The brethren have replied to me regarding Sonnier, that they mean to make no change in their former resolution; for I relaxed, as I had abstained from writing, with a view to spare him. He eagerly made reference to the minister De Coppet, who also wished to change his place. I advise you to examine whether there is any truth in this.

The guys got back to me about Sonnier, and they said they don’t plan to change their previous decision because I held back and didn’t write to him to avoid causing him any trouble. He was quick to mention Minister De Coppet, who also wanted to switch locations. I suggest you check if there’s any truth to this.

The statements contained in Bucer's letter regarding those two victories are quite certain; for a friend of mine[142] passed through this, who had ascertained the truth of the whole matter. He also informed me that tidings of a third victory had been brought away within two hours before he left Strasbourg; but he did not venture to assert this for certain. He further mentioned to me, that when the Landgrave had come to Leipsic on the strength of the promise made to him, he returned without accomplishing the matter, and in despair, and that he was collecting a new army. The name of Henry[143] was erroneously given in Bucer's letter; for the Landgrave still keeps him in fetters, or at least closely imprisoned. But Bucer was speaking of Erich,[144] who professes the same doctrine with ourselves, and yet hires himself to the tyrant in disturbing the Church. I wish that your Senate could be induced to take the initiative in the stipulated treaty; for Pharaoh wishes to be asked, and thinks it unbecoming his dignity to solicit the[125] weaker parties.[145] But let them look to these and other matters, that are now in course of arrangement. I desire nothing to be done, unless what I judge to be fitting and useful to you.

The statements in Bucer's letter about those two victories are definitely true; I have a friend[142] who went through this and confirmed the whole situation. He also told me that news of a third victory had come in just two hours before he left Strasbourg, but he couldn’t say for sure. He further mentioned that when the Landgrave arrived in Leipsic based on the promise made to him, he left without achieving anything, feeling hopeless, and that he was gathering a new army. The name of Henry[143] was mistakenly mentioned in Bucer's letter; the Landgrave still has him in chains, or at least locked up. Bucer was actually referring to Erich,[144] who shares our beliefs but still aligns himself with the oppressor to disrupt the Church. I wish your Senate could be persuaded to take the lead in the agreed treaty; because Pharaoh wants to be asked and believes it’s beneath his dignity to reach out to the weaker parties.[145] But they should pay attention to these and other issues that are currently being worked on. I don’t want anything to happen unless I believe it’s right and beneficial for you.

Adieu, brother and most sincere friend, along with your wife and your whole family. May the Lord always direct you and be present with you. You will salute the brethren respectfully in my name. I and my wife salute thee and thine in the Lord.—Yours,

Adieu, brother and dear friend, along with your wife and your whole family. May the Lord always guide you and be with you. Please greet the brethren respectfully on my behalf. My wife and I send our greetings to you and yours in the Lord.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CC.—To Mr. de Falais.

Solemn lessons afforded by the sad occurrences in Germany—troubles in Geneva—energetic attitude of Calvin.

This 14th of July 1547.

July 14, 1547.

Monseigneur,—From what you have written me, I am certainly of opinion that our brother, Master Francis de la Rivière,[146] should withdraw at least for a season. For should it so be that it suited him to return hither, he would not have to make a long journey: and bringing with him some recommendation from Bâle, he might make application at Berne to be sent to Lausanne, with some provision in the meantime. I should not however have come to this resolution, unless your letter had helped me to it. I have merely told him that you would be glad of his coming, in order that your family might receive instruction from him several times in the week. For I desired to avoid any more definite engagement, that you might remain at perfect liberty in that matter.

Monsignor,—Based on what you wrote to me, I strongly believe that our brother, Master Francis de la Rivière,[146] should take a break for at least a while. If he decides to come back, the trip won't be too long for him. With a recommendation from Bâle, he could apply at Berne to be sent to Lausanne, while making some arrangements in the meantime. I wouldn't have come to this conclusion if your letter hadn't guided me. I only told him that you would appreciate his arrival so that your family could receive instruction from him a few times each week. I wanted to avoid any firmer commitment so that you can keep your options open in this matter.


With regard to the house, I beg you will inform me what you wish me to do about it. But let me have your letter by the middle of August. For according to the use and wont of the town, I have leave to renounce the bargain for the following half year, giving intimation to that effect six weeks before the term. By doing this, you will not be burdened with needless expense; while I fear that by holding it for a longer period, you may incur outlay without return.

With respect to the house, please let me know what you want me to do about it. But I need your letter by the middle of August. According to the town's customs, I can back out of the deal for the next six months if I give notice six weeks before the end of the term. Doing this will save you unnecessary expenses, and I'm worried that if you hold onto it longer, you might end up spending money without any return.

I believe Saint André has told you what we have done with the Apology. The printing shall not be delayed for want of copy. As for the money, I am not of opinion that you ought to withdraw any of it merely to avoid the murmurs which might thence arise, but rather, that enjoining those who have the charge thereof, to apply it as they ought—correcting abuses, if there be any, you should depute some one to act for you in the matter. However, you will determine that according to your own discretion. But I did not like to withhold what occurred to me, seeing that you have been pleased to consult me on the subject.

I believe Saint André has informed you about what we've done with the Apology. The printing won’t be delayed due to lack of content. As for the money, I don’t think you should pull any of it just to avoid any complaints that might come up. Instead, you should instruct those in charge to use it properly—correcting any issues if there are any. You might consider appointing someone to handle this for you. Ultimately, you’ll decide based on your own judgment. I didn't want to hold back my thoughts since you were kind enough to ask for my opinion on this matter.

We have had no news from Germany since the capture of the Landgrave,[147] who has been suitably rewarded for his baseness. In the present position of affairs, I recognize our God's intention utterly to deprive us of a triumphant Gospel, that he may constrain us to fight under the cross of our Lord Jesus. But let us be content that he return to the early method of his dealings, in the miraculous preservation of his Church by his own power, without the help of an arm of flesh. The trial is hard, I confess; but our fathers have had the like, quite as depressing, and have never been shaken in their stability. Now is the time to put in practice the proverb, "Let us hope and we shall see." Besides, we need not be astonished that God has corrected us thus roughly, considering the life we have led. But as you say, may those who have not hitherto been touched, take note of such examples, that they may humble[127] themselves, and by that means prevent the hand of the Judge.

We haven’t heard anything from Germany since the capture of the Landgrave,[147] who has been rightly punished for his wrongdoings. Given the current situation, I see that God’s intention is to completely deprive us of a victorious Gospel, forcing us to fight under the cross of our Lord Jesus. But let’s be content with Him returning to His traditional way of dealing with us, miraculously preserving His Church by His own power, without relying on human strength. This trial is tough, I admit; but our ancestors faced similar, if not worse, challenges and never wavered in their faith. Now is the moment to practice the saying, “Let’s hope and we’ll see.” Also, we shouldn’t be surprised that God has chastised us so severely, considering the life we’ve led. But as you mentioned, may those who haven’t been affected until now take note of these examples, so they can humble themselves and, in doing so, avert the wrath of the Judge.

There has been some want of consideration on the part of the commissioners from this town, in not informing me of their departure. However, I do not give up the expectation of tidings from you by them. I do not know whether any report of our troubles has yet reached you, but they talk of them so loudly throughout the neighbouring country, that it would appear all is over with us. More than that, they have often had me dead, or at least sorely wounded. Be that as it may, I feel nothing of it myself. And in the town we are not aware of the hundredth part of what is said. There have, indeed, been some murmuring and threats on the part of loose-living persons, who cannot endure discipline. Even the wife of him who was to go to see you,[148] and who wrote to you from Berne, rebelled very proudly. But it has been necessary that she should betake herself to the country, feeling herself but ill at ease in town. The others, indeed, lower the head, in place of lifting up the horn; and there is one of them who is in danger of paying a very heavy reckoning; I know not even whether it may not cost him his life.[149] The young people think that I press them too hard. But if the bridle were not held with a firm hand, that would be the pity. Yea, we must look to their wellbeing, however distasteful to them it may be.

There has been a lack of consideration from the commissioners of this town for not letting me know they were leaving. Still, I haven't given up hope of hearing from you through them. I'm not sure if any news of our troubles has reached you yet, but people are talking about it so much in the surrounding area that it seems like we’re done for. They’ve often claimed I’m dead or at least badly injured. Regardless, I don't feel any of it myself. And in town, we’re unaware of even a fraction of what’s being said. There have been some complaints and threats from unruly people who can’t stand discipline. Even the wife of the guy who was supposed to see you,[148] and who wrote to you from Berne, has openly rebelled. But she's had to move to the countryside because she feels uncomfortable in town. The others, though, keep their heads down instead of standing up. There's one person who’s in serious trouble; I don’t even know if it might cost him his life.[149] The young people think I’m being too tough on them. But if we didn’t maintain a firm grip, that would be unfortunate. Yes, we need to look out for their wellbeing, no matter how much they may dislike it.

Monsieur, having humbly commended me to your kind favour and that of Madame, I pray our good Lord that he may have you always in his keeping, strengthening you by his Holy Spirit to resist all temptations, and making you abound in all well-doing to his honour. And seeing that the time of[128] the trial of Madame draws near, we shall remember her in prayer for her happy delivery. My wife also presents her humble remembrance to both of you.

Monsieur, after respectfully asking for your kind favor and that of Madame, I pray that our good Lord always keeps you safe, giving you strength through his Holy Spirit to resist all temptations and encouraging you to excel in all good deeds for his honor. And since Madame's time of trial is approaching, we will keep her in our prayers for a safe delivery. My wife also sends her warm regards to both of you.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your servant and humble brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CCI.—To Viret.[150]

Indecision of the Seigneurs of Geneva—inflexibility of Calvin.

Geneva, 24th July 1547.

Geneva, July 24, 1547.

There is nothing new in our affairs. The Syndics protract the case of Gruet against the will of the Senate, which does not, however, as would be proper, utter any protest against the delay. For you know that few of them are judicious. I exercise my severity in dislodging common vices, and principally the sources of corruption among the youth. I conceal all sense of the dangers which good men from several quarters allege to exist, lest I should appear over solicitous about myself. The Lord will give the issue in the way that may please himself. Adieu, brother, and most sincere friend, as also your wife and family. May the Lord Jesus continually direct you, and be present with you. You will convey best greetings to the brethren, and to your wife in my name. My wife salutes you and your family. Yours,

There’s nothing new in our situation. The Syndics are dragging out the case of Gruet against the will of the Senate, which, however, doesn’t properly protest against the delay. As you know, few of them are sensible. I’m tough on getting rid of common vices, especially the sources of corruption among the youth. I hide any awareness of the dangers that good people from various places claim exist, so I don’t seem overly concerned about myself. The Lord will decide the outcome in a way that pleases Him. Goodbye, brother, and my true friend, as well as to your wife and family. May the Lord Jesus always guide you and be with you. Please send my best regards to the brethren and to your wife on my behalf. My wife sends her regards to you and your family. Yours,

Calvin.

Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCII.—To the Faithful in France.[151]

State of Germany—details regarding the struggles of the Reformer in the cause of the truth at Geneva.

This 24th of July 1547.

July 24, 1547.

The electing love of God our Father, and the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, rest always upon you by the communion of the Holy Spirit.

The chosen love of God our Father and the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you always through the fellowship of the Holy Spirit.

Very dear lords and brethren, I doubt not that you have daily much news, as well from hence as from Germany, which might prove a stumblingblock to those who are not overmuch confirmed in our Lord Jesus Christ. But I trust in God he has so strengthened you, that you shall not be shaken, either thereby or by any still greater marvel which may yet arise. And verily, if we are indeed built upon that solid stone which has been ordained for the foundation of the Church, we may well sustain more boisterous storms and tempests without being foundered. It is even expedient for us that such things should happen, that the firmness and constancy of our faith may be approved.

Very dear lords and brothers, I have no doubt that you receive a lot of news daily, both from here and from Germany, which could be a challenge for those who aren't fully secure in our Lord Jesus Christ. But I trust that God has strengthened you so that you won't be shaken, whether by this news or by any even greater wonders that may come. And truly, if we are built on that solid foundation designated for the Church, we can withstand even more violent storms and tempests without being sunk. It's actually beneficial for us that such things happen, so that the strength and stability of our faith can be tested.

As for the state of Germany, our Lord has so abased the worldly pride of our people, and given all power and authority to him from whom we can look for nought but ill, as that it indeed appears that he means himself to maintain his spiritual kingdom wheresoever he had already set it up. It is very true, that according to the carnal mind it is in danger; yet in commending to himself the care of his poor Church and the kingdom of his Son, let us hope that he will provide for all, beyond what we can think. The danger hitherto has been,[130] lest human means might have dazzled our eyes. Now, however, since there is nothing to prevent our looking to his hand, and recalling to mind how he has preserved his Church in time past, let us not doubt but he will glorify himself in such sort that we shall be amazed. Meanwhile, we must never grow weary of fighting under the ensign of the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, for that is worth more than all the triumphs of the world.

As for the situation in Germany, our Lord has really humbled the worldly pride of our people and has given all power and authority to someone from whom we can expect nothing good. It seems that he intends to maintain his spiritual kingdom wherever he has already established it. It’s true that, from a worldly perspective, it seems at risk; however, as we entrust the care of his struggling Church and the kingdom of his Son to him, we can hope that he will take care of everything beyond what we can imagine. The danger so far has been that human solutions might have distracted us. Now, since we’re free to look to his guidance and remember how he has protected his Church in the past, let’s not doubt that he will reveal his glory in such a way that we will be astonished. In the meantime, we must never tire of fighting under the banner of the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, because that is worth more than all the victories of the world.

As regards the rumours of our troubles which have flown abroad, they seem, the greater part of them, in the first place, to have been improvised; because, were you upon the spot, you would not see a tenth part of what is told at a distance. True it is, that we have many hard-headed and stiff-necked rebels, who on all occasions seek only to raise themselves, and by riotous courses to dissipate and abolish all order in the Church, and these, indeed, as well young as old. And the state of our young people, especially, is very corrupt; so that, when we will not allow them every license, they go from bad to worse.[152] Of late, they were sorely enraged under cover of a small matter. It was because they were not allowed to wear slashed breeches, which has been prohibited in the town for these twelve years past. Not that we would make overmuch of this, but because we see that, by the loop-holes of the breeches, they wish to bring in all manner of disorders. We have protested, however, in the meantime, that the slashing of their breeches was but a mere piece of foppery, which was not worth speaking about, but that we had quite another end in view, which was to curb and to repress their follies. During this little conflict, the devil has interjected others, so that there has been great murmuring. And because they perceived in us more courage than they could have wished, and more determination to resist them, the venom which some of them had concealed within their heart burst forth. But this is nought but smoke; for their threats are nothing else but a splutter of the pride of Moab, who is powerless to execute what he thus presumes to threaten.

Regarding the rumors about our troubles that have spread, most of them seem to have been exaggerated. If you were here, you wouldn’t believe even a fraction of what people are saying from afar. It’s true that we have many stubborn and rebellious individuals who only aim to benefit themselves and disrupt the order of the Church through chaotic actions, both young and old. The situation with our youth is especially concerning; if we don’t give them every indulgence, they just get worse. Recently, they were really upset over a minor issue—specifically, not being allowed to wear slashed pants, which have been banned in town for the past twelve years. While we don’t want to make too much of this, it’s clear that through the slashes in their pants, they aim to introduce all sorts of disorder. We have insisted that the slashing of their pants is merely a ridiculous fashion statement that isn’t worth discussing, but our real goal is to control and limit their foolishness. During this little dispute, troublemakers have stirred up more issues, leading to considerable complaints. They noticed that we showed more courage and determination to stand our ground than they expected, which caused the resentment some of them had been hiding to spill out. But this is nothing more than empty noise; their threats amount to nothing but the bluster of someone who is incapable of following through on what they boastfully proclaim.

Howsoever that may be, you need not be astonished. There have been greater commotions stirred against Moses and against[131] the prophets, although they had to govern the people of God; and such exercises are needful for us. Only beseech our Lord, that he would vouchsafe us grace not to flinch, but that we may prefer his obedience to our life if need be, and that we may be more afraid of offending him than of stirring up all the fury of the wicked against ourselves, and that at length it may please him to allay all the tumults which might otherwise break the courage of the unsettled, for it is that which down-weighs me more than all the rest. This grace our Lord has vouchsafed us, that we have a right good will to remedy the evil, and all our brethren are well agreed to go forward earnestly in that which is our duty, so that there is the same constancy in all. Nothing is needful, except that this good Lord continue to conduct his own work.

No matter what, you shouldn’t be surprised. There have been bigger upheavals against Moses and the prophets, even though they had to lead God’s people; and these challenges are necessary for us. Just ask our Lord to grant us the strength not to back down, so that we may choose His obedience over our own lives if necessary, and that we may fear offending Him more than provoking all the rage of the wicked against ourselves. Ultimately, may He calm all the turmoil that could shake the confidence of the uncertain, for that weighs on me more than anything else. This grace our Lord has given us allows us the genuine desire to fix the problems, and all our brothers and sisters are united in moving forward earnestly in our responsibilities, showing the same determination throughout. All we need is for this good Lord to keep guiding His work.

I entreat of you, my dear brethren, continue steadfast on your part also; and let no fear alarm you, even although the dangers were more apparent than you have seen them hitherto. May the reliance which God commands us to have in his grace and in his strength always be to you an impregnable fortress; and for the holding fast the assurance of his help, may you be careful to walk in his fear, although, when we have made it our whole study to serve him, we must always come back to this conclusion, of asking pardon for our shortcomings. And inasmuch as you know well from experience how frail we are, be ever diligent to continue in the practice which you have established, of prayer and hearing of the holy word, to exercise you, and to sharpen and confirm you more and more. Let nothing turn you aside, as sometimes there are many colourable pretexts adduced to justify the remission of such duties. I am convinced that it would be much better that all those who desire to honour God should assemble together, and that every one should call the others thither as by sound of trumpet. But yet, it is much better to have what you have, though it be but a part, than nothing at all. And so, watching well against declension, seek rather to advance in the way of proficiency, and make use of what God gives you,—edifying one another, and in general all poor and ignorant ones, by your good life, that so, by the same means, the wicked may be put to confusion. In so doing, you[132] will perceive the hand of God upon you, to whom I pray that he would increase in you the graces which he has put within you; that he would strengthen you in true consistency; that, in the midst of dogs and of wolves, he would preserve you, and every way glorify himself in you; after having commended me affectionately to your kind prayers.

I urge you, my dear friends, to stay strong on your part as well; and don’t let fear shake you, even if the dangers seem clearer than you’ve seen them so far. May the trust that God asks us to have in His grace and strength always be a solid refuge for you; and in holding onto the assurance of His help, be sure to walk in His reverence, even though when we focus entirely on serving Him, we must continually return to the point of asking for forgiveness for our failings. And since you know well from experience how fragile we are, always be diligent in continuing the practice you’ve established of prayer and listening to the holy word, to train you, and to sharpen and strengthen you more and more. Let nothing distract you, as there are often many appealing excuses presented to justify neglecting such duties. I truly believe it would be much better if all those who want to honor God would gather together, calling one another as if by the sound of a trumpet. However, it’s still much better to have what you have, even if it’s just a part, than to have nothing at all. So, stay vigilant against decline, seek rather to move forward in your growth, and make use of what God gives you—building each other up, as well as all those who are poor and ignorant, through your good lives, so that, by the same means, the wicked may be put to shame. By doing this, you[132] will see God’s hand upon you, and I pray that He would increase the gifts He has given you; that He would strengthen you in true steadiness; that, in the midst of dogs and wolves, He would protect you and glorify Himself in you in every way; after having warmly commended myself to your kind prayers.

Your humble brother and entire friend,

Your humble brother and close friend,

Charles d'Espeville.

Charles d'Espeville.

[Fr. copyLibrary of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. copyLibrary of Geneva. Vol. 107.]


CCIII.—To Mr. de Falais.

Thanksgiving for the happy deliverance of Madame de Falais—false reports concerning the state of Geneva—details regarding the publication of the Apology—indisposition of Calvin, and his regret at being separated from Monsieur de Falais.

From Geneva, this 16th of August 1547.

From Geneva, August 16, 1547.

Monseigneur,—Two days after the arrival of M. Budé, I received your letter, which you had delivered to James Dallichant; so that all of them have been delivered. Thinking to find a messenger, I have twice since then been disappointed; and I was also in doubt whether to undertake the journey. For notwithstanding the hindrances which might detain me, I was afraid that I had no sufficient excuse. But the tidings which have since reached us, have removed that doubt. I return thanks to our Lord, and all our friends along with me, for the happy delivery which he has granted to Madame, praying that he would so bless the offspring which he has given you, that you may have a twofold comfort in them in the time to come, as I do also hope. We shall look for a letter from you shortly. It is enough in the meanwhile to know that all is well as to the main point.

Your Honor,—Two days after M. Budé arrived, I got your letter that you sent with James Dallichant; so all of them have been delivered. I’ve tried to find a messenger twice since then and have been disappointed. I also hesitated about making the trip. Even with the obstacles that might hold me back, I was worried that I didn’t have a good enough reason. But the news we’ve received since then has settled that concern. I thank our Lord, along with all our friends, for the safe delivery that He granted to Madame, praying that He blesses the children He has given you so that you may find double comfort in them in the future, as I hope to as well. We’ll expect a letter from you soon. For now, it’s enough to know that everything is fine regarding the main issue.

In reply to all that you have sent to me, I had requested Gallars to translate the Apology, promising to revise it finally myself. But he has been so negligent, that Master Francis[133] Baulduin[153] came just in time to begin it. I send you, therefore, his translation, which we have revised together, not to polish it very highly, but merely to see whether the meaning had been truly rendered, at the same time with the French copy in the handwriting of Saint André.

In response to everything you've sent me, I had asked Gallars to translate the Apology, and I promised to revise it myself afterward. However, he has been quite negligent, so Master Francis[133] Baulduin[153] was just in time to start it. I’m therefore sending you his translation, which we have revised together—not to polish it extensively, but just to check if the meaning was accurately conveyed, along with the French copy written by Saint André.

In the Latin epistle of Dryander,[154] I have corrected what appeared to me to be right; you can follow that which shall seem best to yourself. I hope that you will understand who has induced me to write many things, which I did not object to, but which appeared to me to be superfluous, or at least that they would be of no weight with the individual to whom they were addressed.

In the Latin letter from Dryander,[154] I have fixed what I thought was correct; you can choose what seems best to you. I hope you understand who prompted me to write many things, which I didn’t mind, but seemed unnecessary, or at least not significant to the person they were meant for.

You will see the answers which I have made in the name of Mademoiselle de Wilergy, and may give effect to, if you think they are the right thing. I speak drily enough to the Abbess, because of the suspicion, which is very strong.

You will see the answers I have given in the name of Mademoiselle de Wilergy, and you can act on them if you think they’re appropriate. I communicate rather curtly with the Abbess due to the strong suspicion that exists.

If it please God to settle a church there, it will be a great comfort to your family. But the blessing will extend much further, and will have the effect of removing many stumblingblocks. It is a great pity the scattering of the handful who met at Vezel.[155] Our Lord, I fear, must have been disposed to punish that excessive moroseness, which could only arise from a despising of his blessing. However, I hope that, after having[134] punished the fanatics and crack-brained persons who have been the cause of all the mischief, he will yet set up again his little flock which remains, and will hold out a hand to them, to lead them always in the right way.

If it's God's will to establish a church there, it will bring great comfort to your family. But the blessing will reach far beyond that, helping to remove many obstacles. It’s really sad about the few who gathered in Vezel.[155] I’m afraid our Lord must have felt compelled to punish that extreme gloominess, which can only stem from taking His blessings for granted. Still, I hope that, after dealing with the fanatics and misguided individuals who caused all the trouble, He will restore His small remaining flock and guide them on the right path.

What moved me to urge you about the house, was my fear of the shame I should feel if perhaps you did arrive here and should not find a lodging ready. Besides, the repairs which the landlord thought of making thereon, would not make it fit for your occupation. Thus the rent you are paying for it, would be so much money lost, unless we should fall upon some remedy for it. Although I have taken it for three years, it was at my option to be quit of the bargain at the end of the half-year, on giving intimation three weeks before the term. At this time we shall be foreclosed of that liberty. If you could have decided upon coming, I would have desired the whole to be put in proper repair, that you might be exempt from annoyance. But seeing the matter stands as it does, it is very unadvisable indeed to charge yourself with a house here; only I could have wished to cause you no needless expense. But since you have allowed this half year to pass away, we shall need to take care between this and the end of January, so as not to enter upon the second year.

What made me bring up the house was my fear of how embarrassed I’d feel if you arrived and there wasn’t a place ready for you. Also, the repairs the landlord wanted to make wouldn’t make it suitable for you to stay in. So, the rent you’re paying would just be money wasted unless we find a solution. Even though I’ve committed to it for three years, I could have opted out of the lease at the end of the first six months if I’d given three weeks’ notice. We’re running out of time for that now. If you had decided to come, I would have wanted everything fixed up so you wouldn’t have to deal with any issues. But given the situation, it would really be unwise to take on a house here; I just didn’t want to put you in a position where you’d incur unnecessary costs. Now that this half-year has gone by, we need to be careful between now and the end of January so we don't start the second year.

I perceive that the troubles which we have had here are also exaggerated with you as well as elsewhere. At Lyons they have had me dead in more than twenty ways. Everywhere throughout the country they tell of wonders, of which, God be thanked, we perceive nothing. It is very true Satan has here very many firebrands; but the flame passes off with a blaze like that of flax. The capital punishment which has been inflicted upon one of their companions,[156] has laid their horns in the dust. As for your landlord,[157] I know not what face he will wear towards us when he returns. He appeared to go away on friendly terms, at least manifesting more compunction and respect towards me than formerly. Meanwhile, however, his wife has played the she-devil to such a degree, that she has found it necessary to gain the open country. It is already about three months that he has been absent. He must needs walk softly[135] upon his return. Up to the present time, we have got on very well, considering the condition of the servants of God. Had we not been so depressed, we should have been too much at our ease. I believe, indeed, that he may have opened the letter, and that that may have given boldness to Valeran, and to that worthy man with whom he was lodged, to take a second look into them. However that may be, in complaining about it as he does, he must at once avow himself to be a breaker-open of letters, which is certainly the act of a lawless man. As for his wrongs, they weigh no more with me than his person in the scale of importance, which is a little less than a feather. Moreover, it is evident that he was drunk, or at least seeing double, when he thus wrote. Provided he does not go the length of throwing stones, our patience, yours and mine, will not find it very hard to bear with his abuse. We are not better than David, were we even called to bear further injury, and he is at least quite as worthy as Shimei. In that and in greater things, let us pray God that he may vouchsafe us grace to call us to his light, despising the calumnies of those who judge in darkness. I am more sorry than for aught else to see him gone so far astray.

I see that the troubles we've had here are also blown out of proportion with you and elsewhere. In Lyons, they've claimed I've died in more than twenty different ways. Throughout the country, people are talking about wonders, of which, thank God, we see none. It's true that Satan has many followers here, but the chaos burns out quickly, like a flax fire. The harsh punishment given to one of their associates,[156] has brought them down a notch. As for your landlord,[157] I don't know how he will react towards us when he gets back. He seemed to leave on good terms, at least showing me more sympathy and respect than before. However, his wife has caused so much trouble that she has had to escape to the countryside. It’s been almost three months since he left. He’ll have to tread carefully when he comes back.[135] So far, we've managed well, considering the state of God's servants. If we weren't feeling so down, we might be too comfortable. I believe he may have opened the letter, which could have given Valeran and the decent man he stayed with the courage to take another look at them. Regardless, by complaining as he does, he admits to breaking open letters, which is definitely unlawful. His grievances matter to me as much as he does, which is barely at all. Furthermore, it's clear he was drunk, or at least seeing double, when he wrote that. As long as he doesn’t throw stones, our patience—yours and mine—will have no trouble handling his insults. We're no better than David; even if we were called to endure more harm, he's at least as deserving of judgment as Shimei. In this and in bigger matters, let's pray to God that He grants us the grace to stay in His light, ignoring the lies of those who judge in darkness. I'm more saddened than anything else to see him stray so far.

If there is no pressing hurry, or if there might be more hope of reasonable despatch in the absence of the protonotary, I think that it would only be right to await his return, as well that nothing may be done by halves, as to avoid the suspicion he might take up, that you had watched the opportunity, or anticipated the complaint he meant to make, in terms of his letter, which was not a little dissatisfied. But should there be any damnum aut periculum in mora, this consideration ought not to hamper you, so at least methinks. Otherwise the better way will be, to wait for an opportunity to get rid of the whole at once.

If there’s no urgent rush, or if we might get things done more smoothly without the protonotary, I think it’s best to wait for his return. This way, everything can be done properly, and it avoids any suspicion he might have that you were waiting for the right moment or anticipating the complaint mentioned in his somewhat dissatisfied letter. However, if there’s any damnum aut periculum in mora, then this concern shouldn’t hold you back, at least that's how I see it. Otherwise, it would be better to wait for a chance to address everything all at once.

As for the book-mark—your own arms, as well as the motto, everything will be liable to be blazoned abroad by those who, without good ground, are, nevertheless, always open-mouthed in speaking evil of us. Howbeit, I find nothing amiss, neither in the one nor in the other. Even had there been no diminishing of the expenses, there could be no harm in putting the arms[136] at the beginning, and the motto at the end. But I am much puzzled which of the two methods to choose, unless you were to put your armorial bearings with the saying underneath,—Qui recedit a malo prædœ est expositus, with the citation of the chapter.[158]

As for the bookmark—your coat of arms, along with the motto, will likely be broadcasted by those who, despite lacking a valid reason, are always quick to speak poorly of us. That said, I don’t see anything wrong with either one. Even if there wasn't a reduction in costs, it wouldn't hurt to place the coat of arms at the beginning and the motto at the end. However, I’m really torn about which option to choose, unless you were to display your coat of arms with the saying underneath—Qui recedit a malo prædœ est expositus, along with the chapter citation.[158]

As regards the marriage,[159] for my part, I would by no means consent to it. You see how confidentially I reply to you. 'The family is very poor indeed. The noblesse of Savoy is very different from that of your country; the man himself is well enough, but not so steady as to withstand evil counsels; subject to illnesses, arising chiefly from a sanguine temperament,—(you fear one reproach; I am afraid of a quite different one, which I would only mention if I desired to be put out of the way, &c.) You had been rash in entertaining his proposal.' Pardon me if I am too forward. I would like better to take the other whom I know, if it fell to me to decide. But it is full time for me to pull up, having certainly exceeded due bounds.

As for the marriage,[159] I definitely wouldn’t agree to it. You can see how openly I'm speaking to you. 'The family is really poor. The nobility in Savoy is very different from yours; the man himself is decent enough, but he isn’t stable enough to resist bad advice; he suffers from health issues, mostly due to his impulsive nature—(you worry about one criticism; I’m concerned about a completely different one, which I would only mention if I wanted to get out of the situation, etc.) You acted recklessly by considering his offer.' Forgive me if I’m being too bold. I would prefer to choose the other person I know if I had to make the decision. But I’ve definitely said too much and should stop now.


Before I have concluded, a cough has seized me, and hits me so hard upon the shoulder that I cannot draw a stroke of the pen without acute pain.[160] There is a letter to Wendelin, to which I would much desire to have a reply, because there is some inquiry regarding the Commentaries on St. Paul, of which several persons urge the printing. I hope that it shall be profitable, otherwise I would not have composed them. Seeing that the present bearers are not quite certain of going so far as Strasbourg, and that even if they do go, I could not be sure to have an answer by them, I beg you kindly to charge some one of your servants to convey the letter in good time, and to procure the answer.

Before I finish, I’ve been hit with a cough that’s so intense it makes my shoulder hurt, and I can’t write a single word without sharp pain.[160] I have a letter for Wendelin, and I really want a reply because there are some questions about the Commentaries on St. Paul that people are pushing to print. I hope it’ll be useful; otherwise, I wouldn’t have written them. Since the current messengers aren’t sure they can make it to Strasbourg, and even if they do, I can't be certain I'll get a response through them, I kindly ask you to ask one of your staff to deliver the letter in a timely manner and to get the reply.

Monsieur, having heartily commended me to your kind favour, and that of Madame, and also presented to you remembrances from my wife, I pray our Lord that it would please him to have you in his holy keeping, to preserve to you the blessing he has bestowed, that you may even see the fruit of it, so as to derive more full consolation and joy; and, in the[137] meanwhile, to help you in everything, and that continually. I am sorry that I cannot be with you for at least a half of a day, to laugh with you, while we wait for a smile from the little infant, under the penalty of bearing with his cries and tears. For that is the first note, sounded as the key-note, at the beginning of this life—the earnest of a better, that we may smile from the heart when we shall be about to depart from it.

Monsieur, after sincerely recommending me to your kindness and that of Madame, and also sending you greetings from my wife, I pray that our Lord keeps you safe in His care, preserves the blessing He has given you, so that you may see its benefits and experience greater comfort and joy. In the meantime, I wish to help you in every way possible, always. I'm sorry I can't be with you for at least half a day to share some laughs as we wait for a smile from the little infant, while also enduring his cries and tears. That’s the first note that marks the start of this life—the promise of something better, so that we may truly smile when it's time to leave this world.

I entreat of you to bear with my indisposition, commending me to the goodly company.

I ask you to be patient with my illness and to keep me in your good thoughts.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your servant and humble bro,

John Calvin.[161]

John Calvin. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

[Fr. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CCIV.—To Farel.

False report of Calvin's death—proposition (query) by the wife of Amy Perrin—calumnious accusation against Idelette de Bure—journey of Farel to Geneva.

Geneva, 21st August 1547.

Geneva, August 21, 1547.

I am more grateful to you than words can readily express, for having spontaneously transferred to us your credit and service, when you thought that we were pressed by great difficulties. In this, however, you did nothing that was novel or unexpected. The reason why I did not avail myself of your offer, was that various rumours were everywhere flying about which I thought had been extinguished, but which would have been the more increased had I summoned hither you and Viret. You know with what sort of men we have to deal, and how eager they are for an opportunity of speaking against us. Letters were daily arriving, especially from Lyons, from which I learned that I had been more than ten times killed.[162] It was therefore proper that the ungodly should be deprived of the[138] occasion of talking. The senate is now quieted, and is favourably disposed to the good cause. Amy, our friend, is still in France.[163] His wife is with her father, where she carries on her revels in her usual fashion, and yet we requested the Senate that all past offences might be forgiven her, if she shewed anything to warrant a hope of repentance. That petition has not been granted, for she has gone so far as to have cut off all hope of pardon for herself. As the day of the [Lord's] Supper draws near, I may meet with Penthesilæa. Froment lately made a movement about a reconciliation, but he wished the matter to be settled according to his own arbitration. I replied that our church was not so destitute but that there were brethren competent to undertake that duty. We shall make every effort. And yet she has cruelly wounded me. For when at the baptism of our child James, I had admitted the truth about the fault of my wife and her former husband,[164] she calumniously asserted among her own friends, that my wife was therefore a harlot; such is her bold impudence. I shall treat her not according to what she deserves, but according to what my office demands. Add that N. had invented a most calumnious fable,—to the effect, that I had received a severe reprimand from you and Viret, on the ground that, having been placed here by you in your room, and by way of deputy, I abused my precarious authority. You will now, however, come at a much more opportune time than you would have done before. You would hear everything that cannot be committed to writing. You might apply your hand to wounds that are not yet well healed. We might consult[139] together about the remedying of occult diseases. You will therefore see whether you will have any leisure. I have commenced work upon the Fathers of Trent;[165] but the beginnings proceed slowly. The reason is, I have not an hour that is free from incessant interruptions. Adieu, most sound-hearted brother, and matchless friend; salute respectfully fellow-ministers and your family in my name. May the Lord be always present with you, direct you, and bless your labours. Amen. —Yours,

I am more grateful to you than I can easily say for your generous transfer of credit and support when you thought we were facing tough challenges. But honestly, you didn’t do anything surprising or unexpected. The reason I didn’t take you up on your offer is that there were various rumors circulating that I believed had died down, but they would have only increased if I had called you and Viret here. You know the kind of people we’re dealing with and how eager they are to speak out against us. Letters were arriving daily, especially from Lyons, letting me know that I had been reported dead more than ten times. It was better for us to deprive the wicked of a reason to talk. The senate is now calm and supportive of the good cause. Our friend Amy is still in France. His wife is with her father, enjoying herself as usual, and we have asked the Senate to forgive her past offenses if she shows any sign of repentance. That request wasn’t granted because she has completely shut down any hope of being forgiven. As the day of the Supper approaches, I may run into Penthesilæa. Froment recently brought up the idea of reconciliation, but he wanted it to be decided on his terms. I replied that our church isn’t so desperate that we don’t have members capable of handling that responsibility. We will do our best. Yet she has hurt me deeply. When I acknowledged the faults of my wife and her former husband during our child James’s baptism, she absurdly claimed among her friends that my wife was therefore a harlot; such is her outrageous boldness. I will not treat her as she deserves but according to the responsibilities of my position. Additionally, N. spread a vile rumor that I received a harsh reprimand from you and Viret, claiming that having been placed here by you as a deputy, I misused my fragile authority. However, you will arrive at a much better time now than before. You will hear everything that cannot be put into writing. You might be able to help with wounds that aren't fully healed. We can discuss how to address hidden issues together. So, you’ll need to see if you’ll have any free time. I’ve started working on the Fathers of Trent, but progress is slow. The problem is, I haven’t had a single hour free from constant interruptions. Goodbye, my dear brother and unmatched friend; please send my regards to fellow ministers and your family. May the Lord always be with you, guide you, and bless your work. Amen. —Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp.—Opera, vol. ix. p. 240.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp.—Opera, vol. ix. p. 240.]


CCV.—To Viret.

Mention of a letter from M. de Falais—Emmanuel Tremelli—a book by Viret—journey of Budé and Nicolas des Gallars to Paris.

Geneva, 29th August 1547.

Geneva, August 29, 1547.

Before bringing to a conclusion the matter of Beat, it seems proper to wait the return of Textor, who I know will be here in a short time, unless some new obstacle intervene. For he had been compelled to remove from Macon, when Claude the dyer lately returned from that quarter. The letter from Bâle contained absolutely nothing of interest to you or me. There was but one letter of Falais to me, in which he mentioned the birth of a daughter,[166] of whose death he spoke in a second letter to Maldonado. He had besides sent a copy of the letter of recommendation which the Landgrave had obtained from the Emperor; but I had read a translation of it by Pagnet fifteen days before. I send it to you in case you should not have seen it. I had forgot the epistle of Valeran, in which that wretch so unblushingly insults a perfect nobleman, that I am ashamed to read it. Budé strongly solicited me to exert[140] myself to bring Emmanuel[167] hither, if it could be accomplished on any ground. His services could be of no avail to us, unless in the professorship of Hebrew; and this office is filled by Imbert. I wish you would excuse me to him, if you have no objection, that he may at least understand that I am not guilty of neglect. Girard has not yet brought the preface, although I reminded him that he should do so to-day. Send the book on the Church and Sacraments.[168] I would read it with pleasure, even although you did not impose that task upon me. Only I request your permission to consult my own convenience; for I never had less leisure than at present. The long nights, however, will presently afford me somewhat more. Des Gallars has left for Paris, along with Budé, as he could not otherwise satisfy his mother; and he could not have had a better opportunity than now, in the absence of his father-in-law. Besides, he has it in view to bring his sister along with him; a modest girl, I hear, and who is harshly treated by her step-father. I wished you to know that. Adieu, most sound-hearted brother and friend, with your wife and brothers, all of whom you will salute in our name. May Christ be ever present with you.

Before wrapping up the topic of Beat, it seems appropriate to wait for Textor's return, which should be soon unless something unexpected comes up. He had to leave Macon when Claude the dyer recently came back from there. The letter from Bâle contained nothing of interest to either of us. There was just one letter from Falais addressed to me, where he mentioned the birth of a daughter,[166] whose death he discussed in a second letter to Maldonado. He also sent a copy of the letter of recommendation that the Landgrave got from the Emperor, but I had read Pagnet's translation of it fifteen days ago. I'm sending it to you in case you haven't seen it. I had also forgotten about Valeran's letter, in which that scoundrel insulted a truly noble man so shamelessly that I'm embarrassed to even read it. Budé strongly urged me to make an effort to bring Emmanuel[167] here if it was possible in any way. His services wouldn't be useful to us except in the Hebrew professorship, which Imbert already holds. I hope you can excuse me to him, if you don't mind, so he knows I'm not neglecting this. Girard hasn't brought the preface yet, even though I reminded him that he should today. Please send the book on the Church and Sacraments.[168] I'd be happy to read it, even if you hadn't assigned it to me. I just ask for your permission to consider my own schedule since I have never been busier than I am right now. However, the long nights should soon give me a bit more time. Des Gallars has left for Paris with Budé, as he couldn't satisfy his mother otherwise; and he has no better opportunity than now, with his father-in-law away. Moreover, he plans to bring his sister along with him; I've heard she's a modest girl who is treated poorly by her stepfather. I wanted you to know that. Farewell, my dear brother and friend, to you and your wife and brothers, all of whom you will greet on our behalf. May Christ always be with you.


But I had forgot about Vernon. Sulzer obtained from the Senate a supplement for him, so long as he should be sick, to meet the unusual expenditure; and also half stipend for Maigret.[169] Lest that arrangement should displease me, Sulzer charged him to return to terms of friendship with me. After asking me to come to him, he made a long enough petition for forgiveness. I replied as I was disposed, and as I was bound to do. The result was that he promised amendment, and I fraternal affection, if he changed his course of life for the better.—Yours,

But I had forgotten about Vernon. Sulzer got a supplement for him from the Senate, as long as he was sick, to cover the extra expenses; and also half a stipend for Maigret.[169] To make sure that arrangement wouldn’t upset me, Sulzer told him to reconnect with me as friends. After asking me to meet with him, he made a lengthy appeal for forgiveness. I responded as I felt and as I was obligated to do. The outcome was that he promised to improve, and I offered him brotherly affection if he changed his life for the better.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCVI.—To Mr. de Falais.

Dedication of the Apology—mention of M. de Montmor—Sickness of Maldonado.

From Geneva, this 10th of September 1547.

From Geneva, this 10th of September 1547.

Monseigneur,—By your last, I perceive, that I have not yet satisfied you concerning the Apology. Although the three points which you have noted need not retard the publication, the excuse may be made in three sentences; because should we enter somewhat further on explanation, we must touch upon rather ticklish matters, which it would be better to let sleep. I do not know to whom it would be well to address it at present, considering the temper of the times. She has already played a principal part: I cannot think of any of the other persons who would be suitable. To dedicate it to the noblesse of the Netherlands, would be a hateful proceeding. In Germany, what states would you choose? I would therefore prefer that no change be made in the beginning. Touching the conclusion, although there is plenty of material, and that very pertinent, that might be added, even as it stands it is not incomplete. Hereafter, should occasion call for it, you will consider whether you should add thereto, or make some other distinct publication. However, I refer the whole to your discretion, and merely express to you my opinion.

Your Highness,—From your last message, I understand that I haven't fully addressed your concerns about the Apology. While the three points you've mentioned shouldn't delay its release, we could simplify the excuse to three sentences; if we go into further detail, we might have to address some sensitive topics best left untouched. I'm not sure who would be the right audience for it at this moment, given the current climate. It has already played a significant role, and I can't think of anyone else who might be appropriate. Dedicating it to the nobility of the Netherlands would be unwise. In Germany, which states would you consider? Because of this, I prefer we stick to the original introduction. Regarding the conclusion, there is definitely relevant material we could add, but even as it stands, it's not lacking. In the future, if the situation calls for it, you can decide whether to include more or create a separate publication. However, I leave the final decision to you and just want to share my thoughts.

Concerning the party you inquire about, I fear that you suppose I build marriages in the air very much at random. But why so? for indeed I believe that I have some foundation of reason and sound confidence. Eight months ago, the son of M. de Montmor, with whom I was brought up in my childhood,[170] informed me that he would desire above all else to retire hither, and he continues of that mind; for it is not[142] merely on one occasion that he has so written. He is a young man; at least he is of the age of thirty-four years, good-natured, very gentle, and docile. Though he has drunk deep of youthful follies in earlier life, now that God has given him a knowledge of himself, I believe he will be quite to your mind. I have made diligent inquiry of Nicolas Loser, and Nicolas Picot his son-in-law, who have spoken to him, whether there was any taint of disease about him, such as young men acquire in their dissolute courses. They have replied to me in the negative. My desire has thereupon led me to build an expectation. Should he come, as I expect, I would send him at once to yourself; and then you can consider whether he would be a suitable person. If he does not come within a mouth, I know not whether I ought to expect him. But I think he will come, to communicate to me, and forthwith return to expedite his departure.

Regarding the party you're asking about, I worry that you think I make up marriages without any careful thought. But why would you think that? I truly believe I have some strong reasons and solid confidence. Eight months ago, the son of M. de Montmor, with whom I grew up, informed me that he would like nothing more than to come here, and he still feels that way; it's not just something he's mentioned once. He's a young man, at least thirty-four years old, kind-hearted, very gentle, and easygoing. Although he had his share of youthful mistakes in the past, now that God has granted him self-awareness, I believe he'll be just what you're looking for. I've thoroughly asked Nicolas Loser and his son-in-law Nicolas Picot, who have talked to him, if there were any signs of illness from a reckless lifestyle that young men often pick up. They assured me there are not. This has given me hope. If he comes, as I expect, I will send him to you right away so you can decide if he would be a good match. If he doesn't arrive within a month, I'm not sure if I should still expect him. But I think he will come to speak with me and then quickly leave to finalize his visit.

We have been like to lose the good Maldonado, for he has been at the point of death: and the fever even now confines him to bed, but not with imminent danger, so far as we can discern, by the favour of God. I have prepared some verjuice, enough for a year's provision, which awaits you, if perchance you come. It is the produce which you have got from your garden for the bygone year.

We almost lost the good Maldonado because he has been very close to death; the fever still keeps him in bed, but thankfully, it doesn’t seem life-threatening, at least as far as we can tell, by the grace of God. I’ve prepared some verjuice, enough to last a year, which is waiting for you if you happen to come by. It’s the produce you harvested from your garden over the past year.

In conclusion, Monsieur, having humbly commended me to your kind favour, and that of Madame, I pray our good Lord to have both of you in his holy protection, to lead and direct you, to send you whatsoever he perceives to be needful for you.

In conclusion, sir, after respectfully asking for your kind favor and that of madam, I pray that our good Lord keeps you both in His holy protection, guides you, and provides you with whatever He knows you need.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your servant and humble bro,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


The title would appear to me to read well thus: Excuse composed by M. Jacques de Bourgoigne, &c., to clear himself towards his Imperial Majesty from the calumnies laid upon him on account of his faith, whereof he makes confession. For the word Apology is not used in French.

The title seems to read well like this: Excuse composed by M. Jacques de Bourgoigne, &c., to clear himself towards his Imperial Majesty from the false accusations made against him because of his faith, of which he makes a confession. Because the word Apology isn't used in French.


CCVII.—To Henry Bullinger.

Comments by Calvin on a work by Bullinger—state of Germany and Italy—policy of the Cantons.

[Geneva, 19th September 1547.]

[Geneva, September 19, 1547.]

It is now six months since I returned your book, with annotations, such as you had requested me to make.[171] I am surprised that I have received no reply from you since that time. When I was in your quarter, you reminded me that there was to be frequent interchange of letters between us. In the meantime, I have heard of some of your townsmen having at different times passed through this place; I have had no one going to you, so far as I remember. Should an opportunity of writing be at any time afforded you, I earnestly request you will not allow it to pass without availing yourself of it.

It’s been six months since I returned your book, with the notes you asked me to add.[171] I’m surprised I haven’t heard back from you since then. When I visited you, you mentioned that we should regularly exchange letters. Meanwhile, I’ve learned that some people from your town have passed through here at different times, but I haven’t had anyone going your way, as far as I remember. If you ever get the chance to write, please don’t let it slip by without taking it.

I am compelled to hear more about the disaster of Germany than I could wish; and yet nothing is said of the condition of Constance, which remains deeply fixed in my mind. There was great trepidation at Strasbourg when it was supposed that the Emperor would winter there. Moreover, even to this day, they assert that the gates will not be opened to him, if they receive support from any other quarter. I do not know what the Helvetic cities may think. For a short time, indeed, all rumours of a war to be waged against them have ceased, on[144] account of the Italian commotions. But what if all these cities, struck with terror of him, do not venture upon any movement? He already occupies Placentia and Parma,—Peter Farnese[172] having been put to death as some suppose, or at least, quite prostrated; and so great a success may possibly be the means of bringing Italy into a state of peaceful subjugation in the course of this year. Were he to enter Strasbourg, he would, you perceive, occupy an encampment whence he could invade us. Would there then be time, my Bullinger, for you to deliberate? For by keeping silence, do you not, as it were, present your throat to be cut? On this point, however, I have no good reason for making an appeal to you, for I know that your fellow-citizens will be so wise as to desire to apply a remedy. The neighbours [Bernese] are manifestly acting the part of fools, in withstanding the adoption of any measures for curbing this wild beast.[173] Nevertheless, as they are of their own accord bent on destruction, may the Lord direct his own elect by the spirit of wisdom, to make a seasonable stand against the dangers. There are many things which ought to deter you from the French alliance. But just as, on the one hand, it is by no means expedient that you should be wholly bound up with him [the French king], so, on the other, I do not see that you are to shun all connection with him.

I am forced to hear more about the disaster in Germany than I want; yet nothing is mentioned about the situation in Constance, which stays heavily on my mind. There was a lot of fear in Strasbourg when it was thought the Emperor would spend the winter there. To this day, they claim the gates won’t be opened to him if they get support from anywhere else. I’m not sure what the Helvetic cities think. For a brief period, rumors of a war against them have stopped due to the unrest in Italy. But what if all these cities, scared of him, don’t take any action? He already controls Placentia and Parma—Peter Farnese has been killed, or at least, is completely defeated; such success might lead Italy to a peaceful subjugation this year. If he were to enter Strasbourg, he would have a base from which to invade us. Would there be time, my Bullinger, for you to think this through? By staying silent, are you not, in a way, inviting danger? However, I have no reason to urge you on this point because I know your fellow citizens will wisely want to find a solution. The neighbors [Bernese] are clearly acting foolishly by resisting any plans to restrain this wild beast. Yet, since they are determined to bring about their own downfall, may the Lord guide His chosen ones with the spirit of wisdom, so they can make a timely stand against the threats. There are many reasons you should think twice about an alliance with the French. However, it’s not wise to be completely tied to him [the French king], nor do I see any need for you to avoid all connection with him.

As to the rest, the boy who has delivered my letter to you, is the son of a senator with whom I am on terms of the greatest intimacy. He has, in virtue of our friendship, requested me to give his son a letter of introduction to you. He lives with your treasurer, as far as I understand. But it is his father's design that he should prosecute the study of letters, of which[145] he has acquired the rudiments. He is of a teachable disposition and fond of study. I therefore beg of you to recommend him to the masters of your school, in your own as well as my name, not simply in the ordinary fashion, that greater attention may be paid to him than if he were unknown. This service will be highly gratifying to me.

As for the rest, the boy who delivered my letter to you is the son of a senator I'm very close with. He has asked me, because of our friendship, to give his son a letter of introduction to you. I understand he lives with your treasurer. However, his father wants him to pursue his studies in letters, which he has just started to learn. He is eager to learn and loves studying. So, I kindly ask you to recommend him to the teachers at your school, using both your name and mine, so he gets more attention than if he were a stranger. This favor would mean a lot to me.

Adieu, illustrious sir, and highly revered friend in the Lord, along with your fellow-ministers and brethren, all of whom you will salute in my name and in that of my brethren. May the Lord be continually present with you, and bless your labours, I also wish well to your wife and children.—Yours,

Adieu, esteemed sir, and dear friend in the Lord, along with your fellow ministers and brothers, all of whom I ask you to greet in my name and in the name of my brothers. May the Lord always be with you and bless your work. I also send my best wishes to your wife and children.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Archives of Zurich. Gallicana Scripta. p. 4.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Archives of Zurich. Gallicana Scripta. p. 4.]


CCVIII.—To Mr. de Falais.

Return of Nicolas Des Gallars—stay of Farel and Viret at Geneva.

From Geneva, this 29th of September 1547.

From Geneva, September 29, 1547.

Monseigneur,—Since my last letter nothing new has occurred, except that our brother Des Gallars has returned, and has also brought with him the present bearer for your service, seeing that M. Budé did not find the person ready of whom he had spoken to you. I think and feel assured, that this man will quite suit you; he is so loyal and serviceable, and knows well what is good breeding, so as to demean himself becomingly. I have advised that he should come hither along with you as soon as possible, and chiefly because I do not know whether you have resolved to undertake the journey. I have had no tidings of the individual about whom I wrote to you,[174] only I have heard that some disturbance had broken out at Noyon, which may possibly have delayed him, because he was to have been accompanied by a steward of his own, who must have been detained along with the others.

Your Highness,—Since my last letter, nothing new has happened, except that our brother Des Gallars has returned and has brought with him the current messenger for your service, as M. Budé couldn't find the person he mentioned to you. I believe and am sure that this man will be a great fit for you; he is so loyal and helpful, and he understands how to conduct himself properly. I've suggested that he come here with you as soon as possible, mainly because I’m not sure if you’ve decided to make the trip. I haven’t heard any updates about the person I wrote to you about,[174] but I’ve heard that there was some trouble in Noyon, which could have delayed him since he was supposed to be accompanied by his steward, who must have been held up with the others.

Master William Farel and Master Peter Viret have been here for a week: your presence alone was wanting to complete[146] the festival. Everything goes on as usual. May God of his grace correct whatever is defective, and increase whatever little good there may be. The good Maldonado cannot raise himself up; so that there is no hope of his being of service to you for the present. But when you have work for my brother to do, he will make up for the former failure.

Master William Farel and Master Peter Viret have been here for a week; your presence alone was needed to complete[146] the festival. Everything is going as usual. May God, in His grace, fix whatever is lacking and boost whatever little good there is. The good Maldonado can't pull himself together, so there’s no hope of him being able to help you right now. But when you have work for my brother, he will make up for the previous shortcoming.

Monsieur, having presented our affectionate remembrances, all, as well to yourself as to Madame, I pray our good Lord to have you always in his holy keeping, to govern you by his Holy Spirit, to bless and to help you in every way.

Monsieur, sending our warm regards to both you and Madame, I pray that our good Lord keeps you in his care, guides you with his Holy Spirit, and blesses and supports you in every way.

Your humble brother and servant,

Your devoted brother and servant,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


In the above remembrances, Master William, Master Peter, my wife, all the friends are included, more than a dozen. I pray also to our Lord, that he may please to rule your whole household, to which I desire to be heartily commended.

In the above memories, Master William, Master Peter, my wife, and all our friends are included, more than a dozen in total. I also pray to our Lord that He may kindly take care of your entire household, which I hope to be sincerely recommended to.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CCIX.—To Mr. de Falais.

Re-assuring intelligence on the state of Geneva—restoration of Maldonado.

The 26th of October [1547.]

October 26, 1547

Monseigneur,—In turning over my papers the other day for another purpose, I found a few words of a preface[175] which I had written on the return of Master Peter Viret. I now send it you, not so much in order that it may be made use of, as to let you know that I had carefully attended to what you had requested of me, although from forgetfulness it had been left there.

Monsignor,—The other day, while I was going through my papers for something else, I came across a few lines of a preface[175] that I had written about Master Peter Viret's return. I’m sending it to you now, not really for you to use, but to let you know that I paid close attention to your request, even though I had forgotten it was there.

I have no doubt but that many reports are flying about at present concerning the affairs of this town. Whatever you may hear of them, let it not prevent your sleeping quite at your ease; for there is a vast number of people who take a[147] pleasure in lying, not merely among our neighbours, but also of those within the town.

I have no doubt that many rumors are circulating right now about what's happening in this town. Whatever you might hear, don’t let it keep you from sleeping peacefully; there are plenty of people who enjoy spreading lies, not just among our neighbors, but also within the town itself.

The good Maldonado is raised up again by the favour of God, but not without great difficulty.

The good Maldonado is lifted up again by God's favor, but not without a lot of struggle.

Monsieur, having humbly commended me to your good grace and that of Madame, I pray our good Lord to have you always in his holy keeping. I look for tidings of you about the end of this week.

Monsieur, after humbly asking for your and Madame's kindness, I pray that our good Lord keeps you in His holy care always. I expect to hear from you around the end of this week.

Your humble brother and servant,

Your devoted brother and servant,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CCX.—To Farel.

Sad state of the Republic—discouragement of the Reformer.

Geneva, 14th December 1547.

Geneva, December 14, 1547.

I am not surprised, and I am thankful that you feel impatient because so few letters from me reach you at this time; for I see from this that we are the objects of solicitude on your part. You are, moreover, daily hearing many reports, some of which may cause you bitter sorrow, and others inspire you with various fears on our account. The rumours that are spread abroad are almost all groundless; but we are oppressed by intestine evils that are so little public as hardly to be known, unless to a few in the city. The wild beast that lately, by the treachery of his keepers, escaped from his den, breathes nothing but threats.[176] Macrin being cast out, there is nothing they do not promise themselves, because they are confident that matters are now entirely in their own hands. For they count upon this [ejection] as constituting the proof of oppressed liberty. Affairs are certainly in such[148] a state of confusion that I despair of being able longer to retain this church, at least by my own endeavours. May the Lord hear your incessant prayers in our behalf. [My] brother will give you a better account of all the circumstances [than I can do by letter.]

I’m not surprised, and I’m grateful that you’re feeling impatient since so few of my letters reach you right now; it shows me that you care about us. You're also hearing many reports daily, some of which may cause you deep sorrow and others that might fill you with various fears for us. Most of the rumors circulating are baseless, but we’re dealing with serious internal issues that aren’t widely known, only to a few in the city. The wild animal that recently escaped due to his keepers' betrayal only brings threats. With Macrin being ousted, there’s nothing they won’t hope for, as they’re sure things are totally in their control now. They believe this [ejection] proves that their liberty is being oppressed. The situation is so chaotic that I fear I can't hold on to this church much longer, at least not by my own efforts. May the Lord hear your constant prayers for us. My brother will provide you with a better update on all the circumstances [than I can in this letter].

Adieu, most upright brother. Salute respectfully all the brethren.—Yours,

Adios, my most honorable brother. Please give my regards to all the brothers.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCXI.—To Viret.[177]

Rising at the Hôtel de Ville—heroic bearing of Calvin—trust in God alone.

[Geneva,] 14th December 1547.

[Geneva,] December 14, 1547.

[The enemy] are so blinded that they pay no regard to propriety. Yesterday not a little confirmed a suspicion previously entertained by us, that they were shamelessly striving to excite some commotion. The Two Hundred had been summoned. I had publicly announced to my colleagues that I would go to the senate-house. We were there a little, indeed, before the hour of meeting. As many people were still walking about in the public street, we went out by the gate that is contiguous to the senate-house. Numerous confused shouts were heard from that quarter. These, meanwhile, increased to such a degree as to afford a sure sign of an insurrection. I immediately ran up to the place. The appearance of matters was terrible. I cast myself into the thickest of the crowds, to the amazement[149] of almost every one. The whole people, however, made a rush towards me; they seized and dragged me hither and thither, lest I should suffer any injury. I called God and men to witness that I had come for the purpose of presenting my body to their swords. I exhorted them, if they designed to shed blood, to begin with me. The worthless, but especially the respectable portion of the crowd, at once greatly relaxed in their fervour. I was at length dragged through the midst to the Senate. There fresh fights arose, into the midst of which I threw myself. All are of opinion that a great and disgraceful carnage was prevented from taking place by my interposition. My colleagues, meanwhile, were mixed up with the crowd. I succeeded in getting them all to sit down quietly. They say that all were exceedingly affected by a long and vehement speech, suitable to the occasion, which I delivered. The exceptions were at least few, and even they, not less than the respectable part of the people, praised my conduct in the circumstances.

[The enemy] are so blinded that they ignore what’s appropriate. Yesterday confirmed a suspicion we had been harboring that they were brazenly trying to stir up trouble. The Two Hundred had been called together. I had publicly announced to my colleagues that I would go to the senate-house. We arrived there a bit before the meeting time. Since many people were still wandering in the streets, we exited through the gate next to the senate-house. We heard a lot of confused shouting from that direction. The noise grew to such an extent that it clearly indicated an uprising. I immediately rushed to the scene. The situation looked dire. I threw myself into the thick of the crowd, surprising almost everyone. The entire crowd surged toward me; they grabbed and pulled me in different directions, worried that I might get hurt. I called on God and everyone present to witness that I had come to offer my life to them. I urged them that if they intended to spill blood, they should start with me. The worthless part of the crowd, and especially the respectable ones, quickly calmed down. I was finally pulled through the crowd to the Senate. There, new fights broke out, and I jumped right into the middle of them. Everyone agrees that my intervention prevented a major and shameful massacre. Meanwhile, my colleagues were caught up in the chaos. I managed to get them all to sit down calmly. They say that everyone was deeply moved by a long and passionate speech I gave that was fitting for the situation. The exceptions were few, and even they, like the respectable part of the crowd, praised my actions given the circumstances.

God, indeed, protects myself and colleagues to the extent of the privilege implied in the declaration of even the most abandoned, that they abhor the least injury done to us not less than they detest parricide. Their wickedness has, however, reached such a pitch, that I hardly hope to be able any longer to retain any kind of position for the Church, especially under my ministry. My influence is gone, believe me, unless God stretch forth his hand.

God truly protects me and my colleagues to the extent that even the most wicked declare they hate any harm done to us just as much as they hate parricide. However, their evil has become so extreme that I hardly hope to maintain any kind of position for the Church, especially under my leadership. My influence is gone, believe me, unless God reaches out to help.

I can make no certain reply regarding the daughter of our neighbour, because having once already found the father difficult to manage in this matter, I do not venture to raise any expectation. Nothing, however, would be more expedient, in my judgment, than for the man himself to come hither; for the father will strenuously demand that at the very first. Nevertheless, if you so order it, we shall make every endeavour even in his absence. I have not yet spoken to the brother of Du-Plessis. About their quarrel, more at another time.

I can’t give a definite answer about our neighbor’s daughter because I’ve already found her father difficult to deal with in this situation, so I don’t want to raise any hopes. Still, I think it would be best for him to come here himself since the father will insist on that right away. However, if you want it done differently, we’ll do our best even without him. I haven't talked to Du-Plessis’s brother yet. I’ll share more about their fight another time.

Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. Salute your colleague and all the brethren. My wife and I wish yours every greeting. May the Lord be perpetually present with you.—Amen.

Goodbye, brother and dear friend. Say hi to your colleague and all the others. My wife and I send our best wishes to yours. May the Lord always be with you.—Amen.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCXII.—To Mr. de Falais.

Printing of The Apology—troubles at Geneva.

The 19th December 1547.

December 19, 1547.

Monseigneur,—I shall not at present write a very long letter to you because I was not informed that the messenger would go away so soon. He is an engraver, who had left about two hours before I could speak to our printer. Seeing, therefore that your armorial bearings would not have been very well suited to the form of the book, I immediately sent after him, and have had them done in lead, as you will see by the proof. I feel quite confident that you will not be sorry that a crown was expended to make the thing quite complete. The printing of the book is not yet begun, because it has been necessary to recast some letters of the fount, which is the same with which the supplication was printed, very readable and handsome. We shall begin it this week, if the Lord will; but we shall not touch the Latin at all, until we hear from yourself. As I have no spare time at present, I shall put off all other matters, and send you an answer in regard to them by Robert, my wife's cousin.

Bishop,—I'm not going to write a long letter right now because I just found out that the messenger is leaving so soon. He's an engraver who left about two hours before I could talk to our printer. Since your coat of arms wouldn’t fit well with the book's design, I immediately sent for him, and I've had them created in lead, as you'll see in the proof. I'm confident you won't regret that a crown was spent to make everything complete. The printing of the book hasn't started yet because we needed to recast some letters from the font used for the supplication, which is very readable and nice. We plan to start this week, if all goes well; however, we won't touch the Latin until we hear from you. I don't have any spare time right now, so I'll put off everything else and send you a response about that through Robert, my wife's cousin.

We are somewhat annoyed here by those who ought to bring us peace. I hope, however, that good shall result from it, and that shortly, to the rejoicing of those who desire that God may be honoured. But while our brethren are persecuted by open enemies, we ourselves must needs be troubled by those of our own household. There is one mercy, however, that all is for our profit, provided that we are so well advised as thus to take it. As I have formerly told you, do not be disturbed by anything that is said, setting down the whole as falsehood, until you hear from us how matters go.

We’re pretty annoyed right now by the people who are supposed to bring us peace. However, I hope that something good will come out of it soon, which will please those who want to honor God. But while our fellow believers are being persecuted by open enemies, we have to deal with trouble from our own people. The one silver lining is that it all benefits us, as long as we are wise enough to see it that way. As I’ve mentioned before, don’t let anything said bother you; just consider it all false until you hear from us about how things are going.

Monsieur, having humbly commended me to your kind favour, and to that of Madame, and the whole of your worthy family, I beseech our good Lord to have you in his keeping, to[151] guide you by his Spirit, to send you what to him may seem meet as best for you.

Monsieur, after humbly asking for your kindness, as well as that of Madame and your entire esteemed family, I pray that our good Lord keeps you safe, [151] guides you with his Spirit, and sends you what he thinks is best for you.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your servant and humble brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


I have sent by a trusty man the letter of M. de Varan.

I have sent M. de Varan's letter with a reliable guy.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CCXIII.—To Viret.[178]

Invitation to come to Geneva.

Geneva, 26th December 1547.

Geneva, December 26, 1547.

Amid the great swellings of our commotions, I ought not, nevertheless, to have gone so far as to ask you to come hither, because I knew that you were detained in your own locality by necessary occupations; and another obstacle stood in the way of it, as it was possible some rumour of your coming might thereupon reach the Arctei. Now, as I hope you have more leisure, you would do a valuable service were you to make yourself ready for the journey on the earliest possible day. I have not yet made up my mind as to what I am finally to do, beyond this, that I can no longer tolerate the manners of this people, even although they should bear with mine: and withal I do not understand why they object to my severity. I should not, however, take it so ill, did I give them offence without even any fault on my part, were I not becomingly impressed with a sense of their wretchedness. For how little of life remains to me, that I should be solicitous about myself? But I am foolish in handling these matters[152] in a letter, when I am confident you will be here presently. Adieu, brother, and dearest friend. May the Lord Jesus protect you along with your wife and whole family. You will salute in my name, and in that of the brethren, your fellow-ministers.—Yours,

Amid all the chaos we’ve been experiencing, I really shouldn’t have asked you to come here, knowing that you’re busy with important matters back home. Plus, I was worried that news of your arrival might get to the Arctei. Now that I hope you have more free time, it would be a great help if you could prepare for the journey as soon as you can. I still haven’t decided what I’m going to do, except that I can’t stand the behavior of these people anymore, even if they try to tolerate mine. I don’t understand why they take issue with my strictness. I wouldn’t mind their offense so much if I hadn’t done anything wrong, but I feel a deep sense of their suffering. Given how little time I have left, why should I be concerned about myself? Yet here I am, foolishly discussing all this in a letter when I know you’ll be here soon. Take care, brother and dear friend. May the Lord Jesus watch over you, your wife, and your entire family. Please send my regards, and that of the other ministers, to them.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCXIV.—To Farel.

Publication of The Antidote—statement regarding the condition of Geneva.

Geneva, 28th December 1547.

Geneva, December 28, 1547.

My Antidote[179] now begins to please me, since it is so greatly approved of by you, for before, I was not satisfied with it. But you who know my daily labours, and still more the contests with which I am not so much occupied as quite wasted, are perhaps ready to excuse me when there is anything not quite perfect. I certainly marvel that any composition worthy of perusal can emanate from me. With regard to your exhortation, that my colleagues and I should persist with unbroken resolution, I may say that neither dangers nor troubles weaken my determination. But as I am sometimes destitute of counsel in matters where confusion so greatly prevails, I desire that God would grant me my discharge,—a foolish wish you will say; I admit that it is so; but what did Moses, that illustrious example of patience? Does he not complain of too heavy a burden being laid on his shoulders? I also am, in truth, simply tempted by these thoughts; I do not, however, give way to them. We have inspired some fear in our men, and nevertheless there is as yet no appearance of amendment. Such is their shamelessness,[153] that they devour with open and regardless ears all our clamours; finally, the diseases of many are incurable. For thus far we have essayed almost all methods with no success. The last act remains, at which I wish you to be present. You will, I suppose, have learned from my letter to Viret, how God stilled the tragical tumult; for I had given him an injunction to that effect.[180] The Two Hundred ordered us, and the other ten peace makers, to make away with all dissensions.[181] I wished that the initiative should be taken by me. Our Cæsar yesterday denied that he had any quarrel with me; I immediately pressed out the matter from the sore. In a grave and calm speech, I made certain sharp strictures, but such as were calculated to wound very slightly. Although he promised reformation hand in hand, I am afraid that I have preached but to the deaf. I wish you would again gladden me by your arrival. I am aware that some people have complained to Viret of my immoderate severity. I know not what his belief is. I scented out the fact, however, that he was afraid lest I should too greatly indulge my ardour. I have requested him to come hither. One in Terence says: If you were here, you would feel differently. I might say the same. If you were in my place, I know not what you would do. But amid a multitude of sorrows, this likewise must be patiently borne. I do not say these things in reply to you or Viret, but to others who idly censure us. I seem, moreover, to see your sympathy for me, so far am I from thinking that you have any hostility towards me. Adieu, best and most upright brother, along with your whole family, whom you will affectionately salute in my name and in that of my wife, as well as all fellow-ministers, and all the godly.—Yours,

My Antidote[179] is starting to please me because you really approve of it, whereas before I wasn't satisfied. But you, who understand my daily struggles and even more the challenges that completely drain me, might be willing to overlook any imperfections. I truly marvel that any writing worthy of being read could come from me. Regarding your encouragement for my colleagues and me to keep up our resolve, I can say that neither danger nor hardship weakens my commitment. However, I sometimes find myself lacking guidance in the midst of such chaos, and I wish that God would grant me relief— a silly wish, I know. But what about Moses, that exemplary figure of patience? Didn’t he complain about the heavy burden he was carrying? I admit that I am also tempted to think that way; still, I don’t give in to those thoughts. We’ve instilled some fear in our team, yet there’s still no sign of improvement. Their shamelessness is such that they seem to consume all our cries for help with open and indifferent ears; ultimately, many of their issues seem hopeless. So far, we’ve tried almost every method without any success. The final step remains, and I would like you to be there. I assume you’ve learned from my letter to Viret how God calmed the tragic uproar; I had instructed him to that effect.[180] The Two Hundred ordered us and the other ten peacemakers to resolve all conflicts.[181] I wanted to take the lead on this. Our Cæsar denied having any issue with me yesterday, and I immediately pressed the matter from the sore spot. In a serious and calm manner, I made some pointed criticisms, but they were intended to be only mildly hurtful. Even though he promised to reform alongside me, I fear I have been preaching to the deaf. I wish you would come and brighten my spirits again. I understand that some people have complained to Viret about my excessive severity. I’m not sure what he truly believes. However, I detected that he was concerned that I might let my fervor go unchecked. I have asked him to come here. As Terence puts it: If you were here, you would feel differently. I could say the same. If you were in my shoes, I’m not sure what you would do. But among a multitude of sorrows, this too must be endured patiently. I don’t say this in response to you or Viret, but to those who criticize us idly. I also feel your sympathy for me; I believe you have no ill will toward me. Goodbye, my dear and honorable brother, along with your whole family, whom you will affectionately greet on my behalf and that of my wife, as well as all our fellow ministers and all the faithful.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 49.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. ix, p. 49.]


CCXV.—To Budé's Family.[182]

Consolations on occasion of the Death of one of its Members.

[1547.[183]]

[1547.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Messieurs and well-beloved Brethren,—Although the present is addressed particularly to two of you,[184] I nevertheless write in such wise, that if you think fit it may serve for the whole household. If the account which I have heard of the death of your good brother and mine have been the occasion of joy to me, as, indeed, there was good reason for it, you who have known better the whole matter, have, assuredly, far more ample matter for rejoicing, not for that you have been deprived of so excellent a companion, on which account both you and I have good ground for regret—all the more that the number of those who in the present day walk constantly in the fear of God is so small and rare, but because of the singular grace which God had conferred upon him, of perseverance in the fear of his name, the faith and patience which he has manifested, and other tokens of true Christianity. For all that is as a mirror wherein we may contemplate the strength wherewith our kind heavenly Father assists his children, and most of all, out of their greatest difficulties. Then, also, we may conclude that his death was indeed happy and blessed, in the face of him and[155] of all his angels. At the same time, you must reflect that it is a fine example for you, lest it be converted into a testimony against you, to make you inexcusable before God, the great Judge. For inasmuch as he, dying as a Christian, has shewn you how you ought to live, it is certain that God would not have such a testimony to be useless. Know, then, that the death of your brother is as God's trumpet, whereby he would call upon you to serve him alone, and this far more loudly than if your brother had lived ten years longer to exhort you: while, besides, the pious exhortations which he addressed to you are ever sounding in your ears, that his zeal may glow in your hearts, that his earnest and instant prayers may quicken you, to draw you towards Him to whom he has been gathered and restored as one of his own. I do not doubt that his expressed condemnation of the abuses and superstitions which exist in Christendom, may have given occasion of murmuring to many, and that it may have somewhat aroused the rage of the adversaries of the Gospel against the whole family; but it is not fitting that the plots and threatenings of the wicked should have more power to discourage our hearts than so effectual a call from God to uphold us. In short, you must take heed that the blessing become not an occasion of evil to you; wherefore, if hitherto ye have begun well, which, indeed, ought to prove a help to you in going forward, do not slacken, but rather redouble your ardour, so as to run with greater diligence. I am not ignorant of the dangers which environ you, and am not so devoid of fellow-feeling, as not to have that sympathy which I ought. But you are aware, that will not excuse such a degree of timidity as there is among those who mingle in the world, disguising themselves in every way; and so much the more that there are few who are quite exempt from it, our duty is to urge and provoke one another forward; and inasmuch as every one ought to do his utmost to walk according to the measure of knowledge vouchsafed to him, you should examine the more narrowly whereunto ye have attained. For you cannot pretend the common excuse wherewith the most part cover themselves, as with some moistened rag of a palliative, namely, that God has not yet bestowed so much grace upon[156] them. For besides that God has opened your eyes to make you understand with what zeal you ought to glorify him before men, above all, the profession you have made obliges you to it as well. Nought remains, therefore, except that you disencumber yourself of worldly anxieties, to seek in good earnest the everlasting kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ. And if it be not possible to confess him as your Saviour where you are, you should far rather prefer to be removed for a little while from the country of your birth, than to be for ever banished from that immortal inheritance to which we are called. Whether willingly or no, we must needs be strangers in this world; shall we then refuse even to stir from the nest? Happy, indeed, are they who declare, not merely by empty profession, but effectually, that they are so, and rather than decline from the faith, are quite ready at once to quit their home, and, in order to dwell in union with Jesus Christ, make no difficulty about parting with their earthly comforts. These are hard sayings to those who have not tasted the worth of Christ; but to you who have felt his power, all else ought, after the example of Saint Paul, to be counted but as filth and dung. Indeed, it is not enough that you yourselves keep steadfast, but if there be others who are weaker, you ought to strengthen them by your admonitions, and to look well to it that there be no falling away.

Gentlemen and dear Brothers,—Even though this message is specifically for two of you,[184] I write in such a way that it could apply to the entire family if you choose. While I've found some joy in hearing about the passing of your good brother and mine, which has valid reasons behind it, you who have been more aware of the whole situation certainly have much more substantial reasons to rejoice. Not only because you have lost such an excellent companion, which is a sincere source of sorrow for both of us—especially since those who truly walk in the fear of God are so few—but because of the unique grace that God granted him in enduring faithfully, showcasing patience and other signs of true Christianity. This all serves as a reflection of the strength our kind heavenly Father provides to His children, especially in their most challenging times. Thus, we can affirm that his death was indeed happy and blessed, in the face of God and[155] all His angels. At the same time, consider it a powerful example for you, lest it turn into a testimony against you, making you inexcusable before God, the great Judge. Since he lived as a Christian up to his death, he demonstrated to you how you ought to live, and it's clear that God would not want such a testimony to go unheeded. Understand, then, that your brother’s passing serves as God's trumpet, calling you to serve Him alone, even louder than if your brother had lived for another ten years to encourage you: also, the pious reminders he shared with you still resonate in your minds, igniting his zeal in your hearts, urging you on towards Him to whom he has been gathered and restored as one of His own. I don't doubt that his candid critique of the abuses and superstitions in Christendom may have sparked complaints among many, provoking the anger of the Gospel's adversaries against the entire family; still, it is not right for the plots and threats of the wicked to discourage us more than God's effective call that supports us. In short, be careful that the blessing does not become a source of evil for you; hence, if you have started well so far—which should indeed help you move forward—don’t let up, but rather increase your enthusiasm to run with greater diligence. I understand the dangers surrounding you, and I am not so lacking in empathy not to feel the concern I ought. However, understand that this shouldn't excuse the kind of timidity commonly seen among those who navigate the world, disguising themselves in various ways; especially since there are so few who are entirely free from it, we must encourage and push one another to move forward. And since everyone should strive to walk according to the level of knowledge granted to them, you need to examine closely how far you have come. You can’t use the common excuse that many hide behind, as if it were a damp rag of a soothing balm, claiming that God hasn’t given them much grace yet. Besides, God has opened your eyes to help you understand the zeal with which you should glorify Him before others, especially considering the profession you have made. Therefore, all that remains is for you to rid yourselves of worldly worries and earnestly seek the everlasting kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ. If it’s impossible to confess Him as your Savior where you are, you should prefer to be away from your homeland for a little while rather than risk being forever banished from that immortal inheritance to which we are called. Whether we like it or not, we must be strangers in this world; should we then refuse to even leave our comfort zones? Truly happy are those who show, not just by empty words but through their actions, that they are willing to leave everything behind rather than sway from their faith, ready to part with their earthly comforts to dwell in unity with Jesus Christ. These may seem hard words to those who haven’t yet experienced the value of Christ; but to you who have felt His power, everything else should be regarded, like Saint Paul said, as waste. Truly, it’s not enough for you to remain steadfast; if there are others who are weaker, you should strengthen them with your guidance and ensure that no one falls away.

I myself am far from the dealings of the present time; whether that will be of long continuance I know not. But I speak of a thing known and experimentally ascertained. It is a great shame that with such a measure of knowledge as God has vouchsafed us, there is so little heart, compared with the ardour of the martyrs who have gone before us, who were ready to go to death so soon as God had enlightened them with a far less amount of understanding. We learn somehow to make shift while we ought rather to be learning to live; but there are others in worse plight than we; for, to speak the truth, there are many who dare not venture to breathe a word, but are content to dream apart, and to feed upon their fancies, instead of rather seeking, as they ought, to be continually exercised, as well by reading together as by conference and godly conversation, the[157] more to confirm and enkindle holy zeal. I have no reason to distrust you; but you will pardon my anxiety, which proceeds from an upright love, if I am moved to warn you in the name of God, not to let such a blessing be lost, as that which God has sent to your family; and that you may not lessen it, take heed to grow in grace; that you may not draw back, determine to go forward; that you may not come short, resolve to go on unto perfection.

I’m quite removed from the events of today; how long that will last, I can’t say. But I speak from what I know and have experienced firsthand. It’s a real shame that with the level of understanding God has granted us, we show so little passion compared to the martyrs who came before us. They were ready to face death as soon as God had given them far less knowledge. We somehow learn to get by while we should be learning to truly live. However, there are others in a worse situation than we are; honestly, many are too afraid to say anything and are content to live in their own thoughts, feeding on their fantasies, instead of doing what they should—engaging continuously through reading together and having discussions and uplifting conversations to inspire and ignite their holy zeal. I have no reason to doubt you, but please forgive my concern, which comes from a genuine love, if I feel compelled to urge you, in God’s name, not to let the blessing that God has given your family be wasted. To not diminish it, be sure to grow in grace; to not fall behind, commit to moving forward; and to not come up short, strive for perfection.

Wherefore, Messieurs and beloved brethren, after hearty commendations to all of you who desire the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and serve God with a good conscience, I beseech this kind Father to have you in his protection, and to make you feel it, so as you may lay hold upon him with such boldness as should belong to you, that he would guide you by his Spirit in the obedience of his will, and glorify himself in you, even unto the end.

Therefore, gentlemen and dear friends, after warm greetings to all of you who seek the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ and serve God with a clear conscience, I ask this kind Father to keep you in his protection and help you feel it, so that you may approach him with the confidence that is rightfully yours. May he lead you by his Spirit in following his will and glorify himself in you, even to the end.

Charles d'Espeville.

Charles d'Espeville.

[Fr. Copy, Library of Geneva. Vol. 168.]

Fr. Copy, Library of Geneva. Vol. 168.


CCXVI.—To Mr. de Falais.

Cost of printing The Apology—despatch of several copies.

The 24th of January 1548.

January 24, 1548.

Monseigneur,—Until the return of Sire Nicolas, I shall not trouble you with long letters, for I expect more ample news by him. Rest assured, that if I may follow my inclination, please God I shall not fail to keep my promise.[185] But seeing that I am not a free man, I must needs abide the course of events. We have, God be thanked, another sort of tranquillity than during the time of billeting. But there is never any season throughout the year in which I have not my work cut out for me, and[158] more than I could well get through, even although I were a tolerable tailor.

Your Honor,—Until Sire Nicolas returns, I won't bother you with long letters, as I expect to receive more detailed news from him. Rest assured, if I can follow my desires, God willing, I will keep my promise.[185] But since I'm not free to act as I please, I must wait for things to unfold. Thankfully, we have a different kind of peace now compared to when we were dealing with billeting. However, there’s never a time of year when I don’t have a full plate of work, and[158] it’s more than I could handle, even if I were a decent tailor.

That which detains me at this time would be explained if I could only come to you. And, besides, were I to be prevented by some unlooked for business, Master Peter Viret, who is ready to supply my place, will explain it to you. But before speaking of a substitute, we shall see what the Lord will allow.

That which is keeping me from you right now would make sense if I could just come to you. And, if something unexpected comes up that stops me, Master Peter Viret, who is prepared to fill in for me, will explain it to you. But before discussing a substitute, let’s see what the Lord will permit.

Concerning the books,[186] at the price which I have agreed upon with the printer, together with what has been paid to the engraver of the armorial bearings, they will cost you about a crown the hundred. I gave three florins of Savoy, that is to say, testons, to the engraver for his trouble; besides which, he got his victuals. That, with about a teston which it cost him in returning, is over and above the amount for printing. There have been eight hundred copies thrown off. I have allowed the printer to retain a hundred for himself, deducting to that amount proportionally upon the whole. By this means the object has been attained of spreading it throughout France. I have sent away here and there about fifty copies; among others, one to Madame de Ferrara,[187] which, however, need not prevent you addressing another to her, along with a letter. The seven hundred, all expenses included, amount to seven crowns. I believe that René, diligence excepted, will have been faithful.

Concerning the books,[186] at the price I agreed on with the printer, along with what was paid to the engraver of the coat of arms, they will cost you around a crown for every hundred. I paid three Savoy florins, or testons, to the engraver for his work; plus, he was provided meals. Adding about a teston for his return trip, this is in addition to the printing costs. Eight hundred copies have been produced. I've allowed the printer to keep a hundred for himself, proportionately reducing the total amount. This way, the goal of distributing it across France has been achieved. I've sent out about fifty copies here and there, including one to Madame de Ferrara,[187] but that doesn’t stop you from sending her another copy with a letter. The total for the seven hundred copies, including all expenses, comes to seven crowns. I believe that René, aside from his lack of diligence, has been trustworthy.

In conclusion, Monsieur, having commended me affectionately to your kind favour and that of Madame, and having also presented to both of you the recommendations of my wife, I beseech our good Lord to have you always in his keeping, to guide you by his Spirit, and to increase you in every grace.

In conclusion, sir, after kindly recommending me to your good favor and that of madam, and after also sharing my wife's regards with both of you, I pray our good Lord to always watch over you, guide you by His Spirit, and increase you in every grace.

Your humble brother and servant,

Your devoted brother and servant,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


I desire particularly to be remembered to the excellent young ladies whom I have not yet seen, and my wife the like.

I especially want to send my regards to the wonderful young ladies I haven't met yet, as well as to my wife.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CCXVII.—To Mr. de Falais.

Particulars regarding his departure, and the purchase of a property near Geneva.

This last day but one of February 1548.

This day before the last of February 1548.

Monseigneur,—According to our agreement, the coming of Sire Nicolas Loser will afford you a good opportunity for making the journey, if your health admits of it.[188] He ought to go as far as Strasbourg; but in order that you may not be delayed, I have somewhat hastened his departure. To those who make inquiry of me, I reply, that already you are wishing to be here; but that whether you shall come or no, will be seen in due time.

Bishop,—As we agreed, the arrival of Sire Nicolas Loser will give you a great opportunity to make the journey, if your health allows. [188] He should travel as far as Strasbourg; however, to ensure you aren't delayed, I've arranged for him to leave a bit earlier. To those who ask me, I tell them that you already wish to be here; but whether you actually come or not will be determined in due time.

Regarding the payment, which you have hinted to me, I believe that you will be disposed to grant it. We shall speak about that, however, when you are on the spot. The minister of the village[189] is a good sort of a man. But it will be for yourself to decide when you shall have arrived. Meantime we shall look about, here and there, that you may choose what best pleases you. I shall take care of the two receipts until your arrival.

Regarding the payment you've mentioned, I think you're likely to agree to it. We'll discuss that more when you get here. The village minister[189] is a decent guy. But it will be up to you to decide once you arrive. In the meantime, we'll explore a bit so you can choose what you like best. I'll hold onto the two receipts until you get here.

To conclude, Monsieur, having commended me humbly to your kind favour, I beseech our good Lord to uphold you always in his keeping, to lead you by his Spirit, and to aid you in all and throughout. We pray you, my wife and myself, to present also our humble commendations to Madame, not forgetting Mademoiselle de Brédan.

To wrap up, Sir, after kindly recommending me to your favor, I ask our good Lord to always watch over you, to guide you by His Spirit, and to support you in everything all the time. My wife and I also request that you send our humble regards to Madame, and please don’t forget Mademoiselle de Brédan.

Your servant, humble brother, and sincere friend,

Your servant, humble brother, and true friend,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


I thought, indeed, that Sire Nicolas Loser would have left, and that he was to be my messenger, but this will not be for[160] five or six days yet; and to avoid delay I have thought it well to send the present by M. Brevassis.

I really thought that Sire Nicolas Loser would have already left and that he would be my messenger, but it looks like that won't happen for[160]another five or six days. To avoid any delay, I decided it would be better to send this now through M. Brevassis.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CCXVIII.—To Henry Bullinger.[190]

Brotherly explanations regarding the difference on the subject of the Communion.

Geneva, 1st March 1548.

Geneva, March 1, 1548.

I hardly know what prevented me from replying sooner to you, unless it were that no trustworthy messenger presented himself who roused me to diligence. But when I heard that the ambassador of your city was here, I was unwilling to be guilty of allowing him to depart without a letter from me. I pass over in silence the long reply in which you seek to wash away all those points of difference about which I had carefully admonished you. For of what avail is it for us to enter on a controversy? I made a note of those points in your book that did not satisfy myself, or that might prove unsatisfactory to others, or such as I thought might not meet the approbation of the pious and learned. I did that at your request. I discharged the duty of a friend; if you think differently, you are at liberty to do so, as far as I am concerned. It would certainly not be the last of my wishes that there should be perfect harmony between us. But in whatever way I may hold the firm persuasion of a greater communication of Christ in the Sacraments than you express in words, we will not, on that account, cease to hold the same Christ, and to be one in him. Some day, perhaps, it will be given us to unite in fuller harmony of opinion. I have always loved ingenuousness, I take no delight in subtleties, and those who charge others with obscurity, allow me the merit of perspicuity. Neither, accordingly, can I be charged with guile, who never artfully affect anything to gain the[161] favour of men; and my method of instruction is too simple to admit of any unfavourable suspicion, and too detailed to offend on the ground of obscurity. Wherefore, if I do not give uniform satisfaction, indulgence must be extended to me because I study in good faith, and with perfect candour, openly to declare what I have to say. It was on this account that lately, when at Bâle, I felt surprise at your complaint, as a friend reported to me, that I taught differently in my Commentaries from what I had held out to you. I replied in one sentence, which was the truth, that I used the same language at Zurich as at Geneva. I was, however, disposed to attribute the whole statement, be it what it might, to the mistake of my informant. At a time when it was dangerous for me to declare in language what views I held, I did not turn aside from the straight line by foregoing the free and firm announcement of my opinions in every particular, even so far as to bend the most rigid to some sort of moderation. Why then should I now, without any necessity, change at once my general mode of procedure and my convictions? If, however, I fail in persuading men of the truth of this, I shall be content to have God as the witness of my confession.

I barely know what stopped me from replying to you sooner, except maybe that no trustworthy messenger showed up to push me to get it done. But when I found out that your city's ambassador was here, I didn't want to let him leave without sending a letter from me. I’ll skip over your long reply trying to clear up all the differences I had pointed out to you. What’s the point in starting an argument? I noted the points in your book that didn’t satisfy me or that might not satisfy others, or that I thought might not meet the approval of the devout and educated. I did this at your request. I fulfilled the duty of a friend; if you think otherwise, that’s your choice. It’s definitely one of my wishes that we find perfect harmony between us. But even if I believe there’s a greater connection to Christ in the Sacraments than you express, we still share the same Christ and are united in him. Maybe one day we’ll be able to agree more fully. I’ve always appreciated honesty; I don’t enjoy trickiness, and those who criticize others for being unclear should give me credit for clarity. So I can’t be accused of deceit, as I don’t try to manipulate anything for people’s favor; my teaching approach is too straightforward to raise any bad suspicions and too detailed to be seen as obscure. Therefore, if I don’t provide complete satisfaction, I hope you can be understanding because I study earnestly and honestly aim to share what I have to say. This is why, recently, when I was in Bâle, I was surprised to hear your complaint, as a friend told me, that I taught differently in my Commentaries than what I had presented to you. I simply replied, honestly, that I used the same language in Zurich as in Geneva. However, I was inclined to think my informant had misunderstood something. When it was risky for me to openly express my views, I didn’t deviate from my commitment to clearly and firmly state my opinions, even finding a way to soften the most rigid ones. So why should I now, without reason, suddenly change my overall approach and beliefs? If I fail to convince others of the truth of this, I’ll be content to have God as the witness of my confession.

Your ambassador will give you a fuller and more perfect account of affairs in France than I can compress in a letter. I wish they were of such a kind as it would give you pleasure to hear; but there is nothing except sad news daily. Although he was ordered to abstain from all the abominations of the Papacy, he could not avoid observing a disgraceful profanation of the sacred ordinance of baptism.

Your ambassador will provide you with a more complete account of the situation in France than I can fit into a letter. I wish the news was better and would make you happy to hear; unfortunately, there's only sad news every day. Even though he was instructed to avoid all the evils of the Papacy, he couldn’t help but witness a shameful disrespect for the sacred ceremony of baptism.

Adieu, illustrious sir, and highly to be revered brother in the Lord. You will respectfully salute in my name Masters Pelliean, Bibliander, Walter, and the other fellow-ministers and masters of the school. May the Lord Jesus guide you by his own Spirit, bless your pious labours, and preserve you safe.

Adieu, esteemed sir, and greatly respected brother in the Lord. Please send my regards to Masters Pelliean, Bibliander, Walter, and the other fellow ministers and masters of the school. May the Lord Jesus guide you with His Spirit, bless your devoted work, and keep you safe.

All my colleagues also reverently salute you. To your wife and family the best greeting.—Yours,

All my colleagues also respectfully send their regards. To your wife and family, the best wishes.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Arch. of Zurich. Gallicana Scripta, p. 8.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Arch. of Zurich. Gallicana Scripta, p. 8.]


CCXIX.—To Mr. de Falais.

Obstacles to his departure—delay of some months.

The 3d of April (1548.[191])

April 3rd (1548.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)

Monseigneur,—Your letter has arrived just in time to stop the departure of my brother; for that was a settled matter, if I had not been informed. But in my opinion the reasons which detain you where you are, are not of such importance as you deem them. You see how familiarly I write to you on this point, and I do not fear to do so, being authorized by yourself. I had not thought that you would need expressly to renounce your rights as a burgess,[192] although I foresaw clearly that it would amount to a tacit renunciation when you settled your domicile in another seigneury. Seeing that there is an advantage in it, you are right to go thither, unless we could effect some such arrangement as the following: that even were you to be longer absent, they should allow you to remain upon the roll, on condition of your providing a substitute who should discharge during your absence your duties as a burgess; or even if there was no hope of that, might you not present a new request, notwithstanding the reply which they have given you, to beg of them, that in the event of its suiting your convenience to remain here, or that after you were come here, it might not suit you to return, they should be satisfied with your renunciation by a procurator? But I would state the two conditions thus: that notwithstanding the reply they have made to you, inasmuch as you are uncertain when you shall have come hither, whether you shall think fit to fix your residence here, you would therefore beg of them, that on condition of your engaging, as indeed you ought, to supply any deficiency that may arise owing to your absence, it would please them still to retain you for some time on the roll of burgesses—in fact, to grant[163] an extension of your leave. Or, at the least, fearing to be troublesome by your importunity, that you pray them to accept a renunciation by letter, on account of your bodily weakness, as they are aware that it is not very easy for you to move from place to place. By so doing, you will remove the suspicion they may have conceived, that you mean to abandon them entirely. However it may turn out, I think they will have good reason to be satisfied. In any case, I never expected that the rights of a burgess would be long continued to you.

Your Honor,—Your letter arrived just in time to stop my brother from leaving; it was a done deal if I hadn’t been informed. However, I don't believe the reasons keeping you where you are are as significant as you think. You can see how casually I write to you about this, and I'm not worried about it because you gave me the go-ahead. I didn’t think you would need to formally give up your rights as a burgess,[192] even though I clearly anticipated it would be a silent renunciation when you moved to another lordship. Since there’s an advantage to it, you’re right to go there, unless we could arrange something like this: that even if you were to be away longer, they would allow you to stay on the list, provided you have a replacement to take care of your duties as a burgess while you’re gone; or even if that seems unlikely, couldn’t you submit a new request, despite their previous response, asking them that if it suits your convenience to stay here, or if after your arrival it no longer suits you to return, they should accept your renunciation through a representative? But I would frame the two conditions like this: that regardless of their response, since you can’t be certain when you’ll be here or if you’ll want to live here, you’d like to ask them, on the condition that you commit, as indeed you should, to cover any gaps caused by your absence, to please keep you on the list of burgesses for a while longer—in fact, to grant[163] an extension of your leave. Or, at the very least, not wanting to be a nuisance with your requests, that you ask them to accept a renunciation by letter because of your health issues, as they know it’s not easy for you to travel. By doing this, you will alleviate any suspicions they might have that you intend to completely abandon them. Whatever happens, I believe they will have good reason to be satisfied. In any case, I never expected the rights of a burgess to continue for you much longer.

Touching the rumour which your clowns have spread abroad in order to calumniate you, it scarcely astonishes me. I had quite laid my account with it, that you would not get away without many of them letting loose their tongues. And you must be prepared for that, as well for the other year as for this one. You have this comfort, however, that it all very soon goes off in smoke. I am still less alarmed at the threat whispered in the ear, for it would need great courage to venture on such a step; and I know not who would dare to be the leader in an affair of so great difficulty and hazard. In short, I can perceive no danger for you, according to our arrangement of each day's journey. But seeing that you think it better to put it off for some months, and that the advice of some friends is to that purport, I have no mind to press it further, and would rather agree to this delay, than by urging you to a contrary course lead you to incur the risk of mischief or of annoyance.

Regarding the rumor your critics have spread to tarnish your reputation, it doesn't surprise me at all. I expected that you wouldn't avoid them using their words against you. You should be ready for that, both this year and next. The good news is that it all usually blows over quickly. I'm even less worried about the whispers of threats since it would take a lot of guts to act on something like that, and I can't imagine anyone being brave enough to take charge in such a complicated and risky situation. In short, I don't see any real danger for you based on our daily travel plans. However, since you think it's better to postpone things for a few months, and some friends support that idea, I won’t push it any further. I’d prefer to go along with the delay rather than risk you facing any trouble or annoyance by urging you to move forward.

I know not whether this summer will disclose the councils of those who may set the world in confusion.[193] For my part, I do not think so, unless some new accident turn up. However, I do not so much place reliance upon my own conjectures, as I await the course of events in submission to the will of God.

I don't know if this summer will reveal the plans of those who could stir up chaos in the world.[193] Personally, I don't believe it will, unless something unexpected happens. However, I don't rely too much on my own guesses; I prefer to wait and see how things unfold, accepting whatever happens as part of God's plan.

Although your coming hither may be stayed for a season, it will be of no consequence as regards the house, for I had concluded no agreement about it. Only I had purchased a good cask of wine, such as it would be difficult to get again. But I have got rid of it without any difficulty, and even as a favour[164] to the purchaser. Therefore it will be for you to consider how matters go yonder, and thereupon to decide. And do not annoy yourself lest any one should be offended by your change of plan, for although all your acquaintances desire much to see you here, still there is not one of them who does not prefer your quiet and convenience.

Although your visit here may be delayed for a while, it won’t matter for the house since I hadn’t finalized any agreement about it. I just had bought a nice cask of wine that would be hard to find again. But I've managed to sell it easily, even as a favor to the buyer. So, it's up to you to think about how things are going there and decide accordingly. And don't stress about whether anyone will be upset by your change of plans, because while all your friends really want to see you here, none of them would choose that over your comfort and peace.

If I could have found a suitable messenger, I would not have waited so long before sending the complement of the Apologies. But I know not by what means to do so, for up to this time, no opportunity either of carrier or bearer has occurred. When I can find one, I shall not fail to do so. About the Latin copies you have never expressed to me your wish, as far as I know. Perhaps you would rather defer doing so until your arrival. Let me know your mind regarding this, if you please, in one word; if you would have them printed, it shall be done.

If I had been able to find a suitable messenger, I wouldn't have waited so long to send the complement of the Apologies. But I don't know how to do that, as so far, I haven't had the chance to find anyone to carry it. When I find one, I will make sure to send it. As for the Latin copies, you’ve never mentioned whether you want them, as far as I know. Maybe you'd prefer to wait until you arrive. Please let me know your thoughts on this in a single word; if you want them printed, I will make it happen.

To conclude, Monseigneur, having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I beseech our good Lord to keep you in his protection, to have such a care of you as that all your steps may be directed by him, and to make you serviceable always more and more for his own glory. My wife also presents her humble commendations, and both of us desire to be remembered to Madame and to Mademoiselle de Brédan.

To wrap things up, Monseigneur, after humbly asking for your kindness, I pray that our good Lord keeps you safe, looking after you in such a way that all your actions may be guided by him, and that you continue to serve him more and more for his glory. My wife also sends her regards, and we both hope to be remembered to Madame and Mademoiselle de Brédan.

Your humble brother and servant,

Your devoted brother and servant,

John Calvin.

John Calvin

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CCXX.—To Farel.[194]

Distressing condition of the Swiss churches.

Geneva, 30th April 1548.

Geneva, April 30, 1548.

My grief prevents me from saying anything of the dreadful calamity that hangs over so many churches. Michael will[165] inform you of what I wrote to Viret. The cause is of such a nature that no one is to be reckoned among the servants of Christ who does not come forward boldly in his defence. But there is need of counsel and some moderation. Should Viret agree to it, I shall presently hasten to your quarter, that we three may thence proceed together to Zurich. As to the rest, Viret and I marvelled as to what decision by arbitration you referred to; for neither of us has hitherto heard anything of the matter. I, indeed, assert for certain, that no hint of any kind was ever given to me. See, therefore, who has undertaken this business. You will hear the other matters from the messengers.

My grief stops me from discussing the terrible disaster affecting so many churches. Michael will[165] update you on what I wrote to Viret. The issue is so serious that no one can call themselves a servant of Christ who doesn’t stand up for it. However, we need to consider some counsel and exercise moderation. If Viret agrees, I will quickly make my way to your area so the three of us can go to Zurich together. As for the other matters, Viret and I were surprised by the arbitration decision you mentioned; neither of us has heard anything about it before. I can confidently say that I was never given any kind of hint about it. So, see who has taken on this task. You'll get the rest of the details from the messengers.

Adieu, brother and most sincere friend, along with your family and fellow-ministers, whom I desire respectfully to salute. May the Lord preserve you all and govern you by his own Spirit.—Amen. Yours,

Adieu, brother and dear friend, along with your family and fellow ministers, whom I gladly salute. May the Lord keep you all safe and guide you with His Spirit.—Amen. Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCXXI—To Farel and Viret.[195]

Disputes among the ministers of Berne—and Calvin's journey thither.

Geneva, 9th May 1548.

Geneva, May 9, 1548.

After receiving your last letter, I had set out on my journey; but meeting the father-in-law of my brother Coppet who told me that you had left Berne three days before, I returned home for several reasons, which, if it shall be deemed necessary, I will detail to you when I see you. Make me now aware of what you intend to do; for I will straightway execute whatever you shall demand, without the slightest deliberation. I have not yet been able to understand the result of your proceedings.[166] Giron and Zerkinden requested greetings to me. When Nicolas asked whether they had anything to say besides, he got the answer that there was nothing good. I hence suspect that the matter is worse than they were willing to express. Adieu, brethren most dear to me. Both of you salute the brethren. May God preserve you all, guide you by his own Spirit, and establish you amid these stormy troubles.

After I got your last letter, I set out on my journey. But when I ran into my brother Coppet's father-in-law, he told me that you had left Berne three days earlier, so I returned home for a few reasons that I can explain to you in person if needed. Let me know what you plan to do, and I will immediately act on whatever you ask, without any hesitation. I still haven't been able to figure out the outcome of your actions. [166] Giron and Zerkinden send their regards. When Nicolas asked if they had anything else to say, he was told that there was nothing good. So, I suspect the situation is worse than they wanted to admit. Goodbye, my dear brothers. Please send my greetings to the others. May God keep you all safe, guide you with His Spirit, and support you through these tough times.


When you, Viret, have read Bucer's letter, you will give it to the bearer of this that it may be carried to Farel. I have understood, besides, that Duke Christopher of Wurtemberg, with his father, has set out for the court of the Emperor. We thus see that all is in the hand of one. Nevertheless the Lord will either close it, or wither it, or cut it off, as seems good to him.

When you, Viret, have read Bucer's letter, please give it to the person delivering this message so it can be taken to Farel. I've also learned that Duke Christopher of Wurtemberg, along with his father, has headed to the Emperor's court. This shows that everything is under one person's control. Still, the Lord will either shut it down, let it fail, or remove it entirely, depending on what He thinks is best.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCXXII.—To Viret.

Communications regarding affairs at Berne.

[Geneva, June 1548.]

[Geneva, June 1548.]

You will say to Farel that I had written to Bucer before his letter reached me. I send you a copy of a letter to Sulzer. I have resolved to write to Bullinger and Haller, should I be permitted and have leisure. This is the reason why I do not return the letter of Gualter. It is necessary that the threats of Ludovic form the matter of judicial inquiry by the brethren. When he shall have been convicted by them, I doubt not but that he will be proceeded against according to law. I shall indicate in my next letter, what form of process I think should be adopted. Adieu, dearest brother in the Lord, and most sincere friend. I sincerely congratulate you on the safe delivery of your wife, and the addition to your family.[196] I wish that I[167] could be present at the baptism. This desire I assuredly cherish in common with yourself. But I shall be present with you in spirit.

You should tell Farel that I wrote to Bucer before his letter reached me. I'm sending you a copy of a letter to Sulzer. I've decided to write to Bullinger and Haller if I have permission and some free time. That's why I'm not returning Gualter's letter. It's important that the threats from Ludovic become a matter of investigation by our peers. Once he’s found guilty, I have no doubt that legal action will follow. I’ll explain in my next letter what kind of process I think should be taken. Goodbye, dear brother in the Lord, and my true friend. I genuinely congratulate you on the safe arrival of your wife and the new addition to your family.[196] I wish I could be there for the baptism. I share that hope with you. But I’ll be with you in spirit.

May the Lord continue to bless you in all things.—Amen.

May the Lord keep blessing you in everything.—Amen.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCXXIII.—To Viret.[197]

Ecclesiastical tyranny of the Seigneurs of Berne—sojourn of Idelette de Bure at Lausanne.

[Geneva,] 15th June 1548.

[Geneva,] June 15, 1548.

I took care to have a copy of the letter which I wrote to Bullinger and Haller transcribed for you, in case its contents should be reported differently from what you may have thought it proper they should have been; for, as far as I am concerned, the letter itself contains my opinion to the best of my judgment. If the reason must be assigned, I not only look to what is becoming in honourable men, but I further fear that we may suffer a heavy penalty if, by servile dissimulation, we strengthen the tyrannical power which barbarous men already openly usurp. We may serve Jodocus,[198] and other such beasts, provided only they form no barrier to our serving Christ; but when the truth of God is trodden down, woe to our cowardice if we permit this to be done without protest. It should not even be tolerated that an innocent man should suffer injury. At this time, both numerous servants of Christ and his doctrine itself are assailed. Is it not full time that all the godly, both collectively and individually, should raise their heads in his cause? But, nevertheless, that you may come to a free decision[168] making no account of my pre-judgment of the case, you are not only permitted, so far as I am concerned, but I even wish you to give your opinion. Should it seem proper to allow Farel a reading, I will take care that another copy be sent to him, that I may receive back the one I send to you.

I made sure to get a copy of the letter I wrote to Bullinger and Haller transcribed for you, in case its contents are reported differently than you might think they should be. As far as I’m concerned, the letter reflects my opinion to the best of my judgment. If a reason needs to be given, I not only consider what is appropriate for honorable men, but I also worry that we could face severe consequences if, through cowardly deceit, we empower tyrants who already openly seize power. We can serve Jodocus,[198] and others like him, as long as they don't prevent us from serving Christ; but when God's truth is trampled on, it’s shameful for us to stand by and allow it to happen without protest. We shouldn’t even allow an innocent person to be harmed. Right now, many servants of Christ and His teachings are under attack. Isn’t it time for all the faithful, both together and individually, to stand up for His cause? However, to ensure you can decide freely without being influenced by my views, you are not only allowed, but I actually encourage you to share your thoughts. If it seems appropriate to give Farel a reading, I'll make sure another copy is sent to him so I can get back the one I’m sending you.

It is truly a source of pain to me that my wife should have been so great a burden to you; for she could not have been of much service to your wife when confined, so far as I can divine, since she herself, on account of the state of her health, stood in need of the assiduous attentions of others. It is matter of comfort to me to be persuaded that you would not bear it impatiently.

It really hurts me that my wife has been such a burden to you; after all, she couldn't have been very helpful to your wife while she was stuck at home, as far as I can tell, since she herself needed a lot of care because of her health. It comforts me to believe that you wouldn’t take it badly.

Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. May the Lord guide you, and protect your whole family—Amen. Yours,

Adieu, brother and my truest friend. May the Lord guide you and keep your entire family safe—Amen. Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 111.]

[Lat. copy.Geneva Library. Vol. 111.]


CCXXIV.—To Henry Bullinger.[199]

New explanations regarding the Supper—Violence of some of the Bernese ministers—Calvinism and Buceranism.

Geneva, 26th June 1548.

Geneva, June 26, 1548.

Your letter at length reached me, eight days after I had arrived at home. Reust was not himself the bearer of it; it was brought by Roset. The former, I suppose, was less solicitous about the delivery of it, as he had found a master without our assistance. We both, however, courteously placed our services at his disposal. With regard to your small treatise to which you refer in your letter, I wish, my Bullinger, as we were lately in your quarter, it had not been troublesome to you and your colleagues to have talked together in a quiet way of[169] the whole matter. There would assuredly have been some advantage in this; for I had not come prepared for a stage display, which is not less disagreeable to myself than it is to you, to say nothing of Farel, whose disposition you are also aware is utterly averse from ostentation. But we were anxious to discuss with you in a familiar way, and with not the least desire to engage in formal debate, those points with regard to which we are most nearly at one. And this indeed were the best method of procedure among brethren, and one we should have found profitable, unless I am greatly deceived. For with regard to the Sacraments in general, we neither bind up the grace of God with them, nor transfer to them the work or power of the Holy Spirit, nor constitute them the ground of the assurance of salvation. We expressly declare that it is God alone, who acts by means of the Sacraments; and we maintain that their whole efficacy is due to the Holy Spirit, and testify that this action appears only in the elect. Nor do we teach that the sacrament is of profit, otherwise than as it leads us by the hand to Christ, that we may seek in him whatever blessings there are. I do not in truth see what you can properly desire as wanting in this doctrine, which teaches that salvation is to be sought from Christ alone, makes God its sole author, and asserts that it is accepted only through the secret working of the Spirit. We teach, however, that the sacraments are instruments of the grace of God; for, as they were instituted in view of a certain end, we refuse to allow that they have no proper use. We therefore say, that what is represented in them, is exhibited to the elect, lest it should be supposed that God deludes the eyes by a fallacious representation. Thus we say, that he who receives baptism with true faith, further receives by it the pardon of his sins. But lest any one should ascribe his salvation to baptism as the cause, we at the same time subjoin the explanation, that the remission flows from the blood of Christ, and that it is accordingly conferred by baptism only in so far as this is a testimony of the cleansing which the Son of God by his own blood shed on the cross procured for us, and which he offers for your enjoyment by faith in his gospel, and brings to perfection in our hearts by his Spirit. Our opinion[170] regarding regeneration is precisely similar to that about baptism. When the signs of the flesh and blood of Christ are spread before us in the Supper, we say that they are not spread before us in vain, but that the thing itself is also manifested to us. Whence it follows, that we eat the body and drink the blood of Christ. By so speaking, we neither make the sign the thing, nor confound both in one, nor enclose the body of Christ in the bread, nor, on the other hand, imagine it to be infinite, nor dream of a carnal transfusion of Christ into us, nor lay down any other fiction of that sort. You maintain that Christ, as to his human nature, is in heaven; we also profess the same doctrine. The word heaven implies, in your view, distance of place; we also readily adopt the opinion, that Christ is undoubtedly distant from us by an interval of place. You deny that the body of Christ is infinite, but hold that it is contained within its circumference; we candidly give an unhesitating assent to that view, and raise a public testimony in behalf of it. You refuse to allow the sign to be confounded with the thing; we are sedulous in admonishing that the one should be distinguished from the other. You strongly condemn impanation; we subscribe to your decision. What then is the sum of our doctrine? It is this, that when we discern here on earth the bread and wine, our minds must be raised to heaven in order to enjoy Christ, and that Christ is there present with us, while we seek him above the elements of this world. For it is not permitted us to charge Christ with imposition; and that would be the case, unless we held that the reality is exhibited together with the sign. And you also concede that the sign is by no means empty. It only remains that we define what it contains within it. When we briefly reply, that we are made partakers of the flesh and blood of Christ that he may dwell in us and we in him, and in this way enjoy all his benefits, what is there, I ask, in these words either absurd or obscure, especially as we, in express terms, exclude whatever delirious fancies might occur to the mind? And yet we are censured, as if we departed from the pure and simple doctrine of the Gospel. I should wish, however, to learn what that simplicity is to which we are to be recalled. When[171] I was lately with you, I pressed this very point. But you remember, as I think, that I received no answer. I do not make this allegation so much by way of complaint, as that I may publicly testify to the fact that we lie under the suspicion of certain good men without any ground for it. I have long ago observed, moreover, that the intercourse we have with Bucer acts as a dead-weight upon us. But I beseech you, my Bullinger, to consider with what propriety we should alienate ourselves from Bucer, seeing he subscribes this very confession which I have laid down. I shall not at present declare the virtues, both rare and manifold, by which that man is distinguished. I shall only say, that I should do a grievous injury to the Church of God, were I either to hate or despise him. I make no reference to the personal obligations under which I lie to him. And yet my love and reverence for him are such, that I freely admonish him as often as I think fit. How much greater justice will his complaint regarding you be judged to possess! For he sometime ago complained that you interdicted youths of Zurich, who were living at Strasbourg, from partaking of the Supper in that church, although no confession but your own was demanded of them. I indeed see no reason why the churches should be so rent asunder on this point. But what is the reason that godly men are angry with us, when we cultivate the friendship of a man who, by himself, professes nothing that can stand in the way of his being received as a friend and a brother? As the matter hinges on this, shew me, if you can, that by my friendly intercourse with Bucer I am restrained in the free profession of my views. I may perhaps seem to be so, but I make the thing itself the test of the truth. Wherefore, let us not be so suspicious where there is no call for it. As to the other matters, when I had come to Lausanne I counselled the brethren to send as soon as possible to Haller, for I had the hope they would obtain from him all that was just; and in this expectation I was not disappointed. Jodocus, however, and Ebrard,[200] what brother of the giants I know not, who had been sent, were so grossly violent in their invectives, that they were presently compelled to betake themselves [home]. So great a source of[172] indignation was my proceeding to Zurich, as if, forsooth, I had no right to be affected by the danger of a church so near us, or to seek a suitable remedy in conjunction with the brethren. Jodocus said, in a threatening way, that he knew what I had done when with you. I boasted, however, that I had been a party to no transaction that was unworthy of my reputation as an honourable man. But why should I recount to you the insolence and scurrilities of both of them? Take this as the sum of the matter, that the two brethren, both eminently learned, grave, and judicious, were so astounded, that they thought it best to make a seasonable departure. Such is brotherly clemency. It is, however, worth while to make a brief statement, that you may form a judgment of the matter from the beginning to the end. Immediately on our first meeting, in place of salutation, it was asked, Who raised these tragical commotions? When it was said, in reply, that they were known to have proceeded from Zebedee, Ebrard exclaimed, 'Yes, that good man is unworthily traduced by you, because he laid bare your stratagems.' On the brethren requesting those stratagems to be explained to them; 'We have,' he says, 'a Bernese disputation from which we form our judgment of you and all your affairs.' I beseech thee, my Bullinger, to say whether such is the case. What have we profited by shaking off the tyranny of the Pope? Observe, also, how suitable was the interrogation of Jodocus, who had asked me to form one of the assembly at Lausanne? Finally, that the last part of the proceedings might be of a piece with the first, the brethren were ordered to go away, and have done with their Calvinism and Buceranism. And all this with an impetuosity almost like madmen, and outrageous clamours. Could you expect anything more unfeeling or truculent from Papists? Though we may patiently tolerate this intemperate Bacchantism, the Lord, nevertheless, will not suffer it to pass unpunished. At Paris and in many parts of the kingdom, the ferocity of the ungodly is inflamed afresh. The King himself holds on in his fury. Thus is fulfilled the prediction, Without fightings, within fears; although Jodocus excites not only fears within, but open fightings. But may the very fewness of our numbers incite us to an alliance!

Your letter finally reached me eight days after I got home. Reust wasn’t the one who delivered it; it was brought by Roset. I suppose Reust was less concerned about delivering it since he found a master without our help. However, we both willingly offered our assistance. About your small treatise mentioned in your letter, I wish, my Bullinger, that when we were in your area recently, it hadn't been a bother for you and your colleagues to have discussed everything quietly. It would surely have been beneficial because I wasn't prepared for a public display, which is just as uncomfortable for me as it is for you, not to mention Farel, whose character you know is completely opposed to showiness. But we wanted to talk with you in a friendly manner, without any desire for formal debate, about the points where we mostly agree. This would have been the best approach among brothers and one that would have been beneficial, unless I'm greatly mistaken. Regarding the Sacraments in general, we neither tie God's grace solely to them, nor do we attribute the work or power of the Holy Spirit to them, nor do we make them the basis for the assurance of salvation. We clearly state that it is God alone who acts through the Sacraments; we maintain that their entire effectiveness comes from the Holy Spirit and testify that this action is evident only in the elect. We also do not teach that the sacrament is beneficial except in how it directs us to Christ, where we seek all blessings. Honestly, I don’t see what you could properly feel is lacking in this doctrine, which teaches that salvation is to be sought from Christ alone, makes God its sole author, and asserts that it is accepted only through the Spirit's secret workings. However, we do teach that the sacraments are instruments of God's grace; since they were instituted for a specific purpose, we refuse to say they have no genuine use. Therefore, we assert that what is represented in them is shown to the elect, so it shouldn’t be assumed that God deceives the eyes with a false representation. Thus, we say that whoever receives baptism with true faith also receives the forgiveness of sins through it. But to prevent anyone from crediting their salvation to baptism as the cause, we also clarify that forgiveness comes from the blood of Christ, and that it is given through baptism only as a testimony of the cleansing that the Son of God procured for us by shedding His own blood on the cross, which He offers for your enjoyment through faith in His gospel, and brings to completion in our hearts by His Spirit. Our view of regeneration is exactly the same as that of baptism. When the signs of Christ's body and blood are presented to us in the Supper, we claim they are not offered to us in vain, but that the reality itself is also shown to us. Hence, it follows that we eat Christ’s body and drink His blood. By saying this, we neither make the sign the reality, nor confuse the two, nor confine Christ’s body within the bread, nor imagine it to be infinite, nor conceive of a physical transfusion of Christ into us, nor propose any other fictitious notion. You assert that Christ, in His human nature, is in heaven; we likewise profess the same belief. The term heaven implies, in your opinion, a distance in location; we also agree that Christ is certainly distant from us in physical terms. You deny that Christ’s body is infinite, holding that it is contained within its limits; we openly agree with that view and affirm it publicly. You insist that the sign should not be confused with the reality; we diligently remind that they should be distinguished from each other. You strongly denounce impanation; we support your judgment. So what is the essence of our teaching? It is that when we see the bread and wine here on earth, our minds must rise to heaven to enjoy Christ, and that Christ is present with us while we seek Him beyond the elements of this world. For we cannot accuse Christ of deception; and that would be the case, unless we believe that the reality is displayed along with the sign. You also acknowledge that the sign is by no means empty. It only remains for us to define what it carries within it. When we briefly say that we partake of Christ’s flesh and blood so that He may dwell in us and we in Him, and in this way enjoy all His benefits, what is there, I ask, in these words that is either absurd or unclear, especially as we explicitly exclude any wild notions that might arise? Yet we are criticized as if we strayed from the pure and simple doctrine of the Gospel. I would like to know what that simplicity is to which we should return. When I was recently with you, I pressed this very point. But you may remember, as I think you do, that I received no answer. I mention this not so much to complain, but to point out that we are unjustly regarded with suspicion by some good men. I noted long ago that our dealings with Bucer weigh heavily on us. But I urge you, my Bullinger, to consider how fitting it would be for us to distance ourselves from Bucer, given that he subscribes to this very confession I have outlined. I won’t at this moment list the rare and numerous virtues by which that man is distinguished. I will only say that it would be a grave injustice to the Church of God if I were to hate or despise him. I have no reference to the personal debts I owe him. Yet my love and respect for him are such that I freely advise him whenever I feel it necessary. How much more just will his complaints about you look? Some time ago, he complained that you forbade the youths from Zurich living in Strasbourg from participating in the Supper at that church, even though only your own confession was required of them. I truly see no reason for the churches to become so divided over this issue. But why do godly men become angry with us when we maintain a friendship with a man who professes nothing that would prevent him from being received as a friend and brother? Since this matter hinges on it, show me, if you can, how my friendly relations with Bucer hinder my open profession of my views. I may seem to be affected in this way, but I use the truth itself as my standard. Therefore, let us not be so suspicious when there’s no reason for it. As for other matters, when I arrived in Lausanne, I advised the brethren to send word to Haller as soon as possible, as I hoped they would obtain fair treatment from him; and I wasn’t disappointed in that expectation. Jodocus and Ebrard, however, along with some brother from the giants, who had been sent, were so violently aggressive in their insults that they were immediately compelled to leave [home]. My trip to Zurich caused such outrage, as if I had no right to be concerned about the peril of a church so close to us or to seek a suitable remedy in concert with the brethren. Jodocus said threateningly that he knew what I had done while with you. I asserted, however, that I had not been involved in anything unworthy of my reputation as an honorable man. But why recount their insults and foul language? Just understand that the two brothers, both highly knowledgeable, serious, and wise, were so shocked that they thought it best to leave in a timely manner. Such is the nature of brotherly kindness. It is worth briefly stating the facts so that you can judge the matter from start to finish. Right at our first meeting, instead of exchanging greetings, the question was raised: Who stirred these tragic disturbances? When it was stated in response that they originated from Zebedee, Ebrard exclaimed, “Yes, that good man is being wrongfully attacked by you because he revealed your schemes.” When the brethren asked for clarification on those schemes, he replied, “We have a Bernese debate from which we form our opinions about you and all your matters.” I ask you, my Bullinger, to affirm whether this is true. What have we gained by shaking off the Pope's tyranny? Also, notice how inappropriate Jodocus’s question was when he asked me to be part of the gathering in Lausanne? Ultimately, to keep the last part of the proceedings consistent with the first, the brethren were instructed to leave and abandon their Calvinism and Buceranism. And all of this happened with such wildness that it was almost like madness, accompanied by outrageous shouts. Could you expect anything more insensitive or brutal from Papists? While we might tolerate such frantic behavior, the Lord, nevertheless, will not let it go unpunished. In Paris and in many areas of the kingdom, the cruelty of the ungodly is rekindled. The King himself continues in his rage. Thus, the prophecy is fulfilled: “Without fights, within fears”; although Jodocus stirs up both fears and open fights. But may our small numbers inspire us to form an alliance!

Adieu, most excellent and most honoured sir, along with your colleagues, all of whom I desire you will respectfully salute in my name. To your wife also, and your whole family, I send the best greeting. May the Lord Jesus protect and direct you all. Amen.

Goodbye, esteemed sir, and to your colleagues, whom I hope you will greet respectfully on my behalf. I also send my best regards to your wife and your entire family. May the Lord Jesus watch over and guide you all. Amen.

Something is said about the state of Constance, not much fitted to inspire gladness. May the Lord regard you, and rescue you from the jaws of the lion.—Yours,

Something is mentioned about the state of Constance, which isn't exactly uplifting. May the Lord watch over you and save you from the jaws of the lion.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


It would be better you should suppress this letter, if you thought proper, than that it should lead to the excitement of a greater conflagration at Berne; for the lack of self-restraint on the part of some is marvellous.

It would be better for you to keep this letter to yourself, if you think that’s best, than to let it cause a bigger firestorm in Berne; because the lack of self-control from some people is astonishing.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Archives of Zurich. Gest. vi. p. 6.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Archives of Zurich. Gest. vi. p. 6.]


CCXXV.—To Mr. de Falais.[201]

Preparations for the marriage of Mademoiselle de Wilergy, his relation.

From Geneva, this 17th of July [1548.]

From Geneva, July 17, 1548.

Monseigneur,—I believe that it will be best as it is. If it had been possible to speak together about the contract,[202] I would have much desired to do so; but I do not know whether you will be able to come this week. However, the man offers, in case he should leave his wife a widow without children that she shall have a thousand crowns. In the event of his leaving children, she shall have the half, but on condition that, if she marry afterwards, and have also children by the second marriage, she must not have the power of preferring them to those of the first. The present assignment will be founded upon the[174] instrument of Paris, to be implemented, when he shall have made good his money and expenses. I am of opinion that his offer is very liberal; for it is quite right that the husband retain some control in his own hand.

Monsignor,—I think it’s best to leave things as they are. If we could have discussed the contract,[202] I would have really liked that; but I’m not sure if you can come this week. Anyway, the man is proposing that if he leaves his wife a widow without children, she will receive a thousand crowns. If he leaves children, she will get half, but only if she doesn’t give preference to the children from a second marriage over those from the first. The current agreement will be based on the[174] document from Paris, to be finalized once he has reimbursed his expenses. I believe his offer is quite generous; it’s fair that the husband keeps some control in his own hands.

The wedding, I hope, will go off well. There must needs be some company, but no great multitude. And besides, we must not be too hard upon you, for it will be necessary to find lodgings for them. I think ten persons will be a reasonable number, including myself. And seeing that my brother is not here at present, I know not whether we could send notice by letter to Dôle and to Basle. Perhaps, indeed, we might, if they should be here for the whole day to-morrow.

The wedding, I hope, will go smoothly. We need to have some guests, but not a huge crowd. Plus, we shouldn’t put too much pressure on you, since we’ll need to find places for them to stay. I think ten people, including me, will be a good number. And since my brother isn’t here right now, I’m not sure if we can send a notice by letter to Dôle and Basle. Maybe we could, if they can be here for the whole day tomorrow.

I had forgotten to mention the French traveller;[203] that is, to tell you that I do not find him in any hurry; and yet that is not by any means because all is not quite clear about him, but for the purpose of seeking some advantage over and above. I wish very much that it may please God to bring you hither to drink of the wine upon the spot, and that soon. If the bearer had left this earlier in the morning, you might have had a flask of it. If there were any means of sending you the half of it, I should not have failed to do so, but when I inquired, I found that it could not be done.

I forgot to mention the French traveler; [203] I don't see him rushing at all, and it’s not because everything about him is unclear, but rather he's looking for some extra benefit. I really hope that God will bring you here soon so you can enjoy the wine right here in person. If the messenger had left this earlier this morning, you could have had a bottle of it. If there was any way to send you half of it, I would have done so, but when I asked, I found out that it couldn't be done.

And so, Monsieur, having commended me to your kind favour, and that of Madame and your whole household, I beseech our Lord to have you in his keeping.

And so, sir, after you have kindly recommended me to your favor, as well as that of madam and your entire household, I ask our Lord to watch over you.

Your humble brother and servant,

Your devoted brother and servant,

John Calvin, confined to bed.

John Calvin, bedridden.


M. de Ballesan has written to request of me, that I would see whether he could get any help from you. After making excuses more than enough for you, I have at length been constrained to promise him that I would write to you about it, which I had resolved to do yesterday by Monsieur de Parey; but he forgot to come, so great was his hurry to make the journey.

M. de Ballesan has reached out to ask if you could provide him with some help. After making plenty of excuses for you, I eventually felt obligated to promise him that I would write to you about it. I intended to do this yesterday through Monsieur de Parey, but he got so caught up in his rush to leave that he forgot to come.

[Orig. signat. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Orig. signat. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CCXXVI.—To Farel.

Uncertainty regarding the disposition of the Cantons—stay of Monsieur and Madame de Falais in Calvin's house.

[Geneva,] 27th August 1548.

[Geneva,] August 27, 1548.

I have no doubt, even although you do not expostulate with me, that you silently condemn me for neglect in having suffered so many bearers to depart for you without my letter. If I were to plead that there was nothing to write about, you would at once confute me. Even though matter for correspondence is never wanting, I permit myself to indulge in silence, when there is nothing pressing. We are waiting to find whether the Swiss will suffer themselves to be circumvented by the artifices of Ulysses. May the Lord look to this, on whose Providence it is fitting we should lean;[204] since reason does not guide the helm, and we know that fortune has no dominion. As far as can be divined, [their policy is as follows:] As on the one hand the Emperor will seek to deceive them by fair words, so they in their turn will keep him in suspense until they have seen that they are protected by those defences which they deem necessary. Here we are occupied in the usual way, but the skirmishes are slight. Unless I am wholly deceived in my conjectures, either some disturbances will speedily arise, or this winter cause suffering to the great crowds in many places. Good Toussain[205] is not grieved by the matter. To his other troubles is added the disease of his son. You will therefore use your influence with Peter the surgeon to get him to repair to that quarter, in case some means of alleviation may be discovered. We shall see about William; we have talked among ourselves regarding him. But as Allen and San Privat are present, we have as yet come to no determination. The godly man offers no objection, but I am unwilling to[176] send him away for no end. He will also return to Lausanne before he undertakes this journey. If you have found a trustworthy messenger, I wish you would send to me what letters of mine you have in your possession. Viret is to do the same. I shall send them back, with certain marks, if there be any which it is not expedient all should read. I shall send each of you his own, when I am at liberty to do so, that you may add similar marks. I will take care that these are subjoined. I have not yet seen Christopher. M. de Falais is now with me, who I trust will pass the winter here.[206] I have caused him to cast away the unfavourable doubt regarding you, which he had conceived from your conversation. The more he loves you and defers to you, the more anxious was he that you should judge aright of his piety. But it is in truth as you say: when you demanded of him what you thought would be for the edification of the Church, he suspected that you desiderated in him the very thing you sought for, as if he had not manifested it hitherto. Both [Monsieur and Madame de Falais] very affectionately salute you, as also my colleagues; and my wife, who is in bed from prolonged illness. I have been struggling these days past with pain in the head, and spasms of the stomach, to such a degree as to cause violent convulsions. Adieu, brother and most sincere friend, along with your family and brothers, especially my guest Fato, to whom I will send back the token of friendship, unless he sometime visit us.—Yours,

I have no doubt, even though you don't express it, that you silently judge me for neglecting to send you my letter while letting so many messengers leave without it. If I were to argue that I had nothing to write about, you would quickly dispute that. Even though there's always something to discuss, I allow myself to stay silent when nothing urgent is happening. We’re waiting to see if the Swiss will be tricked by Ulysses' schemes. May the Lord take care of this, in whom it's right for us to trust; since reason isn't steering the ship, and we know that luck has no control. From what I can gather, their strategy seems to be: on one hand, the Emperor will try to mislead them with nice words, while they, in turn, will keep him guessing until they feel secure with the defenses they think are necessary. Here, we’re doing our usual tasks, but the skirmishes are minor. Unless I’m completely wrong, either some troubles will soon arise, or this winter will bring suffering to many crowds in various places. Good Toussain isn’t upset by this. To his other problems, his son’s illness has now been added. So, please use your influence with Peter the surgeon to get him to head over there, in case any relief can be found. We’ll see about William; we’ve been discussing him amongst ourselves. But with Allen and San Privat here, we haven’t made any decisions yet. The good man has no objections, but I’m hesitant to send him away for no reason. He will also return to Lausanne before he takes this trip. If you’ve found a reliable messenger, I’d like you to send me any of my letters you have. Viret is supposed to do the same. I’ll send them back with certain marks if there are any that shouldn’t be read by everyone. I’ll make sure you each get your own when I can, so you can add similar marks. I haven't seen Christopher yet. M. de Falais is with me now, and I hope he’ll stay here for the winter. I’ve had him discard his negative thoughts about you, which he got from your conversation. The more he loves and respects you, the more worried he is that you see his piety correctly. But you’re right: when you asked him what you thought would help the Church, he suspected that you wanted him to provide exactly what you were looking for, as if he hadn't already shown it. Both Monsieur and Madame de Falais send you their warm regards, as do my colleagues; and my wife, who is in bed due to a long illness. I’ve been struggling lately with headaches and stomach cramps, causing severe convulsions. Goodbye, brother and most sincere friend, along with your family and brothers, especially my guest Fato, to whom I will return the token of friendship, unless he visits us sometime.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCXXVII.—To Viret.[207]

Embarrassment occasioned to Calvin by the treacherous publication of one of his letters to Viret.

[Geneva,] 20th September 1548.

[Geneva,] September 20, 1548.

I was within a little of letting our friend Merlin depart without a letter. When he was already equipped for the journey,[177] he sacrificed for me the time between sermon and supper; the half of which period I spent in conversation with some people. With regard to a successor to Himbert, I have scarcely ground for giving an advice. I see indeed the dangers that are imminent, unless some one be put in his place as soon as possible. I do not observe among you any one who pleases me in every respect. You cannot call from a distance any but unknown men. Our choice is accordingly restricted to those in whom you may have to desiderate something as wanting; only let it not be piety and a moderate acquaintance with the language,—qualifications that are to be regarded as the chief. But if you make choice of any one with this reservation, that he is not to be under obligation to remain in the office, should anything more suitable shortly afterwards present itself, you will take care expressly to state this to the person himself, and to the senate. When I became aware that the letter, obtained surreptitiously and translated into French by Trolliet, was being circulated, and that oil was thus poured on the flame, I came into the council chamber, and pointed out the injustice of those devices, the danger of such procedure to the Church, and the evil precedent it afforded. That person was summoned; he appeared in the midst of the meeting; I acknowledged my hand, and then made such an apology as the circumstances demanded. We were thus suffered to go home. A resolution, however, was come to,[178] that I should be again summoned after the following Monday. This has not been done. What has prevented it I know not, unless, as I suspect, it be the stratagem of the ungodly to afford them a weapon for the purpose of injuring me, as often as it shall be advantageous for them to employ it. For the council was disposed to allow the whole matter to pass into oblivion. Accordingly, if at any time I have stood in need of your help, you now see that I especially require it. For I shall not be able to urge you without a confession of fear. But if you repair hither, and complain of the injury done to you,—if you then add that you do not deserve at the hands of the republic to have a letter that was stolen from you retained,—if finally you demand its restoration, and moreover signify that you need it for the conviction of the thief,—I do not think it will be difficult to obtain it. Do you now consider whether another course is more expedient. The whole council is censured in the letter. For the time is described when Corna resigned the office of treasurer. I next mention those whom the people then created syndics, and who were allured into the council. Then follow finally the best things they wish to be expected of them. I know not what I ought to expect. For under pretext of Christ they mean to reign without Christ; since among them are reckoned Amy Curtet, and Dominic Arlo, who are now in prison, until they shall have discharged the debts due by them to the public treasury. Perrin, with his friends, goes to them, and urges them to become reconciled to me. Others also solicit this. Last of all, they omit no wickedness by which they may overthrow me. I partly dissemble, and partly openly profess that all their efforts are held by me in derision. For they would think they had obtained the victory, if they observe in me any token [of fear.] Nor indeed is there anything that is more fitted to break the force of their impetuosity, and animate good men in sustaining the cause, than my self-reliance. If you are not at liberty to come shortly, consider whether it be not expedient to write. But I should not wish you to do so, unless by a sure messenger, and one who should have a commission requiring an answer. Adieu, brother, and most sincere friend, along with[179] your wife and young daughter. Respectfully salute the brethren. My wife also salutes you.—Yours,

I was almost about to let our friend Merlin leave without sending a letter. When he was already packed for the trip,[177] he sacrificed the time between the sermon and dinner for me; I spent half of that time chatting with some people. Regarding a successor to Himbert, I hardly have any solid advice to give. I can see the risks ahead if someone isn't placed in his position as soon as possible. I don’t see anyone among you who meets my standards completely. You can only reach out to unknown people from afar. This limits our choices to those from whom you might have to accept some deficiencies; just make sure it’s not a lack of piety and a reasonable understanding of the language—those are the most important qualifications. But if you choose someone on the condition that he doesn't have to stay in the role if something better comes up soon after, you need to clearly communicate this to him and the senate. When I found out that the letter, obtained sneakily and translated into French by Trolliet, was being circulated, and that it was pouring oil on the fire, I entered the council chamber and highlighted the unfairness of those actions, the danger they posed to the Church, and the bad precedent it set. That person was called forward; he joined us in the meeting, I acknowledged my involvement, and then made an apology as the situation warranted. We were then allowed to return home. However, it was decided that I would be summoned again after the following Monday.[178] This hasn’t happened. I don’t know what’s holding it up, unless, as I suspect, it’s a ploy by the wicked to give them a chance to harm me whenever it suits them. The council seemed ready to let the whole matter be forgotten. So, if I’ve ever needed your help, it’s clear that I particularly need it now. I won’t be able to push you without admitting that I’m scared. But if you come here and speak out about the wrong done to you—if you then add that you don’t deserve for the stolen letter to be kept by the republic—if you finally demand its return and state that you need it to prove who the thief is—I think it shouldn’t be too hard to get it back. Now, consider whether another approach might be better. The entire council is criticized in the letter, especially during the time when Corna stepped down as treasurer. I then mention those who were made syndics by the people and who were lured into the council. Finally, it lists the good things that they wish to be expected of them. I’m not sure what I should expect. Under the guise of Christ, they intend to rule without him, as they include Amy Curtet and Dominic Arlo, who are now in prison until they pay off their debts to the public treasury. Perrin and his friends go to them, urging them to make peace with me. Others are pushing for this too. In the end, they don’t hold back any kind of wickedness that could bring me down. I partly pretend that it doesn’t bother me and partly openly admit that I find all their attempts ridiculous. They would think they’ve won if they see any sign of [fear] from me. And indeed, nothing is more effective in diminishing their aggression and inspiring good people to support the cause than my confidence. If you can’t come soon, consider whether it’s wise to write. But I wouldn’t want you to do that unless it’s through a reliable messenger who is tasked with getting a response. Take care, brother, and my dearest friend, along with[179] your wife and young daughter. Please send my regards to the brethren. My wife also sends her greetings.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


If you can find a faithful friend, I should wish him once to read over what I have here written to you.

If you can find a true friend, I would like him to read what I’ve written to you.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCXXVIII.—To a French Lord.[208]

Exhortation to come to Geneva, that he might there serve the Lord faithfully.

This 18th of October 1548.

October 18, 1548.

Monsieur,—I have partly been informed of your intention by the Sieur François de la Rivière, and praise our Lord for the good courage he has given you to serve him fully. As we ought to yield ourselves up to him entirely and without reserve, if we desire to be approved as his, you must now ascertain how you can employ yourself as is your duty in his service. It is true that the earth is the Lord's, and that we are at liberty to dwell in any part of it, provided we take care to keep ourselves unpolluted, to honour him in our body as well as our spirit. When we are told that the whole earth is holy, we are thereby admonished, that we ought in nowise to defile it by leading a sinful life. You must now take good heed, that by concealing as you are doing the light that is in you, you do not make yourself a partaker in the pollutions which you very properly condemn in unbelievers. I fully believe, that your heart is very far from consenting thereto; but in making the outward show of communicating, there can be no doubt that you thereby make a profession of consenting to it. And as before God we ought to manifest our detestation of idolatry, so also before men, we ought to abstain from whatsoever may[180] make it appear that we approve thereof. It is surely right that the body be kept quite pure for the service of God, as well as the soul, seeing that it is the temple of the Holy Spirit, and has the promise of the immortal glory which shall be revealed at the last day. But is it possible to employ body and soul with sincerity of heart in the service of God, while we make a semblance of agreement with idolaters, in an act which we know to be dishonouring to God? It is not enough to reply to this, that you make no oral declaration, indeed, that you would be ready to protest the contrary, were you required to do so, for you are well aware that you go thither with no other intention, than that of leading God's enemies to believe that you do not repudiate their doings, for if it was not for the sake of gratifying them, and by such means shrinking from the declaration, that you are utterly opposed to their sacrileges, you never would join them in an act of worship. And that is nothing else than rendering a feigned homage to their idol, albeit without the homage of the heart. If it seems to you that I am too severe in dealing with your faults so narrowly, I ask you to enter upon the work of self-examination, and you will find, that I bring forward nothing against you, whereof your own conscience does not reprove you. Judge, then, whether God does not see there much more to find fault with, for he sees our state far more clearly than we ourselves do. Therefore, I cannot, consistently with the understanding which God has vouchsafed me, advise a Christian man to continue in such a state; and can only say, that to my thinking he is truly happy who is free from such constraint. Whosoever, therefore, has the means of withdrawing from it, ought not in my opinion on any account to neglect to do so. True it is, that never shall man have things so entirely to his mind, that he shall be exempted from difficulty, but, on the contrary, must expect many annoyances, even wrong and loss of property. But let us learn to prefer the honour of God to all things else. In your case, I understand that your merciful God has already brought you so far, that you are resolved not to stagnate in a place where you knowingly offend him. Wherefore, I forbear from any more lengthened exhortations; only, be careful not[181] to quench that zeal which he has vouchsafed you, but rather stir it up as a remembrancer to keep you in mind to carry out your good intention. For I know well, and experience will convince you, how many distractions there are to make you forgetful of it, or so far to delay that you might grow cool about it. Regarding the alternatives which Sire François has set before me, I have told him what to give you as my opinion. However, your departure must be like that out of Egypt, bringing all your effects along with you. For all this, I believe you will need steadfast and very determined courage. But you are able to do all in Him who strengthens you. When he has brought you hither, you shall see how he will guide you farther. For my part, I would gladly help thereunto cheerfully and steadily, as bound I am to do. I am confident, that after leading you by the hand in greater things, he will not fail you on this occasion. But he is sometimes pleased to exercise and try our faith, so that while quitting hold of that which is within our grasp, we know not what we shall receive in place of it. We have an example of this in our father Abraham. After having commanded him to forsake his country, his kindred, and everything else, he shewed him no present reward, but put that off to another time. "Get thee out," said he, "into the land which I shall shew thee." Should it please him at this time to do the like with us, that we must quit the land of our birth, and betake ourselves into an unknown country, without knowing how it may fare with us there, let us surrender ourselves to him, that he may direct our way, and let us honour him, by trusting that he will steer us to a safe harbour. It is needful, at least, that you be informed beforehand that you shall enter here no earthly paradise, where you may rejoice in God without molestation: you will find a people unmannerly enough; you will meet with some sufficiently annoying trials. In short, do not expect to better your condition, except in so far, that having been delivered from miserable bondage of body and of soul, you will have leave to serve God faithfully. You will have the pure doctrine of the Word, you will call upon his name in the fellowship of faithful men, you will enjoy the true use of the sacraments. But that may well be all in all to[182] us, if we only prize it as we ought. As for other comforts, you will take those which God vouchsafes to you, willingly suffering the want of those which he denies. Make up your mind, then, to follow Jesus Christ, without flying from the cross; and indeed you would gain nothing by trying to avoid it, because it will assuredly find you out. But let us be content with this invaluable blessing, that we are allowed to live not only in peace of conscience, but daily to exercise ourselves in the doctrine of salvation, and in the use of the sacraments, for our confirmation. He who builds on this foundation, shall rear a solid edifice, and in truth you cannot evidence whether you do value Jesus Christ or not, unless by reckoning all the world as filth in comparison of him.

Mister,—I've heard about your intentions from Sieur François de la Rivière, and I thank our Lord for giving you the courage to serve him fully. We should completely surrender ourselves to him without holding back if we want to be recognized as his. You need to figure out how to fulfill your duty in his service. It's true that the earth belongs to the Lord, and we can live anywhere we want, as long as we keep ourselves pure and honor him in our bodies as well as our spirits. When we hear that the whole earth is holy, we are reminded that we should not defile it by living a sinful life. You need to be careful that by hiding the light within you, you aren’t participating in the impurities you rightly condemn in non-believers. I truly believe your heart is far from agreeing with that, but by pretending to join in, you are indeed giving the impression that you approve of it. Just as we must show our rejection of idolatry before God, we should also refrain from anything that might suggest we support it before others. It's certainly right to keep the body as pure as the soul for the service of God, since it is the temple of the Holy Spirit and has the promise of eternal glory to be revealed on the last day. But can we honestly serve God with our whole heart if we appear to agree with idolaters in an act that we know dishonors Him? It’s not enough to say you don’t verbally commit to it, or that you would protest against it if asked, because you know you're going there with the intention of making God’s enemies believe you don’t reject their actions. If it weren’t to please them and avoid admitting your opposition to their sacrileges, you wouldn’t join them in their worship. And that’s just paying false homage to their idol, even if your heart isn’t in it. If you think I'm being too harsh with your faults, I encourage you to examine yourself, and you will see that I bring nothing against you that your own conscience doesn’t already condemn. Consider whether God sees even more faults in you because He understands our situation much better than we do. Therefore, I cannot, in accordance with the understanding God has granted me, advise a Christian to remain in such a state; I believe truly happy is the person who is free from such constraints. Anyone who can escape should not hesitate to do so. It’s true that no one will have everything perfectly according to their desires, and they should expect many annoyances, including wrongs and losses. But let’s learn to prioritize God’s honor above everything. In your situation, I see that your merciful God has already brought you to the point where you refuse to stay in a place where you knowingly offend Him. So, I will refrain from longer exhortations; simply be careful not to extinguish the zeal He has given you, but rather fan it into flame as a reminder to keep you focused on your good intentions. I know well, and experience will confirm, how many distractions can make you forget, or delay you, to the point where you might lose your passion for it. Regarding the options that Sire François presented to me, I’ve provided my opinion on what he should tell you. However, your departure must be like leaving Egypt, taking all your possessions with you. For all this, I believe you will need steadfast and determined courage. But you can do all things in Him who strengthens you. Once He brings you here, you will see how He leads you further. For my part, I would gladly assist in this, as I am bound to do. I am confident that after guiding you in greater matters, He will not fail you now. However, sometimes He tests our faith so that while we let go of what we have, we don’t know what we will receive in its place. We see this with our father Abraham. After commanding him to leave his homeland, his family, and everything, He did not offer immediate reward but postponed it. "Get out," He said, "to the land that I will show you." If He chooses to do the same with us, asking us to leave our land of birth for an unknown place, without knowing our fate there, let’s surrender ourselves to Him to guide our journey and honor Him by believing He will lead us to safety. It’s important to be informed that you won’t enter an earthly paradise where you can enjoy God without disturbance; you will encounter a people who can be quite rude, and you will face some rather annoying trials. In short, don’t expect to improve your situation except in that you will be freed from the miserable bondage of body and soul, allowing you to serve God faithfully. You will have the pure teaching of the Word, you will call upon His name in the fellowship of true believers, and you will experience the proper use of sacraments. These can be everything to us, if we truly value them as we should. As for other comforts, take what God gives you, willingly accepting the lack of what He withholds. Make up your mind to follow Jesus Christ without trying to escape the cross; you would gain nothing by avoiding it, as it will surely find you. But let’s be grateful for this incredible blessing that we are allowed to live not only in peace of conscience but also to practice daily the doctrine of salvation and the sacraments for our confirmation. Anyone who builds upon this foundation will construct a strong structure, and you can truly prove your value for Jesus Christ only by regarding everything else in the world as worthless in comparison to Him.

To conclude, having recommended me affectionately to your kind favour, I beseech our good Lord to fill you with the spirit of counsel and discretion, to discern what will be right and fitting for you to do, and to strengthen you in true constancy, to put in practice whatsoever shall be according to his will; that having done so, it may please him to lead you by the hand, to bless you in going out and coming in, to turn all into godly prosperity.

To wrap things up, having kindly recommended me to your support, I ask our good Lord to fill you with wisdom and good judgment, to guide you in what’s right and suitable for you to do, and to give you the strength to be steadfast in following through on whatever aligns with His will; that once you do this, it may please Him to guide you, to bless you in all your activities, and to turn everything into spiritual success.

Your humble brother and servant in our Lord,

Your grateful brother and servant in our Lord,

Charles D'Espeville.

Charles D'Espeville.

[Fr. Copy, Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. Copy, Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]


CCXXIX.—To the Protector Somerset.[209]

Duties imposed on the Protector by the high office which he holds—plan of a complete reformation in England—preaching of the pure word of God—rooting out of abuses—correction of vices and scandalous offences.

Geneva, 22d October 1548.

Geneva, October 22, 1548.

Monseigneur,—Although God has endowed you with singular prudence, largeness of mind, and other virtues required in that[183] station wherein he has set you, and for the affairs which he has put into your hand; nevertheless, inasmuch as you deem me to be a servant of his Son, whom you desire above all else to obey, I feel assured, that for the love of him you will receive with courtesy, that which I write in his name, as indeed I have no other end in view, save only, that in following out yet more and more what you have begun, you may advance his honour, until you have established his kingdom in as great perfection as is to be looked for in the world. And you will perceive likewise as you read, that without advancing anything of my own, the whole is drawn from his own pure doctrine. Were I to look merely at the dignity and grandeur of your position, there would seem no access whatever for a man of my quality. But since you do not refuse to be taught of the Master whom I serve, but rather prize above all else the grace which he has bestowed in numbering you among his disciples, methinks I have no need to make you any long excuse or preface, because I deem you well disposed to receive whatsoever proceeds from him.

Your Honor,—Even though God has gifted you with exceptional wisdom, an open-minded attitude, and other virtues essential for the position you hold and the responsibilities entrusted to you, I am confident that since you consider me a servant of His Son, whom you desire to serve above all, you will graciously accept what I write in His name. I have no other purpose in mind than to encourage you to continue enhancing what you have started, so you may promote His honor and establish His kingdom in the best way possible in this world. As you read on, you will see that I share nothing but His pure teachings. If I were to focus only on the importance and prestige of your role, it might seem impossible for someone like me to approach you. However, because you are willing to learn from the Master I serve and value the grace that has placed you among His disciples, I believe there is no need for me to offer lengthy excuses or introductions—you're open to receiving whatever comes from Him.

We have all reason to be thankful to our God and Father, that he has been pleased to employ you in so excellent a work as that of setting up the purity and right order of his worship in England by your means, and establishing the doctrine of salvation, that it may there be faithfully proclaimed to all those who shall consent to hear it; that he has vouchsafed you such firmness and constancy to persevere hitherto, in spite of so many trials and difficulties; that he has helped you with his mighty arm, in blessing all your counsels and your labours,[184] to make them prosper. These are grounds of thankfulness which stir up all true believers to magnify his name. Seeing however, that Satan never ceases to upheave new conflicts, and that it is a thing in itself so difficult, that nothing can be more so, to cause the truth of God to have peaceable dominion among men, who by nature are most prone to falsehood; while, on the other hand, there are so many circumstances which prevent its having free course; and most of all, that the superstitions of Antichrist, having taken root for so long time, cannot be easily uprooted from men's hearts,—you have much need, methinks, to be confirmed by holy exhortations. I cannot doubt, indeed, that you have felt this from experience; and shall therefore deal all the more frankly with you, because, as I hope, my deliberate opinion will correspond with your own desire. Were my exhortations even uncalled for, you would bear with the zeal and earnestness which has led me to offer them. I believe, therefore, that the need of them which you feel, will make them all the more welcome. However this may be, Monseigneur, may it please you to grant me audience in some particular reformations which I propose to lay here briefly before you, in the hope, that when you shall have listened to them, you will at least find some savour of consolation therein, and feel the more encouraged to prosecute the holy and noble enterprise in which God has hitherto been pleased to employ you.

We have every reason to be grateful to our God and Father for allowing you to take on such an important task: establishing the purity and proper order of His worship in England through your efforts, and promoting the doctrine of salvation so that it can be faithfully shared with everyone willing to listen. We're thankful that He has granted you such strength and determination to persevere so far, despite many trials and challenges, and that He has supported you with His powerful hand, blessing all your plans and work to help them succeed. These are truly reasons to be thankful that inspire all genuine believers to praise His name. However, since Satan never stops creating new conflicts, and since it is incredibly challenging for the truth of God to gain a peaceful foothold among people who are naturally inclined towards falsehood, and considering all the various factors that hinder its progress, especially the long-standing superstitions of Antichrist that are hard to remove from people’s hearts, it seems to me that you need to be encouraged by holy exhortations. I have no doubt that you have felt this need firsthand, and so I will speak to you more openly, hoping that my thoughts will align with your own wishes. Even if my encouragement might seem unnecessary, you would understand the passion and sincerity behind my words. I believe that your awareness of this need will make my exhortations even more welcome. Regardless of how this may be, Monseigneur, I kindly ask for your attention to some specific reforms I would like to present briefly to you, hoping that after you hear them, you will find some comfort in them and feel more inspired to continue the holy and noble work that God has been pleased to assign you.

I have no doubt that the great troubles which have fallen out for some time past, must have been very severe and annoying to you, and especially as many may have found in them occasion of offence; forasmuch as they were partly excited under cover of the change of religion. Wherefore you must necessarily have felt them very keenly, as well on account of the apprehensions they may have raised in your mind, as of the murmurs of the ignorant or disaffected, and also of the alarm of the well-disposed. Certes, the mere rumour which I heard from afar, caused me heartfelt anxiety, until I was informed that God had begun to apply a remedy thereto. However, since perhaps they are not yet entirely allayed, or seeing that the devil may have kindled them anew, it will be well that you call to mind what the sacred history relates of good King Hezekiah, (2 Chron.[185] xxxii.,) namely, that after he had abolished the superstitions throughout Judea, reformed the state of the church according to the law of God, he was even then so pressed by his enemies, that it almost seemed as if he was a lost and ruined man. It is not without reason that the Holy Spirit pointedly declares, that such an affliction happened to him immediately after having re-established the true religion in his realm; for it may well have seemed reasonable to himself, that having striven with all his might to set up the reign of God, he should have peace within his own kingdom. Thus, all faithful princes and governors of countries are forewarned by that example, that however earnest they may be in banishing idolatry and in promoting the true worship of God, their faith may yet be tried by diverse temptations. So God permits, and wills it to be thus, to manifest the constancy of his people, and to lead them to look above the world. Meanwhile, the devil also does his work, endeavouring to ruin sound doctrine by indirect means, working as it were underground, forasmuch as he could not openly attain his end. But according to the admonition of St. James, (James v. 11,) who tells us, that in considering the patience of Job, we must look to the end of it, so ought we, Monseigneur, to look to the end which was vouchsafed to this good king. We see there that God was a present help in all his perplexities, and that at length he came off victorious. Wherefore, seeing that his arm is not shortened, and that, in the present day, he has the defence of the truth and the salvation of his own as much at heart as ever, never doubt that he will come to your aid, and that not once only, but in all the trials he may send you.

I have no doubt that the significant troubles you've faced recently must have been very tough and frustrating for you, especially since many may have found them offensive, particularly since they were partly stirred up under the guise of a change in religion. You must have felt them deeply, both because of the fears they may have raised in your mind and because of the complaints from the ignorant or disaffected, along with the concerns of the well-meaning. Indeed, the mere rumors I heard from afar caused me real anxiety until I learned that God had started to provide a solution. However, since they might not be fully resolved yet, or since the devil may have reignited them, it would be wise to remember what the sacred history states about good King Hezekiah (2 Chron.[185] xxxii.). After he had eliminated superstitions throughout Judea and reformed the church according to God's law, he was still so pressured by his enemies that it almost seemed like he was doomed. The Holy Spirit pointedly notes that such suffering came to him right after he had restored true religion in his kingdom; it must have seemed reasonable to him that after striving so hard to establish God's reign, he would have peace in his own land. Thus, all faithful rulers are warned by this example that even when they sincerely work to eliminate idolatry and promote true worship of God, their faith may still be tested by various trials. God allows it to be this way to show the steadfastness of his people and encourage them to look beyond the world. Meanwhile, the devil is also hard at work, trying to undermine sound doctrine through indirect means, operating as if underground because he could not achieve his goals openly. But following St. James's advice (James v. 11), who reminds us to consider the patience of Job and look to the outcome, we too should focus on the outcome granted to this good king. We see that God was a present help in all his troubles and eventually led him to victory. Therefore, since His strength is not diminished, and He still cares for the defense of the truth and the salvation of His own just as strongly as ever, never doubt that He will come to your aid, not just once but in all the trials He may send your way.

If the majority of the world oppose the Gospel, and even strive with rage and violence to hinder its progress, we ought not to think it strange. It proceeds from the ingratitude of men, which has always shewn itself, and ever will, in drawing back when God comes near, and even in kicking against him when he would put his yoke upon them. More than that, because by nature they are wholly given to hypocrisy, they cannot bear to be brought to the clear light of the word of God, which lays bare their baseness and shame, nor to be drawn forth out of[186] their superstitions, which serve them as a hiding-hole and shady covert. It is nothing new, then, if we meet with contradiction when we attempt to lead men back to the pure worship of God. And we have, besides, the clear announcement of our Lord Jesus, who tells us that he has brought a sword along with his Gospel. But let not this daunt us, nor make us shrink and be fearful, for at last, when men shall have rebelled most stoutly, and vomited forth all their rage, they shall be put to confusion in a moment, and shall destroy themselves by the fury of their own onset. That is a true saying, in the second Psalm, that God shall only laugh at their commotion; that is to say, that seeming to connive, he will let them bluster, as if the affair did not at all concern him. But it always happens, that at length they are driven back by his power, wherewith if we be armed, we have a sure and invincible munition, whatsoever plots the devil may frame against us, and shall know by experience in the end, that even as the Gospel is the message of peace and of reconciliation between God and us, it will also avail us to pacify men; and in this way we shall understand, that it is not in vain that Isaiah has said, (Is. ii. 4,) that when Jesus Christ shall rule in the midst of us by his doctrine, the swords shall be turned into ploughshares, and the spears into pruning-hooks.

If most of the world is against the Gospel, and even fights with anger and violence to stop its spread, we shouldn't be surprised. This reaction comes from people's ingratitude, which has always shown itself and will continue to do so, retreating when God draws near and even resisting Him when He tries to guide them. Moreover, because people are naturally inclined to hypocrisy, they can't handle being exposed to the light of God's word, which reveals their flaws and shame, nor can they bear to leave their superstitions, which serve as their hiding place. So, it's nothing new if we face opposition when we try to lead people back to true worship of God. Plus, we have our Lord Jesus’ clear statement that He has brought a sword along with His Gospel. But this shouldn't scare us or make us timid; ultimately, when people have rebelled fiercely and unleashed all their anger, they will be confused in an instant and will self-destruct from their own fury. It's true, as stated in the second Psalm, that God will just laugh at their chaos; in other words, seeming to overlook it, He will let them make a racket as if it doesn’t concern Him. Yet, in the end, they are always pushed back by His power. If we are armed with that power, we have a sure and unbeatable defense against whatever schemes the devil might devise against us, and we'll come to know through experience that, just as the Gospel is the message of peace and reconciliation between God and us, it will also help us bring peace to others. This way, we’ll understand that Isaiah was right when he said (Is. ii. 4) that when Jesus Christ rules among us with His teachings, swords will be turned into ploughshares and spears into pruning-hooks.

Albeit, however, the wickedness and opposition of men may be the cause of the sedition and rebellion which rises up against the Gospel, let us look to ourselves, and acknowledge that God chastises our faults by those who would otherwise serve Satan only. It is an old complaint, that the Gospel is the cause of all the ills and calamities that befall mankind. We see, in fact, from history, that shortly after Christianity had been everywhere spread abroad, there was not, so to speak, a corner of the earth which was not horribly afflicted. The uproar of war, like a universal fire, was kindled in all lands. Land-floods on the one hand, and famine and pestilence on the other, a chaotic confusion of order and civil polity to such a degree, that it seemed as if the world was presently about to be overturned. In like manner we have seen in our times, since the Gospel has begun to be set up, much misery; to such an extent, indeed, that every one complains we are come upon an unhappy period,[187] and there are very few who do not groan under this burden. While, then, we feel the blow, we ought to look upward to the hand of Him who strikes, and ought also to consider why the blow is sent. The reason why he makes us thus to feel his rod is neither very obscure nor difficult to be understood. We know that the word, by which he would guide us to salvation, is an invaluable treasure; with what reverence do we receive it when he presents it to us? Seeing, then, that we make no great account of that which is so precious, God has good reason to avenge himself of our ingratitude. We hear also what Jesus Christ announces, (Luke xii. 47,) that the servant knowing the will of his Master, and not doing it, deserves double chastisement. Since, therefore, we are so remiss in obeying the will of our God, who has declared it to us more than a hundred times already, let us not think it strange if his anger rage more severely against us, seeing that we are all the more inexcusable. When we do not cultivate the good seed, there is much reason that the thorns and thistles of Satan should spring up to trouble and annoy us. Since we do not render to our Creator the submission which is due to him, it is no wonder that men rise up against us.

Though the wickedness and opposition of people may be the reason for the dissent and rebellion against the Gospel, we should reflect on ourselves and recognize that God punishes our wrongdoings through those who would otherwise serve Satan alone. It’s an old complaint that the Gospel is responsible for all the troubles and disasters that befall humanity. In fact, history shows us that shortly after Christianity spread everywhere, it seemed like there wasn’t a corner of the earth that wasn’t deeply troubled. The noise of war, like a raging fire, ignited across all lands. There were floods on one side and famine and disease on the other, creating such chaos and disorder that it looked like the world was about to be turned upside down. Similarly, in our own time, since the Gospel has begun to take root, we have witnessed much suffering; to such a degree that everyone complains we are in an unfortunate era,[187] and very few are not groaning under this burden. While we feel this pain, we should look up to the hand of Him who strikes us and consider why the blow is delivered. The reason we feel his rod is neither obscure nor hard to understand. We know the word that guides us to salvation is a priceless treasure; how much reverence do we show when it is offered to us? Since we don’t value something so precious, God has good reason to seek justice for our ingratitude. We also hear what Jesus Christ says, (Luke xii. 47), that the servant who knows his Master’s will and does not act on it deserves greater punishment. Therefore, since we are so careless in obeying our God’s will, which he has made clear more than a hundred times, we shouldn’t be surprised if his anger burns more fiercely against us, as we become even more inexcusable. When we fail to cultivate the good seed, it’s only right that the thorns and thistles of Satan grow up to trouble and disturb us. Since we do not give our Creator the submission that is due to him, it’s no surprise that people rise up against us.

From what I am given to understand, Monseigneur, there are two kinds of rebels who have risen up against the King and the Estates of the Kingdom. The one, a fantastical sort of persons, who, under colour of the Gospel, would put all into confusion. The others are persons who persist in the superstitions of the Roman Antichrist. Both alike deserve to be repressed by the sword which is committed to you, since they not only attack the King, but strive with God, who has placed him upon a royal throne, and has committed to you the protection as well of his person as of his majesty. But the chief point is, to endeavour, as much as possible, that those who have some savour of a liking for the doctrine of the Gospel, so as to hold fast, should receive it with such humility and godly fear, as to renounce self in order to serve God; for they ought seriously to consider that God would awaken them all, so that in good earnest they may profit far more from his word than they have ever yet done. These madmen, who would have the whole[188] world turned back into a chaos of licentiousness, are hired by Satan to defame the Gospel, as if it bred nothing but revolt against princes, and all sorts of disorder in the world. Wherefore, all the faithful ought to be deeply grieved. The Papists, in endeavouring to maintain the corruptions and abominations of their Romish idol, shew themselves to be the open enemies of the grace of Jesus Christ, and of all his ordinances. That ought likewise to occasion great sickness at heart among all those who have a single drop of godly zeal. And therefore they ought every one of them earnestly to consider, that these are the rods of God for their correction. And wherefore? Just because they do not set a proper value on the doctrine of salvation. Herein lies the chief remedy for the silencing of such calumnies, that those who make profession of the Gospel be indeed renewed after the image of God, so as to make manifest that our Christianity does not occasion any interruption of the humanities of social life, and to give good evidence, by their temperance and moderation, that being governed by the word of God, we are not unruly people subject to no restraint, and so by an upright holy life shut the mouth of all the evil speakers. For by this means God, being pacified, shall withdraw his hand, and instead of, as at this day, punishing the contempt with which they have treated his word, he will reward their obedience with all prosperity. It would be well were all the nobility and those who administer justice, to submit themselves, in uprightness and all humility, to this great king, Jesus Christ, paying him sincere homage, and with faith unfeigned, in body, soul, and spirit, so that he may correct and beat down the arrogance and rashness of those who would rise up against them. Thus ought earthly princes to rule and govern, serving Jesus Christ, and taking order that he may have his own sovereign authority over all, both small and great. Wherefore, Monseigneur, as you hold dear and in regard the estate of your royal nephew, as indeed you shew plainly that you do, I beseech you, in the name of God, to apply your chief care and watchfulness to this end, that the doctrine of God may be proclaimed with efficacy and power, so as to produce its fruit, and never to grow weary, whatsoever may happen, in following out fully, an open and[189] complete reformation of the Church. The better to explain to you what I mean, I shall arrange the whole under three heads.

From what I understand, Monseigneur, there are two types of rebels rising up against the King and the Estates of the Kingdom. The first group consists of fanciful individuals who use the Gospel as a façade to create chaos. The second group clings to the superstitions of Roman Antichrist. Both deserve to be dealt with harshly since they not only challenge the King but also oppose God, who has set him on the throne and entrusted you with the duty of protecting both his person and his authority. The main focus should be on encouraging those who have a genuine interest in the Gospel to embrace it with humility and godly fear, renouncing self in service to God. They need to realize that God wants to awaken them so they can truly benefit from His word far more than they have before. These extremists, who wish to plunge the whole world into chaos, are used by Satan to tarnish the Gospel, making it seem like it only incites rebellion against rulers and spreads disorder. Consequently, all the faithful should be deeply saddened. The Papists, in their attempts to uphold the corruptions of their Roman idol, plainly show themselves as enemies of the grace of Jesus Christ and His teachings. This should also deeply trouble anyone with even a hint of godly zeal. Therefore, each of them should seriously consider that these are God's rods of correction because they do not value the doctrine of salvation properly. The key remedy to silence such slander is that those who profess the Gospel should genuinely reflect God's image, demonstrating that our Christianity does not disrupt social interactions. They need to show through their restraint and moderation that, guided by God's word, we are not unruly people without limits, thereby living upright and holy lives that silence critics. In doing so, God, being appeased, will withdraw His punishment for their contempt of His word and reward their obedience with prosperity. It would be wise for all the nobility and those who uphold justice to willingly submit to this great King, Jesus Christ, honoring Him sincerely and with genuine faith in body, soul, and spirit, so that He may quell the arrogance and recklessness of those who oppose them. In this way, earthly rulers should govern, serving Jesus Christ and ensuring that He maintains His sovereign authority over all, both great and small. Therefore, Monseigneur, since you clearly care for your royal nephew's well-being, I urge you, in God's name, to focus your efforts on ensuring that God's doctrine is proclaimed effectively and powerfully to bear fruit, and never grow weary—no matter what happens—in fully pursuing a clear and complete reformation of the Church. To better explain my thoughts, I will organize everything under three main points.

The first shall treat of the sound instruction of the people; the second shall regard the rooting out of abuses which have prevailed hitherto; the third, the careful repression and correction of vice, and to take strict heed that scandals and loose conversation may not grow into a fashion, so as to cause the name of God to be blasphemed.

The first will focus on properly educating the people; the second will address eliminating the abuses that have existed so far; the third will involve carefully controlling and correcting wrongdoing, making sure that scandals and inappropriate talk don't become commonplace and lead to the name of God being disrespected.

As concerning the first article, I do not mean to pronounce what doctrine ought to have place. Rather do I offer thanks to God for his goodness, that after having enlightened you in the pure knowledge of himself, he has given you wisdom and discretion to take measures that his pure truth may be preached. Praise be to God, you have not to learn what is the true faith of Christians, and the doctrine which they ought to hold, seeing that by your means the true purity of the faith has been restored. That is, that we hold God alone to be the sole Governor of our souls, that we hold his law to be the only rule and spiritual directory for our consciences, not serving him according to the foolish inventions of men. Also, that according to his nature he would be worshipped in spirit and in purity of heart. On the other hand, acknowledging that there is nothing but all wretchedness in ourselves, and that we are corrupt in all our feelings and affections, so that our souls are a very abyss of iniquity, utterly despairing of ourselves; and that, having exhausted every presumption of our own wisdom, worth, or power of well-doing, we must have recourse to the fountain of every blessing, which is in Christ Jesus, accepting that which he confers on us, that is to say, the merit of his death and passion, that by this means we may be reconciled to God; that being washed in his blood, we may have no fear lest our spots prevent us from finding grace at the heavenly throne; that being assured that our sins are pardoned freely in virtue of his sacrifice, we may lean, yea rest, upon that for assurance of our salvation; that we may be sanctified by his Spirit, and so consecrate ourselves to the obedience of the righteousness of God; that being strengthened by his grace, we may overcome Satan, the world, and the flesh; finally, that[190] being members of his body, we may never doubt that God reckons us among the number of his children, and that we may confidently call upon him as our Father; that we may be careful to recognize and bear in mind this purpose in whatsoever is said or done in the Church, namely, that being separated from the world, we should rise to heaven with our Head and Saviour. Seeing then that God has given you grace to re-establish the knowledge of this doctrine, which had been so long buried out of sight by Antichrist, I forbear from entering further on the subject.

As for the first article, I’m not here to decide what doctrine should be established. Instead, I want to thank God for His goodness, that after enlightening you with the pure knowledge of Himself, He has given you the wisdom and discernment to ensure that His pure truth is preached. Praise be to God, you don’t need to learn what the true Christian faith is or what doctrine you should follow, since through your efforts the true purity of the faith has been restored. This means that we recognize God alone as the only Governor of our souls, that His law is the only rule and spiritual guide for our consciences, and that we don’t serve Him according to the foolish ideas of men. We also acknowledge that, according to His nature, He should be worshipped in spirit and with a pure heart. On the other hand, we recognize that we are filled with wretchedness, corrupted in all our feelings and affections, and that our souls are a deep well of iniquity, leaving us utterly desperate. After exhausting all our own wisdom, worth, or ability to do good, we must turn to the source of every blessing, which is in Christ Jesus, accepting what He gives us, that is, the merit of His death and suffering, so that we may be reconciled to God. Being washed in His blood, we shouldn’t fear that our flaws will keep us from finding grace at the heavenly throne; assured that our sins are freely pardoned because of His sacrifice, we can rely on that for our assurance of salvation. We can be sanctified by His Spirit, dedicating ourselves to obeying God’s righteousness; being strengthened by His grace, we can overcome Satan, the world, and our sinful nature; finally, as members of His body, we can be certain that God counts us among His children, allowing us to call upon Him confidently as our Father. We should be mindful of this purpose in everything said or done in the Church, meaning that being separate from the world, we should rise to heaven with our Head and Savior. Therefore, since God has given you the grace to restore the knowledge of this doctrine that had been so long hidden by Antichrist, I will refrain from discussing it further.

What I have thus suggested as to the manner of instruction, is only that the people be so taught as to be touched to the quick, and that they may feel that what the Apostle says is true, (Heb. iv.) that "the word of God is a two-edged sword, piercing even through the thoughts and affections to the very marrow of the bones." I speak thus, Monseigneur, because it appears to me that there is very little preaching of a lively kind in the kingdom, but that the greater part deliver it by way of reading from a written discourse. I see very well the necessity which constrains you to that; for in the first place you have not, as I believe, such well-approved and competent pastors as you desire. Wherefore, you need forthwith to supply this want. Secondly, there may very likely be among them many flighty persons who would go beyond all bounds, sowing their own silly fancies, as often happens on occasion of a change. But all these considerations ought not to hinder the ordinance of Jesus Christ from having free course in the preaching of the Gospel. Now, this preaching ought not to be lifeless but lively, to teach, to exhort, to reprove, as Saint Paul says in speaking thereof to Timothy, (2 Tim. iii.) So indeed, that if an unbeliever enter, he may be so effectually arrested and convinced, as to give glory to God, as Paul says in another passage, (1 Cor. xiv.) You are also aware, Monseigneur, how he speaks of the lively power and energy with which they ought to speak, who would approve themselves as good and faithful ministers of God, who must not make a parade of rhetoric, only to gain esteem for themselves; but that the Spirit of God ought to sound forth by their voice, so as to work with mighty energy. Whatever[191] may be the amount of danger to be feared, that ought not to hinder the Spirit of God from having liberty and free course in those to whom he has given grace for the edifying of the Church.

What I've suggested about how to teach is that people should be taught in a way that truly affects them, making them realize that what the Apostle says is true, (Heb. iv.) that "the word of God is like a double-edged sword, cutting deeply through thoughts and feelings down to the very core." I say this, Monseigneur, because it seems to me there is very little vibrant preaching in the kingdom; most sermons are just read from prepared texts. I completely understand why you feel the need for this; first, you likely don’t have as many well-respected and skilled pastors as you'd like. Therefore, you need to address this gap immediately. Second, there are probably some individuals among them who might go too far, spreading their own silly ideas, which often happens in times of change. However, none of these reasons should prevent the will of Jesus Christ from being fulfilled in the preaching of the Gospel. This preaching should be dynamic and engaging, meant to teach, encourage, and correct, as Saint Paul mentions when addressing Timothy, (2 Tim. iii.) Indeed, if an unbeliever walks in, he should be so moved and persuaded that he glorifies God, as Paul says in another part, (1 Cor. xiv.) You also know, Monseigneur, how he talks about the vigorous power and energy that those who want to be regarded as good and faithful ministers of God should have. They shouldn't just show off their rhetorical skills to gain respect for themselves; instead, the Spirit of God should resonate through their words, working with great force. Whatever challenges may arise, those should not prevent the Spirit of God from moving freely among those to whom He has given grace for the building up of the Church.

True it is, nevertheless, that it is both right and fitting to oppose the levity of some fantastic minds, who allow themselves in too great license, and also to shut the door against all eccentricities and new doctrines; but the method to be taken, which God hath pointed out to us, for dealing with such occurrences, is well fitted to dispose of them. In the first place, there ought to be an explicit summary of the doctrine which all ought to preach, which all prelates and curates swear to follow, and no one should be received to any ecclesiastical charge who does not promise to preserve such agreement. Next, that they have a common formula of instruction for little children and for ignorant persons, serving to make them familiar with sound doctrine, so that they may be able to discern the difference between it and the falsehood and corruptions which may be brought forward in opposition to it. Believe me, Monseigneur, the Church of God will never preserve itself without a Catechism, for it is like the seed to keep the good grain from dying out, and causing it to multiply from age to age. And therefore, if you desire to build an edifice which shall be of long duration, and which shall not soon fall into decay, make provision for the children being instructed in a good Catechism, which may shew them briefly, and in language level to their tender age, wherein true Christianity consists. This Catechism will serve two purposes, to wit, as an introduction to the whole people, so that every one may profit from what shall be preached, and also to enable them to discern when any presumptuous person puts forward strange doctrine. Indeed, I do not say that it may not be well, and even necessary, to bind down the pastors and curates to a certain written form, as well for the sake of supplementing the ignorance and deficiencies of some, as the better to manifest the conformity and agreement between all the churches; thirdly, to take away all ground of pretence for bringing in any eccentricity or new-fangled doctrine on the part of those who only seek to indulge an idle fancy; as I have already said, the Catechism[192] ought to serve as a check upon such people. There is, besides, the form and manner of administration of the sacraments; also the public prayers. But whatever, in the meantime, be the arrangement in regard to these matters, care must be taken not to quench the efficacy which ought to attend the preaching of the Gospel. And the utmost care should be taken, that so far as possible you have good trumpets, which shall sound into the very depths of the heart. For there is some danger that you may see no great profit from all the reformation which you shall have brought about, however sound and godly it may have been, unless this powerful instrument of preaching be developed more and more. It is not said without a meaning, that Jesus Christ shall smite the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips shall he slay the wicked, (Is. xi. 4.) The way by which he is pleased to subdue us is, by destroying whatsoever is contrary to himself. And herein you may also perceive why the Gospel is called the Kingdom of God. Even so, albeit the edicts and statutes of princes are good helps for advancing and upholding the state of Christianity, yet God is pleased to declare his sovereign power by this spiritual sword of his word, when it is made known by the pastors.

It’s true, however, that it's both right and appropriate to challenge the recklessness of some imaginative minds who give themselves too much freedom, and to guard against all oddities and new doctrines. The approach that God has shown us for dealing with these situations is well-suited to handle them. First of all, there should be a clear summary of the doctrine that everyone should preach, which all leaders and ministers promise to follow, and no one should be accepted for any church position without committing to uphold this agreement. Next, they should have a standard formula for teaching little children and those who are uninformed, to help them understand sound doctrine so they can tell the difference between truth and the falsehoods that may arise against it. Believe me, Monseigneur, the Church of God will never sustain itself without a Catechism, as it serves as the seed to keep good teachings from fading away and to ensure they grow through the ages. Therefore, if you want to build a structure that will last a long time and won't quickly crumble, you need to ensure that children are taught a solid Catechism that clearly and simply explains what true Christianity is. This Catechism will serve two purposes: as an introduction for the whole congregation, allowing everyone to benefit from the sermons, and to help them recognize when someone with arrogance presents strange teachings. Indeed, I’m not saying it wouldn’t be useful, or even necessary, to require pastors and ministers to adhere to a specific written form, both to address the ignorance and shortcomings of some and to better demonstrate the unity among all churches; and, thirdly, to eliminate any chance for those who just want to entertain themselves with eccentric or trendy doctrines to have a platform. As I’ve said, the Catechism[192] should act as a safeguard against such individuals. Additionally, there's the way the sacraments are administered, as well as public prayers. However, regardless of how these matters are arranged in the meantime, care must be taken not to diminish the effectiveness that ought to accompany the preaching of the Gospel. It's crucial to ensure you have skilled speakers who can reach deep into people's hearts. There is a risk that you won’t see significant benefits from all the reforms you've implemented, no matter how sound and righteous they may be, unless this powerful tool of preaching is continually developed. It’s not said without intention that Jesus Christ shall strike the earth with the rod of his mouth, and by the breath of his lips shall he slay the wicked (Is. xi. 4). The way He chooses to conquer us is by eliminating everything that is opposed to Him. Here you can also see why the Gospel is referred to as the Kingdom of God. Even though the laws and regulations of rulers are good supports for promoting and maintaining Christianity, God prefers to show His supreme power through this spiritual sword of His word, delivered by the pastors.

Not to tire you, Monseigneur, I shall now come to the second point which I propose to touch upon; that is, the abolition and entire uprooting of the abuses and corruptions which Satan had aforetime mixed up with the ordinances of God. We wot well that under the Pope there is a bastard sort of Christianity, and that God will disavow it at the last day, seeing that he now condemns it by his word. If we desire to rescue the world from such an abyss, there is no better method than to follow the example of St. Paul, who, wishing to correct what the Corinthians had improperly added to the Supper of our Lord, tells them, (1 Cor. xi.) I have received of the Lord that which I have delivered to you. Thence we are bound to take a general instruction, to return to the strict and natural meaning of the commandment of God, if we would have a sound reformation and by him approven. For whatsoever mixtures men have brought in of their own devising, have been just so many pollutions which turn us aside from the sanctified use of[193] what God has bestowed for our salvation. Therefore, to lop off such abuses by halves will by no means restore things to a state of purity, for then we shall always have a dressed-up Christianity. I say this, because there are some who, under pretence of moderation, are in favour of sparing many abuses, without meddling with them at all, and to whom it appears enough to have rooted out the principal one. But on the contrary, we see how fertile is the seed of falsehood, and that only a single grain is needed to fill the world with them in three days' time, to such an extent are men inclined and addicted thereto. Our Lord teaches quite another method of procedure, for when David speaks of the idols, he says, (Psalm xvi.,) Their names will I not take up into my lips, to intimate in what degree of detestation we ought to hold them. Above all, if we consider how we have offended God in the days of our ignorance, we ought to feel doubly bound to flee from the inventions of Satan, which have led us into the commission of evil, as from baits which serve only to seduce souls. On the other hand, we see, even when we remonstrate with men about their faults and errors, though we warn them as earnestly as possible, they are nevertheless so hardened that we can produce no effect. If, therefore, we were to leave them any remnant of abuse, that would only serve to nourish their obstinacy the more, and become a veil to darken all the doctrine which we might set before them. I willingly acknowledge that we must observe moderation, and that overdoing is neither discreet nor useful; indeed, that forms of worship need to be accommodated to the condition and tastes of the people. But the corruptions of Satan and of Antichrist must not be admitted under that pretext. Therefore it is that Holy Scripture, when praising those kings who had cast down the idols and their worshippers, not having swept them entirely away, notes it as a blemish, that nevertheless they had not cast down the chapelries and places of silly devotion. Wherefore, Monseigneur, seeing that God has brought you so far, take order, I beseech you, that so without any exception he may approve you as a repairer of his temple, so that the times of the king your nephew may be compared to those of Josiah, and that you put things in such condition, that he may only need[194] to maintain the goodly order which God shall have prepared for him by your means. I will mention to you an instance of such corruptions, as, if they were allowed to remain, would become a little leaven, to sour in the end the whole lump. In your country, some prayer is made for the departed on occasion of communicating in the Lord's Supper. I am well aware that it is not done in admission of the purgatory of the Pope. I am also aware that ancient custom can be pleaded for making some mention of the departed, for the sake of uniting together all the members of the one body. But there is a peremptory ground of objection against it, that the Supper of Jesus Christ is an action so sacred, that it ought not to be soiled by any human inventions whatsoever. And besides, in prayer to God, we must not take an unbounded license in our devotions, but observe the rule which St. Paul gives us, (Romans x.,) which is, that we must be founded upon the word of God; therefore, such commemoration of the dead, as imports a commending of them to his grace, is contrary to the due form and manner of prayer,—it is a hurtful addition to the Supper of our Lord. There are other things which possibly may be less open to reproof, which however are not to be excused: such as the ceremony of chrism and unction. The chrism has been invented out of a frivolous humour by those who, not content with the institution of Jesus Christ, desired to counterfeit the Holy Spirit by a new sign, as if water were not sufficient for the purpose. What they call extreme unction, has been retained by the inconsiderate zeal of those, who have wished to follow the apostles without being gifted as they were. When the apostles used oil in the case of the sick, it was for the healing of them miraculously. Now, when the gift of miracles has ceased, the figure ought no longer to be employed. Wherefore, it would be much better that these things should be pruned away, so that you might have nothing which is not conform to the word of God, and serviceable for the edification of the Church. It is quite true we ought to bear with the weak; but in order to strengthen them, and to lead them to greater perfection. That does not mean, however, that we are to humour blockheads who wish for this or that, without knowing why. I[195] know the consideration which keeps back many is, that they are afraid too great a change could not be carried through. It is admitted, that when we have to do with neighbours with whom we desire to cherish friendly feeling, one is disposed to gratify them by giving way in many things. In worldly matters, that may be quite bearable, wherein it is allowable to yield one to another, and to forego one's right for the sake of peace; but it is not altogether the same thing in regard to the spiritual governance of the Church, which ought to be according to the ordinance of the word of God. Herein, we are not at liberty to yield up anything to men, nor to turn aside on either hand in their favour. Indeed there is nought that is more displeasing to God, than when we would, in accordance with our own human wisdom, modify or curtail, advance or retreat, otherwise than he would have us. Wherefore, if we do not wish to displease him, we must shut our eyes to the opinion of men. As for the dangers which may arise, we ought to avoid them so far as we can, but never by going aside from the straight road. While we walk uprightly, we have his promise that he will help us. Therefore, what remains for us is to do our duty, humbly committing the event unto himself. And here we may perceive wherefore the wise men of this world are ofttimes disappointed in their expectation, because God is not with them, when, in distrust of him and his aid, they seek out crooked paths and such as he condemns. Do we then wish to feel that we have the power of God upon our side? Let us simply follow what he tells us. Above all, we must cling to this maxim, that the reformation of his Church is the work of his hand. Wherefore, in such matters, men must leave themselves to be guided by him. What is more, whether in restoring or in preserving the Church, he thinks fit, for the most part, to proceed after a method marvellous, and beyond human conception. And, therefore, it were unseemly to confine that restoration, which must be divine, to the measure of our understanding, and to bring that which is heavenly into subjection to what is earthly and of this world's fashion. I do not thus exclude the prudence which is so much needed, to take all appropriate and right means, not falling into extremes either[196] on the one side or upon the other, to gain over the whole world to God, if that were possible. But the wisdom of the Spirit, not that of the flesh, must overrule all; and having inquired at the mouth of the Lord, we must ask him to guide and lead us, rather than follow the bent of our own understanding. When we take this method, it will be easy to cut off much occasion of temptation, which might otherwise stop our progress midway.

Not to bore you, Monseigneur, I'll get to the second point I want to discuss: the complete elimination and eradication of the abuses and corruptions that Satan has previously mixed in with God's directives. We know well that under the Pope there is a distorted form of Christianity, and that God will reject it on the last day, as he currently condemns it through his word. If we want to save the world from such a pit, there is no better way than to follow St. Paul’s example, who, wanting to correct the mistakes the Corinthians added to the Lord’s Supper, says, (1 Cor. xi.) I have received from the Lord what I delivered to you. From this, we are obligated to take a general lesson to return to the pure and original meaning of God's commandment, if we are to achieve genuine reformation approved by Him. For every distortion added by men has been just another pollution that distracts us from the sacred use of[193] what God has given us for our salvation. Therefore, addressing such abuses partially will not restore purity; instead, we will end up with an inauthentic Christianity. I say this because some, under the guise of moderation, want to keep many abuses intact without addressing them, believing it’s sufficient to eliminate just the main one. But, on the contrary, we see how fertile the seed of falsehood is, and how just a single seed can spread throughout the world in three days, as people are so inclined to these things. Our Lord teaches us a different approach; when David speaks about idols, he says, (Psalm xvi.) Their names will I not take up into my lips to indicate how we should detest them. Moreover, if we consider how we have offended God during our ignorance, we should feel even more compelled to flee from Satan's inventions, which have led us to wrongdoing, just as we would avoid traps that only seduce souls. On the other hand, we see that even when we confront people about their faults and errors, warning them earnestly, they remain so hardened that our efforts are ineffective. If we leave them any remnant of abuse, it will only serve to strengthen their stubbornness and obscure the doctrine we might present to them. I willingly acknowledge that we must practice moderation and that taking things too far is neither wise nor helpful; indeed, worship forms need to adapt to people's conditions and preferences. But we must not allow the corruptions of Satan and Antichrist under the pretense of moderation. Therefore, Holy Scripture, when praising those kings who removed the idols and their worshippers, notes it as a flaw that they did not eliminate the chapels and places of foolish devotion entirely. Therefore, Monseigneur, since God has brought you this far, I urge you to ensure that He may approve of you fully as a restorer of His temple, so that the reign of your nephew may be likened to that of Josiah, and that you put everything in such a condition that he will only need[194] to maintain the good order which God will have prepared through you. I will mention an example of such corruptions, as, if they were allowed to remain, would become a little leaven, ultimately souring the whole batch. In your country, some prayers are said for the departed during the Lord’s Supper. I know it’s not done in acceptance of the Pope's purgatory. I also understand that an ancient custom can be claimed for mentioning the departed, to unite all members of the one body. But there is a strong objection against it: the Supper of Jesus Christ is such a sacred act that it shouldn’t be tainted by any human inventions at all. Additionally, in praying to God, we must not have unlimited freedom in our devotions, but must adhere to the rule that St. Paul gives us, (Romans x.) that we must be grounded in the word of God; therefore, commemorating the dead, as if commending them to His grace, is contrary to the proper form and manner of prayer—it is a harmful addition to the Lord’s Supper. There are other things that might be less open to criticism but which nevertheless cannot be excused: such as the practice of chrism and anointing. Chrism has been created out of a trivial desire by those who, not satisfied with Jesus Christ’s institution, aimed to mimic the Holy Spirit with a new symbol, as if water were not sufficient. What they refer to as extreme unction has been preserved by the reckless zeal of those who wish to follow the apostles without being gifted as they were. When the apostles used oil for the sick, it was to heal them miraculously. Now that the gift of miracles has ceased, that symbol should no longer be used. Therefore, it would be much better to eliminate these things so that there is nothing that does not comply with the word of God and that is beneficial for the edification of the Church. It is true we should bear with the weak, but to strengthen them and lead them toward greater perfection. This does not mean we should indulge fools who want this or that without knowing why. I[195] understand that many are held back by the fear that a significant change cannot be managed. It is accepted that when dealing with neighbors, whom we want to maintain friendly relations with, one might feel inclined to accommodate them by giving way in many areas. In worldly matters, that might be quite bearable, where yielding to one another and giving up one’s rights for the sake of peace is acceptable; but the situation is quite different regarding the spiritual governance of the Church, which should align with the commandments of the word of God. Here, we cannot concede anything to men nor waver for their benefit. Indeed, there is nothing more displeasing to God than when we attempt, based on our own human wisdom, to modify or reduce, advance or retreat, in a way contrary to His intentions. Thus, if we do not wish to displease Him, we must close our eyes to human opinions. As for the potential dangers that may arise, we should avoid them as much as we can, but never by straying from the straight path. While we walk uprightly, we have His promise that He will assist us. Therefore, what remains for us is to fulfill our duty, humbly entrusting the outcome to Him. Here we can see why wise men of this world often find their expectations dashed, because God is not with them when, in doubt of Him and His help, they look for crooked paths and those He condemns. Do we wish to feel we have God's power on our side? Let’s simply follow what He tells us. Above all, we must adhere to this principle: that the reformation of His Church is the work of His hand. Therefore, in such matters, men must allow themselves to be guided by Him. Moreover, whether restoring or preserving the Church, God often chooses to act in a marvelous way, beyond human understanding. Thus, it would be inappropriate to limit that divine restoration to our understanding and to subjugate the heavenly to earthly standards. I do not mean to exclude the prudence that is so necessary, to take all appropriate and right measures, avoiding extremes on either side, to win over the whole world to God if that were possible. But the wisdom of the Spirit, not that of the flesh, must take precedence over all; and having consulted the Lord, we must seek His guidance rather than follow our own understanding. When we take this approach, it will be easier to eliminate many temptations that might otherwise hinder our progress along the way.

Wherefore, Monseigneur, as you have begun to bring back Christianity to the place which belongs to it, throughout the realm of England, not at all in self-confidence, but upheld by the hand of God, as hitherto you have had sensible experience of that powerful arm, you must not doubt that it shall continue with you to the end. If God upholds the kingdoms and the principalities of the infidels who are his enemies, far more certainly will he have in safeguard those who range themselves on his side and seek him for their superior.

So, Monseigneur, now that you’ve started to restore Christianity to its rightful place throughout England, not at all out of arrogance but supported by God’s hand, as you have already experienced that powerful support, you can be confident that it will continue with you until the end. If God protects the kingdoms and rulers of his enemies, the infidels, then he will certainly safeguard those who stand with him and seek him as their leader.

I come now to the last point, which concerns the chastisement of vice and the repression of scandals. I have no doubt that there are laws and statutes of the kingdom both good and laudable, to keep the people within the bounds of decency. But the great and boundless licentiousness which I see everywhere throughout the world, constrains me to beseech you, that you would earnestly turn your attention to keeping men within the restraint of sound and wholesome discipline. That, above all, you would hold yourself charged, for the honour of God, to punish those crimes of which men have been in the habit of making no very great account. I speak of this, because sometimes larcenies, assault, and extortions are more severely punished, because thereby men are wronged; whereas they will tolerate whoredom and adultery, drunkenness, and blaspheming of the name of God, as if these were things quite allowable, or at least of very small importance. Let us hear, however, what God thinks of them. He proclaims aloud, how precious his name is unto him. Meanwhile, it is as if torn in pieces and trampled under foot. It can never be that he will allow such shameful reproach to remain unpunished. More than this, Scripture clearly points out to us, that by reason of blasphemies[197] a whole country is defiled. As concerning adulteries, we who call ourselves Christians, ought to take great shame to ourselves that even the heathen have exercised greater rigour in their punishment of such than we do, seeing even that some among us only laugh at them. When holy matrimony, which ought to be a lively image of the sacred union which we have with the Son of God, is polluted, and the covenant, which ought to stand more firm and indissoluble than any in this world, is disloyally rent asunder, if we do not lay to heart that sin against God, it is a token that our zeal for God is very low indeed. As for whoredom, it ought to be quite enough for us that St. Paul compares it to sacrilege, inasmuch as by its means the temples of God, which our bodies are, are profaned. Be it remembered also, that whoremongers and drunkards are banished from the kingdom of God, on such terms that we are forbidden to converse with them, whence it clearly follows, that they ought not to be endured in the Church. We see herein the cause why so many rods of judgment are at this very day lifted up over the earth. For the more easily men pardon themselves in such enormities, the more certainly will God take vengeance on them. Wherefore, to prevent his wrath, I entreat of you, Monseigneur, to hold a tight rein, and to take order, that those who hear the doctrine of the Gospel, approve their Christianity by a life of holiness. For as doctrine is the soul of the Church for quickening, so discipline and the correction of vices are like the nerves to sustain the body in a state of health and vigour. The duty of bishops and curates is to keep watch over that, to the end that the Supper of our Lord may not be polluted by people of scandalous lives. But in the authority where God has set you, the chief responsibility returns upon you, who have a special charge given you to set the others in motion, on purpose that every one discharge himself of duty, and diligently to look to it, that the order which shall have been established may be duly observed.

I now come to the final point, which deals with punishing vice and curbing scandals. I am confident that there are good and commendable laws in our kingdom designed to keep people within decent limits. However, the widespread and unchecked immorality I see all around the world compels me to urge you to seriously focus on keeping people under proper and healthy discipline. Above all, you should feel responsible, for the honor of God, to punish those sins that people often overlook. I mention this because, at times, theft, assault, and extortion are punished more severely since they involve direct harm to others, while acts like fornication, adultery, drunkenness, and cursing the name of God are often tolerated as if they were permissible or of little consequence. Yet, we should consider what God thinks about these matters. He declares loudly how precious His name is to Him, yet it is treated with disdain and trampled underfoot. It’s unimaginable that He would allow such disgraceful behavior to go unpunished. Moreover, Scripture clearly indicates that a nation can be tainted by blasphemies[197]. Regarding adultery, we who call ourselves Christians should be deeply ashamed that even non-believers have shown greater seriousness in punishing such acts than we do, while some among us even laugh at them. When holy matrimony—meant to be a vivid representation of the sacred bond we have with the Son of God—is corrupted, and the covenant meant to be more permanent than any in this world is broken, if we do not recognize that sin against God, it shows our lack of zeal for Him. As for fornication, it should be enough for us that St. Paul equates it to sacrilege, as it defiles the temples of God, which our bodies are. Remember that fornicators and drunkards are excluded from the kingdom of God, with the clear instruction that we should not associate with them, leading to the conclusion that they should not be tolerated in the Church. This reveals why so many judgments hang over the earth today. The more easily people excuse themselves for such offenses, the more surely God will seek vengeance on them. Therefore, to avoid His wrath, I ask you, Monseigneur, to maintain strict control and ensure that those who hear the Gospel live their Christianity through holy lives. Doctrine is the soul of the Church that gives life, while discipline and the correction of vices are like the nerves that keep the body healthy and strong. It is the responsibility of bishops and clergy to watch over this so that the Supper of our Lord is not defiled by those leading scandalous lives. However, in the authority that God has given you, the primary responsibility falls on you, who has a special role to motivate others to fulfill their duties and to ensure that the established order is properly upheld.

Now, Monseigneur, agreeably to the protestation which I made above, I shall make no further excuse, neither of the tiresomeness of my letter, nor on account of my having thus freely laid open to you what I had so much at heart. For I[198] feel assured that my affection is well known to you, while in your wisdom, and as you are well versed in the Holy Scriptures, you perceive from what fountain I have drawn all that is herein contained. Wherefore, I do not fear to have been troublesome or importunate to you, in making manifest, according as I could, the hearty desire I have that the name of God may always be more and more glorified by you, which is my daily supplication; beseeching him that he would please to increase his grace in you, to confirm you by his Spirit in a true unconquerable constancy, upholding you against all enemies, having yourself with your whole household under his holy protection, enabling you successfully to administer the charge which is committed to you, that so the King may have whereof to praise this gracious God for having had such a governor in his childhood, both for his person and for his kingdom.

Now, Your Excellency, as I mentioned earlier, I won’t make any more excuses, whether for the length of my letter or for openly sharing what weighs heavily on my heart. I believe my affection for you is well known, and in your wisdom, as someone knowledgeable in the Holy Scriptures, you can see the source of what I’ve shared here. Therefore, I don’t worry about having been bothersome or overstepping in expressing my sincere wish that God’s name might be increasingly glorified through you, which is my daily prayer. I ask Him to please amplify His grace in you, to strengthen you with His Spirit in true, unwavering resolution, protecting you against all enemies, and keeping you and your entire household under His holy protection. May He empower you to effectively carry out the responsibilities entrusted to you so that the King has reason to praise this gracious God for having such a governor during his early years, both for himself and for his kingdom.

Whereupon I shall make an end, Monseigneur, very humbly commending me to your kind favour.

Wherefore, I will conclude, Monseigneur, and humbly ask for your kind favor.

[Fr. Copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. Copy.Geneva Library. Vol. 107.]


CCXXX.—To Farel.

Election of new magistrates at Geneva—troubles in France—letter from Bucer.

Geneva, 27th November 1548.

Geneva, November 27, 1548.

You ought not to impute to my negligence your not having received a letter from me since you set sail from this place; for I have found no one setting out in your direction. It is not quite safe, moreover, in these times, for a letter to be carried about by a variety of hands. In the next place, I hardly know what to write to you, because there is nothing that is not fitted to cause you much more annoyance than satisfaction. The prefect Molard is here, with whom are joined as assessors the eldest son of Balthazar and a certain Rigot of that faction. You see, therefore, that there will be no danger this year to the wicked from the severity of the judges. We wait, however, to see in what channel their licence will break forth. On the same day[199] our comic friend Cæsar again donned the socks.[210] Being now rendered somewhat more ferocious, he boasts among his stage-players after his own Thrasonic fashion. Finally, there appears to be no hope of speedy amendment, whatever we may essay. Nor is it to be doubted that they are labouring to effect a great revolution in the republic at the next assembly of syndics; but the Lord in heaven is vigilant.

You shouldn't blame my lack of attention for not having received a letter from me since you left; I haven't found anyone heading your way. It's also not very safe these days for a letter to be handled by many people. Plus, I can hardly find anything to write to you about, since whatever I say will likely annoy you more than please you. The prefect Molard is here, along with the eldest son of Balthazar and a guy named Rigot from that group. So you can see there's not much risk this year for the bad guys from the harshness of the judges. We’re still waiting to see how their freedom will manifest. On the same day[199] our funny friend Cæsar put on his socks again.[210] Now a bit more aggressive, he struts around among his fellow performers in his usual boastful style. Lastly, it doesn’t seem like there’s any hope for a quick improvement, no matter how hard we try. It’s clear they’re working to create a major change in the government at the next meeting of the council; but the Lord in heaven is keeping watch.

The commotions at Bourdeaux are settled, or they are at least lulled for a season.[211] For examples of extreme cruelty have been exhibited, which may in a short time boil forth in greater tempests. The people of Saintonge keep themselves concealed in the isles. Bucer lately wrote to me that Antiochus was looking forward to a day of purification. As far as I can gather from his letter, the council have no heart for that.[212] I also received a letter from Bullinger yesterday. When I reply you will know all. Should our council by chance permit what has been adduced against the Interim of the sons of Cæsar[213] to be printed here, I shall send you a copy by the first messenger I can find. But as Trolliet maintains among his own friends that there is no need of so many books and sermons, I am afraid lest his authority prove so powerful as to force us to seek a press elsewhere. Adieu, brother and most sincere friend, along with your colleagues Fatin, Michel, Thomas, and the rest of the co-presbyters. May the Lord continue to guide you all by his Holy Spirit. You will salute your whole family in my name and in that of my wife. All my city colleagues salute you. The others conduct themselves piously and uprightly, with the two exceptions of Philip and Ludovic Siliniac. James Bernard had[200] lately a quarrel with a grandson of Wendelin, because he allied the latter too closely with us. His brother left this for another place three days ago. In haste, yours,

The disturbances in Bourdeaux have calmed down, or at least they have been quieted for a while.[211] Examples of extreme cruelty have been shown, which may soon erupt in greater turmoil. The people of Saintonge are staying hidden in the islands. Bucer recently wrote to me that Antiochus is looking forward to a day of purification. From what I can gather from his letter, the council isn't really interested in that.[212] I also got a letter from Bullinger yesterday. When I respond, you’ll know everything. If our council happens to allow the publication of what has been raised against the Interim of the sons of Cæsar[213], I will send you a copy with the first messenger I can find. But since Trolliet insists among his friends that we don't need so many books and sermons, I'm worried that his influence will be strong enough to compel us to look for a printing press elsewhere. Goodbye, brother and dear friend, along with your colleagues Fatin, Michel, Thomas, and the other co-presbyters. May the Lord continue to guide you all with His Holy Spirit. Please greet your whole family in my name and that of my wife. All my colleagues in the city send their regards. The others behave piously and correctly, with the exceptions of Philip and Ludovic Siliniac. James Bernard recently had a dispute with a grandson of Wendelin because he associated the latter too closely with us. His brother left for another place three days ago. In haste, yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCXXXI.—To John Sturm.[214]

Evidences of faith and Christian steadfastness, amid the dangers that threaten the Church.

[Geneva, December 1548.]

[Geneva, December 1548.]

If the rumour that has suddenly been spread among us be true, it behoves us to hold ourselves ready for the clash of arms. Would that the world were wise, for in that case it would long ago have been accustomed to cultivate peace under the favour of God. But since a good part of it takes too much pleasure in a war with God, it is but just that all those who refuse peaceably to submit themselves to the Author of Peace, should perish wretchedly in their mutual tumults. We ought at least[201] to take this consolation in the midst of evils, that those stormy troubles bring some cessation of hostilities to the Church of God. The power of Antiochus will be ruined; our Pharaoh, being conquered, will turn his violent assaults elsewhere, and relax perchance somewhat of his severity at home. New friends also will be able to effect some mitigation. I refrain from exhorting you to use your efforts in the particular quarter to which I refer, because I am persuaded that there is already sufficient willingness. As to the rest, whether a final dispersion be imminent, or, what is more pleasing to forecast, whether the Lord has resolved to gather together, by means of earthly commotions, into his heavenly kingdom, all those who are now scattered and wandering wretchedly abroad, we shall have cherished a friendship in good faith, the bond of which is inviolable....[215]

If the rumor that's suddenly spread among us is true, we need to be ready for a conflict. I wish the world were wiser; if it were, it would have learned long ago to promote peace with God's blessing. But since a good part of it enjoys fighting against God too much, it's only fair that those who refuse to peacefully submit to the Source of Peace should suffer in their own conflicts. At the very least, we can find some comfort in the midst of troubles, knowing that these turbulent times may bring a pause in hostilities for God's Church. The power of Antiochus will be destroyed; our Pharaoh, once defeated, may shift his violent attacks elsewhere and perhaps ease some of his harshness at home. New allies might also help in lessening the strain. I won’t urge you to take action in the specific area I'm referring to, as I believe there’s already a strong willingness to do so. As for the rest, whether a final scattering is near, or, more hopefully, whether God intends to bring together those who are now lost and suffering through worldly upheavals into his heavenly kingdom, we will have cherished a sincere friendship, a bond that cannot be broken....[215]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107a.]


CCXXXII.—To Ms. de Cany.[216]

Exhortation to a courageous and honest profession of the truth.

This 8th January 1549.

January 8, 1549.

Madame,—I would not have taken the liberty to write to you, if a man, whom I ought to trust among all others, had not emboldened me to do so, by assuring me that my letter would be agreeable to you. That is, Monsieur de Normandie, who, feeling himself obliged to you for the kindness you had shewn him, had a special desire to do you service, so far as he had the[202] means, and besides, has such a care of your salvation as he ought to have who knows that you have loved him, as partaker of a common Christian faith. On this account he has induced me to write to you, thinking that not only you might take pleasure in my letters, but that they might perhaps be profitable for you, as well for your consolation in present extremity, as to exhort you to perseverance so needful in the midst of such manifold temptations. And would to God I might have more ample opportunity of compliance with his request. But seeing that it is his pleasure that we should be separated by so great a distance, which does not permit more frequent communication between us, I beseech you, Madame, to take what I do write as a testimony of the earnest desire which I have to promote your salvation. If, because of the confession you have made of your Christianity, murmurs and threatenings rise up against you, you must bear in mind to what we are called, which is, that notwithstanding all sorts of contradiction on the part of the world, we must render to the Son of God the homage which belongs to him. These indeed should be to you as so many warnings to prepare yourself for greater things, for neither great nor small ought to seek exemption from suffering in the cause of our Sovereign King, in which his honour is as much involved as our salvation. Above all, since himself has begun by shewing us the way, who among us shall dare to refuse to follow him? Where is the greatness, or the elevation, that can bestow greater privilege upon us than on himself? And more than that, if we can appreciate the honour he confers upon us in making use of our service to maintain his so precious truth, we shall hold it to be a peculiar advantage, rather than be annoyed on account of it. True it is, that the human understanding cannot apprehend that; but, seeing that the infallible wisdom of God pronounces, that those who are persecuted for the testimony of the Gospel are most happy, at all hazards we must needs acquiesce in that judgment. And indeed, who are we that we should maintain the cause of God? Where is our sufficiency for it, seeing that we are altogether inclined to falsehood? How should we be witnesses for his truth, unless by his own special gracious permission? On the[203] other hand, seeing that we deserve on account of our sins to suffer all shame of face and ignominy, every sort of misery and torment, yea were it even a hundred thousand deaths, if that were possible, have we aught to complain of, ought we not rather to rejoice, when, forgetting our faults, he wills that we should suffer for his name? Therefore, inasmuch as we are so froward and carnal that we cannot reach such elevation, let us beg of this gracious God that he would please to imprint in our hearts that which naturally we find so strange. Furthermore, let us take to ourselves the example of the Apostles, who counted the reproach of the world as a great honour, and even gloried in it. In short, let us never think that we have fully received the truth, if we do not prefer, above all worldly triumphs, to fight under the banner of our Lord Jesus, that is to say, to bear his cross.

Ma'am,—I wouldn’t have taken the liberty to write to you if it weren’t for a man I trust more than anyone else, who encouraged me by assuring me that my letter would please you. That man is Monsieur de Normandie, who, feeling indebted to you for the kindness you showed him, really wants to help you as much as he can. He also cares about your well-being as any good Christian should who knows that you love him. For this reason, he urged me to write to you, believing that you might enjoy my letters and that they could be beneficial for you, both as a source of comfort in your current difficulties and as a motivation for perseverance, which is so essential amid various temptations. I wish I could do more to honor his request. However, since it is his will that we remain so far apart, which limits our communication, I ask you, Madame, to see this letter as a testament to my sincere desire to support your well-being. If, due to your open confession of Christianity, you face complaints and threats, remember what we are called to do: despite all the opposition from the world, we must give honor to the Son of God. These challenges should serve as reminders to prepare ourselves for greater things, because neither the great nor the small should seek to avoid suffering for our Sovereign King, whose honor is intertwined with our salvation. Above all, since He showed us the way first, who among us would dare refuse to follow Him? What achievement or status could grant us more privilege than what He enjoys? Furthermore, if we understand the honor He gives us by allowing us to stand for His precious truth, we should see that as a unique advantage rather than a burden. It is true that human understanding struggles to grasp this, but since God’s infallible wisdom declares that those who are persecuted for the Gospel are truly blessed, we must accept that judgment no matter what. Indeed, who are we to advocate for God's cause? What qualifications do we have, given our tendency toward falsehood? How can we testify to His truth without His special grace? On the other hand, recognizing that we deserve to suffer shame and misery for our sins—indeed, as much as a hundred thousand deaths if that were possible—should lead us to not complain but instead rejoice when He chooses us to suffer for His name. Therefore, since we are so rebellious and worldly that we cannot reach such heights, let us plead with this gracious God to embed in our hearts what we naturally find so difficult to accept. Moreover, let us follow the example of the Apostles, who regarded the world’s reproach as a great honor and even took pride in it. In short, let us never think we have fully grasped the truth if we do not prefer, above all worldly victories, to fight under the banner of our Lord Jesus, which means embracing His cross.

Even so, Madame, consider, I beseech you, if hitherto you have taken pains to serve and honour so good a master, how you can strive more earnestly than ever to arm yourself against opposition, to take courage against all difficulties in order to surmount them; for, since the worldly often manifest invincible constancy in the pursuit of their vanities, patiently enduring so many labours, troubles, and dangers, it would be too shameful were we to grow weary in the midst of the way of salvation; albeit that this is by no means all that is required of us, that we shew ourselves steadfast in the midst of persecutions; for, even if there were no enemies to make open war upon us, we find enough of aversion and indisposedness in ourselves and all around, to hinder us in making our calling sure, which all those who have a true zeal to devote themselves to God, experience more fully than any one could tell them. Inasmuch, then, as I hold you to be of the number, I entreat you to exercise yourself continually in the doctrine of renouncing the world yet more and more, in order to come nearer to our Lord Jesus, who has once for all purchased us to separate us unto himself. I mean the world, such as we carry it within ourselves, before we are made again after his likeness. And seeing that our whole nature, inasmuch as by the corruption of the plague it has been depraved, is enmity against God, the[204] kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ cannot be duly established, until all which is ours has been beaten down; and not only the open vices which are condemned of men, but also even our own reason and wisdom. I am aware that I do not speak to you of any new thing, and that by the grace of God you have long ago begun to follow in the way of the holy heavenly calling. But the study of holiness is one of which we must avail ourselves even to the end. And as I have ample cause to praise God for the graces he has bestowed on you, and whereby he magnifies himself in you, by making his own glory to shine forth therein; in also looking to the frailty which we all feel, I think it no superfluous trouble to exhort you to follow on, as indeed you do. And even as it is becoming in Christians to submit in all humility to receive the admonitions which are addressed to them in the name of God, even that the most learned should gladly submit to be taught, I hope that you will receive the whole with a benign and kindly heart. Believe me, when I hear that God has wrought so powerfully in you, and that he has vouchsafed you such commendable qualities, I am incited all the more to desire that he would increase his work in you, until he has quite finished it; and this it is that has constrained me more freely to declare to you my desire and affection.

Even so, madam, please consider, I urge you, if until now you have worked hard to serve and honor such a good master, how you can strive even more earnestly to prepare yourself against opposition, to muster courage against all difficulties in order to overcome them. Since people in the world often show unyielding determination in pursuing their vanity, patiently enduring so many hardships, troubles, and dangers, it would be truly shameful for us to grow weary in the journey of salvation. However, this is not all that is required of us; we must remain steadfast even in the midst of persecution. Even if there were no enemies openly attacking us, we find enough resistance and unpreparedness within ourselves and around us to hinder us from making our calling secure, which those who genuinely dedicate themselves to God experience more profoundly than anyone could describe. Therefore, as I believe you are one of those dedicated individuals, I encourage you to practice continually the doctrine of renouncing the world even more, in order to come closer to our Lord Jesus, who has once and for all redeemed us to be set apart for Himself. I refer to the world as we carry it within ourselves, before we are transformed into His likeness. And since our entire nature, due to the corruption of sin, is at odds with God, the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ cannot be properly established until everything that belongs to us has been brought low—this includes not only the open vices condemned by people but also our own reasoning and wisdom. I know I’m not telling you anything new, and by the grace of God, you began long ago to follow the path of the holy calling. However, the pursuit of holiness is one we must engage in until the very end. I have ample reason to praise God for the gifts He has given you, through which He reveals His glory in you; while also recognizing the frailty we all experience, I think it’s worth reminding you to keep moving forward, as you indeed are. Just as it is fitting for Christians to humbly accept the guidance given to them in God’s name, even the most learned should willingly accept teaching, I hope you will receive all this with a gracious and kind heart. Believe me, when I hear that God has worked so powerfully in you and given you such admirable qualities, it encourages me even more to wish that He would continue His work in you until it’s fully completed; this is what compels me to express my desire and affection for you more openly.

In conclusion, Madame, having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I entreat our good Lord to have you in his holy protection, to guide you by his Holy Spirit in all strength and prudence, to vouchsafe you grace to promote his honour, until he gather us all unto himself.

In conclusion, Madam, having humbly recommended me to your kindness, I ask our good Lord to keep you in his holy protection, to guide you by his Holy Spirit with strength and wisdom, and to grant you grace to honor him, until he brings us all together with him.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your servant and humble brother,

Charles D'Espeville.

Charles D'Espeville.

[Fr. Copy, Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. Copy, Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]


CCXXXIII.—To Miss de....

Exhortations to steadfastness in the faith—acknowledgment of liberality.

The 12th of January 1549.

January 12, 1549.

Mademoiselle my Sister,—I am very glad that your letter has afforded an occasion for my writing to you, so that without further excuse access and freedom have been given me, were it for nought else than to declare the affection I have for you. Therein, that is in your letter, I can perceive evident and clear signs of spiritual vitality; and I have not a doubt but the heart speaks therein quite as much, or rather more than the mouth. Besides, you shew convincingly that you have no longer mere passing convictions, such as many people have now-a-days, but that you have been touched to the quick, and moved with the desire of dedicating yourself wholly to God and to his will. It is very true, as you say, that while clinging from worldly fear to the superstitions which in the world reign paramount, you are still very far from that perfection whereto our gracious God doth call us. But yet it is to have made some progress even to acknowledge our sins, and to be displeased with them. You must now advance farther, and condemning your own weakness, set yourself in earnest about getting rid of it; and if you cannot succeed all at once in compassing your wish, yet nevertheless you must persevere in seeking the remedy for it, until you have been completely cured. To do this, you will find it to be of advantage to call yourself to account day by day, and while acknowledging your faults, to groan within yourself, and mourn over them before God, so that your displeasure against whatsoever is evil may become more intense, until you are quite confirmed and resolved to renounce it as you ought, even as indeed I feel assured you labour hard to do. And it is not in vain that you beg of me to join my prayers with yours, to seek with importunity to God that he would be pleased to have compassion upon you, and to deliver you from this unhappy[206] captivity. Let us continue then with one accord to put up this request, and he will at length make manifest that you have not altogether lost your time. True, sometimes he lets us grow faint, and before declaring effectually that he has heard our prayers, he seems to keep at a distance, as much to sharpen our desire, as to make trial of our patience; and, therefore, you need not reckon that hitherto your prayers to him have been in vain, but much rather take encouragement, and strive even more and more, knowing that if perseverance be required throughout our whole life, it is specially desired in prayer. And, besides, you must also take care in real earnest to fan the flame which God has already begun to kindle within you; for all the gracious affections he breathes into us, are just so many sparks which we must not extinguish, or allow to go out by our heedlessness. Since, then, God has already opened your eyes so far, that you admit we ought to be his peculiar ones, and dedicated to him in righteousness, so as to glorify him as well in our bodies as in our souls; seeing also that he has touched your heart, so that you have some feeling of our unhappiness in alienation from him, unquestionably you must not now go to sleep or trifle away at your ease, but even as we stir fire when it does not burn as it ought to do, it is quite right that you be upstirred yet more and more, until the longing desire to devote yourself wholly to him and to his righteousness, overcomes all hindrances either from the flesh or from the world. I see, or at least take into view, the very great difficulties you have where you are; but since these considerations do not excuse you in the sight of God, when the question is of obedience to his word, and also in a thing of so great importance as the rendering unto him the glory which is due, and the making confession of your Christianity,—if I desire your salvation as I ought, as God is my witness that I do, it is my duty to awaken you, so far as I possibly can, not that I can teach you any new thing, but that on my part I may assist you in making a right use of that knowledge which God has vouchsafed you; to wit, how reasonable it is that his honour be preferred to our life, and also that we endeavour to put away all those subterfuges, which our flesh suggests to us,[207] for turning aside from the path which he points out. That we may do so, we must learn a habit of forgetting ourselves, for the allurements of the world are no less dangerous than open war. The most humble have their share. You, on the other hand, owing to the high condition wherein God has set you, have a larger portion. But you must consider that this is a discipline God sends you, in order that you may all the better manifest the strength and vigour of the savour of our heavenly life, when you shall have surmounted those great obstacles, following out in spite of them your heavenly calling. However, Mademoiselle, when you feel your own infirmity so great, that in the midst of dangers you are unable to give glory to God, do not neglect the remedy, which is to betake yourself to the cross, where you may be joined to the flock, and hear the voice of the Shepherd; whatever may happen, shun to be as a sheep straying in the wilderness. When you are in such a disposition, there is no doubt that God will have compassion upon you, that himself will provide when you shall see no means of doing so; for it is thus that he withdraws his own not only from the mouths of wolves, but from the very depths of hell.

Miss my Sister,—I’m really glad your letter gave me the chance to write to you, allowing me access and freedom to express my feelings for you. In your letter, I can clearly see signs of spiritual vitality; I have no doubt that your heart is speaking just as much, if not more, than your words. Moreover, you convincingly show that you no longer have just fleeting thoughts, like many people do these days, but you’ve been deeply moved and have a strong desire to fully dedicate yourself to God and His will. It’s true, as you say, that while you still hold onto worldly fears and the superstitions that dominate our world, you are far from the perfection to which our gracious God calls us. However, recognizing our sins and feeling remorse for them is already some progress. Now you need to push further, accept your weaknesses, and earnestly work on overcoming them; even if you can’t achieve your goal all at once, you must keep searching for the remedy until you are completely healed. To do this, it’ll help to hold yourself accountable daily, acknowledge your faults, and genuinely mourn them before God, allowing your anger against evil to grow stronger until you are fully committed to renouncing it as you should, just as I’m sure you’re striving to do. It’s not in vain that you ask me to pray with you for God to have compassion on you and free you from this unfortunate[206] captivity. Let’s continue to make this request together, and He will eventually show that you haven’t wasted your time. It’s true that sometimes He allows us to feel faint, and before responding to our prayers, He seems distant, both to intensify our desire and to test our patience; so, don’t think your prayers have been in vain up to this point. Instead, take heart and strive even harder, knowing that while perseverance is needed throughout our lives, it’s especially crucial in prayer. Additionally, you should earnestly nurture the flame that God has already started within you; all the gracious feelings He instills in us are like sparks that we must not allow to extinguish or fade away because of our negligence. Since God has already opened your eyes to the fact that we should be His own, dedicated to Him in righteousness to glorify Him in both body and soul; and since He has touched your heart so that you feel our sadness in being distant from Him, you definitely shouldn’t be complacent or waste time in ease. Just as we stir a fire when it’s not burning properly, it’s vital that you continually wake yourself up, until the deep desire to fully devote yourself to Him and His righteousness overcomes all obstacles from the flesh or the world. I see, or at least acknowledge, the great difficulties you face where you are; but these challenges will not excuse you before God when it comes to obeying His word and giving Him the glory that He deserves, along with confessing your Christianity. If I care for your salvation as I should, as God is my witness that I do, it’s my duty to awaken you as much as I can—not to teach you something new, but to help you make a true use of the knowledge that God has given you; to understand how reasonable it is for His honor to take precedence over our lives, and that we strive to discard all those excuses our flesh suggests to divert us from the path He points out.[207] To achieve this, we must cultivate the habit of forgetting ourselves, since the temptations of the world are just as dangerous as open warfare. The humblest among us are not exempt. You, because of the elevated position God has placed you in, have a greater burden. But remember, this is a challenge God sends you to better demonstrate the strength and energy of the aroma of our heavenly life once you overcome these significant obstacles, pursuing your heavenly calling despite them. However, Mademoiselle, when your own weaknesses feel so overwhelming that you can’t glorify God amid the dangers, don’t ignore the remedy, which is to turn to the cross, where you can join the flock and hear the voice of the Shepherd; whatever happens, avoid being like a lost sheep in the wilderness. In such a state, there’s no doubt that God will have compassion on you and will provide when you see no way out, for He protects His own not just from the jaws of wolves but from the very depths of hell.

I have received the ten crowns which you have sent for the support of the poor believers who have need of it.[217] I have intrusted them to a discreet hand, to make distribution according to your intention. May the Lord vouchsafe acceptance of this alms at your hands, as a sacrifice of a sweet savour, and cause you one day to rejoice in the spiritual benefits which he has imparted to those you are thus helping in their earthly poverty.

I have received the ten crowns you sent for the support of the needy believers. [217] I have given them to a trustworthy person to distribute according to your wishes. May the Lord accept this offering from you as a pleasing sacrifice and bless you with joy in the spiritual benefits He grants to those you are helping in their earthly need.

And now, Mademoiselle, having commended me humbly to your kind favour, with prayer to our good Lord to uphold you in his protection, to govern you always by his Spirit, and to assist you in every way and evermore, I shall conclude for[208] the present. My wife also desires to be humbly commended to your kind favour.

And now, Miss, having respectfully asked for your kind support, with a prayer to our good Lord to keep you safe, guide you always with His Spirit, and help you in every way, I will conclude for[208] now. My wife also wants to send her humble regards to your kind support.

Your servant and humble brother,

Your servant and humble brother,

Charles D'Espeville.

Charles D'Espeville.

[Fr. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 108.]

[Fr. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 108.]


CCXXXIV.—To the Ministers of the Church of Montbeliard.[218]

Exhortations to discharge to the end their ministerial duties.

[Geneva, 16th January 1549.]

[Geneva, January 16, 1549.]

Grace to you, and peace, from God our Father and from the Lord Jesus Christ.—Very dear brethren, deserving of my hearty reverence, what we so long feared has at length come to pass, for Satan has, by the aid of his ministers, overturned among you also the order of the Church as established by God. Yet your letter was consolatory—so far as there could be any consolation in so very sad a state of things—for we learned from it that you were all faithful to the last in the discharge of your duty. In denouncing, as you say you did, those seducers who were making themselves busy in defiling the purity of sound doctrine, you acted with a decision worthy of the ministers of Christ. You now give a bright example of the sincerity of your faith, in preferring even exile to perfidious dissimulation. For when he who had hitherto given a hospitable reception within his dominions to the Church of Christ, and had granted you full permission to preach Christ, now deprives you[209] of the office of teachers, there is no use in pushing the matter farther, as we think, especially when there is no hope of making progress, and when the sheep, over which Christ had made you pastors, no longer desire your services. As he is a traitor who voluntarily yields up and deserts his post, so it is our duty, when forced, not to offer resistance, unless perhaps we should be expressly called upon by the Church to undergo the extremity; for it is a hundred times better to die, than for those who were prepared to follow Christ to make vain their vows. But your case is far different; for so long as you were pastors, you were faithful and assiduous in your attention to your flocks. Now when there is no use in desiring to persevere, and when the sheep themselves, to whom your faith was pledged, do not consider it profitable for you to proceed farther, you are certainly free from all further obligation. It remains, therefore, for you to commend to Christ the charges committed to you, that he alone by his Spirit may give guidance when you have no longer any opportunity of carrying on your labours. Henceforward we may imagine what your sorrow must be, seeing that nothing presents itself to you but exile and poverty. But your greatest affliction will be caused by the misery of the Church, for whose interests you have evinced greater regard than for your own. And we indeed are equally affected—as we ought to be—by your public and private misfortunes. Would that we could extend a helping hand to you! For the rest, we exhort you to hold on to the end in this your testimony of Christian sincerity. Your lot, however hard, will be more blessed than if you maintained a name and a place where the Son of God was exiled. Yet we shall soon see him so reigning in heaven, as to make his power appear also on the earth. Meanwhile, it becomes us to be ready for the warfare, since it is not yet the hour of triumph. Adieu, best and most upright brethren. May the Lord Jesus Christ be with you, may he comfort and support you in your devoted steadfastness.

Grace and peace to you from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ. Dear friends, who I hold in deep respect, what we’ve long dreaded has finally happened: Satan, with the help of his ministers, has disrupted the order of the Church established by God among you too. However, your letter brought some comfort, considering how tragic things are, for we learned that you have all remained faithful to the end in fulfilling your duties. By denouncing, as you said, those deceivers who were trying to tarnish the purity of sound doctrine, you acted decisively, showing the resolve expected of Christ's ministers. You now set a strong example of your faith by choosing even exile over deceitful compromise. When the one who had welcomed the Church of Christ into his territory and had allowed you to preach about Christ now strips you of your teaching roles, there’s no point in pushing the issue further, especially when there’s no hope for progress and the flock you’ve been shepherding no longer wishes for your guidance. Just as a traitor is one who voluntarily abandons his post, we must not resist when forced to leave, unless specifically called by the Church to endure extreme measures; for it is far better to die than for those ready to follow Christ to render their vows worthless. Your situation is quite different; as long as you were pastors, you were dedicated and attentive to your flocks. Now that it’s clear there’s no benefit in trying to continue, and when the very sheep you pledged your faith to don’t think it’s worthwhile for you to go on, you are undoubtedly free from any further obligation. Therefore, it’s time for you to commend your responsibilities to Christ, that He alone may guide you through His Spirit when you can no longer carry on your work. From here on out, we can only imagine your sorrow, as your future looks to be filled with exile and hardship. But your deepest sadness will stem from the plight of the Church, to which you’ve shown more care than for your own welfare. We share in this sorrow, as we should, over both your public and personal struggles. I wish we could offer you help! In the meantime, we encourage you to stay steadfast in your testimony of Christian integrity until the very end. Your fate, no matter how difficult, will be more blessed than if you sought comfort in a place where the Son of God was unwelcome. Soon enough, however, we will witness Him reigning in heaven, demonstrating His power on earth as well. Until then, we must be prepared for battle, as it is not yet time for triumph. Farewell, my dear and honorable friends. May the Lord Jesus Christ be with you, comforting and supporting you in your unwavering devotion.

Your brethren truly in the Lord, the Ministers of the Church of Geneva.—In the name of all,

Your brothers and sisters in the Lord, the Ministers of the Church of Geneva.—On behalf of everyone,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp.—Opera, tom. ix. p. 50.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp.—Opera, vol. ix, p. 50.]


CCXXXV.—To Henry Bullinger.[219]

Hope of union with the theologians of Zurich—dedication of several writings.

Geneva, 21st January 1549.

Geneva, January 21, 1549.

I at length received your former letter, which I thought had been destroyed, three days before the latter of the two reached me. For when the person who married the other sister[220] sought Hooper's[221] letter from his companion, observing another small packet, he immediately laid hands on it. His companion, either from modesty, or from some cause I know not what, did not dare to take it from him. I have read your annotations, from which I have discovered what you regard as wanting in my method of treating the subject. I have endeavoured briefly to satisfy you, because the matter itself did not demand a long discourse. I shall know how far I have succeeded in this, when I have received your reply. I may at least on good grounds wish to obtain this of you, viz., that you will not allow yourself to become entangled in baseless suspicions. For I observe that, owing to this cause, you are perplexed in regard to many points which present difficulty, simply because you put upon the majority of my statements a different construction from what you have any ground for doing. A pre-[211]conceived opinion regarding me leads you to imagine and attribute to me what never occurred to my mind. Besides, while you are concerned to maintain your own opinions, whatever they may be, to the very last, you sometimes consider more what is in harmony with them, than what is the truth on the subject. If simplicity pleases you, I certainly take no delight in disguise and circumlocution. If you love a free declaration of the truth, I never had any mind to bend what I wrote, so as to receive its acceptance with men. If there be any who have flattered Luther and others, I am not of that number. Our most excellent Musculus knows, that even when wise men were in fear, I was always free [from apprehensions]. But had it not been for the obstacle of an unprofitable distrust, there would by this time have been no controversy between us, or none to speak of. Although, however, I differ from you in opinion, that does not imply the least severance of affection; just as I cultivate the friendship of Bucer, and yet am free to dissent occasionally from his views. You are accordingly too severe in saying in your letter that the matter can only go well, provided you understand that you are not regarded as our enemies. On what grounds you form that surmise, I know not. This indeed I know, that I both think and speak of you in a friendly spirit. This, moreover, is known to very many who have heard me speak. It may indeed be that I have found fault with you in private letters to my friends, or that I have not concealed my conviction, that what they censured was deserving of reprehension. There was always, however, such an admixture of praise, as qualified any bitterness, and afforded proof of good intentions. Others may form what opinion they choose, but I shall never have to repent of lack of integrity on my part. If Master Blaurer[222] shall undertake Provence, which is offered to him, and Musculus accept the Professorship of Theology, I shall not only congratulate the Church of Berne, but hope that this will prove a bond of closer relationship between us. I beg you will inform me of your affairs, whenever an opportunity occurs. You would have had my Commentaries on the Five[212] Epistles of Paul before this time, had I not thought that they were for sale with you. As messengers rarely go and come between this and your quarter, I was afraid that the carriage would cost more than the purchase of them. I now send you the Commentaries on the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, and the four [Epistles] immediately following. I have yet published nothing on the Epistle to Titus, and the two Epistles to the Thessalonians. I also send my reply, which is highly approved of by Brentius, whose opinion I do not mention to you in the way of boasting, but that you may therefrom form a conjecture as to how much more moderate he is in his doctrine of the Sacraments than he formerly was. Adieu, most illustrious sir, and dearest brother in the Lord. May the Lord Jesus always guide you and your colleagues, all of whom you will salute respectfully in my name. Ours in turn desire best greetings to you, of whom Des Gallars presents for your acceptance a small treatise he has composed. The best greeting to Master Musculus, and other pious brethren.—Yours,

I finally received your earlier letter, which I thought was lost, just three days before the second one reached me. When the person who married the other sister[220] asked his companion for Hooper's[221] letter and noticed another small package, he immediately grabbed it. His companion, for reasons unknown to me—perhaps out of modesty—didn’t dare to take it from him. I've read your comments, which made me realize what you think is lacking in my approach to the topic. I’ve tried to satisfy you briefly since the subject itself doesn’t require a long discussion. I’ll find out how successful I’ve been when I receive your response. At the very least, I hope you won’t let yourself get caught up in unfounded suspicions. I’ve noticed that because of this, you're confused about many things that are difficult simply because you interpret most of my statements in a way that doesn’t have any basis. A preconceived opinion about me leads you to imagine and attribute things to me that I never thought. Besides, while you’re trying to maintain your own opinions until the end, you sometimes focus more on what aligns with them rather than on the truth of the matter. If you enjoy simplicity, I definitely have no interest in disguise or roundabout explanations. If you appreciate a straightforward declaration of the truth, I never intended to twist my writing to gain acceptance from others. If there are those who have flattered Luther and others, I’m not one of them. Our esteemed Musculus knows that even when wise men were fearful, I was always free of such apprehensions. But if it weren’t for the obstacle of an unproductive distrust, there would have been no controversy between us, or none worth mentioning. Although I differ from you in opinion, that doesn’t mean there’s any severance of affection; just as I maintain a friendship with Bucer and still occasionally disagree with his views. You are too harsh in saying in your letter that everything can only go well if you understand that you’re not considered our enemies. I don’t know why you would think that. What I do know is that I think and speak of you in a friendly manner. Many people have heard me say as much. It may be that I’ve criticized you in private letters to my friends or that I haven’t hidden my belief that what they criticized deserved it. However, there was always enough praise mixed in to soften any bitterness and show my good intentions. Others can form whatever opinions they want, but I will never regret my integrity. If Master Blaurer[222] takes on Provence, which has been offered to him, and Musculus accepts the Professorship of Theology, I won’t only congratulate the Church of Berne, but I hope this will strengthen our relationship. Please let me know how you’re doing whenever you get the chance. You would have had my Commentaries on the Five[211] Epistles of Paul by now if I hadn’t thought they were for sale with you. Since messengers rarely travel between here and your area, I was worried that the shipping would cost more than the purchase. I’m now sending you the Commentaries on the Second Epistle to the Corinthians and the four following Epistles. I still haven’t published anything on the Epistle to Titus or the two Epistles to the Thessalonians. I’m also sending my reply, which Brentius highly approves of; I mention his opinion not to boast, but so you can guess how much more moderate he is now in his Sacraments doctrine compared to before. Goodbye, most distinguished sir, and dear brother in the Lord. May the Lord Jesus continue to guide you and your colleagues, all of whom you should greet respectfully for me. Our group sends their best wishes to you, and Des Gallars presents you with a small treatise he composed. Best regards to Master Musculus and all the devoted brethren.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Archives of Zurich. Gest. VI. 166, p. 19.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Archives of Zurich. Gest. VI. 166, p. 19.]


CCXXXVI.—To Bucer.[223]

Consolations to be found in the study of divine and everlasting truth.

[February 1549.]

[February 1549.]

As truth is most precious, so all men confess it to be so. And yet, since God alone is the source of all good, you must not doubt, that whatever truth you anywhere meet with, proceeds[213] from him, unless you would be doubly ungrateful to him; it is in this way you have received the word descended from heaven. For it is sinful to treat God's gifts with contempt; and to ascribe to man what is peculiarly God's is a still greater impiety. Philosophy is, consequently, the noble gift of God, and those learned men who have striven hard after it in all ages have been incited thereto by God himself, that they might enlighten the world in the knowledge of the truth. But there is a wide difference between the writings of these men and those truths which God, of his own pleasure, delivered to guilty men for their sanctification. In the former, you may fall in with a small particle of truth, of which you can get only a taste, sufficient to make you feel how pleasant and sweet it is; but in the latter, you may obtain in rich abundance that which can refresh the soul to the full. In the one, a shadow and an image is placed before the eyes which can only excite in you a love of the object, without admitting you to familiar intercourse with it; in the other, the solid substance stands before you, with which you may not only become intimately acquainted, but may also, in some measure, handle it. In that, the seed is in a manner choked; in this, you may possess the fruit in its very maturity. There, in short, only a few small sparks break forth, which so point out the path that they fail in the middle of the journey,—or rather, which fail in indicating the path at all,—and can only restrain the traveller from going farther astray; but here, the Spirit of God, like a most brilliant torch, or rather like the sun itself, shines in full splendour, not only to guide the course of your life, even to its final goal, but also to conduct you to a blessed immortality. Draw then from this source, wherever you may wander, and as soon as he finds you a settled abode, you ought to make that your place of rest....

As truth is most valuable, everyone agrees on that. Yet, since God is the only source of all goodness, you shouldn't doubt that any truth you encounter comes from Him, unless you want to be doubly ungrateful. This is how you've received the word that comes down from heaven. It's sinful to treat God's gifts with contempt, and claiming credit for what belongs to God is an even greater offense. Philosophy is, therefore, a precious gift from God, and those scholars who have pursued it throughout history have been inspired by God Himself to enlighten the world with the knowledge of the truth. However, there is a significant difference between the writings of these scholars and the truths that God, by His own will, has given to sinful humanity for their sanctification. In the former, you might find a small piece of truth that only gives you a hint of how pleasant and sweet it is, while in the latter, you can obtain abundant richness that fully refreshes the soul. In one case, you see only a shadow and image that inspire a love for the object but do not allow for a close connection with it; in the other, the solid substance is before you, enabling you to not only get to know it intimately but also to engage with it in some way. In that sense, the seed is kind of choked; in this case, you can enjoy the fully ripe fruit. Ultimately, the former offers only a few tiny sparks that indicate a path, which fail midway through the journey—or even fail to show the path at all—and can only prevent the traveler from straying further. But here, the Spirit of God shines brightly, like a brilliant torch or even the sun itself, illuminating your life’s journey all the way to its final destination, and guiding you toward a blessed immortality. So draw from this source wherever you go, and when you find a stable place, make it your resting spot.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 50.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 50.]


CCXXXVII.—To the Pastors of the Church of Berne.[224]

Desire of union between the Churches of Berne and Geneva.

Geneva, 13th March 1549.

Geneva, March 13, 1549.

Seeing that we have, unsolicited, offered you a reading of our views on the sacraments, it seems desirable to furnish you, briefly, with some reason for our resolution in this matter; although, indeed, no lengthened introduction is needed in dealing with us in so just a cause. When your illustrious senate has publicly called upon you to deliberate, among other matters, regarding the peace of the Church, of which the peculiar bond is harmony in purity of doctrine, it is probable there will be some discussion regarding the sacraments, as that subject has for a long time occupied the attention of the Bernese Church. And while we are not required to make any exposition of our doctrine, we have, nevertheless, thought it our duty, even though unasked, to take part with you in bearing testimony on a matter in which we have all been completely unanimous. For since we both preach the same Christ, both profess the same gospel, are both members of the same church, and have both the same ministry, there ought not to be that diversity of authority among us to which we have been subject, either to break up the unity of our faith, or to hinder from flourishing amongst us so many rights of holy fellowship consecrated[215] to the service of Christ. That proximity of residence, also, which is so influential among the children of this world, in drawing them into close friendship, ought not, at least, to be less powerful among us. We are, in reality, so commingled, that even the situation of the two places brings us, as it were, within a bond of mutual union. So far is this the case, that there is a federal union between the two cities. Some of our ministers, moreover, supply the churches of the Bernese district, just as certain of your body, again, have some of the churches of Geneva under their charge. It is, consequently, to a great extent, as much your interest as it is ours to become intimately acquainted with those doctrines to which we conform. At all events, in this way—passing by other considerations—many unfavourable suspicions will be counteracted, and malicious men will be deprived of a source of abuse. We confidently trust that our wishes will be agreeable, not only to yourselves, but also to your most illustrious senate. It only remains that you receive this communication calmly and with forbearance. And if you do so, as there is the highest hope you will, it will not be found to contain anything which you may not easily comprehend. Adieu, dearly beloved and estimable brethren and fellow-ministers; may the Lord Jesus long preserve, by his strength, the Bernese republic in a most prosperous condition. May he uphold the illustrious senate, under whose auspices ye have been assembled. May he direct and bless your assembly, and guide you by a spirit of wise zeal and uprightness to promote the advancement and edification of the Church.

Seeing that we have, uninvited, shared our thoughts on the sacraments with you, we think it’s important to give you a brief explanation of our decision in this matter; although, frankly, no lengthy introduction is needed when discussing such a fair issue. When your esteemed senate has publicly asked you to consider, among other things, the peace of the Church, which relies on the harmony of pure doctrine, it’s likely there will be some conversation about the sacraments, as that topic has long been important to the Bernese Church. And while we are not required to explain our beliefs, we still feel it’s our duty, even without being asked, to join you in affirming a matter on which we are all completely united. Since we both preach the same Christ, profess the same gospel, are members of the same church, and share the same ministry, there shouldn't be such a diversity of authority among us that it disrupts our unity of faith or hampers the flourishing of so many sacred bonds dedicated to the service of Christ. Moreover, the closeness of our residences, which tends to build strong friendships among people in this world, should, at the very least, have a similar effect among us. We are, in essence, so intertwined that even the geography of our two locations connects us in a bond of mutual union. In fact, there is a formal partnership between our two cities. Some of our ministers support the churches in the Bernese region, just as some of yours oversee certain churches in Geneva. Thus, it is as much in your interest as in ours to become well-acquainted with the doctrines we embrace. In any case, this will help dispel many unfounded suspicions and prevent malicious individuals from finding a reason to cause trouble. We sincerely hope our wishes will be pleasing not only to you but also to your esteemed senate. It remains for you to receive this message calmly and patiently. If you do, as we hope you will, you will find nothing in it that you cannot easily understand. Farewell, dear and esteemed brothers and fellow ministers; may the Lord Jesus continue to keep the Bernese republic strong and prosperous. May he support the illustrious senate, under whose guidance you have gathered. May he lead and bless your assembly, and guide you with a spirit of wise zeal and integrity to foster the growth and improvement of the Church.

Signed in the name of all your brethren and fellow-ministers of the Church of Geneva,

Signed in the name of all your brothers and fellow ministers of the Church of Geneva,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


Then follows an exposition of the sacraments, corrected by the hand of Calvin.

Then comes an explanation of the sacraments, revised by Calvin's influence.

[Lat. Copy.Archives of Zurich, Gest. VI. 105, p. 390.]

[Lat. Copy.Archives of Zurich, Gest. VI. 105, p. 390.]


CCXXXVIII.—To Viret.[225]

Death of Idelette de Bure, the wife of Calvin.

April 7, 1549.

April 7, 1549.

Although the death of my wife has been exceedingly painful to me, yet I subdue my grief as well as I can. Friends, also, are earnest in their duty to me. It might be wished, indeed, that they could profit me and themselves more; yet one can scarcely say how much I am supported by their attentions. But you know well enough how tender, or rather soft, my mind is. Had not a powerful self-control, therefore, been vouchsafed to me, I could not have borne up so long. And truly mine is no common source of grief. I have been bereaved of the best companion of my life, of one who, had it been so ordered, would not only have been the willing sharer of my indigence, but even of my death. During her life she was the faithful helper of my ministry. From her I never experienced the slightest hindrance. She was never troublesome to me throughout the entire course of her illness; she was more anxious about her children than about herself.[226] As I feared these private[217] cares might annoy her to no purpose, I took occasion, on the third day before her death, to mention that I would not fail in discharging my duty to her children. Taking up the matter immediately, she said, "I have already committed them to God." When I said that that was not to prevent me from caring for them, she replied, "I know you will not neglect what you know has been committed to God." Lately, also, when a certain woman insisted that she should talk with me regarding these matters, I, for the first time, heard her give the following brief answer: "Assuredly the principal thing is that they live a pious and holy life. My husband is not to be urged to instruct them in religious knowledge and in the fear of God. If they be pious, I am sure he will gladly be a father to them; but if not, they do not deserve that I should ask for aught in their behalf." This nobleness of mind will weigh more with me than a hundred recommendations. Many thanks for your friendly consolation. Adieu, most excellent and honest brother. May the Lord Jesus watch over and direct yourself and your wife.[227] Present my best wishes to her and to the brethren.—Yours,

Although the death of my wife has been incredibly painful for me, I try to manage my grief as best as I can. My friends are also being very supportive. It would be nice if they could help me and themselves even more; still, I can hardly express how much their attention uplifts me. But you know how sensitive my mind is. If it weren’t for my strong self-control, I wouldn’t have been able to hold up for this long. Truly, my grief is not ordinary. I’ve lost the best companion I had, someone who, if things had been different, would have willingly shared my struggles and even my death. While she was alive, she was a faithful supporter of my ministry. She never hindered me in any way. Even during her illness, she worried more about our children than herself. As I worried that these personal concerns might trouble her unnecessarily, I took the chance, on the third day before her death, to tell her that I would always take care of her children. Immediately, she responded, “I have already committed them to God.” When I said that wouldn’t stop me from caring for them, she replied, “I know you won’t neglect what has been entrusted to God.” Recently, when a certain woman insisted on talking to me about these matters, I heard her give the following succinct answer for the first time: “What’s most important is that they lead a pious and holy life. My husband shouldn’t be pressured to teach them about faith and the fear of God. If they are pious, I’m sure he will gladly be a father to them; but if they aren’t, then they don’t deserve me asking for anything on their behalf.” This nobility of spirit means more to me than a hundred recommendations. Thank you for your kind support. Goodbye, my esteemed and honest brother. May the Lord Jesus watch over you and your wife. Please give her and the brethren my best regards.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp.—Opera, tom. ix. p. 50.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp.—Opera, vol. ix. p. 50.]


CCXXXIX.—To Farel.

Further details regarding the death of Idelette de Bure.

Geneva, 11th April 1549.

Geneva, April 11, 1549.

Intelligence of my wife's death has perhaps reached you before now. I do what I can to keep myself from being overwhelmed with grief. My friends also leave nothing undone that may administer relief to my mental suffering. When your brother left, her life was all but despaired of. When the[218] brethren were assembled on Tuesday, they thought it best that we should join together in prayer. This was done. When Abel, in the name of the rest, exhorted her to faith and patience, she briefly (for she was now greatly worn) stated her frame of mind. I afterwards added an exhortation, which seemed to me appropriate to the occasion. And then, as she had made no allusion to her children, I, fearing that, restrained by modesty, she might be feeling an anxiety concerning them, which would cause her greater suffering than the disease itself, declared in the presence of the brethren, that I should henceforth care for them as if they were my own. She replied, "I have already committed them to the Lord." When I replied, that that was not to hinder me from doing my duty, she immediately answered, "If the Lord shall care for them, I know they will be commended to you." Her magnanimity was so great, that she seemed to have already left the world. About the sixth hour of the day, on which she yielded up her soul to the Lord, our brother Bourgouin[228] addressed some pious words to her, and while he was doing so, she spoke aloud, so that all saw that her heart was raised far above the world. For these were her words: "O glorious resurrection! O God of Abraham, and of all our fathers, in thee have the faithful trusted during so many past ages, and none of them have trusted in vain. I also will hope." These short sentences were rather ejaculated than distinctly spoken. This did not come from the suggestion of others, but from her own reflections, so that she made it obvious in few words what were her own meditations. I had to go out at six o'clock. Having been removed to another apartment after seven, she immediately began to decline. When she felt her voice suddenly failing her, she said: "Let us pray: let us pray. All pray for me." I had now returned. She was unable to speak, and her mind seemed to be troubled. I, having spoken a few words about the love of Christ, the hope of eternal life, concerning our married life, and her departure, engaged in prayer. In full possession of her mind, she both heard the prayer, and attended to it. Before eight she expired, so calmly, that those present could scarcely distinguish between[219] her life and her death. I at present control my sorrow so that my duties may not be interfered with. But in the mean while the Lord has sent other trials upon me. Adieu, brother, and very excellent friend. May the Lord Jesus strengthen you by his Spirit; and may he support me also under this heavy affliction, which would certainly have overcome me, had not he, who raises up the prostrate, strengthens the weak, and refreshes the weary, stretched forth his hand from heaven to me. Salute all the brethren and your whole family.—Yours,

I’m sure you’ve heard about my wife’s passing by now. I’m doing my best to manage my grief. My friends are also doing everything they can to help ease my pain. When your brother left, her situation was dire. When the group gathered on Tuesday, they thought it best to pray together. This was done. When Abel, speaking for everyone, encouraged her to have faith and patience, she briefly shared how she was feeling, though she was very weak. I then added some words that I thought were fitting for the moment. Noticing that she hadn’t mentioned her children, I worried that she might be silently anxious about them, which could be causing her even more distress than her illness. So, I assured everyone present that I would look after her kids as if they were my own. She replied, "I have already given them to the Lord." When I said that wouldn’t stop me from doing my duty, she immediately responded, "If the Lord takes care of them, I know they will be safe with you." Her strength of spirit was so remarkable that she seemed already ready to leave this world. Around six in the evening, on the day she passed away, our brother Bourgouin shared some comforting words with her, and while he was speaking, she exclaimed loudly, showing everyone that her heart was far above worldly concerns. She said, "O glorious resurrection! O God of Abraham and all our ancestors, in You the faithful have placed their trust for so many ages, and none of them have trusted in vain. I will also have hope." These were more like quick, heartfelt bursts than clearly articulated sentences. This wasn’t influenced by anyone else, but came from her own thoughts, making it clear in just a few words what she had been meditating on. I had to step out at six o'clock. After being moved to another room around seven, she started to fade quickly. When she noticed her voice starting to fail, she urged, "Let us pray: let us pray. Everyone, pray for me." I was back by then. She couldn’t speak, and it seemed like her mind was troubled. I shared a few words about Christ’s love, the hope of eternal life, our life together, and her upcoming departure, then led a prayer. Even in her weakened state, she was fully aware and listened to the prayer. Before eight, she passed away so peacefully that those present could hardly tell if she was alive or gone. Right now, I’m managing my sorrow well enough to keep up with my responsibilities. But meanwhile, the Lord has sent other challenges my way. Goodbye, brother, and dear friend. May the Lord Jesus give you strength through His Spirit; and may He also support me as I face this heavy loss, which would have surely overwhelmed me if it weren’t for Him, who lifts the fallen, strengthens the weak, and refreshes the weary, reaching out to me from heaven. Please send my regards to all the brethren and your entire family.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 50.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. 9, p. 50.]


CCXL.—To Madam de Cany.[229]

Account of the instructive death of Madame Laurent de Normandie.

This 29th of April 1549.

April 29, 1549.

Madame,—Although the news which I communicate is sad, and must also sadden the person to whom I beg you to impart it, nevertheless I hope that my letter will not be unwelcome to you. It has pleased my God to withdraw from this world the wife of my kind brother, M. de Normandie.[230] Our consolation is, that he has gathered her unto himself; for he has guided her even to the last sigh, as if visibly he had held out the hand to her. Now, forasmuch as her father must needs be informed,[231] we have thought there was no way[220] more suitable than to request that you would please take the trouble to request him to call on you, that the painful intelligence may be broken to him by your communication of it. What the gentleman has written to us who lately presented our letter to you, has emboldened us to take this step, viz., that you had introduced the good man in question to the right way of salvation, and that you had given him understanding of the pure and sound doctrine which we must maintain. We do not doubt, therefore, that you are willing to continue your good offices, and that even in this present need. For we cannot employ ourselves better, than in carrying this message in the name of God, to comfort him to whom you have already done so much good, that he may not be beyond measure disconsolate. Therefore, Madame, I leave you to set before him the arguments and reasons which you know to be suitable for exhorting to submission. Only I shall shortly relate to you the history, which will furnish you with ample matter for showing him that he has reason to be thankful. And, according to the grace and wisdom that God has given you, you will draw thence for his comfort as opportunity shall require.

Ms.,—Although the news I'm sharing is sad and will surely upset the person I'm asking you to tell, I hope that my letter isn't unwelcome to you. God has chosen to take away the wife of my dear brother, M. de Normandie.[230] Our consolation is that he has received her into his care; he guided her right up to her last breath, as if he was holding her hand. Now, since her father needs to be informed,[231] we thought it would be best to ask you to take the time to invite him to see you so that you can gently break the news to him. What the gentleman wrote to us, who recently delivered our letter to you, gave us the confidence to take this step, as he mentioned that you had led that good man to the path of salvation and helped him understand the pure and solid doctrine we should uphold. Therefore, we believe you would be willing to continue your kind efforts, even in this difficult time. We can't think of a better way to serve than by bringing this message in God's name to comfort someone you've already helped so much, so he isn’t completely despairing. So, Madame, I leave it to you to present him with the arguments and reasons you know would encourage him to accept this situation. I’ll briefly share the story, which will give you plenty of material to show him that he has reasons to be grateful. And, with the grace and wisdom God has given you, you will draw from that for his comfort as needed.

Having heard of the illness of the good woman, we were amazed how she could have been able to bear so well the fatigue of the journey, for she arrived quite fresh, and without showing any sign of weariness. Indeed she acknowledged that God had singularly supported her during that time. Weak as she was, she kept well enough until a little before Christmas. The eager desire which she had to hear the word of God, upheld her until the month of January. She then began to take to bed, not because the complaint was as yet thought to be mortal, but to prevent the danger which might arise. Although expecting a favourable termination, and hoping to recover her health, she nevertheless prepared for death, saying often, that if this was not the finishing blow, it could not be long delayed. As for remedies, all was done that could be. And if her bodily comfort was provided for, that which she prized most highly was nowise wanting, to wit, pious admonitions to confirm her in the fear of God, in the faith of Jesus Christ, in patience, in the hope of salvation. On her part she[221] always gave clear evidence that the labour was not in vain, for in her discourse you could see that she had the whole deeply imprinted upon her heart. In short, throughout the course of her sickness, she proved herself to be a true sheep of our Lord Jesus, letting herself be quietly led by the Great Shepherd. Two or three days before death, as her heart was more raised to God, she also spoke with more earnest affection than ever. Even the day before, while she was exhorting her people, she said to her attendant, that he must take good heed never to return thither where he had polluted himself with idolatry; and that since God had led him to a Christian Church, he should be careful to live therein a holy life. The night following, she was oppressed with great and continued pain. Yet never did one hear any other cry from her, than the prayer to God that he would have pity upon her, and that he would deliver her out of the world, vouchsafing grace to persevere always in the faith which he had bestowed. Toward five o'clock in the morning I went to her. After she had listened very patiently to the doctrine which I set before her, such as the occasion called for, she said: "The hour draws near, I must needs depart from the world; this flesh asks only to go away into corruption; but I feel certain that my God is withdrawing my soul into his kingdom. I know what a poor sinful woman I am, but my confidence is in his goodness, and in the death and passion of his Son. Therefore, I do not doubt of my salvation, since he has assured me of it. I go to him as to a Father." While she was thus discoursing, a considerable number of persons came in. I threw in from time to time some words, such as seemed suitable; and we also made supplication to God as the exigency of her need required. After once more declaring the sense she had of her sins, to ask the pardon of them from God, and the certainty which she entertained of her salvation, putting her sole confidence in Jesus, and having her whole trust in him,—without being invited by any one to do so, she began to pronounce the Miserere as we sing it in church, and continued with a loud and strong voice, not without great difficulty, but she entreated that we would allow her to continue. Whereupon,[222] I made her a short recapitulation of the whole argument of the psalm, seeing the pleasure she took in it. Afterwards, taking me by the hand, she said to me, "How happy I am, and how am I beholden to God, for having brought me here to die! Had I been in that wretched prison, I could not have ventured to open my mouth to make confession of my Christianity. Here I have not only liberty to glorify God, but I have so many sound arguments to confirm me in my salvation." Sometimes, indeed, she said, "I am not able for more." When I answered her, "God is able to help you; he has, indeed, shown you how he is a present aid to his own;" she said immediately, "I do believe so, and he makes me feel his help." Her husband was there, striving to keep up in such sort that we were all sorry for him, while he made us wonder in amazement at his fortitude. For while possessed with such grief as I know it to have been, and weighed down by extremity of sorrow, he had so far gained the mastery over self, as to exhort his better part as freely as if they were going to make a most joyful journey together. The conversation I have related took place in the midst of the great torment she endured from pains in her stomach. Towards nine or ten o'clock they abated. Availing herself of this relaxation, she never ceased to glorify God, humbly seeking her salvation and all her wellbeing in Jesus Christ. When speech failed her, her countenance told how intently she was interested, as well in the prayers as in the exhortations which were made. Otherwise she was so motionless, that sight alone gave indication of life. Towards the end, considering that she was gone, I said, "Now let us pray God that he would give us grace to follow her." As I rose, she turned her eyes upon us, as if charging us to persevere in prayer and consolation; after that, we perceived no motion, and she passed away so gracefully, that it was as if she had fallen asleep.

Having heard about the good woman's illness, we were amazed at how well she managed the journey, arriving looking fresh and showing no signs of fatigue. She admitted that God had uniquely supported her during that time. Despite her weakness, she held on until just before Christmas. Her strong desire to hear the word of God kept her going until January. She then started to take to her bed, not because the illness was thought to be fatal, but to prevent any potential danger. Although she hoped for a positive outcome and expected to recover, she still prepared for death, often saying that if this wasn't the end, it couldn't be far off. All possible remedies were tried. While her physical comfort was taken care of, what she valued most—spiritual guidance—was always present to strengthen her in the fear of God, faith in Jesus Christ, patience, and hope for salvation. Throughout her sickness, she clearly showed that this effort was not in vain, as it was evident in her conversations that the teachings were deeply engraved on her heart. In short, during her entire illness, she displayed true loyalty to our Lord Jesus, allowing herself to be quietly guided by the Great Shepherd. Two or three days before her death, as her heart turned more towards God, she spoke with deeper passion than ever. Even the day before, while encouraging her people, she warned her attendant to avoid returning to places where he had engaged in idolatry, reminding him that since God had led him to a Christian Church, he should live a holy life there. That night, she was overwhelmed with intense and persistent pain. Yet, the only sound to escape her lips was a prayer to God for mercy and to be delivered from this world, asking for grace to remain steadfast in the faith He had given her. Around five o'clock in the morning, I visited her. After patiently listening to the teachings I presented, she said, "The hour is close; I must leave this world. This body just wants to decay, but I’m sure that my God is taking my soul to his kingdom. I know how sinful I am, but my confidence is in His goodness and in the death and suffering of His Son. So, I have no doubt about my salvation since He has assured me. I'm going to Him as to a Father." While she spoke, a good number of people entered. I offered a few suitable words and we prayed to God as her needs demanded. After expressing her awareness of her sins and seeking God’s forgiveness, she confidently affirmed her salvation by relying solely on Jesus. Without anyone prompting her, she began to recite the Miserere, as we sing in church, continuing with a loud, strong voice, despite the difficulty, pleading with us to let her continue. Then, I summarized the entire psalm for her, noticing how much she enjoyed it. Afterwards, taking my hand, she said, "How happy I am, and how grateful I am to God for bringing me here to die! If I had been in that dreadful prison, I wouldn’t have been able to confess my Christianity. Here, I have the freedom to glorify God, and I have so many solid arguments to reassure me of my salvation." At times, she said, "I can't do more." When I replied, "God can help you; He has shown you that He is indeed a present aid to His own," she responded immediately, "I believe so, and He makes me feel His help." Her husband was there, trying to hold it together, and we all felt sorry for him, marveling at his strength. Despite being in deep sorrow and anguish, he managed to encourage his better half as if they were about to embark on a joyful journey together. The conversation I described took place amidst her severe stomach pain. By nine or ten o'clock, the pain lessened. Taking advantage of this relief, she kept glorifying God, humbly seeking her salvation and well-being in Jesus Christ. When she could no longer speak, her face showed how intently she listened to the prayers and exhortations being shared. Otherwise, she lay so still that her mere presence indicated life. Towards the end, when I noticed she was fading, I said, "Now let us pray that God will give us the grace to follow her." As I stood up, she opened her eyes towards us, as if urging us to continue in prayer and consolation; after that, we saw no more movement, and she passed away so peacefully, as if she had simply fallen asleep.

I pray you, Madame, to excuse me if I have been too tedious. But I thought that the father would be well pleased to be fully informed of the whole, as if he himself had been upon the spot. And I hope that in so good a work you will find nothing troublesome. St. Paul, in treating of charity, does not forget that we ought to weep with those who weep; that is to[223] say, that if we are Christians, we ought to have such compassion and sorrow for our neighbours, that we should willingly take part in their tears, and thus comfort them. It cannot otherwise be but the good man must, at the first, be wrung with grief. Howbeit he must already have been long prepared to receive the news, considering that his daughter's sickness had increased so much, that her recovery was despaired of. But the great consolation is, the example which she has afforded to him and to all of us, of bowing to the will of God. And thus, seeing that she has presented herself so peaceably to death, let us herein follow her, willingly complying with the disposal of God; and if her father loved her, let him show his love in conforming himself to the desire which she exhibited of submitting herself to God. And seeing that her dismissal has been so happy, let him rejoice in the grace of God vouchsafed to her, which far surpasses all the comforts we can possess in this world.

I ask you, Madame, to forgive me if I’ve been too boring. But I thought the father would appreciate being fully informed as if he had been there himself. I hope that in such a meaningful matter, you will find nothing bothersome. St. Paul, when discussing charity, reminds us that we should weep with those who weep; in other words, if we are Christians, we should feel compassion and sorrow for our neighbors, sharing in their tears and comforting them. It’s natural for a good man to feel grief at first. However, he must have already braced himself for the news, considering his daughter’s illness had worsened to the point that recovery seemed impossible. The great comfort is the example she has set for him and all of us by accepting God’s will. Therefore, seeing that she has faced death so peacefully, let us follow her example by willingly accepting God’s plan; and if her father loved her, he should express that love by aligning himself with her desire to submit to God. And since her passing has been so peaceful, let him rejoice in the grace of God given to her, which far exceeds all the comforts we can find in this world.

In conclusion, Madame, having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I beseech our good Lord to be always your protector, to increase you with all spiritual blessing, and to cause you to glorify his name even to the end.

In conclusion, Madam, after humbly recommending myself to your kindness, I pray that our good Lord always protects you, fills you with all spiritual blessings, and enables you to glorify His name until the end.

Your humble servitor and brother,

Your humble servant and brother,

Charles d'Espeville.

Charles d'Espeville.

[Fr. Copy.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. Copy.—Geneva Library. Vol. 107.]


CCXLI.—To Viret.

Various particulars—recommendation of Francis Hotman, Jurisconsult.

7th May 1549.

May 7, 1549.

When Ferron was deposed he said you would write on his behalf. I have not received anything as yet. He behaved so insolently in our assembly that he very much resembled a man deprived of his reason.[232] The Lord will direct the matter according to his will; we have resolved on acting so moderately as to show him that he has to do with men and with[224] servants of Christ. Cæsar the comedian annoys us in whatever way he can. Hitherto it has so turned out that he has gained nothing by it but the utmost disgrace. And yet, among his own party he gives himself all the airs of a victor.[233] Haller has at length explained what he would desiderate in our confession. This consists of a great many unimportant and trivial points. I shall reply to him as soon as I find opportunity. I did not send you the letter before it was read to the brethren. It is on this account that Hotman[234] has undertaken this journey to you; he will carry it more safely than otherwise. I do not think it proper, nor have I been disposed, to inquire more minutely into that situation to which he aspires, except that he has resolved to dedicate his work to the Lord and to the Church. I especially approve of this resolution. For he has strong native talent, is of extensive erudition, and is possessed of other valuable qualities. However, I know that you think so highly of him that there is no need of me recommending him. And, as you are of opinion that his work would be useful, I have no doubt that you would be sufficiently disposed of yourself to aid him. I was unwilling, however, to act so, that he might think me wanting in my duty to him. I shall only add, that he should understand there is nothing nearer our hearts than that he should devote his labour to the Church.

When Ferron was removed from his position, he said you would write on his behalf. I haven’t received anything yet. He acted so arrogantly in our meeting that he seemed completely out of touch. [232] The Lord will handle things according to His will; we've decided to act with enough restraint to show him that he's dealing with both men and the servants of Christ. Cæsar the comedian annoys us in every way possible. So far, he's gained nothing but utter disgrace from his actions. Still, he acts like a victor among his supporters. [233] Haller has finally explained what he would like to see in our confession. It consists of a lot of insignificant and trivial points. I’ll respond as soon as I find the chance. I didn't send you the letter before it was read to the brethren. That’s why Hotman [234] has decided to make this trip to you; he’ll deliver it more safely than I could. I don’t think it's right, nor have I been inclined, to look further into his situation, except that he’s decided to dedicate his work to the Lord and the Church. I especially support this decision. He has a lot of natural talent, extensive knowledge, and other valuable qualities. However, I know you think highly of him, so there's no need for me to recommend him. And since you believe his work would be beneficial, I'm sure you’ll be enough inclined to help him. I just didn’t want it to seem like I was neglecting my duty to him. I’ll just add that he should know that there’s nothing more important to us than for him to dedicate his efforts to the Church.

Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. May the Lord Jesus preserve yourself, your wife, and your little daughter, and send a blessing upon your sacred labours. Salute all respectfully in my name.—Yours,

Adieu, brother and dear friend. May the Lord Jesus keep you, your wife, and your little daughter safe, and grant blessings upon your important work. Please send my regards to everyone respectfully in my name.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]


CCXLII.—To Henry Bullinger.[235]

Pleading in favour of the alliance of the Reformed Cantons with France.

7th May 1549.

May 7, 1549.

As time does not permit me to reply to your letter now, I am merely desirous of telling you that I have scarcely ever received anything more pleasant from you, as it served to alleviate a very trying domestic grief, which, occasioned by the death of my wife a little before, was causing me very much sorrow. For I am very glad that hardly anything—or at least very little—hinders us from agreeing now even in words. And, certainly if you think you can so arrange matters, I make no objection against endeavours being made to come hither, that you may the better become acquainted with all the sentiments of my mind. Nor shall it ever be owing to me that we do not unite in a solid peace, as we all unanimously profess the same Christ. But I have, at present, another reason for writing you.

Since I don't have time to respond to your letter right now, I just want to say that I’ve rarely received anything more enjoyable from you. It helped ease a very difficult personal sorrow caused by the recent death of my wife, which has been weighing heavily on me. I'm really glad that almost nothing—or at least very little—keeps us from agreeing now, even in words. And if you think you can arrange it, I have no objections to efforts being made for you to come here so that you can better understand my feelings. It will never be my fault if we can't come together in true peace, since we all believe in the same Christ. But I have another reason for writing to you at this time.

You partly indicate what has kept you back from joining in the French alliance. I confess the godly have just cause of alarm in the example of Jehoshaphat, who bound himself in an unfortunate alliance with a wicked king, to his own ruin and[226] that of his kingdom. Yet I do not so understand it, that he was punished because he made a league with the King of Israel, but rather because he espoused a bad and impious cause, in order to gratify that king's desire. Ambition was inciting him to an unprovoked attack upon the Syrians; Jehoshaphat complied with his wishes and rashly took up arms. Add to this, that they went forth to battle, the Lord through Micaiah forbidding them. This example does not, therefore, so weigh with me that I should pronounce all alliance whatever with the wicked to be unlawful. For I reflect that Abraham was not hindered by any religious scruples from making a covenant with Abimelech. Isaac, David, and others did the same, and received neither reproof nor punishment. I can, however, so far conclude, that alliances of this nature are not to be sought after, seeing they must always be attended with very much danger. But if we be at all incited—I should rather say urged—to it by a just motive, I see no reason why we should be altogether averse to it.

You partially explain what has stopped you from joining the French alliance. I admit that the faithful have good reason to be concerned about the example of Jehoshaphat, who entered into a disastrous alliance with a wicked king, leading to his own downfall and[226] that of his kingdom. However, I don’t believe he was punished simply for making an alliance with the King of Israel, but rather because he supported a wrongful and immoral cause to please that king. He was driven by ambition to launch an unprovoked attack on the Syrians; Jehoshaphat went along with this and foolishly took up arms. Additionally, they went into battle after the Lord, through Micaiah, had warned them against it. Therefore, this example doesn’t convince me to declare that any alliance with the wicked is inherently wrong. I consider that Abraham wasn’t prevented by any religious concerns from making a pact with Abimelech. Isaac, David, and others did the same and faced neither rebuke nor punishment. I can conclude that such alliances shouldn’t be actively sought since they always carry significant risks. But if we are at all encouraged—I should rather say compelled—to pursue it for a good reason, I don’t see why we should be entirely opposed to it.

Moreover, as regards the alliance in question, I cannot hold that it should be so avoided, from this cause, unless the present aspect of the times should compel me to adopt an opposite conclusion. You have to do with a professed enemy of Christ, and one who is daily venting his rage against our brethren. He is too little deserving of trust that could wish that both we and Christ were annihilated. It is absurd that we should enter into friendly alliance with one who is at war with all the servants of Christ without distinction; that we should seize, as that of an ally, a hand polluted with innocent blood. And, certainly, I should be unwilling to come to any conclusion on the matter, unless it were the express and distinct wish of the pious brethren. For his ferocity is indeed extraordinary. Besides, I am suspicious of the war with England. For I do not think it right to furnish any aid against a kingdom in which Christ is worshipped; and the very injustice of the cause, also, is another obstacle.

Moreover, regarding the alliance in question, I can’t believe it should be avoided for this reason unless the current circumstances force me to think otherwise. You’re dealing with a declared enemy of Christ who continuously expresses his anger against our fellow believers. He’s not trustworthy enough to wish for both us and Christ to be wiped out. It’s ridiculous for us to form a friendly alliance with someone who is at war with all of Christ's servants indiscriminately; we can’t accept a hand stained with innocent blood as that of an ally. And certainly, I wouldn’t want to reach any conclusion unless it’s the clear and definite wish of the faithful brethren. His brutal nature is truly extraordinary. Moreover, I have my doubts about the war with England. I don’t think it’s right to provide any support against a kingdom where Christ is worshipped; the very injustice of the cause is also another barrier.

But, again, when I consider how our cause has been weakened, how great are the calamities which still impend, threatening almost the ruin of the Church, I fear much that if[227] we neglect those aids which it is not unlawful to employ, we may fall into a state rather of excessive carelessness than of devout trustfulness. Nor, in truth, am I ignorant that God is especially present with us, and powerfully succours us when we are destitute of all human aid. I know, also, that there is nothing harder, when he reveals himself through some Egyptian shade, than to keep the eye from turning aside; for if they be not fixed on the one God, they rove wickedly and perniciously. We must, therefore, endeavour zealously to counteract these dangers. Meanwhile, however, we should be on our guard, lest if, in this our critical condition, we reject what, without offending God, could have aided us, we may afterwards feel, to our loss, that we were too careless. My first fear is, that our Pharaoh, shut out from all hope of contracting friendship with you, may betake himself to Antiochus. How much soever they may have weighty grounds of disagreement, this latter is a wonderful master at contriving pretexts; and those who at present hold sway at our court, would desire nothing more than to incline the mind of a youth, both inexperienced and not sufficiently sagacious, to accept of peace on any terms whatever. Certainly, if he has not already concluded it he will do so in a short time. Nor will there be wanting those who will urge him on. And I would there were none among us who would hold themselves and us as slaves to Antiochus, should an opportunity occur for doing so. He will, in truth, attempt every thing, the other not only approving of it, but also, in the mean time, assisting in it; because he will suppose that in this way he is avenging his repulse. In the mean while, cruelty will be kindled everywhere through the kingdom itself, for he will, as women are wont, direct his own rage to another,—a consideration, certainly, not to be accounted last by us of this place. If I wished to regard my own life or private concerns, I should immediately betake myself elsewhere. But when I consider how very important this corner is for the propagation of the kingdom of Christ, I have good reason to be anxious that it should be carefully watched over; and, in this respect, it is for your advantage, and quiet partly depends upon it. What man, imbued with wicked schemes, when he has been estranged from[228] you, will not be moved by despair? But you think that we are wanting in men of discontented and revolutionary character, or in those suffering from want, who have, for a long period, extended their hands to him. However, as often as I reflect particularly upon our wretched brethren who lie crushed under that fearful tyranny, my mind becomes soft and more disposed to this [alliance], as it the more unquestionably appears beneficial for the alleviation of their sufferings. Why is the rage of the tyrant to be removed when he has seen that he is despised and scorned? Is it that thereby the wicked are to have the greater license for tormenting the innocent? Thus, if any alliance does intervene, not only will Pharaoh himself be, for the present, somewhat softened, and the executioners rendered less daring, but it will, indeed, be possible also to extinguish the flames.

But, again, when I think about how our cause has been weakened and the serious difficulties that still threaten to bring down the Church, I'm really worried that if we ignore the help that it's not wrong to seek, we might end up being too careless instead of having faithful trust. I also know that God is especially with us and gives us strong support when we lack all human assistance. I realize how challenging it is to stay focused on God when distractions show up, because if our eyes aren’t fixed on Him, they will wander into harmful things. Therefore, we must work hard to confront these dangers. At the same time, we need to be cautious; if we reject the help that could assist us without offending God in this critical situation, we might later regret being too careless. My main fear is that our Pharaoh, seeing no chance for friendship with you, might turn to Antiochus. No matter how much they might disagree, Antiochus is clever at finding excuses, and those currently in power at our court would love nothing more than to persuade an inexperienced young man to accept peace at any cost. If he hasn’t made that deal already, he will soon. There will certainly be those who push him to do it. I wish there were none among us willing to see themselves and us as slaves to Antiochus if an opportunity arises. He will try everything, and the other will not only approve but will also aid him, thinking he’s avenging his previous rejection. Meanwhile, cruelty will ignite throughout the kingdom, as he will, like women often do, direct his rage toward another—something we should seriously consider. If I were only thinking about my own life or personal interests, I would leave immediately. But considering how crucial this region is for spreading Christ’s kingdom, I have every reason to be concerned about its careful protection; it’s in your best interest, and your peace partly depends on it. What person, driven by evil intentions, will not feel despair when he finds himself alienated from you? You might think we lack discontented and rebellious individuals or those suffering from poverty who have long reached out to him. However, every time I reflect on our unfortunate brothers crushed under that terrible tyranny, I become more empathetic and more inclined toward this alliance, as it appears to be truly beneficial for easing their suffering. Why should the tyrant’s anger be calmed when he sees that he is disrespected and mocked? Does that mean the wicked can torment the innocent even more? So, if some alliance does come about, not only will Pharaoh himself be somewhat softened for now, and the executioners made less bold, but it will also be possible to put out the flames.

I beseech and solemnly implore you then, my dear Bullinger, to ponder in time all these considerations; and if you come to any agreement, strive earnestly to have your brethren remembered whose condition is so wretched and awful. For although I know you have their welfare sufficiently at heart, and am certain that when the matter is raised, you will, of your own accord, be solicitous about it, yet I did not wish to neglect my duty. Indeed, such is his fierceness, that no fixed law can be laid down for you. I hope it is possible to show, however, that some sort of moderation may be exhibited.

I urge you, my dear Bullinger, to think about all these points in a timely manner; and if you reach any agreement, do your best to remember your brothers who are in such a miserable and terrible situation. I know you care about their well-being, and I’m sure that when the topic comes up, you will naturally be concerned about it, but I didn’t want to neglect my responsibility. Indeed, his intensity is such that no strict rule can be established for you. I hope it’s still possible to demonstrate that some level of moderation can be applied.

Adieu, excellent man, and much esteemed brother in the Lord. Salute especially Theodore, Pellican, Gualter, Vuerduler, and the rest of the fellow-ministers. Present my respects to your colleagues, and to Des Gallars among the rest. I pray the Lord Jesus that he may continue to guide and sustain you by his Spirit; may he bless you and your labours. I have to thank you greatly for the volume of discourses which Haller sent in your name.—Yours,

Adieu, excellent man, and much-respected brother in the Lord. Please extend my greetings especially to Theodore, Pellican, Gualter, Vuerduler, and the other fellow ministers. Send my regards to your colleagues and to Des Gallars as well. I pray that the Lord Jesus continues to guide and support you with His Spirit; may He bless you and your work. I want to thank you very much for the volume of discourses that Haller sent in your name.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Archives of Zurich. Gallic. Scripta, p. 11.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Archives of Zurich. Gallic. Scripta, p. 11.]


CCXLIII.—To Madame de la Roche-Posay.[236]

He exhorts her and her companions to live in conformity with the law of God.

This 10th of June 1549.

June 10, 1549.

Madame and well-beloved Sister,—As we ought to be glad when the kingdom of the Son of God our Saviour is multiplied, and the good seed of his doctrine is everywhere spread abroad, I have been greatly rejoiced in perceiving from your letter that his grace and bounty has reached to you, to draw you on in the knowledge of his truth, wherein lies our salvation and every blessing. Indeed, it is a kind of miracle when he is pleased to make his glorious light shine in the place of such deep darkness; and this I say, that you and your associates may be the more induced to value the inestimable benefit which he has conferred on you. For if the lies of Satan wherewith he has blinded and bewitched the wretched world reign everywhere at present, they have their chief seat in those unhappy prisons which he has reared up, that he may keep souls in a twofold captivity. Acknowledge then that our good Lord has reached out a hand to you, even to the depths of the abyss, and that in so doing he has expressed an infinite compassion toward you. Wherefore it is your duty, as St. Peter has told us, to employ yourself in magnifying his holy name. For in calling us to himself, he sets us apart in order that our whole life may be to his honour, which it cannot be without our withdrawing ourselves from the pollutions of this world. And indeed there ought to be a difference between those who are enlightened by Christ Jesus, and the poor blinded ones who know not whither they are going. Therefore take heed that the knowledge which he has bestowed upon you be not unimproved, that you may not be reproached at the great day for[230] having made void his grace. But because I am confident that you do so as much as lieth in you, I shall not dwell at greater length on that subject. It is quite certain that we cannot be too earnestly importuned on this very point. Besides, I believe that you will receive this exhortation as you ought, not thinking it superfluous, inasmuch as it may be of service to you against many assaults which Satan never ceases to make upon all the children of God. Now, while he has many ways in this world for seducing us out of the straight path, we on our parts are so pitiably frail, that we are immediately overcome. Wherefore we have much need to arm ourselves completely at every point. Moreover, being sensible of our infirmity, which makes us so often come short, we should supplement the exhortations which are made to us in the name of God, with prayer and supplication, that it would please our heavenly Father to strengthen us by his might, and to supply whatsoever is lacking. However it may be, let us never seek out excuses to flatter ourselves in our vices as the most part do, but let us be thoroughly convinced that God's honour deserves to be preferred to everything else, yea verily to life itself. And let us not think it strange, if for his name's sake we be chased from one place to another, and that we must forsake the place of our birth, to transport ourselves to some unknown place, for we must even be ready to depart from this world whensoever he shall call us away. I understand quite well, that in such bondage as you now are, you can not serve God purely without the rage and cruelty of the wicked rising up immediately against you, and without the fire perhaps being lighted. Such being the case, were it even necessary that you should compass sea and land, never grow weary in seeking the liberty to regulate yourself entirely according to the will of your kind heavenly Father. Howbeit, you must remember, that wherever we may go, the cross of Jesus Christ will follow us, even in the place where you may enjoy your ease and comforts. Lay your account with it, that even in the country where you have liberty, as well to honour God as to be confirmed by his word, that you will have to endure many annoyances. For this is the very way whereby God would make trial of our faith, and know whether,[231] in seeking after him, we have been renouncing self. It is right that you be informed of this beforehand, so that it may not be new to you when the experience of it comes, though I doubt not that you and your associates are already prepared for it. But the chief thing is to pray God that he would lead you, as well to guide you as to uphold by his strong arm, in order that as he has begun a good work in you, he would continue it until he has brought you on to that perfection, after which we must aspire until we are gone forth out of this world. And to confirm you in this respect, recall to mind continually what an unhappiness it is to be in perpetual disquietude and trouble of conscience. In this condition of mind, you will naturally abhor the wretched state in which you are, and count but dung all those delights and all those comforts which you must purchase at so sad a price as that of daily offending God. When you consider that our life is accursed, and, of course, worse than any kind of death, if our state be not approved of God, no bands of any earthly comforts will be so strong that you will not easily rend them asunder, so as entirely to escape from a kind of life which God condemns, especially to live in a place where not only you may be free to follow a holy and Christian calling, but where you will likewise have the means of exercising yourself daily in sound doctrine, of which we are so clearly enjoined to avail ourselves. Such a recompense of reward may well stifle all regret of the flesh-pots and pleasures of Egypt, and encourage us rather to follow God in the wilderness than to befool ourselves in the practice of those lusts which our flesh desires and longs for.

Dear Ma'am and beloved Sister,—We should feel joy when the kingdom of our Savior, the Son of God, grows, and his teachings spread everywhere. I was very glad to see in your letter that his grace and generosity have reached you to help you grow in understanding his truth, which is where our salvation and all blessings lie. It’s almost miraculous when he decides to bring his glorious light to such deep darkness. I mention this so you and your companions will appreciate the priceless gift he has given you. Although the lies of Satan, which have blinded the miserable world, are currently everywhere, they have a stronghold in those unfortunate prisons he has built to keep souls in double captivity. Recognize that our good Lord has reached out to you, even from the depths of despair, showing you infinite compassion. Therefore, it is your duty, as St. Peter reminded us, to dedicate yourself to praising his holy name. By calling us to him, he sets us apart so that our entire lives point to his honor, which cannot happen without withdrawing from the impurities of this world. There should indeed be a clear distinction between those enlightened by Christ Jesus and the poor souls who are lost and unaware of their direction. So be mindful that the knowledge he has given you isn’t wasted, so you won't be blamed on the final day for squandering his grace. However, since I believe you make every effort to do this, I won’t elaborate further. We cannot stress this enough. I trust you will take this advice to heart, not viewing it as unnecessary, since it may help you resist the many attacks that Satan relentlessly unleashes on all of God’s children. While he has countless methods for tempting us away from the right path, we are so weak that we often succumb immediately. That's why we need to fully arm ourselves in every way. Also, being aware of our weaknesses, which often lead us to fall short, we should support the exhortations given to us in God’s name with prayer and pleas for our heavenly Father to strengthen us and provide what is lacking. Regardless of the situation, let’s never find excuses to indulge in our vices like most people do, but let us be completely convinced that God’s honor should take precedence over everything, even life itself. And let’s not be surprised if, for his sake, we are chased from one place to another, having to leave our birthplace to go to an unfamiliar place, because we must always be ready to depart from this world whenever he calls us away. I realize that in your current bondage, you cannot serve God purely without facing the rage and cruelty of the wicked, and without the threat of violence possibly being ignited. Given this, if you must go to great lengths to seek the freedom to align fully with your kind heavenly Father’s will, don’t let that wear you down. However, remember that wherever we go, the cross of Jesus Christ will follow us, even in the places where you may find comfort and ease. Prepare for the fact that even in a land where you have the freedom to honor God and seek support from his word, you will endure many annoyances. For this is how God tests our faith and learns whether, in seeking him, we have truly relinquished ourselves. It’s important that you are made aware of this beforehand so that you’re not caught off guard when you experience it, although I have no doubt that you and your companions are already prepared. The most important thing is to pray that God guides you, both to lead you and to uphold you with his strong arm, so that as he has begun a good work in you, he will continue it until you reach that perfection we aspire to until we leave this world. To reinforce this idea, constantly remind yourself of the unhappiness of being in constant turmoil and an uneasy conscience. In this mindset, you will naturally despise the wretched state you’re in and regard all those pleasures and comforts that come at the horrible price of daily offending God as mere rubbish. Once you realize that our life is cursed and, in fact, worse than any death when our state isn’t approved by God, no earthly comforts will be so enticing that you won’t easily break free to escape a life that God condemns, especially to live in a place where you not only have the freedom to pursue a holy and Christian vocation but also the means to engage daily in sound doctrine, which we are clearly instructed to embrace. Such a reward can easily overshadow any longing for the pleasures of Egypt and compel us to follow God in the wilderness rather than be deceived by the desires our flesh craves.

Meanwhile, Madame and good sister, having affectionately commended me to your kind favour, and that of your companions, I pray our good Lord more and more to increase his spiritual blessings upon you, to keep you wholly in his obedience, and to have you under his protection and defence against all the ambushes of Satan and those who belong to him.

Meanwhile, Madame and dear sister, after warmly entrusting me to your kindness and that of your friends, I pray that our good Lord continues to increase His spiritual blessings upon you, keeps you fully in His obedience, and protects you from all the traps set by Satan and his followers.

Your humble servant and brother,

Your devoted servant and brother,

Charles D'Espeville.

Charles D'Espeville.

[Fr. Copy, Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

Fr. Copy, Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.


CCXLIV.—To Bucer.[237]

Encouragements and consolations—desire for the conclusion of peace between France and England—excesses of the ultra-Lutheran party in Switzerland and Germany—agreement between the Churches of Geneva and Zurich.

June 1549.

June 1549.

Although your letter was mixed with joy and sorrow, yet it was extremely pleasant to me. Would that I were able in some measure to lighten the sufferings of your heart, and those cares by which I see you are tortured! We all beseech you, again and again, not to keep afflicting yourself to no purpose. Yet it is neither proper in itself, nor is it in keeping with your piety, nor should we desire to see it, that amid such various and manifold causes for grief, you should be joyous and cheerful. You should make it your study, however, to serve the Lord and the Church as far as you have opportunity. You have indeed run a long race, but you know not how much may be still before you. It may be that I, who have just commenced the race, am at present nearer to the goal. But the direction and the termination of your course are alike in the hand of the Lord. I am a daily witness to many deaths, in order that I may be made as active as possible amid the dangers which threaten us from many quarters. Just as wars keep you busy where you are, so we here give way to sluggish fears. I trust, however, that the internal tumults are already calmed; and there is a report of a cessation of hostilities between you and the[233] French.[238] Would that a plan of stable peace could be agreed upon: for we see that trainer of gladiators, who is bringing these two kingdoms into conflict, in the meantime laughing at his ease, and ready to seize any turn of fortune, in order that he may attack the victor with fresh forces, and gather the spoils of the vanquished without sweat and blood, and thus triumph over and carry off the booty from both.[239] But when I reflect on the wicked counsels by which France is ruled, I almost despair of this matter. Indeed, they fear him more than enough; but, by haughtily despising others, they do not guard themselves against his craft. And indeed the Lord is by this blindness justly avenging, as I take it, their atrocious cruelty to his saints, which is daily increasing. Just as their wickedness is gathering strength, and is continually becoming worse, so I pray that the English may, with a contrary emulation, make a stand for the genuine purity of Christianity, until everything in that country is seen to be regulated according to the rule which Christ himself has laid down. As you wished, and as the present state of things urgently demanded, I have attempted to encourage the Lord Protector; and it will be your duty to insist by all means, if you get a hearing—and of that I am persuaded—that those rites which savour of superstition be entirely removed. I particularly commend this to you, that you thereby may free yourself of a charge which many, as you know, falsely bring against you; for they always regard you as either the author or approver of half measures. I know that this suspicion is fixed too deeply in the minds of some to be easily rooted out, even if you do your best. And some have been led to calumniate you spitefully for no error whatever. This is accordingly damaging to you, in some measure fatal, as you can with difficulty escape from it. However, you must be on your guard, lest occasion of suspicion be[234] afforded the ignorant: the wicked eagerly snatch at any pretext for abuse. I am exceedingly sorry that N.[240] is annoying you without cause. Would that he would learn humanity some time! I am the more ready to pardon him, as he seems to me to be so moved by malice, as to be driven by a blind impulse. You cannot credit how bitterly he has wounded us at times; alike the innocent, the absent, and the friendly. When Viret was well nigh overcome by the very great injustice of some, and by the perfidiousness of others, he was as violently attacked by this individual, as if he had been the most infamous traitor to the Church. He would certainly accustom himself to mildness if he knew what hurt is done by the intemperateness of his too fervid zeal and immoderate severity. You must endure with your accustomed forbearance this and other indignities offered to you. The people of Zurich, certainly, did not approve of his cause. I differ from you somewhat in this matter; in that, you think injury will be done to the opposite party. For while you think that they would never labour under such gross hallucinations as to imagine that Christ was diffused everywhere, you do not hold what Brentius, among others, has written, that when Christ was lying in the manger he was, even as to his body, full of glory in heaven. And to speak more plainly, you know that the Popish doctrine is more moderate and sober than that of Amsdorf,[241] and those resembling him, who have raved as if they were the priestesses of Apollo. You know how cruelly Master Philip has been annoyed, because he observed a certain degree of moderation. In their madness they even drew idolatry after them. For what else is the adorable sacrament of Luther but an idol set up in the temple of God? I desired, however, to see all these things buried. Indeed I have done my utmost among our neighbours to keep them from railing; yet as it afforded them satisfaction, I did not hesitate, the names being suppressed, to condemn[235] all the errors to which I was expressly opposed. You certainly seem to me to enter with too much subtlety into the discussion about place. Others are more seriously offended by your obscurity, which they think you have studied craftily to employ. I know indeed that in this they are wrong. But I do not see why you should shrink so much from what we teach; that when Christ is said to have ascended into heaven, there is affirmed by this expression a diversity of places. For it is not disputed here whether there is place in celestial glory, but only whether the body of Christ is in the world. As the Scriptures have borne clear testimony on that point, I have no hesitation in embracing it as an article of faith. And yet, as you will find from our document,[242] this was yielded to the fretfulness of some, not without a struggle: for I had framed the words differently. Nothing was comprised in this formula which we employed, except what I perceived it would be scrupulousness not to concede to others. You wish piously and wisely, to explain more clearly and fully the effect of the Sacrament, and what the Lord bestows through it. Nor indeed was it owing to me that they were not fuller on some points. Let us bear therefore with a sigh what we cannot correct. You will find here a copy of the document which they sent me. The two paragraphs which you feared they would not admit, were readily adopted. Had the rest imitated the calmness of Bullinger, I should have obtained all more easily. It is well, however, that we have agreed about the truth, and that we are at one in the most important sense. It would be exceedingly appropriate for you to modify these two theses somewhat, in order to bring out more clearly that you place Christ apart from us who are in the world, by a diversity of place; in the second place, that you might discard the more obviously all those false inventions by which the minds of men have been led to superstition; and above all, that you might vindicate the glory of the Holy Spirit and of Christ, lest aught should be attributed to the ministers or to the elements. At the commencement of our deliberations, agreement seemed really hopeless. Light suddenly broke[236] forth. Our forefathers wished to deliberate with other Churches. We agreed without difficulty. N.'s dissension must be borne with equanimity. Farel, as you will see, writes you at great length. Viret dare not, for you cannot believe how unjustly he is treated. He salutes you as dutifully as he can, and wishes you to excuse him. All my colleagues, also, salute you respectfully. There is nothing new here except that Zurich and Berne have cut off all hopes of an alliance with France.[243] Adieu, very illustrious sir, and father in the Lord, truly worthy of my regard.

Although your letter contained both joy and sorrow, it was still very pleasant for me to receive. I wish I could do something to ease your heartache and the worries that seem to torment you! We all urge you, again and again, not to keep causing yourself unnecessary pain. It’s neither fitting nor in line with your faith, and we shouldn't want to see it, that in the midst of so many reasons for sadness, you should be happy and cheerful. Instead, you should focus on serving the Lord and the Church as much as you can. You've certainly run a long race, but you don't know how much is still ahead of you. It might be that I'm just starting out and am currently closer to the finish line. However, both the path you take and its outcome are in the Lord's hands. I witness many deaths daily, trying to stay as active as possible amidst the dangers that surround us. Just as wars keep you occupied where you are, we here are burdened by sluggish fears. I trust, though, that the internal turmoil has already calmed down, and there are reports of a ceasefire between you and the[233] French.[238] I hope a lasting peace can be reached, as we see the manipulator of gladiators, who is pitting these two kingdoms against each other, laughing comfortably while waiting for an opportunity to attack the victor with fresh forces, collecting the spoils of the defeated without any sacrifice, thus triumphing over and taking plunder from both.[239] However, when I think about the wicked advice guiding France, I almost lose hope about this situation. They certainly fear him enough, but by arrogantly dismissing others, they fail to protect themselves from his cunning. This blindness seems to be the Lord’s just vengeance for their horrific cruelty towards His saints, which is increasing daily. Just as their wickedness grows stronger and continually worsens, I pray that the English will likewise stand up for the true purity of Christianity, until everything in that country aligns with the rules that Christ Himself has established. As you wished and as the current circumstances urgently require, I have tried to encourage the Lord Protector; and it will be your responsibility to insist—if you get a chance, which I believe you will—that all practices tinged with superstition are completely eliminated. I especially commend this to you, so you can clear yourself of accusations that many, as you know, carelessly throw at you; they always see you as either the author or supporter of half measures. I know this suspicion is entrenched in the minds of some and won’t easily be uprooted, even if you try your best. Some have chosen to slander you spitefully for no fault of yours. This undeniably harms you and is somewhat deadly, as you can hardly escape from it. However, you must stay vigilant to avoid giving any cause for suspicion to the ignorant: the wicked eagerly grasp at any excuse to attack. I am truly sorry that N.[240] is bothering you without reason. I wish he would learn to be humane one day! I’m more inclined to forgive him, as he seems to be driven by malice and a blind impulse. You can't imagine how much he has hurt us at times; affecting the innocent, the absent, and our friends. When Viret was almost overwhelmed by the immense injustice of some and by the treachery of others, this individual attacked him as if he were the most notorious traitor to the Church. He would surely learn to be gentle if he understood the damage caused by his excessive zeal and harsh severity. You must endure this and other indignities with your usual patience. The people of Zurich certainly did not support his cause. I see things a bit differently than you here; you believe that injury will be done to the opposing side. While you think they would never seriously entertain such gross misconceptions as to believe that Christ was everywhere, you don't acknowledge what Brentius, among others, has written—that when Christ lay in the manger, He was, even in body, full of glory in heaven. To be more straightforward, you know the Catholic doctrine is more moderate and reasonable than that of Amsdorf,[241] and those like him, who have raged as if they were the priestesses of Apollo. You know how badly Master Philip has been disturbed because he maintained a certain degree of moderation. In their madness, they even pulled idolatry along with them. For what else is Luther's adored sacrament but an idol set up in the temple of God? I, however, wanted to see all these issues settled. I have certainly done my best to prevent our neighbors from slandering; yet since it pleased them, I did not hesitate to condemn[235] all the errors I was expressly against, without naming names. You seem to me to delve too deeply into the discussion about place. Others are more seriously offended by your lack of clarity, which they believe you have crafted intentionally. I know they're mistaken in that regard. But I don't see why you should shy away from what we teach—that when it says Christ ascended into heaven, it implies a difference in places. The question isn’t whether there’s a place in heavenly glory but whether Christ's body is in the world. The Scriptures clearly support that point, and I confidently accept it as a matter of faith. Yet, as you’ll find from our document,[242] this concession was made due to the impatience of some, not without resistance on my part, as I had phrased the words differently. There was nothing included in this formula we used apart from what I felt it would be overly cautious not to concede to others. You rightly and wisely wish to explain more clearly and fully the effect of the Sacrament and what the Lord offers through it. Nor was it my doing that there weren’t more details on some points. So let’s sigh and accept what we cannot change. You’ll find a copy of the document they sent me here. The two sections you feared they wouldn’t accept were quickly agreed upon. If only the rest had followed Bullinger's calmness, I would have achieved everything with greater ease. However, it’s good that we’ve reached an agreement about the truth and that we are united in the most important sense. It would be very fitting for you to adjust these two theses somewhat to make it clearer that you distinguish Christ from us in the world, by different places; and secondly, that you might eliminate more obviously all those false ideas that have led people into superstition; and above all, that you might affirm the glory of the Holy Spirit and Christ, so that nothing is credited to the ministers or the elements. At the start of our discussions, it truly seemed that agreement was impossible. Suddenly, clarity emerged.[236] Our ancestors wished to consult other Churches. We reached an agreement easily. We must endure N.’s dissent calmly. Farel, as you will see, writes to you at great length. Viret cannot write, as you can't imagine how unfairly he is treated. He sends his regards as dutifully as he can and asks for your understanding. All my colleagues also respectfully greet you. There’s nothing new here except that Zurich and Berne have ruled out any hopes of an alliance with France.[243] Goodbye, very illustrious sir, and father in the Lord, truly deserving of my esteem.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 49.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 49.]


CCXLV.—To Lady Anne Seymour.[244]

Thanks to the Duchess of Somerset, the mother of Anne Seymour—exhortation to perseverance in the true faith.

17th June 1549.

June 17, 1549.

As your mother, illustrious lady, lately presented me with a ring, as a token of her good-will towards me, which I did not at all deserve, it would be exceedingly unbecoming in me not[237] to show some sign of gratitude, by giving expression, at least, to my regard for her. But not being able to find language, again, in which to discharge this sort of duty, nothing seems fitter than that I should call you to my aid, noble lady, distinguished no less by your worth than by your descent. For as you will be, of all others, the most suitable negotiator with your mother, you will be glad to present this mark of respect to her, in virtue of your very great affection for her; and, particularly, as the address will not, or I am mistaken, be unpleasant to her. For I learn you have understood from her words that she is agreeably disposed towards me. Now, if my prayers be of any avail with you, I would particularly request of you, not to take amiss the humble salutation offered, with all submission, by me to her, that she may, at least, understand, that that gift of which I was held worthy was not bestowed upon one who knew not to be grateful. Moreover, I made bold to use the more confidence with you, as I learned that you were not only cultivated in liberal knowledge, (a singular thing in a young person of rank of this place,) but that you were also so well informed in the doctrines of Christ, that you grant a willing access to his ministers, among whose number, if I mistake not, you acknowledge me a place. It remains for me to exhort you to pursue your so happy course, even although, as I hear, you are willing enough of yourself; and I trust that the Lord who gave you this disposition, will also grant you steadfastness to persevere to the end. However, you will take my exhortation in good part, as incitements are never superfluous, since there are so many obstacles and hindrances in the world, and so many infirmities in our flesh. Certainly, among so many excellent gifts with which God has endowed and adorned you, this stands unquestionably first,—that he stretched out his hand to you in tender childhood, to lead you to his own Son, who is the author of eternal salvation, and the fountain of all good. It becomes you to strive, with all the more zeal, to follow eagerly at his call. Especially as he has, at the same time, given you that support of which we see not only the daughters of noblemen, but even noblemen themselves, to be often deprived. Salute your brother—a boy of heroic nature—and[238] your very noble sisters. May the Lord enrich you daily with his blessing, and may he be the constant guide of the whole course of your life.

As your mother, an impressive lady, recently gave me a ring as a sign of her goodwill towards me—something I certainly didn’t deserve—it would be quite inappropriate for me not to show some sign of gratitude by expressing my respect for her. However, since I’m at a loss for words to fulfill this obligation, it seems fitting to ask for your help, noble lady, distinguished not only by your character but also by your lineage. You are certainly the best person to communicate with your mother, and I’m sure you would be happy to present this gesture of respect to her out of your great affection for her, especially since I believe my message will be welcome. I hear that you’ve gathered from her words that she feels positively towards me. If my pleas mean anything to you, I would like to ask you not to dismiss the humble greeting I send, with all due respect, so that she may at least realize that the gift I received was meant for someone who knows how to be grateful. Moreover, I felt confident reaching out to you, having learned that you are not only well-educated—quite remarkable for someone of your status—but also well-versed in the teachings of Christ, willing to engage with his ministers, among whom I hope I am counted. I encourage you to keep following this wonderful path, even though I hear you are already inclined that way. I trust that the Lord who has given you this inclination will also give you the strength to persevere. Please take my advice positively, as encouragement is never unnecessary, given the many challenges and weaknesses we face in the world. Among all the wonderful gifts God has blessed you with, the greatest is undoubtedly that he reached out to you in your early childhood to guide you to his Son, the source of eternal salvation and all good things. You should strive all the more earnestly to respond to his call, especially since he has provided you with support that many noble families lack. Greet your brother, a brave young man, and your very noble sisters. May the Lord bless you daily, and may he be your constant guide throughout your life.

Adieu, most excellent lady, deserving of my esteem. Truly yours to obey you,

Adieu, most excellent lady, deserving of my respect. Truly yours to serve you,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCXLVI.—To Farel.

Reply by the Protector of England to a letter from Calvin.

9th July 1549.

July 9, 1549.

The English messenger[245] has at last returned. He has brought a letter from the Regent, in which he expresses himself thankful for my service. His wife sent me a present of a ring, not of great value, not being worth more than four crown pieces. The members of his family led me to expect a tolerably liberal present from him, in a short time, which I neither desire nor long for. For what has, as I hear, given a keener stimulus to him, is a sufficiently ample reward for me. Adieu, dearly beloved brother in the Lord. May the Lord Jesus keep you and continue to bless you in your sacred labours. I infer that the quarrel with the prefect is settled, from your not writing me regarding it. Salute respectfully your family and our fellow-ministers. My associates send you their regards: Normandie also, and the rest of your friends.—Yours,

The English messenger[245] has finally returned. He has brought a letter from the Regent, thanking me for my service. His wife sent me a gift of a ring, which isn't worth much, probably no more than four crown pieces. His family had led me to expect a pretty generous gift from him soon, which I neither want nor need. What I hear has motivated him more is a sufficiently good reward for me. Goodbye, my dear brother in the Lord. May the Lord Jesus keep you and continue to bless you in your sacred work. I assume the dispute with the prefect is resolved since you haven't written to me about it. Please send my respects to your family and our fellow ministers. My colleagues also send their regards: Normandie too and the rest of your friends.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCXLVII.—To Farel.

Imprisonment of two brothers of M. de Falais—persecution in the Low Countries and in France.

Geneva, 19th July 1549.

Geneva, July 19, 1549.

You know of the letter we have received from Bullinger. I was hoping the Bernese were going to give over negotiations. At all events, the inhabitants of Zurich see now with what just reason we in time past complained of our broken heads. Haller lately confessed to me that he would gladly have written, had Schirma not been afraid. I certainly excuse what does not provoke such rage. The people of Zurich might have obtained their wishes from the Senate, had they not stripped themselves of all liberty. For they have so often repeated this old song—that they should abide by things as they were, that nothing further should be done, that something deceptive always lurked under the guise of harmony—that they are now ashamed to say a word on the opposite side. Nothing remains for them now but to suppress everything, or follow that new plan of yours. I was astonished that Viret did not indicate by a single word what was your opinion of them both. Be sure to let me know at your very first opportunity what arrangement you think should be made. I have nothing further to add except that two of M. de Falais' brothers are in prison.[246] After the Emperor had given them a polite reception, he sent them to Granvelle. He received them courteously also. On leaving him, they were bound by the officer, and thrust hastily into prison. They were then removed to the Castle of Villevord, whence no one is brought forth except for punishment. Awful persecution blazes now over that region; let us then assist the godly brethren with our prayers.[247] The Frenchman is as mad as ever. He wished to be present at the burning of two[240] [martyrs] lately.[248] May the Lord by his own power put a check upon his atrocious ferocity. Amen.

You know about the letter we got from Bullinger. I was hoping the people in Bern would stop negotiating. Either way, the people of Zurich now understand why we used to complain about our injuries. Haller recently admitted to me that he would have written something if Schirma hadn't been afraid. I can definitely excuse what doesn't cause such outrage. The folks in Zurich could have had their way with the Senate, if they hadn't given up all their freedom. They have repeated this old refrain—saying things should stay as they are, that nothing more should be done, and that something deceptive always hides behind a facade of peace—so often that they're now embarrassed to voice anything contrary. Now, they can only suppress everything or follow your new plan. I was surprised that Viret didn't mention a single word about what your opinion was of them both. Please let me know at your earliest convenience what arrangement you think should be made. I have nothing more to add except that two of M. de Falais' brothers are in prison.[246] After the Emperor received them politely, he sent them to Granvelle. He treated them courteously too. But when they left him, they were bound by the officer and quickly thrown into prison. They were then taken to the Castle of Villevord, where no one is let out except for punishment. Terrible persecution is raging in that area; let's support our faithful brothers with our prayers.[247] The Frenchman is as crazy as ever. He wanted to be present at the burning of two[240] [martyrs] recently.[248] May the Lord use His own power to put a stop to his horrific cruelty. Amen.

We all salute you. Salute also, in turn, all our friends, and especially our fellow-ministers. I infer that you have been deceived about Christopher, because you had supposed he was going to come hither. Respectful regards to him.—Yours,

We all salute you. Please also greet all our friends for us, especially our fellow ministers. I gather that you've been misled about Christopher because you thought he was going to come here. Best wishes to him.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


De Falais received that sad intelligence with quite heroic courage.

De Falais received that sad news with remarkable bravery.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCXLVIII.—To Viret.

Negotiations in reference to the publication of the Consensus—George, Count of Montbeliard.

[Geneva, 20th July 1549.]

[Geneva, July 20, 1549.]

You ought also to add your judgment to the letter of Bullinger. The reason which he prefixes for publishing the agreement, has something or other absurd in it. I fear again that the same over-scrupulousness will appear in this affair. I shall neglect nothing, however, which you and Farel think it useful to attempt.

You should also include your thoughts on Bullinger's letter. The reason he gives for sharing the agreement seems a bit off. I’m worried that the same excessive caution will show up in this situation. Nevertheless, I won’t overlook anything that you and Farel believe is important to pursue.

I have written to Paris concerning the Hebrew professor. If one be procured, he can hardly be present on the day of your assembly, as I had not fixed upon so short a time, seeing that it would have been in vain for me to have done so, as two letters had scarcely reached that place.

I wrote to Paris about the Hebrew professor. If one can be found, he probably won't be there on the day of your meeting, since I didn't plan for such a short notice. It would have been pointless to do so, as two letters barely arrived there.

Count George de Wurtemberg, brother of Duke Ulrich, is here.[249] We dined with him yesterday. We had much pious conversation together. He had said so much to my honour before, that Wendelius was almost making an ado about it. Plessiacus will give you an account of the state of France. It is better to talk over our affairs than to write about them.

Count George de Wurtemberg, brother of Duke Ulrich, is here.[249] We had dinner with him yesterday. We enjoyed a lot of meaningful conversation together. He had previously said so many nice things about me that Wendelius was nearly making a big deal out of it. Plessiacus will fill you in on how things are in France. It's better to discuss our matters in person than to write about them.

Adieu, most honest brother, together with your wife and little daughter. May the Lord Jesus ever watch over you all. Salute the brethren in my name. Excuse me to Renier for not having written him.—Yours,

Adieu, my dear brother, along with your wife and little daughter. May the Lord Jesus always watch over all of you. Send my regards to the guys in my name. Sorry to Renier for not having written to him. —Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CCXLIX.—To the Pastors of the Church of Zurich.[250]

Urgent recommendation of the adoption of a fixed formulary in the celebration of the Lord's Supper.

Geneva, 1st August 1549.

Geneva, August 1, 1549.

Although I have repeated occasion to act with you concerning the same matter, yet I do not think I should be afraid of seeming troublesome. Since the same subject is a matter of common interest to us, it cannot be that you will disapprove of what I am engaged in, and, as the perpetual importunity of[242] good men urges me to it, a little more zealously than is proper. I have oftentimes already given advice regarding a small matter, although many were offended, not without a show of reason, at my seeming to teach something or other different from you regarding the sacraments. Your Church, adorned with so many distinguished gifts, is deservedly held in honour by those men. They show some [respect] to our Church also, and, perhaps, to myself as an individual. So they are anxious to obtain assistance from our writings in coming to a knowledge of the doctrines of sacred duty, lest any sort of discussion should retard their progress. I have thought, accordingly, that no remedy was better fitted for removing this offence than if, to show our unanimity, we were to enter kindly into consideration of it by means of friendly conference. For this purpose I have, as you are aware, undertaken a journey to you. And our venerable associate, William Farel—that indefatigable soldier of Christ, and my guide and counsellor—has not been reluctant to join me as a companion, in order to unite with us in bearing truly and faithfully what testimony we can on the one side and on the other. But because, in the present state of the question, I do not carry all along with me, I am greatly pained that those, whose peace of mind I should wish to regard, continue in a troubled, or, at all events, in an uncertain state. And, just as I said at the outset, I think I do nothing unseasonable, when I insist on there being some public testimony made regarding those points on which we are agreed. I have indeed thought it a reward for my trouble to draw up briefly and arrange those paragraphs on which we have conferred, in order that, if my plan be approved of by you, any one may see at a glance, as it were, what we have been engaged in, and what we have completed. I certainly do trust that you will be my witnesses, that I have reported faithfully all that I have brought forward. Pious readers will doubtless observe, that we—I mean Farel and myself—have with equal care sought perspicuity, unmixed with any deceit, and void of all guile. Nevertheless, I should wish them, at the same time, to be reminded, that there is nothing contained here which our fellow-labourers also, be they who[243] they may, whether serving Christ under the rule of the Genevese Republic, or in the Neuchatel district, have not by their signature approved.

Although I often find myself needing to discuss the same issue with you, I don’t think I should worry about being a nuisance. Since this matter is of mutual interest, I believe you won’t mind what I’m working on. The constant requests from well-meaning people push me to pursue this a bit more eagerly than necessary. I have frequently given advice on a minor issue, even though many have been rightly annoyed at my seeming to teach something different than you regarding the sacraments. Your Church, with its many distinguished qualities, is justly respected by those individuals. They also show some regard for our Church, and perhaps for me personally. So, they are eager to seek help from our writings to better understand the doctrines of sacred duty, to avoid any debates that could hinder their progress. Therefore, I think the best way to resolve this issue is by demonstrating our unity through a friendly discussion. For this reason, I have traveled to see you. Our esteemed colleague, William Farel—an unwavering soldier of Christ, and my mentor and advisor—has willingly agreed to join me to honestly and faithfully present what we can from both sides. However, since I do not have everyone on board at this point, I am quite troubled that those whose peace I wish to protect remain unsettled, or at least uncertain. As I mentioned earlier, I believe it’s important to publicly acknowledge those points we agree on. I consider it worthwhile to summarize and organize the paragraphs we have discussed, so that, if you approve my approach, anyone can quickly see what we’ve worked on and accomplished. I genuinely trust that you will attest to the accuracy of what I’ve presented. Faithful readers will likely notice that Farel and I have both carefully sought clarity, free from any deceit or trickery. Still, I would like to remind them that there’s nothing here that our fellow laborers—whether they are serving Christ under the authority of the Genevese Republic or in the Neuchatel area—have not also approved with their signatures.

Adieu, most excellent men and brethren, deserving of my hearty regard. May the Lord continue to guide you by his Spirit in the edification of his Church, and may he bless our labours.

Goodbye, very distinguished friends and brothers, worthy of my sincere respect. May the Lord keep leading you by His Spirit in building up His Church, and may He bless our efforts.

[Lat. Copy.Archives of Zurich. Gest. vi. 105, p. 411.]

[Lat. Copy.Archives of Zurich. Gest. vi. 105, p. 411.]


CCL.—To Bullinger.[251]

Revisal of the Formulary—persecutions in France.

Geneva, 13th August 1549.

Geneva, August 13, 1549.

I was reminded, when it was too late, of the departure of the registrar. For it was not convenient for me to write then—on account of the Supper namely—especially as I was not able to do it so satisfactorily as could be wished. Indeed this is almost a customary thing with me. But a letter came into my possession to-day which you had written just before mine was composed. I had delayed writing you a private letter, indeed, until a trustworthy messenger might be at hand to convey it to you. And although I had not actually come under any obligation, I was unwilling to forego the opportunity which presented itself. You will ascertain whether the edition with this new preface will satisfy the Bernese. Of yourself and your associates I have no doubt. For, in my opinion, I have followed your outlines and only spread my colours over them. But you remember what I lately wrote regarding your two paragraphs. I am persuaded there will be no one among you who would not, of his own accord, desire my additions. And[244] they are of especial importance, lest some might think we were rather artfully silent, and others justly desire what must necessarily be expressly stated. The third correction will present no difficulty save in one or two words. I know the whole matter must so commend itself to you and to the rest of the brethren, that I shall entirely acquiesce in your decision. What you decide upon, therefore, I shall regard as altogether satisfactory. I think, again, that you will understand what I am aiming at.

I realized, when it was too late, that the registrar was leaving. It wasn’t a good time for me to write—especially because of the Supper—and I knew I couldn’t do it as well as I wanted. This is something that tends to happen to me. However, I received a letter today that you had written just before I composed mine. I had been putting off writing you a personal letter until I could find a reliable messenger to deliver it. Even though I wasn't obligated to do so, I didn’t want to miss the chance that had come up. You’ll find out whether the version with the new preface will satisfy the Bernese. I have no doubts about you and your colleagues. In my view, I’ve followed your outlines and just added my own touches. But remember what I wrote recently about your two paragraphs. I’m sure there’s no one among you who wouldn’t want my additions. They’re especially important so that no one thinks we were being intentionally vague and so that anyone who rightly wants clarification can get it. The third correction won’t be hard, except for a word or two. I know the whole thing will resonate with you and the others, so I’ll completely go along with your decision. Whatever you choose, I’ll consider it totally acceptable. I think you’ll understand what I’m getting at.

I dare hardly venture to give you anything new from this place, there are so many idle rumours daily afloat. This, at least, is certain, that numerous dangers are not very far distant, unless the Lord counteract them. All that I wish is, that Christians may live securely, as they can die securely. The Frenchman is so insane, that, as one may say, he wishes, after the fashion of the giants, to fight against God.[252] In the meanwhile, the firmness of the martyrs is wonderful.[253] It was a new thing for the king, when one of them of his own accord devoted himself as a sacrifice, that he might openly address to him at least three words for Christ, when he was preparing to witness the burning. I do not write to Celio, and perhaps he has not yet gone to you. If he is there, I should wish him, as previously ordered, to speak to the bookseller regarding the money for which I became security. He complains that the decision will be unfair. Our friend, however, says the opposite.[245] I remain neutral. But since I have pledged my word, I am called upon to pay it.

I can hardly share anything new from here, as there are so many rumors floating around every day. What is certain is that numerous dangers are not far away unless the Lord intervenes. All I hope for is that Christians can live securely, just as they can die securely. The Frenchman is so crazy that, in a way, he wants to fight against God like the giants did. Meanwhile, the courage of the martyrs is incredible. It was surprising for the king when one of them willingly offered himself as a sacrifice to openly say at least three words for Christ right before he was burned. I’m not writing to Celio, and he may not have reached you yet. If he is there, I would like him, as previously requested, to talk to the bookseller about the money for which I became a guarantor. He thinks the decision will be unfair. However, our friend says otherwise. I remain neutral. But since I’ve given my word, I feel obligated to pay it.

Adieu, brother in the Lord, and most honourable and accomplished man, together with all your fellow-ministers, whom you will salute respectfully in our name. May the Lord be ever near you and keep you, and may you be instrumental in advancing the glory of his name! Amen.—Yours,

Goodbye, brother in Christ, and truly esteemed and skilled man, along with all your fellow ministers, whom you will greet respectfully on our behalf. May the Lord always be close to you and protect you, and may you play a key role in promoting the glory of His name! Amen.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Archives of Zurich. Gest. vi. 105, p. 417.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Archives of Zurich. Gest. vi. 105, p. 417.]


CCLI.—To Farel and Viret.

Letter concerning Vergerio—history of Francis Spira.

15th August 1549.

August 15, 1549.

You have here the letter which I sent to Bullinger.[254] I resolved, indeed, not to send it until I should learn that it would be agreeable to you. But the messenger, who has just left me, having unexpectedly presented himself, led me to change this resolution. It might perhaps have been written better by another, yet I hope it will appear tolerably satisfactory to you. Having the utmost confidence in your carefulness, my dear Viret, I have not retained a copy of it. You will see then, that a copy of it be put into the hands of Farel, that I may get back this my autograph. I know that what I have written is nothing but some few trifles or other which I have collected, and which are alike unworthy of me to write and of you to read, especially as they are circulated by public report. A few days ago I received a letter from Paolo Vergerio, with a history of Francis Spira, which he desired to be published here.[255] He[246] states that he was compelled to go into exile, chiefly because the Pope, enraged by this publication, was laying insidious stratagems for his life. He is living at present among the Rhætians. He says, however, that he is strongly inclined to visit us.[256] The history I have not yet examined thoroughly. So far, however, as I may judge of such a communication, it seems to be written with a little more prudence and sobriety than were those epistles [of his] which Celio translated. When I shall have examined it more carefully, I must consider what preface I should write to it. Adieu, most worthy brethren and friends. May God preserve you and your families, and continue to guide you by his Spirit even to the end!—Yours,

Here is the letter I sent to Bullinger.[254] I initially decided not to send it until I was sure you would be okay with it. But the messenger, who just left, unexpectedly showed up, which made me change my mind. It could have probably been better written by someone else, but I hope it will still be satisfactory to you. I trust your carefulness completely, my dear Viret, so I didn’t keep a copy. Please make sure a copy is given to Farel, so I can get my original back. I know that what I’ve written is just a few random thoughts I've gathered, and they're not very worthy for me to write or for you to read, especially since they’re being shared publicly. A few days ago, I got a letter from Paolo Vergerio about the history of Francis Spira, which he wants published here.[255] He[246] says he had to go into exile mainly because the Pope, angered by this publication, was plotting against his life. He’s currently living among the Rhætians. However, he mentioned he is eager to visit us.[256] I haven’t had a chance to thoroughly examine the history yet. So far, it seems to be written with a bit more thoughtfulness and restraint than those letters [of his] that Celio translated. Once I look at it more closely, I’ll need to think about what preface to write for it. Farewell, esteemed brethren and friends. May God protect you and your families and continue to guide you by His Spirit until the end!—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of the University of Leyden.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of the University of Leyden.]


CCLII.—To Farel.[257]

Criticism on a work by Farel.

Geneva, 1st September 1549.

Geneva, September 1, 1549.

You will learn from your brother that the painful case of[247] Ferron has been renewed.[258] Bullinger, as you will observe, writing previous to receiving my letter, had good hopes of publishing a union. I make honourable mention of you in my preface; even if it should give pain to the wicked, they must nevertheless swallow it in silence. I have written nothing regarding your book,[259] as I laid the whole burden on Viret. I said from the first, what is true, that I mistrusted my own judgment regarding your writings, seeing that our mode of writing is so different. You know with what respect I regard Augustine. Not, however, because I disguise from myself how much his prolixity dissatisfies me. Perhaps my style, in the mean time, is over-concise. But I am not at present discussing which is best. For I have not confidence in myself [to do so], for this reason, that whilst I follow my own inclination, I had rather pardon than condemn others. Normandie—who is so great a friend of mine, that he is a great friend of yours also—will furnish the best testimony as to what I think of your book. I am only afraid that the involved style and tedious discussion will obscure the light which is really in it. I know, and that not without pleasure too, that nothing but what is excellent is expected from you. I speak without flattery. Your book seems to deserve a place among [works of] that class. But because the readers of our time are so fastidious, and not possessed of great acuteness, I should wish the language to be so managed, that one might allure them by the fluency of his expression, and bring forward at the same time, that erudition which lies concealed under those coverings of which I have spoken. This is my candid judgment. Although I prefer acquiescing in the opinion of Viret, yet I could not be altogether silent, seeing that you had already insisted on it for the second time. Your brother will let you know about our affairs.

You’ll hear from your brother that the painful situation with Ferron has resurfaced. Bullinger, as you’ll notice, writing before receiving my letter, was hopeful about publishing a union. I’ve mentioned you with respect in my preface; even if it annoys the wicked, they’ll just have to deal with it in silence. I haven’t written anything about your book, as I placed the entire responsibility on Viret. I mentioned from the start, and it's true, that I doubted my own judgment regarding your writings since our writing styles are so different. You know how highly I think of Augustine. Not that I pretend to overlook how much his lengthy style frustrates me. Perhaps my style is overly brief. But I’m not debating which is better right now. I lack confidence to do so because, while I follow my own preferences, I’d rather forgive than criticize others. Normandie—who is such a good friend of mine that he’s also a good friend of yours—will provide the best insight into what I think of your book. I’m just worried that the complicated style and lengthy discussion will obscure the genuine light within it. I know, and I’m pleased to say, that only excellence is expected from you. I’m speaking honestly, without flattery. Your book seems worthy of a place among those works. However, since today’s readers are quite picky and not very perceptive, I’d prefer the language to be crafted in a way that captivates them with smooth expression while also bringing out the knowledge that’s hidden beneath the layers I mentioned. This is my sincere opinion. Although I prefer to go along with Viret’s views, I couldn’t remain completely silent since you already asked about it again. Your brother will update you on our situation.

Adieu, brother and very honest friend, with all your fellow-ministers,[248] especially Christopher, and Michael Faton. May the Lord ever guide and watch over you.—Yours,

Adieu, brother and dear friend, along with all your fellow ministers,[248] especially Christopher and Michael Faton. May the Lord always guide and protect you.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


M. Normandie[260] sends kindest greeting to you.

M. Normandie[260] sends warm regards to you.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107a.]


CCLIII.—To Viret.

First mention of Theodore Beza—poverty of Calvin's colleagues.

5th September 1549.

September 5, 1549.

I understand that Eustace, on his return, had some conversation with you regarding two professors whom he knew about. While some deference is due to the judgment of a pious and learned man, yet I dare not trust it absolutely. Consider the matter calmly, therefore, along with the brethren. For I have promised that I will write to you in no other way than to give you a faithful advice. The Piedmontese author of the long epistle is no better known to me than to you; so we may wish him well when he asks nothing more from us. I have written to Farel my opinion of his book.[261] But it happened, through the negligence of his brother Claudius, that the letter was not delivered; for after he had breakfasted with us, I retired to my library, and he went away without saluting me. I have a messenger here, however, who will, I hope, set out to-morrow. Normandie can tell you how faithfully I endeavoured to send Beza[262] to you. I do not care for mentioning others. Yea, and[249] the individual in question knows that I have entreated him almost importunately. Should he return I will not cease to urge him. The monks are wrong, however, in asserting that my associates are wealthy. For the only one who may be thought rich is involved in debt with three or four:—I mean Cop. Abel and Des Gallars are rich in books; Bourgouin and Raymond have excellent daughters, but nothing more. But even if they do not speak to him, we will consult the good of the Church rather than our regard for him. I think you know of Renier's wishes; and I know that he is so beloved by you and by the right-minded, that you will be especially anxious to find work for him adapted to his capacity.

I understand that Eustace, when he got back, talked to you about two professors he knew. While I respect the opinion of a devout and knowledgeable person, I can't trust it completely. So, please think this through calmly with the others. I promised I would write to you only to give you honest advice. The Piedmontese author of the long letter is just as unknown to me as he is to you, so we can wish him well as long as he asks nothing more from us. I've shared my thoughts on his book with Farel.[261] However, because of his brother Claudius’s carelessness, the letter never got sent; after he had breakfast with us, I went to my library, and he left without saying goodbye. I do have a messenger here who should be able to leave tomorrow. Normandie can tell you how hard I tried to send Beza[262] to you. I’m not interested in mentioning others. And the person involved knows I've asked him almost insistently. If he comes back, I won't stop encouraging him. The monks are mistaken in claiming that my colleagues are wealthy. The only one who might be considered rich is deep in debt to three or four people: I mean Cop. Abel and Des Gallars have a lot of books; Bourgouin and Raymond have great daughters, but nothing more. But even if they don’t talk to him, we’ll prioritize the welfare of the Church over our regard for him. I think you know about Renier's wishes; and I know that he is well-loved by you and others with good judgment, so you'll be especially eager to find work for him that fits his abilities.

Adieu, most upright brother and friend, together with your wife, your little daughter, and your whole family. May the Lord keep you and guide you by his Spirit! Salute the brethren earnestly in my name.—Yours,

Adieu, my most honorable brother and friend, along with your wife, your little daughter, and your entire family. May the Lord protect you and lead you by His Spirit! Please give my warm regards to the brethren in my name.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Gotha. Vol. 404, p. 16.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Gotha. Vol. 404, p. 16.]


CCLIV.—To John Haller.[263]

A Reformer's complaints on the malevolence of the Bernese ministers.

Geneva, 26th November 1549.

Geneva, November 26, 1549.

I beg you, my dear Haller, not to take it amiss that I ask[250] you to discharge the present duty for me, as I shall impose a new burden on you, by and by, to provide, viz., for the transmission of my letter to Zurich. Conrad Curio, who is at present schoolmaster at Zurtolphi, got me to become security for him with a certain bookseller. My reminding him of it has been hitherto useless, and I am now pulling his ears a little more smartly, lest I pay the penalty of his negligence. I send a letter to be safely delivered to him at an early period, which may be done without trouble to yourself. Had I not been convinced of your love toward me, I should not have ventured to impose any burden on you. Would that I had the same confidence in all! But I see that Satan has too much influence among those who wish to be regarded as ministers of Christ, when Hotman[264] was lately refused a place among the deacons, for which I can see no other reason than that he was for some time my coadjutor. But although I am his familiar companion, he ought not [on that account] to injure the pious and the learned. Those unscrupulous individuals who go about raging so wildly will never cause me to regret the labour which I incur in behalf of the Church. They will assuredly bring upon themselves equal odium and reproach from all good men. I shall defer the rest for two days or four.

I kindly ask you, my dear Haller, not to be upset that I'm asking you to take care of this task for me, as I'll soon be putting another request on you to send my letter to Zurich. Conrad Curio, who is currently a teacher at Zurtolphi, got me to act as a guarantor for him with a certain bookseller. Reminding him about it has been useless so far, and now I'm pushing him a bit harder, so I don’t end up suffering because of his negligence. I’m sending a letter that needs to be safely delivered to him soon, which should be easy for you. If I wasn't sure of your affection for me, I wouldn’t dare to ask anything of you. I wish I had that same trust in everyone! But I see that Satan has too much sway among those who want to be seen as Christ's ministers, especially since Hotman was recently denied a position among the deacons for no reason other than that he was once my assistant. Even though I’m his close friend, that shouldn't lead him to harm the devout and the educated. Those ruthless people who run around making a scene will never make me regret the effort I put in for the Church. They will surely earn the same contempt and criticism from all good people. I’ll wait to share the rest for two or four days.

Adieu, distinguished sir, and very dear brother in Christ, deserving of my regard. May the Lord guide you and your family!—Yours,

Adieu, esteemed sir, and my dear brother in Christ, deserving of my respect. May the Lord guide you and your family!—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. copy.—Imperial Library of Dupuy. Vol. 102.]

[Lat. copy.—Imperial Library of Dupuy. Vol. 102.]


CCLV.—To Wolfgang Musculus.[265]

Prohibition of the Vaudois Conferences—remonstrances on the intolerance of the Bernese ministers towards those of France.

Geneva, 28th Nov. 1549.

Geneva, Nov 28, 1549.

If your senate had reasons for forbidding the ministers to assemble in future, according to their custom, to confer upon the Scriptures, it seems to me that I have formed a correct opinion of them. But I deny that this was a useful remedy. I have heard that there were never any contentions at Lausanne until that madman resolved upon perpetually harassing the Church. Every one will admit that such meetings are an excellent institution; and experience has hitherto shown that they have not been without a tolerable amount of fruit. The negligence of those who attend more to other things than to sacred literature, is there best detected. Such are at least stimulated by shame, and all derive benefit. It is certainly unjust that for one man's fault—for the wantonness of one idler—men are to be deprived of a beneficial exercise. It is wronging the brethren also, to visit upon all the transgression of one individual. Haller once saw an appearance of quarrelsome wrangling. But who fanned the flame? who supplied the fuel? It is well known that as long as Zebedee was allowed to rage there with impunity, the brethren were harassed with perpetual contentions.[266] Why was there not a check put to his fury, as there might quickly have been? Whence arose his[252] shameless audacity? If you do not know, there are too many among ourselves who have helped thus to puff up his arrogance. What now, if those very men, who long took advantage of his rashness that they might continue to harass the brethren, are the cause of the meetings being prohibited? When you inveigh so bitterly against all the ministers of our country, you seem to me to be forgetful both of your mildness and your modesty. As those grievously err who, with the same chalk, as they say, whiten the innocent and the guilty; so, where is the justice of blackening all with the same coal? I admit the great deficiencies of many, and I would that the proper amount of strictness were exercised. I know that many are wicked, wanton, and virulent; but, believe me, such are now permitted to throw off the reins. In the meantime forgive me, if I am indignant, that the whole French name is thus cruelly condemned. Although I make no distinction of nations here, nor am I one who shows indulgence to the vices of my friends, yet it is natural that I should be better acquainted than you are with their virtues. As to those scripture conferences which have hitherto been customary, grant us at least that old proverb, "Experience teaches fools." We have now for a long time had sufficient proof that the brethren are benefited by the exercise of this style of interpretation. Now the less the interchange of opinion, the greater will be the danger from pernicious dogmatisms. The slothful will sleep undisturbed; many will somehow or other grow godless, or become degenerate. This also has very great weight with me, that all good men are groaning under this edict, and the wicked are rejoicing. And when you see the College of Lausanne (to omit others) suffering so much on this account, it is surely your duty to alleviate their holy anxiety, as far as words can do so. In other respects also, your being very closely united is not more for their interest than for your own, if you wish to benefit the Church of God. For, to be frank with you, I was vexed a little lately by the rejection of Hotman, as I suspected that my connection with him had done him harm.

If your senate had reasons for prohibiting the ministers from gathering in the future, as they usually do, to discuss the Scriptures, I believe I’m right in thinking that. However, I don’t think this is a useful solution. I’ve heard that there were never any conflicts in Lausanne until that troublemaker decided to constantly bother the Church. Everyone can agree that such meetings are a great institution, and experience has shown that they have brought some benefits. The neglect of those who focus more on other matters than on sacred literature is best revealed in those meetings. At least they are motivated by shame, and everyone gets some benefit. It’s certainly unfair that because of one person’s mistake—due to the recklessness of one slacker—everyone else should be deprived of a beneficial activity. It’s also wronging the community to punish all for the misdeeds of one individual. Haller once noticed some signs of quarrels. But who stoked the fire? Who provided the fuel? It’s well known that as long as Zebedee was allowed to act without consequence, the community had to deal with endless conflicts.[266] Why wasn’t there a way to stop his fury, as there easily could have been? Where did his shameless boldness come from? If you’re unaware, there are too many among us who have helped inflate his arrogance. Now, what if those very people, who took advantage of his recklessness to keep bothering the community, are the reason for the meetings being banned? When you harshly criticize all the ministers in our country, you seem to forget your own gentleness and humility. Just as it’s a serious error to unfairly condemn both the innocent and the guilty with the same brush, so where is the fairness in tarnishing everyone with the same blame? I acknowledge the significant shortcomings of many, and I wish there was a proper level of discipline enforced. I know that many are wicked, reckless, and hostile; but believe me, such people are now allowed to run rampant. In the meantime, forgive me for being upset that the entire French community is being unfairly condemned. Although I don’t differentiate between nations here, nor do I excuse my friends’ faults, it’s natural for me to be more aware of their virtues than you might be. As for those scripture conferences that have been customary, at least grant us the old saying, "Experience teaches fools." We have had ample proof for a long time that the community benefits from this method of interpretation. Now the less exchange of ideas there is, the greater the risk from harmful dogmas. The lazy will remain undisturbed; many will somehow become godless or downward spiral. This also weighs heavily on me, that all good people are suffering under this decree, while the wicked are rejoicing. And when you see the College of Lausanne (to leave out others) enduring so much distress because of this, it’s surely your responsibility to ease their sincere concerns, as much as words can achieve. In other respects too, your close unity is as much for their benefit as for your own, if you want to help the Church of God. To be honest with you, I was a bit annoyed recently by Hotman’s rejection, as I feared my association with him had caused him trouble.

From my confidence in your friendship, I expostulate the more freely with you and my friend Haller. For I am persuaded[253] that some things which trouble me are displeasing to you also. But however that may be, I hope you will put a just and friendly interpretation on these complaints. Adieu, most excellent and accomplished man, and my revered brother in the Lord. May God keep you and your family, and be ever present with you and guide you!—Yours,

From my trust in our friendship, I feel more comfortable expressing myself with you and my friend Haller. I'm convinced that some of the things bothering me also upset you. But regardless, I hope you'll see these concerns in a fair and friendly light. Goodbye, outstanding and skilled man, and my respected brother in Christ. May God protect you and your family, and always be with you to guide you!—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


My colleagues heartily salute you.

My colleagues warmly salute you.

I thought I had given this letter with others to the messenger, but after he left I discovered my mistake when it was too late. I suppose you have not heard that the marriage of the Duke of Mantua with the daughter of Ferdinand has been celebrated at Papia. It is yet uncertain who is to succeed Paul.[267] War is expected in Italy. God grant that we may seek peace with himself!

I thought I had sent this letter along with the others to the messenger, but after he left, I realized my mistake when it was too late. I guess you haven’t heard that the Duke of Mantua married Ferdinand’s daughter in Papia. It’s still uncertain who will succeed Paul.[267] War is expected in Italy. God grant that we may seek peace with Him!

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Zoffingue. Vol. i. p. 14.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Zoffingue. Vol. i. p. 14.]


CCLVI.—To Mr. de Saint Laurens.[268]

Statement of leading articles of the Reformed Faith.

From Geneva, ... [1549?]

From Geneva, ... [1549?]

Monsieur,—Although I am personally unknown to you, still I believe you will not think it strange that I make so bold as to write to you, having been requested to do so by two persons who ought to insure me free enough access,—I mean Monsieur de Saint-Martin and your daughter. Wherefore, also, I shall forbear making further excuses, and likewise because I have heard that my letters would not be unwelcome to you, but that you would have the patience to read and think over the contents,[254] which gives me good hope that you have the true seed of God in you, which only needs to be cultivated in order to sprout and produce its fruit. Now, as that is the end I propose to myself, that we may attain it, I beseech you above all chiefly to consider, that it is the duty of every Christian, not to consent to the abuses which reign in the world, but rather to ascertain what is the pure truth of God, with the purpose of adhering to it; further, that you would listen to me, touching the doctrine which we hold,—not that I would make full and entire declaration of it to you, but I shall merely state in few words the summary of the whole, in such wise that it will be easy for you to perceive what is our principal object. As to the first, there are very many who settle down in their ignorance and superstition, because they will not take the trouble to open their eyes when the clear light is presented to them. Inasmuch as I do not hold you to be of that number, without further exhortation, it suffices me that I have warned you of the fact. There is much reason that all Christians should take care how they live towards God, so as not wilfully to deceive themselves, above all in a matter of such importance as is the salvation of the soul. It is notorious that Christianity has been much corrupted and depraved, as well by the negligence of prelates, as by that of governors, and that by their stupidity, or avarice and ambition. I do not consider that this corruption is only in manners or morals, but what is worse, doctrine and truth have been turned into a lie. The service of God has been polluted by endless superstitions. The order of Church government has been turned upside down, the signs and symbols of the sacraments so jumbled together, that all is confusion. If everybody does not perceive that, it is because they have not brought back all things to the true standard; but if we compare the religion and doctrine held under the Papacy, with the pure ordinance of God, we shall therein discover more contradiction than between day and night. Therefore, to form a right notion, we must not pause to lay stress upon either the authority of princes, or an ancient custom, or on one's own understanding, but rather look above all, to what God has commanded or forbidden, for he has not spoken in secret, but has[255] desired that his will should be known both of great and small. When you have once settled this point of submitting yourself to be taught of God, to acquiesce in what his word contains, desiring to know what is the right way of salvation, that will be already a good step towards arriving at the full knowledge of what it is for our advantage to know.

Sir,—Even though we haven't met, I hope you won't find it strange that I'm reaching out to you. I've been encouraged to do so by two people who can assure me of free access—Monsieur de Saint-Martin and your daughter. So, I won’t make any more excuses, especially since I've heard that my letters would be welcome, and that you would take the time to read and reflect on what’s inside,[254] which gives me hope that you possess the genuine seed of God, needing only cultivation to flourish and bear fruit. My main intention is to help us reach that goal, so I ask you to consider that it’s every Christian’s duty not to accept the wrongs that persist in the world, but to seek out the pure truth of God and commit to it. I want to share with you our beliefs—not in complete detail, but I’ll summarize the essence so it’s easy for you to grasp our main purpose. First, many people remain stuck in ignorance and superstition because they won’t open their eyes to the clear light when it’s presented. Since I don't believe you are among them, it’s enough for me to point this out. All Christians should be mindful of how they live before God and avoid self-deception, especially concerning something as crucial as the salvation of the soul. It’s clear that Christianity has been heavily tainted and degraded, due in part to the negligence of church leaders and rulers, influenced by their foolishness, greed, and ambition. I don’t think this corruption is limited to behavior or ethics; more concerning is that doctrine and truth have been twisted into lies. Worship of God has been polluted by countless superstitions. Church governance has been disrupted, and the signs and symbols of the sacraments have been mixed up in utter confusion. If some don’t recognize this, it’s because they haven't returned to the true standard. When we compare the religion and teachings under the Papacy with God’s pure design, we find more contradiction than there is between day and night. Thus, to form an accurate understanding, we should not prioritize the authority of rulers, tradition, or our personal insights, but rather focus on what God has commanded or prohibited, as He desires His will to be known by everyone. Once you commit to being taught by God and accept what His word says, seeking the right path to salvation, that will already be a significant step toward fully understanding what benefits us to know.[255]

The second request that I have said I had to make, is that you consider calmly the sum of our doctrine, when I shall have shortly stated it to you; for there are many who at once reject and condemn it, without having heard what it is, because they are prejudiced against us, which warps their judgment. I pass over the imputations and crimes which they lay against us, to make us odious to all the world; but do what they will, they cannot reproach us with having any other end than to gather in the people who have long been going astray, and to bring them back to their standard, which is the pure word of God. We demand, however, that all differences of opinion be determined by an appeal to that, and that every one abide by what we know to be the will of God. Our adversaries make themselves a buckler of the name of the Church, which they falsely assume. And it is the same conflict which in their time the prophets and apostles had with those who usurped pre-eminence in the Church, belying in all things the duties of their office. But we know that the Church is founded on the doctrine of the prophets and apostles, and that she ought to be united to Jesus Christ, her head, who is without variableness. So therefore it is but a bastard church where God's doctrine does not reign as the rule. Following that rule, we desire that God may be served according to his commandments, and we reject all new-fangled ways invented to suit the appetite of men; for it is not lawful for men to impose law or statute upon conscience, and God moreover has reserved to himself this privilege, to ordain for us whatsoever seemeth good unto himself. Therefore it is, that we are accused of having abolished and trampled under foot the ordinances of our mother, holy Church, for example when we say with Isaiah and Jesus Christ, that it is in vain we think to find out God by means of human traditions; then, when we say with St. James, that there is[256] but one Lawgiver, who is able to save and to destroy. Well, then, when you had searched to the very utmost, you would find that all which is among them called the worship of God, is nothing but pure invention forged at their own pleasure. In like manner, because the Holy Scripture, treating of our salvation, and wherein rests our whole trust and confidence in regard to it, sends us back to the sole grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, declaring that we are poor wretched sinners, utterly lost and useless for good, we endeavour to bring all the world to partake of this grace; and that it may be acknowledged and magnified as it behoves to be, and which cannot be done without casting down the false belief that we can do aught to merit paradise. They take occasion on this account to accuse us of making no account of good works, whereby they do us wrong; for we are far more careful to recommend holy living, than are any of our adversaries. But in order that men may not deceive themselves by an overweening confidence, we teach that we are able to do nothing whatever in our own strength, unless God guides us by his Holy Spirit, and that even when we had done all, this would afford a far too feeble ground whereon to found our justification; that we must therefore have continual recourse to the mercy of God, and to the merit and passion of Jesus Christ; and that it is there that we must rest our hope, making no account of all the rest. Thence it comes, that we say likewise, that we ought to address God in all our prayers, for he calls us to himself, and forasmuch as we of ourselves are too vile and unworthy to draw near to him, he hath given us his Son Jesus Christ for our Advocate. Therefore it is, that they reproach us with our hostility to the saints of both sexes, and that we forbid the honouring of them. But this is absurd, for we render to the saints the honour which God assigns them. Only we cannot bear that they should be made idols of, being set up instead of God, or of his Son our Saviour, which besides they do not ask, but on the contrary take to be a great wrong; for those things which, under shadow of devotion, are done with the view of pleasing them, they seek vengeance before God.

The second request I mentioned is that you calmly consider the essence of our beliefs, which I will summarize shortly. Many people immediately reject and condemn it without knowing what it actually is, simply because they are biased against us, which clouds their judgment. I won't address the accusations and crimes they use to make us look bad; despite their efforts, they cannot blame us for wanting anything other than to gather people who have strayed and bring them back to the true standard, which is the pure word of God. We insist that any disagreements be resolved by referring to that standard and that everyone follow what we know to be God's will. Our opponents hide behind the name of the Church, which they falsely claim. This is the same struggle that the prophets and apostles faced with those who misused their authority in the Church, failing to fulfill the responsibilities of their roles. However, we know that the Church is built on the teachings of the prophets and apostles and should be united with Jesus Christ, her head, who is unchanging. Therefore, any church that does not follow God's doctrine as the guiding rule is not legitimate. In following this rule, we desire to serve God according to His commandments and reject all modern practices created to satisfy human desires; it is not right for people to impose laws on conscience, and God alone has the authority to decide what is good for us. For this reason, we are accused of disregarding and trampling the traditions of our mother, the holy Church, especially when we assert, along with Isaiah and Jesus Christ, that trying to find God through human traditions is pointless; and when we state with St. James that there is only one Lawgiver who can save and destroy. When you dig deep enough, you'll find that what they call worship is just their own made-up ideas. Similarly, because the Holy Scripture discusses our salvation, which is where our entire trust lies, it leads us to the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, revealing that we are miserable sinners, entirely lost and useless for good. We strive to help everyone receive this grace, so it can be acknowledged and celebrated as it should be, which cannot happen without dismantling the false belief that we can do something to earn paradise. They accuse us of disregarding good works, which is unjust; we actually emphasize living a holy life more than any of our opponents. However, to prevent people from being misled by excessive confidence, we teach that we can do nothing by our own strength unless God guides us through His Holy Spirit, and that even if we do everything, our efforts are far too weak to justify us. Therefore, we must continually rely on God's mercy and the merit and suffering of Jesus Christ; our hope rests there, disregarding everything else. This is why we also say we should address God in all our prayers, as He calls us to Him, and since we are too unworthy to approach Him on our own, He has given us His Son Jesus Christ as our Advocate. For this reason, they accuse us of being against the saints and forbidding their honor. But this is nonsensical; we give saints the honor that God assigns to them. We just cannot tolerate them being idolized, placed above God or His Son our Savior, which they do not desire, and instead consider a grave injustice. For those acts done in the guise of devotion to please them, they seek retribution from God.

The sacraments, which ought to serve for our confirmation in the truth of God and in his fear, have been strangely perverted.[257] When we set ourselves carefully to restore them to their true use and first original, they would have it believed that we are going to destroy them. But would they only look to the ordinance as it has been instituted by the Master, it would then be quite evident that the manner of observance which we practise, does not derogate in anything from what he has prescribed. True it is, we have not the mass as among them, but we have the Supper such as Jesus Christ has left it to us, and our adversaries can say nothing to the contrary, only they object their custom as a reason for everything, but we have another kind of buckler altogether, which is the commandment that must endure inviolable to the end of the world. Do this, saith the text, until I come. Whereby it follows, that whosoever attempt to change anything until the coming of our Lord Jesus, prove themselves rebels against him. I should be over-tedious were I to follow out the other details which I omit mentioning to you, because it shall well suffice me, if it please God to lead you to concur in what I have herein lightly handled, in the hope that by more ample reading you may be yet more confirmed in the same purpose. And now, therefore, Monsieur, having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I beseech our good Lord to guide you by his Spirit, to make you conformable in everything to his will, and to send what he knows to be good and wholesome for you.—Your servant,

The sacraments, which should strengthen our faith in God and his reverence, have been oddly distorted.[257] When we make a genuine effort to restore them to their true purpose and original form, some believe we are trying to eliminate them. But if they looked at the ordinance as it was established by the Master, it would be clear that the way we practice it doesn’t detract from what he prescribed. It’s true we don’t have the mass like they do, but we have the Supper exactly as Jesus Christ left it for us, and our opponents can’t argue against that; they only point to their traditions as justification for everything. However, we have a different kind of defense, which is the commandment that must remain unbroken until the end of the world. Do this, says the text, until I come. This means that anyone who attempts to change anything before the return of our Lord Jesus is proving themselves to be rebels against him. It would be too much for me to go into all the other details that I’m not mentioning, but I will be satisfied if, with God’s guidance, you can agree with what I’ve briefly discussed, hoping that through further reading you may become even more assured in this same commitment. And now, Monsieur, having humbly entrusted myself to your kind favor, I pray that our good Lord guides you by his Spirit, makes you align with his will in everything, and provides what he knows is good and beneficial for you.—Your servant,

Charles D'Espeville.

Charles D'Espeville.

[Fr. Copy, Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. Copy, Geneva Library. Vol. 107.]


CCLVII.—To the Protector of Somerset.[269]

Congratulations on the royal favour shown to the Duke of Somerset—use to be made of his influence for spreading the Gospel in England.

January 1550.

January 1550.

Monseigneur,—That I have so long delayed to write to you,[258] has been from no want of good-will, but to my great regret I have refrained, fearing lest, during the troubles which have been of late, my letters should be the occasion of annoyance. I thank my God that he has now afforded me the opportunity which hitherto I have been waiting for. It is not I alone who rejoice at the good issue which God has given to your affliction, but all true believers, who desire the advancement of the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, forasmuch as they know the solicitude with which you have laboured for the re-establishing of the Gospel in all its purity in England, and that every kind of superstition might be abolished. And I do not doubt that you are prepared to persevere in the same course, in so far as you shall have the means. On your own part, Monseigneur, not only have you to acknowledge the favour God has shown you in stretching out his hand for your deliverance, but also to bear his dealing with you in remembrance, that you may profit by it.[270] I know the regret which you may well entertain, and how you may be tempted to render the like to those whom you reckon to have meditated greater mischief against you than what has come to pass. But you know the admonition which Saint Paul has given us on that head, that is, that we have not to fight against flesh and blood, but against the hidden wiles of our spiritual enemy. Wherefore let us not waste our energies upon men, but rather let us set ourselves against Satan to resist all his machinations against us, as there is no doubt whatever that he was the author of the evil which impended over you, in order that the course of the Gospel might thereby be hindered, and even that all should[259] be brought to confusion. Therefore, Monseigneur, forgetting and pardoning the faults of those whom you may conceive to have been your enemies, apply your whole mind to repel his malice who thus engaged them to their own destruction in setting themselves to seek your ruin. This magnanimity will not only be pleasing to God, but it will make you the more loved among men; and I do not doubt that you have such regard to that as you ought. But if your humane disposition itself impels you to this course, so much the more may I be confident that you will receive kindly what I say, knowing that nothing induces me to tender such advice to you, but the love I bear you, and the care which I have for your honour and welfare. And besides, it is so difficult a virtue so to overcome our passions as to render good for evil, that we can never be too much exhorted to do so. Moreover, seeing that the Lord has directed the issue so much better than many expected, keep in mind, Monseigneur, the example of Joseph. It would be difficult to find in our day such a mirror of integrity. For he, seeing that God had turned to good the evil which they had plotted against him, is unwearied in showing himself the minister of the goodness of God towards his brethren who had persecuted him. This victory will be more glorious than that which God has already given you, when he saved and secured your person, and your property, and your honours. However, Monseigneur, you have also to consider that if God has been pleased to humble you for a little while, it has not been without a motive. For although you might be innocent in regard to men, you know that before this great heavenly Judge there is no one living who is not chargeable. Thus, then, it is that the saints have honoured the rod of God, by yielding their neck, and bowing low their head under his discipline. David had walked very uprightly, but yet he confessed that it had been good for him to be humbled by the hand of God. For which reason, as soon as we feel any chastisement, of whatsoever kind it may be, the first step should be to retire into ourselves, and well to examine our own lives, that we may apprehend those blessings which had been hidden from us: for sometimes too much prosperity so dazzles our eyes, that we cannot perceive[260] wherefore God chastises us. It is but reasonable that we should do him at least as much honour as we would to a physician, for it is his to heal our inward maladies, which are unknown to ourselves, and to pursue a course of healing, not according to our liking, but as he knows and judges to be fitting. What is more, it must needs happen sometimes that he makes use of preservative remedies, not waiting till we have already fallen into evil, but preventing it before it comes. God, besides your native rank, having assigned you a high dignity, has performed great things by your hand, and which shall possibly be more applauded after your death than they are duly appreciated during your lifetime. Moreover, he has caused his name to be magnified by you. Now, the most virtuous and excellent persons are in greater danger than any others of being tempted to forget themselves. You are aware, Monseigneur, of what is written concerning the good King Hezekiah, that after having performed such memorable actions, as well for religion and the worship of God as for the common weal of the country, his heart was lifted up. If God has been pleased to prevent that in you, it is a special favour he has shown you. Were there no other reason for it, save that he would be glorified in your deliverance, and that he would be recognized by you, as well as by all in your person, as the true protector of his own, that alone ought to be all-sufficient to you.

Your Honor,—The reason I've taken so long to write to you,[258] is not due to a lack of goodwill, but unfortunately out of concern that my letters might add to your troubles of late. I thank God that I now have the chance I've been waiting for. It's not just me who is relieved by the good resolution God has brought to your suffering, but all genuine believers who wish to see the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ prosper, knowing how committed you are to restoring the Gospel in its true form in England and eradicating every form of superstition. I truly believe you are ready to continue this mission as long as you have the means. On your part, Your Excellency, you must acknowledge God's favor in rescuing you and remember how He has dealt with you, so you can benefit from it.[270] I understand the regret you may feel and how you might be tempted to retaliate against those you believe have plotted greater harm against you than what actually occurred. But you know Saint Paul's reminder that we are not fighting against flesh and blood, but against the hidden schemes of our spiritual enemy. Therefore, let’s not waste our energy on people but focus instead on resisting Satan and all his efforts against us, as there’s no doubt he was the cause of the evil that threatened you, aiming to hinder the Gospel and bring chaos to all. So, Your Excellency, forget and forgive the wrongs of those you consider your enemies, and dedicate yourself entirely to countering the malice of the one who manipulated them into seeking your downfall. This strength of character will not only please God but will also make you more loved among people, and I trust you value this as you should. Moreover, if your kind nature compels you towards this path, I’m even more confident that you will welcome my words, knowing my only motive is love for you and concern for your honor and well-being. Additionally, it’s a challenging virtue to overcome our emotions to return good for evil, so we should always encourage one another to do so. Furthermore, since the Lord has directed outcomes far better than many expected, remember the example of Joseph. It's rare to find such a model of integrity today. He, recognizing that God turned the evil plotted against him into good, tirelessly demonstrated his role as a minister of God’s goodness towards his persecutors. This victory will shine even brighter than the one God has already given you by protecting your life, property, and honor. Still, Your Excellency, you must also consider that if God has chosen to humble you for a while, there is a reason for it. Even if you feel innocent in the eyes of men, you know there is no one who isn’t accountable before this great heavenly Judge. This is why saints have respected God's discipline by submitting to it. David lived righteously, yet he acknowledged that it was good for him to be humbled by God. Thus, whenever we face any form of chastisement, the first step should be to look inward and reflect on our lives, so we can recognize the blessings we’ve overlooked; for sometimes our abundance blinds us to why God may be chastising us. It’s only fair that we honor Him at least as much as we would a doctor, for He heals our hidden ailments and treats us not based on our desires but according to His wisdom. Moreover, it inevitably happens that He uses preventive measures, addressing issues before they even arise. God, beyond your noble rank, has granted you a high calling and accomplished great things through you, which may be more celebrated after your death than appreciated during your life. He has also magnified His name through you. Now, virtuous and outstanding individuals are often in greater danger than others from forgetting themselves. You know, Your Excellency, what is stated about the good King Hezekiah—how, after achieving remarkable things for religion, the worship of God, and the welfare of the country, his heart became proud. If God has prevented this within you, it is a special grace He has shown you. Even if there were no other reason, simply that He would be glorified in your deliverance and acknowledged by you and everyone else as the true protector of His own should be enough for you.

It remains, Monseigneur, that since he has thus given you the upper hand, you do render homage to him for this benefit, as is due. If we are recovered out of a dangerous sickness, we ought to be doubly careful, and to honour this merciful God, just as if he had bestowed a new life upon us. You may not do less in your present circumstances. Your zeal to exalt the name of God, and to restore the purity of his Gospel, has been great. But you know, Monseigneur, that in so great and worthy a cause, even when we have put forth all our strength, we come very far short of what is required. However, if God, in thus binding you to himself anew, has meant, in this way, to induce you to do better than ever, your duty is to strive to the uttermost and with all your energy, so that so holy a work[261] as that which he has begun by you may be carried forward. I doubt not that you do so; but I am also confident, that knowing the affection which induces me to exhort you thereunto, you will receive all my solicitation with your wonted benignity. If the honour of God be thus esteemed by you above all else, he will assuredly watch over you and your whole household, to pour out his grace there more abundantly, and will make you know the value of his blessing. For that promise can never fail,—Those who honour me, I will render honourable. True it is, that those who best do their duty are oftentimes troubled the most by many violent onsets. But this is quite enough for them, that God is at hand to succour and relieve them. Now, although it is enough for you to look to God and to feel the assurance that your service is pleasing to him, nevertheless, Monseigneur, it is a great comfort to you to see the king so well disposed that he prefers the restoration of the Church, and of pure doctrine, to everything else, seeing it is a virtue greatly to be admired in him, and a peculiar blessing for the kingdom,[271] that in a youth of such tender age the vanities of this world do not hinder the fear of God and true religion from ruling in his heart. This also ought to be a great help and confirmation, that you discharge the principal service which he desires and asks, in serving our heavenly King, the Son of God.

It still stands, Monseigneur, that since he has given you the upper hand, you should show him gratitude for this benefit, as is only right. If we recover from a serious illness, we ought to be extra careful and honor this merciful God as if He has given us a new lease on life. You can’t do any less in your current situation. Your passion to uplift the name of God and restore the purity of His Gospel has been remarkable. But you know, Monseigneur, that in such a significant and worthy cause, even when we do our best, we often fall short of what’s needed. Still, if God, by renewing your bond with Him, intends to encourage you to improve more than ever, your duty is to strive with all your might so that the sacred work that He has started through you continues on. I have no doubt that you are doing just that; but I also trust that knowing the care that motivates me to urge you on, you will accept all my requests with your usual kindness. If you regard the honor of God above all else, He will surely watch over you and your whole household, pouring out His grace abundantly and showing you the true value of His blessing. That promise can never fail—Those who honor me, I will honor. It's true that those who do their duty best often face the most challenges. But all they need is the comfort of knowing that God is there to help and support them. Now, while it’s enough for you to trust in God and be assured that your service pleases Him, it is also a great comfort to see the king so committed to restoring the Church and pure doctrine above all else. This is indeed a virtue to be admired in him and a special blessing for the kingdom, that in such a young person, the distractions of this world do not prevent the fear of God and true religion from taking hold in his heart. This should also serve as a great encouragement and assurance that you are fulfilling the main service he desires, which is to serve our heavenly King, the Son of God.

Monseigneur, having very humbly commended me to your kind favour, I beseech our good Lord, that, upholding you in his holy keeping, he would increase in you yet more and more the gifts of his Holy Spirit, for the furtherance of his own glory, so that we may all have whereof to rejoice.

Monseigneur, after humbly asking for your kind support, I pray to our good Lord that, by keeping you in His holy care, He would continue to increase the gifts of His Holy Spirit in you more and more, for the sake of His glory, so that we may all have reasons to rejoice.

Your very humble servant,

Your truly devoted servant,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. minute.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Fr. orig. minute.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLVIII.—To Farel.

Tidings from Germany and England—recommendation of a domestic.

Geneva, 1st February 1550.

Geneva, February 1, 1550.

Although you have not had a long letter from me for a considerable time, yet I do not think that even now I have anything new to write to you. All the time that our friend Thomas was here, I was either suffering severely from a cough or annoyed by catarrh. A violent headache is now tormenting me, although it has been easier for the past hour. It is well that I am not prevented from labouring, in a kind of way, to discharge my necessary duties; but I usually make but slow progress. Much of my time is wasted, at present, by ill health, which ought to be devoted to useful labour. We hear nothing from Germany, except that the Lord has punished the Emperor by the destruction of some of his ships. Would that some disease would put a check upon his evil deeds! You know that the tutor of the English king has been set at liberty, and, I suppose, you are aware also of what happened to my letter.[272] The prefect of C—— having got it from the messenger took it into the palace; he afterwards restored it to the messenger, who, before giving it to the king's tutor, presented it to [the Archbishop] of Canterbury, to ask his advice. He returned it to him again after retaining it two days. The messenger, fearing that that was done insidiously, or that he was bringing upon his own head the very danger which others were so anxiously avoiding, presented it to the King's Council, although, as I hear, he was advised to do that by good and wise men. I expect an answer immediately. Whatever may turn up, I shall see to it that you be made acquainted with it.

Although you haven’t received a long letter from me in a while, I still don’t think I have anything new to share with you. While our friend Thomas was here, I was either dealing with a bad cough or bothered by a cold. Right now, I have a terrible headache, although it's been a bit better for the last hour. It's good that I can still work a little to handle my essential duties, but I usually make slow progress. My ill health is wasting a lot of my time, which should be spent on productive work. We haven’t heard anything from Germany except that the Lord has punished the Emperor by destroying some of his ships. I wish some illness would stop his evil actions! You know that the tutor of the English king has been released, and I assume you also know what happened with my letter.[272] The prefect of C—— got it from the messenger and took it into the palace; he later gave it back to the messenger, who, before handing it to the king's tutor, showed it to [the Archbishop] of Canterbury for advice. He returned it after keeping it for two days. The messenger, worried that this was done secretly or that he might be getting himself into trouble that others were trying to avoid, gave it to the King's Council, though I hear he was advised to do that by wise and trustworthy people. I'm expecting a response soon. Whatever happens, I'll make sure you know about it.

Whether it is owing to the indolence of John Girard that your book is not yet printed,[273] or from the confused state of his affairs at home, or because he has made deliberate choice of many things before it, I dare not affirm. I have certainly[263] spoken to him frequently on the matter, and he has made serious protestations about it. Normandie also has repeatedly ordered him to get on with it. So the Institute, which should have been completed a month ago, is not finished yet. I wished to make this brief statement to you, to let you know that I had not been neglectful. He is not particularly moved by my reproving him, except that he immediately promises to do it forthwith.

Whether it's due to John Girard's laziness that your book isn't printed yet,[273] or because of his chaotic situation at home, or maybe he's just chosen to prioritize other things, I can't be sure. I have definitely[263] talked to him about it a lot, and he has made serious promises regarding it. Normandie has also repeatedly told him to get it done. So the Institute, which was supposed to be finished a month ago, is still not done. I wanted to briefly let you know that I haven't been neglectful. He doesn’t seem particularly affected by my criticisms, except that he immediately promises to take care of it.

Adieu, brother and very worthy friend. May the Lord by his Spirit continue to guide you, and may he watch over you and your family! You will salute your fellow-ministers cordially in my name, especially Faton and your colleague.

Adieu, brother and dear friend. May the Lord continue to guide you with His Spirit, and may He watch over you and your family! Please send my warm regards to your fellow ministers, especially Faton and your colleague.

The short Treatise on the Sanctification of the Infants of Pious Parents, and on Female Baptism, is being printed, although it did not require more than two days' labour.[274] As to what you fear of the venomous creatures which I have irritated giving forth some poison, I am quite easy on that score. Adieu again.—Yours,

The brief Treatise on the Sanctification of the Infants of Pious Parents and on Female Baptism is being printed, although it only took about two days of work. [274] As for what you're worried about regarding the venomous creatures I've irritated by releasing some poison, I'm not concerned about that at all. Talk to you later.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


I understand that you require a maid-servant,—neither yourself nor your brothers told me so. However, having heard it from others, I wish to tell you that there is a woman here who is pious, upright, and careful, and advanced in years, who would gladly serve you if she could be of use to you.

I get that you need a maid,—neither you nor your brothers mentioned it to me. However, I've heard it from others, and I want to let you know that there’s a woman here who is religious, honest, and diligent, and is older, who would happily serve you if she could help.

All your friends salute you kindly, especially M. Normandie, yet this does not detract from the regard of the others—from that of Verron, for instance, the writer of the present letter.

All your friends greet you warmly, especially M. Normandie, but that doesn't lessen the affection of the others—like Verron, for example, the author of this letter.

[Lat. orig.—Library of Gotha. Vol. 404, fol. 5.]

[Lat. orig.—Library of Gotha. Vol. 404, fol. 5.]


CCLIX.—To Farel.

Election of a new Pope.

3d March 1550.

March 3, 1550.

I am glad that worthy man has at length so far listened to rational advice as to yield to you. One must overlook what difficulty he occasioned for some time, only he should try to make up for his slowness by assiduity when he has once arrived. This I expect he will be entirely prepared to do. For I know him to be an upright man and one who is diligent in his business. I know that he will be so commended to you that there is no need of words [from me.] His wife will get accustomed to it by degrees. He brings two boys with him, of whom the one is the son of a very excellent and very upright man, the other is a grandson of Pommier's brother. When they reach you, let them understand that you will attend to them. I shall faithfully discharge my duty to the son of M. Michael Schalter. I have just now received your letter.

I’m glad that this deserving man has finally listened to reasonable advice and agreed to join you. We should overlook the difficulties he caused for a while; he just needs to make up for his delay with hard work once he arrives. I expect he will be fully ready to do that. I know he is an honest person and dedicated to his work. I’m confident he will be well received by you, so I don’t feel the need to elaborate. His wife will gradually adapt to the situation. He’s bringing two boys with him; one is the son of a very good and honest man, and the other is the grandson of Pommier's brother. When they arrive, please let them know that you will look after them. I will do my best for M. Michael Schalter's son. I just received your letter.

The Pope who has been created ought to be an extraordinary monster, seeing that the best of workmen have wrought so long at the forging of him.[275] Nor indeed could a fitter than Julius have been fallen upon, as the moderator of the Council of Trent.

The Pope who has been created should be an extraordinary figure, considering that the best craftsmen have spent so much time shaping him.[275] And truly, no one better than Julius could have been chosen as the leader of the Council of Trent.

Adieu, brother and very honest friend. May the Lord Jesus sustain you! Salute the brethren earnestly, especially my co-patriot, Christopher Muloti, Faton, and the rest. Adieu again.—Yours,

Goodbye, brother and dear friend. May the Lord Jesus support you! Please send my regards to the others, especially my fellow countryman, Christopher Muloti, Faton, and everyone else. Goodbye again.—Yours,

John Calvin

John Calvin

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLX.—To Francis Dryander.[276]

Counsels and encouragements—collection of commentaries on Isaiah by Des Gallars.

Geneva, 7th March 1550.

Geneva, March 7, 1550.

I am happy that you have returned safely from England. If your affairs here are satisfactory and prosperous, and the Lord is providing you with employment, I am the more delighted, although, as matters now stand everywhere, it becomes us so to walk in the world that we may be willing forthwith to depart. England seems as yet unsettled. Elsewhere, whatever was satisfactorily established appears now to decay. So that, unless we can preserve our patience, we shall nowhere find the aspect of affairs so pleasing as to prevent us from longing for a change. This is every day more and more the experience of myself, whose struggle you suppose is almost concluded. For I am perpetually disturbed by new contentions, and new sources of annoyance and disgust, to such a degree, that, were a free choice allowed me, I would prefer any lot to groaning continually under so grievous a burden. The Lord has adorned you with genius and learning; he has gifted you with a zealous and magnanimous spirit. We must pray that he will not suffer these rich endowments to lie unimproved. I know, indeed, that hitherto you have endeavoured to make your life useful to the Church, and that your attempts have not been without fruit. But I desire that your gifts may be more fully displayed, and I trust that they will. My meditations on Isaiah, which you say are expected, will shortly be published. The composition of the work, however, is Des Gallars', for, as I[266] have but little time for writing, he jots down to my dictation and arranges his materials afterwards at home. I then make a revision of it, and wherever he has missed my meaning I restore it. When my letter reaches you, I expect the treasurer of our city will be there also, and will remain for two days. If you have any news he will be glad to convey them. I have nothing to say to MM. Myconius and Sulzer till they answer my last. Remember me, however, to them and to Oporinus. My colleagues desire me to salute you cordially. I pray for all joy and prosperity to your wife wherever she is.

I’m really glad you made it back safely from England. If everything is going well for you here and the Lord is providing you with work, I’m even happier. But given how things are everywhere right now, we should live in such a way that we’re ready to leave at any moment. England still feels unstable. In other places, things that were once stable seem to be falling apart. So unless we can keep our patience, we won’t find any situation that’s good enough to make us not want a change. This has been my growing experience, even though you think my struggles are almost over. I’m constantly troubled by new conflicts and sources of annoyance, to the point that if I had a choice, I would choose anything over the heavy burden I keep carrying. The Lord has blessed you with talent and knowledge; He has given you a passionate and noble spirit. We should pray that He doesn’t let these valuable gifts go to waste. I know you’ve been trying to make your life useful to the Church, and that your efforts have had some success. But I hope to see your talents shine even more, and I believe they will. My thoughts on Isaiah, which you mentioned are anticipated, will be published soon. However, the writing is really Des Gallars’; since I have little time to write, he takes notes as I dictate and organizes the material at home afterward. I then review it and correct any misunderstandings he may have had. When this letter reaches you, I expect the treasurer of our city will be there too, staying for two days. If you have any news, he’ll be happy to share it. I have nothing to say to MM. Myconius and Sulzer until they respond to my last message. Please remember me to them and to Oporinus. My colleagues send their warm regards to you. I pray for joy and prosperity for your wife wherever she may be.

Adieu, illustrious sir. May the Lord continue to guide you by his Spirit, and be ever present with you!—Yours,

Adieu, esteemed sir. May the Lord keep guiding you with His Spirit and always be by your side!—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Archives of the Protestant Seminary of Strasbourg.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Archives of the Protestant Seminary of Strasbourg.]


CCLXI.—To Nicolas Colladon.[277]

Settlement of the Colladon family at Geneva.

12th May 1550.

May 12, 1550.

I have at present no other reason for writing you than that I thought it absurd that a messenger, sent with difficulty hither[267] from so intimate a friend, and on business well known to me, should return without a letter from me. I was afraid, also, at the same time, lest your brother should entertain unpleasant suspicions should he hear that I had been altogether silent. My friend Laurent at present declines the journey to which you urge him; his excuse is brief, but such as we both hope will abundantly satisfy you. I will only add this from him, that he was as far as possible from seeking any excuse for not visiting you. I assure you that his inclination is in no respect altered; but having seriously pondered the whole matter, I dare not advise him to leave his home at present. It is well, however, that those with whom you invited him to confer are disposed to entertain a removal.[278] And, indeed, they can accomplish nothing in this affair without coming to us. For as the girl is engaged in marriage here,[279] it would be too hazardous for them to remain at home. It will be your duty, therefore, to urge them to collect their baggage, and prepare for the journey. This may at first sight appear ridiculous, as if, in a matter so difficult and perplexing, I fancied everything was easily managed. I am not so inexperienced, however, as to be ignorant of the obstacles, embarrassments, and delays with which you must struggle. This only I wish, since the matter admits of no delay, that you would exert yourself vigorously in discharging your duty.

I currently have no other reason for writing to you than that I find it ridiculous for a messenger, who came here with difficulty from such a close friend, on a matter I know well, to return without a letter from me. I was also worried that your brother might have some unpleasant suspicions if he hears that I've been completely silent. My friend Laurent is currently refusing the trip you suggested; his excuse is brief, but we both hope it will assure you. I'll just add that he is in no way looking for a reason not to visit you. I promise his desire hasn't changed at all, but after thinking it over seriously, I can't advise him to leave home right now. However, it's good that those you invited him to meet are willing to consider a move. And, in fact, they can't do anything in this situation without coming to us. Since the girl is engaged to be married here, it would be too risky for them to stay home. So, it’s your responsibility to encourage them to pack their things and get ready for the trip. This may seem silly at first, as if I think everything can be easily handled in such a complicated situation. But I'm not so naive as to ignore the obstacles, challenges, and delays you must face. I only wish, since this matter can’t be delayed, that you would make a strong effort to handle your responsibilities.

Adieu, beloved brother in the Lord. Salute your relatives kindly in my name, both the father and all the families. May God direct you with the Spirit of wisdom and fortitude; may he be present with you and further all your pious efforts! Amen.—Yours,

Goodbye, dear brother in Christ. Please send my regards to your family, including your father and everyone else. May God guide you with wisdom and strength; may He be with you and support all your good endeavors! Amen.—Yours,

Charles Passelius.

Charles Passelius.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLXII.—To the Geneva Seigneury.[280]

Notice of a publication attributed to Gruet.

[May 1550.]

[May 1550.]

Seeing that it has pleased Messieurs to ask my opinion regarding the book of Gruet, it appears to me, that in the first place, they ought in regular judicial form to identify the handwriting, not so much for the condemnation of the individual, who is quite enough condemned already, as for the consequences which may ensue; as well in order that it may not be thought that they have been lightly moved on account of an uncertain book, as for the sake of adherents and accomplices.

Seeing that it has pleased the gentlemen to ask for my opinion on Gruet's book, I believe that, first and foremost, they should officially identify the handwriting, not so much to condemn the individual—who is already sufficiently condemned—but to consider the potential consequences that may follow. This is important both to ensure that it doesn't seem like they've acted impulsively based on an uncertain book and for the sake of supporters and accomplices.

That being done, I think that the suppression of the book itself ought not to appear to be for the sake of burying it out of sight, but be accompanied by a testimony that they had looked upon it with such detestation as it deserved, and that it was done for the sake of example only.

That being done, I believe that the banning of the book shouldn't just be about hiding it away, but should come with a statement that shows they viewed it with the disdain it deserved, and that it was done purely as a warning to others.

It is true, that seeing we ought to abstain from all filthy communication, and that nothing of that kind ought to proceed out of our mouth,—such blasphemous and execrable speeches ought not to be repeated, as if we had no horror of them at all; but, in obedience to the rule which our Lord has given in his law, it is for the common weal that faithful magistrates specially define the impieties which they punish. Besides, Messieurs are well aware how necessary it is, for many reasons which I leave for them to consider, although God's ordinance regarding it ought to be all-sufficient for us.

It’s true that we should avoid all filthy language and that nothing like that should come out of our mouths—those blasphemous and disgusting words shouldn’t be repeated, as if we have no disgust for them at all. However, in following the guidelines our Lord has set in His law, it’s important for responsible leaders to clearly outline the wrongdoings they choose to punish for the common good. Moreover, gentlemen, you know how necessary this is for many reasons that I’ll leave for you to think about, even though God's directive on this should be more than enough for us.

The form, under correction, which we should recommend, is that there should be a preamble or narrative something like what follows:—

The form, under correction, that we would suggest is that there should be a preamble or narrative similar to what follows:—

That whereas, in such a year, and on such a day, Jacques Gruet, as well on account of hideous blasphemies against God, and mockery of the Christian religion, as because of wicked conspiracy against the public state of this city, mutinies and other crimes and malpractices, had been condemned to such a punishment, it has since come to pass that a book has been found in his own handwriting, as has been ascertained upon sufficient evidence, in which are contained many blasphemies, so execrable, that there is no human creature who ought not to tremble at the hearing of them, and wherein he makes a mock at the whole of Christianity, so far as to say of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God and King of Glory, before whose majesty the devils are constrained to bow down themselves, that he was an idle beggar, a liar, a fool, a seducer, a mischievous wicked person, an unhappy fanatic, a clown full of vain-glorious and wicked presumption, who well deserved to be crucified; that the miracles which he had performed were nought but sorceries and apish tricks, and that he deemed himself to be the Son of God, in like manner as the Hierarchs weened themselves to be in their Synagogue; that he played the hypocrite, having been hung as he deserved, and died miserably in his folly, a thoughtless coxcomb, great drunkard, detestable traitor, and suspended malefactor, whose coming into the world has brought nothing but all sorts of wickedness, disaster, and confusion, and every sort of reproach and outrage which it is possible to invent:

That whereas, in such a year, and on such a day, Jacques Gruet, for his horrific blasphemies against God and mockery of the Christian religion, as well as his wicked conspiracy against the public order of this city, mutinies, and other crimes, had been condemned to such a punishment, it has since come to light that a book has been found in his own handwriting, as confirmed by sufficient evidence, which contains many blasphemies so appalling that no one should hear them without a sense of dread. In this book, he mocks all of Christianity, going so far as to call our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God and King of Glory, before whose majesty the devils are forced to bow, an idle beggar, a liar, a fool, a seducer, a wicked troublemaker, an unhappy fanatic, and a boastful clown full of vain and evil arrogance who deserved to be crucified. He claims that the miracles he performed were nothing but sorcery and tricks, and that he considered himself the Son of God, just as the Hierarchs thought themselves to be in their Synagogue. He played the hypocrite, having been hung as he deserved, and died miserably in his folly, a thoughtless fool, a heavy drinker, a detestable traitor, and a suspended criminal, whose arrival on Earth has brought nothing but all kinds of wickedness, disaster, confusion, and every sort of shame and outrage imaginable.

He has said of the Prophets, that they have been only fools, dreamers, fanatics; of the Apostles, that they were rascals, and knaves, apostates, dull blockheads, brainless fellows; of the Virgin Mary, that it is rather to be presumed that she was a strumpet; of the law of God, that it is worthless, like those who have framed it; of the Gospel, that it is nothing but falsehood; that the whole of Scripture is false and wicked, and that there is less meaning in it than there is in Æsop's fables, and that it is a false and foolish doctrine:

He has said about the Prophets that they were just fools, dreamers, and fanatics; about the Apostles, that they were crooks, fraudsters, traitors, dullards, and idiots; about the Virgin Mary, that it’s more likely she was a prostitute; about the law of God, that it’s worthless, just like those who created it; about the Gospel, that it’s nothing but lies; that all of Scripture is false and evil, and that it holds less meaning than Aesop's fables, and that it's a false and foolish belief:

And not only does he thus villanously attack our holy and sacred Christian religion, but he also renounces and abolishes all religion and divinity, saying that God is nothing, representing men to be like to the brute beasts, denying eternal life, and disgorging execrations, the like of which ought to make the hair stand up upon the head of every one, and which are of such rank infection as to bring a whole country under the curse, so that all people of every degree, having any sound conscience at all, ought to ask pardon of God that his name has been thus blasphemed among them.

And not only does he maliciously attack our holy and sacred Christian faith, but he also rejects and eliminates all religion and divinity, claiming that God is nothing, likening humans to brute beasts, denying eternal life, and spewing curses that should make everyone’s hair stand on end. These words are so toxic they could bring a whole nation under a curse, so that all people, regardless of their status, who have even a shred of conscience, should seek forgiveness from God for having His name so blasphemed among them.

In conclusion, it appears to me that sentence ought to be given in such or similar form as follows:—

In conclusion, it seems to me that the sentence should be given in this or a similar form:—

That whereas the writer of the said book has been, by judicial sentence, condemned and executed, yet, in order that the vengeance of God may not abide upon us for having suffered or concealed such horrible impiety, and also as an example to all accomplices and adherents of a sect so infectious and worse than diabolical, even to shut the mouth of all those who would excuse or cover such enormities, and to show them what condemnation they deserve, Messieurs have ordained ... &c....

That although the author of the mentioned book has been sentenced to death and executed, we must ensure that God's wrath does not remain upon us for allowing or hiding such terrible wrongdoing. This is also meant to serve as a warning to all those who support or are involved with such a harmful and even worse than evil sect, to silence anyone who would justify or protect such outrageous acts, and to demonstrate the punishment they deserve. Therefore, the gentlemen have decided ... etc ...

The sooner this is done the better, for already this unhappy book has been too much in the hands of these gentlemen....

The sooner this is done, the better, because this unfortunate book has already been handled too much by these gentlemen....

[Fr. orig. autogr.—Coll. of the Chevalier Engard at Geneva.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.—Coll. of the Chevalier Engard at Geneva.]


CCLXIII.—To Melanchthon.[281]

Controversies excited in Germany by the establishment of the Interim—Brotherly reproofs.

[18th June 1550.]

[June 18, 1550.]

The ancient satirist once said,—

The ancient satirist once said,—

"Si natura negat, facit indignatio versum."

"Si natura negat, facit indignatio versum."

It is at present far otherwise with me. So little does my present[271] grief aid me in speaking, that it rather renders me almost entirely speechless. Besides, as I cannot express in words how my mind is affected, being overcome with merely thinking on the subject on which I am about to write, I am almost struck dumb. I would have you suppose me to be groaning rather than speaking. It is too well known, from their mocking and jests, how much the enemies of Christ were rejoicing over your contests with the theologians of Magdeburg.[282] They certainly presented a foul and abominable spectacle, as well to the Lord and the angels, as to the whole Church. If no blame attaches to you in this matter, my dear Philip, it would be but the dictate of prudence and justice, to devise a means of curing the evil, or at least of somewhat mitigating it. Yet, forgive me if I do not consider you altogether free from blame. And from this you may conjecture how severe the judgments of others are concerning you, and how offensive and unpleasant their remarks. In the mean while, let it be well understood, that in openly admonishing you, I am discharging the duty of a true friend; and if I employ a little more severity than usual, do not think that it is owing to any diminution of my old affection and esteem for you. Although for me to offend by rude simplicity,[272] rather than bespeak by adulation the favour of any man, is nothing uncommon or new to you. I also feel, on the other hand, less anxiety about your taking it amiss to be reproved by me when I have just cause for displeasure, inasmuch as I am well aware that nothing gives you greater pleasure than open candour. I am truly anxious to approve all your actions, both to myself and to others. But I at present accuse you before yourself, that I may not be forced to join those who condemn you in your absence. This is the sum of your defence: that provided purity of doctrine be retained, externals should not be pertinaciously contended for.[283] And if it be true that is confidently asserted everywhere, you extend the distinction of non-essentials too far. You are not ignorant that the Papists have corrupted the worship of God in a thousand ways. We have put up with corruptions which were barely tolerable. The ungodly now order these same things to be restored, that they may triumph over a down-trodden gospel. And if any one does not hesitate to oppose this, will you not ascribe it to pertinacity? Every one knows how this is opposed to your modesty. If you are too facile in making concessions, you need not wonder if that is marked as a fault in you by many. Moreover, several of those things which you consider indifferent, are obviously repugnant to the word of God. Perhaps there are some who insist too positively on certain points, and, as usually happens in disputes, make offensive attacks upon some things which have little harm in themselves. Truly if I have any understanding in divine things, you ought not to have made such large concessions to the Papists; partly because you have loosed what the Lord has bound in his word, and partly because you have afforded occasion for bringing insult upon the Gospel. At a time when circumcision was as yet lawful, do[273] you not see that Paul, because crafty and malicious fowlers were laying snares for the liberty of believers, pertinaciously refused to concede to them a ceremony at the first instituted by God? Accordingly, he boasts that he did not yield to them, no not for a moment, that the truth of the Gospel might remain intact among the Gentiles. In our day, indeed, the enemy has not troubled us about circumcision, but that they may not leave us anything pure, they are tainting both doctrine and every exercise of worship with their putrid leaven. As for the theologians of Magdeburg, you say that they were only raising disputes about a linen vesture. I do not see the force of this. I certainly think the use of the linen vesture, with many other fooleries, has been hitherto retained as much by you as by them. And, indeed, good and pious men everywhere deplore that you should have countenanced those corruptions which manifestly tend to destroy the purity of all doctrine, and to undermine the stability of the Church. Lest you may perhaps have forgotten what I once said to you, I now remind you of it, namely, that we consider our ink too precious if we hesitate to bear testimony in writing to those things which so many of the flock are daily sealing with their blood. I spoke thus, indeed, at a time when we seemed to be farther out of the reach of missiles [than at present]. And seeing that the Lord led us forth into the arena, it became us on that account to strive the more manfully. Your position is different from that of many, as yourself are aware. For the trepidation of a general or leader is more dishonourable than the flight of a whole herd of private soldiers. Accordingly, while the timidity of others may be overlooked, unless you give invariable evidence of unflinching steadfastness, all will say that vacillation in such a man must not be tolerated. You alone, by only giving way a little, will cause more complaints and sighs than would a hundred ordinary individuals by open desertion. And, although I am fully persuaded that the fear of death never compelled you in the very least to swerve from the right path, yet I am apprehensive that it is just possible, that another species of fear may have proved too much for your courage. For I know how much you are horrified at the charge of rude severity. But we[274] must remember, that reputation must not be accounted by the servants of Christ as of more value than life. We are no better than Paul was, who held fearlessly on his way through "evil and good report." It is indeed a hard and disagreeable thing to be reckoned turbulent and inflexible,—men who would rather see the whole world in ruin, than condescend to any measure of moderation. But your ears should have been deaf to such talk long ago. I have not so bad an opinion of you, nor will I do you the injustice, to suppose that you resemble the ambitious, and hang upon the popular breath. Yet I have no doubt but that you are occasionally weakened by those goadings. What? Is it the part of a wise and considerate man to rend the Church for the sake of minute and all but frivolous matters? Must not peace be purchased at any tolerable amount of inconvenience? What madness is it to stand out for everything to the last, to the neglect of the entire substance of the Gospel! When lately these and similar remarks were circulated by designing men, I thought and perceived you to be more influenced by them than you should have been; accordingly, I open my mind candidly to you, lest anything should mar that truly divine magnanimity, which, in other respects, I know you to possess. You know why I am so vehement. I had rather die with you a hundred times, than see you survive the doctrines surrendered by you. Nor do I say this as if there was danger lest the truth of God made known by your ministry should come to nought, or as if I distrusted your steadfastness; but simply because you will never be sufficiently solicitous lest the wicked obtain an occasion of cavilling, which owing to your facileness they eagerly snatch at. Pardon me for loading your breast with these miserable, though ineffectual groans. Adieu, most illustrious sir, and ever worthy of my hearty regard. May the Lord continue to guide you by his Spirit, and sustain you by his might; may his protection guard you. Amen.[284] Salute, I entreat you, any of my friends that are near you. A[275] great number here respectfully salute you. Multitudes, to avoid idolatry in France, are making choice of a voluntary exile among us.

It’s very different for me right now. My current grief prevents me from speaking, leaving me nearly speechless. Besides, I can’t put into words how my mind feels, and just thinking about the topic I’m going to write about almost leaves me dumbfounded. I’d want you to think of me as groaning rather than talking. It’s well known how much Christ’s enemies were mocking and rejoicing over your struggles with the theologians of Magdeburg. They certainly displayed a disgraceful and horrific scene, both to the Lord and the angels, as well as to the entire Church. If there’s no blame on you regarding this, my dear Philip, it would be wise and fair to find a way to address the issue or at least soften it a bit. But forgive me if I think you’re not entirely free from blame. From this, you might guess how harshly others judge you and how unpleasant their comments are. In the meantime, let it be clear that by openly warning you, I’m fulfilling my duty as a true friend; and if I’m a bit harsher than usual, don’t think it’s due to a decrease in my old affection and respect for you. Although it’s not uncommon for you to receive offense from my straightforwardness rather than flattering someone for their favor. I also worry less about you taking offense at my reproaches when I have good reason to be displeased, knowing you appreciate candidness. I genuinely want to approve of all your actions, both to myself and to others. But right now, I’m holding you accountable in front of yourself so I won’t have to join those who condemn you in your absence. This is the gist of your defense: that as long as the purity of doctrine is maintained, the externals shouldn’t be stubbornly argued over. And if it's true, as many boldly state, that you stretch the distinction of non-essentials too far, then you know well that the Papists have corrupted the worship of God in countless ways. We’ve tolerated some corruptions that were barely acceptable. Now the ungodly want to bring back those same corruptions so they can gloat over a trampled Gospel. If anyone dares to resist this, will you not see it as stubbornness? Everyone knows this contradicts your modesty. If you easily make concessions, don’t be surprised if others point it out as a flaw. Furthermore, many of the things you see as indifferent are clearly against the word of God. Perhaps some insist too strongly on certain points and, as is common in disputes, they make petty attacks on issues that aren’t very harmful. Honestly, if I have any understanding of spiritual matters, you shouldn’t have made such extensive concessions to the Papists; partly because you've loosened what the Lord has bound in His word, and partly because you've given an opportunity for insults against the Gospel. In a time when circumcision was still lawful, don’t you see that Paul, knowing crafty and malicious traps were being set for the believers' liberty, stubbornly refused to concede to them a ceremony originally instituted by God? He proudly claims he didn’t yield to them, not even for a moment, to keep the truth of the Gospel intact among the Gentiles. Nowadays, the enemy hasn’t troubled us about circumcision, but to ensure we have nothing pure, they’re contaminating both doctrine and every act of worship with their foul leaven. As for the theologians of Magdeburg, you say they were only debating a linen garment. I don’t see the strength in that argument. I genuinely believe you’ve retained the use of the linen garment, along with many other ridiculous things, just as much as they have. Indeed, good and faithful people everywhere lament that you have supported those corruptions that clearly aim to destroy the purity of all doctrine and undermine the stability of the Church. In case you’ve forgotten what I once said to you, I want to remind you that we consider our ink too precious to hesitate in writing about things that so many in the flock are daily sealing with their blood. I said this when we seemed to be more out of harm's way than now. And since the Lord has brought us into the arena, we should strive even harder. Your situation is different from many others, as you know. The fearfulness of a general or leader is more shameful than the flight of a whole group of ordinary soldiers. Therefore, while the timidity of others might be overlooked, if you don’t consistently show unwavering steadfastness, everyone will say that indecisiveness in a person like you cannot be tolerated. Just a small concession from you will cause more complaints and sighs than an outright desertion from a hundred regular people. And while I’m completely convinced that the fear of death hasn’t made you deviate from the right path in any way, I fear that another type of fear might have tested your courage too much. I know how much you dread being labeled as harsh. But we must remember that reputation shouldn’t matter more to Christ’s servants than life itself. We’re no better than Paul, who fearlessly continued his course despite “evil and good reports.” It’s indeed hard and unpleasant to be viewed as turbulent and inflexible—people who would rather see the whole world in ruin than settle for any degree of compromise. But you should have been deaf to such talk long ago. I don’t have a poor opinion of you, nor will I unfairly suppose that you’re ambitious and swayed by popular opinion. Yet, I have no doubt that you’re sometimes weakened by those pressures. What? Is it wise and thoughtful to tear the Church apart over trivial and almost silly matters? Shouldn’t peace be bought at any reasonable cost? What madness to insist on everything to the last detail, neglecting the whole essence of the Gospel! Recently, when these and similar comments circulated by scheming people, I thought and noticed you were influenced by them more than you should have been; thus, I open my thoughts to you honestly, lest anything tarnish that truly divine courage I know you have in other respects. You know why I’m so passionate about this. I’d rather die with you countless times than see you live with the doctrines you’ve surrendered. And I’m not saying this as if there was a danger that the truth of God conveyed through your ministry could be lost, or as if I doubted your steadfastness; but simply because you will never be sufficiently careful to prevent the wicked from having an occasion to criticize, which they eagerly seize due to your ease of concession. Forgive me for burdening you with these miserable, though futile, groans. Farewell, most esteemed sir, ever deserving of my heartfelt regard. May the Lord continue to guide you by His Spirit and support you with His strength; may His protection watch over you. Amen. Please send my regards to any friends nearby. Many here respectfully greet you. A large number, to avoid idolatry in France, are choosing voluntary exile among us.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Coll. of M. Troncliin at Geneva.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Coll. of M. Troncliin at Geneva.]


CCLXIV.—To Viret.

Hope of an early visit from Viret—projected excursions in the neighbourhood of Geneva.

Geneva, 22d July 1550.

Geneva, July 22, 1550.

When some one or other informed me lately that you intended coming here in a short time, I snatched eagerly at the intelligence, just as if you had been bound to come by a previous agreement. If you do think of coming, I beseech you, again and again, to stay a Sabbath with us, for you could not have a better opportunity during the whole year. You will deliver a discourse in the city on the morning of the Lord's day. I shall set out for Jussy; you will follow me after dinner, and we shall proceed thence to M. de Falais'.[285] Leaving him again, we shall make a hasty passage to the opposite side,[286] and rusticate till Thursday with Seigneurs Pommier and De Lisle. On Friday, if you choose to make an excursion to Tournet or Belle Rive, you will have my company also. You need not be afraid of any unpopularity, for matters have calmed down somewhat, as you will hear. See you do not disappoint me. Certainly many here are expecting you.

When someone recently told me that you planned to come here soon, I jumped at the news, as if you were obligated to come based on a prior agreement. If you're considering it, I urge you, again and again, to spend a Sunday with us, as you couldn't find a better opportunity all year. You'll be giving a talk in the city on Sunday morning. I’ll head out to Jussy; you can catch up with me after lunch, and then we'll go to M. de Falais'.[285] After leaving him, we’ll quickly cross to the other side,[286] and relax until Thursday with the Pommier and De Lisle families. On Friday, if you want to take a trip to Tournet or Belle Rive, I'll join you too. You don't need to worry about any backlash; things have settled down a bit, as you'll find out. Please don’t let me down. Several people here are looking forward to your visit.

Adieu, again and again, until you come. Salute the brethren, and your wife and little daughters at home. May the Lord Jesus keep you all and watch over you.—Yours,

Goodbye, once again, until you arrive. Send regards to the brothers, and to your wife and young daughters at home. May the Lord Jesus protect you all and keep you safe.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


You will give the letters to M. Yergerio, to be delivered to Zerkinden and Haller.

You will give the letters to M. Yergerio to deliver them to Zerkinden and Haller.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLXV.—To Farel.

Opinion regarding Vergerio—intelligence regarding Bucer—letter to Melanchthon—disputes with Berne—literary publications of Calvin.

July 1550.

July 1550.

Although I have not been able to secure a messenger for a long time, who might convey my letter to you with convenience and safety, yet I must really confess that I am ashamed of my long delay. But you will readily excuse me; and I can with truth declare, that I would gladly have written you on different occasions had I been able sooner to find a messenger. It is not expedient for us, in my opinion, to be anxious about our exculpation with the people of Zurich, lest some groundless suspicion should steal in upon them. We shall see by and by whether they have any faith in those clouds of theirs. Defence will be easy then. Let us in the meantime cherish our unanimity. Vergerio, Bishop of Pola,[287] is here at present; he will not return to the Grisons, however. I think Viret wrote you concerning him. He came by Lausanne, and spent a few days in familiar intercourse with the brethren. There is much that is praiseworthy about him; and I hope that he will be steadfast in the right path. As I knew he passed through Zurich, I endeavoured to elicit from him whether he had heard of aught unfavourable there. I could not scent out anything, however. We should therefore keep quiet, unless a better opportunity presents itself. Those who come from England, say that matters get on well there. I have heard nothing of Bucer, except that he seems rather pliant to some.[277][288] There is a fixed opinion in the minds of many regarding him which is not easily rooted out. It is not unlikely that the good man feels annoyed by this prejudice. And whether he affords any occasion for it or not, I cannot tell. We shall have some word soon. No change has taken place in Saxony as yet. Should you feel disposed to spend a quarter of an hour, perhaps, in reading an epistle in which I discuss [the question] of ceremonies, you will find a copy of it enclosed. I have written to Melanchthon also in almost the very same strain, but, owing to my negligence, it turns out that I do not possess a copy of it.[289] Should you also be inclined to look into those points on which I recently advised the Protector of England, I have sent that [document] also. Would that time had allowed me to seek your advice, rather than show you what I have now done regarding the matter. The Collector of Finance[290] of the French king, who was in prison, has cost us no further trouble. The Bernese ambassadors, lately sent in his behalf, were of some use, though of less than I could have wished. They succeeded, however, in quieting the mind of the king. Five or six days after there comes a most polite letter, in which the king returns us his thanks, and courteously asks us to release the captive. This was done. By the wonderful goodness of God, we are now freed from a source of anxiety which often robbed me of my sleep. That new impost which the Bernese are exacting,[291] annoys us sadly. We are resolved not to pay it. We wish it tried at law; our opponents wish us to bow to their authority. Thereupon one evil rises out of another. Moreover, this awkward circumstance attends it, that I dare not refuse my advice to those soliciting it. I commenced Genesis seven days[278] ago; may it be auspicious! In the meantime Isaiah is called to press.[292] The printers are at present busy with Paul, but I fear they have been longer of beginning than they should.[293] If it be not out in nine days hence, it will have other companions, for I hope that the book De Scandalis and the Canonical Epistles will be printed during the coming winter. Adieu, most upright brother, ever to be revered by me in the Lord. Salute earnestly your family and all the brethren. May the Lord watch over you all and guide you by his Spirit!

Although I haven't been able to find a messenger for a while to deliver my letter to you safely and conveniently, I must admit that I'm embarrassed by my long delay. But I’m sure you'll understand, and I genuinely declare that I would have written to you on different occasions if I had been able to find a messenger sooner. I think it’s better for us not to worry too much about clearing our names with the people of Zurich, so that no unfounded suspicions creep in. We’ll see soon enough whether they trust those rumors of theirs. Defending ourselves will be easy then. In the meantime, let’s maintain our unity. Vergerio, the Bishop of Pola, [287] is here right now; however, he won’t be returning to the Grisons. I believe Viret wrote to you about him. He passed through Lausanne and spent a few days with the brothers in friendly conversation. There’s a lot to admire about him, and I hope he remains steadfast on the right path. Since I knew he was passing through Zurich, I tried to find out if he had heard anything negative there. Unfortunately, I couldn't uncover anything. So, we should remain quiet unless a better opportunity arises. Those coming from England say things are going well there. I haven't heard anything about Bucer, except that he seems somewhat compliant with some people. [277][288] Many people hold a strong opinion about him that isn’t easily changed. It’s possible that the good man is bothered by this bias. Whether he gives any reason for it or not, I can’t say. We should have some news soon. There haven't been any changes in Saxony yet. If you feel like spending a quarter of an hour reading a letter where I discuss the issue of ceremonies, I’ve enclosed a copy for you. I also wrote to Melanchthon in almost the same way, but, due to my oversight, I don’t have a copy of it. [289] If you’re also interested in the points I recently advised the Protector of England on, I've included that document as well. I wish I had had the time to ask for your advice instead of just showing you what I've done regarding this matter. The Finance Collector [290] for the French king, who was in prison, has caused us no further trouble. The ambassadors from Bern, sent on his behalf, were somewhat helpful, though less than I would have liked. However, they did manage to calm the king’s mind. Five or six days later, we received a very polite letter in which the king thanks us and graciously requests that we release the captive. This was done. By God’s wonderful kindness, we are now free from a concern that often kept me awake at night. The new tax the Bernese are imposing, [291] is quite bothersome to us. We’ve decided not to pay it. We want it addressed in court; our opponents want us to submit to their authority. One problem leads to another. Additionally, there’s the awkward situation that I can’t refuse my advice to those who seek it. I started Genesis seven days [278] ago; may it be a good omen! In the meantime, Isaiah is being pressed. [292] The printers are currently working on Paul, but I’m afraid they’ve taken longer to start than they should have. [293] If it’s not out in nine days, it will have other company, because I hope the book De Scandalis and the Canonical Epistles will be printed this coming winter. Goodbye, dear brother, whom I always revere in the Lord. Please give my regards to your family and all the brothers. May the Lord watch over you all and guide you by His Spirit!

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLXVI.—To Will Rabot.[294

Exhortation to the study of the Scriptures.

24th July 1550.

July 24, 1550.

Although we have been unknown to each other by sight, yet since you recognize the Master Christ in my ministry, and submit yourself cheerfully and calmly to his teaching, this is a sufficient reason why I should, on the other hand, esteem you as a brother and fellow-disciple. But, as I understand from your letter, that it is not very long since the Lord shed the light of his gospel on you, I could not give a fitter expression[279] of my love towards you, than by exhorting and encouraging you to daily exercises. For we see sparks of piety immediately disappear which had shone forth on many occasions; because, instead of increasing the flame, they rather extinguish what little light the Spirit of God had enkindled in them, by the empty allurements of the world, or the irregular desires of the flesh. That nothing of this kind may happen to you, you must first of all give devoted submission to the will of the Lord, and in the next place, you must fortify yourself by his sacred doctrines. But as this is too extensive a theme to be embraced in a letter, it is better for you to draw from the fountain-head itself. For if you make a constant study of the word of the Lord, you will be quite able to guide your life to the highest excellence. You have faithful commentaries, which will furnish the best assistance. I wish very much you could find it convenient at some time to pay us a visit; for, I flatter myself, you would never regret the journey. Whatever you do, see that you follow the Lord, and at no time turn aside from the chief end.

Although we haven't met in person, since you recognize the Master Christ in my ministry and willingly embrace his teachings, that's enough reason for me to consider you a brother and fellow disciple. However, as I gathered from your letter, it hasn't been long since the Lord illuminated you with his gospel, so I can't express my love for you better than by urging and encouraging you to engage in daily practices. We often see sparks of devotion fade quickly that once shone brightly because, instead of nurturing that flame, they let the distractions of the world or the unrestrained desires of the flesh snuff out the little light the Spirit of God had ignited in them. To prevent this from happening to you, you must first fully submit to the Lord’s will, and secondly, strengthen yourself through his sacred teachings. But since this is too broad a topic for a letter, it's better for you to go directly to the source. If you make it a habit to study the word of the Lord, you'll be more than capable of guiding your life toward the highest excellence. You have reliable commentaries that will provide great support. I truly hope you can find the time to visit us; I believe you wouldn't regret the trip. Whatever you do, ensure you follow the Lord and never stray from your main purpose.

Adieu, illustrious and very dear sir.—Yours,

Adieu, esteemed and very dear sir.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. copy.Archives of the Protestant Seminary of Strasbourg.]

[Lat. copy.Archives of the Protestant Seminary of Strasbourg.]


CCLXVII.—To Farel.

Publication of the book on Scandals—persecution by the King of France—Bucer's discouragement.

Geneva, 19th August 1550.

Geneva, August 19, 1550.

How I am to repay you for your letter, I know not, unless that, as soon as the Lord shall have enabled me to complete the first three chapters of my Commentary on Genesis, I give you a reading of it. If it please you, it will be worth the trouble of plucking the fruit before the time; and besides, I shall have the benefit of your judgment on the remainder of the context, if you should think there is anything of which I should[280] be made aware. The pamphlet De Scandalis, considering the immense fulness of the proof, will be not only short but even concise.[295] But then the evidence is all traced back to this conclusion,—that there is no reason why ungodly men should bring the Gospel into disrepute, and expose it to popular odium, under the pretext of stumblingblocks; and that the weak should be strengthened, in order that by the firmness of their faith they may overcome whatever stumblingblocks Satan may cast in their way. To put so great a check upon error, that should any one turn aside from the right path, or stumble or be disheartened, he may be without excuse. Yet I show at the same time, how dreadful a vengeance God will take on the authors of offences. Meanwhile, you will attack that monster when the signs are favourable, which I confidently trust you have already done.

I’m not sure how to thank you for your letter, except that once I’m able to finish the first three chapters of my Commentary on Genesis, I’d like to share a reading of it with you. If that works for you, it would be worth the trouble of picking the fruit before it’s ripe; plus, I’d benefit from your feedback on the rest of the context, in case you think there’s anything I should know. The pamphlet De Scandalis, given the depth of proof, will not only be brief but also straightforward.[295] However, all the evidence leads to this conclusion—that there’s no reason for wicked people to tarnish the Gospel’s reputation and make it the target of public disdain under the guise of obstacles; and that the weak should be strengthened so that by the certainty of their faith, they can overcome whatever obstacles Satan may place in their path. We need to create such a strong deterrent against error that if anyone strays from the right path, stumbles, or feels discouraged, they will have no excuse. At the same time, I show how severe God’s vengeance will be on those who cause offense. In the meantime, you’ll confront that beast when the conditions are right, which I trust you’ve already started doing.

Whatever good hopes of Henry, Viret led you to cherish, they were vain.[296] Rumours of this sort are daily afloat. We should, therefore, place no more reliance on them than they deserve. It is a sure enough token that the ferocity of the beast is in no degree appeased, when our brethren, so far from experiencing any alleviation of their sufferings, are more closely pursued every day. Another lion is said to be making certain extraordinary exertions.[297] We should, therefore, ask God to subdue their rage, or, at all events, to waste their strength by mutual collision—as he has hitherto done—that they may[281] not be able to do any more damage. I am not ignorant of the danger from which the Lord has extricated us. Nor need we thank that abandoned faction, truly, for not bringing this unfortunate, nay devoted, city into utter ruin. But as I had all along good hopes of a remedy, nothing gave me great alarm.

Whatever good hopes Henry inspired in you to hold onto, they were pointless.[296] Rumors like this are everywhere. So, we shouldn't rely on them more than they deserve. It's a clear sign that the beast's ferocity isn't calming down at all when our fellow citizens, instead of finding relief from their suffering, are hunted down even more every day. Another lion is said to be making some extraordinary efforts.[297] Therefore, we should pray to God to calm their rage, or at least to weaken them through mutual conflict—as He has done so far—so they won't be able to cause further harm. I'm well aware of the danger from which the Lord has saved us. And we shouldn't really thank that wicked faction for not completely destroying this unfortunate, dedicated city. But since I always had good hopes for a solution, nothing alarmed me too much.

It is to be feared that I shall gain some ill-will on account of the taxes.[298] For they know that Normandie and I are consulted [on the matter]. I prefer running this risk, however, to allowing those to ruin themselves whom I ought to advise. I was not able to bring them to a friendly agreement. All I could do was, to point out to them the best course.

It’s likely that I’ll get some backlash because of the taxes.[298] They know that Normandie and I are being consulted about this. Still, I’d rather take that risk than let people ruin themselves when I should be guiding them. I couldn’t get them to reach a friendly agreement. All I could do was suggest the best way forward.

My dear Christopher,[299] confessing as you do in the beginning of your letter, that you are not standing firm in the faith, I am astonished at your refusing to think about the state into which you have fallen. Are you and Mirabeau to be here, then, at Whitsuntide or not? I shall write to my godmother concerning her little daughter at my earliest opportunity.[300] The whole of yesterday was spent in some trifling manner, I hardly know how.

My dear Christopher,[299] I’m surprised that you admit in the beginning of your letter that you’re struggling with your faith and yet refuse to reflect on your situation. Will you and Mirabeau be here for Whitsuntide or not? I will write to my godmother about her little daughter as soon as I can.[300] I spent all of yesterday in some trivial ways; I hardly remember how.

I return to you again, my dear Farel. I do not know whether you have sent Bucer's letter to Viret. Anyhow, I have gathered from it that the worthy man is labouring under too much moroseness at present.[301] I shall write him a quiet letter by and by. There will be silence in future concerning the Zurichers; for I perceive that it only heightens his exasperation. Seeing that he longs greatly for your [letter], I should like him to approve of mine. For that saying of Terence's applies to him, that the unfortunate abuse everybody. For he makes no secret of thinking, that his old friends neglect him[282] when they do not write frequently. Nor is he deceived in Sturm, perhaps, who formerly stood so high in his favour that he would have wronged most men before him.

I’m reaching out to you again, my dear Farel. I’m not sure if you’ve sent Bucer's letter to Viret. Regardless, I’ve gathered from it that the poor guy is really down lately.[301] I’ll write him a calm letter soon. From now on, I won’t mention the Zurichers anymore, since I can see it only makes him more frustrated. Since he’s really looking forward to your letter, I’d like him to be okay with mine. That saying by Terence fits him well—that the unhappy take it out on everyone. He doesn’t hide the fact that he thinks his old friends ignore him when they don’t write often. He might not be mistaken about Sturm, who used to hold such high regard with him that he would have wronged most people before him.

Adieu, brethren, both very dear to me. May the Lord be always present with you, to guide and watch over you.—Amen. I was more tedious than I imagined on Saturday. For I did not wish to give [the letter] to Latern just when I had it ready. But, having striven in vain to reconcile him to his wife, I sent them both away, not without considerable displeasure.—Yours,

Adieu, dear friends, who mean a lot to me. May the Lord always be with you, to guide and protect you.—Amen. I ended up being more tiresome than I thought on Saturday. I didn't want to hand [the letter] over to Latern the moment it was ready. However, after trying unsuccessfully to patch things up between him and his wife, I sent them both off, not without quite a bit of frustration.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


Normandie especially salutes you. Your other friends do the same. We have some here at present, by no means our friends. Maréchal de la Mark, the Duc de Nemours,[302] and too great a host of that sort. They will decamp a short while before dinner.

Normandie especially greets you. Your other friends do too. We have some here right now, definitely not our friends. Maréchal de la Mark, the Duc de Nemours,[302] and way too many of that kind. They'll leave a little while before dinner.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Gotha. Vol. 404, p. 10.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Gotha. Vol. 404, p. 10.]


CCLXVIII.—To Farel.

State of religion in England—Calvin's literary labours—arrival of Robert Stephens at Geneva.

Geneva, 10th November 1550.

Geneva, November 10, 1550.

As for the circumstances of the English king, I simply charged Hugo to inform you, that the success of the Gospel in that country was highly gratifying. The French and the Germans are allowed to adopt the plain and simple mode of administering the sacraments, practised by us. So well disposed was the King himself to religious matters, that he showed some kindness even to me. But as you will learn all this better from the letter of Utenhoven, I shall not add more.[303] I had[283] hardly any communication with the other brother, for having gone out of the church with him, I met by accident the syndic Corné, with whom I walked on, and while doing so, the worthy man slipped away, and did not again make his appearance. I am afraid he may have taken it amiss that I neglected him for the syndic. But you can easily excuse the thing, although an excuse is hardly needed. But to return to England. You will gather from the same source certain other things, of one of which, I must truly confess, I can by no means approve; viz., that John Laski can be so much influenced by the slightest breezes of court favour; I fear its winds will drive him in all directions.[304] I have not as yet made bold to stir up the King himself. As certain parties have repeatedly urged me,[305] I have at last resolved upon dedicating Isaiah to him; and as I thought there would be room enough for an overplus, I intend adding to it a second work, viz., the Canonical Epistles, which was conjoined with the former, and which will be out at the same time. I shall accordingly inscribe his name on both works.[306]

As for the situation with the English king, I just asked Hugo to let you know that the success of the Gospel in that country is very encouraging. The French and the Germans are allowed to use the straightforward way of administering the sacraments that we do. The King himself was quite open to religious matters and was even kind to me. But since you’ll get more details from Utenhoven's letter, I won’t add anything else.[303] I had[283] barely spoken to the other brother; when I left the church with him, I happened to run into syndic Corné, so I walked with him, and during that time, the good man slipped away and didn’t show up again. I worry he might have taken it the wrong way that I chose the syndic over him. But you can easily forgive that, even though an apology is probably unnecessary. Now, back to England. You will find out more from the same source, including one thing that I must honestly say I can’t approve of; namely, that John Laski can be swayed so easily by the slightest hints of court favor; I fear those influences will push him all over the place.[304] I haven’t yet had the courage to approach the King myself. As some people have repeatedly urged me,[305] I’ve finally decided to dedicate Isaiah to him; and since I thought there would be enough room, I also plan to add a second work, namely, the Canonical Epistles, which will be published alongside the first one. I will make sure to place his name on both works.[306]

In truth, that on the Acts and on Genesis, of which you remind me, can scarcely be said to have any existence yet. I am ashamed of my slow progress with the Acts; and the third part which has been completed will, I expect, make a large volume. I was compelled to lay Genesis aside for some time. The revisal of the New Testament has kept me busy for four months past. I am dragged reluctantly into a considerable part of the Old Testament also. I had reminded our printers, in time, to select persons for themselves who, unlike me, were fit for and would undertake the work. They have[284] not attended to my hint, and so their neglect is now my punishment. I have got Louis de Budé[307] to undertake David, Solomon, and the history of Job, but as he will assist me only with his own labour, he will not entirely rid me of annoyance. I have rolled over the Apocrypha on Beza. What could I do? Many are wanting Bibles to themselves, and it is long since there was a single copy to be had. There is no one to undertake the burden, so the horse's housings fall to the ox. Some time has been expended also on the French version of the treatise De Scandalis. But I am annoying you to no purpose with these trifles; and, in truth, if I had to give you a reason for so doing, I could only deal in absurdities. I can truly affirm this, however, that it was not without shame that I read that part of your letter in which you laud my industry, being abundantly conscious of my own sloth and tardiness. May the Lord enable me, creeping along gradually, to be in some manner useful....

Honestly, the work on the Acts and Genesis that you mentioned hardly exists yet. I'm embarrassed by how slowly I'm progressing with the Acts, and the third part I've finished is likely to be quite a large volume. I had to put Genesis aside for a while. Revising the New Testament has kept me busy for the last four months. I'm also reluctantly involved in a significant part of the Old Testament. I had advised our printers in advance to choose people who, unlike me, were qualified and willing to take on the work. They didn't take my suggestion seriously, and now I'm suffering the consequences. I've got Louis de Budé to handle David, Solomon, and the story of Job, but since he will only help with his own work, I’m still dealing with frustrations. I’ve reviewed the Apocrypha based on Beza. What else could I do? Many people are asking for Bibles, and it’s been a long time since there was even one available. No one else is willing to take on the burden, so it's falling to me. Some time has also been spent on the French version of the treatise De Scandalis. But I'm just bothering you with these small matters, and honestly, if I had to give you a reason for it, I could only come up with nonsense. I can, however, genuinely admit that I felt some shame when I read that part of your letter where you praised my work ethic, fully aware of my own laziness and delays. May the Lord help me, moving slowly, to be somewhat useful...

I have not received a letter from Bucer for a long time. What Vergerio is doing I know not, except that he wrote me from Zurich, with certain reasons for not returning at once to his own church. My only fear is that he will have enough to do, as you know the restless disposition of those people. Robert Stephens[308] is now entirely ours, and we shall soon hear what storms his departure has raised at Paris. The retiring[285] philosophers will doubtless be quite insane.[309] If the Lord will, I shall pay you a visit early in spring, since I did not go during the last vintage season, which I hoped, and particularly desired, to do. My colleagues, Normandie and his sister, one of the Budés, who is here, (for John has gone to France for his father-in-law,) Trier, one of the Colladons—all, salute you most lovingly and cordially; so do very many others. Present my best regards to my countryman Christopher, to Michael Faton, and to your own family; nor do I wish to forget Mirabeau. Be not surprised that the sea of Scandals is wellnigh drunk up by the draughts I have taken of it. Be it known, also, that I was afraid to attempt exhausting it, lest I should drain it dry. May the Lord preserve you long in safety, and may he ever bless your labours.—Yours,

I haven't heard from Bucer in a long time. I'm not sure what Vergerio is up to, except that he wrote to me from Zurich, explaining why he isn't returning to his church right away. My only concern is that he'll have plenty on his plate, given how restless those people can be. Robert Stephens[308] is now completely with us, and we’ll soon find out what chaos his departure has stirred up in Paris. The philosophers leaving[285] will likely be quite mad.[309] If the Lord allows, I plan to visit you early in spring since I didn’t get to come during the last harvest season, which I was eager to do. My colleagues, Normandie and his sister, one of the Budés, who is here (John has gone to France for his father-in-law), Trier, and one of the Colladons—all send you their warmest regards, along with many others. Please give my best to my fellow countryman Christopher, to Michael Faton, and to your family; I don’t want to forget Mirabeau either. Don’t be surprised that I’ve nearly drunk up the sea of Scandals from the sips I’ve taken. Also, know that I was hesitant to try to exhaust it completely, for fear I might drain it dry. May the Lord keep you safe for a long time, and may He continue to bless your work.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLXIX.—To Mr. de Falais.[310]

Misconduct of a servant of M. de Falais.

This 24th of December (1550.)

This December 24 (1550.)

Monseigneur,—I thank you in the name of all, for the trouble you have been pleased to take in helping us, if perchance the bad business which has been going on underhand can be set right.[311] I find, however, that the examination will not be sufficient to enable us to get to the bottom of it. We have of course forbidden all intercourse for the future between[286] the young man and that unhappy woman. But it will be a more difficult matter to bring home to their consciences their past misdeeds. Indeed there is but one witness who testifies that the brother was incensed at it. Now he denies that he had ever perceived it at all.

Your Honor,—I want to thank you on behalf of everyone for the effort you've put into helping us, in hopes that we can fix the troubling situation that has been going on behind the scenes.[311] However, I realize that the investigation won’t be enough to get to the heart of the matter. We have, of course, prohibited any future contact between[286] the young man and that unfortunate woman. But it will be much harder to make them confront their past wrongdoings. In fact, there is only one witness who claims that the brother was angry about it. Now he denies that he ever noticed it at all.

Yesterday I was called away from the consistory by some extraordinary business, so that I could not see how they dealt with this gallant. And my brethren are at this moment taken up with the Visitation,[312] whither indeed I must also go. However, I hope that what we have got will serve very well to make a beginning. I shall, if it please God, let you know of any shortcoming, by word of mouth, humbly thanking you for your so liberal entertainment, although I feel always assured of your good-will, even had you not said a word to me about it.

Yesterday, I was called away from the meeting by some urgent matters, so I couldn't see how they handled this brave individual. My colleagues are currently busy with the Visitation,[312] which I also need to attend. However, I believe what we have gathered will be a great start. If it's God's will, I will let you know if there's anything lacking, and I sincerely thank you for your generous hospitality, although I always feel confident in your goodwill, even if you hadn't mentioned it to me.

Wherefore, Monseigneur, being constrained to conclude, I beseech our good Lord to have you in his holy keeping, and to guide you by his Spirit, as seemeth good to him, for the glory of his name by you even unto the end. I hope that he will vouchsafe us grace to celebrate the Supper together, although we must be locally separate. And so I commend me to the kind favour of yourself and of Madame.

Wherefore, Monseigneur, as I must wrap this up, I ask our good Lord to keep you in his care and to guide you by his Spirit, as he sees fit, for the glory of his name through you until the end. I hope that he will grant us the grace to share the Supper together, even though we have to be apart physically. So, I send my regards to you and Madame.

Your humble brother and servant,

Your devoted brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CCLXX.—To Haller.[313]

Explanations on the subject of the abolition of the great festivals at Geneva.

Geneva, 2d January 1551.

Geneva, January 2, 1551.

I desire you, my dear Haller, not to measure my affection for you by my not writing to you and to our friend Musculus, of late, to lighten the domestic affliction under which you both laboured.[314] There is no need for my occupying many words in expressing how anxious I was about your danger, from the time that I heard of your houses being visited by the plague. But as this remembrance should not be more pleasing to kind-hearted and considerate men than the duty of writing, I trust that when I inform you that my silence did not by any means arise from neglect, I shall fully satisfy you both. The reason why I did not write you is this: a report lately reached this place regarding your calamity, but I could not accurately ascertain[288] the extent of its progress. Accordingly, I did not venture to take any active measures; I preferred having recourse to prayer; this I knew both to be more necessary for you, and to be desired by you. Besides the abolition of the feast-days here has given grievous offence to some of your people, and it is likely enough that much unpleasant talk has been circulating among you. I am pretty certain, also, that I get the credit of being the author of the whole matter, both among the malevolent and the ignorant. But as I can solemnly testify that it was accomplished without my knowledge, and without my desire, so I resolved from the first rather to weaken malice by silence, than be over-solicitous about my defence. Before I ever entered the city, there were no festivals but the Lord's day. Those celebrated by you were approved of by the same public decree by which Farel and I were expelled; and it was rather extorted by the tumultuous violence of the ungodly, than decreed according to the order of law. Since my recall, I have pursued the moderate course of keeping Christ's birth-day as you are wont to do. But there were extraordinary occasions of public prayer on other days; the shops were shut in the morning, and every one returned to his several calling after dinner. There were, however, in the meanwhile, certain inflexible individuals who did not comply with the common custom from some perverse malice or other. Diversity would not be tolerated in a rightly constituted church: even for citizens not to live on good terms with one another, would beget mistrust among strangers. I exhorted the Senate to remove this disagreement in future by a proper remedy. And indeed, I lauded, at the same time, in express terms, the moderation which they had hitherto exercised. I afterwards heard of the abrogation, just as a perfect stranger would. Would that N.[315] had acted less ambitiously on former occasions! For feast-days might have been abolished in that entire province. In order that those four might return to their old condition and former privileges, he contended as keenly against all the French-speaking pastors[289] as if he had been acting for the good of the Church. You would have said that Victor was doing battle with the Orientals in behalf of his Easter. When I once asked him why circumcision had a right to more honour than the death of Christ, he was compelled to be silent. But let us forget the past. I am satisfied with having indicated briefly the cause of so sudden a change among us. Although I have neither been the mover nor instigator to it, yet, since it has so happened, I am not sorry for it. And if you knew the state of our Church as well as I do, you would not hesitate to subscribe to my judgment. Let me say this, however, that if I had got my choice, I should not have decided in favour of what has now been agreed upon. Yet there is no reason why men should be so much provoked, if we use our liberty as the edification of the Church demands; just as, on the contrary, it is not fair to take a prejudice against our custom.

I ask you, my dear Haller, not to gauge my feelings for you based on my recent lack of correspondence with you and our friend Musculus, in light of the domestic troubles you both faced. There’s no need for me to use many words to express how worried I was about your situation once I heard the plague was affecting your homes. However, as this memory shouldn't bring more pleasure to kind and thoughtful people than the responsibility of writing, I hope you'll understand that my silence was not due to negligence. The reason I haven't written to you is this: a report recently reached me about your troubles, but I couldn't determine the extent of what you were dealing with. Because of that, I decided not to take any actions; instead, I turned to prayer, which I knew was both more necessary for you and something you desired. Furthermore, the elimination of feast days here has upset some of your people, and it’s likely that unpleasant rumors have been spreading among you. I’m fairly certain that I’m being seen as the cause of this whole situation, both by those with malicious intent and by the uninformed. But I can solemnly affirm that it all happened without my knowledge or consent, so from the beginning, I chose to respond to the malice with silence rather than overly concern myself with defending myself. Before I ever entered the city, the only festival was the Lord's Day. The festivals you celebrated were sanctioned by the same public decree that led to Farel and me being expelled, and they were more forced by the violent outcries of the unruly than established in a lawful manner. Since my return, I have taken a moderate approach to keeping Christ's birth day as you usually do. However, there have been special occasions for public prayer on other days; shops were closed in the morning, and everyone returned to their work after lunch. There were, in the meantime, a few stubborn individuals who refused to follow the common practice out of some twisted malice. Diversity wouldn’t be accepted in a properly structured church: if citizens can’t get along with one another, it would create distrust among outsiders. I urged the Senate to resolve this disagreement going forward with a proper solution. I also specifically praised the moderation they had shown thus far. I later learned about the cancellation, just as a complete outsider would. I wish N. had acted less ambitiously in the past! The feast days could have been abolished across that entire province. He argued fiercely against all the French-speaking pastors to allow those four to return to their previous conditions and privileges, as if he were working for the good of the Church. You would have thought Victor was battling the Orientals over his Easter. When I once asked him why circumcision was given more respect than the death of Christ, he was forced to stay silent. But let’s put the past behind us. I’m content to have briefly pointed out the reason for such a sudden change among us. Although I wasn’t the one who initiated it, I’m not unhappy it happened. And if you knew the state of our Church as well as I do, you wouldn’t hesitate to agree with me. Let me say, though, that if I had my choice, I wouldn’t have opted for what has now been decided. Still, there’s no reason for people to be so upset if we use our freedom in a way that benefits the Church; just as, conversely, it isn't fair to hold a bias against our practices.

Adieu, very excellent sir and brother, deserving of my hearty regard. Salute your colleagues, I pray you, and Mr. Nicolas Zerkinden, in my name. My brethren salute you and those aforementioned, very heartily. May the Lord by his Spirit rule over you, preserve you, and bless you in all things. Amen.

Goodbye, dear sir and brother, who has my sincere admiration. Please send my regards to your colleagues and Mr. Nicolas Zerkinden. My brothers send their warmest greetings to you and those mentioned. May the Lord, through His Spirit, guide you, protect you, and bless you in all things. Amen.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 62.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 62.]


CCLXXI.—To Viret.[316]

Criticism of a mandate published by the Seigneurs of Berne.

4th January 1551.

January 4, 1551.

What else can we say, my dear Viret, of those men destitute of the Spirit of God, but that they have lost their wits? For[290] from that very trivial circumstance in which they have betrayed their infatuation, we conjecture what violent decrees they would have passed if matters should ever come to a serious issue. I have no doubt but the taunt of some Papist, rashly uttered over his cups, has so stunned them, that they have immediately hatched this mode of propitiating them. But in their zeal to gratify the Papists, not only do they indulge them with a permission to take rash oaths, but they even urge superstitious people on, as if by the blast of a trumpet, to taking these oaths. For how many will be found who, for the sake of incurring this penalty, will spontaneously and deliberately commit the offence? For my own part, I am of opinion, that before the edict is promulgated, you should not fail to repair thither. If the prefect, having received the order, should urge you to publish it, James, in your absence, will petition him to put it off till this return. For should you betake yourself thither, by private conferences with your friends you will gain more than if ten deputations were sent out. Nevertheless, unless you insist strenuously by well-timed entreaties, you yourself will not obtain much success. Meanwhile you will have to put in practice the artifice of leaving free to them and untouched whatever they may have resolved to expedite in the city. One thing, however, you will take care to point out to them, that their purposes cannot be effected in this province. For I am in hopes that ere long they will repent of their thoughtlessness. For the present what has dropped from them so inconsiderately, in the first burst of their passion, they will wish to defend. Beware then of going one step further than seeing that they put in execution the article about prayer in the French edicts. Respecting the abrogation of feast days[317] in our city, I doubt not but scandalous speeches are bandied about there. I told our brother Beza, when he lately visited us, that that edict had been framed without my knowledge, and even without a desire on my part for anything of the kind. As I cannot, however, escape being considered as the author of it,[291] why should I not quietly treat with contempt all unfavourable judgments on that point? I have sent to you an unsealed letter for Haller. If you think proper, you may take a copy of it, and shew it to Farel on his return. Farewell, my most excellent brother; salute your wife and daughters for me. I am happy that everything goes on well at home. May the Lord preserve you long in this prosperous state, and bless your labours. You will present my best wishes to the brethren. My colleagues and most of the brethren desire to be kindly remembered to you.—Yours,

What else can we say, my dear Viret, about those men who lack the Spirit of God, except that they've lost their minds? For[290] from that trivial thing they've shown their foolishness, we can guess what extreme measures they would take if things got serious. I'm sure that a careless remark from some Papist, said while drinking, has shocked them so much that they've quickly come up with this way to appease them. But in their eagerness to please the Papists, they not only allow them to take rash oaths, but they even encourage superstitious people, almost like a trumpet call, to take these oaths. How many will actually go out of their way to willingly commit this offense just to face the penalty? Personally, I think you should make sure to go there before the edict is issued. If the prefect gets the order and pushes you to publish it, James will ask him to delay it until you return. Because if you go there, you’ll gain more through private talks with your friends than if you sent out ten delegations. However, unless you really push with well-timed requests, you probably won’t achieve much. In the meantime, you’ll need to use the strategy of leaving them free to proceed with whatever they’ve decided to rush in the city. One thing you should make clear to them is that their goals can’t be met in this province. I hope they will soon regret their thoughtless actions. For now, what they've said in a moment of anger, they will want to defend. Be careful not to go further than ensuring they carry out the part about prayer in the French edicts. Regarding the cancellation of feast days[317] in our city, I’m pretty sure there's a lot of scandalous talk happening. I told our brother Beza, when he visited us recently, that that edict was created without my knowledge and even without my wanting anything like that. However, since I can't avoid being seen as the one responsible for it,[291] why shouldn't I just ignore all the negative opinions on that matter? I've sent you an unsealed letter for Haller. If you think it's good, you can take a copy of it and show it to Farel when he returns. Farewell, my dear brother; say hello to your wife and daughters for me. I'm glad that everything is going well at home. May the Lord keep you in this good state for a long time and bless your work. Please give my best wishes to the brethren. My colleagues and most of the brethren also want to be remembered kindly to you.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLXXII.—To Richard Le Fevre.[318]

Explanations regarding various points of doctrine in dispute between the Romish and the Reformed Churches.

Geneva, 19th January 1551.

Geneva, January 19, 1551.

My dear Brother,—As God has called you to give testimony to his Gospel, never doubt that he will strengthen you in the might of his Spirit; and that, as he has already begun, so he must needs perfect his work, manifesting himself victorious in you against his enemies. It is true that the triumphs of Jesus Christ are despised by the world; for while we are under reproach, the wicked are glorifying themselves in their[292] pride, but yet are they still confounded by the power of that truth which God has put into our mouth, and our hearts are also strengthened to obtain the victory over Satan and all his supporters, while looking for the day when the glory of God shall be fully revealed, to the confusion of the wicked and of the unbelieving. All that you have felt and experienced, up to the present moment, of the abounding goodness of God, ought to confirm you in the assured hope, that he shall not fail you in the future; meanwhile, however, pray him that he would make you understand always better and better what a treasure there is in that doctrine for which you contend, so that in comparison thereof you may not esteem even your life to be precious. Have always, besides, your eyes lifted up on high to that kind Lord Jesus, who will be your surety, seeing that you are only persecuted for his name. Think upon that immortal glory which he has purchased for us, to the end that you may be able to endure in patience the afflictions wherein you are. Beseech this kind Lord continually that he would give you such an issue as he has promised to all who are his own, and that according as he has thought fit to try your faith, so he would cause you to experience the strength of his promises. And that as he is the Father of Light, he would enlighten you to such a degree, that all the thick fumes which the wicked raise up before you, may not be able to dim your eyesight, and that all their quirks and cautions may not be able to darken your understanding, that you should ever lose sight of the true Sun of Righteousness, who is the very Son of God.

Dear Bro,—As God has called you to share his Gospel, never doubt that he will empower you with his Spirit; and just as he has started this work, he will undoubtedly complete it, showing his victory in you against his enemies. It's true that the world looks down on the triumphs of Jesus Christ; while we are facing disgrace, the wicked are boasting in their[292] pride, but they are still unsettled by the truth that God has given us. Our hearts are also strengthened to win against Satan and all his followers, as we await the day when God's glory will be fully revealed, shaming the wicked and the unbelieving. Everything you have felt and experienced so far regarding God's incredible goodness should reassure you that he will not let you down in the future; in the meantime, pray that he helps you understand more and more what a treasure lies in the doctrine you stand for, so that you may not even consider your life precious in comparison. Always keep your eyes on that kind Lord Jesus, who will be your protector, since you are only being persecuted for his name. Reflect on the eternal glory he has secured for us, so you can patiently endure the challenges you face. Continuously ask this kind Lord to grant you the outcomes he has promised to all his followers, and as he has seen fit to test your faith, may you experience the strength of his promises. As the Father of Light, may he enlighten you to such an extent that the thick clouds the wicked raise before you cannot obscure your vision, and that all their tricks and schemes do not cloud your understanding, so that you never lose sight of the true Sun of Righteousness, who is the very Son of God.

When you have to reply to arguments, you do well to answer in all simplicity, speaking according to the measure of your faith, even as it is written: I have believed, therefore I shall speak. True it is that all those subtilties which they conceit themselves to have, are nought else but silly prating; but rest you content with what God has imparted to you of the knowledge of himself, so as to bear clear testimony unfeignedly to the truth. For however they may sneer at it, it will be as a thunderbolt of confusion to them, when they hear nothing but what is founded upon God and his word. Besides, you know who it is that has promised to give a mouth[293] and wisdom to his own, which his adversaries shall not be able to withstand. Ask of him that he may guide you, according to what he shall know to be good. They will not cease for all that to hold you convicted of heresy; but it has been ever thus with all the apostles and prophets, and with all the martyrs. The clerk of court will only write what suits his own pleasure, but your confession will not fail to be recorded before God and his angels, and he will make it profitable to his own as is best for them.

When you're responding to arguments, it's best to keep it simple and speak based on your faith, just as it’s written: I have believed, therefore I shall speak. It's true that all those complicated ideas they think they have are just nonsense; instead, be satisfied with the knowledge God has given you about Himself, so you can genuinely testify to the truth. No matter how much they may mock it, it will hit them like a thunderbolt of confusion when they only hear what is grounded in God and His word. Plus, you know who has promised to give His followers a mouth[293] and wisdom that their opponents can't resist. Ask Him to guide you to what He knows is good. Even so, they won’t stop accusing you of heresy; but that has always been the case for all the apostles, prophets, and martyrs. The court clerk will only write what pleases him, but your confession will be recorded before God and His angels, and He will make it beneficial for His own in the best way possible.

I shall mention briefly some points upon which they have endeavoured to trouble you. In order to persuade you that we are not justified by the grace of God alone, they have alleged that Zacharias and several others are called just. Well, you must consider how God has accepted them as such. If on inquiry you find that it is on account of his own free grace in pardoning all that might have been charged against them, and not imputing to them their faults and vices, behold merit entirely excluded; for in saying that faith alone in Christ justifies us, we understand, in the first place, that we are all of us accursed, and that there is nothing in us but sin; and that we are neither able to think, nor to do any good, except in so far as God governs us by his Holy Spirit, as members of the body of his Son. Furthermore, that even when God vouchsafes us the grace to walk in his fear, we are very far from discharging ourselves of our duty. Now, it is written: Whosoever shall not fulfil all whatsoever is commanded, shall be cursed; and therefore we have no other refuge but to the blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, who cleanses and washes us in the sacrifice of his death, which is our sanctification. Thus God also accepts as well-pleasing the good works which we perform in his strength, although they must always be tainted with some shortcomings. And so in this way, whosoever thinks to rest upon his own merits, will find himself, as it were, suspended in the air, to be driven about of every wind. In short, those who think to merit anything, would fain make God their debtor, whereas we must hold everything of his pure bounty. We shall be rich and abounding in merits, if in Jesus Christ: while we are strangers to[294] his grace, we need not think to have one drop of good in us. If the enemies bring forward the word wages, let it not trouble you, for God gives wages to his own, although they are in nowise worthy of them; but inasmuch as he accepts the service which HE has enabled them to render, having consecrated them in the blood of his Son Jesus Christ, on purpose that they may derive all their value from thence. Wherefore, the wages which God promises to his faithful ones, presupposes the remission of their sins, and the privilege they have of being supported as his children. And in truth this word, justification, implies that God holds us as just, and therefore loves us, the which we obtain by faith alone: for Jesus Christ is the sole cause of our salvation. It is true that St. James takes another signification, when he says, that works help faith for our justification; for he means to prove by the effect that we are justified: neither does he dispute at all in regard to the foundation of our salvation, and wherein our confidence must be placed; but only how the true faith is known, so that no one may make mistakes in regard to it, glorifying himself in the empty name. Should they return to you with further importunity on this point, I hope God will furnish you wherewithal to overcome them.

I'll briefly mention some points they’ve tried to use against you. To convince you that we aren’t justified by God’s grace alone, they’ve pointed out that Zacharias and several others are referred to as just. You need to consider how God has accepted them as such. If you look into it, you’ll find it’s because of His free grace in forgiving all that could have been held against them, not because of any merits on their part. This entirely excludes merit; when we say that faith in Christ justifies us, we mean that we are all cursed and have nothing but sin within us. We can’t think or do anything good unless God guides us by His Holy Spirit, like members of His Son’s body. Moreover, even when God gives us the grace to walk in His fear, we still fall short of fulfilling our duties. It’s written: Anyone who does not do everything that is commanded will be cursed; hence, our only refuge is in the blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, who cleanses and washes us through His sacrifice, which is our sanctification. Thus, God also accepts the good works we do through His strength, even though they will always have some shortcomings. Therefore, anyone who relies on their own merits will find themselves, as it were, suspended in the air, tossed around by every wind. In short, those who believe they can earn anything make God their debtor, while we must acknowledge that everything comes from His pure generosity. We will be rich in merits if we are in Jesus Christ; while we are apart from[294] His grace, we cannot expect to find any goodness in ourselves. If our enemies use the word wages, don’t be troubled, for God pays His own, even though they aren’t worthy; it’s because He accepts the service they’ve managed to provide, having consecrated them through the blood of His Son Jesus Christ so they can derive all their value from it. Therefore, the rewards God promises to His faithful ones assume the forgiveness of their sins and the privilege of being His children. In truth, this word, justification, means that God considers us just and, therefore, loves us, which we obtain through faith alone: for Jesus Christ is the only cause of our salvation. It’s true that St. James means something different when he says, that works help faith for our justification; he intends to demonstrate through actions that we are justified. He doesn’t dispute the foundation of our salvation or where our confidence should rest; he only explains how true faith is recognized, so no one is misled by an empty label. If they come back to you with more insistence on this issue, I hope God will give you what you need to overcome them.

Concerning the intercession of the Virgin Mary and departed saints, come back always to this principle, that it is not for us to appoint advocates in paradise, but for God, who has ordained Jesus Christ a single one for all. Also, that our prayers ought to be offered up in faith, and therefore ordered by the word of God, as saith St. Paul in Romans x. Now, it is certain, that throughout the word of God there is not a single syllable of what they say; wherefore all their prayers are profane and displeasing to him. If they further reply to you, that it is not forbidden to us, the answer is easy: that it is forbidden to us to set about anything according to our own proper fancy, yea, in matters of far less moment; but above all, that prayer is a most high privilege, and too sacred to be directed according to our fantasy. Nay more, they cannot deny that their having recourse to the saints arises[295] from pure distrust that Jesus Christ alone would be sufficient for them.

Regarding the intercession of the Virgin Mary and departed saints, always return to this principle: it's not for us to choose advocates in heaven, but for God, who has appointed Jesus Christ as the one true advocate for everyone. Our prayers should be offered in faith and guided by the word of God, as stated by St. Paul in Romans 10. It’s clear that throughout the word of God, there isn’t a single mention of what they claim; therefore, all their prayers are inappropriate and do not please Him. If they argue that there’s no prohibition against us, the response is simple: it's forbidden for us to act based solely on our own preferences, even in less significant matters; but most importantly, prayer is a high privilege and too sacred to be directed by our whims. Moreover, they cannot deny that their seeking the saints arises from a lack of trust that Jesus Christ alone would be enough for them.

As for their continual reply, that the charity of the saints is not diminished, the answer is easy: that charity is regulated and limited by what God requires from each individual. Now, he desires that the living exercise themselves in prayer for one another. Of the departed there is no mention made, and in such important matters we must imagine nothing out of our own brain, but keep to what is told us in Scripture.

As for their ongoing response that the charity of the saints isn't reduced, the answer is simple: that charity is governed and limited by what God expects from each person. Now, He wants the living to pray for one another. There's no mention of the departed, and in such important matters, we should not invent anything from our own minds, but stick to what is revealed in Scripture.

In regard to what the adversaries allege, that it is said in Genesis that the name of Abraham and Isaac was to be invoked after their decease, true it is that the text runs thus; but it is pure absurdity to bring it forward for the present purpose. That is written in the forty-eighth chapter of Genesis, where it is said, that Jacob in blessing Ephraim and Manasseh, the sons of Joseph, prayed to God that the names of his fathers Abraham and Isaac, and his own, may be called upon these two lads, as on the heads of the tribes lineally descended from himself. Now, that is as much as if he had said, that they were to be reputed and reckoned as being of the number of the twelve tribes, and that they should form two heads of tribes, as if they had been his children in the first degree; as also that they were born in Egypt. He binds them together by his prayer to the lineage which God had blessed and sanctified, because at that time they were separate, according to outward appearance. And so that form of expression signifies nothing more than the bearing of the name of Abraham, and being owned as of his lineage, as it is said in chap. iv. of Isaiah, that the name of the husband is called upon the wife, inasmuch as the wife is under the shadow and guidance of her husband.

Regarding what the opponents claim, that it’s stated in Genesis that the names of Abraham and Isaac were to be invoked after their deaths, it’s true that the text says that; however, it’s completely absurd to use it for the current argument. This is written in the forty-eighth chapter of Genesis, where Jacob, while blessing Ephraim and Manasseh, Joseph’s sons, prays to God that the names of his fathers Abraham and Isaac, as well as his own, may be invoked on these two boys, just like the heads of the tribes that are directly descended from him. This is basically saying that they were to be considered part of the twelve tribes, and that they should form two tribal heads, as if they were his direct children; and it’s also noted that they were born in Egypt. He connects them through his prayer to the lineage that God had blessed and made holy, because at that time they were outwardly separate. So, that expression simply indicates carrying the name of Abraham and being recognized as part of his lineage, similar to how in chapter 4 of Isaiah, the name of the husband is invoked for the wife, since the wife is under the care and protection of her husband.

So far as they bring forward Saint Ignatius, you do not require much of an answer. There is one passage where he says: That Jesus Christ stands for him instead of all ancestry. Arm yourself then with that single word, to bring them back to the pure doctrine of the Gospel.

So far as they mention Saint Ignatius, you don't need much of a response. There's one line where he says: That Jesus Christ represents him in place of all ancestry. Use that one statement to guide them back to the true teachings of the Gospel.

Because I have made use of that expression against the Papists, they take advantage of it to say, that I approve and[296] value the book whence it is taken. Now, that you may not be deceived thereby, I assure you, that it contains such a heap of silly folly, that the monks of the present day could not write greater nonsense. But seeing that you are not acquainted with the Latin tongue, and still less with the Greek in which Saint Ignatius has written, (if indeed we have anything which is truly his,) you need not enter upon this question. Be content to answer them, that you can never go wrong while following Jesus Christ, who is the Light of the world. As for the early doctors, those who are better read in their writings will be able to tell them quite enough to stop their mouths. Let it be enough for you to possess the assurance of true faith in the word of Jesus Christ alone, which can neither fail you, nor deceive. And it is even thither that all the early doctors send them, protesting that they have no wish to be believed, excepting in so far as what they speak shall be found conformable to what is taught us of God, and which is contained in his word.

Because I’ve used that term against the Papists, they’re taking it to mean that I approve of and [296] value the book it comes from. To make sure you’re not misled, I want to assure you that it’s full of such ridiculous nonsense that today’s monks couldn't write anything more foolish. But since you don’t know Latin and even less Greek, which is the language Saint Ignatius wrote in (if we actually have anything that’s truly his), you don’t need to get into this debate. Just remember to tell them that as long as you follow Jesus Christ, who is the Light of the world, you can’t go wrong. As for the early doctors, those who are more familiar with their writings can provide enough information to shut them up. It should be enough for you to have the confidence that true faith lies in the word of Jesus Christ alone, which can’t let you down or deceive you. In fact, that’s where all the early doctors point them, insisting that they don’t want to be believed unless what they say aligns with what God teaches us and what is found in His word.

On the subject of the Sacrament of the Supper, when they speak to you about transubstantiation, you have a ready answer: that all those passages which they bring together, even if they could be taken in the sense which they adduce, cannot be applied to the mass. For, when it is said, This is my body and my blood, it is also then and there added, Take, eat ye, and drink ye all of this cup. Now, among them, there is but one who eats the whole; and even at Easter, he gives but a part of it to the people. But there is even yet a sorer evil, that instead of what Jesus Christ said,—Take; they presume to offer a sacrifice, which was to be unique and of perpetual efficacy. And, besides, in order to have some help from these words, they ought to maintain the observance of the Supper, which they do not. Moreover, you can always protest, that you do not deny that Jesus Christ gives us his body, provided that we look for it from heaven. In reply to all the cavils which they may allege, you have only to declare to them that which you have seen and heard, well knowing that it is from God you have it; for our faith would be very slender indeed, if it were founded only upon men. There is[297] nothing better, then, than continually to meditate the doctrine wherein lies the true substance of our Christianity, so that in due time and place, you may be able to manifest that you have not believed in vain. And as I have said from the beginning, if the enemies of the truth are stirred by their ambition to contend, manifest on your part, that it is enough for you that you glorify God in opposing their tricks and sophistries. Content yourself with having for your buckler a simple confession of that which God has imprinted upon your heart. Least of all need you torment yourself, if they deal in impudent calumnies against me or others, seeing that they have leave to speak evil without rhyme or reason. Let us bear patiently all the reproaches and slanders which they cast upon us; for we are not better than Saint Paul, who tells us that we must walk in the midst of false accusing and vituperation. Provided we do what is right, when they speak evil concerning us, we may bear it with unconcern. Besides, when they lay fresh calumnies upon us, we may well render thanksgiving to God, that we have a clear conscience in his sight and before men, and that we are free from all suspicion of evil. And on the other hand, albeit that we are wretched sinners, so full of wretchedness and poverty, that we groan by reason of it continually; still he does not permit the wicked to speak evil of us, unless falsely; yea, to condemn them from their own mouth, of having invented regarding us that which they had not very far to search for, inasmuch as it is in themselves. Let us therefore glory in the grace of God with all humility, when we see that these poor unhappy men, like drunkards, glory in their shame. If you are vexed to hear them speak evil thus deceitfully concerning me, you ought to be far more deeply grieved to hear them blaspheme against our Saviour and Master, to whom belongs all honour, since, making full account of all the innocence which shall ever be in us, we might well be overwhelmed in utter confusion.

On the topic of the Sacrament of the Supper, when they mention transubstantiation, you can easily respond: that all the passages they cite, even if interpreted the way they suggest, can’t be applied to the mass. When it says, This is my body and my blood, it also adds, Take, eat, and drink all of this cup. Yet, among them, only one person consumes it all; even during Easter, they only give part of it to the people. But there’s an even bigger issue: instead of what Jesus Christ said — Take — they dare to offer a sacrifice that was meant to be unique and everlasting. Plus, for their words to be meaningful, they should maintain the observance of the Supper, which they do not. Furthermore, you can always assert that you don’t deny that Jesus Christ gives us his body, as long as we look for it from heaven. In response to any arguments they might raise, just tell them what you have seen and heard, knowing that it comes from God; because our faith would be really weak if it were based only on humans. There is[297] nothing better than to continually reflect on the doctrine where the true essence of our Christianity lies, so that when the time comes, you can show that your belief has not been in vain. And as I’ve said from the start, if the enemies of the truth are stirred by their ambitions to fight back, make it clear that all you need is to glorify God by countering their lies and deceptions. Be satisfied with a simple confession of what God has placed in your heart as your shield. You need not worry if they spread shameless lies about me or others, as they are free to speak ill without reason. Let’s patiently endure all the insults and slanders directed at us, because we are no better than Saint Paul, who reminds us that we must navigate through false accusations and abuse. Provided we do what’s right, we can face their insults with indifference. Also, when new lies are thrown at us, we can be thankful to God for giving us a clear conscience in his eyes and before others, free from any suspicion of wrongdoing. On the flip side, even though we are wretched sinners, overwhelmed with misery and poverty, that we groan because of it; still, He does not allow the wicked to speak ill of us unless it’s false; rather, they condemn themselves for fabricating things about us that were right there in themselves. So let’s take pride in God's grace with all humility when we see these poor, unfortunate souls boast in their shame like drunkards. If you are upset to hear them speak deceitfully about me, you should be far more troubled by their blasphemy against our Savior and Master, to whom all honor is due, since, considering all the innocence we may ever have, we could easily be left in utter shame.

Meanwhile, comfort yourself in our Almighty God, who has vouchsafed us the grace to knit us together so entirely with his Son, that all the devils of hell, and all the wicked of the world, can never be able to separate us. Rejoice, therefore,[298] that you uphold his quarrel, with a good conscience, hoping that he will strengthen you to bear whatsoever it shall please him you should suffer. We have such remembrance of you in our prayers, as we ought to have, in beseeching the God of all grace, that seeing it has pleased him to employ you in the maintenance of his truth, he would vouchsafe you all that is needful for the discharge of so honourable a service; that he would strengthen you in true perseverance; that he would give you true spiritual truth, so as that you may seek only the advancement of his name, without regard to self; and that he would show himself your protector in such wise, that you may feel it to your own consolation, and that others also may take knowledge of it for their edification. All the brethren hereabouts salute you in the Lord, rejoicing greatly that he has wrought so powerfully in you, having also compassion on you in your captivity, and desiring that it may please this gracious God to unfold his goodness and mercy upon you.

Meanwhile, find comfort in our Almighty God, who has graciously united us so completely with His Son that no devil from hell or wicked person from this world can ever separate us. Rejoice, then,[298] that you support His cause with a clear conscience, hoping that He will give you the strength to endure whatever He allows you to suffer. We remember you in our prayers as we should, asking the God of all grace to bless you as it pleases Him to use you in upholding His truth. May He provide you with everything you need to carry out this honorable service; strengthen you to persevere; grant you genuine spiritual insight so that you seek only to glorify His name without regard for yourself; and may He protect you in such a way that you feel it as your own comfort, and that others may recognize it for their own growth. All the brothers and sisters here send their greetings in the Lord, rejoicing greatly at the powerful work He has done in you, showing compassion for you in your captivity, and hoping that this gracious God unfolds His goodness and mercy upon you.

Your brother in our Lord,

Your brother in Christ,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. Printed in Histoire des Martyrs, Edit. of 1597, lib. v. p. 265.]

[Fr. Printed in Histoire des Martyrs, Edit. of 1597, lib. v. p. 265.]


CCLXXIII.—To Viret.

Various particulars—literary labours of Theodore Beza.

Geneva, 24th January 1551.

Geneva, January 24, 1551.

I send you a reading of three letters, that I may not be any longer in your debt. For Toussain commends himself to your prayers, and Farel is desirous of your advice, so I thought that you would be interested in the letters of both. I wished you to know also what answer Haller gave me. I am glad that he received me with such moderation, because of the harsh violence with which many attack me. But more of all this when I shall see you. You cannot believe how much I am displeased with the present state of our republic. Indeed, it would be more proper at present to call it an oligarchy. Accordingly, familiar conversation is not necessary for the[299] discussion of those matters. Farel had written me before, that the Synod was to meet on the fifth of March. He seems to be wishing advice at present regarding a new day [of meeting.] I have written to him, however, to abide by the day already agreed upon, if he wishes me to be present.[319] John Laski salutes you all. I perceive now that I have been twice deceived by Florian. For he had false letters of recommendation, which he made use of. Excuse me to our friend Beza for not writing him at present. He may take his own way with the Apocrypha, but I have forewarned him that there will be a greater saving, if he undertakes a new version of it. If he has any of the Psalms done, they need not be waiting for company.[320] Request him, therefore, to send some of them, at least, by the first messenger. I shall write to Vergerio and the Zurichers by and by. In the meantime, if you can find a trustworthy messenger, you will attend to the letter to Bernardin. Adieu, most excellent brother, together with your wife and family. Kind regards to the brethren. May the Lord keep you all, and guide you by his Spirit.—Yours,

I’m sending you a reading of three letters so I’m no longer in your debt. Toussain is asking for your prayers, and Farel wants your advice, so I thought you’d be interested in both letters. I also wanted you to know how Haller responded to me. I’m glad he welcomed me so calmly, especially since many people attack me harshly. But I’ll share more about this when I see you. You can’t imagine how unhappy I am with the current state of our republic. It would be more accurate to call it an oligarchy right now. So, a casual chat isn’t necessary for discussing these matters. Farel had written to me earlier that the Synod is set to meet on March fifth. He seems to want advice about a new meeting date. However, I’ve told him to stick with the date we already agreed on if he wants me there.[319] John Laski sends his greetings to all of you. I’ve realized I’ve been fooled by Florian twice. He had fake recommendation letters he was using. Please apologize to our friend Beza for not writing to him right now. He can handle the Apocrypha however he likes, but I’ve warned him that he might save more if he takes on a new version. If he has any of the Psalms finished, he shouldn’t wait for others. [320] Please ask him to send some of them at least with the first messenger. I’ll write to Vergerio and the Zurichers soon. In the meantime, if you can find a reliable messenger, please take care of the letter to Bernardin. Goodbye, my dear brother, along with your wife and family. Best wishes to the brethren. May the Lord keep you all and guide you by His Spirit.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLXXIV.—To the King of England.[321]

He exhorts him to persevere in the work of the Reformation in his kingdom—enumeration of abuses—ceremonies—ecclesiastical elections—universities.

From Geneva, (January 1551.)

From Geneva, (January 1551.)

Sire,—If I must excuse myself towards your Majesty for[300] having used the boldness to dedicate these books which I now present to you, I would need to find an advocate to speak a word for me. For so far would my letter be from having credit enough to do that, that it would even stand in need of a fresh excuse. And, indeed, as I never should have taken upon me to address the Commentaries to you which I have published with your name, neither should I have ventured now to write to you, but for the confidence I had already conceived, that both would be well received. For inasmuch as, holding me to be among the number of those who are zealous for the advancement of the kingdom of the Son of God, you have not disdained to read what I did not specially present to your Majesty, I have thought, that if, while serving Jesus Christ my Master, I could likewise testify to the reverence and singular affection which I bear you, I could not fail to find a kind and courteous acceptance.

Your Majesty,—If I need to justify my decision to dedicate these books I’m presenting to you, I would have to find someone to speak on my behalf. My letter lacks the credibility to do that, and it would even require another excuse. Honestly, I would never have attempted to address you in the Commentaries I’ve published under your name, nor would I have taken the chance to write to you now, if I hadn’t already felt confident that both would be well received. Since you consider me among those who are passionate about promoting the kingdom of the Son of God, and you’ve graciously read what I didn’t specifically present to you, I thought that in serving Jesus Christ, my Master, if I could also show my respect and deep affection for you, I would surely receive a kind and courteous response.

Moreover, Sire, holding myself assured that my letter will have such a reception from you as I desire, I shall not hesitate to pray and beseech you in the name of Him to whom you ascribe all authority and power, to take courage in following out what you have so well and happily begun, as well in your own person as in the state of your kingdom; namely, the consecration of all to God and to our blessed Saviour, who has so dearly purchased us. For as regards general reformation, it is not so well established, as that it should be wise to look on it as achieved. And, in fact, it would be very difficult to purge in a day such an abyss of superstition as there is in the papacy. Its root is too deep, and has expanded itself too widely, to get so soon to the bottom of it. But whatsoever[301] difficulties or delays there may be, the excellency of the work is well worthy of unwearying pursuit.

Moreover, Sir, I am confident that my letter will be received by you in the way I hope, and I will not hesitate to ask and urge you, in the name of Him to whom you attribute all authority and power, to remain steadfast in continuing what you have successfully and wonderfully started, both personally and for your kingdom; specifically, dedicating everything to God and our blessed Savior, who has bought us at such a great price. As for general reform, it’s not yet firmly established enough to consider it complete. In fact, it would be quite challenging to cleanse such a deep well of superstition as exists within the papacy in just one day. Its roots are too deep and have spread too widely to reach the core of it so quickly. But whatever[301] difficulties or delays there may be, the significance of the work is absolutely worth relentless efforts.

I have no doubt, Sire, but Satan will put many hindrances in the way before you to slacken your pace, and to make your zeal grow cold. Your subjects, for the most part, do not know the blessing which you procure for them. The great, who are raised to honour, are sometimes too wise in their own conceits to make much account of the word, far less to look to God at all. And new and unexpected conflicts arise daily. Now I hope, indeed, Sire, that God has stored you with such greatness and constancy of mind, that you will neither be weakened nor wearied by all that. But the thing itself is of so great importance, that it well deserves that one should apply to it far more than human strength and energy. And then, after all, when we shall have striven to the very uttermost, there will always remain more waiting to be done.

I have no doubt, Your Majesty, that Satan will throw many obstacles in your way to slow you down and cool your enthusiasm. Most of your subjects don’t recognize the blessing you bring them. The nobility, who have been elevated to power, are sometimes too caught up in their own wisdom to value the truth, let alone turn to God at all. New and unexpected challenges come up every day. Now, I genuinely hope, Your Majesty, that God has equipped you with such greatness and determination that you won’t be weakened or exhausted by any of this. However, the matter is so significant that it truly deserves far more than just human effort and energy. And even after we have pushed ourselves to the very limit, there will always be more to be done.

We see how, in the time of the good King Josiah, who has the special testimony of the Holy Spirit, that he approved himself a prince excellent in faith, in zeal, and in all godliness; nevertheless, the Prophet Zephaniah shows, that there was still some remainder of bygone superstitions, yea, even in the city of Jerusalem. Even so, however you may labour with your Council, Sire, you will find it very difficult completely to uproot all the mischief which would well deserve to be corrected. But this ought to be a great confirmation to animate and spur you on; and even if you should not accomplish all that could be desired, it is a very sufficient consolation to you, when you hear that the pains which this good king took, is a service pleasing to God, insomuch that the Holy Spirit magnifies the reformation effected by him, as if nothing more had been desired. Let me entreat you then, Sire, to reach forward to the mark which is set before you in the example of this godly king, that you may have the honour, not only of having overthrown impieties which are clearly repugnant to the honour and service of God, but also of having abolished and razed to the ground, whatsoever served merely to nourish superstition. For when God would praise as with an open mouth the faithful princes who have restored and again set up the purity of[302] his service, he expressly adds this word, that they have also taken away the high places, that the memory of foolish devotions might be utterly obliterated.

We see that during the time of King Josiah, who had the special endorsement of the Holy Spirit, he proved himself to be a remarkable leader in faith, passion, and righteousness. However, the Prophet Zephaniah points out that there were still remnants of past superstitions, even in the city of Jerusalem. Similarly, no matter how hard you work with your Council, Sire, it will be quite challenging to completely eliminate all the issues that definitely need fixing. But this should be a strong motivation to encourage and push you forward; even if you don't achieve everything that you want, it is comforting to know that the efforts made by this good king are pleasing to God, to the extent that the Holy Spirit highlights the reforms he made as if nothing more could have been asked for. So I urge you, Sire, to aim for the standard set by this righteous king, so that you can have the honor not just of eliminating the wrongs that clearly go against the honor and service of God, but also of removing everything that only serves to perpetuate superstition. For when God praises the faithful rulers who have restored and reinstated the purity of his service, he specifically mentions that they have also taken away the high places, so that the memory of foolish worship might be completely erased.

True it is, Sire, that there are things indifferent which one may allowably tolerate. But then we must always carefully insist that simplicity and order be observed in the use of ceremonies, so that the clear light of the Gospel be not obscured by them, as if we were still under the shadows of the law; and then that there may be nothing allowed that is not in agreement and conformity to the order established by the Son of God, and that the whole may serve and be suited to the edification of the Church. For God does not allow his name to be trifled with,—mixing up silly frivolities with his holy and sacred ordinances. Then there are manifest abuses which cannot be endured, such as prayer for the souls of the departed, of putting forward to God the intercession of saints in our prayers, as also of joining them to God in invocation. I do not doubt, Sire, that you are aware that these are so many corruptions of true Christianity. I beseech you, in the name of God, that you may please look to that matter, so that the whole may be restored to a sound and wholesome state.

It's true, Your Majesty, that there are certain things we can tolerate. However, we must always ensure that simplicity and order are maintained in the use of ceremonies so that the clarity of the Gospel isn't overshadowed by them, as if we were still under the old laws. We should also make sure that nothing is permitted that doesn't align with the order set by the Son of God, and that everything serves to build up the Church. God does not allow His name to be disrespected by mixing trivial matters with His holy and sacred ordinances. There are also clear abuses that cannot be accepted, like praying for the souls of the departed, asking saints to intercede for us in our prayers, and invoking them together with God. I have no doubt, Your Majesty, that you recognize these as distortions of true Christianity. I plead with you, in God's name, to address this issue so that everything can be restored to a healthy and proper state.

There is another point, Sire, of which you ought to take a special charge, namely, that the poor flocks may not be destitute of pastors. Ignorance and barbarism have lain so heavy on this accursed popery, that it is not easy to obtain all at once men fit and duly qualified to discharge that office. Notwithstanding, the object is well worth pains, and that your officers, Sire, should have an eye upon it, as they ought. Without that, all the good and holy ordinances which you can make, will scarce avail for the reformation of the heart in good earnest.

There’s another important point, Your Majesty, that you should pay special attention to: the welfare of the poor flocks, ensuring they have pastors. Ignorance and backwardness have weighed down this unfortunate popery so heavily that it’s not easy to find men who are fit and properly qualified for this role all at once. Still, this goal is worth the effort, and your officers, Your Majesty, should closely monitor it as they should. Without that, all the good and holy measures you implement will hardly be effective in truly reforming the heart.

Further, inasmuch as the schools contain the seeds of the ministry, there is much need to keep them pure and thoroughly free from all ill weeds. I speak thus, Sire, because in your universities, it is commonly said, there are many young people supported on the college bursaries, who, instead of giving good hope of service in the Church, rather show an inclination to do mischief, and to ruin it, not even concealing that[303] they are opposed to the true religion. Wherefore, Sire, I beseech you anew, in the name of God, that you may please to take order therein, to the effect, that property which ought to be held sacred, be not converted to profane uses, and far less to nourish venomous reptiles, who would desire nought better than to infect everything for the future. For, in this way, the Gospel would always be kept back by these schools, which ought to be the very pillars thereof.

Furthermore, since schools are the foundation of the ministry, it's essential to keep them pure and completely free from all harmful influences. I'm saying this, Your Majesty, because it's commonly mentioned that in your universities, many students receiving college scholarships seem less likely to contribute positively to the Church and instead show a tendency to cause harm and undermine it, openly opposing true religion. Therefore, Your Majesty, I earnestly ask you once again, in the name of God, to take action to ensure that what should be held sacred is not misused, and even less so to support poisonous influences that would only seek to taint everything in the future. Otherwise, these schools, which should be the very foundation of the Gospel, might actually hinder it.

Meanwhile, Sire, all honest hearts praise God, and feel themselves greatly obliged to you, that it hath pleased you of your favour to grant churches to your subjects who use the French and German languages.[322] In so far as regards the use of the Sacraments, and spiritual order, I hope that the permission which you have been pleased to confer upon them will bear fruit. Howbeit, Sire, I cannot help beseeching you once more, feeling so deeply how needful it is, not only that you would secure the rest and contentment of the godly who desire to serve God and to live peaceably in obedience to you, but also that you would restrain vagabond and dissolute people, should such withdraw into your kingdom.

Meanwhile, Your Majesty, all honest hearts praise God and feel highly grateful to you for your kindness in granting churches to your subjects who speak French and German.[322] Regarding the use of the Sacraments and spiritual matters, I hope that the permission you have given them will yield positive results. However, Your Majesty, I must humbly ask you once again, understanding how essential it is, not only to ensure the peace and satisfaction of those who wish to serve God and live peacefully under your rule but also to keep out wandering and dissolute individuals, should any of them come into your kingdom.

I know well, Sire, that you have people of distinguished learning at hand, who can make known to you these things by word of mouth, far better than myself by writing; also, that in your council you have men of prudence and zeal to suggest all that is expedient. Among the others, I have no doubt that Monsieur the Duke of Somerset spares no trouble to follow out that wherein he has employed himself so faithfully hitherto. But I believe, Sire, that all that shall be no[304] hindrance to prevent your kind reception of what you will recognize as proceeding from a like source.

I understand, Your Majesty, that you have highly knowledgeable people nearby who can explain these matters to you verbally, far better than I can in writing; and that in your council, you have wise and dedicated individuals suggesting what’s best. Among them, I'm sure Duke of Somerset is doing his utmost to continue the work he has been committed to so far. However, I believe, Your Majesty, that this should not stop you from kindly considering what you will see comes from a similar background.

To conclude, Sire, forasmuch as I fear to have already wearied you with my tediousness, I pray you, in respect of that as in everything else, that you would please excuse and pardon me of your kind favour, to which very humbly I beg to be commended, having besought our gracious God and Father to maintain and uphold you in his holy protection, to guide you by his Spirit, and to cause his name to be more and more glorified by you.

To wrap up, Sir, since I worry I may have already tired you with my lengthy speech, I kindly ask for your understanding and forgiveness. I humbly request that you remember me in your good favor, as I have prayed to our gracious God and Father to keep you in His holy protection, to guide you by His Spirit, and to let His name be increasingly glorified through you.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]


CCLXXV.—To Bullinger.[323]

He excuses the infrequency of his letters, and urges the publication of the Consensus.

Geneva, 17th February 1551.

Geneva, 17 February 1551.

Although you readily excuse the fewness of my letters, and even, with your usual courtesy, voluntarily relieve me of that duty, I nevertheless feel ashamed of my exceeding indolence and negligence, in having been less attentive to you than to some of my every-day friends. But indeed the reason of this is, that others, by their violent importunity, shake me free of my listlessness. You, with a more generous indulgence, allow me to be silent; and indeed I am so much exhausted by constant writing, and so greatly broken down by fatigue, that I frequently feel an almost positive aversion to writing a letter. Would that others had as much of your moderation as would[305] enable them to cultivate a sincere friendship at the expense of less writing. Our French friends oppress me in this way beyond all consideration. It so happens, that by continually apologizing, I am getting myself suspected of indolence by my particular friends. Add to this, that unless I have a definite subject before me, I seem to act absurdly enough when I drag in matters known to everybody, as if they were possessed of novelty. But as to what you say you wrote me about some time ago, without receiving any answer, I cannot make out what you refer to, unless, as I conjecture, you had sent me some communication which did not reach me. If such be the case, I shall not neglect to look after it, now that you have given me the hint. As certain individuals of a malignant, morose, and ill-natured disposition, are making an ado about our union, I should, if agreeable to you, wish it to be published.[324] I have calmly endured, overlooked, and swallowed many things, but, believe me, I have failed to observe that it was greatly displeasing to Satan. If the form of the union is published, I trust it will be useful to the Churches of Saxony. However, you will, with your accustomed sagacity, determine upon what is best. When numbers were asking for copies of it, I would on no account allow it to be printed, until I should obtain your permission. I wrote you about the matter on a previous occasion, but inferred from your silence that you considered it as yet premature. I should wish, however, that you would give me your judgment on it. You did me a favour concerning the Bull. Had I received it two days earlier, it would have been of more use to me. For I had already entered upon the composition of the preface, in which that subject is discussed. I send you a copy of it, if you can find time to read it. I wish, however, that you would send it to Vergerio, together with the letter, at your earliest opportunity. The[306] Bull is possessed of one merit, viz., that the Pope breathes out downright tyranny without any show of deceit. We must, therefore, as you say, find refuge in prayer. It is said that Germany will have rest this year from internal war, as the Turk is annoying Ferdinand. But as it is the Lord who quiets all tumults of arms, we should pray him to put a check in all other respects, upon the savage madness of our enemies.

Although you easily excuse the few letters I've sent and even kindly relieve me of that obligation, I still feel embarrassed by my laziness and neglect in not being more attentive to you than to some of my everyday friends. The truth is, others push me to be more active, shaking me out of my apathy. You, with your generous understanding, allow me to be quiet; and honestly, I’m so drained from constant writing and so worn out that I often find myself almost dreading the thought of writing a letter. I wish others had your patience to foster a genuine friendship without needing to write so much. Our French friends pressure me in this regard more than I can handle. It turns out that by constantly apologizing, I'm starting to be seen as lazy by my close friends. On top of that, unless I have a specific topic to discuss, it feels ridiculous to bring up things everyone already knows as if they were new information. Regarding what you mentioned you wrote to me some time ago without getting a reply, I honestly can’t recall what you’re talking about unless, as I suspect, you sent me something that never reached me. If that’s the case, I’ll definitely look into it now that you’ve brought it to my attention. Since certain negative and ill-tempered individuals are making a fuss about our union, I would like to have it published if that’s okay with you. I have calmly endured, overlooked, and swallowed many things, but believe me, I haven’t noticed that it particularly bothered Satan. If our union is published, I hope it will benefit the Churches of Saxony. However, you will wisely decide what’s best. When many people were asking for copies, I refused to let it be printed until I got your permission. I mentioned this to you before, but your silence led me to think you felt it was too early for that. I hope you can share your thoughts on it. You helped me with the Bull; if I had received it two days earlier, it would have been more useful to me since I had already started writing the preface where that topic is covered. I’m sending you a copy to read when you have some time. I also wish you would send it to Vergerio along with the letter as soon as you can. The Bull has one clear fault: the Pope openly displays clear tyranny without any pretense. So, as you said, we must seek refuge in prayer. They say Germany should have a break from internal war this year since the Turk is bothering Ferdinand. But since it’s the Lord who calms all armed conflicts, we should pray for Him to restrain our enemies' savage madness in every way possible.

Adieu, distinguished sir, and specially revered brother. Salute your family and your colleagues in my name, and in that of my brethren. May the Lord watch over you, be present with you, and continue to guide you.—Yours,

Goodbye, dear sir, and especially respected brother. Please greet your family and your colleagues for me, and from my brothers as well. May the Lord protect you, be with you, and keep guiding you.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin

[Lat. orig. autogr.Coll. of M. Moudin at Geneva.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Coll. of M. Moudin at Geneva.]


CCLXXVI.—To Bullinger.

Thanks for a document—dedication of two commentaries to the King of England—captivity of Bishop Hooper—movements of the Emperor in Germany.

Geneva, 12th March 1551.

Geneva, March 12, 1551.

I was met by a messenger bearing your letter, when lately on my way to Neuchatel. After my return home, I received another from a certain Italian, together with the fifth Decade.[325] You say by way of apology for sending your books, that you do not do so in order that I may learn from you; for my part, as I am desirous to make my labours beneficial to all good men, so on the other hand, I am glad to profit by the writings of others. And indeed intercourse like this is brotherly, when we know that the gifts of the Spirit are so distributed among us, that no one individual is sufficient for himself. Your gift was, therefore, acceptable to me. The publication of our agreement was the occasion of very much joy, not only to myself, but also to Farel and the rest of the brethren. Would that your letter had reached me fifteen days earlier;[307] for it might have been issued during these days of the Frankfort fair. How seasonable will the publication be for our beloved France; exceedingly useful too, I hope. I finished lately my Commentaries on Isaiah and the Canonical Epistles. I thought proper to dedicate both of them to the King of England.[326] You may have a reading of a copy of one of the prefaces which I sent to Vergerio. I have added a private letter also, in which I have endeavoured to kindle the generous nature of the young man. Meanwhile, we have heard the sad news of Hooper's imprisonment.[327] I was somewhat apprehensive of this long ago. I am now afraid that the bishops, as if victorious, will become much more ferociously insolent. While, therefore, I admire his firmness in refusing the anointing, I had rather he had not carried his opposition so far with respect to the cap and the linen vestment, even although I do not approve of these: I recently recommended this. He has many and powerful adversaries, and I doubt not but they will set themselves violently to crush him. But I trust that the Lord will be with him, especially because, as I am informed, some treacherously oppose him, who in other respects pretend to be favourable to the Gospel. I congratulate you on the tranquil condition of your Church. There are very vile wretches here who cause us no small amount of annoyance and disquiet, who will meet, however, I confidently trust, with the end which they have merited. The plans of the Emperor are a source of concern to many. It is justly calculated to excite suspicion that some of his troops are being transported across the Alps.[328] Should he invade this country, my only comfort is the hope that the Lord will take me away from this miserable life. He will not, meanwhile, neglect his own flock,[308] about which I am especially harassed. Adieu, very distinguished sir, and most esteemed fellow-minister, together with the brethren; all of whom you will affectionately salute in my name. Des Gallars also particularly salutes you. May the Lord continue to guide you by his Spirit, to protect you with his own hand, and to bless your sacred labours. Amen.

I was approached by a messenger carrying your letter when I was recently on my way to Neuchatel. After I got home, I received another letter from an Italian along with the fifth Decade.[325] You apologize for sending your books, saying it’s not so I can learn from you. However, I’m eager to make my work beneficial to all good people, and I’m happy to gain insights from the writings of others. This kind of exchange feels brotherly when we realize that the gifts of the Spirit are shared among us, and no one can stand alone. Your gift was, therefore, welcome to me. The announcement of our agreement brought much joy, not just to me, but also to Farel and the other brethren. I wish your letter had reached me fifteen days earlier;[307] it could have been published during the Frankfurt fair. I hope it will be timely for our beloved France and very useful as well. I recently finished my commentaries on Isaiah and the Canonical Epistles. I thought it was appropriate to dedicate both to the King of England.[326] You might have a chance to read one of the prefaces I sent to Vergerio. I also included a personal letter aimed at inspiring the young man. Meanwhile, we've heard the unfortunate news about Hooper's imprisonment.[327] I was somewhat worried about this earlier. I fear that the bishops, feeling victorious, will become even more brazen. While I admire his determination in refusing the anointing, I wish he hadn’t taken his stand so far regarding the cap and the linen vestment, even though I don’t support those practices: I recently advised against them. He faces many powerful opponents, and I have no doubt they'll try hard to suppress him. But I trust the Lord will be with him, especially since I’ve heard that some who falsely claim to support the Gospel are secretly turning against him. I congratulate you on the peaceful state of your Church. There are some very wicked people here who cause us considerable irritation and distress, but I confidently believe they will meet their deserved end. Many are worried about the Emperor’s plans. It justifiably raises suspicion that some of his troops are being moved across the Alps.[328] If he invades this country, my only comfort is the hope that the Lord will take me from this miserable life. Meanwhile, He will not neglect His own flock, which weighs heavily on my heart. Farewell, esteemed sir and valued fellow minister, as well as the brethren; please send them all my warm regards. Des Gallars sends his regards to you as well. May the Lord continue to guide you by His Spirit, protect you with His own hand, and bless your sacred work. Amen.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 59.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. 9, p. 59.]


CCLXXVII.—To Bullinger.

Mention of a letter to the Duke of Somerset—Re-opening of the Council of Trent—symptoms of war in Europe.

Geneva, 10th April 1551.

Geneva, April 10, 1551.

I have received two letters from you within these few days, both full of remarkable good-will towards me, and therefore very agreeable. It is well that God has not only bestowed on us the same desire to incite the English King and his advisers to go on, but has also made our plans so fitly to harmonize.[329] This circumstance will surely have some influence in confirming them. I begin now to look every day for the return of the messenger who carried thither my books with the accompanying letter. As soon as he returns, if he report anything worthy of mention, I shall take care to inform you of it. Meanwhile, I have written to the very illustrious the Duke of Somerset, and have shown him that it is impossible but that the Papists will become more insolent, unless the disagreement regarding the ceremonies be speedily adjusted.[330] I have advised him to extend a hand to Hooper. Whatever the Pope may pretend, I do not think that the Council of Trent is being seriously[309] assembled.[331] The reason for my conjecture is, that the King of France commanded all his bishops to make a careful survey, each of his own diocese, and to return completed records of each visitation to the metropolitan bishops within six months; and informed them that it was his intention to hold a general council of the whole kingdom. No mention was made on that occasion of Trent and the Pope. I have no doubt, however, but that there was an understanding between them; namely, that the French King should, to gain the favour of the Pope, by the pretence of a national council, dissolve that at Trent. Thoughtful men are of opinion that the flames of war have been kindled in Italy. The Turkish ambassador is at present at the French court to stimulate the king to war. An immense fleet threatens Italy or Spain. The Lord will accordingly so overrule them, as that they will not be so dangerous to the Church. It was not kind of you, when you knew that my course would lie in your direction when on my way to Trent, not to offer lodgings to at least one of us. You perhaps expect a new Bull which will admit us.[332] We are not, however, of the number of those who obtain a place, either from right or custom, or the favour of the Apostolic See. We may accordingly remain at home. Yet there is something for us to do even at home. For Christ furnishes material for labour, and Satan does not permit us to be idle. You will pardon my haste. For when these young Germans offered me their services, they gave me only an hour for writing, and it has almost expired. Adieu, most accomplished sir, and very dear brother, worthy of my hearty regard. My colleagues respectfully salute you. They and I present kindest salutations to Bibliander, Pellican,[310] and Gualter, and the rest of the brethren. May the Lord preserve you all by his power, direct you by his Spirit, and bless your labours. Our agreement was not so carefully expressed in Latin as I could have wished; but it will soon be printed again. Meantime, I have added a French translation to the Latin, in which you will not find any blunders. Yours truly,

I’ve received two letters from you in the last few days, both filled with remarkable goodwill toward me, making them very pleasant to read. It's great that God has not only given us the same desire to motivate the English King and his advisors to proceed but has also aligned our plans so well. This situation will surely help reinforce them. I’m now waiting every day for the return of the messenger who took my books and letter over there. As soon as he comes back, I’ll make sure to update you if he has any noteworthy news. In the meantime, I’ve written to the very distinguished Duke of Somerset and pointed out that the Papists will only grow more audacious unless the conflict over the ceremonies is resolved quickly. I’ve advised him to reach out to Hooper. Regardless of what the Pope may claim, I don’t believe the Council of Trent is being genuinely convened. My reasoning is that the King of France ordered all his bishops to conduct a thorough survey of their dioceses and to report completed records of each visitation to the metropolitan bishops within six months; he also informed them that he plans to hold a general council for the entire kingdom. No mention was made at that time of Trent or the Pope. However, I have no doubt there’s an agreement between them, namely that the French King, to gain the Pope's favor under the guise of a national council, would dissolve the council at Trent. Thoughtful people believe that the flames of war have been ignited in Italy. The Turkish ambassador is currently at the French court encouraging the king to go to war. An enormous fleet is threatening Italy or Spain. The Lord will oversee everything so that they won’t pose a danger to the Church. It wasn't kind of you, knowing my journey would take me in your direction on my way to Trent, not to offer lodgings for at least one of us. You might be expecting a new Bull that will welcome us. However, we are not among those who gain a place by right or custom, or through the favor of the Apostolic See. So we may remain at home. Yet, there’s still work for us to do even at home. Christ provides the material for labor, and Satan doesn’t allow us to be idle. Please excuse my haste. When those young Germans offered me their services, they only gave me an hour to write, and that time is almost up. Farewell, my esteemed sir and dear brother, worthy of my respect. My colleagues send their regards. They and I extend warm greetings to Bibliander, Pellican, and Gualter, along with the rest of our brethren. May the Lord keep you all by His power, guide you with His Spirit, and bless your work. Our agreement wasn't articulated in Latin as carefully as I would have liked, but it will be printed again soon. In the meantime, I've added a French translation to the Latin, and I assure you there are no mistakes in it. Yours truly,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 60.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 60.]


CCLXXVIII.—To Viret.[333]

Death of Bucer and of Joachim Vadian.

Geneva, 10th May 1551.

Geneva, May 10, 1551.

Although you have received no letters from me for a considerable time, let me tell you, that you have, on that account, been a source of constant and even anxious thought to me. The grief which I have suffered at the death of Bucer increases my anxiety and fear. I have now again experienced a fresh wound from the death of Vadian, whose labour, although of wide influence, and calculated to be felt throughout the entire Church, was nevertheless of especial use in the state, and of great importance among the Swiss and Grisons in particular. I feel my heart almost like to break when I think of the great loss the Church of God has sustained in the death of Bucer. The Lord grant that I may leave in life all those[311] whose death I should mourn, that I may the more joyfully leave the world.

Although you haven't heard from me in a while, I want you to know that you've been on my mind constantly and even anxiously. The pain I've felt from Bucer's death has only heightened my worry and fear. Now, I've experienced another loss with Vadian's death, whose work, though widely impactful and relevant to the entire Church, was especially significant for our state and was greatly valued among the Swiss and Grisons in particular. My heart feels nearly shattered when I consider the immense loss the Church of God has suffered with Bucer's passing. I pray that I can outlive all those[311] whose deaths I would mourn, so I can leave this world more joyfully.

Adieu, most excellent brother. May the Lord keep you together with your wife and family. Salute all earnestly in my name.

Goodbye, my dear brother. I hope the Lord takes care of you, your wife, and your family. Please send my best to everyone.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 60.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. ix. p. 60.]


CCLXXIX.—To Farel.

Renewed expressions of regret for the death of Vadian and Bucer—controversies excited by Osiandor—numerous migrations to Geneva—commencement of hostilities in Italy.

Geneva, 15th June 1551.

Geneva, June 15, 1551.

Nicolas[334] has at length returned from England, having been detained for eleven days by head winds, and afterwards tossed about by so severe a tempest, that he scarcely escaped shipwreck. He reports that he was so kindly and affectionately received, that I have good reason to congratulate myself that my labour was spent to the best advantage. After having delivered my letter to the Duke of Somerset, and having said that he had another also for the King, the Duke himself undertook the duty of presenting it, and on the following day set out for the Court. If I am not deceived, the work not only greatly pleased the Royal Council, but also filled the King himself with extraordinary delight. The Archbishop of Canterbury informed me that I could do nothing more useful than to write to the King more frequently. This gave me more pleasure than if I had come to the possession of a great sum of money. In the present state of the kingdom, many things are still to be desired. Among other evils that are incurable until the King shall have attained his majority, there is this one: that all the revenues of the Church are devoured by the nobles, and they are meanwhile hiring for a miserable pittance, worthless men to discharge the duties, or at least occupy the position of pastors. I nevertheless will not cease to goad[312] the whole of them. I did not allude to the death of Bucer, lest I should open my own wound afresh.[335] For when I reflect how great a loss the Church of God has sustained in the death of this one man, I cannot but feel the deepest anguish. He would have been of great advantage to England. I was expecting more from his future writings, than anything he had hitherto performed. In addition to this, the Church is now destitute of faithful teachers. Vadian had very great influence among the Swiss.[336] The Lord has taken him away. Osiander is absolutely mad.[337] Let us take courage, however, until we shall have finished our course and reached the goal. One thing I fear, that while holding a place among the runners, I may set an example of slowness. Yet I am not a little comforted by this, that you, who have outstripped all others, extend to me so much pardon and mild indulgence. It is sufficient, if, not led away by the unsettled wanderings of others, we hold on in the right way; even although some get far ahead of us, and others lag a great way behind. As for our old friend with the new face,[338] I shall for my part be careful to encourage him, as you urgently advise, and shall give my colleagues a hint to do the same. But believe me, he manifests no sincerity. I surmised from the first what he was wishing to be at. I concealed that I had detected it; kept my hand on it, as it were. He patronizes, as he used to do, persons given over to shameless pleasures. He is in like manner given to defend bad causes. His arrogance and ferocity are in no degree abated. His cohort[313] runs riot more at will than ever. However, I shall so conduct myself, that he will easily perceive that I am heartily reconciled to him. You have heard, I suppose, what a mournful procession they lately made: and yet so shameful a butchering of a most distinguished citizen has not restrained their wantonness. As to Christopher's asking me to attend their suppers, I have, hitherto, indeed, refused none of them: but when the duties were intrusted to Ambard Corné, he, by his procrastination, broke in upon the established order. I am, in the meantime, much occupied with foreigners, who daily pass through this place in great numbers, or who have come hither to take up their abode.[339] Among others, the Marquis de Vico, a Neapolitan, arrived lately. Another will follow by and by. Should you pay us a visit next autumn, you will find our city considerably increased—a pleasing spectacle to me, if they do not overwhelm me with their visits. Viret was here lately, but he went off sooner than I could have wished. There is already open war between the Pontiff and the French.[340] There is a rumour, that all the Cardinals who sided with the King, have fled from Rome. If the Emperor is to be involved in this war, he will be forced to give some relief to Magdeburg, and those places allied with it. Adieu, most upright brother; salute my friends earnestly, both your colleague and the other fellow-ministers. Ours also send kindest regards to you, viz., my colleagues, Normandie, Budé, Trier, Saint Laurent, the two Colladons, and my brother. May the Lord long spare you to us; may he shine on you with his Spirit, bless your holy endeavours, and watch over the Church committed to your care!—Yours,

Nicolas[334] has finally returned from England after being stuck for eleven days due to headwinds and then nearly capsizing during a severe storm. He shares that he received such a warm and friendly welcome that I'm very glad my efforts were worthwhile. After he delivered my letter to the Duke of Somerset and mentioned he had another one for the King, the Duke took it upon himself to present it and left for Court the next day. If I'm not mistaken, the Royal Council was not just pleased with the work, but it also delighted the King immensely. The Archbishop of Canterbury advised me that writing to the King more frequently would be very beneficial. This news made me happier than if I had come into a huge fortune. Given the current state of the kingdom, there are many things still lacking. One of the major issues that won't be resolved until the King comes of age is that the nobles are consuming all the Church's revenue while hiring unqualified people for miserable pay to do the pastoral duties. Nonetheless, I will continue to challenge all of them. I avoided mentioning Bucer's death to not reopen my own wounds.[335] When I think about how great a loss the Church has suffered with his passing, I can't help but feel deep sorrow. He would have been a tremendous asset to England. I was looking forward to more from his future works than anything he had done up to now. Besides that, the Church is now lacking in faithful teachers. Vadian had a strong influence among the Swiss.[336] The Lord has taken him away. Osiander has completely lost his mind.[337] Let us stay hopeful until we've completed our journey and reached the finish line. One thing I fear is that while I'm among the runners, I might set an example of slowness. Yet, I find comfort in knowing that you, who have surpassed everyone else, show me so much patience and kindness. It's enough if, without being distracted by the chaotic paths of others, we stick to the right path, even if some move far ahead and others lag behind. Regarding our old friend with the new face,[338] I will make sure to encourage him, just as you highly recommend, and I will hint to my colleagues to do the same. But believe me, he shows no real sincerity. I suspected from the start what he was up to. I kept it to myself; kept a handle on it, so to speak. He continues to associate with people who indulge in shameless pleasures. He is also still defending bad causes. His arrogance and aggression are as strong as ever. His entourage[312] goes wild more than before. However, I will conduct myself in such a way that he will clearly see that I've made peace with him. I assume you’ve heard about the mournful procession they held recently; yet, such a disgraceful murder of a distinguished citizen hasn’t curbed their reckless behavior. As for Christopher inviting me to their dinners, I haven't turned any down yet; however, when Ambard Corné was put in charge, he disrupted the usual order with his delays. Meanwhile, I am very busy with foreigners, who come through here in large numbers every day or have come to settle down.[339] Recently, the Marquis de Vico, a Neapolitan, arrived. Another will follow shortly. If you visit us next autumn, you will see our city has grown quite a bit—a pleasing sight to me, unless they overwhelm me with their visits. Viret was here not long ago, but he left sooner than I would have liked. Open war has already broken out between the Pope and the French.[340] There are rumors that all the Cardinals who supported the King have fled Rome. If the Emperor gets involved in this war, he will have to provide some support to Magdeburg and its allies. Goodbye, my most honorable brother; please give my warm regards to my friends, both your colleague and the other fellow ministers. Our colleagues, including Normandie, Budé, Trier, Saint Laurent, the two Colladons, and my brother, also send their kind regards to you. May the Lord keep you with us for many years; may He shine His Spirit upon you, bless your holy efforts, and protect the Church entrusted to your care!—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 240.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 240.]


CCLXXX.—To a French Man.[341]

Sickness of Theodore Beza—Calvin's grief.

30th June 1551.

June 30, 1551.

When the messenger presented himself with your letter to Beza, I was seized with fresh alarm, and, at the same time, weighed down with a load of grief. For I was informed, the day before, that he had been seized with the plague. I was therefore not only troubled about the danger he was in, but from my very great affection for him I felt almost overpowered, as if I was already lamenting his death; although, indeed, this grief did not rise so much from private regard, as from my public anxiety for the prosperity of the Church. Indeed, I were destitute of human feeling, did I not return the affection of one who loves me with more than a brother's love, and reveres me like a very father. But the Church's loss afflicted me more deeply, when I pictured a man, of whom I had so very high expectations, suddenly snatched away from us by death, at the very outset of his career—a man whose gentle disposition, polished manners, and native candour, had endeared him to all good men. Should you ever happen to make a secret and hasty journey hither—which I am very anxious you should—you will find him far superior in those respects to anything I have stated. I trust that melancholy foreboding is far distant, of an event which you say would be an irreparable loss to you. Your coming would be the more desirable, as he was very anxious to see you when he left. What should we delight in but Christ? Yet I confidently trust that the life of the man will not be denied to our prayers. For although he has not yet escaped danger, yet yesterday's messenger brought us more hopeful accounts of him. To-morrow I hope to hear what will remove all doubt. Adieu, distinguished[315] sir, and take in good part this voluntary service of mine, seeing I write with so much familiarity to one with whom I am not acquainted. May the Lord guide you by his Spirit, and shield you by his protection!

When the messenger arrived with your letter to Beza, I was hit with a wave of anxiety and at the same time felt a heavy burden of grief. I had just been told the day before that he had caught the plague. So, I was not only worried about the danger he was in, but my deep affection for him left me feeling almost crushed, as if I was already mourning his death; although, honestly, this sorrow came less from personal feelings and more from my genuine concern for the wellbeing of the Church. I would be lacking in human emotion if I didn't reciprocate the love of someone who cares for me more than a brother and honors me like a father. However, I was more deeply troubled by the thought of losing the Church, imagining a man with such high potential suddenly taken from us too soon — a man whose kind nature, refined manners, and natural honesty endeared him to all good people. If you ever happen to make a quick and secret trip here—which I really hope you do—you will find him to be even better than I’ve described. I trust that the sad foreboding you mentioned about an event that would be an irreparable loss for you is far off. Your visit would be especially welcome since he was very eager to see you before he left. What should we find joy in but Christ? Yet, I truly believe that our prayers will not be in vain for his life. Although he hasn’t escaped danger yet, yesterday's messenger brought us more positive news about him. Tomorrow, I hope to receive word that will ease all doubts. Goodbye, esteemed sir, and please accept this sincere message of mine in good spirit, as I write so informally to someone I don’t know well. May the Lord guide you by His Spirit and protect you!

[John Calvin.]

[John Calvin.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 60.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. 9, p. 60.]


CCLXXXI.—To the Duke of Somerset.[342]

Protestations of attachment—reforms required in the Church of England—squandering of the revenues of benefices and of the universities.

From Geneva, this 25th July 1551.

From Geneva, this July 25, 1551.

Monseigneur,—I know not how to thank you enough for the kind reception which my messenger has met with from you, not merely in that you have been pleased to take the trouble of offering my books to the King, but for all other proofs of the singular friendly affection which you have hitherto graciously shown me. As for the youth whom you have taken into your service, I should not have had the boldness to write to you about him, had I not thought, as was generally expected, that he was likely to turn out remarkably well. But so much the more am I obliged to you, since I find that my recommendation has been of use in this quarter. As however all that I could write would be but very feeble compared with what is in my heart, and what your benefits deserve, I prefer to desist from further comment on them. Only I pray you, Monseigneur, to consider me so wholly yours, that had I any way of doing you service, it would not be my fault if you lacked proof of more good-will than I know how to express. I would have made these excuses to you sooner, or rather these thanks, if it may please you to hold them such, had it not been for the desire which this gentleman had, himself to present my letter to you. And in this also, I can perceive[316] the friendship you are pleased to show towards me, since those who well deserve to have access to you, hope to be the more welcome by means of my letters.

Your Excellency,—I can’t thank you enough for the warm welcome my messenger received from you. Not only for the effort you took to present my books to the King, but also for all the other ways you’ve shown me such generous friendship. Regarding the young man you’ve taken into your service, I wouldn’t have dared to write to you about him if I didn’t believe, as many expected, that he would turn out exceptionally well. I’m even more grateful to you now, knowing that my recommendation has had a positive impact here. However, since anything I could say would fall short of what I truly feel and what your generosity deserves, I’d rather refrain from saying more. I just ask you, Your Excellency, to see me as completely yours; if I had a way to serve you, it wouldn’t be my fault if you didn’t receive proof of my goodwill beyond what I can express. I would have communicated these thoughts to you sooner, or rather these thanks, if you see them that way, but it was his wish to personally deliver my letter to you. In this too, I notice your kindness towards me, since those who truly deserve your attention hope to be more favored by my letters.

Nevertheless, Monseigneur, I shall not cease to commend to your attention that which is of itself dear and precious enough to you. It is, that you provide and take heed that God may be faithfully honoured and served; above all, that better order be established in the Church than heretofore. Albeit it may not be easy to obtain people specially qualified to discharge this office; yet, from what I hear, there are two great hindrances against which it would be essential to provide. The first is, that the revenues of the universities which have been founded for the maintenance of scholars, are ill distributed; many being thus supported who openly profess to resist the Gospel, so far are they from affording any hopes of upholding that which has been there built up with great pains and labour.

However, Your Excellency, I want to keep reminding you of what is inherently dear and valuable to you. It's important that you ensure God is truly honored and served; most importantly, that better order is established in the Church than before. While it may be difficult to find people who are uniquely qualified for this role, I've heard that there are two major obstacles we need to address. The first is that the funding for universities established to support scholars is poorly allocated; many who receive this support openly oppose the Gospel and show no promise of supporting what has been built there with great effort and dedication.

The second evil is, that the revenue of the cures is diverted and wasted, so that there is not wherewithal to support worthy men who might be fit to discharge the office of true pastors. And thus ignorant priests are installed, who bring in great confusion. For the character of individuals begets a great contempt of the word of God; and thus whatever their authority, they cannot exercise it. I pray you, therefore, Monseigneur, to advance and improve the Reformation, and so give it permanence; be pleased to exert all your might in correcting this abuse. I quite believe that it has not been your fault that matters have not been better regulated in the first instance. But since it is very difficult all at once to organize an establishment as well as might be desirable, it only remains that we persevere, so as to perfect in time what has been well begun.

The second problem is that the revenue from the churches is being mismanaged and wasted, leaving us without the means to support good people who could properly serve as true pastors. As a result, uneducated priests are put in place, leading to significant confusion. The character of these individuals creates a strong disdain for the word of God, and no matter how much authority they have, they cannot effectively exercise it. So I ask you, Monseigneur, to support and enhance the Reformation, ensuring it lasts; please do everything in your power to correct this issue. I truly believe that it’s not your fault that things weren’t better organized from the start. But since it's challenging to establish everything perfectly right away, we must continue to work towards perfecting what has been well initiated over time.

It ought not to be ill taken by those who at the present time derive profit from Church property, that the pastors be adequately supported; seeing that every one ought to strive to support them out of his own private means, were there no public ones. It would even be to their own advantage to discharge themselves of this debt, for they cannot expect to prosper while defrauding the people of God of their spiritual pasturage,[317] by depriving the churches of good pastors. And on your part, Monseigneur, I have no doubt, when you have faithfully laboured to reduce these matters to order, that God will the more multiply his blessings upon you. But since I feel assured that you are so well inclined of yourself that I need not longer to exhort, I shall conclude, after having besought our good Lord, that it may please him to guide you always by his Spirit, to increase you in all well-doing, and to cause his name to be more and more glorified by you. Even so, Monseigneur, I do commend me very humbly to your gracious favour.

It shouldn't be taken the wrong way by those who currently benefit from Church property that pastors need to be adequately supported; everyone should try to support them with their own funds if there were no public resources. It would actually be in their best interest to pay off this obligation because they can't expect to thrive while shortchanging God's people of their spiritual guidance by keeping churches from having good pastors. And as for you, Monseigneur, I have no doubt that once you've worked hard to get these issues sorted out, God will bless you even more. But since I believe you are already inclined to do good, I'll wrap this up after asking our good Lord to always guide you by His Spirit, to help you grow in all that is good, and to make His name more and more glorified through you. Even so, Monseigneur, I humbly commend myself to your kind favor.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. Copy.Library of Simler, Coll. of Simler. Vol. 75.]

[Fr. Copy.Library of Simler, Coll. of Simler. Vol. 75.]


CCLXXXII.—To Viret.

Reply to the attacks of Pighius, and of George of Sicily.

[Geneva,] 15th August 1551.

[Geneva,] August 15, 1551.

I regret the postponement of the Council, now when it is too late. Send for me, however, when you think fit; although it will be much more convenient, in another respect, for you to come to us. I send you the ravings of George of Sicily, which the Italian brethren wish me to refute.[343] I have declined, however, as there would be no end to replies if every single dog of that sort were to be silenced by a special treatise. It is better, therefore, that many do not deem it worthy of a reply. If I ever find leisure, I should prefer executing what I undertook years ago. By replying to Pighius, I shall put a stop to the barking of others. I have nothing to say regarding Matthaeus at present, except that, if while presenting the brethren with his work, he at the same time warn them of its dangers, I hope they will find it agreeable. We can discuss the rest better[318] when we meet. Adieu, most worthy and upright brother. Salute your wife and little daughters, also your colleague, Ribet, and the rest of the brethren. You may tell Hotman, that I gave a willing audience of two or three hours to a fellow-citizen of his, but I fear I was not of much service to him. He is too much puffed up with stolid self-assurance, for anything to make an impression on him.—Yours,

I regret the postponement of the Council, now that it’s too late. However, please send for me when you think it’s appropriate; although it would be much more convenient for you to come to us in another way. I'm sending you the rantings of George of Sicily, which the Italian brethren want me to refute. I have declined, though, as there would be no end to responses if every single fool like that were to be silenced with a special response. It’s better that many don’t think it’s worth replying to. If I ever find some free time, I would prefer to address what I took on years ago. By responding to Pighius, I will put an end to the noise from others. I don’t have much to say about Matthaeus right now, except that if he warns the brethren about the dangers of his work while presenting it to them, I hope they will find it acceptable. We can discuss the rest better when we meet. Goodbye, my most worthy and upright brother. Please send my regards to your wife and little daughters, as well as your colleague, Ribet, and the other brethren. You can tell Hotman that I listened for two or three hours to a fellow citizen of his, but I fear I wasn't much help to him. He’s too full of himself for anything to make an impression on him.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLXXXIII.—To the Ministers of Neuchâtel.

Arrest of a minister from Neuchatel in France—steps for obtaining his release.

Geneva, 5th September 1551.

Geneva, September 5, 1551.

When the melancholy tidings reached this place that Hugues,[344] with five other brethren, and a lady of rank, had been seized in the neighbourhood of Maçon, we at once resolved to inform you of it, that you might at least aid them with your prayers. For there is no use, in my opinion, in troubling ourselves with the French at present. We know they have a judge who is merciful as well as just. Textor is here, and is unremitting in his endeavours among [his] friends. If the matter proceeds farther, I shall inform you of it; only keep your mind at ease for a few days; for another messenger[319] brought word to-day, that when he left they had good hopes of a speedy release. Adieu, most excellent brethren, very dear to me. May the Lord be ever present with you, to guide you all by his Spirit. We are desirous of commending the Church of Lyons to you, which indeed is uncalled for.—Yours,

When the sad news reached us that Hugues,[344] along with five other brothers and a lady of high status, had been captured near Maçon, we immediately decided to let you know, so you could at least support them with your prayers. In my opinion, it doesn’t make sense to get worked up about the French right now. We know they have a judge who is both merciful and fair. Textor is here and is tirelessly working among [his] friends. If things develop further, I’ll keep you updated; just try to relax for a few days, because another messenger[319] reported today that when he left, they were optimistic about a quick release. Goodbye, my dear and esteemed brothers. May the Lord always be with you, guiding you through His Spirit. We would like to entrust the Church of Lyons to you, though it is really unnecessary.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


My dear Farel, I do not ask pardon for my slothfulness, as if I had rather abstain from writing you, but that you may the sooner hasten hither that we may have a conversation. Adieu, again and again.

My dear Farel, I’m not asking for forgiveness for my laziness, as if I would prefer to avoid writing to you, but I hope it will encourage you to come here sooner so we can have a chat. Goodbye, once again.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLXXXIV.—To Bullinger.[345]

Edict of Chateaubriand, in France—attacks on Calvin in Geneva.

Geneva, 15th October 1551.

Geneva, October 15, 1551.

My slowness in writing to you is owing to the want of messengers. For I do not care for sending a letter which may have lost its interest by being so long in reaching you. When Beza undertook to see my letter delivered to you without delay, I was unwilling to neglect a duty in which I must confess I am too remiss. I do not know how matters are moving in England. The matrimonial alliance with France does not, in my opinion, forebode so much good as many seem to think. Would, at least, that it might mitigate somewhat the fury of[320] his father-in-law.[346] For in order to gain new modes of venting his rage against the people of God, he has been issuing atrocious edicts, by which the general prosperity of the kingdom is broken up. A right of appeal to the supreme courts has hitherto been, and still is, granted to persons guilty of poisoning, of forgery, and of robbery; yet this is denied to Christians: they are condemned by the ordinary judges to be dragged straight to the flames, without any liberty of appeal. It has been decreed, that the friends of those whose lives are at stake must not dare to intercede for them, unless they wish to be charged with patronizing heresy. The better to fan the flames, all informers are to receive the third part of the goods of the accused. Should any judge appear too remiss, he is liable to a penalty. The King's chancellor is to guard against admitting such to public offices, or any who may have, on any occasion, been open to the slightest suspicion. No one, besides, can hereafter occupy the place of a judge, unless he be hostile to Christ; and whosoever would aspire to a public office, must furnish abundant evidence of being obsequious sons of the Church of Rome; and should any one [gain office] by deception, a penalty attaches to those who recommended him. A penalty is imposed, besides, on all citizens who may, by their suffrages, have raised to the magistracy, any individual known to hold, or suspected of holding, the Lutheran doctrines. The Supreme Council is bound by law to compel any of their number, who may seem to have a leaning to our doctrines, to clear himself by oath. All are commanded, with more than usual earnestness, to adore the breaden god on bended knee. All parsons of parishes are commanded to read the Sorbonne articles every Sabbath for the benefit of the people, that a solemn abnegation of Christ may thus resound throughout the land. The goods of all who have migrated to us are to be confiscated, even although they should be sold, or in any way disposed of, previous to their departure, unless the authorities have[321] been duly apprised of the sale before their departure was contemplated. Geneva is alluded to more than ten times in the edict, and always with a striking mark of reproach. But indeed every place of dissent from the See of Rome is referred to. This ferocity is necessary, in order that the direst confusion may follow. The flames are already kindled everywhere, and all highways are guarded lest any should seek an asylum here. If any opportunity occurs, we must spare no pains to alleviate the sufferings of our brethren. I would already have been on my way to you, for the purpose of holding a consultation, had I not been excluded access to you, at present, by your entreaties. Nevertheless, I beseech you, in the name of Christ, that you keep an attentive lookout in all directions; but I do not see what assistance is to be expected from those who sit down so securely amid their own dangers. How ominous! The sword is whetted for our throats, and we, who are all brethren, seek to avoid a consultation! With these warnings, it becomes us to accustom ourselves to fix our regards on heaven. How I fear we may, by and by, suffer a heavier punishment for this our inactivity than could be wished! In truth, I am not astonished that they are so slow in checking the insult of the enemy, when they take worthless villains to their bosom, by whom the Church is torn and wounded, and exposed to the ridicule of her enemies. A certain Dominican, a minister of the word in a neighbouring village, has emerged from the mud under evil auspices.[347] He bawled out openly in the assembly that he had a dispute with me and the Church of Geneva; and this without the least provocation. Not content with that, he brought forward a paper filled with foul accusations,[322] in which I was bitterly reviled for more than twenty times. On the matter being known, he was sent home. Emboldened by impunity, any satellite of the Council of Trent insults me now with equal ferocity. This is the communion of the Church which we daily profess. I omit other matters equally dishonourable, which I endure, not without sadness; although I am not so much moved on my own account, as on that of the public; for I see clearly that such a breaking up of all orderly discipline, so foreign to Christianity, cannot stand for any length of time.

My delay in writing to you is due to the lack of messengers. I really don’t want to send a letter that might lose its relevance by taking too long to get to you. When Beza offered to make sure my letter reached you quickly, I didn’t want to neglect a duty I must admit I’ve been quite careless about. I’m not sure how things are progressing in England. The marriage alliance with France doesn’t seem to promise as much good as many believe. I only wish it could at least lessen the anger of his father-in-law. Because to unleash new ways of expressing his rage against the people of God, he has been issuing terrible edicts that disrupt the overall prosperity of the kingdom. A right to appeal to the highest courts has always been granted to those guilty of poisoning, forgery, and robbery; yet this right is denied to Christians—they’re condemned by regular judges to be taken straight to the flames, with no chance to appeal. It has been decreed that friends of those at risk must not even think about interceding for them unless they want to be accused of supporting heresy. To further stoke the flames, all informers will receive a third of the accused's goods. If any judge seems too lenient, they face penalties. The King’s chancellor is to ensure that such judges are not allowed public office, nor anyone who has ever been even slightly suspected. Furthermore, no one can become a judge unless they are hostile to Christ, and anyone aspiring to a public office must provide ample proof of being obedient followers of the Roman Church; if someone gets a position through deception, those who recommended them face penalties. Additionally, all citizens will face penalties if they have, by their votes, promoted anyone known to hold or suspected of holding Lutheran beliefs to office. The Supreme Council is legally required to force any member who appears to lean towards our beliefs to clear themselves by oath. All are commanded, with particular insistence, to worship the breaden god on their knees. Every parish priest is required to read the Sorbonne articles every Sunday for the public's sake, ensuring a solemn rejection of Christ echoes throughout the land. The property of anyone who has moved away to join us is to be confiscated, even if it has been sold or disposed of in any way before their departure, unless the authorities were properly notified before they planned to leave. Geneva is mentioned over ten times in the edict, always with a strong sense of reproach. In fact, every place that disagrees with the See of Rome is referenced. This brutality is deemed necessary to create the ultimate chaos. The flames are already everywhere, and all roads are guarded to prevent anyone from seeking refuge here. If any opportunity arises, we must do whatever we can to ease the suffering of our brothers and sisters. I would have already been on my way to you to discuss things if I hadn’t been prevented from seeing you right now by your pleas. Still, I urge you, in Christ's name, to keep a close watch in all directions; however, I can’t see what help we can expect from those who sit comfortably amidst their own dangers. How ominous! The sword is sharpened for our throats, and we, who are all brothers and sisters, try to avoid coming together! With these warnings, we must learn to turn our eyes towards heaven. I fear that we may end up suffering a greater punishment for this inaction than we could bear! Honestly, I’m not surprised that they are slow to respond to the enemy's insults when they welcome worthless scoundrels into their midst, causing the Church to be torn apart and mocked by her adversaries. A certain Dominican, a preacher in a nearby village, has surfaced from the mud under bad auspices. He shouted publicly in the assembly that he had a dispute with me and the Church of Geneva, and he did this without any provocation. Not satisfied with that, he brought forth a paper filled with vile accusations, in which I was harshly slandered more than twenty times. Once this became known, he was sent home. Encouraged by his lack of consequence, any supporter of the Council of Trent now insults me with the same intensity. This is the community of the Church that we profess daily. I’ll skip over other equally disgraceful matters that I endure, not without sadness; although I’m not as affected for my own sake as I am for the public’s, because I can clearly see that this breakdown of all orderly discipline, which is so alien to Christianity, cannot last long.

Adieu, very excellent and highly revered brother. May the Lord guide you ever; may his blessing rest on your pious endeavours, and may he shield you by his protection!

Goodbye, my very dear and respected brother. May the Lord always guide you; may his blessings be upon your good efforts, and may he protect you!

Salute Theodore, Pellican, Gualter, and the rest of the brethren earnestly in my name.—Yours,

Salute Theodore, Pellican, Gualter, and the rest of the brothers warmly in my name.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLXXXV.—To the Ministers of Switzerland.[348]

Statement of the controversy with Bolsec regarding Election.

Geneva, [October 1551.]

Geneva, [October 1551].

There is one Jerome here, who, having thrown off the monk's cowl, is become one of those strolling physicians, who, by habitual[323] deception and trickery, acquire a degree of impudence which makes them prompt and ready in venturing upon anything whatever. He made an attempt, eight months ago, in a public assembly of our church, to overthrow the doctrine of God's free election, which, as received from the word of God, we teach in common with you. Then, indeed, the impertinence of the man was regulated by some degree of moderation. He ceased not afterwards to make a noise in all places, with the intention of shaking the faith of the simple in this all-important doctrine. At length he openly disgorged what poison was in him. For when one of our brethren, not long since, was expounding, after our ordinary custom, that passage in John where Christ declares that those who do not hear God's words are not of God; he remarked that as many as have not been born again of the Spirit of God, continue in a state of stubborn resistance to God, even to the end, inasmuch as the gift of obedience is peculiar to the elect of God, on whom it is bestowed. That worthless wretch rose up, and affirmed that the false and impious opinion, that the will of God is the cause of all things, took its rise during the present century from Laurentius Valla; but that in this he acted wrongly, for he charged God with the blame of all evils, and falsely imputed to him a tyrannical caprice, such as the ancient poets fancifully ascribed to their Jove. He then took up the second head, and affirmed that men are not saved because they have been elected, but that they are elected because they believe; that no one is condemned at the mere pleasure of God; that those only are condemned who deprive themselves of the election common to all. In dealing with this question, he inveighed against us with a great deal of violent abuse. The chief magistrate of the city, on hearing of the matter, imprisoned him, especially as he had[324] been tumultuously haranguing the common people not go allow themselves to be deceived by us. On being brought before the Senate for trial, he proceeded to defend his error with no less obstinacy than audacity. He, moreover, made it his boast that a considerable number of the ministers of the other churches sided with him; on which we requested the Senate not to give its final decision until, having heard from your church, it should ascertain how this worthless wretch had wickedly abused your name by making you sanction his error. Overcome by shame, he at first did not decline the decisions of the churches, but began to jest about having good reason to mistrust you from your familiar intimacy with our brother Calvin. The Senate, however, according to our request, resolved upon consulting you. Besides, and in addition to this, he was implicating your church. For while denouncing Zwingle above all others, he said that Bullinger was of precisely the same opinion with himself. He has craftily watched for a handle of discord among the Bernese ministers. We are really anxious to have this plague so removed from our church, that it may not infect our neighbours when we have got rid of it ourselves. Although it is of very great importance to us and to the public tranquillity, that the doctrine which we profess should meet with your approval; yet we have no reason to entreat your confidence in many words. The Institutes of our brother Calvin, against which he is especially directing his attacks, is not unknown among you. With what reverence and sobriety he has therein discussed the secret judgments of God, it is not for us to record: the book is its own bright witness. Nor in truth do we teach anything here but what is contained in God's holy word, and what has been held by your church ever since the light of the Gospel was restored. That we are justified by faith, we all agree; but the real mercy of God can only be perceived when we learn that faith is the fruit of free adoption, and that, in point of fact, adoption flows from the eternal election of God. But not only does this impostor fancy that election depends upon faith, but that faith itself is originated as much by man himself as by divine inspiration. There can be no doubt, on the other hand, that[325] when men perish, it must be imputed to their own wickedness. But by the case of the reprobate whom God, from his own mysterious counsel, passes by and neglects as if unworthy, we are taught a striking lesson of humility. Yet such is this Jerome, that he will not admit that God does anything justly unless he has palpable evidence of it. In fine, this much is fixed and conceded by us all, that when man sins, God must not be regarded as having any share in the blame, nor that the word sin can in any sense be applied to him. Yet this does not hinder him from exercising his power, in a wonderful and incomprehensible way, through Satan and the wicked, as if they were the instruments of his wrath, to teach the faithful patience, or to inflict merited punishment on his enemies. This profane trifler cries out that we bring an impeachment against God when we allege that he governs all things by his providence; destroying, in short, in this way, all distinction between causes as remote and concealed, on the one hand, and as near and patent on the other; rendering it impossible to regard the sufferings to which holy Job was subjected as the work of God, but that he may be held as equally guilty with the Devil, the Chaldeans, and the Sabæan robbers. Our mutual relationship, therefore, demands that you will not consider it troublesome to uphold and maintain, by your countenance, that doctrine of Christ which has been outraged by the profanity of a wanton and ill-disposed man. As we confidently trust that you will do this gladly and of your own accord, we consider it useless to ply you with anxious and earnest requests; and, on the other hand, should our services be at any time of advantage to you, you will ever find us prepared to discharge every brotherly duty.—Adieu, most beloved and esteemed brethren. May God guide you by his Spirit, bless your labours, and defend your Church!

There’s a guy named Jerome here who, after taking off his monk’s robe, has become one of those wandering doctors who, through constant deception and trickery, develop a level of boldness that makes them willing to try anything. About eight months ago, he attempted to challenge the doctrine of God’s free election during a public assembly at our church, which we teach based on the word of God, just like you do. At that time, his impudence was somewhat restrained. However, he didn’t stop making noise everywhere, trying to shake the faith of the simple regarding this essential doctrine. Eventually, he openly revealed his poison. Not long ago, when one of our brethren was explaining, as we usually do, the passage in John where Christ says that those who don’t hear God’s words are not of God, he stated that those who haven’t been born again of the Spirit of God remain stubbornly resistant to God until the end, as the gift of obedience is unique to the elect, upon whom it is granted. That worthless scoundrel stood up and claimed that the false and wicked idea that the will of God is the cause of all things originated in this century with Laurentius Valla; but he was wrong in doing so because he blamed God for all evils and falsely accused Him of being a tyrant like the ancient poets fancifully portrayed their Jove. He then tackled the second point and insisted that people aren’t saved because they’ve been elected, but that they are elected because they believe; that no one is condemned just because God decides so; that only those who exclude themselves from the common election are condemned. In addressing this issue, he hurled a lot of harsh insults at us. After the city’s chief magistrate heard about this, he imprisoned him, especially because he had been stirring up the common people, urging them not to be deceived by us. When he was brought before the Senate for trial, he defended his error with as much stubbornness as audacity. He also bragged that a significant number of ministers from other churches supported him; so we asked the Senate not to make a final decision until they heard from your church to see how this worthless man had wickedly misused your name to support his error. Ashamed, he first didn’t dismiss the decisions of the churches but started to joke about having good reason to distrust you because of your close relationship with our brother Calvin. However, the Senate, following our request, decided to consult you. Additionally, he was implicating your church, as while denouncing Zwingli above all others, he claimed that Bullinger shared his beliefs. He has cunningly looked for a way to stir discord among the Bernese ministers. We are genuinely eager to rid our church of this plague so it doesn’t infect our neighbors once we’re rid of it. While it’s very important for our public peace that the doctrine we uphold aligns with your views, we don’t feel the need to persuade you with many words. The Institutes by our brother Calvin, which he especially targets, is well-known to you. We don’t need to reiterate how reverently and thoughtfully he discusses the secret judgments of God; the book speaks for itself. In truth, we teach nothing here outside of what is found in God’s holy word and what your church has upheld since the Gospel was restored. We all agree that we are justified by faith, but the true mercy of God can only be understood when we recognize that faith is the product of free adoption, which flows from the eternal election of God. But this impostor not only believes that election depends on faith but also claims that faith arises as much from humanity as from divine inspiration. It’s undeniable, however, that when people perish, it must be attributed to their own wickedness. But from the case of the damned whom God, in His mysterious counsel, passes over as if they were unworthy, we learn a profound lesson in humility. Yet this Jerome refuses to accept that God does anything justly unless there’s clear evidence. Ultimately, we all agree on this: when a person sins, God shouldn’t be considered at fault, nor can the term sin be applied to Him in any way. However, this doesn’t stop Him from exercising His power in a wondrous and incomprehensible way, using Satan and the wicked as instruments of His wrath to teach the faithful patience or to deliver deserved punishment to His enemies. This profane fool claims that we accuse God when we suggest He governs everything through His providence; essentially erasing the distinction between remote and hidden causes and those that are immediate and obvious; making it impossible to view the suffering of holy Job as God’s doing while equally blaming Him along with the Devil, the Chaldeans, and the Sabean robbers. Our mutual relationship requires that you don’t find it bothersome to uphold and support the doctrine of Christ, which has been insulted by the irreverence of a lewd and ill-disposed person. Since we trust you will gladly do this on your own, we find it pointless to pester you with urgent requests; on the other hand, should our services ever be of help to you, you will always find us ready to fulfill every duty of brotherly love.—Farewell, most beloved and respected brethren. May God guide you with His Spirit, bless your efforts, and protect your Church!

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 63.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. ix. p. 63.]


CCLXXXVI.—To Oswald Myconius.[349]

Recommendations regarding the dispute with Bolsec—request on behalf of the Protestants of France.

Lausanne, November 1551.

Lausanne, November 1551.

I am compelled to dictate these few lines, being confined to bed with a severe headache. The person who is to deliver my letter to you is my brother's father-in-law. He will, therefore, communicate to me faithfully anything with which you may intrust him. Although in so just and sacred a cause I trust there will be neither difficulty nor delay, yet, as you have especially to do with the general answer of the brethren, I beseech you particularly, and Sulzer also, to undertake the whole matter.[350] Our Senate, indeed, took a correct enough view of the case, but it is of great importance to have the mind of your church as well as of our own.

I feel the need to write these few lines while stuck in bed with a bad headache. The person delivering my letter to you is my brother's father-in-law. He will, therefore, relay anything you give him accurately. While I trust that there won't be any issues or delays in such a fair and important matter, since you are particularly involved with the overall response from the brethren, I kindly ask you and Sulzer to handle the entire situation.[350] Our Senate did have a pretty accurate understanding of the situation, but it’s crucial to know the perspective of your church as well as ours.

There is another thing, also, which I am exceedingly anxious to obtain from you and the rest of the brethren; but as there is no need for pressing you on the matter, it will be sufficient for me to give you a hint of it. Edicts worse than atrocious have lately been published by the King of France, in which all manner of cruelties are employed for the extinction of whatever spark of manliness there is in the kingdom.[351] Not only has he increased the rage of those judges and officers who previously, in most instances, went farther than they should, but if any are more moderate than the rest, they are compelled by violent threats to shed, like very gladiators, the blood of the innocent. The flames have been kindled already in very many places.[327] There is one mode, perhaps, by which his fury may be somewhat appeased: Were those of the Swiss who profess the sound and pure doctrine of the Gospel to intercede, perhaps, during those commotions of war, their authority might carry the more weight. As the cause is a just one, and worthy also of your compassion, I shall say no more, convinced as I am that it will be to you an object of the deepest interest. Adieu, brother, worthy of my heartfelt reverence. Salute all your friends and fellow-ministers. May the Lord guide you by his Spirit, and protect you by his power!—Yours,

There’s something else I really want to get from you and the rest of the brothers; but since there’s no need to pressure you on this, I’ll just give you a hint. Terrible edicts have recently been announced by the King of France, which use all sorts of cruelty to wipe out any trace of manliness in the kingdom.[351] Not only has he fueled the anger of judges and officials who often went too far before, but those who try to be more moderate are threatened into shedding the blood of the innocent, like gladiators. The flames have already been ignited in many places.[327] There might be a way to somewhat calm his fury: if the Swiss, who embrace the true and pure teachings of the Gospel, were to intervene, their authority might have more influence during these times of war. Since the cause is just and deserving of your compassion, I won’t say more, as I am sure it will deeply concern you. Goodbye, brother, whom I hold in the highest regard. Please send my greetings to all your friends and fellow ministers. May the Lord guide you by his Spirit and protect you by his power!—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLXXXVII.—To Chris Fabri.[352]

Calvin's dissatisfaction with the reply of the ministers of Bâle, and the conduct of Monsieur de Falais regarding the affair with Bolsec.

November 1551.

November 1551.

I shall attend to your orders. Would that we could obtain our wishes! The ministers of Bâle have replied. We have found by experience how little advice they can give us. Myconius approaches the matter with a certain coldness. There is no use, as you say, in his taking credit to himself for wisdom from his hesitancy. Yet Sulzer writes just as if it would be satisfactory. The Senate had sent their own messenger a short time before. I fear they will repeat the same old song. But if the men of Berne and Zurich go prudently about the matter, we need not take it to heart; for all depends on this, lest he may have been admitted to the Bernese district. I am so much ashamed at De Falais, that I can scarcely bear to be taunted[328] about his fickleness.[353] If your reply reach us in time, it will assist us not a little. Adieu, very worthy and very dear brethren. I could not find a messenger up to the present moment. My dear Fabri, I now at length discharge your orders to me. I have not had an opportunity of writing you since the brethren determined upon what kind of testimony should be given to Heroldus. I have been as moderate as I could. Adieu again. Convey my best regards to your friends.—Entirely yours,

I will take care of your requests. I wish we could get what we want! The ministers of Bâle have responded. We have learned from experience how little help they can provide. Myconius approaches the issue with some detachment. There's no point, as you said, in him claiming wisdom from his uncertainty. Yet Sulzer writes as if everything is fine. The Senate had sent their own messenger a short while ago. I'm afraid they'll just repeat the same old story. But if the people of Berne and Zurich handle things carefully, we shouldn't worry; it all depends on this, so he doesn't get into the Bernese area. I’m so embarrassed about De Falais that I can hardly stand being laughed at for his inconsistency.[328] If your response reaches us in time, it will really help us. Goodbye, esteemed and dear friends. I couldn't find a messenger until now. My dear Fabri, I am finally fulfilling your requests. I haven't had a chance to write to you since the brethren decided what kind of testimony should be given to Heroldus. I've been as moderate as possible. Goodbye again. Please send my best wishes to your friends.—Yours completely,

Calvin.

Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCLXXXVIII.—To Farel.

Recommendation of a schoolmaster—complaints against the ministers of Zurich.

Geneva, 8th December 1551.

Geneva, December 8, 1551.

There is little need for my commending the bearer to you, as he is, in my judgment, sufficiently known and approved by you. It is no ordinary proof of his piety and modesty when I state, that not only did he come down to this quarter willingly, but came forward even with eagerness, when I was almost prevented, through bashfulness, from asking him to undertake the matter. Nor have I any doubt but that he will discharge any duty imposed upon him, faithfully and with care. But the fact of his being regarded, by competent judges, as a learned and skilful physician, will perhaps go farther with your men. Were he not known among you, I should give ampler testimony in his favour. I only trust that your school may furnish him with pupils worthy of his position as a moderately learned master.

There's really no need for me to praise the bearer to you, since I believe he is already well known and respected by you. It's a remarkable testament to his dedication and humility that he not only came to this area willingly but also stepped forward eagerly when I was almost too shy to ask him to take on the task. I'm sure he will carry out any responsibility assigned to him faithfully and carefully. However, the fact that he is viewed as a knowledgeable and skilled physician by qualified judges might resonate more with your team. If he weren't known among you, I would provide more extensive support for him. I just hope that your school can provide him with students who are deserving of his position as a moderately knowledgeable teacher.

I complained lately of the theologians of Bâle,[354] who, as compared with those of Zurich, are worthy of very great praise.[329][355] I can hardly express to you, my dear Farel, how much I am annoyed by their rudeness. There is less humanity among us than among wild beasts. What would happen if we were not surrounded with enemies? What marvellous dulness is it, that when three or four churches are driven together into a corner, they do not recognize each other! In truth, this is worse than dishonourable, because groundless rumours are circulated, by which any brother who may be within the bounds is hindered from showing us any sympathy. The Senate did not consider the pastors worthy of being written to, but to heighten the insult, they limited their communication to the magistrates. Should you be displeased with the general letter of the men of Zurich, let me tell you, that Bullinger's private letter to me was not a whit better, although it is preferable that you should read it and judge for yourself. It is not fair that I should be troubled with his trifles, while he is, at the same time, looking down on our wants with supreme contempt. You will pardon me, therefore, if you do not obtain what you asked regarding the translation of his book. Adieu, very dear brother. May the Lord Jesus guide you, and watch over you continually, together with your brethren and the church! Salute Christopher and the rest in my name. Michael will remain here till the end of the week.—Yours truly,

I recently complained about the theologians of Bâle,[354] who, compared to those in Zurich, deserve a lot of praise.[329][355] I can barely express how annoyed I am by their rudeness, my dear Farel. There's less humanity among us than among wild animals. What would happen if we weren’t surrounded by enemies? It’s astonishing that when three or four churches are pushed into a corner, they don’t recognize one another! Honestly, this is worse than dishonorable because baseless rumors are spread that prevent any brother nearby from showing us sympathy. The Senate didn’t consider the pastors worth contacting, and to add insult to injury, they limited their communication to the magistrates. If you're upset about the general letter from the men of Zurich, let me tell you that Bullinger's private letter to me was no better, although it's best for you to read it and judge for yourself. It's not fair for me to be bothered by his trivial matters while he looks down on our needs with complete contempt. So please forgive me if you don’t get what you requested about the translation of his book. Goodbye, my dear brother. May the Lord Jesus guide and watch over you continually, along with your fellow brethren and the church! Please send my regards to Christopher and the others. Michael will be here until the end of the week.—Yours truly,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. Copy.Eccl. Archives of Berne, vol. vi. p. 171.]

[Lat. Copy.Eccl. Archives of Berne, vol. vi. p. 171.]


CCLXXXIX.—To Lelio Socinus.[356]

Refusal to reply to the curious questions proposed to him by Socin.

[1551.]

[1551.]

You are deceived in so far as you entertain the impression that Melanchthon does not agree with us on the doctrine of predestination. I only said briefly that I had a letter written by his own hand, in which he confessed that his opinion agreed with mine. But I can believe all you say, as it is nothing new for him to elude in this matter, the better to rid himself of troublesome inquiries. Certainly no one can be more averse to paradox than I am, and in subtleties I find no delight at all. Yet nothing shall ever hinder me from openly avowing what I have learned from the word of God; for nothing but what is useful is taught in the school of this master. It is my only guide, and to acquiesce in its plain doctrines shall be my constant rule of wisdom. Would that you also, my dear Lelio, would learn to regulate your powers with the same moderation! You have no reason to expect a[331] reply from me so long as you bring forward those monstrous questions. If you are gratified by floating among those aërial speculations, permit me, I beseech you, an humble disciple of Christ, to meditate on those things which tend towards the building up of my faith. And indeed I shall hereafter follow out my wishes in silence, that you may not be troubled by me. And in truth, I am very greatly grieved that the fine talents with which God has endowed you, should be occupied not only with what is vain and fruitless, but that they should also be injured by pernicious figments. What I warned you of long ago, I must again seriously repeat, that unless you correct in time this itching after investigation, it is to be feared you will bring upon yourself severe suffering. I should be cruel towards you did I treat with a show of indulgence what I believe to be a very dangerous error. I should prefer, accordingly, offending you a little at present by my severity, rather than allow you to indulge unchecked in the fascinating allurements of curiosity. The time will come, I hope, when you will rejoice in having been so violently admonished. Adieu, brother very highly esteemed by me; and if this rebuke is harsher than it ought to be, ascribe it to my love to you.[357]

You’re misunderstanding if you think Melanchthon doesn’t share our views on predestination. I mentioned briefly that I have a letter written by him where he admitted that his beliefs align with mine. However, I understand that it’s not unusual for him to avoid the subject to escape inconvenient questions. Honestly, no one dislikes paradoxes more than I do, and I don’t enjoy complexities at all. Still, nothing will stop me from openly declaring what I’ve learned from the word of God; only what is beneficial is taught by this master. It is my sole guide, and I will consistently follow its clear teachings as my rule of wisdom. I wish you, dear Lelio, would learn to approach your abilities with the same balance! You shouldn’t expect a response from me as long as you keep raising those outrageous questions. If you’re satisfied with drifting in those airy speculations, please allow me, a humble disciple of Christ, to focus on things that strengthen my faith. And from now on, I will quietly pursue my own interests so I don’t trouble you with my thoughts. I’m truly saddened that the great talents God has given you are consumed not only by what is pointless and unproductive, but that they are also damaged by harmful ideas. What I warned you about long ago, I must once again seriously emphasize: if you don’t curb this obsession with investigation, you risk inflicting serious pain on yourself. It would be cruel of me to treat with indulgence what I see as a very dangerous mistake. Therefore, I would rather offend you a bit now with my sternness than let you indulge freely in the enticing distractions of curiosity. I hope that one day you will be grateful for having been so strongly warned. Goodbye, my highly valued brother; if this reprimand seems too harsh, please attribute it to my love for you.[357]

[Lat. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCXC.—To Bullinger.[358]

Thanks for the zeal manifested on behalf of the faithful in France—Complaints of the conduct of the Ministers of Zurich in the affair of Bolsec.

Geneva, January 1552.

Geneva, January 1552.

You have clearly shown yourself to be what you have always been, by your unremitting endeavours to mitigate the rage of[332] our Pharaoh, and aid our unfortunate brethren. I cannot forget how strenuously and faithfully you have always devoted yourself to this cause. Still, I have good reason to fear that little has been gained by our letters: for the courtiers to frustrate them is nothing wonderful. Indeed, I lately learned as much, in a quiet way, from the royal ambassador when he was here. We would require to send some one, therefore, if we wish to be of any use. The matter was taken up at Baden, I understand, but their deliberations probably came to naught. So confident am I of your watchful attention and faithfulness, that I consider it unnecessary for me to stimulate you by a single word.

You have clearly demonstrated that you are still the same person you've always been, through your tireless efforts to calm the anger of[332] our Pharaoh and support our unfortunate people. I can't forget how dedicated and loyal you've always been to this cause. However, I have good reason to believe that our letters haven't achieved much because it's not surprising for the courtiers to thwart them. In fact, I recently found out as much discreetly from the royal ambassador while he was here. If we want to be of any help, we'll need to send someone. I understand this issue was discussed at Baden, but their discussions probably went nowhere. I'm so confident in your attentive care and loyalty that I don't think I need to urge you with even a single word.

Would that we were so well satisfied about another matter, that we could tender our thanks to you and your colleagues without any qualification. Inasmuch as we experienced—not without severe pain—considerably less support from you than we had anticipated, I prefer bringing my complaint candidly before you, rather than nourish my displeasure by keeping it to myself. You write that you were astonished why we, annoyed by a vile and impious wretch, should ask your opinion of a doctrine which he was falsely attacking. In this impression you have been greatly mistaken, for when he accused us of holding impious doctrine, we deferred to your judgment out of respect to you. I fail to see why this should annoy you. I certainly did not think you would consider any amount of labour burdensome, which should bring so very great relief to your brethren. You say that it is a serious matter to give an unqualified approval of disputations, especially when they turn upon a matter which, in the reader's judgment, might be handled to better purpose in some other way. And yet, I have never supposed, nor do I yet believe, that you belong to the number of those who are so well pleased with their own performances, that they cannot peruse without aversion anything executed by another; nor, in truth, did I propose dictating a[333] formula to you, to which we desired your unqualified assent. It was enough, and more than enough, to have your approval of a doctrine which we held to be found in the word of God, nor was it our object to discuss it with skill and acuteness; so far from that, the matter, when stripped of all artifice, shows that we wanted nothing more than that by refuting the man's wicked calumnies, you should bear testimony to our teaching only what was drawn from the pure fountain of God.

I wish we were completely satisfied with another matter, so we could thank you and your colleagues unconditionally. Since we experienced— not without considerable pain—much less support from you than we expected, I'd rather express my complaint openly instead of keeping my frustration to myself. You mentioned that you were surprised we would seek your opinion on a doctrine that a vile and impious character was falsely attacking. You’ve misunderstood this greatly; when he claimed we held impious doctrine, we turned to you out of respect. I don't see why this would annoy you. I never thought you would find any amount of work burdensome if it brought such great relief to your colleagues. You state that it’s serious to give an unqualified approval of disputes, especially on topics that could be better handled in other ways, according to the reader's judgment. Yet, I’ve never believed you belong to those who are so pleased with their own work that they can't read anything from others without dislike; nor did I ever intend to prescribe a formula to you for which we sought your unconditional approval. It was more than enough to have your agreement on a doctrine we believed was based on God's word, and our goal wasn’t to discuss it with skill and sharpness; stripped of all pretense, we simply wanted you to confirm that by refuting his wicked slanders, you would testify that our teaching was drawn solely from the pure source of God.

You ought not to have feared, I think, that any one was accusing you of dishonesty, because I asked you not to think it troublesome, to give an answer to our magistrates, as if on an entirely new subject. For how could they make a public statement regarding a matter, into which no one had made any inquiry, although I readily allow it appeared differently to you? Your charging us with the want of moderation and humanity, was caused, we think, by your placing less confidence in our letter than you ought to have done. Would that Jerome were a better man than our letter declared him to be! Would that he attributed all to the grace of God, as you seem to think. But for you to plead in defence of a man who seditiously disturbed a peaceful Church, who strove to divide us by deadly discord, who, without ever having received the slightest provocation, loaded us with all sorts of abuse, who publicly taunted us with representing God as a tyrannical governor, nay more, that we had put the Jove of the poets in the place of God,—to defend such a man, I say, were the extreme of absurdity. How, moreover, can he attribute all to the grace of God, when he says that grace is offered alike to all, but that its efficacy rests with the free will of every one; when he prates about the heart of flesh, or the susceptibility of grace, being given to all, but so that every one may receive it of his own accord? Altogether, I feel grieved beyond measure that there is not a better understanding between us. Indeed I was astounded, on finding from your letter, that the kind of teaching which I employ is displeasing to many good men, just as Jerome is offended by that of Zuingle. Wherein, I beseech you, lies the similarity? For Zuingle's book, to speak confidentially, is crammed with such knotty paradoxes, as to be very different, indeed, in point of moderation, from what I hold. You are wrong in inferring[334] that I have promised a new work, in which I undertake to demonstrate that God is not the author of sin. When that impostor was vexing me with his calumnies, I stated in refutation what was true, viz., that I had given sufficient evidence in a book which I had published, of my utter abhorrence of such blasphemy. I refer to the book published long since against Libertines. The dishonesty of that worthless wretch, however, induced me to publish in addition what remained of my reply to Pighius on Predestination. Should I fall into any mistakes, you will be kind enough to set me right. For the rest, I am sufficiently alive to the desirableness of my saying what I have to say with frankness and candour. Jerome has been publicly sentenced to perpetual exile. Certain slanderers have been falsely circulating that we desired a more cruel punishment, and some have been foolish enough to believe it. Our friend, De Falais, whose maid-servant Jerome had cured of cancer, on that account espoused his cause so very warmly, that he seemed almost infatuated. We easily, and from the first, shook ourselves free of this annoyance. But at the request of the neighbouring brethren, we were anxious to remove that plague from the Bernese district. Now that your answer has been ambiguous, the sorry wretch is making his boast that you countenance his error. I only wish I could at present venture to indicate the catastrophe of the tragedy, regarding which you desired to be informed. You will hear, before long, or I am much mistaken, in certain attempts just made, that he has paved the way for making still greater disturbances. Now, if I have laid bare my inmost feelings in making these complaints to you, let that have no weight so far as our reply is concerned. Although you disappointed my expectations, I nevertheless gladly offer you our friendship. I pass by the others just as if I was entirely satisfied. In conclusion, as my brother's sister is anxious about her son who is boarded in your place, I am compelled to trouble you about him. I wish you would inquire at his teacher, in her name, as to what progress he is making, and if you find that he is not realizing the hopes and desires of his father, that you will inform me of it at your earliest opportunity.

You shouldn't have worried that anyone was accusing you of dishonesty because I asked you not to think it was a hassle to respond to our magistrates as if it were an entirely new topic. How could they make a public statement about something no one had questioned, even if I understand that it seemed different to you? Your accusation that we lack moderation and humanity stems from your not trusting our letter as much as you should have. I wish Jerome were a better person than our letter portrayed him! I wish he credited everything to the grace of God, as you seem to believe. But to defend a man who violently disrupted a peaceful Church, who tried to divide us with deadly conflict, who, without any provocation, insulted us in various ways, who publicly mocked us for portraying God as a tyrant, and even claimed we replaced God with the Jove of the poets—defending such a man is utterly absurd. How can he credit everything to the grace of God when he says that grace is available to everyone but its effectiveness relies on each person’s free will; when he talks about a heart of flesh or the openness to grace being given to all, but only as everyone decides to accept it? Overall, I am greatly saddened that there isn’t better understanding between us. I was honestly shocked to learn from your letter that many good people disapprove of the kind of teaching I use, just as Jerome is offended by Zuingle's. Where is the similarity, I ask? Zuingle's book, to be honest, is filled with such complicated paradoxes that it’s very different in moderation compared to what I believe. You are mistaken to think that I promised a new work to prove that God is not the author of sin. When that fraud was bothering me with his slanders, I stated what was true: that I had provided enough evidence in a book I published showing my complete disdain for such blasphemy. I'm referring to the book published long ago against the Libertines. The dishonesty of that worthless individual, however, pushed me to publish the remaining parts of my reply to Pighius on Predestination. If I make any mistakes, please feel free to correct me. For everything else, I am well aware of the importance of speaking frankly and honestly. Jerome has been publicly sentenced to perpetual exile. Certain slanderers have falsely claimed that we wanted a harsher punishment, and some have been foolish enough to believe it. Our friend, De Falais, whose maid Jerome cured of cancer, supported him so passionately that he seemed almost obsessed. We quickly shook off this annoyance from the start. However, at the request of the neighboring church, we wanted to get rid of that plague from the Bernese area. Now that your answer has been unclear, the wretched man is boasting that you support his error. I only wish I could currently indicate the tragic outcome you wanted to know about. You will soon hear, or I am mistaken, about some recent attempts that he's made which have led to even greater disturbances. Now, if I've expressed my innermost feelings by sharing these complaints with you, let that not affect our reply. Although you let me down, I still happily offer you our friendship. I will ignore the others as if I'm completely satisfied. Lastly, since my brother's sister is worried about her son staying with you, I have to trouble you about him. I wish you would ask his teacher, in her name, about his progress, and if he's not meeting his father's hopes and expectations, please let me know as soon as you can.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCXCI.—To Farel.

Fresh complaints by Calvin against the ministers of Zurich and Berne—his unpopularity in the latter city—advices to Farel.

Geneva, 27th January 1552.

Geneva, January 27, 1552.

I received your letter lately, in which you asked me silently to repress the feeling of wrong done me by your neighbours.[359] As for the people of Zurich, the die has been cast three days ago. The remedy was in my hands, indeed, until then. But I have no inclination to recall those letters which I have lately despatched. It was absolutely necessary for me afterwards to write to the theologians of Bâle, with whose answer, apparently so cold and empty, I had good grounds from the first to be displeased. But those things advanced by the others were so very worthless, that they did not cause me much annoyance. You are much mistaken in thinking that the former party are about to see their error. Wait rather till they make an absolute renunciation of the election of God. We have experienced the wonderful providence of God in this matter; for without being at the time aware of it, I, by the formula of our agreement, have so bound them, that they are no longer at[336] liberty to do damage to the cause. For, in other circumstances, as I am informed by one, they would have become the patrons of Jerome. Even Bibliander, carried away by a sudden fit of excitement, was within a very little of coming to oppose us. He is at present engaged in writing something or other. However, you will find nothing in my letter, if I am not mistaken, except what is exceedingly temperate. I had, in truth, enough to do in repressing the grief with which I was at that time consumed. You will hear from Christopher what Viret advises to be done with the third. As he has an absolute horror of going to Berne, I have no special counsel to offer. However, the atrocity of the evils by which we are beset, compels us to attempt something. And now new matter for a tragedy has arisen out of mere nothing. For the chief magistrate of Ternier, on false and reckless information, eagerly summoned, as he is accustomed to do, John de Saint André before a public tribunal, charging him with having said before a public assembly, that whoever received the Supper on Christmas-day, received the devil and not Christ.[360] And witnesses were found to give evidence against him. In short, Satan will not lay aside such fanners as these until he has kindled some dreadful conflagration. But I suppose we may rather weep over evils of this sort, than hope to prevent them. At least I do not see what can be done. If I go to Berne, I fear I shall not receive a brotherly welcome from the brethren. Wicked men, who are at present exhibiting so much effrontery, while matters are in a doubtful state, will then be certain to be more insolent in their boasting. And although the pastors hold out some show of friendship, yet I scarcely expect to succeed in inducing them to maintain friendly intercourse with us, except by the permission of the Senate. You know how defective they are in courage and firmness. If they so far comply with our wishes in this matter, they will nevertheless think that they have doubly discharged their duty, when they have indicated in a single word that they have nothing to complain of. There is much talk in the city in the meantime. While revolving these dangers in[337] my own mind, I can scarcely venture to seek a remedy for evils which vex me all the more from my very desire for their removal. If you hope to find Blaurer of any use to you, you should employ him. But I abstain from writing, lest some might think themselves wronged by my complaining to him. Try him, therefore, and give him advice about what he should do.

I recently got your letter, in which you quietly asked me to suppress my feelings about the wrong done to me by your neighbors.[359] Regarding the people of Zurich, the decision was made three days ago. I really had the chance to change things up until that point. But I don't feel like recalling the letters I sent out recently. After that, it was crucial for me to write to the theologians in Bâle, and honestly, their response felt so cold and empty that I had every reason to be unhappy with it from the beginning. However, what others said was so insignificant that it didn’t bother me much. You’re mistaken if you think the previous group is about to recognize their mistake. Instead, wait until they completely reject the election of God. We witnessed God's amazing providence in this situation; it turns out that I inadvertently bound them through our agreement, so they can’t harm the cause anymore. Under different circumstances, as I’ve been told by someone, they would’ve supported Jerome. Even Bibliander, caught up in a sudden outburst, was very close to opposing us. He’s currently busy writing something. However, if I'm not mistaken, you’ll find nothing in my letter except for what’s incredibly measured. Honestly, I had enough on my plate trying to suppress the grief that consumed me at the time. You’ll hear from Christopher about what Viret suggests regarding the third issue. Since he absolutely dreads going to Berne, I don’t have any specific advice to offer. Still, the severity of the problems we’re facing forces us to try something. And now, a new tragic situation has arisen out of nowhere. The chief magistrate of Ternier, acting on false and reckless information, excitedly summoned John de Saint André to a public court, accusing him of saying in public that anyone who took the Supper on Christmas Day received the devil instead of Christ.[360] Witnesses were found to testify against him. In short, Satan won't stop stirring up trouble until he ignites some terrible fire. But I think we’re better off grieving over these types of wrongs than hoping to prevent them. At least, I don’t see what can be done. If I go to Berne, I’m afraid the brothers won’t welcome me warmly. Those wicked people, who are currently so bold while things are uncertain, will certainly become even more arrogant in their boasting later. And although the pastors seem to show some camaraderie, I hardly expect to persuade them to maintain friendly relations with us without the Senate’s approval. You know how lacking they are in courage and resolve. If they meet our wishes even a little, they'll likely feel like they've done their duty just by saying in one word that they have no complaints. There’s a lot of gossip around the city in the meantime. As I reflect on these dangers in my mind, I can hardly bring myself to look for a solution to the problems that trouble me even more by my desire for change. If you think Blaurer might be of help, you should make use of him. But I’ll refrain from writing too much in case some think I’m wrong for venting to him. So, give him a try and offer him advice on what he should do.

In the next place, I have something about which I wish to admonish yourself. For I understand the prolixity of your discourses has furnished ground of complaint to many.[361] You have frequently confessed to us that you were aware of this defect, and that you were endeavouring to correct it. But if private grumblings are disregarded because they do not in the meanwhile give trouble, they may, nevertheless, one day break forth into seditious clamours. I beg and beseech of you to strive to restrain yourself, that you may not afford Satan an opportunity, which we see he is so earnestly desiring. You know that while we are not called upon to show too much indulgence to the foolish, we are nevertheless bound to give them something to allure them. And you are well enough aware that you have to do with the morose and the choleric; and in truth their aversion arises simply from too much pride on their part. Yet, since the Lord commands us to ascend the pulpit, not for our own edification, but for that of the people, you should so regulate the matter of your teaching, that the word may not be brought into contempt by your tediousness. It is more appropriate, also, for us to lengthen our prayers in private, than when we offer them in the name of the whole Church. You are mistaken if you expect from all an ardour equal to your own.

Next, I want to address something important with you. I understand that the length of your speeches has been a point of complaint for many. You have often admitted to us that you realize this issue and that you’re trying to fix it. However, if we ignore these private complaints just because they’re not causing immediate problems, they might eventually lead to louder protests. I urge you to work on controlling yourself so that you don’t give Satan an opening, which we know he eagerly seeks. You understand that while we shouldn’t be too indulgent toward the foolish, we still have an obligation to give them something to engage with. You also know that you’re dealing with grumpy and irritable people, and their dislike often stems from their own pride. Nevertheless, since the Lord asks us to step up to the pulpit not for our own benefit but for the people’s, you should organize your teaching in such a way that the message isn’t discredited by your excessive lengthiness. It’s also more appropriate for us to extend our private prayers than to do so when we pray on behalf of the entire Church. You’re mistaken if you expect everyone to be as passionate as you are.

I have dictated this letter in bed.[362] Adieu, most excellent[338] and upright brother. Salute all friends. May the Lord preserve and guide you by his Spirit, and bless your labours!—Yours,

I wrote this letter in bed.[362] Goodbye, my amazing[338] and honorable brother. Say hi to all our friends. May the Lord keep you safe and direct you with His Spirit, and bless your work!—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCXCII.—To Madame de Cany.[363]

Rigorous and inflexible spirit of Calvin against heresy—Praise of Theodore Beza.

Geneva, January 1552.

Geneva, January 1552.

Madame,—I am very sorry that the praiseworthy act which you did about half a year ago, has met with no better return. This is because no good and true servant of God found himself within reach of such help, as that received by as wicked and unhappy a creature as the world contains. Knowing partly the man he was, I could have wished that he were rotting in some ditch; and his arrival gave me as much pleasure as the piercing my heart with a poniard would have done. But never could I have deemed him to be such a monster of all impiety and contempt of God, as he has proved himself in this. And I assure you, Madame, that had he not so soon escaped, I should, by way of discharging my duty, have done my best to bring him to the stake.[364] Nevertheless, if the good we purpose does not come to pass, it is quite enough that God accepts our service. He commands us to help all those who need, and above all, those who[339] suffer for his name. If men are often found unworthy of our help, let us be content that the Master acknowledges it all as done to himself; and that even if men prove ungrateful, he will confer so ample a reward, of which we cannot be deprived. And in this we enjoy a great advantage over those who, in serving their own fancies, persuade themselves that they do God service. For when we follow that which he approves, we are in no danger of losing our labour. Wherefore, let us not weary in well-doing, as likewise St. Paul exhorts us, signifying that we should not fail to find much in men that would immediately discourage us, did we not look beyond them. And, indeed, there is no doubt that our Lord wishes to try our constancy when he allows such temptations to befall us. Accordingly, he who would shield himself behind the ingratitude of mankind, will not be excused. As regards ourselves, there is much need that we should be confirmed against such scandals, for we meet them every day. And I have no doubt, that our Lord has so confirmed you, that you will not cease exerting yourself for his people when the opportunity occurs, and you have the means of doing what your duty requires. For seeing that God accepts and puts down to his account whatever is done to his people, it is to him that we fall short, and not to men, when we do not fulfil this duty. Now, our Lord presents you by us with an occasion of showing your perseverance, albeit that it is enough for me to have exhorted you in general.

Ma'am,—I’m very sorry that the commendable thing you did about six months ago hasn't received a better response. This is because no good and faithful servant of God was close enough to provide help, unlike that received by one of the wickedest and most miserable souls in the world. Knowing at least some of the man's character, I would have preferred him to be rotting in a ditch; his arrival brought me as much joy as stabbing my heart with a dagger would have. But I could never have imagined him to be such a total monster of impiety and disdain for God as he has shown himself to be in this instance. I assure you, Madame, that had he not escaped so quickly, I would have done my best to bring him to justice by fire, as a way of fulfilling my duty.[364] Nevertheless, if our good intentions fall short, it's enough that God accepts our efforts. He commands us to help everyone in need, especially those who suffer for His sake. If people are often unworthy of our aid, let’s take comfort in knowing that the Master sees it all as done for Himself; even if people are ungrateful, He will give us a generous reward that we cannot lose. In this, we have a significant advantage over those who, while serving their own desires, convince themselves they are doing God's work. When we follow what He approves, we risk losing nothing. Therefore, let us not become weary in doing good, as St. Paul urges us, indicating that we should not be easily discouraged by the shortcomings of others if we look beyond them. Indeed, there’s no doubt that our Lord wants to test our commitment when He allows us to face such temptations. Thus, anyone who tries to hide behind human ingratitude won’t be excused. For us, it’s crucial to be strengthened against such disappointments, as we encounter them daily. I have no doubt that our Lord has strengthened you so that you will continue to help His people whenever you have the opportunity and means to fulfill your duty. Since God accepts and credits whatever is done for His people, our failure to fulfill this duty is a shortcoming towards Him, not towards man. Now, through us, our Lord presents you with an opportunity to demonstrate your persistence, even though it’s sufficient for me to have generally encouraged you.

With regard to the present matter, I prefer to entreat you, as I now entreat with all possible affection. It is on the behalf of Monsieur de Bèze,[365] against whom a certain Monsieur de Sunistan has a lawsuit for the priory of Londjumeau. Upon his retirement, his condemnation was inevitable, for you are aware how things go in our favour. Be that as it may, Monsieur de Sunistan would have been well content with much less, and has[340] obtained more than he could have ventured to wish, seeing that the Sieur de Bèze has been found liable for the whole of the costs, with restitution of the rents. Whereupon he (Sunistan) proceeds against the commissioners, who have received them in the name of the aforesaid De Bèze. To remedy this evil, we have bethought ourselves, Madame, of having recourse to you as to a refuge which God vouchsafes to us. We hope, indeed, that Madame[366] will do much for us. And since it has been through her that the said Sunistan has got the benefice, this is a reason why she should have authority to make him relinquish his claim upon the costs. I assure you, in all sincerity, that when he shall have done his utmost, he will not be able to get what he seeks. And therefore, Madame, I again beseech you, that it may please you to write so urgently to the said lady, that she may exert herself warmly to make the aforesaid Sunistan satisfied with the presentation. I do not make this request so much on my own account, as in the name of our Master, who has all credit and power with you as he deserves. I say this, not only to excuse the liberty I take, but also to obtain more easily from you what I ask. Nevertheless, I protest in truth, if I did not all I could to deliver from annoyance the man for whom I speak, I should do wrong to Jesus Christ and his Church. Our Lord has so wrought upon him, that he has withdrawn, notwithstanding the ease which he enjoyed, from the expectation of further advancement. But I let that alone in order to speak as to what I have known. I shall not even touch upon many virtues, which would have won your affections, had you seen them as I have done. I will only tell you, that he has received excellent graces from God, and has so improved them for the general benefit of the Church, that he is truly a pearl. This is why I have said that I less regard in this case the private individual, than my duty to my Master and his whole household, who have so much interest in such a spirit not being quenched by vexations and annoyances. And I am not the only person who think of him thus, but all those to whom the honour of God is dear, love and value this man as a treasure. I believe that my brother[341] De Normandie does not write of him to you with less affection than I. We agree in this respect as in everything else, so that I believe that we both equally love him. You may have some taste of his mind by certain passages which he has translated, although he has other gifts which are surpassing and far more valuable. But I hope, Madame, that the reading of the Psalms, which you will receive by the bearer,[367] will of itself be my excuse towards you for so pressingly requesting you to be pleased to be the means of giving him relief, so that he may follow out this work, and also better things besides: and in doing so, you will oblige many worthy persons whom I know you would willingly please....

Regarding the current situation, I would like to ask you, with all possible affection, for your help. This is on behalf of Monsieur de Bèze,[365] who is being sued by a certain Monsieur de Sunistan for the priory of Londjumeau. After his withdrawal, his condemnation was unavoidable, as you know how things tend to go in our favor. That said, Monsieur de Sunistan would have been quite satisfied with much less and has[340] received more than he ever dared to hope, since Sieur de Bèze has been held responsible for all the costs and for repayment of the rents. Consequently, he (Sunistan) is now pursuing action against the commissioners who collected these rents on behalf of the aforementioned De Bèze. To address this issue, we thought, Madame, of turning to you as a refuge that God has graciously provided for us. We truly hope that Madame[366] will be able to help us a lot. Given that it was through her that Sunistan received the benefice, she has every reason to persuade him to give up his claim to the costs. I assure you sincerely that even if he exerts every effort, he will not attain what he seeks. Therefore, Madame, I earnestly ask you to write to the aforementioned lady with urgency, so that she may actively work to convince Sunistan to accept the presentation. I do not make this request solely for my own sake but on behalf of our Master, who deserves all your respect and influence. I mention this not only to justify the liberty I take but also to make it easier for you to grant my request. Nevertheless, I must declare that if I don’t do everything possible to relieve the person I represent from distress, I would wrong Jesus Christ and his Church. Our Lord has led him to withdraw, despite the comfort he enjoyed, from the hope of further advancement. But I will set that aside to share what I know. I will not even mention many virtues that would have won your affection if you had seen them as I have. I will only tell you that he has received exceptional graces from God and has used them for the benefit of the Church to such an extent that he is truly a treasure. This is why I have said that I am more concerned in this matter about my duty to my Master and his entire household than about the individual himself, who should not be stifled by worries and troubles. I am not the only one who thinks highly of him; all who cherish the honor of God regard this man as a treasure. I believe my brother[341] De Normandie expresses the same affection for him to you as I do. We are in agreement on this matter, as with everything else, leading me to think that we both love him equally. You may get a sense of his thinking through several passages he has translated, although he possesses other extraordinary gifts that are far more valuable. But I hope, Madame, that reading the Psalms, which you will receive from the bearer,[367] will, in itself, serve as my excuse for pressing you to assist in granting him relief, so he can continue this work and pursue even greater endeavors. In doing so, you will be helping many worthy individuals whom I know you would be glad to please....

[Fr. Copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Fr. Copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCXCIII.—To Bullinger.[368]

Journey of Calvin and Farel in Switzerland—steps in favour of the Reformed in France—return to the affairs of Bolsec.

From an Inn at Basle, 13th March 1552.

From an Inn in Basel, March 13, 1552.

When Farel and I left home, we had resolved to visit you. At Berne we altered our plan, for the following reason:—We[342] stated in the senate that there appeared some hope of relief for our unhappy brethren; because the king lately published an edict, in which he makes unusual concessions to the Germans; for in the first place he puts them on an equality with the natives; and further, by an extraordinary indulgence, he grants them the liberty of living according to their own religion. Besides, the attempts of the Sorbonne to excite cruelty, have less success and favour than hitherto. The death of Chatelain[369] also, who was cut off by an attack of colic, happened seasonably for us. The king seems so bent upon war, that he does not hesitate to prefer his present convenience to the senseless rage with which he formerly burned. There are many things, we think, which at present you may safely concede to them. It is certain, that in a war so changeable and so complicated as this, though there may be no formal compact, they have many common interests involved. Now the miserable condition of our holy brethren admonishes us of the necessity of watching over them, and urgently demands that we assist them to the best of our power. For the king, as if he had exhausted his kindness upon the Germans, ceases not severely to oppress his own. Moreover, as many opportunities might[343] escape us, from our ignorance of passing events, it had already seemed to us advisable to turn and warn the Bernese to seize a favourable opportunity. But now, being taught by much experience that letters are of little avail, we have besought the Bernese senate to despatch an embassy, to assure the king that the cause was sincerely advocated; and that not only from the entreaties of others, but of your own inclination, and from the deepest feeling of your heart, you are inclined and earnestly desirous to plead it. The senate replied, that the occasion seemed not yet ripe, for that lately letters had been brought from the king, wherein he not only haughtily refused what the four states had sought, but fiercely chid them for not considering him a clement Christian king. It was stated, also, that letters would presently arrive, from which it would appear whether the King's mind were changed. The consul promised, however, that should a convenient opportunity occur, the Senate would by no means neglect this cause. Among other things, also, the Senate dissuaded us from going to Zurich, lest unnecessary expense should be incurred. We were vexed at this, because we would freely confer with you upon other matters, nor would you have been displeased at our arrival; however, that we might not seem too rash, we chose rather to be deprived of the pleasure of seeing you, and the benefit of your conversation, than to attempt anything which might injure the cause. Now both of us beseech you; nay rather all the godly who are suffering in France for the testimony of Christ, humbly beseech you by our mouth to be diligently watchful for all opportunities. Although it is enough to advise you, yet the anxiety under which we know them to groan, compels us to add some vehemence to our entreaties. But as we shall certainly not obtain what we wish, we must exercise moderation, so as not to give offence to the King. The edict has forty-seven heads. If in regard to four or five of the heads some reasonable relief were obtained, the brethren will think themselves not hardly dealt with. One for instance requires, that on holidays each with his family be present at the mass, and not only that he approve that idolatry by his gesture, and defile himself by impious and faithless hypocrisy, but that the articles of the Sorbonne[344] be read aloud at the sacrifice; and thus all will subscribe to abominable blasphemies. But it is demanded that there be a rigorous examination of this matter. We must beg of the King, therefore, that men who pass their lives quietly, giving offence to none, shall not be eagerly watched, nor be subjected to the captious demands of the priests. The King confiscates the goods of those who betake themselves to us,—to places, as he says, obviously removed from obedience to the Holy See: nay, should their property be sold, he orders the purchasers to be dispossessed. As to this, we must beg that no man shall be considered a criminal, if, having nothing else laid to his charge, he willingly and peacefully migrate elsewhere, because he cannot for conscience sake remain in the kingdom; provided only that they do not betake themselves to an unfriendly country. But the first thing to be secured is, that an embassy be resolved upon. It will appear afterwards what is to be demanded.

When Farel and I left home, we had decided to visit you. At Berne we changed our plans for the following reason:—We[342] told the senate that there seemed to be some hope of relief for our suffering brethren because the king recently issued an edict, making unusual concessions to the Germans. First, he puts them on equal footing with the locals; second, through an extraordinary kindness, he allows them to live according to their own religion. Additionally, the Sorbonne's attempts to incite cruelty have seen less success and support than before. The death of Chatelain[369] caused by an attack of colic also happened at a convenient time for us. The king seems so focused on war that he prefers immediate convenience over the senseless rage he once exhibited. We believe there are many things you could safely concede to them at this time. In this unpredictable and complex war, although there might not be a formal agreement, many common interests are involved. The dire state of our holy brethren reminds us of the necessity to watch over them and urgently requires us to assist them as best as we can. The king, as if he has exhausted his kindness on the Germans, continues to severely oppress his own people. Furthermore, as we may miss many opportunities due to our ignorance of current events, we felt it wise to turn and warn the Bernese to seize a favorable opportunity. However, having learned from experience that letters are of little use, we have asked the Bernese senate to send an embassy to assure the king that the cause is sincerely supported, not only from others' pleas but also from your own desire and from the deepest feelings of your heart. The senate replied that the timing did not seem right yet, as they recently received letters from the king, in which he not only arrogantly refused what the four states had sought but also harshly scolded them for not recognizing him as a merciful Christian king. They also said that letters would soon arrive to show whether the king’s mind had changed. The consul promised, however, that if an appropriate opportunity arose, the Senate would not neglect this cause. Among other things, the Senate advised us against going to Zurich to avoid unnecessary expenses. We were frustrated by this because we wanted to discuss other matters with you, and we knew you wouldn't have minded our arrival; however, to avoid appearing too reckless, we chose to forgo the pleasure of seeing you and the benefit of your discussion rather than risk doing anything that might harm the cause. Now, both of us plead with you; rather, all the faithful who are suffering in France for the testimony of Christ, humbly ask you through us to be vigilant for all opportunities. Although it is enough to advise you, the distress we know they are under compels us to add some urgency to our requests. Yet, since we will certainly not obtain everything we wish for, we must remain moderate to avoid offending the King. The edict has forty-seven points. If we could get reasonable relief regarding four or five of these points, our brethren would feel they weren't treated too harshly. One requirement, for instance, states that on holidays, each family must attend mass, and not only must they show approval of that idolatry by their presence, but they must also participate in the impious hypocrisy of reading the articles of the Sorbonne[344] aloud during the service, thus endorsing abominable blasphemies. A strict examination of this matter is needed. Therefore, we must ask the King that individuals leading quiet lives, who offend no one, should not be watched closely or subjected to the petty demands of the priests. The King confiscates the property of those who seek refuge with us — to places, as he claims, clearly outside the authority of the Holy See: furthermore, if their property is sold, he orders the buyers to be dispossessed. We must request that no one be considered a criminal if, with no other accusations against them, they willingly and peacefully migrate elsewhere because they cannot remain in the kingdom for reasons of conscience; provided they do not move to a hostile country. But the first thing that needs to be secured is to decide on an embassy. It will later be clear what should be demanded.

To the letters which I received when already on horseback, I only reply that I had good reason to expostulate, especially to a brother, in a brotherly way. Consider what we expected from you in the troubled state of our affairs. Consider, also, how contrary to our hopes was the answer you gave us; you may see that we had some cause to grieve. You wonder, because I utter a moderate and gentle complaint, that we were assisted less liberally than we had promised ourselves. However, I make no objection to my letters remaining buried, if they contained anything offensive.

To the letters I got while I was already on horseback, I just want to say that I had every reason to express my concerns, especially to a brother, in a brotherly way. Think about what we were hoping for from you in the difficult situation we find ourselves in. Also, consider how disappointing your response was; it's clear we had some reason to be upset. You’re surprised that I’m making a calm and gentle complaint about not being helped as generously as we expected. Still, I don't mind if my letters stay hidden if they contained anything upsetting.

The little book which I send you, will satisfy you, I hope, concerning the whole matter.[370] You may, however, if you choose, convey through me your free judgment. My brother's father-in-law was to have travelled thither with me; but since God has thrown an obstacle in our way, he writes to his son's master to keep him till the end of the year, for but a short time now remains. In the meanwhile, it will be the master's duty to treat him as a boy who requires a tighter rein and a severer discipline. Farewell, most accomplished sir, and most[345] esteemed brother. Salute warmly, in my name, your brethren and fellow-ministers. The Lord guide you by his Spirit, and keep you under his protection! Amen. The Marquis de Vico,[371] and Normandie, and our other companions, desire me to greet you heartily.

The little book I'm sending you should hopefully clarify everything.[370] However, if you’d like, you can share your thoughts with me. My brother's father-in-law was supposed to travel there with me, but since God has put a hurdle in our path, he’s writing to his son’s boss to keep him until the end of the year, as there’s not much time left. In the meantime, it's the boss's responsibility to treat him like a boy who needs stricter control and more discipline. Farewell, most skilled sir, and cherished brother. Please send my warm regards to your brothers and fellow ministers. May the Lord guide you by His Spirit and keep you safe! Amen. The Marquis de Vico,[371] along with our other companions, asks me to send you warm greetings.

Excuse my employing an amanuensis, for I dictate from my bed.

Excuse me for using a secretary, as I'm dictating from my bed.

In the name of Farel and myself,

In the name of Farel and me,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Arch. of Zurich. Gallicana Scripta, p. 16.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Arch. of Zurich. Gallicana Scripta, p. 16.]


CCXCIV.-To Cranmer.[372]

Agreement to the proposal for assembling a General Synod for the more close union of the Reformed Churches.

Geneva, [April 1552.]

Geneva, [April 1552.]

Your opinion, most distinguished sir, is indeed just and wise, that in the present disordered condition of the Church, no remedy can be devised more suitable than if a general meeting were[346] held of the devout and the prudent, of those properly exercised in the school of God, and of those who are confessedly at one on the doctrine of holiness. For we see how Satan is attempting, by various devices, to extinguish the light of the Gospel, which, by the wonderful goodness of God, having risen upon us, is shining in many a quarter. The hireling dogs of the Pope cease not to bark, in order to prevent the pure Gospel of Christ from being heard: so great is the licentiousness that is here and there breaking forth, and the ungodliness that is spreading abroad, that religion is become a mere mockery; and those who are not professed enemies of the truth, nevertheless conduct themselves with an impropriety which will create in a short time, unless it be obviated, terrible disorder among us. And not only among the common herd of men here does the distemper of a stupid inquisitiveness alternate with that of fearless extravagance, but, what is more lamentable, in the ranks of the pastors also the malady is now gaining ground. It is too well known with what mad actions Osiander is deceiving himself and deluding certain others.[373] Yet the Lord, as he has[347] done even from the beginning of the world, will preserve in a miraculous manner, and in a way unknown to us, the unity of a pure faith from being destroyed by the dissensions of men. And those whom he has placed on his watch-tower he wishes least of all to be inactive, seeing that he has appointed them to be his ministers, through whose labours he may preserve from all corruptions sound doctrine in the Church, and transmit it safe to posterity. Especially, most illustrious Archbishop, is it necessary for you, in proportion to the distinguished position you occupy, to turn your attention as you are doing towards this object. I do not say this as if to spur you on to greater exertions, who are not only, of your own accord, in advance of others, but are also, as a voluntary encourager, urging them on; I say it in order that, by my congratulations, you may be strengthened in a pursuit so auspicious and noble. I hear that the success of the Gospel in England is indeed cheering; but you will experience there also, I doubt not, what Paul experienced in his time, that by means of the door that has been opened for the reception of pure doctrine, many enemies will suddenly rise up against it. Although I am really ignorant of how many suitable defenders you may have at hand to repel the lies of Satan, still the ungodliness of those who are wholly taken up in creating disturbances, causes the assiduity of the well-disposed to be at no time either too much or superfluous. And then I am aware that English matters are not so all-important in your eyes, but that you, at the same time, regard the interest of the whole world. Moreover, the rare piety of the English King, as well as his noble disposition, is worthy of the highest commendation, in that, of his own inclination, he entertains the pious design of holding a convention of the nature referred to, and offers a place for it also in his own kingdom. And would that it were attainable to bring together into some place, from various Churches, men eminent for their learning, and that after having carefully discussed the main points of belief one by one, they should, from their united judgments, hand down to posterity the true doctrine of Scripture. This other thing also is to be ranked among the chief evils of our time, viz., that the Churches are so divided, that human fellowship is scarcely now[348] in any repute amongst us, far less that Christian intercourse which all make a profession of, but few sincerely practise. If men of learning conduct themselves with more reserve than is seemly, the very heaviest blame attaches to the leaders themselves, who, either engrossed in their own sinful pursuits, are indifferent to the safety and entire piety of the Church, or who, individually satisfied with their own private peace, have no regard for others. Thus it is that the members of the Church being severed, the body lies bleeding. So much does this concern me, that, could I be of any service, I would not grudge to cross even ten seas, if need were, on account of it. If it were but a question regarding the rendering of assistance to the kingdom of England, such a motive would at present be to me a sufficiently just one. Now, seeing that a serious and properly adjusted agreement between men of learning upon the rule of Scripture is still a desideratum, by means of which Churches, though divided on other questions, might be made to unite, I think it right for me, at whatever cost of toil and trouble, to seek to obtain this object. But I hope my own insignificance will cause me to be passed by. If I earnestly pray that it may be undertaken by others, I hope I shall have discharged my duty. Mr. Philip [Melanchthon] is at too great a distance to admit of a speedy interchange of letters. Mr. Bullinger has likely written you before this time. Would that I were as able as I am willing to exert myself! Moreover, the very difficulty of the thing which you feel, compels me to do what, at the outset, I affirmed I would not do, viz., not only to encourage, but also to implore you to increase your exertions, until something at least shall have been accomplished, if not all that we could desire.—Adieu, very distinguished Archbishop, deserving of my hearty reverence. May the Lord continue to guide you by his Spirit, and to bless your holy labours!

Your opinion, most respected sir, is indeed fair and wise, that in the current chaotic state of the Church, no solution is more fitting than to hold a general meeting of the devoted and wise, those properly trained in God's ways, and those who are united in the doctrine of holiness. We can see how Satan is trying, through various means, to extinguish the light of the Gospel, which, by God's incredible goodness, has risen among us and shines in many places. The Pope's hired hands continue to bark, trying to silence the pure Gospel of Christ: the level of lawlessness that keeps breaking out and the ungodliness that is spreading make religion a mere joke; and even those who are not outright enemies of the truth behave in ways that, if not addressed soon, will create terrible disorder among us. It’s not just among the common people that ignorance mixes with reckless behavior, but sadly, this issue is also spreading among the pastors. Everyone knows about Osiander’s crazy actions deceiving himself and misleading others. Yet the Lord, as he has done since the beginning of time, will miraculously preserve the unity of pure faith from being destroyed by human disagreements. Those he has stationed on his watchtower should do their utmost, as he has appointed them to be his ministers, through whom he can guard sound doctrine in the Church against all corruptions and pass it down safely to future generations. Especially, most esteemed Archbishop, it is crucial for you, given your prominent position, to focus on this goal as you are already doing. I'm not saying this to push you to work harder since you’re already ahead of the others and encouraging them along; I say it so that my congratulations may strengthen you in such a noble and promising pursuit. I hear the progress of the Gospel in England is indeed encouraging; but I’m sure you’ll also encounter what Paul faced in his time, that as the way opens for the acceptance of pure doctrine, many enemies will suddenly rise against it. Although I'm unsure how many strong defenders you might have ready to counter Satan's lies, the ungodliness of those who are solely preoccupied with causing disturbances makes it crucial for the diligent to remain watchful. I know English affairs aren't everything you care about; you also keep in mind the interests of the whole world. Moreover, the rare piety of the English King and his noble character deserve the highest praise, as he willingly considers the idea of holding a gathering of the type mentioned, even offering a venue in his own kingdom. If only it were possible to bring together learned individuals from various Churches to carefully discuss the core beliefs one by one and then pass down the true doctrine of Scripture based on their collective judgment. Another significant issue of our time is that the Churches are so divided that human fellowship is scarcely held in any esteem among us, let alone the Christian fellowship that everyone claims to uphold but few practice sincerely. When learned individuals act with more caution than is fitting, the heavy blame falls on the leaders, who either, lost in their own sinful pursuits, are indifferent to the safety and wholesomeness of the Church, or who, satisfied with their own peace, ignore others. Thus, with Church members severed, the body lies bleeding. This troubles me so much that I would not hesitate to cross even ten seas, if necessary, to help. If it were solely a matter of assisting the kingdom of England, that would be a sufficient motivation for me. Now, since a serious and properly structured agreement among learned men on the principles of Scripture is still a goal, by which Churches, despite their divisions on other issues, might unite, I believe it's right for me, regardless of the toil and trouble involved, to strive toward this end. However, I hope my own insignificance will lead to my being overlooked. If I sincerely hope this task will be taken up by others, I feel I will have fulfilled my duty. Mr. Philip [Melanchthon] is too far away to allow for quick letters. Mr. Bullinger has likely written to you by now. I wish I were as capable as I am eager to help! Moreover, the very challenge you're facing compels me to take back what I initially said I wouldn't do, namely, not only to encourage but also to implore you to intensify your efforts until something, if not everything we desire, has at least been accomplished.—Goodbye, most distinguished Archbishop, deserving of my utmost respect. May the Lord continue to guide you by his Spirit and bless your holy work!

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 61.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. 9, p. 61.]


CCXCV.—To Bullinger.

Fresh details regarding the persecutions in France.

Geneva, Whitsunday 1552.

Geneva, Whitsunday 1552.

After having resided for some time at Paris, this pious young man retired among you, and, judging from his conduct, I have no doubt but that he has really the fear of God in him, and is of a truly modest character. He studied the humanities with considerable success, has since entered upon theology, and now, that he may make greater progress in this study, he has resolved to enter your College and Church. Although he is not inclined to trouble you, nor, as I trust, any one else, yet as he appeared to me to be a person of pure and simple piety, I did not choose to send him away without this testimony. Our two friends who lately went among you have not yet returned. Would that our pious brethren experienced some relief![374] About two weeks ago, two others were put in chains at Lyons.[375] The faithful in Bretagne and Anjou are being badly treated. One was burnt lately at Bordeaux; others saved their lives by a perfidious recantation. He is venting his rage in other parts of the kingdom also. We must, therefore, be busy while we have opportunity. Adieu, most accomplished sir and revered brother. May the Lord be ever near you to guide by his Spirit. Salute your fellow-ministers in my name. My brethren salute you earnestly.—Yours,

After spending some time in Paris, this devout young man came to be with you, and based on his behavior, I have no doubt that he truly has the fear of God and is genuinely modest. He studied the humanities successfully, has now started studying theology, and to further his studies, he has decided to join your College and Church. Although he doesn't want to inconvenience you or anyone else, I felt it was important to share my thoughts on his pure and simple piety. Our two friends who recently went to you haven’t yet come back. I wish our devout brethren could find some relief! About two weeks ago, two others were imprisoned in Lyons. The faithful in Bretagne and Anjou are being treated poorly. One was recently burned in Bordeaux; others saved their lives by shamefully recanting. He is expressing his anger in other areas of the kingdom as well. Therefore, we need to stay active while we have the chance. Farewell, esteemed sir and respected brother. May the Lord always be close to guide you by His Spirit. Please send my regards to your fellow ministers. My friends send their warm greetings to you.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. copy.Imperial Library, Coll. of Dupuy, 102.]

[Lat. copy.Imperial Library, Coll. of Dupuy, 102.]


CCXCVI.—To the Five Prisoners of Lyons—Martial Alba, Peter Escrivain, Charles Favre, Peter Naviheres, Bernard Seguin.[376]

Information on various doctrinal points, and assurances of Christian sympathy.

From Geneva, this 10th of June 1552.

From Geneva, June 10, 1552.

My very dear Brethren,—Hitherto I have put off writing to you, fearing that if the letter fell into bad hands, it might give fresh occasion to the enemy to afflict you. And besides, I had been informed how that God wrought so powerfully in you by his grace, that you stood in no great need of my letters. However, we have not forgotten you, neither I nor all the brethren hereabouts, as to whatever we have been able to do for you. As soon as you were taken, we heard of it, and knew how it had come to pass. We took care that help might be sent you with all speed, and are now waiting the result. Those who have influence with the prince in whose power God has put your lives, are faithfully exerting themselves on your behalf, but we do not yet know how far they have succeeded in their suit. Meanwhile, all the children of God pray for you as they are bound to do, not only on account of the mutual compassion[351] which ought to exist between members of the same body, but because they know well that you labour for them, in maintaining the cause of their salvation. We hope, come what may, that God of his goodness will give a happy issue to your captivity, so that we shall have reason to rejoice. You see to what he has called you; doubt not, therefore, that according as he employs you, he will give you strength to fulfil his work, for he has promised this, and we know by experience that he has never failed those who allow themselves to be governed by him. Even now you have proof of this in yourselves, for he has shown his power, by giving you so much constancy in withstanding the first assaults. Be confident, therefore, that he will not leave the work of his hand imperfect. You know what Scripture sets before us, to encourage us to fight for the cause of the Son of God; meditate upon what you have both heard and seen formerly on this head, so as to put it in practice. For all that I could say would be of little service to you, were it not drawn from this fountain. And truly we have need of a much more firm support than that of men, to make us victorious over such strong enemies as the devil, death, and the world; but the firmness which is in Christ Jesus is sufficient for this, and all else that might shake us were we not established in him. Knowing, then, in whom ye have believed, manifest what authority he deserves to have over you.

My dear friends,—I’ve held off on writing to you, worried that if my letter ended up in the wrong hands, it could give the enemy a chance to trouble you again. Plus, I heard how powerfully God was working in you through His grace, which made me think you didn’t really need my letters. However, we haven’t forgotten about you—neither I nor anyone else around here—and we’ve done what we could to support you. As soon as we heard you were taken, we learned how it happened. We made sure that help was sent to you right away, and we’re now waiting to see what happens next. Those who have connections with the prince who holds your lives in his hands are working hard for you, but we still don’t know how successful they’ve been. In the meantime, all the children of God are praying for you, as they should, not just because of the compassion we share as members of the same body, but also because they recognize that you are working for them in the cause of their salvation. We hope, no matter what happens, that God in His goodness will bring a good outcome to your captivity, so we’ll all have reason to celebrate. You see what He has called you to; don’t doubt that as He employs you, He will give you the strength to carry out His work because He has promised this, and we know from experience that He never fails those who let Him lead them. Even now, you have proof of this in yourselves, as He has shown His power by giving you such steadfastness to withstand the initial attacks. So be confident that He will not leave His work incomplete. You know what Scripture offers to encourage us in fighting for the Son of God’s cause; reflect on what you’ve both heard and seen about this before, and put it into practice. All I could say would be of little use to you if it didn’t come from this source. And truly, we need a much stronger support than humans to win against powerful enemies like the devil, death, and the world; but the strength found in Christ Jesus is enough for this, and for everything else that might shake us if we weren’t grounded in Him. So, knowing whom you have believed, show what authority He deserves over you.

As I hope to write to you again, I shall not at present lengthen my letter. I shall only reply briefly to the point which brother Bernard has asked me to solve. Concerning vows, we must hold to this rule, that it is not lawful to vow to God anything but what he approves. Now the fact is, that monastic vows tend only to corrupt his service. As for the second question, we must hold that it is devilish presumption for a man to vow beyond the measure of his vocation. Now, the Scripture declares, both in the nineteenth of St. Matthew and in the seventh of the First to the Corinthians, that the gift of continence is a special grace. It follows, then, that those who put themselves in the position and under the necessity of renouncing marriage for the whole of their life, cannot be acquitted of rashness, and that by so doing they tempt God. The question[352] might very easily be spun out to a greater length, by stating that we ought to consider, first, who He is to whom we vow; secondly, the nature of that vow; and thirdly, the party making the vow. For God is too great a master for us to trifle with, and man is bound to consider his own capabilities; for to present a sacrifice without obedience, is nothing but thorough pollution. However, this one point may suffice you to prove to them that the gift of continence is a special gift, and in suchwise special, that for the most part it is only for a season. So that he who possessed it for thirty years, like Isaac, may not do so for the remainder of his life. Hence you may conclude, that the monks, in binding themselves never to marry, attempt without faith to promise what is not given to them. As for their poverty, it is quite the reverse of that which our Lord enjoined upon his followers.

As I hope to write to you again, I won’t extend my letter at this time. I’ll just respond briefly to the issue that Brother Bernard has asked me to address. When it comes to vows, we need to stick to this principle: it's not right to vow anything to God unless it's something He approves. The truth is, monastic vows primarily undermine His service. Regarding the second question, we must assert that it’s a foolish arrogance for someone to vow beyond their calling. Scripture clearly states, both in Matthew 19 and 1 Corinthians 7, that the gift of self-control is a special grace. Therefore, those who choose to commit to lifelong celibacy cannot escape being rash, and by doing so, they are testing God. This topic could easily be elaborated by discussing, first, who we are promising our vows to; second, the nature of the vow itself; and third, the person making the vow. God is too great for us to take lightly, and we must understand our own limitations because offering a sacrifice without obedience is nothing but utter corruption. However, this one point should be enough to show them that the gift of self-control is a special gift, and it's usually meant to be temporary. So even if someone had it for thirty years, like Isaac, they might not have it for the rest of their lives. Thus, you can conclude that monks, in committing to never marry, are trying to pledge something that isn't given to them without faith. As for their concept of poverty, it’s totally opposite to what our Lord commanded His followers.

Concerning the nature of a glorified body, true it is, that the qualities thereof are changed, but not entirely. For we must distinguish between the qualities which proceed from the corruption of sin, and those which belong to and are inseparable from the nature of the body. St. Paul, in the third chapter of the Epistle to the Philippians, says that our vile or weak body shall be made like to the glorious body of Christ. By this humble expression or Tapinosis, he points out which of the qualities that we at present bear about with us in our bodies are to be changed; those, namely, which are of the corruptible and fading nature of this world. And on this subject St. Augustine says, in the Epistle to Dardanus, which in number is the 57th, "He shall come again in the same form and substance of the flesh, to which certainly he gave immortality; he hath not taken away the nature. In this form he must not be supposed to be everywhere diffused." This argument he follows out at greater length, showing that the body of Christ is contained within its own dimensions. And in fact our glorified bodies will not be ubiquitous, although they will have that likeness of which St. Paul speaks. As for the passage of the Apocalypse, the words are these in the fifth chapter: "And every creature which is in heaven, and on the earth, and under the earth, and such as are in the sea, and all that are in them, heard I saying, Blessing, and[353] honour, and glory, and power, be unto him that sitteth upon the throne, and unto the Lamb, for ever and ever." Now you see that it is a childish cavil to apply this to souls in purgatory; for St. John, by the figure which is called Prosopopœia, rather conveys that even the fishes blessed God. And in regard to the passages of the Doctors, refer your people to the 27th Epistle of St. Augustine, To Boniface, where he states, toward the end, that the sacraments have a certain similitude of those things which they represent. From whence it comes to pass, that after some fashion the sacrament of the body of Christ may be the body of Christ. Item, that which he treats of in the third book, Of Christian Doctrine, where he says, among other things in the fifth chapter, "Such is the completely miserable bondage of the soul in conceiving of the signs in place of the things signified, and never lifting up the eye of the understanding above the corporeal creature to breathe eternal light." Item, in the ninth chapter.—"The believer knows by experience, and understands, [agnoscit] to what the mystery of baptism, and the celebration of the body and blood of the Lord, may be referred, so that the soul can offer religious worship, not in the bondage of the flesh, but rather in the liberty of the spirit. So to follow the literal sense, and in suchwise to conceive of the signs instead of the things sealed or signified by them, is a slavish weakness; that mere symbols should be so unprofitably interpreted, is the result of vague error." I do not heap up quotations, because these will be quite enough for your purpose. In conclusion, I beseech our good Lord that he would be pleased to make you feel in every way the worth of his protection of his own, to fill you with his Holy Spirit who gives you prudence and virtue, and brings you peace, joy, and contentment; and may the name of our Lord Jesus be glorified by you to the edification of his Church!

Regarding the nature of a glorified body, it's true that its qualities change, but not completely. We need to separate the qualities that come from the corruption of sin from those that are inherent to the body's nature. St. Paul, in the third chapter of the Epistle to the Philippians, says that our lowly or weak body will be transformed to be like the glorious body of Christ. With this humble expression or Tapinosis, he identifies which qualities we currently have in our bodies will be changed; specifically, those that are corruptible and temporary in this world. St. Augustine mentions in the Epistle to Dardanus, number 57, "He shall come again in the same form and substance of the flesh, to which certainly he gave immortality; he has not taken away the nature. In this form, he must not be thought to be everywhere present." He elaborates on this, explaining that the body of Christ is contained within its own dimensions. In reality, our glorified bodies won’t be everywhere at once, although they will share the likeness that St. Paul describes. As for the passage in the Apocalypse, the words in the fifth chapter are: "And every creature which is in heaven, and on the earth, and under the earth, and such as are in the sea, and all that are in them, heard I saying, Blessing, and[353]honour, and glory, and power, be unto him that sitteth upon the throne, and unto the Lamb, for ever and ever." Clearly, it is a foolish argument to apply this to souls in purgatory; for St. John, through the literary device called Prosopopœia, indicates that even the fish praised God. Regarding the writings of the Doctors, refer your people to the 27th Epistle of St. Augustine, To Boniface, where he notes, toward the end, that the sacraments have a certain similarity to the things they represent. This means that in some way the sacrament of the body of Christ may be the body of Christ. Additionally, in the third book, Of Christian Doctrine, he discusses in the fifth chapter, "Such is the completely miserable bondage of the soul in mistaking the signs for the things they signify, and never raising the eye of understanding above the physical creature to seek eternal light." Also, in the ninth chapter: "The believer knows by experience and understands, [agnoscit] what the mystery of baptism and the celebration of the body and blood of the Lord refer to, so that the soul can offer religious worship, not bound by the flesh, but rather in the liberty of the spirit. Following the literal sense, and thinking of the signs instead of the things they seal or signify, is a form of slavery; that mere symbols should be so misinterpreted is due to vague error." I won't provide more quotations, as these are sufficient for your needs. In closing, I pray that our good Lord helps you truly appreciate the value of His protection over His own, fills you with His Holy Spirit to grant you wisdom and virtue, and brings you peace, joy, and satisfaction; may the name of our Lord Jesus be glorified by you, contributing to the upliftment of His Church!

[Fr.—Printed in Histoire des Martyrs, lib. iv. p. 225.]

[Fr.—Printed in History of the Martyrs, vol. iv, p. 225.]


CCXCVII—To Edward VI.[377]

Dedication of a new work, and Christian exhortations.

From Geneva, this 4th July 1552.

From Geneva, this July 4, 1552.

Sire,—Although I ought to fear lest my importunity may prove troublesome to your Majesty, and have indeed on that account abstained from writing to you more frequently, nevertheless, I have had the boldness to send you, together with my letters, a short exposition which I have composed of the 78th (87th)[378] Psalm, hoping that you would take pleasure in it, and also that the reading thereof might be profitable to you. As I was one day expounding it in a sermon to the people, the argument appeared to me so appropriate for you, that I was forthwith moved to draw up a summary of it, such as you will see, when it shall please your Majesty to devote to it one hour only. It is very true, that I treat the subject generally, without addressing you personally. But as I have mainly had regard to you in the writing of it, so in the prudent application and appropriation of it, you will find that it contains a very profitable lesson for your Majesty.

Your Majesty,—Even though I should be careful that my persistent requests don't annoy you, and that's why I've hesitated to write more often, I’ve taken the liberty to send you, along with my letters, a brief explanation of the 78th (87th)[378] Psalm. I hope you find it enjoyable and that reading it might benefit you. One day, while I was explaining it in a sermon to the congregation, I thought the message was so fitting for you that I felt compelled to summarize it, which you will see when you dedicate just one hour of your time to it. It’s true that I discuss the topic in general terms, without addressing you directly. However, since I've mainly focused on you while writing it, you will discover that it provides a very valuable lesson for your Majesty when you wisely apply it to yourself.

You know, Sire, how much danger kings and princes are in, lest the height to which they are raised should dazzle their eyes, and amuse them here below, while making them forgetful of the heavenly kingdom; and I doubt not that God hath so warned you against this evil, to preserve you therefrom, that you are a hundred times more impressed with it, than those[355] who have no personal experience of it. Now, in the present Psalm mention is made of the nobleness and dignity of the Church, which ought so to enrapture both great and small, that no earthly honours and possessions should hold them back, or hinder them from aiming to be enrolled among the people of God. It is indeed a great thing to be a king, and yet more, over such a country; nevertheless, I have no doubt that you reckon it beyond comparison better to be a Christian. It is therefore an invaluable privilege that God has vouchsafed you, Sire, to be a Christian king, to serve as his lieutenant in ordering and maintaining the kingdom of Jesus Christ in England.[379] You see, then, that in acknowledgment of such great benefits received from his infinite goodness, you ought to be stirred up to employ all your energies to his honour and service, setting to your subjects an example of homage to this great King, to whom your Majesty is not ashamed to submit yourself with all humility and reverence beneath the spiritual sceptre of his Gospel; and if hitherto you have done this, so that we have cause to glorify God for his goodness, the present Psalm will always serve you as a support and a buckler. Meanwhile, I humbly entreat you, Sire, that this short letter may serve as a protest and testimony to your Majesty of the hearty desire I have to do better, if the means were given me.

You know, Your Majesty, how much danger kings and princes are in, lest the heights they reach should blind them and distract them here on Earth, making them forget about the heavenly kingdom. I'm sure that God has warned you against this evil to keep you safe from it, and you feel this much more deeply than those who have never faced it. In the current Psalm, it speaks of the nobility and dignity of the Church, which should inspire both the powerful and the humble so much that no earthly honors or possessions should hold them back or stop them from wanting to be part of God's people. It is indeed a significant thing to be a king, and even more so over such a country; still, I have no doubt that you believe being a Christian is far better. Therefore, it is a priceless privilege that God has granted you, Your Majesty, to be a Christian king, serving as His representative in guiding and maintaining the kingdom of Jesus Christ in England. So, in recognition of such great blessings received from His infinite goodness, you should be motivated to dedicate all your efforts to His honor and service, setting an example for your subjects of devotion to this great King, to whom you are not ashamed to submit with all humility and respect under the spiritual authority of His Gospel. If you have done so until now, allowing us to glorify God for His goodness, the current Psalm will always serve as your support and shield. Meanwhile, I humbly ask you, Your Majesty, to consider this short letter as a declaration and testimony of my sincere desire to do better, if given the opportunity.

Sire, after having very humbly commended me to your kind favour, I pray our Lord to fill you with the gifts of his Holy Spirit, to guide you in all prudence and virtue, to make you prosper and flourish to the glory of his name.

Sire, after sincerely seeking your kindness, I pray that our Lord fills you with the gifts of his Holy Spirit, guides you with all wisdom and virtue, and allows you to succeed and thrive for the glory of his name.

Your very humble and obedient servant,

Your very humble and obedient servant,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.—British Museum. Harl. Coll. No. 6989, Art. 83.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.—British Museum. Harl. Coll. No. 6989, Art. 83.]


CCXCVIII—To Cranmer.[380]

Calvin exhorts him to prosecute with fresh zeal the Reformation of the Church in England, by purging it of the relics of Popery.

[July 1552.]

[July 1552.]

Seeing that, at the present time, that which is most of all to be desired is least likely to be attained, viz., that an assembly of the most eminent men of learning, from all the various Churches which have embraced the pure doctrine of the Gospel, after having discussed separately the controverted topics of the day, might transmit to posterity, out of the pure word of God, a true and distinct confession; I nevertheless highly commend the plan which you, reverend sir, have adopted, to make the English frame for themselves, without delay, a religious constitution, lest, by matters remaining longer in an unsettled state, or not being sufficiently adjusted, the minds of the common people should be confirmed in their suspense. And it is the duty of all in your country, who have any influence, to direct their energies with united zeal toward this object, so that your duties may still be special. You see what such a position as yours demands, or rather what God may legitimately require of you in consideration of the nature of the office which he has imposed on you. Supreme authority is vested in you—an authority which your high rank entitles you to, not more than the previously entertained opinion regarding your wisdom and integrity. The eyes of many are fixed upon you, either to second your exertions, or to imitate your lukewarmness. And sincerely do I desire that, under your leadership, they may be advanced to such an extent during the next three years, that the difficulties and contests of the present time, caused by the removing of the grossest superstition, shall have ceased to exist. I, for my part, acknowledge that our cause has made no little progress during the short period the Gospel has flourished in[357] England. But if you reflect on what yet remains to be done, and how very remiss you have been in many matters, you will discover that you have no reason to advance towards the goal with less rapidity, even although the most of the course has, as it were, been gone over; for I need not inform you that I, as it were, take note of your assiduity, lest, after having escaped danger, you should become self-indulgent. But to speak freely, I greatly fear, and this fear is abiding, that so many autumns will be spent in procrastinating, that by and by the cold of a perpetual winter will set in. You are now somewhat advanced in years, and this ought to stimulate you to increased exertions, so as to save yourself the regret of having been consciously dilatory, and that you may not leave the world while matters remain in so disordered a condition. I say matters are still in a disorganized state, for external religious abuses have been corrected in such a way as to leave remaining innumerable young shoots, which are constantly sprouting forth. In fact, I am informed that such a mass of Papal corruptions remains, as not only to hide, but almost to extinguish the pure worship of God. Meanwhile the life of the whole ecclesiastical order is all but extinct, or at least is not sufficiently vigorous: take, for example, the preaching of doctrine. Assuredly pure and undefiled religion will never flourish, until the Churches shall have been at greater pains to secure suitable pastors, and such as shall conscientiously discharge the duties of teaching. Satan, indeed, opposes his secret wiles to the accomplishment of this. I understand that there is still one shameful obstacle, viz., that the revenues of the Church have been plundered; truly an insufferable evil. But iniquitous as this is, there appears to me to be another vice of equal magnitude, viz., that out of the public revenues of the Church, idle gluttons are supported who chant vespers in an unknown tongue. I shall say nothing farther on this point, except that it is inconsistent for you to approve of such mockery, and it is openly incompatible with the proper arrangements of the Church; besides, it is in itself exceedingly ridiculous. I do not doubt, however, but that these considerations will immediately occur to your own mind, and will be suggested to you by that most upright man Peter Martyr,[358] whose counsel I am exceedingly glad to know you enjoy. Difficulties so numerous and so trying as those against which you are contending, appear to me a sufficient excuse for the exhortations I have offered.—Adieu, most distinguished and esteemed Primate. May the Lord long preserve you in safety; may he fill you more and more with the Spirit of wisdom and fortitude, and bless your labours! Amen.

Seeing that, right now, what is most desired is least likely to be achieved—that is, an assembly of the most notable scholars from all the different Churches that have embraced the true teaching of the Gospel, who can discuss separately the contentious issues of the day and create a clear and accurate confession from the pure word of God—I still highly support the plan you, reverend sir, have taken to have the English quickly establish a religious constitution. This is important so that by not leaving things unresolved or poorly handled, the general public won't remain in doubt. It is the responsibility of everyone in your country with any influence to focus their efforts on this goal, so that your duties may remain distinct. You understand what your position demands, or rather what God rightfully expects of you considering the nature of the office He has given you. You hold supreme authority—an authority that your high rank deserves, not just based on previous views of your wisdom and integrity. Many eyes are on you, either to support your efforts or to mirror your indifference. I genuinely hope that, under your leadership, significant progress can be made in the next three years, so that the current challenges and conflicts caused by the removal of blatant superstition will no longer exist. I, for my part, recognize that our cause has made considerable progress in the brief time the Gospel has thrived in[357] England. However, if you reflect on what still needs to be accomplished and how many areas you have been slow to address, you will realize that you have no reason to approach the finish line any less urgently, even though much of the path has already been covered. I should remind you that I take note of your diligence, so that after escaping danger, you don't become complacent. But honestly, I deeply fear, and this worry remains, that too many seasons will pass in delay, and eventually, we will face the chill of a perpetual winter. You are now somewhat advanced in age, and this should motivate you to work harder to avoid the regret of having been intentionally slow, and to ensure you are not leaving this world while things remain so disordered. I assert that things are still in a chaotic state, as external abuses in religion have been corrected while countless new issues keep sprouting up. In fact, I have heard that there is still a significant amount of Papal corruption that not only obscures but nearly extinguishes the pure worship of God. Meanwhile, the vitality of the whole ecclesiastical order is nearly extinct, or at least not strong enough; take, for example, the preaching of doctrine. Pure and untainted religion will not flourish until the Churches have made greater efforts to secure appropriate pastors who will sincerely fulfill their teaching duties. Indeed, Satan works subtly to hinder this. I understand that there remains one disgraceful obstacle: that the Church’s revenues have been plundered; truly an unbearable evil. But as wrong as this is, I see another vice of equal size: that from public Church funds, idlers are supported who chant vespers in an unknown language. I won't say anything further on this issue, except that it is inconsistent for you to approve of such mockery, which openly contradicts the proper arrangements of the Church; besides, it is exceedingly ridiculous. However, I have no doubt that these points will come to your mind and will be suggested to you by that most upright man Peter Martyr,[358] whose advice I am very pleased to know you value. The numerous and challenging difficulties you face seem to me a sufficient reason for the encouragement I have offered.—Adieu, most distinguished and esteemed Primate. May the Lord keep you safe for a long time; may He fill you more and more with the Spirit of wisdom and fortitude, and bless your efforts! Amen.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 61.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 61.]


CCXCIX.—To John Liner.[381]

Thanks for the zeal manifested by him on behalf of the prisoners of Lyons.

This 10th of August 1552.

This August 10, 1552.

Very dear Sir and Brother,—We are all bound to give thanks to God for having made choice of you to assist our poor brethren who are detained in prison by the enemies of the faith, and having so strengthened you by the power of his Spirit, that you spare no pains in so doing. I say that we are bound to give thanks to Him; for we must needs recognize this work as his, and that it is he alone who has disposed and directed you thereto. You have also reason to rejoice at the honour he has done you, in employing you in so worthy and honourable a service, and giving you grace to perform it. For however despised and rejected of men, the poor believers persecuted for the sake of the Gospel may be, yet we know that God esteems them very pearls; that there is nothing more[359] agreeable to him than our striving to comfort and help them as much as in us lies. The Lord Jesus declares, that whatsoever shall have been done to one of the least of his people, will be acknowledged by him as done to himself. How then if we have furthered those who fight his battles? For such are as it were his agents, whom he appoints and ordains for the defence of his Gospel. Yea, he declares that a cup of water given to them shall not be lost. If then you have hitherto had the courage to present so goodly a sacrifice to God, strive to persevere. I know well that the devil will not fail to whisper in your ear on many sides to divert you from it, but let God prove the strongest, as is meet he should. It is said that they who comfort the children of God in their persecutions which they endure for the Gospel, are fellow-labourers for the truth. Be content with this testimony, for it is no light matter that God should uphold and approve us as his martyrs, even though we do not personally suffer, merely because his martyrs are helped and comforted by us. And, therefore, although many tell you the contrary, do not leave off so good a work, or show yourself weary half-way. I feel assured that you did not look to men at the first; follow on then as the servant of Him to whom we must cleave to the end. Reflect, moreover, how many worthy brethren there are who glorify God for what you are doing, who would be scandalized if you altered your course. As for the dangers which they set before you, I have no fear of their coming to pass, for the good brethren for whom you have done so much, feel themselves so indebted to you, that were they at liberty, far from being cowardly enough to betray you, they would expose themselves to death for your sake. You must also consider, that by the support which they receive from you, they are the more confirmed, for they have no doubt whatever that God has directed you to them, as indeed he has. And they have reason to lean still more firmly upon him, seeing the paternal care he shews them. Be of good courage, therefore, in this holy work, in which you serve not only God and his martyrs, but also the whole Church.

Dear Sir and Bro,—We should all thank God for choosing you to help our fellow believers who are imprisoned by the enemies of the faith, and for strengthening you through the power of His Spirit so that you put in the effort to do so. I say we must give thanks to Him because we must acknowledge this work as His, and it is He alone who has guided you to it. You have every reason to celebrate the honor He has given you in engaging you in such a meaningful and noble service, providing you with the grace to carry it out. Even though the poor believers persecuted for the Gospel may be looked down upon and rejected by men, we know that God values them as precious; nothing pleases Him more than our efforts to comfort and assist them as much as we can. The Lord Jesus states that whatever is done to one of the least of His people will be recognized by Him as done to Himself. How much more if we support those who fight for Him? For they are like His agents, appointed and ordained to defend His Gospel. Indeed, He says that even a cup of water given to them will not go unrewarded. If you have had the courage to offer such a worthy sacrifice to God, keep it up. I know the devil will try to tempt you in many ways to stray from this path, but let God be your strength, as is right. It is said that those who comfort the children of God in their persecutions for the Gospel are co-laborers for the truth. Be satisfied with this recognition, for it is significant that God upholds and approves us as His martyrs, even if we do not personally suffer, simply because we help and comfort His martyrs. Therefore, even if many tell you otherwise, don’t stop this good work or show signs of weariness. I believe you didn’t start this for the approval of men; continue then as the servant of Him to whom we must cling until the end. Also, consider how many worthy brothers are glorifying God for what you are doing, who would be shocked if you changed your course. Regarding the dangers they present to you, I am not worried about them coming true, as the good brothers you’ve helped feel so grateful to you that, if they were free, they wouldn't be cowardly enough to betray you; they would risk their lives for you. You must also think about the support they receive from you; it strengthens them even more, as they have no doubt that God has led you to them, which indeed He has. They have even more reason to trust Him, recognizing the fatherly care He shows them. So be of good courage in this holy work, in which you serve not only God and His martyrs, but the entire Church.

Whereupon, my very dear sir and brother, after having heartily commended myself to you, I pray our good Lord that[360] he would increase you more and more with the gifts and riches of his Spirit, for the furtherance of his own honour; and meanwhile, that he would have you in his keeping.

Whereupon, my dear sir and brother, after sincerely recommending myself to you, I pray that our good Lord would bless you more and more with the gifts and riches of his Spirit, for the advancement of his honor; and in the meantime, that he would keep you safe in his care.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]


CCC.—To the French Church in London.[382]

Exhortations to harmony—Is it lawful to call Mary the Mother of God, and to pray for the Pope?

From Geneva, this 27th September 1552.

From Geneva, September 27, 1552.

Very dear and honoured Brethren,—As I desire your quiet, to the end that, being at peace among yourselves, you may be the better enabled and disposed to serve God, and may do so with the greater courage, I have grieved for the trouble which some inconsiderate people have occasioned you, and grieved doubly because they made a cloak of me and of this Church in order to trouble you. Now, as they did us injustice in that, it appears to me that you ought to have been too reasonable and humane to suffer us to be mixed up and implicated in their follies. One of them, of whom I had heard complaint made, will bear me witness that I have not encouraged him in his fault since his return, but have rather endeavoured to make[361] him feel and understand it, although M. A Lasco had written to me confidentially that all had been forgiven. I mention this, because I have heard that they have been reproached with wishing to make an idol of me and a Jerusalem of Geneva. I have not deserved that your Church should treat me thus, and even were there twice the amount of ingratitude, I should not cease to seek your welfare. But I am constrained to warn you of it, for such proceedings are calculated rather to ruin than to edify. And however I may seek to bury such matters in oblivion, I cannot hinder many from being offended by them. If those who have stirred up these conflicts have taken occasion to do so from the diversity of ceremonies, as M. A Lasco has informed me,[383] they have but ill understood in what the true unity of Christians consists, and how every member is bound to conform himself to the body of the Church in which he lives. It is true, that if a different form has been seen and preferred, it is quite allowable in communicating first of all with the pastor, to tell him what is thought of it, provided one accommodates one's-self to the usages of the place where one lives, without clamouring for novelty, but peaceably conforming to any order that is not repugnant to the word of God. Now, how the two persons in question have proceeded I know not, unless I give credit to the testimony which has been furnished me, namely, that there has been a great want of consideration, and that they have neither observed due measure nor modesty. But this I say, because it is well to set such persons right by gentleness, rather than to make matters worse by over-violent remedies. Not that I mean to say that they have been too severely dealt with, but that I have heard it so reported, although I do not believe it. I think you will not take it ill that I let you know this, as it can do you no harm.

Dear respected brothers,—I want you to have peace so that you can better serve God with courage. I feel upset about the trouble caused by some thoughtless people, and I'm even more upset because they used me and this Church to create that trouble for you. Since they wronged us by doing this, I believe you should have shown more reason and kindness by not involving us in their foolishness. One person who has faced complaints will tell you that I haven’t supported him in his wrongdoing since he returned; instead, I've tried to make him recognize and understand it, even though M. A Lasco had told me privately that everything was forgiven. I'm bringing this up because I’ve heard accusations that they wish to make an idol of me and turn Geneva into a Jerusalem. I don't deserve to be treated like this by your Church, and even if there were twice as much ingratitude, I would continue to look out for your well-being. However, I feel the need to warn you because such actions tend to do more harm than good. And even if I try to forget these issues, I can't stop many from being offended by them. If those who have sparked these conflicts have done so due to the differences in ceremonies, as M. A Lasco has informed me,[383] they have misunderstood what true unity among Christians really means, and how each member should align with the Church community they are part of. It’s true that if someone sees and prefers a different practice, they can discuss their thoughts with the pastor, as long as they adapt to the customs of where they live, without demanding change and instead peacefully conforming to any order that aligns with the word of God. However, I don’t know how the two individuals in question have handled this, except that I’ve heard there has been a significant lack of consideration and that they have been neither moderate nor respectful. I mention this because it’s important to correct such individuals gently rather than worsen things with harsh actions. I’m not saying they’ve been treated too harshly, but I’ve heard that was the case, though I don’t believe it. I think you’ll understand why I felt it was important to share this with you, as it can’t harm you.

Concerning the other debatable points, I doubt not but there may have been somewhat of ignorance in their reproving the way of speaking of the Virgin Mary as the mother of God, and together with ignorance, it is possible[362] that there may have been rashness and too much forwardness, for, as the old proverb says, The most ignorant are ever the boldest. However, to deal with you with brotherly frankness, I cannot conceal that that title being commonly attributed to the Virgin in sermons is disapproved, and, for my own part, I cannot think such language either right, or becoming, or suitable. Neither will any sober-minded people do so, for which reason I cannot persuade myself that there is any such usage in your church, for it is just as if you were to speak of the blood, of the head, and of the death of God. You know that the Scriptures accustom us to a different style; but there is something still worse about this particular instance, for to call the Virgin Mary the mother of God, can only serve to confirm the ignorant in their superstitions. And he that would take a pleasure in that, shews clearly that he knows not what it is to edify the Church.

Regarding the other controversial points, I have no doubt that there may have been some ignorance in their criticism of referring to the Virgin Mary as the mother of God. Along with ignorance, there might also have been some rashness and overconfidence, because, as the old saying goes, the most ignorant people are often the boldest. However, to speak to you with brotherly honesty, I can't hide the fact that this title, commonly used for the Virgin in sermons, is disapproved of, and personally, I don’t think such language is right, fitting, or appropriate. No reasonable person would agree, which is why I can’t believe there is such a practice in your church; it would be like speaking of the blood, the head, and the death of God. You know the Scriptures teach us to use a different way of speaking; but there is something even worse about this specific case, as calling the Virgin Mary the mother of God can only reinforce the superstitions of the ignorant. And anyone who takes pleasure in that clearly shows that they do not understand what it means to edify the Church.

As for the name of the Bishop of Rome, that is a foolish question to dwell upon. We bestow too much honour upon those horned cattle in calling them bishops, for the name is too honourable for them. Neither does the title of Pope any better suit the brigand who has usurped God's seat. In reference to this, I would follow unbiassed that which is commonly received. The chief practical point of difference is about the form of prayer. I know that we must make a due distinction between the individual and the abominable and accursed seat (of the beast). But I do think that those who pray specially for him who bears such a mark of reprobation, have surely much time to spare. I lay down laws for no one, but it were much to be desired that the sobriety of our prayers should shew the reverence we feel for the name of God. I speak with such freedom as you ought to bear from a brother, and I hope, too, that you will bear with it; for I shall be quite ready to suffer the word of admonition from you whenever you disapprove of what I write to you. Moreover, when you have well weighed the matter, and that each is willing, without contention, to submit to the truth, I hope that harmony will easily be established amongst us. Furthermore, if this annoyance has been hard upon you, have some compassion upon us, who have here daily[363] far more rude encounters to sustain. And for my part, I shall continue to pray our good Lord as I do, that it would please him to increase you more and more in the graces of his Spirit, to make your labours profitable, and to strengthen your hands in the exercise of the rule which he has committed to you. And my brethren will do the same, for I know their mind towards you.

As for the name of the Bishop of Rome, that's a silly question to focus on. We give too much credit to those bad leaders by calling them bishops; the title is too prestigious for them. The title of Pope suits the thief who has taken God's place even less. In this regard, I would simply stick to what is generally accepted. The main practical difference is about how we pray. I know we need to clearly distinguish between the individual and the horrid and accursed position (of the beast). However, I believe that those who specifically pray for someone with such a mark of damnation must have a lot of free time. I don't want to impose rules on anyone, but it would be good if the seriousness of our prayers reflected the respect we have for God's name. I'm speaking freely, as a brother should, and I hope you'll accept that; I will gladly accept any feedback from you if you disagree with what I write. Furthermore, after considering the matter, and if everyone is willing to accept the truth without fighting, I hope we can easily find harmony among us. Also, if this struggle has been difficult for you, please have some compassion for us, who face much more brutal challenges here daily[363]. As for me, I will continue to pray to our good Lord as I have been, asking Him to increase you more and more in the gifts of His Spirit, to make your efforts fruitful, and to strengthen your ability to carry out the responsibilities He has given you. My fellow brethren will do the same, as I know their feelings towards you.

[Fr. Copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. Copy.Geneva Library. Vol. 107.]


CCCI.—To the Lords of Geneva.[384]

Reply of Calvin to the Syndics of Geneva in the case of Trolliet.

6th October 1552.

October 6, 1552.

The answer of John Calvin, minister of the word of God in the Church of God, presented this Tuesday, the 6th of October 1552, to our honourable Lords Messieurs the Syndics and Council, against the writing produced on the Monday preceding, by the Seigneur Trolliet:—

The response from John Calvin, minister of the word of God in the Church of God, given this Tuesday, October 6, 1552, to our esteemed Lords Messieurs the Syndics and Council, regarding the document submitted the previous Monday by Seigneur Trolliet:—

In the first place, Messieurs, as for what he terms his written defence in his disputation against me, I do not understand what he aims at, nor for what purpose he says this, unless to acquire reputation with the ignorant, from having disputed with John[364] Calvin. And your Excellencies know what the whole procedure was, namely, that he became confused, having no reply to make, except that he did not understand it. Wherefore, it would be well that he should get rid of vain-glory, which has too much incited him already to give unnecessary trouble and annoyance, as well to himself as to others. For had he walked as modestly as he ought, according to his measure, this contention would never have arisen.

First of all, gentlemen, regarding what he calls his written defense in his debate against me, I have no idea what he's trying to achieve or why he says this, unless it's to gain recognition from the uninformed for having argued with John[364] Calvin. And you all know what happened during the whole process: he got flustered and had nothing to say except that he didn’t understand. Therefore, it would be wise for him to let go of his vanity, which has already pushed him too far into creating unnecessary trouble and annoyance for both himself and others. If he had behaved as humbly as he should, given his ability, this conflict would never have come about.

But the worst is, that he pretends to sustain his charge against me, and, nevertheless, misrepresents the whole argument. For the point which was debated on the first day of September, was that he charged me with making God the author of sin, which I denied with all due protestation, for it is an utterly execrable blasphemy. Whereupon he attempted to prove it, alleging the passages which he cites in his written representation. So that the main point of our case, as he has maintained in your presence more than ten times over, lies in this,—Whether I have made God the cause of evil and of sin, or not. And but for this, there was no difficulty whatever regarding this first point. For I do not disavow anything that I have written. But I say that we ought to have a horror of applying the word sin, to God; seeing that in him there is nothing but all equity and justice, even as he is both the rule and the fountain thereof. Wherefore I am amazed that he was not ashamed of denying it. But be that as it may, if he be obstinate in his denial, I require, as right and reason enjoins, that it may please you, before going farther, to order your secretary to give me an act and extract to that effect. For I ought not, and cannot suffer such a reproach to be fastened upon me, without clearing myself as I ought. Moreover, in the sentences which he quotes as extracts from my Institution, he does me great wrong, having given them in a detached and garbled form. And he even thrusts in and mixes up with the doctrine which is avowedly mine, the objections which are made to it by blasphemers. He ought to have been much ashamed, when I demonstrated that by such means Saint Paul might be charged with having called God unrighteous. But that he should persist in such a course, is altogether unbearable.[365] Again, that which he brings forward on the first page, from leaf 461, is wrongly stated, and contrary to my true meaning, seeing that he accumulates there what I have said about the wicked, whom I reprove and condemn.[385]

But the worst part is that he pretends to support his accusation against me while totally misrepresenting the entire argument. The issue we debated on the first day of September was his accusation that I claimed God is the author of sin, which I categorically denied, as it's a completely outrageous blasphemy. He then tried to prove his point by citing the passages included in his written statement. So, the main issue at hand, as he has stated in your presence more than ten times, is whether I've portrayed God as the cause of evil and sin or not. Aside from this, there was no real difficulty with that initial point. I stand by everything I have written. However, I believe we should be horrified at the idea of applying the term sin to God, since in Him there is only equity and justice, as He is both the standard and source of it. Therefore, I’m astonished that he isn't ashamed of denying it. Regardless, if he continues to be stubborn in his denial, I ask that, as is right and reasonable, you instruct your secretary to provide me with a record of this matter before we proceed further. I should not have to endure such a slander against me without being able to clear my name properly. Furthermore, in the excerpts he cites from my Institution, he misrepresents me by presenting them in a disjointed and distorted way. He even mixes in the objections of blasphemers with my own confessed doctrine. He should have been thoroughly embarrassed when I demonstrated that, with his approach, Saint Paul could be accused of calling God unjust. But his insistence on this behavior is simply intolerable.[365] Again, what he presents on the first page from leaf 461 is misrepresented and contradicts my true meaning since he piles on what I’ve said about the wicked, whom I criticize and condemn.[385]

However, I am free to confess, that I have stated that God not only has foreseen, but also foreordained, the fall of Adam, which I maintain to be true,[386] not without good grounds and evidences from holy writ. The opposite party, without alluding to the proofs which I bring forward, says that I have spoken amiss, and at the same time can allege nothing to shew that I have done so, except, indeed, that he is pleased to arrive at that conclusion. Judge, Messieurs, whether this be equitable.

However, I freely admit that I have claimed that God not only anticipated but also decided the fall of Adam, which I believe to be true,[386] and I have solid reasons and evidence from scripture to support this. The opposing side, without addressing the evidence I present, insists that I have misspoken, yet they offer nothing to demonstrate that I have, other than their own conclusion. Judge for yourselves, gentlemen, if this is fair.

On the second proposition:—

Regarding the second proposition:—

As to his accusing me of having written—That man is by the ordinance and will of God under the necessity of sinning; I much wish, as I have so often said, that people would not attribute to me that jargon of the monks, which I have never used. And indeed it is only those hypocrites who have ever twaddled thus. Let then the doctrine, as I state it, be attentively considered, and I am ready to acknowledge that the[366] wicked, sin of necessity, and that such necessity is by the ordinance and will of God; but I also add, that such necessity is without constraint, so that he who sins, cannot excuse himself by saying, that he was compelled thereto. And I prove this doctrine so clearly from holy Scripture, that it is impossible for any living man to resist it. And it amazes me, that the adverse party should not display his subtlety in controverting what I have said before you, and that he even conceals the proofs which I have abundantly brought forward in my books. He says that he has maintained contrary opinions, without the will or the power to approve of mine. But were he the most learned personage in the world, it would be too much to insist upon being believed, while simply answering that he neither will nor can consent to what is proposed to him. So much the less reason is there for a man who is scarcely at all versed in the holy Scriptures, and who is no competent judge in theological matters, to expect that those to whom God has vouchsafed grace to understand them a little better, should be reproved according to his fancy. Now, then, honourable Seigneurs, if the proofs which you have heard are not sufficient, I offer to make them more complete, as often and whenever it may please you. And for the rest, I refer to what is contained in the Book concerning the predestination and providence of God.[387]

As for his accusation that I said—That man is, by God's will and design, bound to sin; I really wish, as I've said many times, that people wouldn't link that monkish talk to me, which I've never used. It's only those hypocrites who have babbled like that. So let's take a close look at the doctrine as I present it, and I'm willing to admit that the[366] wicked sin is necessary, and that this necessity comes from God's will and design; but I also emphasize that this necessity doesn’t force anyone, so someone who sins can't excuse themselves by claiming they were made to do it. I can prove this doctrine so clearly from the holy Scriptures that no one can argue against it. It's surprising to me that the opposing side doesn't show any cleverness in disputing what I've laid out for you and even hides the evidence I've extensively provided in my books. He claims that he holds contrary views but lacks the will or ability to accept mine. But even if he were the smartest person in the world, it wouldn't be reasonable to demand belief without justifying why he won't agree to what’s presented to him. It's even less reasonable for someone who barely knows the holy Scriptures and isn't qualified to judge theological issues to expect those who've been given grace by God to understand a bit better to be corrected according to his whims. Now, then, honorable Seigneurs, if the evidence you've heard isn't enough, I'm ready to provide more, whenever you wish. And for everything else, I refer you to what's in the Book about God's predestination and providence.[387]

On the contradictions which the Seigneur Trolliet has imagined.

On the contradictions that Seigneur Trolliet has come up with.

The opposing party thinks that I contradict myself, when I teach that a man ought rather to search for the cause of his condemnation in his corrupt nature, than in the predestination of God; and does not see that I there expressly state, that there are two causes, the one concealed in the eternal counsel of God, and the other open and manifest, in the sin of man. Now, since he confesses that this is true, he condemns himself by his own mouth and sign-manual. And as for me, I willingly accept that confession, which shews plainly that he has never understood a single point of the case which he discusses[367] so boldly. Here, then, Messieurs, is the very core of the whole question: that I say, that all the reprobate will be convicted of guilt by their own consciences, and that thus their condemnation is righteous, and that they err in neglecting what is quite evident, to enter instead into the secret counsels of God, which to us are inaccessible. The Scripture, however, shews us clearly, that God has predestined men to such ends as he chose them to reach. But as to why or how this is done, we must remain ignorant, because it has not been revealed to us.

The opposing party thinks I’m being contradictory when I say a person should look for the reason behind their condemnation in their flawed nature rather than in God’s predestination. They fail to see that I clearly state there are two causes: one hidden in God’s eternal plan, and the other obvious in human sin. Now, since he admits this is true, he condemns himself with his own words. As for me, I gladly accept that admission, which clearly shows he hasn’t understood any part of the issue he discusses so confidently[367]. Here, then, is the crux of the matter: I assert that all the damned will be found guilty by their own consciences, and thus their condemnation is justified. They go wrong by ignoring what is plain and delving into God’s hidden plans, which are beyond our understanding. However, Scripture clearly shows us that God has chosen certain outcomes for people, but as for the reasons or methods behind this, we must remain in the dark because it hasn’t been revealed to us.

Touching the contradiction which the adverse party conceits that he has brought forward from the second page of the 463d leaf, it is marvellous, that after having been so disgracefully cast in such a frivolous objection, he should return to it anew. I say, in that passage, that it is perverse to pry into the secrets of God whereto we are unable to attain, in order to search for the origin of the condemnation of mankind, while passing over the corruption of their nature, from whence it manifestly proceeds. However, this does not mean that the counsel of God does not overrule in a sovereign degree the disposal of everything, although proximate causes may strike our eyes. That were as much as to find a contradiction in these propositions, which are all those of holy writ: That man is not nourished by his labour, nor by his industry, but by the grace of God alone. That it is not the heat or influence of the sun which makes the earth fruitful, but the pure grace of God. That it is not bread that sustains and nourishes us, but the strength which God of his goodness puts into us. And on the other hand, that the idle man deserves to starve. Item, that the earth will deny us pasturage. Item, that we are sustained and strengthened by bread. Now the solution is quite easy when we learn to distinguish between the sovereign cause, and those which are secondary, and more upon a level with human understanding.

Regarding the contradiction that the other party believes they found on the second page of the 463rd leaf, it’s amazing that after being so thoroughly rejected for such a trivial objection, they would bring it up again. In that passage, I say that it’s wrong to try to uncover the secrets of God, which we cannot grasp, in an attempt to find the source of humanity's condemnation, while ignoring the corruption of human nature, from which it clearly arises. However, this doesn’t mean that God’s plan doesn’t ultimately guide everything, even if we can see immediate causes. To suggest otherwise would be to contradict the teachings of Scripture: that man is not sustained by his own labor or efforts, but solely by God's grace; that it’s not the heat or influence of the sun that makes the earth fertile, but God’s pure grace; that it’s not bread that nourishes us, but the strength that God generously gives us. On the flip side, the idle person deserves to go hungry, the earth will withhold nourishment from us, and we are sustained and strengthened by bread. The solution becomes clear when we learn to differentiate between the ultimate cause and those that are secondary and relatable to human understanding.

As to the passages extracted out of the book of Melanchthon,[368][388] I confess that God is not the author of sin. I have even expressly maintained this article of faith in my books, and as warmly as could be required from a faithful servant of God. It is therefore superfluous to set up this as a matter of dispute between us. Notwithstanding, I must confess, as I have formerly declared, that the method of instruction which Melanchthon adopts, is different from mine. I have also, honourable Seigneurs, explained to you the cause of this. It is, that Melanchthon, being a timorous man, has accommodated himself too much to the common feeling of mankind, that he might not give occasion to over-curious people to seek to pry into the secret things of God. And thus, as at last appears, he has spoken of the present question rather as a philosopher than a theologian, having no better authority to rest upon than that of Plato. And then evidently he aims at a middle course, as if he would confess that he swam between two currents, which is what the adverse party ought to take rather more into account.[389]

As for the excerpts taken from Melanchthon's book,[368][388] I admit that God is not the author of sin. I have explicitly upheld this belief in my writings, and as passionately as one would expect from a devoted servant of God. Therefore, it’s unnecessary to make this a point of contention between us. However, I must acknowledge, as I have stated before, that Melanchthon's teaching style differs from mine. I have also, esteemed Lords, clarified the reason for this. Melanchthon, being somewhat afraid, has adapted too much to the general sentiments of people, so he wouldn’t give overly curious individuals a reason to dig into the mysteries of God. Thus, as it ultimately turns out, he discusses the current issue more like a philosopher than a theologian, relying primarily on the authority of Plato. He clearly tries to take a middle ground, as if he is confessing that he is caught between two opposing forces, which the opposing side should consider a bit more seriously.[389]

As for the rest, most honourable Seigneurs, he who would place Melanchthon and myself in opposition, greatly wrongs both the one and the other, as well as the whole Church of God. I honour Melanchthon as much on account of the excellent knowledge which is in him, as for his virtues; and more than all, because of his having laboured faithfully to[369] further the Gospel. If I find anything to reprove, I do not conceal it from him, as he gives me full liberty not to do so. As for him, there are witnesses more than enough, who know how much he loves me. And I know that he would detest those who sought to shelter themselves behind him, to disparage my doctrine in any way. Moreover, such sort of people only seek to sow tares and scandals to obstruct the course of the Gospel. I shall not waste my time in disproving these propositions, brought forward by the adverse party, in which Melanchthon gives satisfaction to none of the learned, because he yields to too tender a caution, not venturing to say what he knows to be true, because he fears that all may not be capable of hearing it. It suffices that I have produced to you letters under his hand, wherein appears what I have advanced. But even if license were given to the adverse party to form any conclusion he might think proper, and to make what resolutions he liked upon the writings of learned men, you would be at his mercy as to receiving three Sacraments,—among which is the confessional, because, forsooth, Melanchthon receives them. This I merely mention, that he may learn to know himself better, and not to be so excessively eager to throw himself into the battle-field.

As for the rest, most honorable Lords, anyone who tries to pit Melanchthon and me against each other seriously misunderstands us both, as well as the entire Church of God. I respect Melanchthon not only for his remarkable knowledge but also for his virtues, and most of all because he has worked diligently to further the Gospel. If I see anything to critique, I don’t hold back from telling him, as he encourages me to do so. There are plenty of witnesses who know how much he cares for me. I’m aware he would be appalled by anyone trying to hide behind him to discredit my teachings in any way. Moreover, those types only want to create division and scandal to hinder the progress of the Gospel. I won’t waste my time disproving these claims made by the opposing side, where Melanchthon fails to satisfy anyone knowledgeable because he is too cautious, afraid to state what he knows to be true since he worries that not everyone can handle it. It’s enough that I have shown you letters written by him that back up my points. But even if the opposing side were allowed to draw whatever conclusions they wanted and make any decisions they liked regarding the writings of scholars, you would be at their mercy when it comes to accepting the three Sacraments, which include confession, simply because Melanchthon accepts them. I mention this just so he can understand himself better and not be so eager to jump into the fray.

As for myself, most honourable Seigneurs, having the assurance of my conscience, that what I have taught and written has not been the creation of my own brain, but that I have had it from God, it must needs be that I maintain it, as I think I have fully done, if I would not prove traitor to the truth. And should it seem good to you, I offer anew to reply more fully, until the adverse party be convicted of having falsely accused me, contrary to all truth and reason.[390]

As for me, most honorable Lords, I’m confident in my conscience that what I’ve taught and written hasn’t come from my own mind but from God. I must uphold it, as I believe I have, because I wouldn’t want to betray the truth. If you think it’s appropriate, I’m willing to respond more thoroughly until the opposing side is proven to have falsely accused me, contrary to all truth and reason.[390]

[Fr. orig.Library of Geneva. Vol. 145.]

[Fr. orig.Geneva Library. Vol. 145.]


CCCII.—To Farel.[391]

Conspiracy of the Libertines—energy of the Reformer—struggles of Viret at Lausanne.

Geneva, 26th October 1552.

Geneva, October 26, 1552.

I occasionally abstain from writing, from having nothing important to write about, but my material is in these days more abundant than I could wish—so much so, that it has kept me from writing altogether. For I think it better silently to repress the very sad cares which torture me, rather than seek consolation by inconveniencing you. Even if I did throw part of the burden on your shoulders, I should rather increase than diminish the evil. The very act of writing, moreover, by awakening the memory, irritates the wound. I was aware that our enemies were making secret preparations for an insurrection, for four months past; the fire was to be kindled at the[371] next election, in the month of November, when it is customary to appoint the chief magistrate. Bernard had given me a hint of it. But we were ignorant of the charge by which they thought to oppress and even overwhelm us. But the Lord has seasonably dragged them forth to the light. They spread a rumour among the petty tradesmen, and then bawled out in the assembly hall, that forty thousand pieces of gold were deposited with three Frenchmen, as a reward for betraying the city. They made indirect allusions to the three guardians of the poor, among whom was Du Tailly, whom the Lord lately called to himself, and who is very greatly lamented by all the pious. Wendel was not ashamed to allege, in the presence of the Senate, that there were three hundred thousand. This conjecture deceived them, for, when they had hoped, by their atrocious calumny to kindle a fire which should consume us in a moment, the flame by and by ended in smoke. They are, notwithstanding, in the meantime, acting with careless effrontery, seeing, as they do, the inactivity of those who ought to have mended matters, which they could have done with the utmost ease had they possessed a single spark of manliness. For what would not the wicked dare when there is impunity for all evils? But I trust that Christ will ere long prove our deliverer.

I sometimes hold back from writing because I don't have anything important to say, but these days, I have more material than I would like—so much that it keeps me from writing entirely. I think it's better to quietly suppress the painful worries that torment me than to seek comfort at your expense. Even if I shared some of the burden with you, I would likely only increase your troubles instead of easing them. Writing itself tends to stir up the memory, making the hurt worse. I've known for the last four months that our enemies were quietly planning a rebellion; they intended to ignite it at the next election in November, when the chief magistrate is typically appointed. Bernard had hinted at it. But we were unaware of their plot to crush us. Thankfully, the Lord has brought their plans into the open. They spread rumors among small business owners and then shouted in the assembly hall that forty thousand pieces of gold were held by three Frenchmen as a reward for betraying the city. They made veiled references to the three guardians of the poor, including Du Tailly, who the Lord has recently called home, and who is greatly mourned by all the devout. Wendel shamelessly claimed in front of the Senate that the amount was three hundred thousand. This assumption misled them; while they hoped their vile slander would spark a fire that would destroy us in an instant, it ultimately fizzled out. Meanwhile, they carry on with reckless boldness, seeing the inaction of those who could easily have fixed things if they had even a hint of courage. What won't the wicked attempt when there’s no punishment for their wrongdoings? But I trust that Christ will soon be our savior.

He[392] has neglected what he had promised to Viret. I, for my part, am doing all I can to refresh his memory. But he is amusing himself with us. It were better, therefore, for Viret to come of his own accord. The proper time would be, however, before the Martinalia, when despair will drive our enemies to act like the Bacchæ if he does not make his appearance. But he is drawn away elsewhere. And the affairs which he has in hand are to me of so much importance, that I consider it sinful to place any obstacle in his way, or to offer the very least hindrance.[393] On the contrary, I feel exceedingly ashamed that I have afforded him no more comfort under so great difficulties,[372] than if I had been buried. Although, therefore, most anxious that you should encourage us with your presence, it must nevertheless be deferred until another occasion, especially as it would be better that both of you should be present at the same time. I scarcely know what to say regarding Garnier's letter.[394] The specimen which I had lately of his character in a private matter, will prevent me in future from having any dealings with him. You will say the public position of the Church is concerned. Pardon my timidity, for I fear very much that no men are more insolent and haughty, than those of a servile disposition. Had it been convenient for Viret to come here, nothing could have been more useful and appropriate, than for us to hold a consultation on the leading topics, before the matter had proceeded farther. I fear, however, that it will be scarcely possible for Viret to be here before the completion of the Bernese embassy. Accordingly, I have no one to consult with, unless I lay the matter before my fellow-ministers. I am persuaded, however, that no settlement should be come to, until you reach us.

He[392] has forgotten what he promised to Viret. I’m doing all I can to remind him, but he seems to be just having fun at our expense. It would be better for Viret to come on his own. The right time would be before the Martinalia, when our enemies, driven by desperation, might act irrationally if he doesn't show up. But he’s caught up somewhere else. The matters he’s dealing with are so important to me that I feel it would be wrong to interfere in any way or cause him even the slightest inconvenience.[393] On the contrary, I feel really embarrassed that I haven’t been able to offer him more support during such tough times, as if I had been completely absent. So, while I wish you could uplift us with your presence, it will have to wait for another time, especially since it would be best if you both could be here together. I hardly know what to make of Garnier's letter.[394] My recent experience with him in a private matter makes me want to avoid any dealings with him in the future. You might say this concerns the public position of the Church. Please excuse my caution; I’m really afraid that no one is more arrogant and prideful than those with a servile mindset. If Viret could have come here, it would have been extremely useful and appropriate for us to discuss the main issues before things escalated further. However, I fear it will be very tough for Viret to be here before the Bernese embassy is finished. So, I have no one to consult with unless I share this with my fellow ministers. Still, I believe that no decision should be made until you arrive.

Adieu, most upright and very dear brother. Salute that noble man, the Seigneur de Dammartin, your colleague, and the rest of our friends. May the Lord guard you all by his protection, enrich you with the gifts of his Spirit, and bless you in all things. Amen.—Yours truly,

Adieu, my most honorable and dear brother. Say hello to that great man, Seigneur de Dammartin, your colleague, and all our friends. May the Lord watch over you all, bless you with the gifts of his Spirit, and grant you success in everything. Amen.—Yours truly,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCCIII.—To Viret.

Literary labours of Theodore Beza.

Geneva, 26th October 1552.

Geneva, October 26, 1552.

After I had written Farel, our friend Gerold undertook, at my request, to make a journey thither. There is, accordingly a letter designed for both of you, which, having read, you will show to him at your own convenience. I ask no more of you than that you will think of us when it suits you. Your[373] letter was not to be answered until something important had been done, which has not been the case as yet. You will tell Beza not to be anxious about the translating of my discourses,[395] as I have handed over the task to Baduel as if with his permission. Indeed, I felt ashamed, from the first, that his valuable time should be taken up with work so very unworthy of him—time that could and ought to be better occupied. I, on this account, embraced the more gladly the opportunity afforded me of laying the burden on another. He will be urged by and by, by our friend Robert, to engage in a sort of lucubration in which he will be of greater advantage to the Church.[396]—Adieu, brother and very worthy friend. Salute the brethren earnestly, also your wife and little daughters. May the Lord preserve you all; may the Spirit guide you by his wisdom, and sustain you by his might.

After I wrote to Farel, our friend Gerold agreed, at my request, to make a trip there. I’ve included a letter for both of you, which you can read and then share with him whenever you find it convenient. All I ask is that you think of us when you have the chance. Your[373] letter was not meant to be answered until something significant had taken place, which hasn’t happened yet. Please let Beza know not to worry about translating my talks,[395] as I’ve given the task to Baduel as if he had agreed to it. Honestly, I felt bad from the start that his valuable time should be spent on work so unworthy of him—time that could be better used. Because of this, I gladly took the chance to pass the responsibility to someone else. Soon, our friend Robert will encourage him to take on a different project where he can do more good for the Church.[396]—Goodbye, brother and dear friend. Please send warm regards to the brethren, and also to your wife and little daughters. May the Lord keep you all safe; may the Spirit guide you with His wisdom and strengthen you with His power.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCCIV.—To Ambroise Blaurer.[397]

Troubles at Geneva—sad intelligence from France and Germany—steady in the promises of God.

Geneva, 19th November 1552.

Geneva, November 19, 1552.

As I hope that my dearly beloved brother Beza will be with you about the same time that you receive this letter, and as he[374] will inform you more fully as to my own state and that of the Church than I can in the longest epistle, I shall at present be brief. He will tell you the annoyance and disturbance we suffered from some worthless wretches, whose sole power of injuring us lies in the impunity and license which is allowed them. But God apparently wishes us to be destitute of human aid, that himself alone may protect us. In the meantime, though I little expected it, I live a survivor of my native town. The city in which I was born has lately been utterly destroyed by fire.[398] We are also compelled to hear daily of fearful disasters throughout all Picardy, but so far is the King's fierceness from being subdued by them, that never was his pride more insulting to God. I wish that I might at length hear from your beloved Germany something that might cheer me; yet as nothing now appears but what is saddening, or at least confused, I scarcely venture to ask what is doing there. And I suppose you also are filled with alarm whenever any news is announced, fearing lest some addition be made to the existing evils. Unless the Lord stretch forth his hand to us from heaven, the wise and far-sighted perceive that these misfortunes, severe and bitter as they are, are but a gentle prelude to tremendous calamities. But although Satan is going about everywhere with fearful license, yet if we consider the desperate wickedness of the world, it is wonderful that God has not given him much greater liberty. But we who have our anchor fixed in heaven, must sail amid these troubled storms just as in the peaceful[375] haven, until the Lord brings us to the blissful rest of his own kingdom.

As I hope my dear brother Beza will be with you around the same time you get this letter, and since he[374] will explain my situation and that of the Church in more detail than I can in a lengthy letter, I’ll keep this brief. He will tell you about the annoyance and trouble we faced from some worthless people, whose ability to harm us comes from the freedom and lack of consequences they have. But it seems God wants us to rely on Him alone for protection without human aid. Meanwhile, although I never expected it, I’m still alive in my hometown. The city where I was born has recently been completely destroyed by fire.[398] We’re also forced to hear daily about the terrible disasters throughout all of Picardy, but the King’s wrath seems undeterred by them; his pride towards God has never been more arrogant. I wish I could finally hear something uplifting from your beloved Germany; however, since nothing looks promising now—only sad or at least confusing—I hardly dare to ask about what’s happening there. I suppose you also feel anxious whenever news arrives, worrying that it could bring even more trouble. Unless the Lord reaches out to us from heaven, the wise and perceptive understand that these hardships, as severe and painful as they are, are just a gentle warning of even greater disasters to come. Although Satan is running rampant with frightening freedom, it’s remarkable that God hasn’t given him even more power considering the sheer wickedness of the world. But we, with our hope anchored in heaven, must navigate these turbulent storms just as we would in a peaceful[375] harbor, until the Lord brings us to the blissful rest of His kingdom.

F—— promised to hand over to you, my letters to Beza. If he has not come to you, he will send them to Farel at his earliest opportunity. Robert Stephens has my Commentary on John in the press.[399] As soon as he has finished it, I shall cause a copy to be sent to you.

F—— promised to give you my letters to Beza. If he hasn't reached you yet, he'll send them to Farel as soon as he can. Robert Stephens has my Commentary on John in the works.[399] Once he finishes it, I'll make sure to send you a copy.

Adieu, most distinguished sir, and excellent servant of Christ, deserving of my hearty regard. May the Lord continue to guide you by his Spirit, to shield you by his protection, and to bestow upon you every kind of blessing. Salute your fellow-minister earnestly in my name. My colleagues both salute you, and those who were lately my companions. I desire you to convey my regards to the treasurer of your city, and to the other pious and wise men. I beseech you very earnestly to remember me in your prayers, for I am more in need of this aid at present than words can express. Adieu, together with your wife and family.—Yours sincerely,

Goodbye, esteemed sir and devoted servant of Christ, deserving of my heartfelt respect. May the Lord continue to guide you with His Spirit, protect you, and bless you abundantly. Please send my warm regards to your fellow minister. My colleagues send their greetings as well, as do those who were recently my companions. I ask you to extend my regards to the treasurer of your city and to the other wise and faithful individuals. I earnestly request that you keep me in your prayers, as I am in greater need of this support right now than I can express. Goodbye to you, your wife, and your family.—Yours sincerely,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. Copy.Library of Zurich. Coll. Hottinger, F. 43, p. 464.]

[Lat. Copy.Library of Zurich. Coll. Hottinger, F. 43, p. 464.]


CCCV.—To Melanchthon.[400]

Earnest desires for the continuance of their mutual affection—disputes with Trolliet—longing for agreement in doctrine regarding the Communion and Election.

28th November 1552.

November 28, 1552.

Nothing could have come to me more seasonably at this time than your letter, which I received two months after its[376] despatch. For, in addition to the very great troubles with which I am so sorely consumed, there is almost no day on which some new pain or anxiety does not occur. I should, therefore, be in a short time entirely overcome by the load of evils under which I am oppressed, did not the Lord by his own means alleviate their severity; among which it was no slight consolation to me to know that you are enjoying tolerable health, such at least as your years admit of and the delicate state of your body, and to be informed, by your own letter, that your affection for me had undergone no change. It was reported to me that you had been so displeased by a rather free admonition of mine—which, however, ought to have affected you far otherwise—that you tore the letter to pieces in the presence of certain witnesses. But even if the messenger was not sufficiently trustworthy, still, after a long lapse of time, his fidelity was established by various proofs, and I was compelled at length to suspect something. Wherefore I have learned the more gladly that up to this time our friendship remains safe, which assuredly, as it grew out of a heartfelt love of piety, ought to remain for ever sacred and inviolable. But it greatly concerns us to cherish faithfully and constantly to the end the friendship which God has sanctified by the authority of his own name, seeing that herein is involved either great advantage or great loss even to the whole Church. For you see how the eyes of many are turned upon us, so that the wicked take occasion from our dissensions to speak evil, and the weak are only perplexed by our unintelligible disputations. Nor, in truth, is it of little importance to prevent the suspicion of any difference having arisen between us from being handed[377] down in any way to posterity; for it is worse than absurd that parties should be found disagreeing on the very principles, after we have been compelled to make our departure from the world. I know and confess, moreover, that we occupy widely different positions; still, because I am not ignorant of the place in his theatre to which God has elevated me, there is no reason for my concealing that our friendship could not be interrupted without great injury to the Church. And that we may act independent of the conduct of others, reflect, from your own feeling of the thing, how painful it would be for me to be estranged from that man whom I both love and esteem above all others, and whom God has not only nobly adorned with remarkable gifts in order to make him distinguished in the eyes of the whole Church, but has also employed as his chief minister for conducting matters of the highest importance. And surely it is indicative of a marvellous and monstrous insensibility, that we so readily set at nought that sacred unanimity, by which we ought to be bringing back into the world the angels of heaven. Meanwhile, Satan is busy scattering here and there the seeds of discord, and our folly is made to supply much material. At length he has discovered fans of his own, for fanning into a flame the fires of discord. I shall refer to what happened to us in this Church, causing extreme pain to all the godly; and now a whole year has elapsed since we were engaged in these conflicts. Certain worthless wretches, after stirring up strife amongst us, in reference to the free election of God, and the sad bondage of the human will, and after creating a public disturbance, had nothing more plausible to urge in defence of their grievous opposition than the authority of your name.[401] And after they had found out how easy it was for us[378] to refute whatever arguments they adduced, they tried to crush us, forsooth, by this artifice,—by asking, if we were willing openly to disagree with you. And yet, such was the moderation observed by us, that least of all did they extort what they were adroitly seeking to obtain. Therefore, all my colleagues and myself openly professed to hold the same opinion on that doctrine which you hold. Not a word escaped us, in the whole discussion, either less honourable towards yourself than was seemly, or calculated to diminish confidence in you.[402] Meanwhile, nevertheless, such indefinite and reserved expression of opinion cannot but pain me exceedingly; and it cannot but pain me, that opportunity is being left to the evil-disposed for harassing the Church, after our death, as often as they please; while the conflicting parties will array against each other the opinions of those who ought to have spoken, as with one mouth, one and the same thing. It is neither surprising, nor a thing greatly to be lamented, that Osiander has withdrawn himself from us; yet he withdrew only after a violent attack. For you were long ago aware that he belonged to that race of wild animals which are never tamed; and I always ranked him amongst the number of those who were a[379] disgrace to us. And assuredly, the very first day that I saw him, I abhorred the wicked disposition and abominable manners of the man. As often as he felt inclined to praise the agreeable and excellent wine, he had these words in his mouth: "I am that I am;" also, "This is the Son of the living God;" which he manifestly produced as mockeries of the Deity. Wherefore, I have the more frequently wondered that such a despicable person should at all be encouraged by your indulgence. In truth, I was particularly astonished on reading a passage in a certain preface of yours, where, after the proof of his folly at Worms, you commended him rather more than enough. But let him retire: it is an advantage to us to have got rid of him. I had rather that certain others were retained. Nevertheless,—to pass by these also,—the opposition, which is too plainly manifest in our modes of teaching, pains me not a little. I, for my part, am well aware that, if any weight is due to the authority of men, it were far more just that I should subscribe your opinions than you mine. But that is not the question; nor is it even a thing to be desired by the pious ministers of Christ. This, in all truth, we ought both to seek, viz., to come to an agreement on the pure truth of God. But, to speak candidly, religious scruples prevent me from agreeing with you on this point of doctrine, for you appear to discuss the freedom of the will in too philosophical a manner; and in treating of the doctrine of election, you seem to have no other purpose, save that you may suit yourself to the common feeling of mankind. And it cannot be attributed to hallucination, that you, a man acute and wise, and deeply versed in Scripture, confound the election of God with his promises, which are universal. For nothing is more certain than that the Gospel is addressed to all promiscuously, but that the Spirit of faith is bestowed on the elect alone, by peculiar privilege. The promises are universal. How does it happen, therefore, that their efficacy is not equally felt by all? For this reason, because God does not reveal his arm to all. Indeed, among men but moderately skilled in Scripture, this subject needs not to be discussed, seeing that the promises of the Gospel make offer of the grace of Christ[380] equally to all; and God, by the external call, invites all who are willing to accept of salvation. Faith, also, is a special gift. I think I have clearly expounded this whole question, involved and intricate though it be, in a book but very lately published. Indeed, the matter is so obvious, that no one of sound judgment can feel persuaded otherwise, than that you are giving out what is quite different from your real inclination. It increases my anxiety, and at the same time my grief, to see you in this matter to be almost unlike yourself; for I heard, when the whole formula of the agreement of our Church with that of Zurich was laid before you, you instantly seized a pen and erased that sentence which cautiously and prudently makes a distinction between the elect and the reprobate. Which procedure, taking into consideration the mildness of your disposition, not to mention other characteristics, greatly shocked me. Accordingly, I do not ask you to endure the reading of my book, or even a part of it, because I think it would be useless to do so. Would that we might have an opportunity of talking over these matters face to face! I am not ignorant of your candour, of your transparent openness and moderation; as for your piety, it is manifest to angels and to the whole world. Therefore, this whole question would be easily, as I hope, arranged between us; wherefore, if an opportunity should present itself, I would desire nothing more than to pay you a visit. But if it shall indeed turn out as you apprehend, it will be no slight comfort to me in circumstances sad and grievous, to see you and embrace you before that I shall take my departure from this world. Here we enjoy least of all that repose which you fancy we enjoy. There is much trouble, annoyance, and even disorder, among us. Full in view is the enemy, who are continually imperilling our lives by new dangers. We are at a distance of three days' journey from Burgundy. The French forces are but an hour's march from our gates. But because nothing is more blessed than to fight under the banner of Christ, there is no reason why these obstacles should prevent you from paying me a visit. Meanwhile, you will greatly oblige me by informing me of your own and the Churches' condition.—Adieu,[381] most distinguished sir and heartily esteemed brother. May the Lord protect you by his power, guide you by his Spirit, and bless your pious labours. My colleague, and many pious and judicious men, reverently salute you.

Nothing could have come to me at a better time than your letter, which I received two months after you sent it. In addition to the overwhelming troubles that consume me, there is hardly a day that goes by without some new pain or worry. Therefore, I would soon be completely overwhelmed by the burden of evils weighing me down, if the Lord didn't ease their severity in His own way. Among these comforts, it was no small consolation to know that you have been enjoying decent health, considering your age and the delicate state of your body, and to read in your letter that your affection for me has not changed. I heard that you were so upset by a straightforward admonition of mine—one that should have affected you differently—that you tore the letter to pieces in front of witnesses. But even if the messenger wasn’t fully reliable, after a long time, his trustworthiness was backed up by various proofs, and I eventually began to suspect something. So, I was more than happy to learn that our friendship remains intact, which surely, since it stemmed from a heartfelt love of piety, should stay forever sacred and unbreakable. But it’s crucial for us to genuinely and consistently cherish the friendship that God has sanctified by His own name, as there is either great gain or significant loss involved for the entire Church. Many eyes are on us, and the wicked seize upon our disagreements to speak ill, while the weak are only confused by our unclear disputes. It’s also very important to prevent any suspicion of a rift between us from being passed down to future generations; it’s absurd for opposing parties to disagree on the very principles after we have left this world. I know and confess that we are in vastly different situations; still, since I understand the place God has elevated me to, I can’t hide that our friendship can’t be interrupted without great harm to the Church. And so that we can act independently of others, consider how painful it would be for me to be separated from the man I love and respect above all others, whom God has endowed with remarkable gifts to distinguish him in the eyes of the whole Church, and has also made His main minister for handling the most important matters. It truly shows an astonishing and monstrous insensitivity that we so easily disregard that sacred unity by which we should be bringing back the angels of heaven to the world. Meanwhile, Satan is actively spreading discord, and we foolishly provide him with plenty of material. He has finally found supporters to stoke the fires of discord. I will refer to what happened to us in this Church, which caused deep pain to all the godly; and a whole year has now passed since we were engaged in these conflicts. Certain worthless individuals, after stirring up strife among us over the free election of God and the sad bondage of the human will, after causing a public disturbance, had nothing more convincing to argue in defense of their terrible opposition than the authority of your name. And once they discovered how easy it was for us to refute their arguments, they tried to intimidate us by asking if we were willing to publicly disagree with you. Yet, we were so moderate that they least of all managed to achieve what they were cunningly trying to obtain. Therefore, all my colleagues and I openly stated that we held the same opinion on the doctrine you uphold. Not a single word escaped us in the entire discussion that was less than honorable towards you, or that would diminish confidence in you. However, such vague and reserved expressions of opinion are extremely painful to me; and it pains me that we are giving the malicious the opportunity to harass the Church after our deaths as often as they please, while the opposing parties will pit each other against the views of those who should have spoken as one voice. It’s neither shocking nor deeply lamentable that Osiander has distanced himself from us; yet he only withdrew after a violent confrontation. You were long aware that he belonged to a species of wild animals never tamed; I always viewed him as one of those who brought disgrace upon us. In fact, on the very first day I saw him, I was appalled by his wicked character and abominable manners. Whenever he felt inclined to praise agreeable and excellent wine, he had phrases like "I am that I am" and "This is the Son of the living God," which he clearly used as mockeries of the Deity. Therefore, I have often wondered how such a despicable person could be encouraged by your kindness. I was particularly shocked to read a passage in one of your prefaces, where, after proving his folly at Worms, you commended him a bit too much. But let him go; it’s an advantage for us to be rid of him. I would rather have kept certain others. Nevertheless, moving past those also, the noticeable opposition in our modes of teaching pains me greatly. I, for my part, am well aware that, if weight must be given to the authority of men, it would be much fairer for me to subscribe to your opinions rather than you mine. But that isn’t the question; nor is it something the pious ministers of Christ desire. This is what we both should seek—to come to an agreement on the pure truth of God. But, candidly speaking, religious principles prevent me from agreeing with you on this doctrinal point because you seem to discuss the freedom of the will in a too philosophical manner; and in treating the doctrine of election, you appear to have no other aim than to fit yourself to the common sentiment of mankind. It cannot be attributed to confusion that you, an insightful and wise man, who is well-versed in Scripture, mix up the election of God with His universal promises. For nothing is more certain than that the Gospel is directed to all indiscriminately, but the Spirit of faith is given only to the elect as a special privilege. The promises are universal. How then is it that their effectiveness isn’t felt equally by all? The reason is that God does not reveal His power to everyone. Indeed, among those moderately skilled in Scripture, this topic doesn’t require much discussion, since the Gospel promises the grace of Christ equally to all; and God, through the external call, invites all who are willing to accept salvation. Faith is also a special gift. I believe I have clearly explained this entire question—though it is complex—in a book I recently published. In fact, the matter is so evident that no one of sound judgment can doubt that you are expressing something quite different from your true inclination. It heightens my anxiety and simultaneously my grief to see you in this matter as almost unlike yourself; for I heard that when the entire formula of our Church's agreement with that of Zurich was presented to you, you quickly grabbed a pen and erased that cautious and prudent sentence that distinguishes between the elect and the reprobate. This action, considering your gentle nature and other traits, greatly shocked me. Therefore, I don’t ask you to read my book, or even parts of it, because I think it would be unhelpful to do so. I wish we could discuss these matters face to face! I am aware of your honesty, transparency, and moderation; as for your piety, it’s evident to angels and the whole world. Hence, this entire question could hopefully be easily resolved between us. If the chance arises, I would desire nothing more than to visit you. But if it turns out as you fear, it will still be a significant comfort to me, amid sad and grievous circumstances, to see and embrace you before I depart from this world. Here we experience the least of what you think is our peace. There is much trouble, annoyance, and even disorder among us. The enemy is clearly visible, continually endangering our lives with new dangers. We are a three-day journey away from Burgundy. The French forces are only an hour's march from our gates. But because nothing is more blessed than to fight under Christ's banner, there’s no reason for these obstacles to prevent you from visiting me. In the meantime, you would greatly honor me by letting me know about your own and the Church’s condition.—Goodbye, most esteemed sir and beloved brother. May the Lord protect you by His power, guide you by His Spirit, and bless your pious efforts. My colleague and many righteous and wise individuals send their respectful greetings to you.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 66.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. ix, p. 66.]


CCCVI.—To Mr. de Falais.[403]

Rupture of Calvin with that Seigneur.

[Geneva, 1552.]

[Geneva, 1552.]

Monseigneur,—Since you esteem your cause with respect to me so good, I shall not add to your satisfaction by avowing myself in the wrong, which indeed would be mere hypocrisy on my part. For I know that I myself had already long ago pointed out to you the conduct of the man, and his acts are moreover matter of public notoriety. Since that time you have bestowed on him such eulogiums, that the person who recited them to me employed these words, that he had never heard of a man held in such esteem. When you went such lengths, after having been duly informed by me, your[382] object in extolling him so highly must have been to have us and our whole doctrine condemned; of which, he has shewn himself so deadly, so furious, and so diabolical an enemy, that he has not blushed to write:—The God of Calvin is hypocritical, mendacious, perfidious, unjust, the provoker and patron of crimes, and worse than the Devil himself. Thus then, that I may express my opinion of you frankly, I ought to renounce God and his truth, as well as the salvation which I hope for through it. Such I believe, is not your intention, but, if from the humanity and mildness of your disposition, you are content not only to remain ignorant of the character of the man who makes war on God, but also, by lending no credit to our testimony, you furnish a handle for rendering us odious, suffer me, I entreat you, to have some zeal in maintaining the honour of my Master. But you will say, that I should at least have given you some intimation of the affair. I reply that after having been thus obliquely disgraced by you, I wished to guard against exposing myself to derision. If ten hours earlier I had been made aware of the words which I have quoted, I should have contented myself with letting you know what I had on my heart. As it chanced, your friend immediately after, or the following day, asked me if I had seen you. I replied that I had, and that I was sorry for it, and I added that were you to pass a hundred times, I should avoid all contact with you more carefully than with the most avowed enemies, since in showing yourself so intimate with that man, you were, as I have since been informed, the panegyrist of Castalio,[404] who is so perverse with all kinds of impiety, that in truth I had a hundred times rather be a Papist. Your friend then asked me if I had any objections to your being informed of that. I replied that it was with that intention that I had spoken to him on the subject, since I had not been made aware of the fact sufficiently in time. If he has divulged more than that, he has acted contrary to my opinion, my wishes, and even his own promise. To have told you that[383] you were quite infected with the errors of that monster, was running counter to the ends I had in view, for I told him that you must needs have hated us gratuitously, to praise in our despite such a monster. The substance of what I said was that I should have been more painfully affected by such an injury coming from any other than you, such was the confidence I had in your integrity; but I was still more sorry to see you adhering, not knowing for what reason, to a person who is more detestable than all the Papists in the world. And in fact, I said to him several times, that I knew not how, nor wherefore, nor, indeed, what that meant. And since even at this present moment you love to follow a lesson quite opposed to that which I have learned in the school of my Master, for you say that you are well-pleased to forget the evil which may be in him; and yet we are told: Behold dogs, observe, mark, shun, and beware of them.... I leave you the object of your affections!—If I have been too sharp and bitter, pardon me, you have obliged me to be so. And that you may know that I feel neither anger nor ill-will, I write to you the present letter, as one who is preparing to appear before God, who afflicts me anew with an evil which is for me as it were a mirror of death before my eyes. I will supplicate him, Monseigneur, that in having pity on me, and receiving me to his mercy, he may preserve and guide you by his Spirit, and increase you in all prosperity along with Mademoiselle and your whole family.[405] Your servant,

Your Honor,—Since you think your position regarding me is so strong, I won’t enhance your satisfaction by admitting I’m in the wrong, as that would simply be hypocritical of me. I am aware that I had long ago informed you about this person's actions, which are also widely known. Since then, you have praised him so much that the person who shared your words with me said he had never heard of anyone being held in such high regard. By extolling him this way after being properly informed by me, your aim must have been to have us and our entire doctrine condemned; he has shown himself to be a deadly, furious, and diabolical enemy, boldly claiming that—The God of Calvin is hypocritical, deceitful, treacherous, unjust, the instigator and supporter of crimes, and worse than the Devil himself. Therefore, to speak frankly about my opinion of you, I would have to renounce God and his truth, as well as the salvation I hope for through it. I believe that’s not your intention; however, if your kindness and gentleness lead you to remain unaware of the character of the man attacking God, and by not giving any credence to our testimony, you provide grounds for making us look bad, I ask you to allow me to be somewhat zealous in defending the honor of my Master. You might argue that I should at least have given you some warning about the situation. I reply that after being indirectly disgraced by you, I wanted to protect myself from ridicule. If I had learned about the comments I quoted even ten hours earlier, I would have simply shared what was weighing on my heart with you. As it happened, your friend asked me after that, either immediately or the next day, if I had seen you. I replied that I had, and expressed my regret, adding that if you passed by a hundred times, I would avoid contact with you more cautiously than with the most open enemies, since by being so close to that man, you were, as I later found out, praising Castalio,[404] who is so deeply twisted with every form of impiety that I would honestly prefer to be a Papist any day. Your friend then asked if I had any objections to you being informed of this. I said that was exactly why I spoke to him, as I hadn't been made aware of the situation in time. If he has revealed more than that, he has gone against my opinion, my wishes, and even his own promise. To tell you that you were completely caught up in the errors of that monster would have gone against what I intended, as I told him you must really have hated us for no reason to praise such a monster in our spite. What I essentially expressed was that I would have been far more hurt by such an insult coming from anyone other than you, because I had such faith in your integrity; yet I was even more dismayed to see you associating, without knowing why, with someone more detestable than all the Papists in the world. In fact, I told him several times that I didn’t understand how or why, nor what that meant. And now, even at this moment, you seem to prefer a path entirely opposed to what I’ve learned from my Master, as you say you’re happy to overlook any evil in him; yet we are told: Beware of dogs, mark them, avoid them... I leave you with the object of your affections!—If I’ve been too harsh and bitter, forgive me; it’s something you’ve compelled me to do. And so you know I harbor no anger or ill-will, I write this letter to you as one preparing to stand before God, who afflicts me once more with an evil that serves as a mirror of death before my eyes. I will plead with him, Your Excellency, to have mercy on me, and in his compassion, to preserve and guide you by his Spirit, increasing you in all prosperity along with Mademoiselle and your entire family.[405] Your servant,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCCVII.—To Mathieu Dimonet.[406]

Exhortation to patience and constancy under persecution.

The 10th of January 1553.

January 10, 1553.

Very dear Brother,—Although I have not at present to sustain the like conflicts that you have, yet you will suffer the word of exhortation from me as if I were your fellow-prisoner, and in truth the zeal which moves me to write to you proceeds from nothing else. Yet I pray you to consider how we ought to refer all to the will and disposal of our heavenly Father, who calls every one of us in the order that he pleases. Sometimes he spares his children, until he has gradually led and prepared them, as we hear it said to St. Peter by the Master's own lips, "When thou shalt be old, they shall carry thee whither thou wouldst not." But it sometimes happens that he chooses novices, or at least such as have not been long disciplined to warfare. However that may be, there is this advantage that he is no less powerful to put forth his strength in the weak, rendering them at once invincible, than to continue it to those who have long experienced it. From what I hear, you have not been one of the first called to his knowledge; yet God has nevertheless put you among the foremost of his witnesses. He has bestowed such strength and steadfastness upon you at the first assault, that the enemies of truth have[385] taken knowledge of the mark of Jesus Christ, which they cannot bear. I feel indeed by the sympathy I have for you (as I ought) that Satan ceases not to give you new alarms; but you must have recourse to Him who has made so good a beginning, praying him to complete his own work. If you have many trials, do not be greatly amazed on that account, even although you feel such frailty in yourself that you are almost ready to be shaken. Rather learn that it is by such means that God would humble you, that his help should be the better recognized by your need of it; and, moreover, that he invites you to call on his name, and to have all dependence on his grace, seeing there is need that we be forcibly driven to do so. I doubt not but that there may also be firebrands from without, who, under cover of friendship and relationship, will prove your worst and most mortal enemies, since to save the body they will do their utmost to draw the soul downward to perdition. And then, men's fancy is a marvellous workshop for forging out foolish imaginations, which disturb the true rest which we ought to have in the holy calling of our God, who commands us to look simply to himself, as indeed we have very good reason to do. Therefore we have need to be armed and accoutred at every point. But you need not be daunted, seeing that God has promised to equip his own according as they are assaulted by Satan. Only commit yourself to him, distrusting all in yourself, and hope that he only will suffice to sustain you. Further you have to take heed chiefly to two things: first, what the side is you defend, and next, what crown is promised to those who continue steadfast in the Gospel. The service of God, the boundless grace which he has manifested to us in his Son, and all the glory of his kingdom, are such precious things, that no mortal man ought to think it hard to spend his life in fighting against the base corruptions, whose reign throughout the world tends to bring to nought those blessings. And then, we know what will be the end of our warfare, and that He who has bought us will never suffer so dear a price as his blood to be lost, if we be but signed with it. Now we know how he owns as his own, and declares solemnly that he will own at the last day, all those[386] who have confessed him here below. We do not know as yet what he has determined to do concerning you, but there is nothing better for you than to sacrifice your life to him, being ready to part with it whenever he wills, and yet hoping that he will preserve it, in so far as he knows it to be profitable for your salvation. And although this be difficult to the flesh, yet it is the true happiness of his faithful ones; and you must pray that it may please this gracious God so to imprint it upon your heart that it may never be effaced therefrom. For our part, we also shall pray that he would make you feel his power, and vouchsafe you the full assurance that you are under his keeping; that he bridles the rage of your enemies, and in every way manifests himself as your God and Father.

Hey Bro,—Even though I’m not facing the same challenges you are right now, I hope you’ll accept this word of encouragement from me as if I were sharing your prison experience. My motivation to write you comes from that very feeling. I urge you to remember to surrender everything to the will of our heavenly Father, who calls each of us in the way he sees fit. Sometimes, He protects His children until they are fully prepared, as we've heard Jesus say to St. Peter, "When you are old, others will carry you where you don’t want to go." Yet sometimes, He chooses those who are inexperienced or not well-trained for battle. Regardless, He is just as capable of empowering the weak, making them strong and invincible, as He is of continuing to support those who are already experienced. From what I hear, you weren’t among the first to be called to His knowledge; still, God has placed you among the most prominent of His witnesses. He has given you such strength and perseverance right from the start that the enemies of truth have recognized the mark of Jesus Christ, which they find unbearable. I feel for you (as I should) and I know that Satan keeps trying to unsettle you; but you must turn to the one who has given you such a great start and ask Him to finish what He began. If you face many challenges, don’t be too surprised, even if you feel so weak that you are on the verge of collapsing. Instead, understand that God allows these things to humble you so that you are more aware of your need for His help, and He calls you to rely on His grace, as sometimes we need to be pushed to do so. I have no doubt that there may be outside influences, disguised as friends or family, who will turn out to be your worst enemies, as they will do everything they can to pull your soul down to destruction in order to save their own skin. Moreover, people's minds can create all sorts of foolish ideas that disturb the true peace we should find in the holy calling of God, who instructs us to look solely to Him, which is certainly what we should do. So, we need to be prepared and equipped at all times. But don’t be discouraged, since God has promised to equip His people according to the assaults from Satan. Just entrust yourself to Him, doubting nothing in yourself, and hope that He will be enough to support you. You need to pay attention to two main things: first, what cause you are defending, and second, the crown promised to those who remain steadfast in the Gospel. Serving God, the limitless grace He has shown us in His Son, and all the glory of His kingdom are such valuable things that no one should consider it too hard to spend their life fighting against the corruptions that threaten to destroy those blessings all over the world. Also, we understand how our struggle will end, and that He who has redeemed us will not let the price of His blood be lost if we are marked by it. Now we know how He claims us as His own and solemnly declares that He will acknowledge all those who have confessed Him here on earth when the last day comes. We don’t yet know what He has planned for you, but there is nothing better than to dedicate your life to Him, being ready to let go of it whenever He desires, while also hoping that He will preserve it as long as He knows it’s for your salvation. While this may be hard for the flesh, it is the true happiness of His faithful servants; and you must pray that this gracious God writes it on your heart in such a way that it can never be erased. We will also pray that He makes you aware of His power and grants you full assurance that you are under His care; that He restrains your enemies’ fury and shows Himself as your God and Father in every way.

As I hear that our brother, Peter Berger,[407] is in the same prison with you, I beg you to greet him from me, and to give him my letters as common to you both. Let us go forward, until we have arrived at our goal—the being gathered together into the everlasting kingdom.

As I hear that our brother, Peter Berger,[407] is in the same prison with you, I ask you to say hi to him for me and to share my letters with him since you both know each other. Let’s keep moving forward until we reach our goal—the gathering into the eternal kingdom.


I had forgotten one point, which is, that you should reply to adversaries reverently and modestly, according to the measure of faith God gives you. I say this because it is not given to every one to dispute. Indeed the martyrs themselves were no great scholars, nor subtile to enter upon profound disputations. Thus humbling yourself under the guidance of the Spirit of God, answer soberly, according to your knowledge, following the rule of Scripture, "I have believed, therefore I speak." Yet let not that hinder you from speaking frankly and plainly, in the full persuasion that He who has promised to give you a mouth and wisdom, which all your adversaries shall not be able to gainsay, will never fail you.

I had forgotten one thing, which is that you should respond to opponents with respect and humility, based on the level of faith God gives you. I mention this because not everyone is meant to argue. In fact, even the martyrs weren’t highly educated or skilled in deep debates. So, humbling yourself under the guidance of the Spirit of God, respond thoughtfully, based on what you know, following the rule of Scripture: "I have believed, therefore I speak." However, don’t let that stop you from speaking openly and honestly, fully convinced that He who promised to give you a mouth and wisdom—so that all your opponents can’t contradict you—will never let you down.

[Fr.Printed in Histoire des Martyrs, lib. iv. p. 247.]

[Fr.Printed in Histoire des Martyrs, lib. iv. p. 247.]


CCCVIII.—To Chris Fabri.

Congratulations on the subject of his approaching marriage—Calvin's regret that he cannot be present at the ceremony.

Geneva, 13th January 1553.

Geneva, January 13, 1553.

I am exceedingly glad that you are about to get married, not only because it will be for your own private good, but also because the brethren have considered it to be for the good of the whole Church.[408] And while I do not indeed know enough of the lady, yet I confidently trust, from various conjectures, that each of you will turn out according to our wishes. We have good reason, therefore to congratulate you, and we feel thankful to God in no ordinary degree. I should gladly have been present at your marriage, had I not been detained at home by the wickedness of those who cease not to bring destruction upon themselves and the community by their madness.[409] I have good reason to call it madness, for they have never exhibited more unbridled licentiousness. I shall say nothing of their mischievous plots for the destruction of the faith, of their gross contempt of God, of their impious conspiracies for the scattering of the Church, of the foul Epicurism of their whole life; and this, not because these are light evils, but because they are not unknown to you. The entire Republic is at present in disorder, and they are striving to root up the established[388] order of things. Had your marriage been a month later, I should have had more leisure. I cannot move a foot at present. I have not been through the city-gates for a month past, not even for recreation. Would that I had less ground for my excuse. Assuredly the season of winter would not have stood in my way. But we shall pray that your marriage may come off well, the effects of which will be felt even here. I would not have thought it labour lost to obtain a conversation with our beloved Farel and your chief magistrate, at the expense of the cold and irksomeness of a three days' journey. But one consideration was sufficient for me, that you wished me to discharge a duty which I was as willing to fulfil, as you were earnest in desiring it. I hope to find it more convenient to visit my friends on another occasion. Adieu, very dear brother in the Lord. Farel will pardon me for not writing him. Present my very kind regards to him. Louis, minister of Veissy,[410] left us lately; I see that his life has been a burden to him for some time past, owing to protracted debility. John Macard[411] supplies his place. We must have a quarrel with Philip.[412] Salute Maturin and the rest of our friends earnestly in my name. May the Lord watch over you and guide you by his Spirit. Amen.—Yours,

I’m really happy that you’re about to get married, not just for your own benefit but also because the community believes it will be good for the whole Church.[408] Even though I don't know much about your fiancée, I trust that, based on various hints, both of you will turn out as we hope. We have plenty of reasons to congratulate you, and we’re genuinely thankful to God. I would have loved to be at your wedding, but I've been held back at home by the foolishness of those who continue to bring chaos upon themselves and the community with their reckless behavior.[409] I truly call it madness because they show unprecedented disregard for boundaries. I won’t mention their harmful plots against the faith, their blatant disrespect for God, their impious schemes to scatter the Church, or the complete hedonism of their lives; not because these aren’t serious issues, but because I know you’re already aware of them. The entire Republic is currently in turmoil, and they are trying to uproot the established order.[388] If your wedding had been a month later, I would have had more time. Right now, I can’t go anywhere. I haven’t left the city in a month, not even for a break. I wish I didn’t have such valid reasons to stay. The winter weather wouldn’t have stopped me otherwise. But we will pray that your wedding goes wonderfully, and its positive impact will be felt even here. I wouldn’t have thought it was a waste of time to have a conversation with our dear Farel and your main magistrate, despite the cold and discomfort of a three-day journey. But the main reason for not going was that you asked me to fulfill a duty that I was eager to take on, just as you were eager for me to do it. I hope to visit my friends on another occasion that’s more convenient. Goodbye, dear brother in the Lord. Farel will forgive me for not writing to him. Please send him my warmest regards. Louis, the minister of Veissy,[410] recently left us; I see that his health has been a struggle for him for some time due to ongoing weakness. John Macard[411] is stepping in for him. We need to have a disagreement with Philip.[412] Please send heartfelt greetings to Maturin and all our friends from me. May the Lord watch over you and guide you with His Spirit. Amen.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of the Company of Neuchatel.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of the Company of Neuchatel.]


CCCIX.—To John Cheke.[413]

Calvin apologizes for silence, and enjoins him to use his influence with the King for the advancement of the Gospel in England.

Geneva, 13th Feb. 1553.

Geneva, Feb 13, 1553.

I have hitherto avoided writing you, most distinguished sir, lest I should perhaps seem anxious to obtain what my own inclinations did not prompt. For as the friendships of the world are hollow, and ambition and deception everywhere prevail, so that those who cultivate sincerity are exceedingly few, it is absolutely necessary for us almost to regard all with suspicion whose uprightness of character we have not thoroughly tested. I have at length, however, found an exceedingly just motive for writing you, inasmuch as I have now frequently made bold to write to the King himself, and have never written a single letter to you, which was not at all becoming, seeing that it was owing to your influence (under the grace of God) that myself and the other servants of Christ were permitted access to him. And as for the past my excuse is easy, for I was at the first afraid lest those whom I was writing to exhort might have too little confidence in me, if I employed the service of others in presenting my letters; and I was again disinclined to give you any trouble, as no familiarity had passed between us. If I have in any way offended you in this matter, attribute it rather to my shyness than to my negligence. Nay,[390] indeed, it is now a long while ago, that having been led thereto by the fame of your rare piety and excellent learning, I must have worthily esteemed you. Moreover, this one reason is sufficient to win for you the favour of all good men, viz., that England has a king whom you have trained by your labour, not only possessing very superior talents, but also a maturity of moral excellence beyond his years, who is extending a hand to the suffering—I should rather in fact say miserable—Church of God in these very sad times. Certainly, having deemed you worthy of this honour, the Lord has not only endeared you to those who experience the present benefit of it, but to as many as desire to see the Church of God re-established, or at least to see her remains gathered together. If then I bear testimony to that affection which I have so long cherished towards you in silence, I am persuaded this expression of my regard will not be unpleasant to you. And again, while you, in that splendid position of yours, do not require the humble offices of men like me, and I, in turn, content with my own poor state, am averse to impose any burden on you of my own account, let us nevertheless cherish towards each other a mutual goodwill throughout this fleeting life, until we find its full enjoyment in heaven. Let us meanwhile, with one accord, make it our study to adorn the kingdom of Christ, and, as far as in us lies, to extend and watch over it. For we see how numerous are its open and malicious enemies, whose fury is already kindled, and is growing greater day by day; and, on the other hand, how few is the number of those who have lent their name to the Gospel, how few are conscientiously labouring for the advancement of the glory of God. We see how much coldness, or rather how much indifference, there is among many men of influence; in a word, how much deadness there is throughout the world. And while I believe you will do so of your own accord, and stand in no need at all of any foreign stimulus, yet, with your accustomed good nature, I have no doubt but that you will take in good part what I have laid thus familiarly before you, and which it becomes every one of us earnestly to call to mind. I have indeed particularly to request of you, whenever at any time you think that the[391] most serene King could be cheered forward by my exhortations, to advise me thereon, and, according to circumstances, that you will not grudge me your opinion. Adieu, most excellent and heartily esteemed sir. May the Lord guard you by his protection, continue to guide you by his Spirit, and bless your sacred labours.

I have so far avoided writing to you, most distinguished sir, because I didn’t want to seem eager to gain something I didn’t earn. The friendships in the world can be shallow, and where ambition and deception dominate, very few people are truly sincere. It’s essential to be cautious of those whose integrity we haven't fully examined. However, I’ve finally found a very valid reason to write to you, since I’ve often had the courage to write to the King himself, yet I’ve never written you a single letter, which is inappropriate considering it was your influence (with God’s grace) that allowed me and other servants of Christ to approach him. As for my past inaction, it’s simple: I initially feared that those I was trying to encourage might think less of me if I had others deliver my letters. Additionally, I didn't want to trouble you since we weren’t very familiar with each other. If I’ve offended you in any way regarding this, please attribute it to my shyness rather than carelessness. Indeed, it’s been quite a while since, inspired by your remarkable piety and outstanding knowledge, I have held you in high regard. Furthermore, one reason alone is enough to earn you the esteem of all good people: England has a king whom you have molded through your hard work, who not only possesses exceptional abilities but also exhibits moral strength beyond his years, and is reaching out to the suffering—nay, I should say miserable—Church of God during these very sad times. The Lord has deemed you worthy of this honor, endearing you not only to those who benefit from it now but to everyone who hopes to see the Church of God restored or at least her remnants gathered. If I finally express the regard I’ve silently held for you, I believe this will not be unwelcome to you. And while you, in your esteemed position, don’t need the humble efforts of someone like me, I, content with my modest circumstances, wish to avoid being a burden on you. Nevertheless, let’s maintain mutual goodwill through this fleeting life until we fully enjoy it in heaven. Meanwhile, let’s work together to enhance the kingdom of Christ and, as far as we can, expand and protect it. We see how many open and malicious enemies it has, whose fury is already ignited and growing daily; and on the other hand, we see how few have committed themselves to the Gospel and how few genuinely work for God’s glory. There’s so much coldness, or rather indifference, among many influential people; in short, there’s much deadness in the world. While I believe you will take action on your own and don’t need any external prompts, I have no doubt you will kindly take my remarks to heart and we should all earnestly keep this in mind. I particularly ask you, whenever you think the most serene King could be encouraged by my exhortations, to let me know and, circumstances permitting, I would appreciate your thoughts on this. Farewell, most excellent and esteemed sir. May the Lord protect you, continue to guide you by His Spirit, and bless your sacred efforts.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 68.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. ix, p. 68.]


CCCX.—To the Five Prisoners of Lyons.[414]

Exhortations to constancy—Mention of Oritz, the Inquisitor.

7th March 1553.

March 7, 1553.

My Brethren,—We have been for some days past in deeper anxiety and sadness than ever, having heard of the resolve taken by the enemies of the truth. When the gentleman you wot of passed this way,[415] while he was dining very hurriedly, to avoid all delay, I drew up such a form of letters as seemed to me expedient to write. God has given, both to you and all his people, some further respite; we wait the event as it shall please him to dispose it, always praying him to uphold you, and not permit you to fall away; in short, to have you in his keeping. I feel well assured that nothing shakes the firmness which he has put within you. Doubtless, for a long time past, you have meditated upon the last conflict which you will[392] have to sustain, if it be his good pleasure to lead you thereto, and have even so fought hitherto that long practice has inured you to fill up what remains. It cannot be but that you feel some twinges of frailty; yet, be confident that He whose service you are upon will so rule in your hearts by his Holy Spirit, that his grace shall overcome all temptations. If he has promised to strengthen with patience those who suffer chastisement for their sins, how much less will he be found wanting to those who maintain his quarrel,—those whom he employs on so worthy a mission as being witnesses for his truth! You must therefore keep this sentence in mind, that He who dwells in you is stronger than the world. We who are here shall do our duty in praying that he would glorify himself more and more by your constancy, and that he may, by the consolation of his Spirit, sweeten and endear all that is bitter to the flesh, and so absorb your spirits in himself, that in contemplating that heavenly crown, you may be ready without regret to leave all that belongs to this world.

My Siblings,—We have been feeling more anxious and sad than ever in the past few days, having heard about the decision made by the enemies of the truth. When the gentleman you know passed through here,[415] while he was hurriedly dining to avoid any delays, I wrote a letter that I thought was necessary. God has given both you and all his people some extra time; we are waiting for whatever he decides to do, always praying that he supports you and keeps you from falling away; in short, that he watches over you. I am confident that nothing can shake the strength he has given you. Surely, for a long time, you have been reflecting on the final struggle you will have to face, should it please him to lead you to it, and you have fought up to now so well that your experience has prepared you for what remains. You might feel some pangs of weakness; however, be assured that He whom you serve will guide your hearts through his Holy Spirit, ensuring that his grace overcomes all temptations. If he has promised to give patience to those who suffer for their sins, how much more will he not fail those who fight for his cause—those he tasks with the honorable mission of being witnesses for his truth! Therefore, keep this thought in mind, that He who is in you is stronger than the world. We here will do our part in praying that he glorifies himself more and more through your perseverance, and that he may use the comfort of his Spirit to sweeten and soften all that is painful to the flesh, so that your hearts are absorbed in him, making you ready, without regret, to leave behind everything that belongs to this world when you contemplate that heavenly crown.

I have received a certain paper containing some very subtle arguments of that unhappy animal Oritz,[416] to prove that it is allowable to make idols. I do not know whether it is you who have sent it me, and whether you would have me to reply to it. I have not thought it worth while to do so, because I was in some doubt about it, and really I do believe that you have no great need of it. But if you like you shall have an answer to it by the first. There is one thing which I have to request of you: you saw some time ago the letters of a paltry mocker of God in this place, who does nothing but trouble the Church, and has never ceased to deal in that trade for five years past. I wish much that by the first, you would write a word of warning to make known his malice, as there is really no end to him. And this I beseech you, as you love the repose of this Church, which is more teased than you can well believe by internal foes.

I received a paper with some very subtle arguments from that unfortunate person Oritz,[416] trying to prove that making idols is okay. I'm not sure if you sent it to me or if I'm supposed to respond. I didn't think it was worth responding since I had some doubts about it, and I genuinely believe you don’t need it much. But if you want, I can get back to you on it soon. There's one thing I need to ask of you: a while ago, you saw letters from a petty mocker of God here, who only causes trouble for the Church and has been at it for five years. I really wish you would send a warning soon to expose his malice, as he truly doesn't seem to have an end in sight. I ask this of you for the sake of the peace of this Church, which is more troubled by internal enemies than you might realize.

And now, my brethren, after having besought our good Lord to have charge over you, to assist you in everything and through everything, to make you taste by experience how kind a Father he is, and how careful of the salvation of his own, I pray to be remembered in your prayers.

And now, my friends, after asking our good Lord to watch over you, to help you in everything and through everything, to let you feel for yourselves how loving a Father he is, and how attentive he is to the salvation of his own, I ask you to remember me in your prayers.

[Fr.Printed in Hist. des Martyrs, lib. iv., p. 247.]

[Fr.Printed in Hist. des Martyrs, lib. iv., p. 247.]


CCCXI—To Edward VI.

Recommendation of a French gentleman, a prisoner for the sake of the Gospel.

From Geneva, this 12th March 1553.

From Geneva, this March 12, 1553.

Sire,—Although I had a petition to make to you for myself, I should not have the boldness to urge it, yet I think that you will not take it amiss, that I should make a request for another, when you are informed of the necessity which constrains me, and the merits of the case, which commends itself to you not less than to myself. It is, Sire, that there is a French gentleman detained prisoner in Paris[417] on account of some intercepted letter written by him to one of our friends, who was the king's lieutenant in the town of Noyon (of which I am a native), and retired to these parts;[418] added to which the said gentleman was already held suspected in the matter of religion. And being a man of some rank they kept an eye upon him, which has been the occasion of his seizure. Now, if my testimony has any weight with your Majesty, I can assure you, Sire, that he is as right-minded a man as you could anywhere meet with, excelling in all honour and virtue, endowed with graces which deserve to be loved and valued, and above all, confirmed in the fear of God. I know very well that this is great praise; but did you know him, Sire, I have no doubt that you would form[394] a like judgment, and discover that I do not exceed due measure. Now, as he is beloved of all, both high and low, even of Monsieur de Vendosme and other princes, there is nothing save the cause of Jesus Christ on account of which he can be hated or rejected, which cause is so dear to you, Sire, that I hope you will not refuse to help him, if there be any means of doing so. I am aware that your Majesty cannot aid, as might be wished, all those who labour and are persecuted on account of the Gospel. But should it be your good pleasure to exert yourself for him of whom I treat, be assured, Sire, that in the person of one man you will console many who are at present greatly dismayed, while the foes of truth are fully intending to triumph if they succeed. But not to be too troublesome to your Majesty, I shall enter no further upon facts, which, if it seem good to you, you can better learn from the statements of the gentleman who delivers this. Only I beseech you, in the name of God, with all possible affection, yea as eagerly as I would on behalf of my own life, that it may please you to grant this request, namely, to ask the King of France to let him depart out of his country, together with his wife, also detained, and with as much of his property as can be withdrawn. In doing which you will not only lay me under obligation more and more to pray God to prosper you, but an infinite number of believers besides.

Your Majesty,—Even though I have a request for myself, I wouldn’t dare to push it. However, I hope you won’t mind if I request something on behalf of another, considering the urgent need and the merits of the situation, which I believe will resonate with you as much as it does with me. It concerns a French gentleman who is being held prisoner in Paris[417] due to an intercepted letter he wrote to a friend who was the king's lieutenant in Noyon (my hometown) and has since moved away;[418] moreover, this gentleman was already under suspicion regarding his religious beliefs. Because of his status, they’ve been watching him closely, leading to his arrest. If my opinion holds any value to you, Sire, I assure you that he is an exceptionally principled man, remarkable in honor and virtue, possessing qualities that are deserving of love and respect, and, above all, firmly committed to his faith in God. I recognize this is high praise; yet, if you were to know him, Sire, I’m confident you would share my view and see that I’m not exaggerating. He is well-liked by everyone, from nobility to common folk, including Monsieur de Vendosme and other princes. The only reason he could possibly face disdain is due to his allegiance to Jesus Christ, a cause that is so dear to you, Sire, that I trust you will not hesitate to offer your assistance if there’s any way to do so. I understand that your Majesty cannot possibly help every individual suffering for the Gospel as much as one might hope. But should you choose to advocate for the gentleman I’m referring to, I assure you, Sire, that by aiding one man, you will bring comfort to many who are currently feeling distressed, while the enemies of truth are determined to prevail should they succeed. To avoid being overly burdensome, I won’t elaborate further on the details, which you can better understand from the gentleman delivering this message. I only implore you, in God’s name, with the utmost sincerity, as fervently as I would advocate for my own life, to grant this request: please ask the King of France to allow him and his wife—who is also detained—to leave the country, along with as much of their property as can be retrieved. By doing this, you will not only place me under a deeper obligation to pray for your success, but countless other believers as well.

Sire, after having commended myself as humbly as I can to your kind favour, I pray our good Lord to keep you under his holy protection, and to govern you by his Spirit in all prudence, uprightness, and strength of purpose, and to make your crown to flourish more and more.—Your very humble and obedient servitor,

Sire, after humbling myself as much as possible to earn your favor, I pray our good Lord to keep you under his holy protection and guide you with his Spirit in all wisdom, integrity, and determination, and to help your crown thrive more and more.—Your very humble and obedient servant,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr. copy.Imperial Library. Coll. Dupuy, vol. 102.]

[Fr. copy.Imperial Library. Coll. Dupuy, vol. 102.]


CCCXII.—To Farel.[419]

Serious illness and unexpected recovery of Farel—Calvin's joy.

Geneva, 27th March 1553.

Geneva, March 27, 1553.

When I recently performed the last offices of a friend towards you, as I indeed thought, I was desirous of escaping the remainder of the grief which was incidental to your premature death. I have suffered the punishment which I deserved for my overhastiness. And would that I had been the only one who suffered it. It made the thing worse, that I involved very many good men in the same grief with myself. Consoled, however, now by more joyful news, I am forgetting my folly and disgrace. And it is certainly proper that this wonderful goodness of God should absorb all cause for sorrow. Seeing now that your disease has left you, you must endeavour gradually to recover that vigour of mind which you exercised too actively in the most trying conflicts, and to regain possession of that strength of body which must needs be worn out and exhausted. Since I have buried you before the time, may the Lord grant that the Church may see you my survivor. My own private comfort is joined with the public good of the faithful in this prayer; for my warfare will be the shorter, and I shall not be subjected to the pain of lamenting your death. Yet I am not, in the meanwhile, averse, if it should so[396] please God, to your life being so long lengthened out, as to allow me ten years of labour. But let us now live so for Christ, that we may be daily prepared to die for him; we ought, while we have opportunity, to prepare for what will befall us. Make it your sole study, in the meanwhile, to take care of your health, that you may soon recover. My brother will tell you better, orally, than I can here how many friends salute you. Adieu, very worthy brother. May the Lord, who, contrary to our expectation, has restored you to his Church, cause you ever to triumph over Satan and the wicked. Much health to your fellow-ministers and others.—Yours truly,

When I recently honored the memory of a friend who passed away, I thought I would find relief from the grief caused by your early death. I've faced the consequences of my impatience and wish I had been the only one to bear this burden. It made things harder knowing that I dragged many good people into the same sorrow with me. However, with the happier news now, I'm starting to forget my foolishness and shame. It's certainly fitting that this incredible kindness from God should overshadow any reason for sadness. Now that your illness is behind you, you need to work on regaining the mental strength you showed in those tough times and restoring your physical health, which must have been drained. Since I mourned you before your time, may the Lord allow the Church to see you back with us. My personal comfort is intertwined with the well-being of the faithful in this prayer because it will make my struggles shorter, and I won’t have to endure the pain of mourning your death. Still, I hope, if it pleases God, that your life is extended long enough for me to labor for ten more years. But for now, let’s live for Christ in a way that prepares us to die for him when the time comes. We should take advantage of the opportunity to prepare for what lies ahead. Focus solely on your health so you can recover soon. My brother will tell you better in person about how many friends are sending their regards. Goodbye, my esteemed brother. May the Lord, who has surprisingly brought you back to his Church, help you to always overcome Satan and evil. Wishing good health to your fellow ministers and others.—Yours truly,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 69.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. ix. p. 69.]


CCCXIII.—To Christopher and Thomas Zollicoffre.[420]

Last steps in favour of the Prisoners of Lyons.

From the Hostellerie in Lausanne,
28th March 1553.

From the Hostellerie in Lausanne,
March 28, 1553.

Very dear Messieurs and Brethren,—I write you this present letter in much haste, having only just arrived at the town of Lausanne. The occasion of my writing is, that Messieurs of Berne have written so warmly to the king, that if they are ever to obtain anything from him, we hope this appeal may be final. Now, the prisoners have signified that we are to apply to you for the expenses of the journey. We pray you, therefore, to consider and determine speedily what had best be[397] done. If you have any fitter messenger to send to court, we beg of you to repay him his travelling expenses from Berne to Lyons. If you think that he ought to proceed further, be pleased to enjoin that money be furnished him without delay. May God of his infinite mercy prosper the despatch as we hope. I have addressed you privately, according to their instructions, and I believe that you will not object to be employed in an affair of this kind. Whereupon, after having affectionately commended myself to you, I beseech our gracious God to have you in his holy keeping, to guide you by his Spirit, and to make you prosperous.

Dear Team and Friends,—I'm writing this letter in a hurry, as I've just arrived in Lausanne. The reason for my writing is that the officials in Berne have made a strong appeal to the king, and if they're ever going to get anything from him, we hope this request will be the one that works. The prisoners have indicated that we should ask you for the travel expenses. We kindly ask you to consider and decide quickly what should be done[397]. If you have someone better suited to send to the court, please reimburse him for his travel expenses from Berne to Lyons. If you think he should go further, please ensure he gets the funds without delay. May God, in his infinite mercy, help us with this matter as we hope. I have reached out to you privately, as instructed, and I trust that you won't mind being involved in this matter. After sending you my warm regards, I pray that our gracious God keeps you safe, guides you by his Spirit, and brings you success.

Your humble brother and sincere friend,

Your devoted brother and true friend,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


You can see the copies of the two letters which Messieurs of Berne have written. It might, perhaps, have been desirable that the first, dated the 15th March, should have been kept back.[421] But the thing is done. The remedy is good, inasmuch as the latter is as full as could be desired. Having perused the whole, we beg of you to forward them to the prisoners aforesaid. Our brother, Peter Viret, commends himself most heartily to you.

You can see the copies of the two letters that the gentlemen of Berne wrote. It might have been better if the first one, dated March 15th, had been held back.[421] But it’s done now. The solution is good since the second letter is as detailed as could be wished. After reading everything, we kindly ask you to send them to the mentioned prisoners. Our brother, Peter Viret, sends his warm regards to you.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Saint Gall. Vol. 7, p. 211.]

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Saint Gall. Vol. 7, p. 211.]


CCCXIV.—To Cranmer.

He entreats his influence in favour of the person already recommended to the King.

March 1553.

March 1553.

When I lately wrote to you my last letter[422]—which may not perhaps be put into your hands until after you have received the present one—nothing was farther from my mind than that I should again trouble you so soon. An unexpected necessity has arisen, however, which compels me, even before I have penned a single friendly letter to you, to solicit you regarding a matter of great importance. A certain man, of a noble family, has been lately thrown into prison, whose kind heart and generous nature render him still more worthy of commendation for his virtues, than for the nobility of his descent. Thinking there was no danger, he had written to a common friend, who came among us as a voluntary exile when the royal prefect was at Noyon, the town in which I was born. Owing to the perfidy of the messenger, the letter was seized. He was arrested by a royal order. The Chancellor, and some others, were appointed judges extraordinary. Seeing that this occurrence has caused many good men to be seized with no ordinary alarm, and that the enemies of the whole Church are ferociously insulting Christ in the person of a man of sincere piety, it is our duty to do all we can to restrain their fury, and bring relief to such a distinguished servant of God. I was not at all afraid, therefore, of any one accusing me of indiscretion in engaging in the pious duty of commending the life of this person to your most serene king. And the same necessity which drove me to this, leads me to exhort you to use your interest, as far as may be lawful, for furthering the end of my petition. And while I am confident that you will be glad to do it of your own accord, I nevertheless ask and beseech of you, most earnestly[399] to do it for my sake all the more speedily. Adieu, most distinguished sir, deserving in many ways of my hearty reverence.

When I recently wrote you my last letter[422]—which you might not receive until after you get this one—nothing was further from my mind than to trouble you again so soon. However, an unexpected situation has come up, which forces me to reach out to you about something very important, even before I've written a friendly letter to you. A certain man from a noble family has recently been imprisoned; his kind heart and generous nature make him even more commendable for his virtues than for his noble lineage. He thought there was no danger when he wrote to a mutual friend, who became a voluntary exile when the royal prefect was in Noyon, the town where I was born. Due to the treachery of the messenger, the letter was intercepted. He was arrested by royal order. The Chancellor and others were appointed as extraordinary judges. Seeing that this incident has caused considerable alarm among many good people, and that the enemies of the Church are aggressively insulting Christ by targeting a man of genuine faith, we must do everything we can to curb their wrath and provide relief to this distinguished servant of God. Therefore, I am not at all worried about being accused of indiscretion in the noble act of commending this person's life to your most serene king. And the same urgency that led me to this request now compels me to encourage you to use your influence, as far as it is lawful, to support my petition. While I’m confident that you will be happy to help on your own, I still earnestly ask you to do it as quickly as possible for my sake. Farewell, most distinguished sir, who deserves my heartfelt respect in many ways.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCCXV.—To Mr. de Marolles.[423]

Christian encouragement and consolation.

12th April 1553.

April 12, 1553.

Monsieur,—I doubt not that you are at present in very great perplexity, seeing that the rage of the enemies is daily kindling, and dangers increasing more and more. Thus you have much need to have recourse to Him who not in vain claims the office of comforting his people in their afflictions. Although it may be difficult to the weakness of our flesh to continue steadfast when we see no end of warfare; nay more, see that things grow worse; yet when girt about with the armour which God bestows upon us, we must not fear but that we shall overcome all the devices of Satan. I call "the armour of God," not merely the promises and holy exhortations by which he strengthens us, but the prayers which are to obtain the strength we need. And therefore, sir, according to your necessity, get by heart what Scripture sets before us, both as to the present condition of Christians, and the miseries to which they must needs be subject, and also as to the happy and desirable issue promised them; and how, moreover, they shall never be forsaken in the time of their need. I know—long continued maladies being the most harassing—that it is extremely hard[400] for you to languish for such a length of time. But if the enemies of the truth are thus obstinate in their fury, we ought to be ashamed of not being at least equally steadfast in well-doing; and most of all when it concerns the glory of our God and Redeemer, which, of his infinite goodness, he has bound up with our salvation. And I have no doubt that you put in practice what the Apostle tells you about strengthening the feeble knees, and lifting up the hands which hang down. For it cannot be but that the first blows dismay, unless we rouse our virtue to resist temptation. And as I feel well persuaded that you are not slack in bestirring yourself, I am the more brief. It is enough for me to have given you a few words of advice, and at the same time to assure you that you are not forgotten here, but that knowing the difficulties by which you are beset, we have a fellow-feeling of them. I do not mean to say that it is such as we ought to have, but it is at least the testimony of the true brotherly love which we are bound to bear you. Moreover, while praying God that he would strengthen your courage and impart his protection, you will also have to request that he would guide you with his advice, and give you a favourable opening. However scant the means he may offer you, you are free, as I believe, to use them, and that speedily, lest they escape you. As for the road which would be best for you to take, I know not what to say. Although I should be very glad to see you, and to enjoy your good-fellowship, yet I should not repine, knowing that in order to follow after God, and to be the more drawn to him, were you removed to twice the distance from me. I do not know the advantages of the other place. As for ours, I must not conceal from you that they are so scanty I am ashamed to mention them. I wish much, and it would be desirable, that there had been wherewithal to have drawn you hither. But I ought not to inveigle you by vain expectations, having no other desire than your wellbeing wherever it may be. True it is, that what some promise themselves in retiring hither, rests, as appears to me, on very slender grounds. However, there is this to be said, the Christians here have liberty to worship God purely, which is the chief point of all. For the present, you[401] must commit yourself to Him who has the spirit of prudence, to be guided by him. Wherefore, in concluding, Monsieur, after having affectionately commended me to your kind favour and prayers, I pray our good Lord to increase you with the gifts of his Spirit, to uphold you with his strong arm that you faint not, to bridle Satan and all his underlings, so that they may not be able to do aught against you, to glorify his name by you even to the end. I desire also that Madame may have her share in these commendations. And should an occasion offer, I especially entreat you to present the like also to Madame, your neighbour.[424] Once more, I pray the gracious Father to have you all under his care, not merely for the preservation of the body, but also for the keeping the soul unpolluted. Your brother and humble servitor,

Mr.,—I can understand that you are currently feeling very confused, given that the anger of your enemies is growing daily and the threats are rising more and more. Therefore, you really need to turn to Him who genuinely comforts His people in their struggles. Although it may be tough for our weak nature to stay strong when we see no end to the battle, and especially when things seem to be getting worse, we should not fear that we will overcome all the tricks of Satan if we are equipped with the armor God provides us. I refer to "the armor of God" not just as the promises and holy encouragements that strengthen us, but also as the prayers through which we seek the strength we need. So, based on your needs, take to heart what Scripture teaches us about the current state of Christians, the hardships they must face, and the happy and desirable outcome that is promised to them; and how, moreover, they will never be abandoned in their times of trouble. I know—chronic illnesses are particularly burdensome—that it is incredibly hard for you to endure for such a long time. But if the enemies of the truth are this stubborn in their fury, we should be ashamed if we are not at least equally persistent in doing good, especially when it comes to the glory of our God and Redeemer, which, in His infinite goodness, He has intertwined with our salvation. I have no doubt that you are putting into practice what the Apostle says about strengthening the weak and lifting up the hands that hang down. The first blows can be demoralizing unless we muster the courage to resist temptation. And since I'm confident that you are not slow to take action, I'll keep this brief. It's enough for me to offer you a few words of advice and to assure you that you are not forgotten here; we are aware of the challenges you face, and we sympathize with them. I don't claim that our sympathy is all that it should be, but it is at least a testament to the true brotherly love we are supposed to show you. Moreover, while praying that God strengthens your courage and grants you His protection, be sure to ask Him for guidance and for favorable opportunities. No matter how limited the means He provides you, you are free, as I believe, to use them quickly, before they slip away. As for the best path for you, I can't really say. While I'd be happy to see you and enjoy your company, I wouldn't complain, knowing that you are following God and being drawn closer to Him, even if that means you are twice as far from me. I don’t know the advantages of the other place. In our area, I must admit that the benefits are so limited that I feel embarrassed to mention them. I genuinely wish there were more to entice you to come here. But I shouldn't lure you with false hopes, as my only desire is your well-being, wherever that may be. It's true that what some expect from coming here seems, to me, based on very flimsy grounds. However, it’s worth noting that Christians here can worship God freely, which is the most important thing. For now, you need to place your trust in Him who has the spirit of wisdom to guide you. So, in conclusion, Sir, after warmly recommending myself to your kind support and prayers, I ask our good Lord to fill you with the gifts of His Spirit, to sustain you with His strong arm so that you do not grow weary, to restrain Satan and all his followers, so that they cannot harm you, and to glorify His name through you until the end. I also want Madame to share in these commendations. And if the opportunity arises, I especially urge you to convey the same to Madame, your neighbor.[424] Once again, I pray the gracious Father to watch over you all, not just for the preservation of your body, but also to keep your soul untainted. Your brother and humble servant,

Charles D'Espeville.

Charles D'Espeville.

[Fr. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]


CCCXVI.—To Viret.[425]

Extinction of all hope in regard to the prisoners of Lyons.

Geneva, 22d April 1553.

Geneva, April 22, 1553.

When the present messenger left Lyons matters stood thus: the majority of the judges were disinclined to agree to the condemnation of the brethren, inasmuch as the king had given no express orders respecting it. The Constable, however, stood alone in opposing this.[426] Good men thought accordingly that something would require to be done. To me indeed their[402] labour appears not only useless, but absurd. For there is no hope of inducing the Bernese, after their insolent repulse, to expose themselves to no purpose to the mockery of the tyrant and his court. Nor in truth would the Lyonnese ask aught of the kind from us, if a copy of a letter which I received three days ago were put into their hands. Should you deem it advisable, you may counsel some of your Bernese friends as to what should be done there. But good men will understand from our letter that they need give themselves no farther trouble. Adieu, very excellent and upright brother, together with your wife and family. Salute Beza, your colleague Ribet, and the rest of my friends. May Christ ever watch over you and guide you.—Yours,

When the current messenger left Lyons, the situation was as follows: most of the judges were not inclined to agree to condemn the brethren, since the king had given no clear orders regarding it. The Constable, however, stood alone in opposing this. Good people thought something needed to be done. To me, their efforts seem not only pointless but ridiculous. There’s no chance of getting the Bernese, after their arrogant rejection, to put themselves at risk of being mocked by the tyrant and his court for no reason. Nor would the Lyonnese even consider asking us for anything like that if they had a copy of a letter I received three days ago. If you think it would be wise, you can advise some of your Bernese friends on what to do there. But good people will understand from our letter that there's no need for them to worry any further. Goodbye, my very good and honorable brother, along with your wife and family. Please send my regards to Beza, your colleague Ribet, and the rest of my friends. May Christ always watch over you and guide you.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCCXVII.—To Bullinger.[427]

Assurances of respect and fraternal affection.

April 1553.

April 1553.

A letter was shown me lately at Farel's, addressed to himself, in which you informed him that you were gradually recovering from a very severe and all but fatal illness. The life of our brother Farel was at that time despaired of; so much so, that on my return, I declared everywhere that he was dead. We have now to offer our sincere thanks to the Lord, who has restored both of you to us and to his Church. I was very glad to find from your letter, three days ago, that you are quite recovered. Although, to speak the truth, the reading of it would have filled me with more joy, had I not ascertained that it was written to prevent me from entertaining any hostility towards you. Certainly such a thing never entered my mind; nor do I think that Ulmius had any reason for saying so. He came twice to me. We conversed together for a long time on various matters, freely and familiarly. Mention was made of yourself,[403] and the whole of your colleagues, but not a syllable escaped me, so far as I know, calculated to convey an unfavourable opinion of you. On desiring him, however, as he was leaving me, to present my regards to you, I omitted Bibliander, inasmuch as he was openly professing hostility towards us.[428] When Ulmius[429] seemed to regard this with incredulity, and turned away from it as if from an unlucky omen, I briefly explained to him the cause of it:—that having been tormented here by a vile and perfidious character, I led myself to think that we were sure of support from you; that the issue was not what I had expected; that, notwithstanding, our brotherly regard for one another remained unchanged, and no token, certainly, of alienation had been given by you. I added, moreover, that myself and my fellow-ministers, while we had not been so fully supported by you as we could have wished, were nevertheless inclined to put a favourable construction on it. Also, that Bibliander was throwing out threats about being engaged on a work against my doctrine, and that he went babbling about concerning it, in some violent way or other, among all without distinction. Our conversation at length concluded, by my saying,—"Bibliander may write what he chooses; I shall not consider him worthy of a reply."

I recently saw a letter at Farel's, addressed to him, where you told him that you were slowly recovering from a very serious and nearly fatal illness. At that time, we were really worried about our brother Farel; in fact, when I got back, I went around saying he had died. We now need to sincerely thank the Lord for bringing both of you back to us and to His Church. I was really happy to read your letter three days ago and see that you are completely recovered. To be honest, though, I would have been even happier if I hadn’t found out it was written to assure me that you expected no hostility from me. That thought never crossed my mind; I don’t think Ulmius had any reason to say that either. He met with me twice, and we talked freely and casually about various things for a long time. You and your colleagues came up in our conversation, but as far as I know, I didn’t say anything that would suggest a negative opinion of you. However, when I told him to send my regards to you as he was leaving, I didn’t mention Bibliander since he has been openly hostile towards us. When Ulmius looked surprised by this and acted like it was some bad omen, I briefly explained why: I had been troubled here by a nasty and deceitful person, which made me think we could count on your support; that things didn’t turn out as I expected; that despite everything, our brotherly regard for each other remains the same, and you certainly haven’t shown any signs of estrangement. I also mentioned that my fellow ministers and I, though we hadn’t received as much support from you as we would have liked, were still inclined to view things positively. I added that Bibliander was threatening to take action against my doctrine and was talking about it in a loud and dramatic manner to everyone. Our conversation wrapped up with me saying, “Bibliander can write whatever he wants; I won’t consider him worth responding to.”

But, to return to yourself, most excellent and venerable brother, as I would be very far indeed from estimating you by the character of that man, so I was never led to believe that you entertained any hostility towards me whether publicly or privately. If that individual kept up a great deal of offensive babbling, and was, as I have said, boasting about his book, there was really no reason why I should disguise the matter, or make any hesitation about it, for the thing was notorious; and while I am accustomed to say nothing about it to others, I did[404] not think that I required to be silent on it to Ulmius and a select few. This, therefore, I have in the first place to testify to you—and I solemnly declare it—that, so far am I from regarding you as an enemy, I desire to remain bound to you for ever by all ties of brotherly attachment; and, confidently assured that it will be so, I hail you in no other manner than as a loving and inseparable companion in the work of the Lord. In the next place, I wish you to believe that I never either wrote or spoke anything but what was loving and honourable of that man who has publicly earned so much distinction in the Church, and has been ever my friend in private. If, therefore, you have been vexed at all by this matter, let your mind be hereafter at ease.[430]

But, getting back to you, my dear and esteemed brother, I would never judge you based on that person's character, nor did I ever believe you held any hostility towards me, either openly or privately. If that person was loudly complaining and boasting about his book, there was really no reason for me to hide the truth or hesitate to address it since it was widely known; and while I usually don’t discuss it with others, I felt no need to keep quiet about it with Ulmius and a few close friends. So, I want to assure you of this—I sincerely declare that I see you not as an enemy but as someone I wish to stay closely connected with forever in brotherly love; and I’m confident that will be the case, greeting you only as a loving and inseparable partner in our work for the Lord. Furthermore, I’d like you to know that I have never written or spoken anything but kind and respectful words about that man, who has gained so much recognition in the Church and has always been a private friend to me. So, if this issue has troubled you at all, put your mind at ease from now on.[430]

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCCXVIII.—To the Five Prisoners of Lyons.[431]

He exhorts them to steadfastness unto the end, in the assurance of eternal joy reserved in heaven.

From Geneva, May 15, 1553.

From Geneva, May 15, 1553.

My very dear Brothers,—We have at length heard why the herald of Berne did not return that way. It was because[405] he had not such an answer as we much desired. For the King has peremptorily refused all the requests made by Messieurs of Berne, as you will see by the copies of the letters, so that nothing further is to be looked for from that quarter. Nay, wherever we look here below, God has stopped the way. This is well, however, that we cannot be frustrated of the hope which we have in him, and in his holy promises. You have always been settled on that sure foundation, even when it seemed as though you might be helped by men, and that we too thought so; but whatever prospect of escape you may have had by human means, yet your eyes have never been dazzled so as to divert your heart and trust, either on this side or that. Now, at this present hour, necessity itself exhorts you more than ever to turn your whole mind heavenward. As yet, we know not what will be the event. But since it appears as though God would use your blood to sign his truth, there is nothing better than for you to prepare yourselves to that end, beseeching him so to subdue you to his good pleasure, that nothing may hinder you from following whithersoever he shall call. For you know, my brothers, that it behoves us to be thus mortified, in order to be offered to him in sacrifice. It cannot be but that you sustain hard conflicts, in order that what was declared to Peter may be accomplished in you, namely, that they shall carry you whither ye would not. You know, however, in what strength you have to fight—a strength on which all those who trust, shall never be daunted, much less confounded. Even so, my brothers, be confident that you shall be strengthened, according to your need, by the Spirit of our Lord Jesus, so that you shall not faint under the load of temptations,[406] however heavy it be, any more than he did who won so glorious a victory, that in the midst of our miseries it is an unfailing pledge of our triumph. Since it pleases him to employ you to the death in maintaining his quarrel, he will strengthen your hands in the fight, and will not suffer a single drop of your blood to be spent in vain. And though the fruit may not all at once appear, yet in time it shall spring up more abundantly than we can express. But as he hath vouchsafed you this privilege, that your bonds have been renowned, and that the noise of them has been everywhere spread abroad, it must needs be, in despite of Satan, that your death should resound far more powerfully, so that the name of our Lord be magnified thereby. For my part, I have no doubt, if it please this kind Father to take you unto himself, that he has preserved you hitherto, in order that your long-continued imprisonment might serve as a preparation for the better awakening of those whom he has determined to edify by your end. For let enemies do their utmost, they never shall be able to bury out of sight that light which God has made to shine in you, in order to be contemplated from afar.

My dear brothers,—We finally know why the herald from Berne didn't come back that way. It's because[405] he didn't have the answer we really wanted. The King has outright refused all the requests from the gentlemen of Berne, as you'll see in the copies of the letters, so we shouldn't expect anything more from that direction. In fact, everywhere we look down here, God has blocked the way. This is good, though, because we can’t be let down in the hope we have in him and his holy promises. You have always relied on that solid foundation, even when it seemed like you might receive help from people, and we thought so too; but no matter what human avenues for escape you may have seen, you’ve never let your hearts waver from trusting in him, either on this side or that. Right now, necessity calls you more than ever to lift your hearts to heaven. We still don’t know what the outcome will be. But since it looks like God may use your suffering to affirm his truth, there's nothing better than for you to prepare yourselves for that, asking him to guide you so that nothing stops you from following wherever he calls. For you know, my brothers, that we must be ready to let ourselves be sacrificed for him. You must be facing tough struggles, so that what was said to Peter can be fulfilled in you—that they'll take you where you wouldn’t want to go. However, you know what strength you have to fight with—a strength that will never let down those who trust in it, much less disappoint them. So, my brothers, be assured that you will be strengthened, as you need, by the Spirit of our Lord Jesus, so that you won’t falter under the weight of temptations,[406] no matter how heavy they are, just as he didn’t when he achieved such a glorious victory, which stands as a certain sign of our triumph amid our struggles. Since it pleases him to use you to the point of death in defending his cause, he will strengthen your hands in the fight and will ensure that not a single drop of your blood is wasted. And even if the results don’t show up right away, they will eventually manifest more abundantly than we can express. But since he has granted you this privilege that your bonds have become well-known and that news of them has spread everywhere, it must be, in spite of Satan, that your death will echo even more powerfully, magnifying the name of our Lord. For my part, I have no doubt that if it pleases this kind Father to take you to himself, he has kept you here until now so that your prolonged imprisonment could help prepare for the better awakening of those he intends to uplift through your end. For no matter how hard the enemies try, they will never be able to extinguish the light that God has made to shine in you, so that it can be seen from afar.

I shall not console, nor exhort you more at length, knowing that our heavenly Father gives you to experience how precious his consolations are, and that you are sufficiently careful to meditate upon what he sets before you in his word. He has already so shown how his Spirit dwells in you, that we are well assured that he will perfect you to the end. That in leaving this world we do not go away at a venture, you know not only from the certainty you have, that there is a heavenly life, but also because from being assured of the gratuitous adoption of our God, you go thither as to your inheritance. That God should have appointed you his Son's martyrs, is a token to you of superabounding grace. There now remains the conflict, to which the Spirit of God not only exhorts us to go, but even to run. It is indeed a hard and grievous trial, to see the pride of the enemies of truth so enormous, without its getting any check from on high; their rage so unbridled, without God's interfering for the relief of his people. But if we remember that, when it is said that our life is hid, and that we must resemble[407] the dead, this is not a doctrine for any particular time, but for all times, we shall not think it strange that afflictions should continue. While it pleases God to give his enemies the rein, our duty is to be quiet, although the time of our redemption tarries. Moreover, if he hath promised to be the judge of those who have brought his people under thraldom, we need not doubt that he has a horrible punishment prepared for such as have despised his majesty with such enormous pride, and have cruelly persecuted those who call purely upon his name. Put in practice, then, my brethren, that precept of David's, and forget not the law of God, although your life may be in your hands to be parted with at any hour. And seeing that he employs your life in so worthy a cause as is the witness of the Gospel, doubt not that it must be precious to him. The time draws nigh when the earth shall disclose the blood which has been hid, and we, after having been disencumbered of these fading bodies, shall be completely restored. However, be the Son of God glorified by our shame, and let us be content with this sure testimony, that though we are persecuted and blamed we trust in the living God. In this we have wherewith to despise the whole world with its pride, till we be gathered into that everlasting kingdom, where we shall fully enjoy those blessings, which we now only possess in hope.

I won’t try to comfort or encourage you at length, knowing that our heavenly Father lets you experience how precious His comforts are, and that you’re already reflecting on what He presents to you in His word. He has clearly shown how His Spirit lives in you, so we can be sure that He will complete His work in you. You know that leaving this world isn’t just a random act; you have certainty of a heavenly life, and being assured of God's free adoption means you’re heading to your inheritance. That God has chosen you to be martyrs for His Son is a sign of overwhelming grace. What remains is the struggle, which the Spirit of God not only encourages us to face but even to run towards. It truly is a tough and painful trial to witness the extreme pride of the enemies of truth, with no intervention from above; their unchecked rage, with God not stepping in to aid His people. But if we remember that our life is hidden and that we must resemble the dead, this isn’t just a doctrine for a specific time but applies at all times, so we shouldn’t be surprised that afflictions continue. As long as God allows His enemies to act freely, our duty is to remain calm, even though the time for our redemption seems delayed. Moreover, if He has promised to judge those who have enslaved His people, we can be confident that He has a terrible punishment in store for those who have so arrogantly disrespected His majesty and cruelly persecuted those who sincerely call on His name. So, my brothers, practice David’s teaching and don’t forget God’s law, even if your life is at risk at any moment. And since He uses your life for such a worthy cause as the witness of the Gospel, don’t doubt that it’s precious to Him. The time is near when the earth will reveal the blood that has been hidden, and we, after shedding these fading bodies, will be fully restored. Let the Son of God be glorified through our shame, and let’s take comfort in this assurance that even though we’re persecuted and criticized, we trust in the living God. In this, we find the strength to disregard the whole world and its pride, until we are gathered into that everlasting kingdom where we will fully enjoy the blessings we now only have in hope.

My brethren, after having humbly besought your remembrance of me in your prayers, I pray our good Lord to have you in his holy protection, to strengthen you more and more by his power, to make you feel what care he takes of your salvation, to increase in you the gifts of his Spirit, and to make them subserve his glory unto the end.

My friends, after asking you to remember me in your prayers, I pray that our good Lord keeps you in His holy protection, strengthens you increasingly by His power, helps you feel how much care He has for your salvation, enhances the gifts of His Spirit in you, and makes them serve His glory until the end.

Your humble brother,

Your devoted brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.


I do not make my special remembrances to each of our brethren because I believe that this letter will be common to them all.[432] Hitherto I have deferred writing on account of the[408] uncertainty of your state, fearing lest I might disquiet you to no purpose. I pray anew our good Lord to stretch out his arm for your confirmation.

I don’t send my personal greetings to each of our friends because I think this letter will go to all of them. [432] Until now, I’ve put off writing because I wasn’t sure about your situation, worried that I might upset you for no reason. I once again ask our good Lord to support you in your strength.

[Fr. copy.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Fr. copy.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCCXIX.—To Madame de Cany.[433]

Expression of Christian sympathy under trial.

This 7th of June 1553.

June 7, 1553.

Madame,—Although I am not so devoid of compassion as not to feel my heart pained, in hearing of the more than ever strict captivity in which you are now held, yet I shall not cease to exhort you to furnish yourself with courage and constancy, according as you feel the trial to be vexatious and hard to bear; for it is just when pressed by Satan and the enemies of the faith to the uttermost, that we ought to make the most of the grace of God. St. Paul glories in this, that although he was chained in prison, nevertheless, the doctrine which he preached was not bound, but having its course, and thriving powerfully. And, indeed, seeing that it is the truth of God which reaches far beyond this world, and upward above the heavens, it is not likely that she should straiten herself according to the fancy or by the tyranny of men. Consequently, the more the devil contrives to torture us by distress, let us strive the more to enlarge our hearts by faith, so as to meet all assaults. Our Saviour, moreover, has formerly afforded you examples of the kind, and gives us all the like daily in divers places; so that we ought to take great shame to ourselves if we are not strengthened[409] by them. For were we to grow faint under the strokes of the rod, when others are noways dismayed by death, what excuse should we have for our cowardice? You had not counted on the possibility of meeting with such rude conflicts at home. But you know how the Son of God forewarns us, so that nothing should trouble us, seeing that we have been prepared for it beforehand. Think, rather, that this is not the end, but that God is trying you very gently, supporting your weakness, until you have more strength to sustain blows. But be this as it may, beware of letting yourself be cast down by indifference or despair. Many are overcome, because they allow their zeal to grow cold, and run off in self-flattery. Others, on the contrary, become so alarmed when they do not find in themselves the strength they wish, that they get confused, and give up the struggle altogether. What then is to be done? Arouse yourself to meditate, as much upon the promises of God, which ought to serve as ladders to raise us up to heaven, and make us despise this transitory and fading life, as upon threatenings, which may well induce us to fear his judgments. When you do not feel your heart moved as it ought to be, have recourse, as to a special remedy, to diligently seeking the aid of Him without whom we can do nothing. In the meantime, strive to your utmost, blaming coldness and weakness, until you can perceive that there is some amendment. And in regard to this, great caution is required so as to hold a middle course, namely, to groan unceasingly, and even to woo yourself to sadness and dissatisfaction with your condition, and to such a sense of misery as that you may have no rest; without, at the same time, any doubting that God in due time will strengthen you according to your need, although this may not appear at once. It can be nothing strange to you to see the poor Church of God so miserably afflicted—to see the pride of enemies increase more and more with their cruelty. If your mind is in too great perplexity, this it is that you should find strange, as a proof of your having forgotten what we ought to have rooted in the depths of our heart, the duty of conformity to the image of the Son of God, patiently bearing the ignominy of his cross, until the day of our triumph come. Nevertheless,[410] let not this hinder, but rather induce you to follow on in the way, for we must yet be sifted even more thoroughly.

Mrs.,—Even though I’m not so cold-hearted that I don’t feel pain hearing about the even harsher captivity you’re enduring now, I urge you to gather courage and strength, especially as you find this trial bothersome and hard to bear. It’s precisely when we are pushed to our limits by Satan and our enemies that we should lean on the grace of God the most. St. Paul was proud that even while chained in prison, the message he preached was still free, thriving and making an impact. The truth of God reaches far beyond this world and even up to the heavens, so it’s unlikely that it should confine itself to the whims or tyranny of people. Therefore, the more the devil tries to torment us through our troubles, the more we should expand our hearts with faith to face all challenges. Our Savior has given you examples of this before and continues to provide them daily in various ways; we should feel ashamed if we aren’t strengthened by these examples. If we falter under the pressures we face while others remain unbothered by death, what excuse do we have for our fear? You didn’t anticipate encountering such harsh conflicts at home. But remember the Son of God warned us, so we shouldn’t let anything trouble us since we’ve been prepared in advance. Consider that this is not the end; rather, God is gently testing you, supporting your weakness until you gain more strength to endure. However, be careful not to let indifference or despair bring you down. Many people give in because they let their enthusiasm fade and stray into self-deception. Others become overly anxious when they don’t feel the strength they desire, leading to confusion and giving up the fight altogether. So what should you do? Wake yourself up to reflect on God’s promises, which should lift us up to heaven and help us disregard this fleeting and fading life, as well as on the warnings that rightly provoke us to fear His judgments. When your heart doesn’t feel as it should, turn to the special remedy of earnestly seeking His help, as we can do nothing without Him. In the meantime, push yourself as much as possible, holding yourself accountable for your coldness and weakness, until you notice some improvement. This requires great caution to find a balance—groan continuously, and even encourage yourself toward sadness and dissatisfaction with your situation, feeling a deep sense of misery that leaves you restless, all while trusting that God will, in His time, strengthen you according to what you need, even if this isn’t immediately evident. It shouldn't be surprising for you to see the Church of God suffering so terribly—watching the enemies’ pride grow more brutal. If you feel overwhelmed, that’s the strange part; it suggests you may have forgotten what we should have firmly established in our hearts: the duty to conform to the image of the Son of God, patiently enduring His cross until our day of triumph comes. Nonetheless,[410] don’t let this discourage you, but rather push you to continue on the path, for we still have much more to endure.

Had I heard, that, being deprived of the little liberty you had, you did not cease to have your heart set aright, and to persevere in the service of Him who merits well that his honour be preferred to all beside, I should have whereof to rejoice more fully. However, I do rejoice, whatever be the result, in the good hope I have of this: therefore, do not wrong me by disappointment. However, you must consider most of all what you owe to our gracious God, and to the Lord Jesus Christ, who has shown how dear we were to him, since he has not spared himself for us; therefore, see to it that Satan and his underlings, who have thought to trample your faith beneath their feet, be confounded. But as so great a victory requires greater strength than your own, take refuge in this kind Lord Jesus, who has been made to us the strength of God his Father, so that in him we might do all things. And for my part, I shall beseech him that he would pour out upon you the help of his Spirit, so that you may know by experience what it is to be upheld by him, and that he may be glorified thereby, praying also that he would take you into his holy protection, against the fury of wolves, and the wiles of foxes. Whereupon, Madame, after having humbly commended me to your kind favour, likewise to your prayers, I shall now make an end.

Had I known that, despite losing the little freedom you had, you continued to keep your heart in the right place and remained dedicated to serving Him who deserves all honor above anyone else, I would have more reasons to rejoice. Nevertheless, I still rejoice, regardless of the outcome, because I hold onto hope. So please, don’t let me down with disappointment. However, you must prioritize what you owe to our gracious God and to the Lord Jesus Christ, who showed us how much we mean to him by sacrificing himself for us. Therefore, make sure that Satan and his followers, who try to crush your faith, are put to shame. But since such a great victory needs more strength than you have, seek refuge in the Lord Jesus, who has become the strength of God the Father for us, so that through him we can do all things. For my part, I will pray that he pours out the help of his Spirit on you so you can truly experience being supported by him, thereby glorifying him. I will also pray that he keeps you safe from the attacks of wolves and the tricks of foxes. With that, Madame, after humbly asking for your kindness and prayers, I will now conclude.

Your humble brother and servant,

Your loyal brother and servant,

J. de Bonneville.[434]

J. de Bonneville.[434]

[Fr. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]


CCCXX.—To the Prisoners of Lyon.[435]

He impresses on them the duty of maintaining their confession of the truth quietly and modestly.

This 7th of July 1553.

July 7, 1553.

My Brethren,—I believe you have been informed that I was absent from town when the tidings from your prison arrived, and did not return for eight days after. I need not, therefore, to excuse myself for having so long delayed writing to you. Now, although these tidings have proved sorrowful to the flesh, even in consequence of the love we justly bear you in God, as we are bound to do, yet must we submit ourselves to the will of this kind Father and sovereign Lord, and not only consider his way of disposing of us just and reasonable, but also accept it with a gentle and loving heart as altogether right and profitable for our salvation,—patiently waiting until he palpably show it to be so. Besides, we have whereof to rejoice even in the midst of our sorrow, in that he has so powerfully aided you, for need was that you should be strengthened by his Spirit, so that the confession of his sacred truth should be more precious to you than your own lives. We all know too well how difficult it is for men to forget self.

My Friends,—I believe you've been told that I was out of town when the news from your prison came, and I didn’t get back for eight days after that. So, I don’t need to apologize for taking so long to write to you. Now, even though this news has been painful for us, because of the love we rightly have for you in God, which we are bound to feel, we must submit to the will of our kind Father and sovereign Lord. We should not only see His way of dealing with us as just and reasonable but also accept it with a gentle and loving heart as completely right and beneficial for our salvation, patiently waiting until He clearly shows us that it is so. Additionally, we have reasons to rejoice even in our sorrow, knowing that He has powerfully supported you, because you needed to be strengthened by His Spirit, so that the confession of His sacred truth would mean more to you than your own lives. We all know too well how hard it is for people to forget themselves.

Therefore it must needs be that our gracious God put forth his strong arm; then, for the sake of glorifying him we do not fear torments, nor shame, nor death itself. Now, since he has girded you with his power, so as to sustain the first assault, it remains to entreat him to strengthen you more and more according to your further conflict. And seeing that he has promised us victory in the end, do not doubt, that as he has imparted a measure of his strength, so you will have more ample evidence in future, that he does not make a beginning only to leave his work imperfect, as it is said in the Psalm. Especially when he puts such honour upon his people, as to employ them in maintaining his truth, and leads them, as it were by the hand, to martyrdom, he never leaves them unprovided with the needful weapons. Yet, meanwhile, remember to lift up your eyes to that everlasting kingdom of Jesus Christ, and to think of whose cause it is in which you fight; for that glance will not only make you overcome all temptations which may spring from the infirmity of your flesh, but will also render you invincible by all the wiles of Satan, whatever he may devise to darken God's truth,—for I am well assured, that it is by his grace you are so settled and grounded, that you do not walk at a venture, but that you can say with that valiant champion of Jesus Christ, I know on whom I have believed.

Therefore, it must be that our gracious God reaches out with his powerful hand; for the sake of glorifying him, we do not fear torture, shame, or even death itself. Now, since he has equipped you with his strength to withstand the first attack, we must ask him to strengthen you even more as you face further challenges. And since he has promised us victory in the end, do not doubt that as he has given you a measure of his strength, you will have even clearer evidence in the future that he does not start something just to leave it unfinished, as it says in the Psalm. Especially when he honors his people by engaging them in upholding his truth and leads them, as if by the hand, to martyrdom, he never leaves them lacking the necessary weapons. Yet, in the meantime, remember to lift your eyes to the everlasting kingdom of Jesus Christ and to think about whose cause you are fighting for; for that perspective will not only help you overcome all temptations that may arise from your human weaknesses but will also make you invincible against all the schemes of Satan, no matter what he may do to obscure God's truth. I am confident that it is by his grace you are so settled and grounded that you do not wander aimlessly, but can say with that brave champion of Jesus Christ, "I know in whom I have believed."

This is why I have not sent you such a confession of faith as our good brother Peloquin asked me for, for God will render that which he will enable you to make, according to the measure of mind which he has allotted you, far more profitable than any that might be suggested to you by others. Indeed, having been requested by some of our brethren who have lately shed their blood for the glory of God, to revise and correct the confession they had prepared, I have felt very glad to have a sight of it for my own edification, but I would neither add, nor take away, a single word; believing that any change would but lessen the authority and efficacy which the wisdom and constancy we clearly see to have proceeded from the Spirit of God deserved. Be then assured, that God who manifests himself in time of need, and perfects his strength in our weakness, will not leave you unprovided with that which will powerfully magnify[413] his name. Only proceed therein with soberness and reverence, knowing that God will no less accept the sacrifice which you offer him, according to the measure of ability which you have received from him, than if you comprehended all the revelations of angels, and that he will make effectual that which he puts into your mouth, as well to confirm his own, as to confound the adversaries. And as you know that we have steadfastly to withstand the abominations of the Papacy, unless we would renounce the Son of God, who has purchased us to himself at so dear a rate, meditate, likewise, on that celestial glory and immortality to which we are invited, and are certain of reaching through the Cross—through ignominy and death. It is strange, indeed, to human reason, that the children of God should be so surfeited with afflictions, while the wicked disport themselves in delights; but even more so, that the slaves of Satan should tread us under foot, as we say, and triumph over us. However, we have wherewith to comfort ourselves in all our miseries, looking for that happy issue which is promised to us, that he will not only deliver us by his angels, but will himself wipe away the tears from our eyes. And thus we have good right to despise the pride of these poor blinded men, who to their own ruin lift up their rage against heaven; and although we are not at present in your condition, yet we do not on that account leave off fighting together with you by prayer, by anxiety and tender compassion, as fellow-members, seeing that it has pleased our heavenly Father, of his infinite goodness, to unite us into one body, under his Son, our head. Whereupon I shall beseech him, that he would vouchsafe you this grace, that being stayed upon him, you may in nowise waver, but rather grow in strength; that he would keep you under his protection, and give you such assurance of it, that you may be able to despise all that is of the world. My brethren greet you very affectionately, and so do many others.—Your brother,

This is why I haven’t sent you the confession of faith that our good brother Peloquin asked for, because God will provide you with what you’re capable of creating, based on the understanding he has given you, and it will be much more valuable than anything suggested by others. In fact, some of our brothers, who have recently shed their blood for God’s glory, asked me to review and correct the confession they prepared. I was happy to see it for my own learning, but I wouldn’t change a single word; I believe any change would only weaken the authority and impact that the wisdom and steadfastness, clearly resulting from the Spirit of God, deserve. Rest assured, God who reveals Himself in times of need and strengthens us in our weakness will not leave you without what will greatly glorify his name. Just move forward with seriousness and respect, knowing that God will accept the sacrifice you offer him based on your abilities, just as much as if you understood all the revelations of angels. He will make effective what he puts in your mouth, both to confirm His own and to confound the adversaries. As you know, we must firmly resist the abominations of the Papacy if we do not want to deny the Son of God, who purchased us at such a high price. Reflect as well on that heavenly glory and immortality to which we are invited and are confident we will reach through the Cross—through disgrace and death. It’s indeed strange to human reason that God’s children should face so many afflictions while the wicked enjoy their pleasures; even stranger is that Satan’s slaves should try to trample us down and triumph over us. Nonetheless, we have comfort in all our suffering, looking forward to the blessed outcome promised to us—that He not only will deliver us by His angels but will Himself wipe away our tears. Therefore, we have every right to scorn the pride of these poor blinded men, who rage against heaven to their own destruction; and although we aren’t in your situation right now, we still fight alongside you through prayer, concern, and compassion as fellow members, given that it has pleased our heavenly Father, in His infinite goodness, to unite us into one body under His Son, our head. Because of that, I will ask Him to grant you this grace: that, depending on Him, you may not waver but rather grow in strength; that He would keep you under His protection and give you such assurance of it that you can disregard all worldly things. My brothers send you heartfelt greetings, and so do many others.—Your brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin


As this letter will, I hope, be in common to you both, I shall merely add, that there is no need whatever for a long exhortation from me; it is enough that I pray God that it may please[414] him to impress still better and better upon your heart, what I see by your letter, that you already enjoy. However grievous it may be to pine so long, if you got no other benefit by it than God's showing you that he has not reserved you until now without cause, you have good reason not to grow faint nor wearied out thereby. And as for the sickness, it is well for you to consider, that God in this way wishes to prepare you better for a greater conflict, so that the flesh being entirely subdued, may be more able to resign itself. Thus we ought to turn to profitable improvement everything that the heavenly Father sends us. If you can communicate with the other brethren, I pray you to salute them also from me. May God uphold you all by his strong hand, preserve and guide you, and make his own glory to shine forth in you more and more.

I hope this letter reaches both of you, so I’ll keep it brief. I just want to say that there’s no need for a long speech from me; it’s enough for me to pray that God continues to inspire you with the truth that I see in your letter that you already cherish. Even though it may be tough to wait so long, remember that if the only benefit you gain from this time is God showing you that He has purposefully kept you for a reason, that’s enough to give you strength and not let you grow weary. As for your illness, it's important to recognize that God may be preparing you for greater challenges, so that your flesh can be fully subdued and more willing to surrender. We should turn to gainful growth from everything our heavenly Father sends our way. If you can connect with the other brethren, please send them my greetings as well. May God support all of you with His mighty hand, protect and guide you, and let His glory shine through you more and more.

[Fr.—Printed in Histoire des Martyrs, lib. iv. p. 253.]

[Fr.—Printed in History of the Martyrs, book iv. p. 253.]


CCCXXI.—To Bullinger.

Expression of regret for the death of the King of England—sad condition of the German Churches.

Geneva, 3d August 1553.

Geneva, August 3, 1553.

Paulus an Italian, and a man of tried integrity, on writing lately to our friend Count Celso, stated, among other things, that he had brought a letter for me from the very honourable the Duchess of Ferrara, which he left with you. Seeing that I received a letter from Gualter not long since, in which he makes no mention of such a thing; and seeing, moreover, that John Liner, a merchant of Saint Gall, on passing through this place a short while before, alleged that you had written me through a certain Jew, I am really suspicious that you have been deceived by him. He was not seen by any one here; and indeed I have no doubt but that he has betaken himself to one who is likely to bring him greater gain. If it should turn out accordingly that this letter has been lost, I am anxious that the Duchess should be informed of it. Inasmuch, therefore, as this nobleman, whom she has now employed for many years as a messenger to the French king, was about to make a journey[415] thither, I have requested him to ask you whether anything was done with the packet which Paulus left with you, in order that he may inform his mistress of it.

Paulus, an Italian known for his honesty, recently wrote to our friend Count Celso, mentioning among other things that he had brought a letter for me from the highly respected Duchess of Ferrara, which he left with you. Since I received a letter from Gualter not long ago that didn't mention anything about this, and since John Liner, a merchant from Saint Gall, claimed that you had sent me a letter through a certain Jew when he passed through here recently, I’m really suspicious that you may have been misled by him. No one here has seen him; and I’m sure he has gone to someone who could give him a better deal. If it turns out that this letter has been lost, I want to make sure the Duchess is informed. Since this nobleman, whom she has been using as a messenger to the French king for many years, was planning to travel there, I asked him to find out if anything was done with the package that Paulus left with you, so he can let his mistress know.

The messengers regarding the death of the English king are more numerous than I could wish.[436] We are therefore mourning him just as if we were already certain of his death, or rather mourning over the fate of the Church, which has met with an incalculable loss in the person of a single individual. We are held at present in anxious suspense as to whether matters are to go to confusion. It is meanwhile very greatly to be lamented that Germany is being torn by intestine strife, by wounds inflicted by each on the other. But it is nothing wonderful that the Lord should employ violent remedies for such hopeless diseases. All we can do is to pray earnestly and unceasingly that he may not permit his Church to be utterly overwhelmed, but rather that he may guide her safe through the general wreck.

The messengers about the death of the English king are more numerous than I would like. [436] We are therefore grieving him as if we were already sure of his death, or rather, we are mourning the Church's fate, which has suffered an immeasurable loss in a single person. We’re currently in anxious suspense, wondering if things are going to fall apart. Meanwhile, it's truly unfortunate that Germany is being torn apart by internal conflict, causing harm among each other. But it's not surprising that the Lord would use drastic measures for such dire problems. All we can do is pray earnestly and continuously that He does not allow His Church to be completely overwhelmed but rather guides her safely through the general chaos.

Adieu, most distinguished sir, and most revered brother in Christ. Salute courteously your fellow-ministers, your wife, your sons-in-law, and your daughters. May the Lord shield you all by his protection and guide you by his Spirit. My colleagues salute you earnestly.—Yours,

Adieu, esteemed sir and beloved brother in Christ. Please greet your fellow ministers, your wife, your sons-in-law, and your daughters warmly. May the Lord protect you all and guide you with His Spirit. My colleagues send their sincere regards.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Zurich. Gallic. Scripta, p. 19.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Zurich. Gallic. Scripta, p. 19.]


CCCXXII.—To Farel.[437]

Arrest of Servetus, and institution of the process against him.

Geneva, 20th August 1553.

Geneva, August 20, 1553.

It is as you say, my dear Farel. Although we may be severely buffeted hither and thither by many tempests, yet, seeing that a pilot steers the ship in which we sail, who will never allow us to perish even in the midst of shipwrecks, there is no reason why our minds should be overwhelmed with fear and overcome[417] with weariness. We have now new business in hand with Servetus. He intended perhaps passing through this city; for it is not yet known with what design he came. But after he had been recognized, I thought that he should be detained. My friend Nicolas summoned him on a capital charge, offering himself as security according to the lex talionis.[438] On the following day he adduced against him forty written charges. He at first sought to evade them. Accordingly we were summoned. He impudently reviled me, just as if he regarded me as obnoxious to him. I answered him as he deserved. At length the Senate pronounced all the charges proven. Nicolas was released from prison on the third day, having given up my brother as his surety; on the fourth day he was set free. Of the man's effrontery I will say nothing; but such was his madness that he did not hesitate to say that devils possessed divinity; yea, that many gods were in individual devils, inasmuch as deity had been substantially communicated to those, equally with wood and stone. I hope that sentence of death will at least be passed upon him; but I desire that the severity of the punishment may be mitigated.[439] Adieu. My colleagues again salute you. Budé does the same, and Normandie, who has now recovered. Present my regards to my brother Claude.

It’s just as you say, my dear Farel. Even though we may be tossed around by many storms, we have a pilot steering our ship who will never let us perish, even in the worst of shipwrecks. So, there’s no reason for us to be overwhelmed with fear and exhaustion. We’re now dealing with Servetus. He might have been planning to go through this city; his intentions are not yet known. But once he was recognized, I thought he should be held. My friend Nicolas charged him with a serious crime and offered himself as security under the law of retaliation. The next day, he presented forty written charges against him. At first, he tried to dodge them. So, we were called in. He rudely insulted me, as if he had some personal issue with me. I responded as he deserved. Eventually, the Senate found all the charges validated. Nicolas was released from prison on the third day after putting my brother up as his guarantor; by the fourth day, he was free. I won’t comment on the man’s audacity; but he was so out of his mind that he claimed devils had divinity, and that many gods resided in individual devils, as divinity had been essentially given to them just like to wood and stone. I hope he receives a death sentence at the very least; but I wish for the punishment to be less harsh. Goodbye. My colleagues send their regards to you again. So does Budé, along with Normandie, who has now recovered. Please give my regards to my brother Claude.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 70.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. 9, p. 70.]


CCCXXIII.—To Denis Peloquin and Louis de Marsac.[440]

Information regarding various controverted points—exhortation to fidelity, even unto martyrdom.

This 22d of August 1553.

This 22nd of August 1553.

Very dear Brethren,—Although when writing your letter you thought that the enemies of truth were about to sacrifice you soon, I do not omit writing to you, so that if it please God that this should arrive in time, you may again have some words of consolation from me. It is very well and very prudently determined by you to give thanks to God, since you know that he has confirmed you anew in his promises, giving you such constancy as you have lately felt in your last replies. It is indeed of him alone that you have remained steadfast and unflinching. Hence I feel well assured that this seal, which bears the true mark of the Holy Spirit, will never be effaced. Elsewhere he has wrought so powerfully upon Michael Girard,[441] that his former weakness gives all the greater lustre to the strength which he has received from above. I have no doubt that even the enemies themselves must be convinced that this change did not proceed from man. Consequently there is stronger reason why we should have our eyes[419] open to contemplate the hand of God which is here put forth after a wondrous manner, to withdraw his frail creature from the horrible confusion into which he had fallen. At the time that he followed his own devices, he fancied that he had gained much in redeeming for a short period this fading miserable life, by plunging himself into the abysses of eternal death. It is then a divine work, that of his own goodwill he should have again returned to death, that he might attain to a life of uprightness, from which he had not merely strayed, but absolutely excluded himself as far as in him lay. For the goodness of God has been the more richly displayed, by having raised up his creature out of a fall which seemed fatal, yea, so as even to triumph by it, and to magnify his glory, as he has begun to do, and will I hope carry out to perfection.

Dear Friends,—Even though when you wrote your letter you thought that the enemies of truth were about to sacrifice you soon, I am still writing to you so that, if it pleases God and this reaches you in time, you can receive some words of comfort from me. It is wise and appropriate for you to give thanks to God, knowing that he has reinforced you in his promises, providing you with the strength you have recently felt in your latest responses. It is indeed from Him alone that you have remained steadfast and resolute. Therefore, I am confident that this seal, which bears the true mark of the Holy Spirit, will never fade away. Elsewhere, He has worked so powerfully in Michael Girard,[441] that his former weakness only highlights the strength he has received from above. I have no doubt that even the enemies themselves must acknowledge that this change did not come from man. This provides us even more reason to keep our eyes[419] open to see the hand of God, which is here revealed in a remarkable way, pulling his fragile creature from the terrible chaos he had fallen into. When he was following his own desires, he thought he had gained much by briefly redeeming this fleeting, miserable life, only to plunge himself into the depths of eternal death. It is indeed a divine act that, of his own will, he should return to death in order to reach a life of righteousness, from which he had not just strayed but had completely excluded himself as much as he could. The goodness of God has been even more abundantly shown by raising his creature from what seemed like a fatal fall, enabling Him to triumph through it and magnify His glory, as He has started to do, and I hope will continue to complete.

I have seen the confession drawn up by him, which is pure and frank, and worthy of a Christian man. Nevertheless, I think it right that he should be warned as to some points, in order that the adversaries may be the more confounded by his making a more distinct reply;—not that what he says be not true, but because the malignant always lay hold of the slightest occasions to calumniate and pervert what is right.

I have seen the confession he wrote, which is honest and straightforward, and it reflects well on a Christian man. However, I believe it's important to warn him about a few points so that his opponents will be even more puzzled by his clearer response—not because what he says isn't true, but because the malicious will always seize the slightest opportunity to slander and twist what is right.

On being questioned as to whether the body of Christ exist not under the appearance of bread, he answered that this was mere blasphemy, annihilating the death of Jesus Christ. Now there were two things which he ought to have especially reproved in the Mass: the one is idolatry, seeing that they make an idol of a bit of bread, worshipping it as God; the other that they make of it a sacrifice to reconcile men to God. Now as Jesus Christ is the only priest ordained of God the Father, so likewise has he offered himself once for all, and his death is the sole and perpetual sacrifice for our redemption. Even on the first head, it would have been well to protest his belief, that in the Supper we communicate in the body and blood of Jesus Christ, but that we do so by rising to heaven through faith, and not by making him descend here below, taking care to add, that this is no argument in favour of their Mass, which is altogether opposed to the Supper of Jesus Christ.

On being asked whether the body of Christ exists under the appearance of bread, he replied that this was simply blasphemy, undermining the death of Jesus Christ. There were two things he should have especially criticized in the Mass: the first is idolatry, as they turn a piece of bread into an idol, worshiping it as God; the second is that they treat it as a sacrifice to make peace between humans and God. Since Jesus Christ is the only priest appointed by God the Father, he offered himself once and for all, and his death is the only and everlasting sacrifice for our redemption. Even on the first point, it would have been good to assert his belief that in the Supper we partake in the body and blood of Jesus Christ, but that we do so by ascending to heaven through faith, not by making him come down here. It should also be emphasized that this is no argument in support of their Mass, which is entirely contrary to the Supper of Jesus Christ.

Being questioned as to whether the Virgin Mary and the saints intercede for us, he answered, that there is but one only intercessor and advocate, Jesus Christ; which is true, for there are neither men nor angels who have access to God the Father save by this Mediator alone. But it would have been well to add, that the office of intercession is not bestowed upon the dead, God commanding us to intercede, the one for the other, in the present life: nevertheless, because it is not lawful to pray to God except in assurance of faith, that nothing remains for us but to call upon God in the name of Jesus Christ, and that all those who seek to the Virgin Mary and the saints as their advocates, act extravagantly, and turn aside out of the way.

Being asked whether the Virgin Mary and the saints intercede for us, he responded that there is only one intercessor and advocate, Jesus Christ; this is true, as no one, whether human or angel, has access to God the Father except through this Mediator alone. However, it would have been good to mention that the role of intercession is not given to the dead, since God commands us to intercede for one another in our current lives. Still, because we can only pray to God with assurance of faith, we are left with no choice but to call upon God in the name of Jesus Christ, and those who seek the Virgin Mary and the saints as their advocates act recklessly and stray from the right path.

Being questioned as to free-will, in order to show that of ourselves we have no power of well-doing, he alleges the expression of Saint Paul in the 7th of the Romans: The good that I would, I do not, &c. Now it is certain, that Saint Paul does not speak there of unbelievers who are wholly destitute of the grace of God, but of himself and of other saints to whom God had already given grace to aspire after well-doing. On such points he confesses that he felt such a struggle within himself, that he could not attain to a full performance of duty. Accordingly this further statement should have been made: If the faithful feel their whole nature opposed to the will of God, what must be the case with those who are full of pure malice and rebellion? Just as he says in the 8th chapter, that all the affections of the flesh are only so much enmity against God. And in Ephesians ii., he shows clearly what is in man. Item, in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, chapters i. ii., and in Romans iii.; whence it follows, that it is God who works in us to will and to do, according to his good pleasure.

Being questioned about free will, to argue that we have no power to do good on our own, he quotes Saint Paul from Romans 7: The good that I want to do, I do not, etc. It’s clear that Saint Paul isn’t talking about nonbelievers who lack God’s grace completely, but about himself and other saints who God had already given grace to strive for goodness. He admits that he experiences an inner struggle that keeps him from fully living up to his responsibilities. Therefore, it should also be noted: if the faithful feel their entire being opposed to God's will, what must it be like for those who are filled with pure malice and rebellion? As he says in chapter 8, all the desires of the flesh are just hostility toward God. In Ephesians 2, he clearly explains what humanity is like. Similarly, in First Corinthians chapters 1 and 2, and in Romans 3, it follows that it is God who works in us to desire and to act according to His good purpose.

Being questioned concerning vows, he answered, that all our promises are but lies. Now, it would have been well to specify that a part of their vows being impossible, they are nothing but an insult to God: as, for instance, when the monks and priests renounce marriage; and that generally the whole of these vows are nothing but false inventions in order to bastardize the service of God, and that we are not permitted to promise[421] or offer to him except in accordance with his word. I believe that the said brother will be well pleased to be informed of these things, so that the truth of God may be the more victorious in him.

Being questioned about vows, he replied that all our promises are just lies. It would have been better to point out that some of their vows are impossible, making them nothing but an insult to God; for example, when monks and priests renounce marriage. Overall, these vows are nothing but false constructs meant to distort the service of God, and we shouldn’t promise or offer anything to Him except in line with His word. I believe that the brother would appreciate knowing these things, so that the truth of God may be even more victorious in him.

For the rest, as in the midst of this life we are in death, you have now need to be well persuaded that in the midst of death you are in life. And thus we see that we must not be governed by sense merely in following Jesus Christ, for there is nothing more alien to our nature than to plunge ourselves into disgrace, and abase ourselves unto death, in order to be elevated to the glory of heaven. But in the end we shall feel, experimentally, that the Son of God has not disappointed us in promising that whosoever shall lay down his life in this world shall recover it to enjoy it for ever. Wherefore, my brethren, if hitherto you have known by experience the value of the consolations which this kind Lord Jesus Christ vouchsafes to his own, to enable them to welcome all that they suffer in his cause, and the value of the help of his Spirit in giving them such courage that they faint not, beseech him to continue both the one and the other, and in so praying rest in him, assured that he will fulfil your holy desire. On our part, while you are fighting, we shall not forget you. All my brethren salute you. The God of grace and Father of mercy have you under his protection; and if it please him that you should endure death for the testimony of his Gospel, as seems likely, may he show that he has not forsaken you, but rather that while appointing you his martyrs, he dwells and reigns within you, to triumph in you to the confusion of his enemies, and the edification of the faith of his elect; and may he lead us all until he gathers us together into his kingdom.

For the rest, just as we experience death in the midst of life, you now need to be fully convinced that even in death, you are in life. Therefore, we see that we must not just rely on our senses when following Jesus Christ, because nothing is more contrary to our nature than to throw ourselves into disgrace and lower ourselves to death in order to be raised to the glory of heaven. Ultimately, we will feel, through experience, that the Son of God has not failed us in promising that whoever lays down their life in this world will get it back to enjoy forever. So, my friends, if up to now you have experienced the value of the comfort that this kind Lord Jesus Christ provides to his own, helping them to embrace everything they endure for his cause, and the value of the support of his Spirit in giving them the courage not to faint, ask him to keep providing both. And as you pray, trust in him, confident that he will fulfill your holy desires. While you are fighting, we will not forget you. All my friends send their greetings. May the God of grace and Father of mercy keep you under his protection; and if it pleases him that you should endure death for the testimony of his Gospel, as seems likely, may he prove that he has not abandoned you, but rather while making you his martyrs, he dwells and reigns within you, triumphing over your enemies and strengthening the faith of his chosen ones; and may he guide us all until he gathers us together in his kingdom.


Excuse me that I have not sooner replied to you, for I only yesterday received your letter which is dated of the twelfth.—Your humble brother,

Excuse me for not getting back to you sooner; I just received your letter from the twelfth yesterday. —Your humble brother,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Fr.—Printed in Histoire des Martyrs, lib. iv. p. 244.]

[Fr.—Printed in Histoire des Martyrs, lib. iv. p. 244.]


CCCXXIV.—To his beloved Pastors of the Church of Frankfort.[442]

Request for the destruction of the copies at Frankfort of the book of Servetus.

Geneva, August 27, 1553.

Geneva, August 27, 1553.

Grace to you, and peace, from God our Father, and the Lord Jesus Christ, more peculiarly set apart, and my worshipful brethren.

Grace and peace to you from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ, uniquely set apart, and my esteemed brothers.

You have doubtless heard of the name of Servetus, a Spaniard, who twenty years ago corrupted your Germany with a virulent publication, filled with many pernicious errors. This worthless fellow, after being driven out of Germany, and having concealed himself in France under a fictitious name, lately patched up a larger volume, partly from his former book, and partly from new figments which he had invented. This book he printed secretly at Vienne, a town in the neighbourhood of Lyons. Many copies of it had been conveyed to Frankfort for the Easter fairs: the printer's agent, however, a pious and worthy man, on being informed that it contained nothing but a farrago of errors, suppressed whatever he had of it. It would take long to relate with how many errors—yea, prodigious blasphemies against God—the book abounds. Figure to yourselves a rhapsody patched up from the impious ravings of all ages. There is no sort of impiety which this monster has not raked up, as if from the infernal regions. I had rather you should pass sentence[423] on it from reading the book itself. You will certainly find on almost every single page, what will inspire you with horror. The author himself is held in prison by our magistrates, and he will be punished ere long, I hope; but it is your duty to see to it that this pestiferous poison does not spread farther. The messenger will inform you respecting the number and the repository of the books. The bookseller, if I mistake not, will permit them to be burnt. Should anything stand in the way, however, I trust that you will act so judiciously, as to purge the world of such noxious corruptions. Besides, your way will be clear,—because if the matter be submitted to your judgment, there will be no necessity for asking the magistrate to interfere. And while I am so persuaded of your integrity that I believe it would be sufficient to inform you of it; yet the magnitude of the affair demands that I should beseech you, by Christ, faithfully to strive to discharge your duty, lest the opportunity should slip from you.

You’ve probably heard of Servetus, a Spaniard who, twenty years ago, tainted Germany with a harmful publication filled with numerous serious errors. This worthless guy, after being kicked out of Germany and hiding in France under a fake name, recently cobbled together a larger book, partly from his earlier work and partly from new nonsense he made up. He secretly printed this book in Vienne, a town near Lyons. Many copies were sent to Frankfort for the Easter fairs, but the printer's representative, a good and decent man, upon learning that it was nothing but a jumble of errors, confiscated everything he had. It would take a long time to list all the errors—indeed, the unbelievable blasphemies against God—that the book contains. Just imagine a collection of nonsense strung together from the impious ramblings of all time. There is no type of wickedness that this monster hasn’t dug up, as if from the depths of hell. I’d rather you judge it by reading the book itself. You’ll find something on almost every single page that will horrify you. The author is currently in prison, held by our magistrates, and I hope he will be punished soon; however, it’s your responsibility to ensure that this poisonous material doesn’t spread any further. The messenger will inform you about how many copies there are and where they are stored. The bookseller should allow them to be burned. If anything gets in the way, I trust you’ll act wisely to rid the world of such harmful corruption. Furthermore, it will be easy for you—if the matter is brought to your attention, there will be no need to ask the magistrate to step in. While I have faith in your integrity and believe it might just take informing you to get action, the seriousness of the situation makes it necessary for me to urge you, by Christ, to earnestly fulfill your duty before the chance slips away.

Fare ye well, most honoured sirs, and very dear brethren. May the Lord guide you by his Spirit, shield you by his protection, and bless your labours.

Farewell, esteemed gentlemen, and beloved brothers. May the Lord guide you with His Spirit, protect you with His care, and bless your work.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 71.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. 9, p. 71.]


CCCXXV.—To Viret.[443]

Troubles at Geneva—Berthelier and the chiefs of the Libertins are refused admission to the Lord's Table.

Geneva, 4th September 1553.

Geneva, September 4, 1553.

I was wishing to maintain silence towards you regarding our affairs, that I might not augment your grief to no purpose.[424] But fearing that you might be more deeply affected by divers rumours, I at length thought it better to inform you respecting the principal point. When Berthelier, a year and a half ago, was interdicted the privilege of the Supper, he complained to the senate, and we, to please the scoundrel, were summoned before their assembly. After having heard the case, the Senate pronounced him to have been rightfully excommunicated. Whether from despair or contempt, he has kept quiet ever since up to the present time. Now, indeed, that the Syndicate of Perrin might not become forgotten, he has wished the Senate to restore him, without consulting the Consistory. On being summoned a second time, I demonstrated, in a long speech, that to do so would be to act, not only contrary to what was right, but also contrary to law; nay more, that it was sinful to destroy the discipline of the Church in this manner. During my absence, however, and unknown to the Consistory, an opportunity was afforded him of receiving the Supper. As soon as I got notice of it, I used all my endeavours to get the Syndics to call a meeting of the Senate. I have devoted myself so earnestly to the cause, that, in my mind, nothing calculated to influence their minds was left undone. I endeavoured, partly by vehemence, and partly by moderation, to reduce them to a sound mind. I even took an oath, that I had resolved rather to meet death than profane so shamefully the holy Supper of the Lord; for that nothing was more intolerable than that that individual, mocking and insulting the Church of God by his contumacy, should by raising the standard, so to speak, incite the worst characters, and those like himself, to indulge in the same effrontery. The reply was, that the Senate had nothing to change in its former decision. From which you perceive, that by this law my ministry is abandoned, if I suffer the authority of the Consistory to be trampled upon, and extend[425] the Supper of Christ to open scoffers, who boast that pastors are nothing to them. In truth, I should rather die a hundred times, than subject Christ to such foul mockery. I need not record what I said yesterday in both assemblies, as you will get an oral account of it from many. The wicked and the abandoned may now obtain, therefore, what they have eagerly sought. The calamity to the Church grieves me, as indeed it ought. But if God yields so much power to Satan, as to strip me of the liberty of my ministry by his violent commands, I am satisfied. Certainly, he who has inflicted the wound, will himself find a remedy. And, indeed, seeing that so much wickedness has now passed with impunity for many years, perhaps the Lord is preparing some judgment which I am not deemed worthy to see. In fine, whatever may happen, it is our duty to submit to his will.

I wanted to stay silent with you about our issues, so I wouldn’t add to your sadness unnecessarily.[424] But worried that you might be even more upset by various rumors, I finally decided it was better to update you on the main point. When Berthelier was banned from the Supper a year and a half ago, he complained to the Senate, and to keep him happy, we were summoned before them. After reviewing the case, the Senate confirmed that he had been rightfully excommunicated. Whether out of despair or disdain, he has stayed quiet ever since then. Now, in order to not let the Syndicate of Perrin be forgotten, he wants the Senate to reinstate him without consulting the Consistory. When he was called again, I gave a lengthy speech showing that doing so would not only be wrong but also against the law; furthermore, it was sinful to undermine the Church’s discipline like that. However, during my absence and without the Consistory’s knowledge, he was given the chance to receive the Supper. As soon as I found out, I did everything I could to get the Syndics to convene a Senate meeting. I committed myself to this cause so thoroughly that I believe I left no stone unturned to influence their thinking. I tried both assertiveness and calmness to bring them to their senses. I even swore that I would rather face death than disgrace the holy Supper of the Lord in such a despicable way; nothing is more unbearable than that this individual, who mocks and disrespects the Church of God with his defiance, should, by raising a flag, encourage others like him to follow suit. Their response was that the Senate wouldn’t change its previous decision. From this, you see that by this decree, my ministry is effectively abandoned if I allow the authority of the Consistory to be trampled and extend the Supper of Christ to open mockers who claim that pastors mean nothing to them. Truthfully, I would rather face death a hundred times than put Christ through such a disgrace. I don’t need to repeat what I said in both assemblies yesterday since you’ll hear about it from many sources. The wicked and despicable can now obtain what they’ve been eagerly seeking. The distress this brings to the Church pains me, as it should. But if God allows Satan this much power to strip me of my ministry’s freedom through his forceful commands, I will accept it. Certainly, the one who caused the wound will also find a healing. Indeed, considering that so much evil has gone unpunished for many years, perhaps the Lord is preparing some judgment that I am not meant to witness. In the end, whatever happens, we must submit to His will.

Farewell, most worthy brethren. May the Lord be ever present with you, to guide and protect you. Pray him, on the other hand, to look down upon this unfortunate Church.

Farewell, dear friends. May the Lord always be with you to guide and protect you. Please pray for Him to look down on this troubled Church.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 74.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. 9, p. 74.]


CCCXXVI.—To Bullinger.

Deep anxiety on account of the condition of the English Churches—Conference of the Swiss Churches in regard to Servetus.

Geneva, 7th September 1553.

Geneva, September 7, 1553.

With respect to the letter, I had no doubt but that you made a faithful endeavour, so far as it was your duty, to send it to me in safety. That Jew has deceived you however; at least he has not done what you expected of him. He at length arrived here, but alleged that he had been robbed at Fribourg: he could give no definite account of the letter. As circumstances did not turn out here according to his wishes, he crossed over to England. I informed him that matters were in a disturbed state in that country, and endeavoured to deter him[426] from his design. It was of no avail, however; but he may take his own way.

Regarding the letter, I have no doubt that you did your best, as it was your responsibility, to send it to me safely. That Jew has misled you; at least he hasn't done what you expected from him. He finally arrived here, but claimed he was robbed in Fribourg: he couldn't provide a clear account of the letter. Since things didn't work out here the way he wanted, he went over to England. I told him that the situation there was unstable and tried to dissuade him from his plan[426], but it was no use; he can do as he pleases.

We have good reason to feel anxiety—yea even torment—regarding that nation [England].[444] What is to become of so great a multitude of pious men, who have betaken themselves to voluntary exile in that country?[445] There is danger, also, that we shall hear very sad news ere long, of the many native English who have already embraced Christ, if the Lord do not in his mercy send help to them from heaven. Besides, the same rumour is gathering strength here with respect to Cardinal Pole.[446] Moreover, as, I have always heard that she is a very haughty animal who now succeeds to the crown, and cruel withal, there sometimes steals over me a prophetic conjecture, that her audacity will carry her all lengths. You are aware of the rash daring peculiar to her family. She will prove troublesome to almost all parties in the long run. Should she make a weak attempt to alter the existing constitution, she will find opponents not a few. Meanwhile, the Church of God will be in a manner buffeted by manifold tempests. Let us, therefore, as you say, commend this very troubled state of affairs to God.

We have plenty of reason to feel anxious—and even tormented—about that nation [England].[444] What will happen to the many devout people who have chosen to live in exile there?[445] There’s also a risk that we’ll soon hear very sad news about the many native English who have already turned to Christ, if the Lord doesn’t mercifully send help from above. Furthermore, rumors about Cardinal Pole are gaining strength here.[446] Besides, I’ve always heard that the new ruler is a very arrogant person and quite cruel, which sometimes leads me to a prophetic thought that her boldness will lead her to extremes. You know the reckless audacity typical of her family. She will likely become a problem for almost everyone in the long run. If she tries to weakly change the current system, she’ll face quite a few opponents. In the meantime, the Church of God will be tossed about by many storms. So, let’s, as you suggested, commend this very troubled situation to God.

Our Council will, on an early day, send the opinions of Servetus to your city, to obtain your judgment regarding them.[427] Indeed they cause you this trouble, despite our remonstrances;[447] but they have reached such a pitch of folly and madness, that they regard with suspicion whatever we say to them. So much so, that were I to allege that it is clear at mid-day, they would forthwith begin to doubt of it. Our brother Gualter [will tell you] more;[448] for I am compelled to conclude, as there are many here whom I found on returning home from dinner.

Our Council will soon send Servetus's opinions to your city to get your thoughts on them.[427] It's frustrating for you, despite our warnings;[447] but they've become so foolish and irrational that they are suspicious of everything we say. In fact, if I were to say that it's clear at midday, they would immediately start to doubt that. Our brother Gualter will tell you more;[448] since I have to wrap this up, as there are many people here whom I found when I got back from dinner.

Adieu, therefore, most accomplished sir, and honourable brother in the Lord. Salute your fellow-ministers, your sons-in-law, and your whole family. May Christ preserve, guide, and bless you all. Amen. My colleagues—all very dejected—salute you earnestly.—Yours,

Adieu, therefore, most skilled sir, and respected brother in the Lord. Give my regards to your fellow ministers, your sons-in-law, and your entire family. May Christ protect, guide, and bless you all. Amen. My colleagues, who are all feeling quite down, send their heartfelt greetings.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCCXXVII.—To Sulzer.[449]

Statement of the errors of Servetus, and of the duty of the Christian magistrate to repress them.

Geneva, 8th September 1553.

Geneva, September 8, 1553.

As Michael Servetus, twenty years ago, infected the Christian world with his virulent and pestilential opinions, I should[428] suppose his name is not unknown to you. While you may not have read his book, yet you must have heard something of the sort of doctrines contained in it. It was he whom that faithful minister of Christ, Master Bucer of holy memory, in other respects of a mild disposition, declared from the pulpit to be worthy of having his bowels pulled out, and torn to pieces. While he has not permitted any of his poison to go abroad since that time, he has lately, however, brought out a larger volume, printed secretly at Vienne, but patched up from the same errors. To be sure, as soon as the thing became known, he was cast into prison. He escaped from it some way or other, and wandered in Italy for nearly four months. He at length, in an evil hour, came to this place, when, at my instigation, one of the Syndics ordered him to be conducted to prison. For I do not disguise it, that I considered it my duty to put a check, so far as I could, upon this most obstinate and ungovernable man, that his contagion might not spread farther. We see with what wantonness impiety is making progress everywhere, so that new errors are ever and anon breaking forth: we see how very inactive those are whom God has armed with the sword, for the vindication of the glory of his name. Seeing that the defenders of the Papacy are so bitter and bold in behalf of their superstitions, that in their atrocious fury they shed the blood of the innocent, it should shame Christian magistrates, that in the protection of certain truth, they are entirely destitute of spirit. I certainly confess that nothing would be less becoming, than for us to imitate their furious intemperance. But there is some ground for restraining the impious from uttering whatever blasphemies they please with impunity, when there is an opportunity of checking it. As respects this man, three things require to be considered. With what prodigious[429] errors he has corrupted the whole of religion; yea, with what detestable mockeries he has endeavoured to destroy all piety; with what abominable ravings he has obscured Christianity, and razed to the very foundation all the principles of our religion. Secondly, how obstinately he has behaved; with what diabolical pride he has despised all advice; with what desperate stubbornness he has driven headlong in scattering his poison. Thirdly, with what proud scorn he at present avows and defends his abominations. For so far is he from any hope of repentance, that he does not hesitate to fling this blot upon those holy men, Capito and Œcolampadius, as if they were his companions. When the letters of Œcolampadius were shown him, he said that he wondered by what spirit they had been led away from their former opinion. But as I hope you will see to it that the impiety of the man be represented in the character it merits, I shall not add more. Only there is one thing I wish to say to you, viz., that the treasurer of this city, who will deliver to you this letter, takes a correct view of this case, so that he at least does not avoid the issue which we desire. Would that your old disciples were animated by the same spirit![450]

As Michael Servetus infected the Christian world with his harmful and destructive opinions twenty years ago, I assume his name isn't unfamiliar to you. Even if you haven't read his book, you've likely heard about the kinds of doctrines it contains. He is the one that Master Bucer, a faithful minister of Christ who was usually mild-mannered, proclaimed from the pulpit deserved to have his insides ripped out and torn apart. Although he hadn't spread any of his poison since then, he recently published a larger volume secretly in Vienne, still filled with the same errors. Naturally, as soon as this became known, he was imprisoned. He somehow escaped and wandered in Italy for almost four months. Eventually, he came here, and at my suggestion, one of the Syndics ordered him to be locked up. I won’t hide that I felt it was my duty to restrain this very stubborn and unruly man to prevent his contagion from spreading further. We are witnessing how recklessly impiety is advancing everywhere, with new errors continually emerging: we see how inactive those are whom God has armed with the sword to uphold His glory. Given how fervently and aggressively the defenders of the Papacy advocate for their superstitions—even going so far as to shed innocent blood—it should embarrass Christian magistrates that they lack the courage to protect certain truths. I definitely acknowledge that nothing would be less appropriate than for us to mimic their furious recklessness. However, there is justification for stopping the impious from spreading whatever blasphemies they wish without consequences when there’s a chance to intervene. Regarding this man, three points need to be addressed. First, the outrageous errors he has used to corrupt the entirety of religion; indeed, the despicable mockeries he has used to try to destroy all piety; and the abhorrent ranting that has clouded Christianity and undermined the very foundations of our faith. Second, his obstinate behavior; the diabolical pride with which he has scorned all counsel; the reckless stubbornness with which he has scattered his poison. Third, the proud disdain with which he now openly endorses and defends his abominations. He is so far from hoping for repentance that he doesn’t hesitate to smear those holy men, Capito and Œcolampadius, as if they were his allies. When shown letters from Œcolampadius, he expressed surprise at what spirit led them away from their previous beliefs. But as I trust you will ensure that this man's impiety is portrayed accurately, I won’t add more. I only wish to tell you that the treasurer of this city, who will deliver this letter to you, has a correct understanding of this situation, so at least he isn't shying away from the issue we want to address. I wish your former students were inspired by the same spirit!

I write you nothing regarding French matters, as I do not think there is anything new here, which is not equally known among yourselves, except that there were three pious brethren burnt at Lyons on Sabbath last; a fourth was sent to a neighbouring town to suffer a similar fate.[451] It is scarcely credible, seeing that they were illiterate men, how they were, as far as it appeared, enlightened by the Spirit of God to the highest perfection of doctrine, and with what courage they were supported to maintain an inflexible firmness. One at first, overcome by fear, had swerved from a genuine confession. When the judges resolved upon releasing him, he, having asked forgiveness for his insincerity, eagerly offered himself to the flames.[430] Similar fires are kindled, also, in other parts of France; nor is there any hope of relief.—Adieu.

I’m not writing to you about French affairs because I don’t think there’s anything new here that you don’t already know, except that three devoted individuals were burned at Lyons last Sabbath; a fourth was sent to a nearby town to face the same fate.[451] It’s hardly believable that they were uneducated men, and yet, it seemed like they were enlightened by the Spirit of God to the highest level of understanding, showing incredible courage to maintain their unwavering stance. One person initially faltered out of fear and strayed from his true confession. When the judges decided to set him free, he asked for forgiveness for his lack of sincerity and willingly offered himself to the flames. [430] Similar events are happening in other parts of France, and there’s no hope for relief. — Goodbye.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 70.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 70.]


CCCXXVIII.—To a Captive Woman.[452]

He consoles her under her trials, and exhorts her to use every means to secure her retreat to Geneva.

From Geneva, this 13th September 1553.

From Geneva, this September 13, 1553.

Mademoiselle and very dear Sister,—I am much grieved by your affliction, not only because the children of God ought to bear each other's burdens, but because I feel the cause for which you suffer to be a common one; for, as I am told, they afflict and detain you captive for having wished to follow Jesus Christ. You have, however, whereof to rejoice in the good testimony which your conscience renders you in the sight of God, that you do not suffer on account of evil doing, but because Satan cannot endure that you should break loose from the bonds of the servitude in which you have hitherto pined. Notwithstanding, you must call upon God, beseeching him to have compassion upon you, and committing yourself entirely into his hand, to hope for such deliverance as he shall please to send you. Nevertheless, if there were any right and lawful means of escaping out of the hands of him who detains you, you should ask counsel from God, so that by his Spirit he might teach you to take advantage of it. As I am not thoroughly acquainted with the facts, nay, as I do not even know your person nor your rank, I shall write upon the report of the gentlemen who are the bearers of the present letter. They have told me that as you were preparing to come hither, nay, actually on your way, the thing being discovered, some priest[431] who is related to you, seized upon you, and now detains you as in a prison, from whence you have no means of getting free, unless you pretend to be willing for a while to live in that neighbourhood. Now, they promise to harbour you in their house, where you will be free to serve God purely, without mixing yourself up with the idolatries which prevail throughout the country. Before giving you any advice as to this, I protest that on no account would I induce you to flinch, or to seek out any by-way which might turn you out of the strait path which God points out to you in his word. Although I have heard that God has endowed you with admirable constancy, for which I bless and magnify his name, I would yet rather strive to increase you still more in such courage than in any degree lessen it. For when we are brought to such an extremity as to have no way of deliverance from the tyranny of the enemies of the truth, save by subterfuges which draw back and estrange us from the right path, there is no doubt but that God calls us to seal with our blood the confession of faith which we owe to him. For which reason if it were a question as to declining either on one side or the other, it were better to die. And in order that you may not be shaken by threatenings or by anything whatsoever, look to the Son of God, who did not spare his own life for the sake of our salvation, in order that we might not reckon our life too precious when needed to further his glory. Look to that heavenly crown which is prepared for those who have fought courageously. And above all, beware of drawing back, rather than which, we ought to use our utmost endeavours to press forward to the mark which God sets before us. But if the means be offered you of withdrawing with your brethren, who desire with you to worship God with one accord, I do not think that you ought to refuse. In conclusion, you have to pray God, as I shall also do, that he would bestow on you a spirit of counsel and prudence, to decide what is right and fit for you to do; a spirit of discretion, that you may not be deceived and take evil for good; a spirit of steadfastness to be constant in wholly conforming yourself to his will.

Dear Sis,—I am truly saddened by your suffering, not just because we should support each other as children of God, but because I see your struggle as a shared one. I’ve heard that you are being troubled and held captive for wanting to follow Jesus Christ. However, you do have a reason to rejoice in the clear conscience you have before God, knowing that your suffering isn’t due to wrongdoing, but because Satan can't stand that you want to break free from the bondage you’ve been in. Still, you must call upon God, asking for His compassion and fully committing yourself to Him, trusting for the deliverance He chooses to offer you. If there are lawful ways to escape from those who are holding you, you should seek guidance from God so that His Spirit can help you take advantage of those opportunities. Since I don’t know all the details, and I’m not familiar with you or your status, I’m basing this on what the gentlemen carrying this letter have reported. They told me that as you were preparing to come here, and had already begun your journey, a priest related to you discovered it and has now captured you, holding you as if in prison, from which you cannot escape unless you pretend to accept living temporarily in that area. They assure me that they will provide you with shelter in their home, where you will be free to serve God sincerely, without getting caught up in the idolatries that are common in that region. Before I give you any advice, I want to make it clear that I would never encourage you to waver or take any shortcut that would lead you away from the straight path God has laid out in His word. I have heard of the remarkable strength God has blessed you with, for which I praise His name, and I’d prefer to help you grow even stronger in that courage rather than weaken it in any way. When we face situations where there seems to be no escape from the tyranny of those who oppose the truth, except through compromises that pull us away from the right way, it’s clear that God is calling us to affirm our faith with our very lives. Therefore, if it comes down to choosing a side, it is better to die than to stray from the truth. To keep you firm against threats or anything else, look to the Son of God, who willingly gave His life for our salvation so we wouldn’t consider our lives too valuable to glorify Him. Keep your eyes on the heavenly crown prepared for those who bravely fight. Above all, avoid retreating; instead, we should strive to move forward toward the goal God sets before us. If you have the opportunity to leave with your fellow believers who want to worship God together, I don’t think you should turn that down. Lastly, pray to God, as I will also do, that He grants you a spirit of wisdom and discernment to know what is right for you, a spirit of insight so you won’t be misled by evil disguised as good, and a spirit of steadfastness to fully align yourself with His will.

[Copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Copy.Geneva Library. Vol. 107.]


CCCXXIX.—To the Believers in the Islands.[453]

Religious counsels, and announcement of the sending of a minister.

This 12th of October 1553.

October 12, 1553.

Very dear Brethren,—We have to praise God that in the captivity wherein you are, he vouchsafes you the strength you ask, to worship him in purity, fearing more the being deprived of his grace, than exposing yourself to the dangers which may perhaps be about to occur to you, owing to the malice of the adversaries; for the brother who is bearer of the present letter,[454] has declared to us that you have requested him to return to you whenever he could; and that you desire to be by all means exhorted to what is right, and confirmed in the faith of the Gospel; and, indeed, now-a-days, there is greater need of this than ever. It remains that this holy zeal of yours be firm, so that you may continue to advance in the path of salvation. As for the man, you know him; and on our part, seeing he has here approved himself a God-fearing man, has had his conversation among us holy and without reproach, and has also always followed good and wholesome teaching, we doubt not that he will comport himself faithfully among you,[433] and labour for your edification. As to the advice which he has asked of us in your name, this is the order which it appears to us you have to maintain, both as to prayer to God in beginning, and as to being taught by him and others that God shall give you, and to whom he has bestowed grace to minister to you. Thereupon, see that you take courage to separate yourselves from idolatries, from all superstitions, which are contrary to the service of God, and to the acknowledgment and confession which all Christians owe to him, for to that are we called. When, in course of time, God has so prospered you, that you are, as it were, an ecclesiastical body maintaining the order already mentioned, and that there are some resolved to withdraw themselves from prevailing pollutions, then you may have the use of the sacraments. But we are nowise of opinion that you should begin by them, or even that you should be in a hurry to partake of the holy Supper, until you have some order established among you. And indeed it is much better for you to abstain from it, so that thus you may be led to seek the means which will render you capable of receiving it. That is, as we have already said, that you may be accustomed to meet together in God's name, being as it were one body; and that you may be separated from the idolatries which it is not lawful to mix up with things holy. Nay, it would not be lawful for a man to administer the sacraments to you, unless he recognized you as a flock of Jesus Christ, and found among you the form of a church. Meanwhile, take courage and devote yourselves wholly to God, who has purchased us so dearly by his own Son, and yield him the homage of body and soul, showing that you account his glory more precious than all besides; and that you set a higher value upon the eternal salvation which is prepared for you in heaven, than you do on this transitory life.

Dear Friends,—We should thank God that even in your captivity, He gives you the strength you ask for to worship Him in purity, fearing more the loss of His grace than the dangers that may arise from the malice of your enemies. The brother who is bringing this letter,[454] has told us that you asked him to come back to you whenever he could; and that you want to be encouraged towards what is right and strengthened in your faith in the Gospel. Indeed, nowadays, this is more important than ever. It’s essential that your holy zeal remains strong so you can keep progressing on the path to salvation. As for the man, you know him; and we see that he has proven to be a God-fearing individual, living among us wholly and without blame, and has always followed sound teaching. We have no doubt he will act faithfully among you,[433] and work for your growth. Regarding the advice he has asked us to give you, it seems to us that you should maintain order, both in starting with prayer to God and in learning from him and others whom God will provide, who have been given the grace to serve you. Therefore, be bold and separate yourselves from idolatries and all superstitions that go against God’s service and the acknowledgment and confession every Christian owes to Him, for that is our calling. When the time comes and God has blessed you, forming you into a church that upholds the ordered life we just mentioned, and some of you are determined to distance yourselves from the prevailing corruptions, then you may partake of the sacraments. However, we do not think you should start with them, or rush to take part in the holy Supper until you have established some order among you. In fact, it’s better for you to refrain from it, so you may be led to seek the means that will make you ready to receive it. That is, as we have said, you should become accustomed to gathering in God’s name, being as one body; and separating yourselves from the idolatries that should not be mixed with holy things. It would not be lawful for someone to give you the sacraments unless they recognize you as a flock of Jesus Christ and see among you the shape of a church. In the meantime, be courageous and dedicate yourselves entirely to God, who has bought us at such a high price through His own Son, and yield Him the devotion of your body and soul, proving that you value His glory above all else; and that you place a higher worth on the eternal salvation prepared for you in heaven than on this fleeting life.

Wherefore, very dear brethren, making an end for the present, we shall pray this merciful God to complete what he has begun in you, to increase you in all spiritual blessings, and to have you in his holy protection.

Wherefore, dear brothers and sisters, as we wrap things up for now, let’s pray to this merciful God to finish what He has started in you, to bless you with all spiritual gifts, and to keep you under His holy protection.

Charles D'espeville,
As well in his own name, as in that of his brethren.

Charles D'Espeville,
Both in his own name and that of his peers.

[Fr. copy.Arch. of the Company of Geneva. Vol. A.]

[Fr. copy.Arch. of the Company of Geneva. Vol. A.]


CCCXXX.—To Farel.

Acknowledgment of Farel's care for the Church of Geneva.

Geneva, 14th October 1553.

Geneva, October 14, 1553.

I cannot find words, my dear Farel, in which to thank you for the extraordinary interest you take in us, and for your equal regard for this Church. I purposely abstained from, or at all events was more sparing in writing you, as I was afraid to take horseback immediately as you have done. Indeed I did not care for troubling you until the very last, as you said that it would not be acceptable to you if I should spare you. I certainly know well enough, and indeed have experienced how you like, yea, desire to undertake labour in behalf of the Church of God, and how prompt you are in rendering us assistance. Of the present state of things here I suppose you have been informed by Viret, or rather by my letter to him, which I wrote with the intention that you should get a reading of it. Our enemies are making general exertions to have some hasty decree passed at the meeting of the greater Council, about the middle of November. I was thinking that it would be well to have Viret here about that time. Yourself, indeed, I am desirous to see here sooner, viz., on occasion of the final sentence of Servetus. This will take place, I hope, before the end of next week.[455] As, however, the son of Claude Bernard has invited Viret to his marriage on Sabbath next, I have no doubt whatever but that Viret will accompany you if you come by Lausanne. Yet I am unwilling, when there is no pressing necessity for it, that you should move a foot unless it suit your convenience.[456] I have no doubt but that Viret will write you his mind on the matter, if he can secure in time a trustworthy messenger, for I asked him to do so. Earnest salutations from[435] all, especially our friend the Marquis,[457] Normandie, and my restored friend. Adieu, most upright and very dear brother. Salute earnestly your fellow-ministers, and your whole family. May the Lord Christ ever guide, preserve, and bless you all.—Yours,

I can't find the right words, my dear Farel, to thank you for the incredible interest you have in us and for your equal concern for this Church. I intentionally held back on writing to you, or at least wrote less, because I was worried about riding out right away like you did. I really didn't want to be a bother to you until the very end, since you said it wouldn't be acceptable if I tried to lighten your load. I definitely know how much you like, and even want, to take on work for the Church of God, and how quick you are to help us. I'm sure Viret, or my letter to him, has kept you updated on the current situation here, which I wrote thinking you would read it. Our enemies are making concerted efforts to get a rushed decree passed at the larger Council meeting in mid-November. I thought it would be good to have Viret here around that time. In fact, I really want to see you here sooner, especially regarding the final sentence of Servetus. I hope this will happen before the end of next week.[455] However, since Claude Bernard's son has invited Viret to his wedding this coming Sabbath, I have no doubt Viret will join you if you come via Lausanne. Still, unless there’s a pressing need, I don’t want you to move unless it suits you.[456] I’m sure Viret will share his thoughts on this if he can find a reliable messenger in time, as I asked him to do. Best regards from[435] all of us, especially our friend the Marquis,[457] Normandie, and my restored friend. Farewell, my most genuine and dear brother. Please send warm greetings to your fellow ministers and your whole family. May the Lord Christ always guide, protect, and bless you all.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. copy.—Library of Zurich. Coll. Simler, tom. 80.]

[Lat. copy.—Library of Zurich. Coll. Simler, vol. 80.]


CCCXXXI.—To Farel.[458]

Deliverance by the Swiss Churches regarding Servetus—vain efforts of Calvin to obtain a mitigation of his punishment.

Geneva, 26th October 1553.

Geneva, October 26, 1553.

Behold what will give you some gratification. Instead of an epistle, here is a summary which will not occupy long time.[436] The messenger has returned from the Swiss Churches. They are unanimous in pronouncing that Servetus has now renewed those impious errors with which Satan formerly disturbed the Church, and that he is a monster not to be borne. Those of Bâle were judicious. The Zurichers were the most vehement of all; for they not only animadverted in severe terms on the atrocity of his impieties, but also exhorted our Senate to severity. They of Schaffhausen will agree. Also to an appropriate letter from the Bernese is added one from the Senate, in which they stimulate ours not a little. Caesar, the comedian, after feigning illness for three days, at length went up to the assembly in order to free that wretch from punishment. Nor was he ashamed to ask that inquiry might be made at the [Council of the] Two Hundred. However, he was without doubt condemned. He will be led forth to punishment to-morrow. We endeavoured to alter the mode of his death, but in vain. Why we did not succeed I defer for narration until I see you. Adieu, most upright brother, and distinguished minister of Christ. May God ever guide and preserve you. Much health to all friends. Ours salute you again.

Here's something that might interest you. Instead of a lengthy letter, here’s a quick summary that won’t take much time.[436] The messenger has returned from the Swiss Churches. They all agree that Servetus has once again embraced those contemptible errors that previously troubled the Church, and that he is a problem that can’t be tolerated. The people of Bâle were sensible in their opinions. The Zurichers were the most intense of all; they not only harshly criticized the severity of his wrongdoings but also urged our Senate to take a hard stance. The folks in Schaffhausen will likely agree. Along with a relevant letter from Bern, there’s another from the Senate that pushes ours to act. Caesar, the performer, after pretending to be ill for three days, finally went up to the assembly to try to save that miserable man from punishment. He wasn’t even embarrassed to request that the [Council of the] Two Hundred look into it. However, he was undoubtedly condemned. He will be brought forward for punishment tomorrow. We tried to change the way of his death, but it was in vain. I’ll hold off on explaining why we weren’t successful until I see you. Goodbye, my honest brother and esteemed minister of Christ. May God always guide and protect you. Best wishes to all our friends. Ours send their regards again.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 71.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. ix. p. 71.]


CCCXXXII.—To Madame De Pons.

He encourages her to come out of the spiritual bondage in which she is held.

The 20th of November 1553.

November 20, 1553.

Madame and good Sister,—If God had given you a husband who had been loyal to you, and had lived in concord with you, there would be need to comfort you at present, and[437] to exhort you to patience. But since he who ought to have considered you as dear to him as the half of himself, has been, while he lived, a very severe scourge, you have occasion rather to acknowledge that in removing him our gracious God has acted in mercy towards you. Furthermore, the annoyances which you have undergone ought to teach you to humble yourself under the hand of Him who has thought fit thus to try you, in order to make you feel the value of his help, and how his faithfulness never fails his people. But all the ill-treatment under which you have pined away, has been nothing at all compared to that wretched captivity by which you were kept back from the worship of God, and kept away from the Son of God, so as to be unable to keep faith in the holy and sacred marriage which he has contracted with you; and now you must all the more consider, to what end he has set you so much at liberty. Call to mind, I beseech you, the continual sighs you have been heaving for so long a time. Although you had many kinds of grief, I doubt not that your chief regret was that of not being permitted to devote yourself entirely to the service of God. Consider well, whether you have not vowed daily before God, that you wished for nothing but the means of getting rid of the servitude in which you were held. Now that your wish is granted, rely upon it that God holds you to your promise. It is for you to anticipate him, even as your conscience prompts you, without incitements from without. And yet further, call to remembrance that Saint Paul, in saying that married persons are as it were divided, but that widows have nothing to do but to apply themselves entirely to God, takes away from you the excuse which hitherto you could have alleged. It is certain that nothing whatever ought to hinder us from the discharge of what is due to our heavenly Father, and to that kind Redeemer whom he has sent to us; but the better the opportunity of each, so much the more guilty does he become if he does not the more readily discharge his duty. I am well aware that you have regard to your children, and I do not say but that this is right, provided that the sovereign Father of both you and them be not left out. But consider that the greatest benefit which you can confer upon them, is to shew them the way to follow God. However[438] that may be, it will no longer be permitted you to allege that you are under compulsion, and forced to offend, seeing that God has opened a door to you which might have been shut. What remains for you then but to take courage, yea even so as to strive to the very utmost to surmount all the difficulties which keep you back: for I know very well that you cannot without great opposition dedicate yourself fully to our Lord Jesus. But to come to the point, make a right use of the knowledge which he has for a long time past vouchsafed you; and do not allow the zeal which he has at one time imprinted by the Holy Spirit upon your heart to die away; and do not knowingly quench the holy desire which has burned within you in bygone times. Behold how God allows those to slip away who grow careless little by little, and how easily he permits them to be so utterly depraved that they go to perdition; and it is just that the Lord should thus avenge himself upon those who have preferred the vanities of the world to the treasure of his Gospel. Now, while many allow themselves to be seduced by such examples, let this serve as a warning to you, to keep all the more closely fenced about in fear and solicitude. Finally, let the adversity which you have passed through, during a part of your life, make you ponder all the more seriously that true happiness and perfect glory which is prepared for us in heaven, that we may not beguile ourselves with worldly repose, which can only be fleeting and highly seasoned with never-ceasing care and troubles, and, worse than all, which makes us unmindful of that soul-rest which alone is blessed. But that I may not seem to distrust your good-will, I shall conclude for the present, after having affectionately commended me to your kind favour and prayers, and having besought our merciful God that if, in times past, he has poured forth upon you the graces and virtues of his Holy Spirit, he would not only continue them, but would increase you therein, and never allow you to decline from the straight path, but advance you therein still more and more, while in the meantime he holds you under his protection. I do not know whereabouts your brother is, or if I should give him pleasure by writing to him, which withholds me from doing so. Nevertheless, I desire that God would[439] hold him with a strong hand, so that he may not be estranged from him.[459] From what I hear, he is a little gone out of the way in some things, and has much need to be brought back into the straight path; but as I do not know how to effect this, I reserve it for a better opportunity. Once more I commit you to the love of our merciful God.—Your humble brother and servant,

Sister and esteemed Madame,—If God had given you a husband who was loyal and lived in harmony with you, there wouldn’t be any need to comfort you right now or encourage you to be patient. But since he, who should have cherished you as half of himself, was instead a harsh burden while he was alive, you should recognize that God has acted mercifully towards you by removing him. Moreover, the troubles you’ve faced should teach you to humble yourself before Him, who has chosen to test you in this way, helping you realize the value of His support and how His faithfulness never falters for His people. Yet, all the suffering you endured pales in comparison to the miserable captivity that kept you from worshipping God and away from the Son of God, preventing you from fully committing to the holy and sacred marriage He has made with you; now, you must consider even more why He has set you free. Remember, I urge you, the constant sighs you've been letting out for so long. Despite your various sorrows, I’m sure your greatest regret was not being able to devote yourself entirely to serving God. Think carefully about whether you haven’t promised daily to God that you wished for nothing but the means to escape the bondage you were in. Now that your wish is granted, trust that God expects you to keep your promise. You should seek Him out, following the inclinations of your conscience, without needing external motivation. Additionally, remember that Saint Paul pointed out that while married people are somewhat divided, widows have only to focus completely on God, removing any excuses you might have had before. It’s clear that nothing should hinder us from fulfilling our duties to our heavenly Father and to the Redeemer He has sent; the more opportunities each one has, the more at fault they are if they neglect their responsibilities. I understand you care for your children, and that’s right, as long as you don’t forget their sovereign Father. But remember that the best thing you can do for them is to show them the way to follow God. However that may be, you can no longer claim you are under compulsion and forced to sin, as God has opened a door for you that might have been closed. What’s left for you now is to have courage and strive to overcome all the hurdles that hold you back: I know well how hard it is to commit fully to our Lord Jesus without facing great opposition. But let’s get to the point: make positive use of the knowledge He has granted you for a long time; don’t let the zeal that the Holy Spirit once ignited in your heart die out; and don’t intentionally suppress the holy desire that has burned within you in the past. Look how God lets those who grow careless slip away, and how easily He allows them to fall so far that they end up in ruin; it is right for the Lord to take vengeance on those who prefer the distractions of the world over the treasure of His Gospel. While many are led astray by such examples, let this serve as a reminder for you to stay vigilant in fear and diligence. Lastly, let the struggles you’ve endured throughout part of your life remind you of the true happiness and perfect glory that awaits us in heaven, so we don’t deceive ourselves with worldly comfort, which can only be temporary and filled with endless worries and troubles, and worse yet, causes us to overlook the soul-rest that is truly blessed. But to show I trust your goodwill, I’ll conclude for now, having affectionately commended myself to your kindness and prayers, and having asked our merciful God that, if in the past, He has granted you the grace and virtues of His Holy Spirit, He would not only maintain them but increase them, and never let you stray from the right path, but instead help you advance on it more and more, while He keeps you under His protection. I’m not sure where your brother is or if writing to him would please him, which is why I haven't done so. Nevertheless, I pray that God keeps him close to Him. [439] From what I hear, he has strayed a bit in some ways and needs to be brought back onto the right track; but since I don’t know how to achieve this, I’ll save it for a better opportunity. Once more, I commend you to the love of our merciful God.—Your humble brother and servant,

Charles D'Espeville.

Charles D'Espeville.

[Fr. copy.—Impl. Library. Coll. Dupuy, Vol. 102.]

[Fr. copy.—Impl. Library. Coll. Dupuy, Vol. 102.]


CCCXXXIII.—To Viret.[460]

Recommendation of several English refugees in Switzerland.

Geneva, 20th November 1553.

Geneva, November 20, 1553.

Those Englishmen, on leaving this place to resort to you, requested me to give them an introduction, in order that by your assistance they might secure suitable lodgings. Indeed they were anxious to live with yourself or M. Beza, but they will not urge this, especially as they were informed that they could scarcely expect it. You will, however, receive them as a good and kind host should; for I understand that they are pious and honourable men, and am confident that they will be easily accommodated. The elder, the father of the young man, is a person of good birth, and was wealthy in his own country. The son merits higher praise for piety and holy zeal; for, under the reign of King Edward, seeing that the Church suffered from want of pastors, he undertook voluntarily the labours of[440] that office. Add to this, that they, with a generous liberality assisted with their entire property our French brethren, who, on account of the Gospel, had crossed over to England. We must on no account, therefore, deny to these exiles at least a similar friendship. You will also inform our friend Beza of the intended visit of a friend, who will, I expect, be with him to-morrow or soon afterwards. He is brother to Luzarch, whom he had formerly at his house—older than he, however, although not the eldest of the family. Our bold leaders have dined together several times since you left.[461] I have not as yet witnessed any proof of that intrepidity of which they were boasting. Adieu, very worthy brother. Salute M. Beza and the rest of the brethren, also your wife, and little daughters at home. May the Lord guide and watch over you.—Yours,

Those Englishmen, when they left this place to come to you, asked me to introduce them so they could find decent accommodations with your help. They’re really hoping to stay with you or M. Beza, but they won’t push for it since they’ve been told it’s unlikely. Still, I know you’ll welcome them like a good and kind host should, as I’ve heard they are religious and respectable people, and I’m sure they’ll fit in well. The older man, the father of the young guy, comes from a good background and was wealthy back home. The son deserves even more praise for his faith and enthusiasm; during King Edward's reign, he saw the Church lacking pastors and took it upon himself to work in that role. On top of that, they generously supported our French brethren who came to England for the sake of the Gospel with their entire wealth. So, we definitely shouldn’t deny these exiles a similar kind of support. Also, please let our friend Beza know about the upcoming visit from someone I expect will arrive tomorrow or soon after. He’s the brother of Luzarch, who used to stay with him—he's older than Luzarch, though not the eldest sibling. Our brave leaders have managed to have dinner together several times since you left. I haven’t yet seen any sign of the boldness they’ve been bragging about. Goodbye, dear brother. Please send my regards to M. Beza and the rest of the brethren, as well as your wife and little daughters at home. May the Lord guide and keep you safe.—Yours,

John Calvin

John Calvin

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCCXXXIV.—To Bullinger.[462]

Appeal to the Magistrates of Zurich in reference to ecclesiastical discipline—thanks for the aid afforded by the ministers of that Church in the affair of Servetus.

Geneva, 26th November 1553.

Geneva, November 26, 1553.

Here is another new labour for you. Those desirous of living a life of licentiousness, have not ceased for the past seven[441] years to oppose the discipline of the Church, which is in a tolerable state of efficiency here. We would not, however, have been so much annoyed by loose-living men among the common people, if there had not been leaders who wished to convert this license into a means of power. It has now come to this, that whatever church order has hitherto flourished will be rooted up if you cannot afford us a remedy. And it is on this account that our very excellent brother, M. de Budé, has not scrupled to undertake a journey to you, at this trying season of the year, in order to acquaint you with the whole business. However, the main point is in brief this: that your most illustrious Senate give as their reply, that the form which we have hitherto employed is agreeable to the word of God; in the next place, that it discountenance innovation. You will learn the rest from the circular letter which I have written; on this condition, however, that should you not deem it expedient to circulate it more widely, you communicate it expressly to M. Gualter. I leave it entirely to your judgment. Should I obtain through you those two chief points, viz., unambiguous confirmation of our regulations by the suffrages of your Senate, and a discountenancing in our men of their desire for innovation, it will bring peace to this Church for a long time to come. I hope you have received the letter which I sent you lately, in which I thanked you all in my own name and that of my brethren, for the faithful and pious response which you gave in the case of Servetus. The very brilliant commendation with which you honoured us, had its own weight with good men.[463] It has not as yet, as you may perceive, put a check upon the[442] lawless and the abandoned. However, things will be better in a short time, I trust, if you will come to our assistance. A citizen of yours has conveyed to you the book of Servetus and that farrago which you asked for. Of the sad desolation of England you know too much; I shall stop therefore. Adieu, most distinguished sir, and venerable brother. Salute earnestly M. Gualter, your wife, your relatives, and the faithful. May the Lord shield you all by his protection, and guide you by his Spirit.

Here’s another task for you. Those who want to live freely have spent the last seven[441] years opposing the Church's principles that are actually working well here. We wouldn't be so bothered by the immoral behavior among the common people if there weren't influential figures trying to turn this freedom into political power. It's now come to the point that any church order that has previously thrived will be destroyed if you don't provide us a solution. This is why our esteemed brother, M. de Budé, has willingly taken the journey to meet with you during this difficult time of year to explain everything. The main point is this: your esteemed Senate should respond that the current practices we follow align with the word of God and that they do not support any changes. You can find the details in the circular letter I wrote, but if you feel it’s not suitable to share it more widely, please make sure to let M. Gualter know directly. I completely trust your judgment. If I can get those two key points from you—clear confirmation of our regulations by your Senate and a discouragement of our people's desire for change—it will ensure peace for this Church for a long time. I hope you received my recent letter, where I thanked all of you, both in my own name and on behalf of my colleagues, for your faithful and righteous response regarding Servetus. The commendation you gave us meant a lot to good people. [463] However, as you can see, it hasn't yet stopped the lawless and immoral individuals. But I trust things will improve soon if you help us. A citizen of yours has delivered the book about Servetus and the information you requested. You are already aware of the dire situation in England, so I will refrain from going into detail. Farewell, esteemed sir and respected brother. Please send my warm regards to M. Gualter, your wife, your family, and the faithful. May the Lord protect you all and guide you with His Spirit.

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 75.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, vol. ix. p. 75.]


CCCXXXV.—To the Pastors and Doctors of the Church in Zurich.[464]

Account of the struggles at Geneva for the maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline—appeal to the Pastors of Zurich for their influence with the magistrates of that town.

Geneva, 26th November 1553.

Geneva, November 26, 1553.

I feel indeed ashamed, very excellent and sincerely respected brethren, at bringing before you again a new topic of consideration, inasmuch as our Council troubled you lately with the case of Servetus. There is, however, good grounds for excuse in the present instance: for, as the wickedness of certain parties is vaunting itself with a headstrong insolence not to be resisted,[443] the pious and upright are forced to apply to you for aid; and while I am assuredly anxious above all things to avoid giving you trouble, I have, nevertheless, from the necessity of the case, thought it my duty not to spare you. From the time of my return to this Church, discipline has at least made tolerable advancement, if it has not been perfect, or such as could have been wished. The Consistory was instituted, and charged with the regulation of morals. It possessed no civil jurisdiction, but simply the administration of rebuke from the word of God; its ultimate punishment was excommunication. Among the other disputes which Satan has been continually stirring up during the past three years, the present one has been a source of extreme vexation to us; for a certain wretch, of abandoned effrontery, having attempted, contrary to the decision of the Church, to force his way to the Holy Table, when he saw that we were prepared to offer a determined resistance to his madness, filled the city with a great tumult. Nor, indeed, had he much difficulty in doing so, seeing that he could make choice of the irreligious faction to act the drama. And because he was not only patronized by those men, who were not ashamed to make a noise in defence of Servetus, but also aided and abetted by them, he, by their assistance, succeeded, after an intense struggle, and by very outrageous behaviour, in prevailing upon the Greater Council rashly to break through the established and hitherto observed order of the Church. We again opposed them. Those who had fallen into the error have resolved upon consulting the Swiss Churches. And although they have not yet written you, yet because it is certain that the reply of your most illustrious Council will be in accordance with your mind, I have thought that you should be apprised and solicited regarding it in time. Accordingly, a very excellent and eminently judicious man, and my dearly beloved brother, has gladly undertaken a journey to you, in the name of the Church, at the cost of great toil and trouble at this severe season of the year. Let me earnestly beseech you, therefore, in the first place, to reflect, that it should not be treated by you as some ordinary matter; but, that the case proposed for decision concerns the entire welfare of this Church. And because[444] I consider that it would be perfidious cowardice in me, so long as I occupy my present position, not to contend keenly, even to the utmost, in behalf of a holy and lawful discipline, I have resolved that I should a hundred times rather leave this life—not to say this place—than suffer to be overthrown, that which I am confident is taken from the word of God. All are not agreed at the present time regarding excommunication. Nor am I ignorant that there are pious and learned men who do not consider excommunication to be necessary under Christian princes. And yet I am confident that there is no person of sound mind, and unbiassed disposition, who would discountenance the employment of it. To me it is clearly the doctrine of Christ. If on any occasion people cannot be got to come under this yoke of Christ, after pastors have exerted themselves to the utmost respecting it, it is their business then, not ours; but it would be exceedingly base for us to stand by and look on, while an edifice which Christ committed to our defence, was being overthrown, and utterly razed to the ground. Nor have I any fear that you will censure my zeal for its pertinacity, when once you have got a thorough understanding of the plan which we have followed up to the present time, and of which godless men are endeavouring forcibly to deprive us. And now, if it shall appear to you to contain nothing but what is consonant with the pure doctrine of Christ, I solemnly beseech you to use your influence, so that your most illustrious Council may bear a similar testimony. For this is of especial importance, in order that our men may understand that they cannot compass that innovation which they desire, without abandoning the example of Christ, or, if this seem too strong, without swerving from it. As for whatever is not sufficiently set forth in this letter, M. de Budé will explain it in your presence. The Lord will be a witness to myself and my colleagues, that for four years wicked men have done all in their power, to accomplish the gradual overthrow of this Church in its present tolerable condition. I saw through their secret machinations from the first; but I did not know what to make of it, unless that the Lord was preparing whips before our eyes, in order that by inspiring us with fear, he might win us back[445] to himself. For the past two years, we have been precisely as if living among the professed enemies of Christ. The last act is now played; for after many victories, the enemy meditates a splendid triumph over Christ, his doctrine, his ministers, and in a word, over all his members. I shall not speak of how inhumanly, insolently, and barbarously, they have tortured those exiles of Christ who had embraced his faith. And, indeed the very perpetrators of those wrongs will not be able to deny, with what mildness, modesty, and patience, those who found a ready asylum here, have borne all their indignities. Their profligacy has now reached such a pitch, that having shaken off all shame, they obstinately desire to convert the House of the Lord into a brothel. And, in order that you may know how foully dishonourable they are, they lately, when our brother Farel was here,—to whom they are, as you know, under so great obligations,—and who gave them a free and independent advice, were so inflamed with rage, that they made bold to threaten him with a criminal prosecution.[465]

I'm really ashamed, my respected friends, to bring up a new issue with you, especially since our Council recently troubled you with the case of Servetus. However, there are good reasons for this situation: the wickedness of certain individuals has become so bold and outrageous that the righteous among us have no choice but to seek your help. I truly want to avoid causing you any trouble, but out of necessity, I feel it's my duty to bring this to your attention. Since my return to this Church, we've made some progress in discipline, even if it hasn't been perfect or entirely to our liking. The Consistory was established to oversee moral conduct. It doesn't have any civil authority; its role is simply to provide correction based on God's word, with excommunication as the ultimate punishment. Among the various disputes that Satan has stirred up over the past three years, this latest one has caused us great distress. A certain scoundrel, with shameless audacity, tried to push his way to the Holy Table, ignoring the Church's decision. When we prepared to firmly resist his madness, he caused a big uproar in the city. It wasn't hard for him to do this, as he had the irreligious faction to play along. Supported by those who were not afraid to defend Servetus and egged on by them, he managed, after a tough struggle and outrageous behavior, to get the Greater Council to recklessly violate the established order of the Church. We opposed them once more. Those who had made the mistake have decided to consult with the Swiss Churches. Even though they haven't written to you yet, I believe that your esteemed Council’s response will align with your views, so I thought it was important to inform and seek your input on this matter ahead of time. A wise and honorable man, who is my dear brother, has willingly taken on the burden of a journey to you on behalf of the Church, despite the great effort and trouble involved, especially during this harsh time of year. So, I sincerely urge you to see this as more than just an ordinary matter; this case affects the entire well-being of our Church. I believe that it would be a cowardly betrayal for me, as long as I hold my current position, not to fight fiercely for a holy and rightful discipline. I would rather leave this life—let alone this place—than allow what I believe to be based on God's word to be destroyed. Currently, there's disagreement about excommunication. I know there are pious and knowledgeable individuals who don't think excommunication is necessary under Christian rulers. Still, I am confident that no reasonable and fair-minded person would oppose its use. To me, it is clearly part of Christ's teaching. If people refuse to accept this teaching after pastors have done everything they can, that’s on them, not us. But it would be extremely disgraceful for us to sit back and watch as something Christ entrusted to our protection is dismantled. I'm not worried that you'll criticize my passion for its persistence once you fully understand the path we've taken so far, which godless individuals are trying to unjustly take from us. If you find nothing in what I’ve shared that contradicts Christ's pure doctrine, I earnestly ask you to leverage your influence so that your most esteemed Council may offer a similar affirmation. This is critically important so our people realize they can't achieve the changes they desire without abandoning Christ’s example—or, if that sounds too harsh, without straying from it. For anything that isn’t clearly explained in this letter, M. de Budé will clarify in your presence. The Lord will witness for myself and my colleagues that for the past four years, wicked people have relentlessly attempted to bring about the slow downfall of this Church, which is in a tolerable condition. I recognized their secret plots from the start; however, I couldn't tell what to make of it, except that the Lord might be preparing us for challenges that, through fear, could lead us back to him. For the last two years, we've effectively been living among those who openly oppose Christ. The final act is now unfolding; after many victories, the enemy is planning a grand triumph over Christ, his teachings, his ministers, and his followers. I won't go into detail about how cruelly, arrogantly, and barbarically they have treated those exiles of Christ who embraced his faith. Even the perpetrators of these wrongs cannot deny the mildness, humility, and patience shown by those who found refuge here in the face of their insults. Their depravity has reached such a level that, shamelessly, they want to turn the House of the Lord into a den of iniquity. To illustrate how dishonorable their actions are, recently, when our brother Farel was here—who has been greatly supportive of them, as you know—and offered them honest and independent advice, they were so enraged that they threatened him with legal action.

I am indeed well enough aware, that it is nothing new for factious men, in a free city, to stir up mobs. Yet our Council have been deplorably left to themselves, for they demanded of the people of Neuchatel that they should deliver up to them the father of their liberty, yea, the father of this Church, as accused of a capital offence. I feel constrained to proclaim the infamy of this city, although I could desire to wipe it off with my blood. Farel came: before he entered the city, the officer of the Council delivered an official intimation at my house, that[446] he was not to enter the pulpit. I shall not dwell upon the rest; for it is sufficient to let you have a taste of this ingratitude, which will stir the just indignation of all good and honest men. And as I have many reasons for not making an open lament over our evils, so, of this be convinced, and that briefly, that unless Satan receive a check through you, he will fling the reins loose altogether. It becomes you, therefore, to make as great exertions, as if the welfare of this Church was entirely in your hands. Nor let it be ascribed to peevishness in us, if we would rather yield up our position than sacrifice our opinions. For all good men know, that we have been hitherto over-accommodating, in order to obviate troubles, even when there could be no doubt at all, that our patience was tried by the wicked. But we must not yield them this victory; nay, we must not knowingly and wilfully surrender the entire liberty of the Church; not only because the authority of our ministry would fall to the ground, but because the name of Christ would be subjected to any the foulest disgrace: an unbridled license for all vices would increase with more and more effrontery: the condition of the pious would not only become exposed to all manner of wrongs, but utterly cast down by suffering,—they would lie in sad prostration. This makes me all the more confident, that you will do your endeavour to assist, by your support, the faithful of this place, so that they may worship God with a little more peace. Adieu, my very excellent and truly revered brethren. May the Lord be present with you, and guide you by his Spirit; may he supply you with an abundance of wisdom, sufficient, not only for maintaining your own Church, but also for upholding that of others. Fare ye well, my very excellent and truly revered brethren. May the Lord be ever present with you, to guide and watch over you.

I am indeed well aware that it's nothing new for contentious people in a free city to incite crowds. Yet our Council has been left to their own devices, as they asked the people of Neuchatel to hand over the father of their liberty, yes, the father of this Church, accusing him of a serious crime. I feel compelled to declare the disgrace of this city, even though I would like to erase it with my own blood. Farel arrived: before he entered the city, a Council officer delivered an official notice at my house that[446] he was not to enter the pulpit. I won’t go into detail about the rest; it’s enough to give you a taste of this ingratitude that will stir up the rightful anger of all good and honest people. And while I have many reasons for not openly lamenting our troubles, know this: unless Satan is restrained through you, he will run wild. Therefore, you must make every effort as if the welfare of this Church rests entirely in your hands. Don’t think we are being unreasonable if we would rather give up our position than compromise our beliefs. All good people know that we have been overly accommodating to avoid trouble, even when it was clear that our patience was being tested by the wicked. But we must not grant them this victory; we cannot knowingly and willfully surrender the full liberty of the Church; not only because the authority of our ministry would collapse, but because the name of Christ would be subjected to the worst disgrace: unrestrained indulgence in all vices would grow bolder and bolder; the state of the faithful would not only be exposed to all sorts of injustices but utterly crushed by suffering—they would be left in sad despair. This makes me all the more confident that you will strive to support the faithful here so they can worship God with a bit more peace. Goodbye, my very esteemed and truly respected brothers. May the Lord be with you and guide you by His Spirit; may He grant you an abundance of wisdom, not just for maintaining your own Church but also for supporting others. Farewell, my very esteemed and truly respected brothers. May the Lord always be with you to guide and watch over you.

My colleagues salute you earnestly, and commend this Church, with all possible zeal, to your faithfulness and wisdom.—Yours,

My colleagues send you their sincere regards and wholeheartedly recommend this Church to your dedication and insight. —Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

It will be desirable to conceal this letter, lest our men hear of it.[466]

It will be best to keep this letter hidden, so our men don’t find out about it.[466]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Archives of Zurich. Gest. vi. 105, p. 515.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Archives of Zurich. Gest. vi. 105, p. 515.]


CCCXXXVI.—To Bullinger.

Fresh details regarding ecclesiastical discipline—hope of speedy realization—announcement of the publication of a book against the errors of Servetus.

Geneva, 30th December 1553.

Geneva, December 30, 1553.

The messenger arrived six days after I had received your letter. The people of Schaffhausen give a pious and judicious reply; those of Bâle give a very meagre response; they offer us almost no advice, sending us simply a copy of their edicts, without, however, pronouncing any judgment. Our brother, Sulzer, earnestly apologizes for not having been able to accomplish more. And I can perceive, in various ways, indeed, most upright and respected brother, how strenuously you have exerted yourself in our behalf; nor do I doubt but that our friend Gualter performed his part also. Whatever may have happened, I feel that I owe more to your singular faithfulness and remarkable zeal, than I am able to express. But the Lord, in whose cause you have made such endeavours, will give you his reward. Assuredly my affection for you will not be found wanting. Nothing has as yet been done in the Senate, the letters being still in the hand of the translator. Seeing that we have to do with very base calumniators, they will get up various quarrels with us. I expect, however, either victory, or a satisfactory winding up of the matter. As soon as anything has been effected, I shall see to it that you be informed of it. For it will be a matter of common gratulation to us, if the event turn out according to our wishes. The pamphlet against Servetus, in which I have set forth that argument which you wished me to employ, was published at the late Frankfort Fair.[448][467] With respect to those matters which the men at Bâle are making a clamour about, and of which I complained to you, I resolved to spare their reputation, and have done so, lest the disgrace of a few men should bring dishonour on the whole Church;[468] and certainly they deserve to be overwhelmed in eternal oblivion. The progress of events convinced me of what had not previously occurred to me, viz., that your letter concerning Servetus, should be inserted in the book; and trusting to your kindness, I took the liberty of inserting it. Should you not approve of my plan, however, I shall endeavour to remedy it. Adieu, very distinguished sir, illustrious minister of Christ, and revered brother. May the Lord continue to guide you by the spirit of wisdom and fortitude, and to protect your Church.

The messenger arrived six days after I received your letter. The people of Schaffhausen give a thoughtful and considerate response; those in Bâle have given us a very limited reply; they offer us almost no advice, just sending us a copy of their edicts without offering any judgment. Our brother, Sulzer, sincerely apologizes for not being able to achieve more. I see in various ways, indeed, most honorable and respected brother, how hard you have worked on our behalf; and I don't doubt that our friend Gualter did his part as well. No matter what has happened, I feel that I owe more to your exceptional loyalty and remarkable dedication than I can express. But the Lord, for whom you have exerted such efforts, will reward you. My affection for you will certainly remain strong. Nothing has been done in the Senate yet, as the letters are still with the translator. Given that we are dealing with very malicious slanderers, they will likely cause various disputes with us. However, I expect either victory or a satisfactory resolution. As soon as something has been accomplished, I will make sure to inform you. It will be a shared joy for us if the outcome aligns with our wishes. The pamphlet against Servetus, where I included the argument you asked me to use, was published at the recent Frankfurt Fair.[448][467] Regarding those issues causing an uproar from the people in Bâle, which I complained to you about, I decided to protect their reputation and have done so, so that the shame of a few does not dishonor the whole Church;[468] and they truly deserve to be forgotten forever. The developments made me realize something I hadn't thought of before, namely, that your letter about Servetus should be included in the book, and trusting your generosity, I took the liberty of including it. If you don't approve of my plan, however, I will try to fix it. Farewell, very distinguished sir, notable minister of Christ, and respected brother. May the Lord continue to guide you with the spirit of wisdom and courage, and protect your Church.

Salute earnestly in my name your colleagues, and your family. My colleagues, MM. Celso Martinengo and Budé, and the other brethren, respectfully salute you.—Yours truly,

Salute your colleagues and family sincerely for me. My colleagues, Mr. Celso Martinengo and Budé, along with the other members, send their respectful greetings. —Yours truly,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. Copy.—Library of Zurich. Coll. Simler, tom. 80.]

[Lat. Copy.—Library of Zurich. Coll. Simler, tom. 80.]


CCCXXXVII.—To Farel.[469]

Assistance afforded to the faithful refugees in Switzerland—reply of the Churches on the subject of ecclesiastical discipline.

Geneva, 30th December 1553.

Geneva, December 30, 1553.

Good men have indeed sent money to be laid out on the banished brethren and the exiles. They have ordered one part to be distributed among us, and they have designed the other[449] two parts for the poor of Lausanne and your own city. Our friend Beza caused twenty-five gold pieces to be handed over to them. However, as but few exiles have hitherto gone among you, so far as I know, especially of that sort which is so numerous here, might you not, if you are not in immediate need, expend at your own discretion what would relieve the necessity of others? I do not ask you, certainly, to make a remission to us, but I wished to advise you on the matter, that if it should seem proper to you, you might transmit a certain sum to those who are in urgent need of money. Nevertheless, I do not dictate any course to you, but fearing, as I did, that you might be troubled with some doubts about how to act, I thought it better to anticipate them. The messenger has at length returned from the Helvetian Churches. Our Council will meet with a disappointment to-morrow in their replies. I expect a great deal of quarrelling, the issue of which, however, will perhaps turn out more fortunately than the wicked, who are now beginning to get crestfallen, had previously calculated upon. But there is in the other respect no cordiality. When we shall have completed the contests which are in store for us, I shall write you the whole more fully. Adieu, most upright brother, assist us with your prayers.

Good people have indeed sent money to support the banished brethren and the exiles. They’ve arranged for part of it to be shared among us and designated the other two parts for the poor in Lausanne and your city. Our friend Beza had twenty-five gold pieces given to them. However, since few exiles have come among you so far, especially those who are many here, would you consider, if you're not in immediate need, using some of what you have to help relieve the needs of others? I'm not asking you to give us anything back, but I wanted to suggest that if you feel it's appropriate, you could send some money to those who desperately need it. Still, I’m not trying to pressure you; I just thought it best to address any doubts you might have about what to do. The messenger has finally returned from the Helvetian Churches. Our Council will probably be disappointed with the replies tomorrow. I expect a lot of arguing, but the outcome might turn out better than the wicked, who are starting to feel discouraged, anticipated. However, there isn't much warmth on that front. Once we’ve gone through the challenges ahead of us, I’ll write to you in more detail. Goodbye, my honorable brother, and please support us with your prayers.

The men of Zurich prudently dissuade from making any change. Those of Bâle, without interposing any judgment, send a written copy of their own edicts. The people of Schaffhausen are the most judicious of all. Our neighbours push it coldly aside; a thing which I expected from the first. Salute your brethren and friends earnestly in my name. May the Lord be ever with you to guide you.—Yours,

The men of Zurich wisely discourage any changes. The people of Bâle, without offering any opinions, send a written copy of their own rules. The folks in Schaffhausen are the most sensible of all. Our neighbors dismiss it indifferently; I expected that from the start. Please send my warm regards to your brothers and friends. May the Lord always be with you to guide you.—Yours,

John Calvin.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]


CCCXXXVIII.—To an Italian woman.[470]

He exhorts her to withdraw, by a voluntary exile, from the persecution and idolatry reigning in Italy.

[1553.]

[1553.]

Though I knew, noble lady, that you would have need of an interpreter to understand my letters, yet some friends have encouraged me to write to you, or rather they have warmly pressed on me the accomplishment of that duty. But for that purpose I have made choice of the Latin language, because I was confident that you would find about you many persons to translate it into Italian, whereas the knowledge of French is unknown, or very rare among you. And first of all, that my letter may not fail in its effect, I must entreat you not to refuse it a favourable reception. This request I am sure I shall obtain of you, if you reflect on the object I have in view. Moreover the persons, by whose recommendation I write, pledge themselves that of your own accord and willingly you will do what I ask of you. Nor indeed would it be consistent with your piety to slight a person whom you acknowledge to be one of the servants of Christ, especially when he speaks from zeal for your salvation. And indeed I have just reason to begin with congratulating you, for I hear that you have embraced the faith of the gospel in such a manner that nothing is dearer to you than the pure worship of God; a singular zeal for which ought to predominate in the minds of all those who have truly tasted the sweetness of that grace which is offered to us in Christ. For to that end the Son of God has manifested himself, and daily lays before us his treasures, that, renouncing the allurements of the world, we should meditate on the[451] life which is in heaven. To that end also, God regenerates us by the incorruptible seed of his doctrine, that our whole life may bring forth the fruits of justice corresponding to his holy adoption. Many indeed in these days impiously make a mock of Christ, seeking in his doctrine a cloak for their licentiousness. But we see in what terrible ways God punishes these acts of sacrilege. It is to me, however, a subject of rejoicing, that you on the contrary have concentrated all your thoughts on this point: namely, by holiness of life to add lustre to the gospel. And hence it appears that the gospel has struck deep and lively roots in your heart. But because, in the present day, the world abounds in numberless seductions, it behoves you not only to be animated with a right frame of mind to hold on your Christian course, but also to be armed with invincible courage to carry on your warfare under Christ your heavenly leader. For at the present day impiety has gained such ground, and especially among you the tyranny of Antichrist rages to such an extent, that you cannot, without much peril and many struggles, offer to God an unpolluted worship. Of which thing you are yourself the best witness; and in this the strength of your piety shines out most conspicuously, not only that you do not, like too many, indulge in the prevailing vices, but because, in your wisdom, you see to how wretched a slavery you are condemned in your own country, you had rather submit to a voluntary exile than remain entangled among the defilements which contaminate you. Now since God has roused you up to this point, I conceive that it is also incumbent on me to add a new impulse to your zeal, and further this holy resolution of yours. If, where you now are, it were in your power not to defraud God of that obedience which is due to him, I should persuade you to remain rather than abandon your country, to seek a far-distant and foreign land, by a tedious journey, at great expense, and with immense inconvenience. But when the threats and terrors of the enemies of Christ do not permit you to make such a profession of your faith as becomes you, the infirmity of the flesh is also an impediment to you; so that I have no hesitation in advising and urging you to make your escape as speedily as possible from[452] these deadly entanglements. And even if I had been silent, it is impossible that the goads of your own conscience should not incessantly stimulate you to look out for a remedy. Meanwhile you must be on your guard not to cut yourself off from an opportunity of departure, by spinning out the time uselessly in deliberations. No doubt, in so arduous a matter, nothing is to be attempted rashly; but if the will of God do not appear obscure to you, you cannot, without serious wrong, long agitate, with an irresolute purpose, first one point and then another. Resolve then seriously that what God has enjoined is to be immediately executed, and, at the same time, without procrastinating, make ready for your journey. Nor let the vain and flattering fallacies with which most persons impose on themselves delay you, but let this reflection be ever present to your mind, that the confession of our faith is too precious a thing in God's sight, to permit us to consider it as a slight offence to wallow in impure superstitions. Add to this, that at present, like a famished sheep, you are wandering out of Christ's fold and pastures in a barren desert. Nor does it escape me how difficult and painful a thing it is for you to emigrate from your country, to live on a foreign soil far away from your kinsfolk, at your advanced age not only to change your habitation, but forego all those little comforts, of which it were hard and cruel, even in the prime of life, to be deprived. To all this I have but one consideration to oppose, but which, I trust, you will deem amply sufficient. It is this: if we have had a due foretaste of the life which is in heaven, there is nothing upon earth of such importance as to abate our ardour in the pursuit of the heavenly blessing. Moreover, the Son of God, not only because we owe him such a debt of gratitude, but also because he is possessed of supreme power, deserves that we should prefer his honour to all the honours, delights, riches, and comforts of the world. And were it permitted us to inhabit a place where God is worshipped, and his name invoked in purity, it were far better to live in exile there, than to live at ease in our own country, from which Christ, the sovereign of heaven and earth, is banished. Even if no necessity compelled you to quit the nest, yet you were no daughter[453] of God, if this earthly life did not seem to you a pilgrimage. But now when the sacrilegious tyranny of Antichrist expels you from it, and God calls you with a loud voice to go forth; let not the condition of your peregrination seem painful to you, till the time when at last he shall bring us all together into his eternal inheritance. Noble and illustrious lady, for whom I shall always cherish an esteem, farewell. May the Lord direct you by the Spirit of his wisdom, increase your fortitude and constancy, and shelter you by his protection.

Though I knew, noble lady, that you would need someone to interpret my letters, some friends have encouraged me to write to you, or rather, they strongly urged me to fulfill that duty. For this reason, I have chosen to use Latin, confident that you would have many people around you who can translate it into Italian, while knowledge of French is rare among you. First of all, so that my letter achieves its purpose, I must ask you not to reject it. I’m sure you’ll agree to this request if you consider the intent behind it. Moreover, the people who recommended I write to you assure me that you will willingly do what I ask. It would also be inconsistent with your piety to disregard someone you recognize as a servant of Christ, especially when he speaks out of zeal for your salvation. I have good reason to start by congratulating you, as I hear you have embraced the gospel in such a way that the pure worship of God is now the most important thing to you; a unique zeal that should motivate everyone who has truly tasted the sweetness of the grace offered to us in Christ. For that purpose, the Son of God has revealed himself and daily presents his treasures, encouraging us to reject worldly temptations and instead focus on the life in heaven. God also regenerates us with the incorruptible seed of his teachings, so that our entire lives may produce the fruits of righteousness that reflect his holy adoption. Today, many mock Christ impiously, using his teachings as an excuse for their immoral behavior. However, we see how severely God punishes such sacrilege. It brings me joy that, on the contrary, you have dedicated all your thoughts to adding honor to the gospel through your holy life. This shows that the gospel has taken deep and lively root in your heart. However, given the countless temptations in the world today, you must not only maintain the right mindset to continue on your Christian path, but also possess invincible courage to fight under Christ, your heavenly leader. Currently, impiety has gained so much ground, especially among you, and the tyranny of Antichrist is so intense that it’s nearly impossible to offer God pure worship without great peril and struggle. You are a prime witness of this, and in this, the strength of your piety shines brightly, as you do not indulge in the prevailing vices like too many others. Your wisdom allows you to see how wretchedly enslaved you are in your own country, leading you to prefer voluntary exile over being entangled in the corruptions that surround you. Since God has brought you to this point, I feel it’s my duty to further ignite your zeal and support this holy resolution of yours. If you had the ability where you are not to withhold from God the obedience owed to him, I would encourage you to stay rather than abandon your country to find a distant, foreign land through a long, costly journey fraught with difficulties. However, when the threats and fears from the enemies of Christ do not allow you to profess your faith as you should, and the weakness of the flesh further obstructs you, I have no hesitation in advising you to escape as quickly as possible from these deadly complications. Even if I had remained silent, it would be impossible for your own conscience not to constantly urge you to seek a solution. Meanwhile, you must be careful not to lose the chance to leave by wasting time on futile deliberations. In such a challenging matter, nothing should be attempted recklessly; but if you see the will of God clearly, you cannot afford to hesitate endlessly, first on one point then another. Resolve genuinely that what God has commanded must be executed immediately, and be ready for your journey without delay. Don't let the empty and flattering lies most people tell themselves hold you back; keep this thought ever-present in your mind: that confessing our faith is far too valuable in God’s eyes to allow us to take it lightly while indulging in filthy superstitions. Additionally, you are currently like a starving sheep wandering away from Christ's fold into a barren desert. I also recognize how difficult and painful it is for you to leave your country, to live in a foreign land far from your family, especially at your age, having to change your home and give up all those little comforts that would be hard and cruel to lose, even in the prime of life. To all of this, I offer just one thought in response, which I believe is more than sufficient: if we have genuinely experienced the heavenly life, nothing on earth is important enough to lessen our fervor for the heavenly blessing. Moreover, the Son of God, not only because we owe him our gratitude but also due to his supreme power, deserves that we prioritize his honor over all worldly honors, pleasures, wealth, and comforts. If it were possible for us to live where God is worshiped and his name is called upon in purity, it would be far better to live in exile there than in comfort in our own country, where Christ, the sovereign of heaven and earth, is rejected. Even if you weren’t compelled to leave, you wouldn’t be regarded as a true daughter of God if this earthly life did not seem to you like a pilgrimage. But now, when the sacrilegious tyranny of Antichrist drives you away and God calls you loudly to leave, do not let the difficulties of your journey trouble you until the time comes when he will finally gather us all into his eternal inheritance. Noble and illustrious lady, to whom I shall always hold great respect, farewell. May the Lord guide you with his Spirit of wisdom, strengthen your courage and steadfastness, and keep you safe under his protection.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 80.]

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 80.]


CCCXXXIX.—To a Lord of Jersey.[471]

Christian exhortations—sending of a minister.

[1553.]

[1553.]

Dearest Seigneur and brother,—We praise God for having inclined your heart to try if it will be possible to erect, by your means, a small church on the place where you reside. And indeed according as the agents of the Devil strive by every act of violence to abolish the true religion, extinguish the doctrine of salvation, and exterminate the name of Jesus Christ, it is very just that we should labour on our side to further the progress of the gospel, that, by these means, God may be served in purity, and the poor wandering sheep may be put under the protection of the sovereign Pastor to whom every one should be subject. And you know that it is a sacrifice well pleasing to God, to advance the spread of the Gospel by which we are enlightened in the way of salvation, to dedicate our life to the honour of him who has ransomed us at so costly a price in order to bear rule in the midst of us. Therefore we pray you to take courage, as we supplicate at the same time the Father of[454] all virtue to confirm you in your holy purpose. Meanwhile, because we have heard that you desire to be assisted by us, and to have a man proper for the work of edification, we have not wished to be a wanting to our duty. We present to you then our brother, the bearer of this letter, who has shewn us by deeds by what zeal he was animated. He has had such a conversation among us that we doubt not but that his life will be an excellent example. His doctrine is pure, and as far as we can judge, those who will content themselves with being taught by him in simplicity, and will shew themselves docile, will be able to profit by his preaching. We do not beg you to give him a kind welcome, being convinced of your favourable dispositions. Only deign to let him feel by experience that his labour among you is not in vain.

Dear Lord and brother,,—We thank God for inspiring you to consider the possibility of building a small church where you live. Indeed, as the agents of the Devil work tirelessly to undermine true religion, erase the doctrine of salvation, and eradicate the name of Jesus Christ, it is only right that we strive to promote the gospel, so that God may be worshipped in purity and the lost sheep may find refuge under the care of the one true Shepherd to whom everyone should look. You know that it is a pleasing sacrifice to God to help spread the Gospel that guides us to salvation, dedicating our lives to honor the one who has redeemed us at such a great cost to govern us. Therefore, we encourage you to have courage, while we also pray to the Father of[454] all virtue to strengthen you in your holy mission. Meanwhile, since we have heard that you wish to be supported by us and need someone suitable for the work of building, we haven’t wanted to neglect our duty. We present to you our brother, the bearer of this letter, who has shown us through his actions the depth of his zeal. He has engaged in such discussions among us that we have no doubt his life will be an outstanding example. His teachings are pure, and as far as we can tell, those who are willing to learn from him in good faith and show themselves to be receptive will benefit from his preaching. We don’t need to ask you to welcome him warmly, as we are sure of your kind intentions. Just allow him to feel through experience that his efforts among you are not in vain.

Whereupon, dearest Seigneur and brother, having affectionately commended us to your prayers, we will supplicate the heavenly Father to continue to have you in his holy keeping, to increase in you his spiritual gifts, to govern you in such a manner by his Spirit, that his name may be more and more glorified in you.

Wherefore, dear Lord and brother, after lovingly asking us to keep you in our prayers, we will pray to the heavenly Father to keep you safe in His care, to increase His spiritual gifts in you, and to guide you by His Spirit so that His name may be increasingly glorified in you.

[Fr. copy.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

[Fr. copy.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]


FOOTNOTES:

[1] The letters of the Cantons to the King, in favour of the Vaudois of Provence, only served to irritate that monarch. He passionately replied,—"The Vaudois have but received the just punishment of their crimes. Besides, the Swiss have no more right to busy themselves with what passes in my kingdom, than I have to make inquiry into what they do at home."—Histoire de la Confédération Suisse, vol. xi. p. 289. The failure of those proceedings redounded to the discredit of Calvin with the people, as he had been the instigator of them. His adversaries went about reiterating everywhere that he had compromised the most valued interests of the Cantons, by drawing upon them the enmity of the King of France.

[1] The letters from the cantons to the King, supporting the Vaudois of Provence, only served to anger him further. He passionately responded, “The Vaudois have simply received the rightful punishment for their crimes. Besides, the Swiss have no more right to interfere in my kingdom than I have to look into what they’re doing at home.” —Histoire de la Confédération Suisse, vol. xi. p. 289. The failure of these efforts reflected poorly on Calvin with the public, as he had been the one to instigate them. His opponents went around claiming everywhere that he had jeopardized the most cherished interests of the cantons by attracting the King's hostility.

[2] Letter without date, written at the same time as the following, (September 1545.) Summoned in the name of the Emperor to leave Strasbourg and return to Brabant, M. de Falais had not obeyed that command. This refusal, in stirring up the imperial displeasure against him, had exposed him, without defence, to the interested denunciations of his enemies. The butt of most calumnious accusations, he saw his character misunderstood, his name outraged, his property put under sequestration, while he pined away himself—a prey to sickness and discouragement.

[2] Letter without date, written at the same time as the following, (September 1545.) Summoned by the Emperor to leave Strasbourg and return to Brabant, M. de Falais did not follow that order. His refusal, which angered the Empire, left him vulnerable to the self-serving accusations of his enemies. The target of many false accusations, he saw his character misrepresented, his name slandered, his property confiscated, while he suffered from sickness and despair.

[3] This letter, without date, seems to have been written at the same epoch, and under the same circumstances as the two preceding letters.

[3] This undated letter appears to have been written during the same time and under the same circumstances as the two previous letters.

[4] Letter without date, and without conclusion, written during the attack of the plague, under which the minister Geniston succumbed, that is to say, in September 1545.

[4] Undated letter with no conclusion, written during the plague outbreak that caused the minister Geniston's death, specifically in September 1545.

[5] Gautier Farel, brother to the Reformer. He was very soon afterwards restored to liberty, contrary to all expectation.

[5] Gautier Farel, the Reformer’s brother. He was unexpectedly released from captivity shortly after.

[6] The minister, Louis de Geniston, following the noble example of Pierre Blanchet, cut off by the plague in 1543, had, of his own accord, offered himself for the service of the hospital set apart for those afflicted with the plague. He fell under it, a victim of his devotedness, in September 1545. His wife and two of his children were carried off a few days afterwards by the scourge, which almost wholly depopulated several quarters of the city.

[6] The minister, Louis de Geniston, following the noble example of Pierre Blanchet, who died from the plague in 1543, voluntarily offered to serve at the hospital designated for plague victims. He succumbed to the disease, a casualty of his dedication, in September 1545. His wife and two of their children were taken by the epidemic just a few days later, which nearly wiped out entire neighborhoods in the city.

[7] There exists (Imp. Lib. Recueil Hist., de France, vol. xix.) a piece entitled Lepida Farelli Vocatio. In that letter Calvin vigorously urges his friend to repair to Geneva, by calling to mind the religious violence with which he was himself detained there, by the voice of Farel, at the time of his first entrance into that city in 1536. "Do you expect that I should thunder as you were wont to do, when you wished forcibly to draw me hither?" The urgencies of Calvin were fruitless, and the Church of Neuchatel retained, for twenty years longer, the services and the indefatigable activity of Farel.

[7] There is a document (Imp. Lib. Recueil Hist., de France, vol. xix.) titled Lepida Farelli Vocatio. In that letter, Calvin strongly encourages his friend to come to Geneva, reminding him of the religious turmoil that once kept him there, urged by Farel, when he first arrived in the city in 1536. "Do you think I should shout like you used to do when you wanted to drag me here?" Calvin's pleas were in vain, and the Church of Neuchatel kept the services and tireless efforts of Farel for another twenty years.

[8] The plague had dispersed the regents and students of the College of Geneva, and Calvin was labouring at the re-organization of that establishment. He had already proposed to the Council, in March 1545, to call to Geneva the celebrated Maturin Cordier, as president of the regents; but this proposal ended in nothing, and Maturin Cordier remained at Lausanne.

[8] The plague had scattered the leaders and students of the College of Geneva, and Calvin was working on reorganizing the institution. He had already suggested to the Council in March 1545 that they invite the well-known Maturin Cordier, to be the head of the regents; however, this suggestion went nowhere, and Maturin Cordier stayed in Lausanne.

[9] Farel was then at strife with the Seigneury of Neuchatel, on the subject of the administration of ecclesiastical property.

[9] Farel was then in conflict with the Lordship of Neuchatel over the management of church property.

[10] Rebuked on the ground of his morals, this minister had been banished to a country parish, and having refused to submit to the entire Consistory, he had received his dismissal.

[10] Criticized for his morals, this minister had been sent to a rural parish, and after refusing to comply with the full Consistory, he had been let go.

[11] Minister of the Church of Geneva; deposed, a few years afterwards, on account of the irregularities of his life.

[11] Minister of the Church of Geneva; removed a few years later due to the misconduct in his life.

[12] Alarmed at the first movements of the Council of Trent, and the perils to which the good understanding between the Pope and the Emperor might subject the Reformation, the Deputies of the League of Smalkald had reassembled at Frankfort. But their union was not so solid as the gravity of the occasion demanded. The Elector of Saxe and the Landgrave of Hesse were influenced by different political views; but they were both alike disposed to seek the alliance of the Kings of France and England, as well as of the Protestant Cantons of Switzerland, that they might withstand the storm that menaced them.—Sleidan, l. xvi., and Robertson, vol. iv. B. vii. p. 234. London, 1851.

[12] Concerned about the initial actions of the Council of Trent and the risks posed to the Reformation by the relationship between the Pope and the Emperor, the representatives of the League of Smalkald gathered again in Frankfurt. However, their unity was not as strong as the seriousness of the situation required. The Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse were influenced by different political agendas, yet both were eager to form alliances with the Kings of France and England, as well as the Protestant Cantons of Switzerland, to resist the impending threat they faced.—Sleidan, l. xvi., and Robertson, vol. iv. B. vii. p. 234. London, 1851.

[13] "Upon the intelligence that the Duke of Savoy has retaken two strongholds in Piedmont, and that he is collecting a body of troops, resolved to continue to work at the fortifications."—Registers of Council, 28th December 1545.

[13] "Following the news that the Duke of Savoy has recaptured two fortresses in Piedmont and is gathering troops, we have decided to keep working on the fortifications."—Registers of Council, 28th December 1545.

[14] "Oath exacted of all private individuals, of fidelity to the Seigneury, and of their readiness to live and die for liberty."—Registers of Council, 7th January 1546.

[14] "Oath taken by all private individuals, pledging loyalty to the Seigneury and their willingness to live and die for freedom."—Registers of Council, 7th January 1546.

[15] The Seigneurs of Berne, eagerly seeking every opportunity of establishing their influence at Geneva, had offered to guard the city, and to protect it against all foreign attacks. This proposal was discarded, as tending to compromise the independence of the Republic.—Registers of Council, 11th January 1546.

[15] The lords of Berne, looking for every chance to strengthen their influence in Geneva, had proposed to protect the city from any foreign threats. This suggestion was rejected, as it would put the Republic's independence at risk.—Registers of Council, 11th January 1546.

[16] We read, in the Registers of Council of the 29th of January of this year:—"Calvin having been ill, the Seigneury present to him ten crowns. On his recovery, he returns the money to the Council, who cause it to be expended in the purchase of a tun of wine for him, thus leaving him no alternative but to accept it."

[16] We see in the Registers of Council from January 29th of this year:—"Calvin was unwell, and the Seigneury gave him ten crowns. After he got better, he returned the money to the Council, who used it to buy him a tun of wine, leaving him with no choice but to accept it."

[17] Calvin had just dedicated to M. de Falais his Commentary on the First Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians. The epistle dedicatory is of the 22d January 1546. The name of M. de Falais—sad example of the fragile nature of human affections!—was effaced ten years afterwards from the preface of this Commentary, and replaced by the name of the Marquis of Vico.

[17] Calvin had just dedicated his Commentary on the First Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians to M. de Falais. The dedication is dated January 22, 1546. The name of M. de Falais—what a sad example of how fleeting human connections can be!—was removed ten years later from the preface of this Commentary and replaced with the name of the Marquis of Vico.

[18] On the back, in the hand of M. de Falais—'Received the 6th February 1546.'

[18] On the back, in the handwriting of M. de Falais—'Received on February 6, 1546.'

[19] Printer in Strasbourg.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Printer in Strasbourg.

[20] The French were then besieging the town of Boulogne, occupied by the English. The peace between the two rival monarchs of France and England, was signed the year following.—De Thou, lib. i. ii.

[20] The French were then laying siege to the town of Boulogne, which was held by the English. The peace agreement between the two rival monarchs of France and England was signed the following year.—De Thou, lib. i. ii.

[21] The following is the address of this letter, taken from the original in the archives of the old Archbishopric of Vienne, and first published by the Abbé d'Artigny,—A Sire Jéhan Frellon, marchand libraire demeurant à Lyon, en la rue Mercière, enseigne de l'Escu de Coulongne. The mysterious personage who is pointed at in this letter, is no other than Michael Servetus—seven years before the trial which was to attach so fatal a celebrity to his name. Settled as a physician at Vienne, in Dauphiny, he kept up a correspondence with Calvin, under the cover of John Frellon, and he had just sent the Reformer an extract of the work which was in preparation under the title of Christianismi restitutio, expressing at the same time the desire of coming to Geneva. Then it was, that Calvin wrote to Farel the letter which has been so often cited, where this passage occurs, "Servet has lately written to me, and has added to his letter a large volume of his own delirious fancies.... If it may be agreeable to me, he undertakes that he would come hither. But I will not interpose my assurance of his safety, for if he shall come, provided that my authority is of any avail, I shall not suffer him to depart alive."*—Letter of the 13th February 1546. We know how that terrible threat was realized seven years afterwards.

[21] The following is the address of this letter, taken from the original in the archives of the old Archbishopric of Vienne, and first published by the Abbé d'Artigny,—A Sire Jéhan Frellon, bookstore owner living in Lyon, on Mercière street, sign of the Shield of Coulongne. The mysterious figure mentioned in this letter is none other than Michael Servetus—seven years before the trial that would give him such a notorious reputation. Settled as a physician in Vienne, in Dauphiny, he maintained a correspondence with Calvin, under the alias John Frellon, and he had just sent the Reformer an excerpt of the work he was preparing titled Christianismi restitutio, while also expressing his desire to come to Geneva. That was when Calvin wrote to Farel the letter that has been referenced so often, containing this passage: "Servet has recently written to me, and has included a lengthy volume of his own wild ideas.... If it may be agreeable to me, he claims he would come here. But I will not promise his safety, for if he comes, assuming my authority matters at all, I will not allow him to leave alive."*—Letter of February 13, 1546. We know how that terrible threat played out seven years later.

*Servetus nuper ad me scripsit, ac literis adjunxit longum volumen suorum deliriorum... Si mihi placeat, huc se venturum recipit. Sed nolo fidem meam interponere, nam si venerit, modo valeat mea authoritas, vivum exire non patiar.

*Servetus recently wrote to me and attached a long book of his nonsense... If I like it, he plans to come here. But I don’t want to get my hopes up, because if he comes, as long as my authority holds, I won’t let him leave alive.

[22] Decimated by the most cruel persecution, the faithful of Dauphiné, the native country of Farel, had inquired of the ministers of French Switzerland, whether it was lawful for them to have recourse to flight, in order to escape the fury of their adversaries. Numerous refugees had already settled at Geneva.—See vol. i. p. 473.

[22] Devastated by harsh persecution, the believers in Dauphiné, the homeland of Farel, had asked the ministers of French Switzerland if it was acceptable for them to flee to escape the wrath of their enemies. Many refugees had already made their home in Geneva.—See vol. i. p. 473.

[23] Ecclesiastical embroilments with the Seigneury of Berne.

[23] Church conflicts with the Lordship of Berne.

[24] See letter of the 26th January, p. 28, note 2.

[24] See letter from January 26th, p. 28, note 2.

[25] See the preceding letter. It appears that relations between Calvin and Servetus continued in a state of interruption, as is proved by the following passage of a letter of Calvin to Viret, dated 1st September 1548:—"I think I once read to you my answer to Servetus. I was at length disinclined from striving longer with the incurable obstinacy of a heretic; and, indeed, I ought to have followed the advice of Paul. He now attacks you. You will see how long you ought to persist in rebutting his follies. He will twist nothing out of me henceforward."—Library of Geneva, Vol. 106.

[25] See the previous letter. It seems that the interactions between Calvin and Servetus were still strained, as shown by the following excerpt from a letter Calvin wrote to Viret on September 1, 1548:—"I think I once shared my response to Servetus with you. I eventually lost the desire to continue arguing with the unchangeable stubbornness of a heretic; in fact, I should have taken Paul's advice. He is now attacking you. You'll see how long you should keep rejecting his nonsense. He won’t get anything more out of me from now on."—Library of Geneva, Vol. 106.

[26] One of the most violent members of the party that combated the influence and institutions of the Reformer at Geneva.

[26] One of the most aggressive members of the party that fought against the Reformer’s influence and institutions in Geneva.

[27] Calvin shewed himself, on more than one occasion, disposed to forgive personal injuries, as the Registers of Council testify:—"A woman having abused M. Calvin, it is directed that she be consigned to prison. Liberated at the request of the said M. Calvin, and discharged with a reproof."—12th December 1545.

[27] Calvin showed, on more than one occasion, that he was willing to forgive personal injuries, as the Council Records show:—"A woman having insulted M. Calvin, it is ordered that she be sent to prison. Released at the request of the said M. Calvin, and let go with a warning."—12th December 1545.

[28] See p. 22, note 2.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See p. 22, note 2.

[29] Allusion to the Bernese and to their pretensions of ruling Geneva under cover of the Alliance.—See p. 28, note 2.

[29] Reference to the Bernese and their claims of controlling Geneva under the guise of the Alliance.—See p. 28, note 2.

[30] The year 1546 was especially remarkable for the great persecutions that arose within the bounds of the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris. Meaux, Seulis, Orleans, reckoned numerous martyrs. One named Jean Chapot of Dauphiné, colporteur of Geneva, arrested at Paris, was condemned to death, after having undergone the most cruel tortures. He had his tongue cut out before he was cast into the flames. "The dispersion," says Beza, "was widespread, but it led to the great advancement of many churches which were built up of the stones of that ruin."—Hist. Eccl. tom. i. p. 82. Histoire des Martyrs, pp. 170, 177.

[30] The year 1546 was particularly notable for the severe persecutions that occurred within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris. Meaux, Seulis, and Orleans saw many martyrs. One of them, Jean Chapot from Dauphiné, a bookseller from Geneva, was arrested in Paris and sentenced to death after enduring horrific torture. They cut out his tongue before throwing him into the flames. "The dispersion," Beza says, "was widespread, but it resulted in the significant growth of many churches that were built from the rubble of that destruction."—Hist. Eccl. tom. i. p. 82. Histoire des Martyrs, pp. 170, 177.

[31] Francis I., King of France.

Francis I, King of France.

[32] On the death of the minister Chaponneau, the people of Neuchatel wished to have in his room Christopher Fabri, minister of Thonon: they accordingly asked him from the Seigneury of Berne, who with a good grace conceded him to them.—Ruchat, vol. v. p. 299.

[32] After the death of Minister Chaponneau, the people of Neuchâtel wanted Christopher Fabri, the minister of Thonon, to take his place. They requested him from the Seigneury of Berne, who kindly agreed to give him to them.—Ruchat, vol. v. p. 299.

[33] We again find marks of the same solicitude in a letter of Calvin to Viret of the preceding month. "Adieu, with your wife, whose health we will commend to the Lord. Be assured that we are not less solicitous about her than if she were the wife or daughter of each of us. The Lord keep you and sustain you with the consolation of his Spirit."—(January 1546,) Vol. 106, from Geneva.

[33] We see the same concern in a letter from Calvin to Viret from the previous month. "Goodbye, and to your wife, whose health we will entrust to the Lord. Rest assured that we care about her as much as if she were the wife or daughter of any of us. May the Lord protect you and support you with the comfort of His Spirit."—(January 1546,) Vol. 106, from Geneva.

[34] Viret was at that time plunged into the deepest affliction. He had just lost, after a long illness, his wife, Elizabeth Turtaz, of Orbe, with whom he had lived for many years in a godly union. The grief which he felt on that occasion is expressed, in a very touching manner, in a letter written many years afterwards to Calvin:—"I was so completely dispirited and prostrated by that arrow of affliction, that the whole world appeared to me nothing but a burden. There was nothing pleasant, nothing that could mitigate my grief of mind."—Calv. Epist. et Resp., p. 53. The friends of Viret, and especially Farel and Calvin, lavished upon him, during that trial, marks of the tenderest and most brotherly affection. The familiar correspondence of Calvin furnishes us with precious revelations in this respect.

[34] Viret was deeply heartbroken at that time. He had just lost his wife, Elizabeth Turtaz from Orbe, after a long illness, with whom he had spent many years in a faithful marriage. The sorrow he felt is captured in a heartfelt letter written many years later to Calvin:—"I was so utterly discouraged and crushed by that blow of grief, that the entire world seemed to me nothing but a burden. There was nothing enjoyable, nothing that could ease my troubled mind."—Calv. Epist. et Resp., p. 53. Viret's friends, particularly Farel and Calvin, showed him abundant signs of their caring and brotherly love during that difficult time. Calvin's personal letters provide us with valuable insights in this regard.

[35] Nephew of Viret, and minister in the Pays de Vaud.

[35] Nephew of Viret and a minister in the Vaud region.

[36] To the most honourable Doctor Theodore Vitus, most faithful Minister of Christ at Nuremberg.

[36] To the esteemed Doctor Theodore Vitus, loyal Minister of Christ at Nuremberg.

Theodore Vitus, (Dietrich de Weit,) a distinguished theologian, friend of Luther and Melanchthon, preached the Gospel with great success in the city of Nuremberg, his native place, and was worthy of the esteem and affection of Calvin, not more on account of his learning than his moderation. He died in 1549. Melanchthon wrote, at the foot of his portrait, the following verses:

Theodore Vitus, (Dietrich de Weit,) a notable theologian, friend of Luther and Melanchthon, preached the Gospel effectively in Nuremberg, his hometown, and earned the respect and affection of Calvin, not just for his knowledge but also for his moderation. He passed away in 1549. Melanchthon inscribed the following verses at the bottom of his portrait:

Ingenii monumenta sui, sed plura Lutheri
Edidit; his poterunt secla futura frui.

Ingenious monuments of themselves, but more from Luther
They published; future ages will be able to enjoy these.

—[Melch. Adam, Vitæ Theol. Germ. pp. 199, 200.]

—[Melch. Adam, Vitæ Theol. Germ. pp. 199, 200.]

[37] The following is the passage of the letter of Vitus to Calvin to which he here refers:—"I have read your short address to the people on the Sacrament of the Supper, and I approve of your calling the bread and wine signs in such a sense that the things signified are in reality present. Would that they who leave only the naked signs, might be led by you to adopt that view!"—Calv. Epist. et Resp., Amst., p. 37.

[37] The following is the passage from Vitus’s letter to Calvin that he refers to here:—"I have read your brief message to the people about the Lord's Supper, and I agree with your description of the bread and wine as signs in such a way that the things they represent are truly present. I wish those who only cling to the bare signs could be influenced by you to accept that perspective!"—Calv. Epist. et Resp., Amst., p. 37.

[38] This desire was happily realized some years afterwards, by the adoption of a common symbol on the Supper, approved alike by the theologians of Zurich and Geneva.

[38] This wish was joyfully fulfilled a few years later, with the adoption of a shared symbol at the Supper, which was accepted by both the theologians of Zurich and Geneva.

[39] Vitus lent useful aid to Luther in the revision of his different writings, and rendered a real service to the Church by collecting and offering to the public the Commentaries of Luther on the Prophet Micah, and the first eleven chapters of Genesis.—Melch. Adam, Vitæ Theol. Germ.

[39] Vitus helped Luther by revising his various writings and provided a significant service to the Church by gathering and making public Luther's Commentaries on the Prophet Micah and the first eleven chapters of Genesis.—Melch. Adam, Vitæ Theol. Germ.

[40] The Conference opened by the Emperor at Ratisbon, and to which Bucer had been summoned, was a mere feint to divert men's minds, and to transfer the decision of the points at issue to the Council of Trent.

[40] The Conference that the Emperor held in Regensburg, to which Bucer was called, was just a trick to distract people's attention and shift the resolution of the issues to the Council of Trent.

[41] Viret, yielding to the entreaties of Calvin, went to Geneva towards the end of March, and there received the most honourable marks of public affection. We read in the Registers of Council, of date the 2d April 1546,—"Grand reception given to Farel and Viret, who had just arrived at Geneva."

[41] Viret, responding to Calvin's requests, went to Geneva near the end of March and received a warm welcome from the public. We can see in the Council's Records, dated April 2, 1546,—"A grand reception was held for Farel and Viret, who had just arrived in Geneva."

[42] On the back, in the handwriting of M. de Falais,—Received the 16th of April 1546.

[42] On the back, in the handwriting of M. de Falais,—Received on April 16, 1546.

[43] A new diet had been assembled at Ratisbon, for the pacification of the religious troubles of Germany. That assembly opened in the month of June 1546, in presence of the Emperor, and like those which had preceded, concluded without any result whatsoever.

[43] A new diet was organized in Regensburg to address the religious issues in Germany. This assembly began in June 1546, in the presence of the Emperor, and, like the ones before it, ended without achieving any results.

[44] The Protestants of this town, feebly supported by the league of Smalkald, and intimidated by the presence of the imperial legate, devoted to the Roman Catholic clergy, had already lost the rights which had been guarantied to them by the accord of 1543, and so found themselves deprived of the exercise of public worship and of the pastorate.—(See a letter of Myconius to Calvin, 13th November 1543. Calv. Epist. et Responsa, Amst. p. 26.)

[44] The Protestants in this town, weakly backed by the Smalkald League and intimidated by the presence of the imperial legate loyal to the Roman Catholic Church, had already lost the rights that were guaranteed to them by the agreement of 1543. As a result, they were deprived of public worship and pastoral care.—(See a letter from Myconius to Calvin, November 13, 1543. Calv. Epist. et Responsa, Amst. p. 26.)

[45] In the year 1546, the Palatinate witnessed the accomplishment of a great religious revolution. The Elector, Frederic II., yielding to the wish of his subjects, proclaimed the establishment of the Reformation, and the abolition of the old worship in his states. The chief instrument of that revolution was the minister Paul Fagius, the disciple of Capito.—Sleidan, Comment. lib. xvi. p. 266. De Thou, lib. ii. c. 3.

[45] In 1546, the Palatinate experienced a significant religious transformation. The Elector, Frederic II, responding to the desires of his people, announced the start of the Reformation and the end of the old worship practices in his territories. The main figure behind this change was Minister Paul Fagius, a student of Capito.—Sleidan, Comment. lib. xvi. p. 266. De Thou, lib. ii. c. 3.

[46] The French Church of Strasbourg, of which Calvin had been pastor during his exile from Geneva.

[46] The French Church in Strasbourg, where Calvin had been the pastor while he was in exile from Geneva.

[47] Introduced by Calvin to Myconius, Ochino made but a very short stay at Bâle, where those writings made their appearance which have been such a blot upon his memory. In 1545 he went to Augsbourg, where he became minister to the congregation of Italian refugees until the epoch of the Interim, which was the cause of his betaking himself to England. His leanings toward heterodoxy were veiled from the eyes of every one, except perhaps the clear-sighted discernment of Calvin, who valued his abilities, without having an entire confidence in the solidity of his doctrines. The ever-recurring changes of his unsettled life led him, at a later period, to class himself with the sect of the anti-Trinitarians. His discourses, so much admired by Cardinal Bembo, and the Emperor Charles V. himself, are less remarkable for their purity of doctrine than for the warmth of feeling and the poetical flash of the style. They have been printed under the following title: Prediche di Messer Bernardino Ochino, 1543, and reprinted on several occasions; but we are not aware of any translation, whether Latin or French. See Schelhorn, Ergötzlichkeiten, tom. iii. pp. 2022, 2161, 2166, and pp. 2174-2179.

[47] Introduced to Myconius by Calvin, Ochino only stayed briefly in Bâle, where his writings appeared, leaving a stain on his legacy. In 1545, he moved to Augsburg, where he served as minister to the congregation of Italian refugees until the time of the Interim, which prompted him to go to England. His leanings towards unorthodox beliefs were hidden from everyone, except possibly the astute Calvin, who appreciated his talents but didn't fully trust the strength of his teachings. The constant upheavals in his life eventually led him to join the anti-Trinitarian sect. His speeches, admired by Cardinal Bembo and Emperor Charles V, are more noted for their passionate expression and poetic style than for doctrinal purity. They were published under the title: Prediche di Messer Bernardino Ochino, 1543, and have been reprinted several times; however, we are not aware of any translations, either in Latin or French. See Schelhorn, Ergötzlichkeiten, tom. iii. pp. 2022, 2161, 2166, and pp. 2174-2179.

[48] The sisters of M. de Falais.

[48] The sisters of M. de Falais.

[49] Juan Diaz, originally of Cuença, in Spain, studied letters at the University of Paris, and was distinguished, amid the scholars of his nation, "by superior learning, adorned with pure morals, great mildness, prudence, and benignity." Initiated in the knowledge of the Gospel, he left Paris and visited Geneva, Bâle, Strasbourg, where he acquired the friendship of Bucer, whom he accompanied into Germany. The Jesuit, Malvenda, a stout defender of Popish idolatry, having made vain efforts to lead him back to the Romish Church, the adversaries of Juan Diaz planned a most detestable conspiracy against his life, and, on the 27th of March, he was assassinated by order of Alphonso Diaz, his own brother, who had come from Rome in order to the accomplishment of this execrable outrage, the instigator of which remained unpunished.—See the record of this odious fratricide in Sleidan, and Histoire des Martyrs, pp. 162, 168; and Letter CLXIII.

[49] Juan Diaz, originally from Cuenca, Spain, studied literature at the University of Paris and stood out among his fellow scholars for his exceptional knowledge, integrity, kindness, wisdom, and generosity. After learning about the Gospel, he left Paris and traveled to Geneva, Basel, and Strasbourg, where he gained the friendship of Bucer and accompanied him to Germany. The Jesuit Malvenda, a strong supporter of Catholic idolatry, made unsuccessful attempts to bring him back to the Catholic Church. In response, Juan Diaz's enemies plotted a horrific conspiracy against him, and on March 27th, he was murdered by order of Alphonso Diaz, his own brother, who had arrived from Rome to carry out this heinous act, while the instigator went unpunished. —See the account of this hateful fratricide in Sleidan, and Histoire des Martyrs, pp. 162, 168; and Letter CLXIII.

[50] Calvin had this year a child by his wife, Idelette de Bure, which died in the birth.

[50] Calvin had a child this year with his wife, Idelette de Bure, who sadly died during childbirth.

[51] At the request of M. de Falais, Calvin had prepared an apology for his Lordship, which was to be presented to the Emperor at the Diet of Ratisbon. This memorial, drawn up at first in French, then translated into Latin, and along with a profession of faith, containing valuable details for the history of M. de Falais, has the following title:—Apology of the very Illustrious Lord James of Burgundy, of Falaise, and of Breda, wherein he has wiped away the accusations wherewith he has been branded in the sight of the Imperial Majesty, and sets forth the Confession of his Faith. This morceau has been published by the Amsterdam editor at the end of the letters of Calvin to M. de Falais.

[51] At the request of M. de Falais, Calvin prepared a defense for his Lordship, intended to be presented to the Emperor at the Diet of Ratisbon. This document, initially written in French and later translated into Latin, includes a statement of faith that provides important details about M. de Falais. It is titled: Apology of the very Illustrious Lord James of Burgundy, of Falaise, and of Breda, in which he addresses the accusations made against him in front of the Imperial Majesty and presents the Confession of his Faith. This piece has been published by the Amsterdam editor at the end of Calvin's letters to M. de Falais.

[52] M. de Falais had five brothers. Those alone of whom mention is made in the letters of Calvin, are John, Seigneur de Fromont, and Peter, Pronotary apostolic, who had embraced the Reformation.

[52] M. de Falais had five brothers. The ones mentioned in Calvin's letters are John, Lord of Fromont, and Peter, Apostolic Notary, who had adopted the Reformation.

[53] Alphonso d'Avalos, Marquis of Guasto, governor of the Milanese, and one of the ablest generals of Charles the Fifth. He died in 1546.

[53] Alphonso d'Avalos, Marquis of Guasto, governor of Milan, and one of the most skilled generals of Charles the Fifth. He died in 1546.

[54] The Emperor, in 1544, had undertaken a disastrous expedition against the town of Argiers. The military movements which were then going forward in Italy, were intended to cover his real projects of attack against the Protestant princes of Germany.

[54] In 1544, the Emperor had launched a failed campaign against the town of Argiers. The military actions happening in Italy at that time were meant to disguise his actual plans to strike against the Protestant leaders in Germany.

[55] See the following letter.

See the letter below.

[56] The Ecclesiastical Ordinances, digested by Calvin and adopted by the councils of the republic, daily encountered the keenest opposition in the heart of a party which reckoned at its head men belonging to the most distinguished families among the Genevese. The Consistory and Councils together took care that the laws were rigidly enforced, and checked improprieties without respect of persons. The Captain-General, Amy Perrin, the Syndic Corna, and several other persons, having, contrary to the prohibitions, danced in a private house, "It is ordained," as is contained in the Registers of 12th April 1546, "that they all be imprisoned;" and with regard to the wife of Amy Perrin, who spoke insolently to the Consistory, that she also be imprisoned, and be required to find security. Perrin, to avoid undergoing the punishment pronounced against him, had recourse to the pretext of a journey to Lyons; but he was incarcerated on his return. The Syndic Corna acknowledged his fault, and, after a deposition of some days, he was reinstated in his office. The minister, Henry de la Mare, was deposed, for having been present at the ball, and taken the side of the dance and dancers against the Consistory. See Registers of Council, April 1546.

[56] The Ecclesiastical Ordinances, organized by Calvin and approved by the councils of the republic, faced strong opposition daily from a faction led by some of the most prominent families in Geneva. The Consistory and Councils worked together to ensure the laws were strictly enforced, addressing misconduct without favoritism. Captain-General Amy Perrin, Syndic Corna, and a few others danced at a private event despite the bans. As recorded on April 12, 1546, "It is ordained that they all be imprisoned;" and concerning Amy Perrin's wife, who spoke disrespectfully to the Consistory, she was also ordered to be imprisoned and required to provide security. To avoid the consequences of the punishment, Perrin claimed he was traveling to Lyon; however, he was arrested upon his return. Syndic Corna admitted his wrongdoing, and after a few days of suspension, he was reinstated in his position. Minister Henry de la Mare was removed from his position for attending the ball and supporting the dance and dancers against the Consistory. See Council Registers, April 1546.

[57] At the head of the opposition to the ministers were observed the different members of the family of Francis Favre, a dissolute old man, and father-in-law of Amy Perrin. Francisca, his daughter, wife of the latter, made herself remarkable by the violence of her invectives against the Consistory. "They remonstrated with her, and made no more account of herself and her father than of the lowest in the city. Being again interrogated whether she would name the dancers, twice replied, that she would rather submit to punishment, and be dragged before all the justices, than appear before the Consistory."—Notes Extracted from the Registers of the Consistory of Geneva, by the late Syndic Cramer, 4te, 1853.

[57] At the forefront of the opposition to the ministers were various members of the family of Francis Favre, a wayward old man and father-in-law of Amy Perrin. His daughter, Francisca, who was married to Amy, stood out for her fierce criticisms of the Consistory. "They warned her, valuing her and her father no more than the lowest citizens. When asked again if she would name the dancers, she replied twice that she would rather face punishment and be dragged before all the justices than appear before the Consistory."—Notes Extracted from the Registers of the Consistory of Geneva, by the late Syndic Cramer, 4te, 1853.

[58] "That the father-in-law of Amy Perrin, who has committed adultery, be also imprisoned, and put upon his trial."—Registers of Council. Ibid.

[58] "That the father-in-law of Amy Perrin, who has cheated, should also be imprisoned and put on trial."—Registers of Council. Ibid.

[59] See the whole of this narrative in the Histoire des Martyrs, from the tract of Claude de Senarclens: Vera Historia de Morte Joannis Diazii Hispani. 1546.

[59] Check out the entire story in the Histoire des Martyrs, from the work of Claude de Senarclens: Vera Historia de Morte Joannis Diazii Hispani. 1546.

[60] Letter without date, of which the original French is lost. It is here reproduced from the Latin translation inserted in the collection of the published Latin letters of Calvin, with restoration of date, April 1546.

[60] Letter without a date, of which the original French is lost. It is reproduced here from the Latin translation included in the collection of Calvin's published Latin letters, with the date restored to April 1546.

Amy Perrin, one of the earliest hearers of Farel and Froment at Geneva, contributed powerfully to the disenthralment and reformation of his native country. At one with the Reformers in the abolition of the ancient worship and in the proclamation of the new, which he regarded as the security for the independence of Geneva, he broke with them the moment they undertook to correct manners, after having reformed beliefs. He then became the head of that party of undisciplined children of Geneva, "who wished to live according to their own inclination, without suffering themselves to be restrained by the words of the preachers," and whose triumph led to the banishment of the ministers, (1538.) Commissioned, two years afterwards, to negotiate their recall, he appeared to be reconciled to Calvin, and to submit to the institutions of the Calvinistic discipline; but the submission could not be lasting, and we again find him, in 1545, along with Pierre Vandel and the two Bertheliers, at the head of the party that must needs continue to strive with the ministers, until their total defeat, (May 1555.) Of an irascible temperament, of easy and frivolous manners, Amy took pleasure in fêtes, and in appearing in public magnificently dressed. Being accused (see the preceding letter) of having taken part in unlawful dances, he refused to compear before the Consistory, incurred, with his wife, the just rigours of the Seigneury, and became the implacable enemy of Calvin, who, in a letter at once moderate and powerful, essayed in vain to bring him back to the path of obedience and duty.

Amy Perrin, one of the first listeners to Farel and Froment in Geneva, played a significant role in the liberation and reform of his home country. He was in agreement with the Reformers about getting rid of the old worship and promoting the new one, which he saw as essential for Geneva's independence. However, he broke away from them as soon as they tried to change people's behavior after reforming their beliefs. He then became the leader of a group of unruly youths in Geneva, "who wanted to live according to their own desires, without letting the preachers' words hold them back," and their victory led to the ministers being banished (1538). Two years later, tasked with negotiating their return, he seemed to have reconciled with Calvin and agreed to submit to Calvinistic discipline. But this submission didn’t last; in 1545, he was again found, alongside Pierre Vandel and the two Bertheliers, leading the faction that continued to conflict with the ministers until their complete defeat (May 1555). Known for his irritable nature and carefree, frivolous ways, Amy enjoyed festivals and liked to appear in public dressed extravagantly. When accused (see the preceding letter) of participating in unlawful dances, he refused to appear before the Consistory, faced the rightful consequences from the Seigneury with his wife, and became a bitter enemy of Calvin, who, in a letter both moderate and powerful, unsuccessfully tried to coax him back to a path of obedience and duty.

[61] Menaced by a common peril, and having equally to resist the pretensions of Charles V. to universal rule, the King of France and the Protestant Princes of Germany had resumed negotiations, that must seemingly issue in a lasting treaty. This treaty of alliance was for long the object of the prayers and the hopes of Calvin, who reckoned upon extracting from it advantageous results to the French Protestants, and an implicit toleration for churches until then subjected to the most violent persecutions. He pressed Farel and Viret, one or other, to repair to Germany, to hasten the progress of negotiations and determine the conditions of the alliance.

[61] Threatened by a shared danger, and needing to oppose Charles V’s claims to universal power, the King of France and the Protestant Princes of Germany had restarted talks, which seemed likely to lead to a lasting treaty. This alliance treaty was for a long time the focus of Calvin’s prayers and hopes, as he believed it could bring beneficial outcomes for the French Protestants and a form of tolerance for churches that had endured severe persecution. He urged Farel and Viret to go to Germany, to speed up the negotiations and finalize the terms of the alliance.

[62] Is this Uzés a small town of Languedoc, now comprised in the department of Gard? Beza and the historian of the martyrs furnish us with no information on this point.

[62] Is this Uzés a small town in Languedoc, now part of the Gard department? Beza and the historian of the martyrs don’t provide us with any details on this matter.

[63] Desirous of rendering assistance to Calvin during his illness and recovery, the Seigneurs of Geneva decided upon allowing him an attendant at the public expense.—Registers of Council, 4th March 1546.

[63] Wanting to help Calvin during his illness and recovery, the Seigneurs of Geneva chose to provide him with an attendant at public expense.—Registers of Council, 4th March 1546.

[64] Viret was on the point of repairing to Berne, in order to discuss certain matters relative to the ordinances of the Reformation in the Pays de Vaud.—Ruchat, vol. v. p. 298.

[64] Viret was about to head to Bern to talk about some issues related to the Reformation regulations in the Pays de Vaud.—Ruchat, vol. v. p. 298.

[65] After the disgrace of the Chancellor Poyet, this high office was filled by François Olivier, Seigneur of Louville, President of the Parliament of Paris. He resigned in 1550, and again became Chancellor in 1559, in order to give his sanction to the lamentable executions of Amboise, which he survived only for a short time.

[65] After the disgrace of Chancellor Poyet, François Olivier, Lord of Louville and President of the Parliament of Paris, took over the high office. He stepped down in 1550 but returned as Chancellor in 1559 to approve the tragic executions at Amboise, which he only lived a short while after.

[66] On the back, in the handwriting of M. de Falais: "Received the 22d July." This note, taken in connection with the beginning of the next letter to M. de Falais, settles the date of the present one.

[66] On the back, in M. de Falais's handwriting: "Received on July 22." This note, along with the start of the next letter to M. de Falais, confirms the date of this letter.

[67] M. de Falais was at the time dangerously ill.

[67] M. de Falais was seriously ill at that time.

[68] Certain persons having obtained from the magistrate permission to act in public a Morality, entitled, The Acts of the Apostles, which had received the approbation of the ministers; one of them, named Michael Cop, less conciliatory than his colleagues, preached a very violent discourse in the church of St. Peter, and said that the women who should mount the theatre to act that farce, would be shameless creatures. These words stirred up a great tumult in the city, and Calvin required to put forth all his influence to quiet the agitation, and to preserve the life of his imprudent colleague.

[68] Certain individuals received permission from the magistrate to perform publicly a Morality called The Acts of the Apostles, which had been approved by the ministers. One of them, named Michael Cop, who was less diplomatic than his peers, delivered a very harsh sermon in the church of St. Peter, claiming that the women who would go on stage to perform that play were shameless creatures. His remarks sparked a huge uproar in the city, and Calvin had to use all his influence to calm the situation and protect the life of his reckless colleague.

The plays were celebrated in presence of Viret. "It is ordained," say the Registers of Council, "that booths be erected for our seigneurs, that they may comfortably witness the representation of the Acts of the Apostles."—1st July 1546. It does not appear, however, that these representations were frequently repeated. "Upon the remonstrances of the ministers," we read in the Registers, "resolved to delay the representations of the theatre to a less calamitous time."—July 1546. Ruchat, vol. v. p. 313. The minister inculpated was not Abel Poupin, as Ruchat relates, but Michael Cop, as the Registers attest.

The plays were celebrated in the presence of Viret. "It is decided," the Council Registers state, "that booths be set up for our lords, so they can comfortably witness the performance of the Acts of the Apostles."—1st July 1546. However, it seems these performances were not often repeated. "Upon hearing the concerns of the ministers," the Registers tell us, "it was decided to postpone the theater performances to a less disastrous time."—July 1546. Ruchat, vol. v. p. 313. The minister involved was not Abel Poupin, as Ruchat mentions, but Michael Cop, as the Registers confirm.

[69] The minister, Abel Poupin, exerted his interest with the actors to appease the tumult excited by his colleague.

[69] The minister, Abel Poupin, used his influence with the actors to calm the unrest stirred up by his colleague.

[70] It is seen by this instance, that Calvin was not so stern as to proscribe public games and amusements that harmonized with decency. "He himself made no scruple in engaging in play with the seigneurs of Geneva; but that was the innocent game of the key, which consists in being able to push the keys the nearest possible to the edge of a table."—Morus, quoted Hist. de la Suisse, vol. xi. p. 356.

[70] This example shows that Calvin wasn't so strict as to forbid public games and activities that were appropriate. "He had no problem playing with the nobles of Geneva; however, that was just the innocent game of the key, which involves getting the keys as close as possible to the edge of a table."—Morus, quoted Hist. de la Suisse, vol. xi. p. 356.

[71] Allusion to a sister of M. de Falais.

[71] Reference to a sister of M. de Falais.

[72] The project of marriage, developed in the two preceding letters, not having been realized, Viret turned his attention in another direction; and a passage in his will, preserved in the Archives of Geneva, informs us that he espoused, in his second marriage, Elizabeth Laharpe, daughter of a French refugee of Lausanne. This marriage was celebrated in October or November 1546, and the nuptial benediction was pronounced by Calvin himself, who, in a subsequent letter, (of the 3d December,) makes allusion to the journey which he had accomplished, in order to be present at the nuptials of his friend.

[72] The idea of marriage, discussed in the two previous letters, didn’t happen, so Viret looked in another direction. A record in his will, kept in the Archives of Geneva, tells us that he married Elizabeth Laharpe, the daughter of a French refugee from Lausanne, in his second marriage. This wedding took place in October or November of 1546, and Calvin himself gave the blessing. In a later letter dated December 3, he mentioned the trip he took to attend his friend's wedding.

[73] At the request of Calvin, Farel had written a letter to Amy Perrin, in order to calm his resentment, and lead him back to the good path. The message of Farel, like that of Calvin himself, was without effect, and the quarrel between the Reformer and his old friend, now his adversary, became daily more confirmed and violent.

[73] At Calvin's request, Farel wrote a letter to Amy Perrin to ease his anger and guide him back on the right track. However, Farel's message, like Calvin's, had no impact, and the conflict between the Reformer and his former friend, now his opponent, grew increasingly intense and aggressive.

[74] A term frequently employed by Calvin to designate Perrin, with the adjunct of a derisive epithet,—Cæsar our comedian.

[74] A term often used by Calvin to refer to Perrin, along with a mocking nickname,—Cæsar our comedian.

[75] See note 1, vol. i. p. 343. It appears, from this passage, that Froment was not at that time settled in Geneva. He was called thither a short time afterwards to assist Francis Bonivard in digesting the Chronicles of the city.

[75] See note 1, vol. i. p. 343. This passage shows that Froment wasn't living in Geneva at that time. He was called there shortly afterward to help Francis Bonivard organize the city's Chronicles.

[76] The Commentaries on the four Epistles of St. Paul to the Galatians, the Ephesians, the Philippians, and the Colossians, were not published until 1548, by the bookseller Girard, of Geneva. Is there a previous edition of the Commentary on the Galatians? We are not aware of any.

[76] The Commentaries on the four letters of St. Paul to the Galatians, the Ephesians, the Philippians, and the Colossians were not published until 1548 by the bookseller Girard in Geneva. Is there an earlier edition of the Commentary on the Galatians? We don't know of any.

[77] This, one of the most remarkable of the works of Calvin, appeared only in 1550.

[77] This, one of Calvin's most impressive works, was published in 1550.

[78] This apparent reconciliation was without satisfactory result. Perrin could not tolerate, nor Calvin sacrifice, the right of censure vested in the Consistory, and which the excesses of the Libertins daily rendered more necessary. "Complaints to the Council by M. Calvin regarding the dissoluteness of the youth, there being nothing more common in the city than acts of debauchery and licentiousness."—Registers of Council, 11th October 1546.

[78] This apparent reconciliation didn’t lead to any satisfactory outcome. Perrin couldn’t stand, nor could Calvin give up, the right of censure held by the Consistory, which the excesses of the Libertins made even more necessary every day. "Complaints to the Council by M. Calvin about the youth’s unruliness, as nothing is more common in the city than acts of debauchery and immorality."—Registers of Council, 11th October 1546.

[79] M. de Falais had sent Calvin a theological work by a certain Denis de la Roche, requesting his opinion of it.

[79] M. de Falais had sent Calvin a theological book by someone named Denis de la Roche, asking for his thoughts on it.

[80] Allusion to the death of one of the sisters of M. de Falais, which they had not ventured to communicate to him.

[80] Reference to the death of one of M. de Falais's sisters, which they had not dared to tell him.

[81] The Commentary on the First Epistle of Saint Paul to the Corinthians, dedicated to M. de Falais.

[81] The commentary on the First Letter of Saint Paul to the Corinthians, dedicated to M. de Falais.

[82] The confiscation of the property of M. de Falais had been pronounced by the Court of Malines. That decree had been submitted to the confirmation of the Emperor.

[82] The property of M. de Falais was confiscated by the Court of Malines. That ruling had been sent for approval to the Emperor.

[83] The sentence which put the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse to the ban of the Empire, 20th July 1546, was the signal for war in Germany. The Imperial army, and that of the Protestant Princes, observed one another for several months, on the banks of the Danube, without the one being able to obtain any decisive advantage over the other. But the troops of Charles the Fifth were decimated by want and sickness while there was an overabundance in the camp of the confederates.

[83] The declaration that put the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse under the ban of the Empire on July 20, 1546, marked the beginning of war in Germany. The Imperial army and the Protestant Princes' forces faced each other for several months along the banks of the Danube, with neither side able to gain a decisive advantage. However, Charles the Fifth's troops suffered greatly from hunger and illness, while the confederate camp was well supplied.

[84] Maximilian d'Egmont, Count de Buren, a valiant and adventurous captain. He brought a powerful reinforcement to Charles the Fifth from the Netherlands, and he executed that difficult operation with the most happy success.

[84] Maximilian d'Egmont, Count de Buren, a brave and daring captain. He delivered a strong reinforcement to Charles the Fifth from the Netherlands, and he carried out that challenging mission with great success.

[85] For Peter Viret. See preceding letters to M. de Falais, pp. 63 and 74.

[85] For Peter Viret. See the earlier letters to M. de Falais, pp. 63 and 74.

[86] Calvin lost his wife, Idelette de Bure, in the beginning of April 1549, and never married again. His Latin correspondence contains two beautiful and touching letters to Viret and to Farel (7th and 11th April) on that sad event. They will be found reprinted in this collection.

[86] Calvin lost his wife, Idelette de Bure, at the start of April 1549, and he never remarried. His Latin letters include two beautiful and heartfelt messages to Viret and Farel (April 7th and 11th) about that sad event. They will be reprinted in this collection.

[87] Valeran Poulain, of Lille, who was at a later period minister of the French Church at Frankfort.

[87] Valeran Poulain, from Lille, who later served as the minister of the French Church in Frankfurt.

[88] The Emperor Charles V. See note 2, p. 78.

[88] Emperor Charles V. See note 2, p. 78.

[89] Maurice of Saxony, cousin of the Elector John Frederic, and son-in-law of the Landgrave of Hesse, unworthily betraying the cause of the Confederates, concluded a secret treaty with the emperor, to whom he took the oath of fidelity, and who guarantied to him in return the spoils of his father-in-law.

[89] Maurice of Saxony, cousin of Elector John Frederic and son-in-law of the Landgrave of Hesse, shamefully betrayed the Confederates by signing a secret treaty with the emperor. He pledged his loyalty to the emperor, who promised him the spoils of his father-in-law in return.

[90] Nicolas des Gallars, of Paris, (M. de Saules,) the friend and secretary of Calvin, and one of the most distinguished ministers of Geneva. He was sent as pastor to the Church at Paris in 1557, reappointed in 1560 to the French Church of London, assisted the following year at the conference at Poissy, was named minister of the Church of Orleans, and became, in 1571, preacher to the Queen of Navarre. We have several of his works mentioned by Senebier, Hist. Litt., tom. i. p. 341.

[90] Nicolas des Gallars, from Paris, (M. de Saules), was a friend and secretary of Calvin and one of the most prominent ministers in Geneva. He was appointed as the pastor of the Church in Paris in 1557, reassigned in 1560 to the French Church in London, participated in the conference at Poissy the following year, was named the minister of the Church in Orleans, and became, in 1571, the preacher to the Queen of Navarre. Several of his works are noted by Senebier, Hist. Litt., tom. i. p. 341.

[91] Helène de Falais. She had married Adrien de L'Isle, Seigneur de Trénoy.

[91] Helène de Falais. She married Adrien de L'Isle, Lord of Trénoy.

[92] This diversion, dictated to the King of France by sound politics, was not effected, and Francis I. remained a peaceable spectator of events, whose necessary tendency was to secure, by the defeat of the Protestant party in Germany, the ascendency of Charles V. in Europe.

[92] This change, guided by smart politics and directed towards the King of France, didn't happen, and Francis I stayed a calm observer of events that were likely to ensure Charles V's dominance in Europe by defeating the Protestant party in Germany.

[93] The ministers of Berne were divided by incessant disputes on the subject of the Supper. Sulzer and certain of his colleagues inclined to the Lutheran view, which Erasme Ritter combated; and by an abuse of power, that was not uncommon at that period, the Seigneury of Berne claimed to determine by itself the sense of the controverted dogma, the settlement of which ought to have been remitted to a Synod.—Ruchat, tom. v. pp. 225, 226.

[93] The ministers of Bern were constantly arguing about the topic of the Supper. Sulzer and some of his colleagues leaned towards the Lutheran perspective, which Erasme Ritter opposed; and through a misuse of power, which was common at that time, the council of Bern insisted on defining the meaning of the disputed doctrine itself, even though this matter should have been resolved by a Synod.—Ruchat, tom. v. pp. 225, 226.

[94] The senator, Nicolas de Zerkinden, friend of Calvin and prefect of Nyon.

[94] The senator, Nicolas de Zerkinden, a friend of Calvin and the mayor of Nyon.

[95] The Roman Catholic and Reformed Cantons, solicited, the former by the emperor, the latter by the Protestant princes, to take part in the struggles of which Germany was the theatre, had both observed a strict neutrality. But the Seigneury of Berne having received information that military movements were taking place in Franche-Comté, then under the rule of the Spaniards, summoned ten thousand men to arms, and occupied the passes of the Jura. That measure, which arose out of the pressure of circumstances, would perhaps have brought about a division among the confederates, and serious complications from without, if the treachery of the Elector Maurice had not hastened on the course of events in Germany.—John de Müller, Hist. de la Confédération Suisse, continuation of M. Vulliemin, tom. xi. p. 292.

[95] The Roman Catholic and Reformed Cantons were urged, the former by the emperor and the latter by the Protestant princes, to get involved in the conflicts happening across Germany, but both maintained a strict neutrality. However, the Seigneury of Berne learned that military activities were occurring in Franche-Comté, which was then under Spanish control, and called up ten thousand men to prepare for battle, securing the passes of the Jura. This action, taken due to the pressures of the situation, might have led to a split among the confederates and serious outside complications if not for the betrayal of Elector Maurice, which sped up the unfolding events in Germany.—John de Müller, Hist. de la Confédération Suisse, continuation of M. Vulliemin, tom. xi. p. 292.

[96] A word effaced in the original.

[96] A word removed in the original.

[97] The original letter is without address. But it is generally believed that it was addressed by Calvin to the widow of the celebrated William Budé, great-grandson of the secretary to King Charles V., and one of the most learned personages of the period of the revival of letters. William Budé having declared in his will that he wished to be buried without ceremony, this circumstance led to the supposition that he had died in the faith of the Reformed. His widow not being able to make free profession of her faith at Paris, was about to settle at Geneva, on the solicitation of Calvin, (June 1549.) She was accompanied by her daughter and three of her sons, Louis, Francis, and John de Budé, who held a distinguished rank in the republic. The best known of the three brothers is John de Budé, Sieur de Vérace, the particular friend of Calvin and of Théodore de Bèze. He was received an inhabitant of Geneva the 27th June 1549, burgess the 2d May 1555, member of both Councils in 1559, fulfilled several important missions to the Protestant princes of Germany, and died in 1589, after having rendered distinguished services to his new country, and thereby added fresh lustre to his family, whose descendants still live at Geneva.—Galiffe, Notices Généalogiques des Familles Genèvoises, tom. iii. p. 83, et seq.

[97] The original letter has no address. However, it’s widely thought that it was sent by Calvin to the widow of the renowned William Budé, who was the great-grandson of the secretary to King Charles V and one of the most learned figures during the Renaissance. William Budé stated in his will that he wanted to be buried without ceremony, which led to the assumption that he had passed away in the faith of the Reformed. His widow, unable to openly profess her faith in Paris, was planning to move to Geneva at Calvin’s urging (June 1549). She was accompanied by her daughter and three sons, Louis, Francis, and John de Budé, who were prominent members of the community. The most well-known of the three brothers is John de Budé, Sieur de Vérace, a close friend of Calvin and Théodore de Bèze. He became a resident of Geneva on June 27, 1549, a citizen on May 2, 1555, and a member of both Councils in 1559. He undertook several important missions to the Protestant princes of Germany and died in 1589 after providing significant services to his new country, thereby enhancing his family's reputation, with descendants still living in Geneva.—Galiffe, Notices Généalogiques des Familles Genèvoises, tom. iii. p. 83, et seq.

[98] On the back, in another handwriting,—"Of 46. I think that this letter must be to Madame Budé."

[98] On the back, in a different handwriting,—"Of 46. I believe this letter must be for Madame Budé."

[99] Catharine de Budé married, in 1550, William de Trie, Seigneur de Varennes, a gentleman of the Lyonnais, a refugee at Geneva on account of religion.

[99] Catharine de Budé got married in 1550 to William de Trie, Seigneur de Varennes, a gentleman from Lyon, who was a refugee in Geneva because of his religion.

[100] John Francis Nœguely, one of the most illustrious magistrates, and one of the most able captains of the republic of Berne, in the sixteenth century. In 1536 he commanded the Bernese army, which conquered the Pays de Vaud from the Duke of Savoy; discharged the functions of Avoyer from 1540 to 1568, and died at a very advanced age.

[100] John Francis Nœguely, one of the most distinguished judges and skilled military leaders of the Republic of Berne in the 16th century. In 1536, he led the Bernese army, which took the Pays de Vaud from the Duke of Savoy; served as Avoyer from 1540 to 1568, and lived to a very old age.

[101] In a note, by an unknown hand, "Philippe Buissonnier de Bresse."

[101] In a note, written by someone unknown, "Philippe Buissonnier de Bresse."

[102] Several ministers of the Pays de Vaud, and particularly Zebedee, later pastor of Nyon, Lange, pastor of Bursins, delivered from the pulpit the most virulent declamations against the doctrines of the Reformer.

[102] Several ministers from the Pays de Vaud, especially Zebedee, who later became the pastor of Nyon, and Lange, who was the pastor of Bursins, made some of the harshest criticisms from the pulpit against the teachings of the Reformer.

[103] On the news of the dangers that menaced the churches of Germany, an important mission had been confided to the Reformer. "Calvin is despatched by the Seigneury to Zurich, to obtain certain information of the condition of the war between the Emperor and the Protestant princes."—Registers of Council, 23d January 1547. "Calvin having returned, reports that the war between the Emperor and the Protestants is more enkindled than ever, and that the Swiss, apprehensive of that prince turning his arms against them, are putting themselves in a state of defence."—Ibid., 23d January 1547.

[103] When news broke about the threats facing the churches in Germany, an important mission was entrusted to the Reformer. "Calvin has been sent by the Seigneury to Zurich to gather information about the state of the war between the Emperor and the Protestant princes."—Registers of Council, January 23, 1547. "Upon his return, Calvin reports that the war between the Emperor and the Protestants is more intense than ever and that the Swiss, fearing that the prince might turn his forces against them, are preparing to defend themselves."—Ibid., January 23, 1547.

In a letter to Farel, he gave with greater detail the impressions he had received during his hasty journey.

In a letter to Farel, he shared more details about the impressions he got during his quick trip.

[104] Situated at the extremity of the Confederation, without forming part of it, and sharing the faith of the Reformed Cantons, Constance, the first city open to the attacks of the Emperor upon the banks of the Rhine, invoked the aid of the Cantons, whose rigorous neutrality left it exposed without defence to its adversaries.—Histoire de la Confédération Suisse, tom. xi. p. 296.

[104] Located at the edge of the Confederation, not actually a part of it, and sharing the beliefs of the Reformed Cantons, Constance, the first city vulnerable to the Emperor's attacks along the Rhine, called for help from the Cantons, whose strict neutrality left it defenseless against its enemies.—Histoire de la Confédération Suisse, tom. xi. p. 296.

[105] Ulrich, Duke of Wurtemberg, although among the first to submit to the Emperor, was compelled to sue for pardon on his knees, and to pay a ransom of 300,000 crowns.—Robertson, Hist. of Charles V., book viii.

[105] Ulrich, Duke of Wurtemberg, even though he was one of the first to submit to the Emperor, had to kneel and beg for forgiveness, and he ended up paying a ransom of 300,000 crowns.—Robertson, Hist. of Charles V., book viii.

[106] The present Quai des Bergues.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The current Quai des Bergues.

[107] Calvin at that time inhabited the house of the Sieur de Fréneville, situated in the Rue des Chanoines, near St. Peter's Church, and corresponding to the house in the same street which is now No. 122.—See the Mémoires de la Société d'Histoire de Genève, vol. ix. p. 391.

[107] At that time, Calvin lived in the house of Sieur de Fréneville, located on the Rue des Chanoines, close to St. Peter's Church, which is now the house numbered 122 on the same street. —See the Mémoires de la Société d'Histoire de Genève, vol. ix. p. 391.

[108] He sought in marriage a relation of M. de Falais.

[108] He was looking to marry a relative of M. de Falais.

[109] The Emperor Charles the Fifth,—conqueror, without a combat, of the army of the confederate princes: thanks to the treason of Maurice of Saxony, this prince, although suffering severely from the gout, was at this very time receiving the submission of the confederate towns of Suabia and of the Palatinate, from which he exacted enormous penalties.

[109] Emperor Charles the Fifth—who conquered the army of the allied princes without a fight—was, due to the betrayal by Maurice of Saxony, receiving the surrender of the allied towns in Swabia and the Palatinate at this very moment, despite being in great pain from gout. He demanded huge penalties from them.

[110] The King, Francis I. He died the following month, the 31st March 1547.

[110] The King, Francis I. He passed away the next month, on March 31, 1547.

[111] On the back—To Monseigneur, Monsieur de Fallez, at Basle, near to the Cauf-Hauss.—M. de Falais was in fact about to quit Strasbourg, then threatened by the imperial army, to fix his residence in Switzerland.

[111] On the back—To His Excellency, Monsieur de Fallez, in Basel, close to the Cauf-Hauss.—M. de Falais was actually preparing to leave Strasbourg, which was then under threat from the imperial army, to settle in Switzerland.

[112] "Quid enim audeat, qui tyranno se implicuit?" The town of Strasbourg had submitted itself to the emperor. The terms of that submission bore, that it shall renounce the League of Smalkald, and shall contribute, with the other states, to the execution of the sentence pronounced against the Landgrave and the Elector.

[112] "What can one dare, who finds themselves entangled with a tyrant?" The city of Strasbourg had surrendered to the emperor. The terms of that surrender included renouncing the League of Smalkald and agreeing to contribute, along with the other states, to carrying out the sentence imposed on the Landgrave and the Elector.

[113] Sebastian Castellio, who had then retired to Bâle.

[113] Sebastian Castellio, who had then withdrawn to Basel.

[114] Antoine Perrenot, Bishop of Arras, Cardinal de Granvelle, the celebrated minister of Charles V. and of Philip II. He was born at Ornans, near Besançon in 1517, and died in 1586 at Madrid.

[114] Antoine Perrenot, Bishop of Arras, Cardinal de Granvelle, the famous minister of Charles V and Philip II. He was born in Ornans, near Besançon, in 1517, and passed away in 1586 in Madrid.

[115] Allusion to Valeran Poulain. It appears from the next letter in this Series, pp. 104-106, that Valeran sought, in spite of the opposition of M. de Falais, the hand of Mademoiselle de Willergy, a relation of this Seigneur, likewise sought by M. de Paré.—See Note 1, p. 98.

[115] Reference to Valeran Poulain. According to the next letter in this series, pp. 104-106, Valeran attempted to win the hand of Mademoiselle de Willergy, a relative of this Seigneur, despite M. de Falais's objections; she was also sought after by M. de Paré.—See Note 1, p. 98.

[116] Enclosed in a letter to M. de Falais, with the words,—Copy of a letter written to Valeran.

[116] Included in a letter to M. de Falais, with the note,—Copy of a letter sent to Valeran.

There has been already repeated mention of Valeran Poulain in the correspondence of Calvin with M. de Falais, and we shall again find his name in the subsequent letters of the Reformer, when a refugee at Strasbourg on the ground of religion. He aspired at that time to the functions of the ministry, which he exercised at a later period at London and Frankfort; and if, by his indiscretion, he at first drew down upon himself the severe censures of Calvin, he afterwards succeeded in regaining his esteem and meriting his affection. See the correspondence of the Reformer, (years 1555, 1556.)

There has already been multiple mentions of Valeran Poulain in Calvin's correspondence with M. de Falais, and we will see his name again in later letters from the Reformer when he was a refugee in Strasbourg because of his faith. At that time, he aimed to take on a ministry role, which he later fulfilled in London and Frankfurt. Although he initially brought severe criticism from Calvin upon himself due to his indiscretion, he eventually managed to regain Calvin's respect and earn his affection. See the correspondence of the Reformer, (years 1555, 1556.)

[117] Invested with the right of censure and ecclesiastical excommunication, the Consistory daily beheld its authority assailed and disowned by numerous adversaries, who accused it of encroaching upon the power of the magistrates. "The ministers complain that they are accused of exceeding the authority accorded them by the edicts, and request permission to put into force the right of excommunication, in order to bring offenders to their duty. Resolved to hand over to the Consistory rebellious and obstinate offenders, and to leave the others unmolested."—Registers of Council, 21st and 29th May 1547.

[117] Given the power to censure and excommunicate, the Consistory faced daily challenges to its authority from many opponents, who claimed it was overstepping its bounds at the expense of the magistrates. "The ministers are frustrated that they are accused of overreaching the authority given to them by the laws and are asking for permission to enforce excommunication to hold the wrongdoers accountable. They are determined to turn over rebellious and stubborn offenders to the Consistory while leaving the others alone."—Registers of Council, 21st and 29th May 1547.

[118] "Arrival at Geneva of the minister Viret, a very excellent man."—Registers, April 1547.

[118] "The minister Viret arrives in Geneva, a truly exceptional person."—Registers, April 1547.

[119] Doubtless Michel Morel.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Definitely Michel Morel.

[120] Is this an allusion to the gradually declining influence of Amy Perrin?

[120] Is this hinting at the slowly waning influence of Amy Perrin?

[121] To the excellent servant of Christ our Lord, Doctor Wolfgang Musculus, most reverend pastor of the Church of Augsbourg, brother, and fellow-minister.

[121] To the outstanding servant of Christ our Lord, Doctor Wolfgang Musculus, most respected pastor of the Church of Augsburg, brother, and fellow minister.

Wolfgang Musculus, born in a small town of Lorraine, and of an obscure family, raised himself by his talents, and the varied range of his accomplishments, to a place among the most distinguished men of his time. He cultivated with success music, poetry, and theology; was converted to the gospel in a convent by the perusal of the writings of Luther; gained the friendship of Capito and Bucer, and quitted Strasbourg in 1531, with a view to the discharge of the functions of the ministry in the church of Augsbourg. Driven from that city in 1548, by the proclamation of the Interim, he withdrew at first to Zurich, and afterwards to Berne, where he died in 1563. His numerous manuscripts, as well as those of Abraham Musculus his son, are preserved in the Library of Zoffingue.—Melch. Adam, Vitæ Theol. Germ., p. 367.

Wolfgang Musculus, born in a small town in Lorraine to an unknown family, rose to prominence through his talents and diverse achievements, becoming one of the most notable figures of his time. He successfully pursued music, poetry, and theology; was converted to the gospel in a convent after reading Luther's writings; gained the friendship of Capito and Bucer, and left Strasbourg in 1531 to take on a ministerial role in the church of Augsburg. After being expelled from that city in 1548 due to the proclamation of the Interim, he initially moved to Zurich and later to Berne, where he died in 1563. His numerous manuscripts, as well as those of his son Abraham Musculus, are kept in the Library of Zoffingue.—Melch. Adam, Vitæ Theol. Germ., p. 367.

[122] Named pastor of the Italian church at Augsbourg in October 1545, Ochino fled from that city on the approach of the imperial army, in the early part of the year 1547.—Schelhorn Ergoetzlichkeiten, vol. iii. pp. 1141, 1142.

[122] Appointed pastor of the Italian church in Augsburg in October 1545, Ochino escaped from that city as the imperial army approached in early 1547.—Schelhorn Ergoetzlichkeiten, vol. iii. pp. 1141, 1142.

[123] Wolfgang Musculus did not cease to proclaim the Gospel in Augsbourg until the church in which he preached had been closed by order of the emperor, and his congregation dispersed. He was himself obliged to take his departure the year following, (26th June 1548.)—Melch. Ad., p. 381.

[123] Wolfgang Musculus continued to preach the Gospel in Augsburg until the church where he spoke was shut down by the emperor's order, forcing his congregation to break up. He had to leave the following year, (26th June 1548.)—Melch. Ad., p. 381.

[124] See ante, vol. i., pp. 312, 313, note. Calvin called on him for his aid with the magistrates of that town for having a promise of marriage cancelled between Mademoiselle de Wilergy and Valeran.—Bibl. de Genève, vol. 106.

[124] See ante, vol. i., pp. 312, 313, note. Calvin reached out to him for help with the town's officials to have the marriage promise between Mademoiselle de Wilergy and Valeran cancelled.—Bibl. de Genève, vol. 106.

[125] To the most erudite Doctor Francis Dryander, and very dear friend.

[125] To the highly educated Dr. Francis Dryander, my very dear friend.

Francis Enzinas, better known under the name of Dryander, born at Burgos in Spain, was the disciple of Melanchthon, and embraced the Reformation with ardour. Imprisoned for having published a translation of the New Testament in Spanish, he recovered his liberty in 1542, and visited Calvin at Geneva. He afterwards withdrew to Strasbourg, whence he passed over to England, after the adoption of the Interim, and occupied a chair in the University of Oxford. There are several letters of Dryander to Bullinger (1549-1552,) in the fine collection of Zurich Letters, published by the Parker Society, 1st series, Vol. i. p. 348, and following.

Francis Enzinas, better known as Dryander, was born in Burgos, Spain. He was a student of Melanchthon and passionately embraced the Reformation. After being imprisoned for publishing a translation of the New Testament in Spanish, he regained his freedom in 1542 and visited Calvin in Geneva. He later moved to Strasbourg, and after the adoption of the Interim, he relocated to England and took a position at the University of Oxford. There are several letters from Dryander to Bullinger (1549-1552) in the excellent collection of Zurich Letters, published by the Parker Society, 1st series, Vol. i. p. 348 and following.

[126] Valeran Poulain. See pp. 104, 110.

[126] Valeran Poulain. See pp. 104, 110.

[127] The Emperor Charles the Fifth had just gained a decisive victory at Mühlberg (24th April 1547) over the Protestant princes.

[127] Emperor Charles the Fifth had just achieved a significant victory at Mühlberg (April 24, 1547) against the Protestant princes.

[128] That is to say, at Bâle. The French church of that town was founded after the massacre De la Saint Barthelemy, at the request of a great number of refugees, among whom we find the children of the Admiral de Coligny.—MSS. of the archives of the French Church of Bâle.

[128] In other words, in Basel. The French church in that city was established after the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre, at the request of many refugees, including the children of Admiral de Coligny.—MSS. of the archives of the French Church of Basel.

[129] The bearer of this letter was the captain-general, Amy Perrin, then on his way to Bâle. He had been charged with a secret mission to the new king of France, Henry II., and was imprisoned after his return to Geneva, because of unfaithfulness in the fulfilment of his commission.

[129] The person carrying this letter was the captain-general, Amy Perrin, who was then heading to Bâle. He had been given a confidential mission to the new king of France, Henry II, and was imprisoned upon his return to Geneva due to his betrayal in carrying out his task.

[130] A pretender to the hand of Mademoiselle de Wilergy.

[130] A suitor for Mademoiselle de Wilergy's hand.

[131] Valeran Poulain. See note 1, p. 113.

[131] Valeran Poulain. See note 1, p. 113.

[132] Nicolas Zerkinden, senator of Berne, prefect of the town of Nyon.

[132] Nicolas Zerkinden, senator from Bern, mayor of the town of Nyon.

[133] The establishment of discipline in the churches of the Pays de Vaud.

[133] The establishment of rules in the churches of the Pays de Vaud.

[134] An ordinance had recently interdicted the use of slashed breeches at Geneva. The reason which Calvin gives for this prohibition may be seen in a subsequent letter to the faithful of France, (24th July 1547.)

[134] A new law had recently banned the wearing of slashed pants in Geneva. The reason Calvin gives for this ban can be found in a later letter to the faithful in France, (24th July 1547.)

[135] John de Budé, Sieur de Vérace. See note 1, p. 90.

[135] John de Budé, Lord of Vérace. See note 1, p. 90.

[136] Amy Perrin.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Amy Perrin.

[137] See the notice concerning the family of Budé, p. 90. We believe, contrary to the opinion of M. Galiffe, Notices Généalogiques, tom. iii. p. 83, that this letter is addressed to Louis or to Francis Budé, and not to John de Budé, Sieur de Vérace, their brother. This latter had already made a journey to Geneva, and he was known to the Reformer, who had introduced him in very kind terms to M. de Falais.—Letter of 4th June 1547, p. 118. It is not then to the Sieur de Vérace, that the first words of Calvin's letter can apply, but to one of his brothers: "Although I am personally unknown to you, I do not on that account hesitate to write you privately, in the hope that my letter will be welcome," &c. The family of Budé were then preparing to leave France. Two years afterwards, they settled at Geneva, as appears from their registration in the list of the inhabitants, 27th June 1549, and the following passage of a letter from Viret to Calvin, 12th June of the same year: "I rejoice that the Budé have arrived, along with their mother."—MSS. of the Library of Geneva.

[137] See the notice about the Budé family, p. 90. We believe, against M. Galiffe's view, Notices Généalogiques, vol. iii. p. 83, that this letter is meant for Louis or Francis Budé, not for their brother John de Budé, Sieur de Vérace. The latter had already traveled to Geneva, and the Reformer was familiar with him, having introduced him to M. de Falais in very complimentary terms.—Letter of June 4, 1547, p. 118. Therefore, the initial words of Calvin's letter apply not to the Sieur de Vérace but to one of his brothers: "Although I am personally unknown to you, I still feel comfortable writing to you privately, hoping my letter is received well," etc. The Budé family was preparing to leave France. Two years later, they settled in Geneva, as seen from their registration in the inhabitants' list dated June 27, 1549, and the following excerpt from a letter from Viret to Calvin on June 12 of the same year: "I am glad the Budés have arrived, along with their mother."—MSS. of the Library of Geneva.

[138] "Complaint of Calvin against the wife of Amy Perrin, who insulted the minister Abel in full Consistory."—Registers of Council, 24th June.

[138] "Calvin's complaint about Amy Perrin's wife, who disrespected Minister Abel in front of the entire Consistory."—Registers of Council, 24th June.

[139] The import of this note, written in the Savoyard language, and affixed to the pulpit of the ministers, was, "that people did not wish to have so many masters; that they (the ministers) had now gone far enough in their course of censure; that the renegade monks like them had done nothing more than afflict all the world in this way; that if they persisted in their course, people would be reduced to such a condition that they would curse the hour in which they emerged from the rule of monachism; and that they (the ministers) should take care lest as much should be done to them as was done to the Canon Vernly of Fribourg." The last passage was equivalent to a threat of death.

[139] The meaning of this note, written in the Savoyard language and attached to the ministers' pulpit, was that people didn’t want so many leaders; that the ministers had already gone too far in their criticism; that renegade monks like them had only caused suffering for everyone; that if they continued on this path, people would end up regretting the day they left monastic life; and that the ministers should be cautious, or they might face the same fate as Canon Vernly of Fribourg. The last statement was a clear death threat.

[140] The former canon, Jacques Gruet, of dissolute manners, of licentious and perverse doctrine, constantly opposed to the ministers, and intolerant of all rule in the Church as in the State, had lain under the imputation of having been the instigator of the attempt at poisoning Viret in 1535.—Histoire de la Suisse, vol. xi. p. 364.

[140] The former canon, Jacques Gruet, known for his immoral behavior and twisted beliefs, consistently challenged the ministers and rejected all authority in both the Church and the State. He had been accused of being behind the attempted poisoning of Viret in 1535.—Histoire de la Suisse, vol. xi. p. 364.

[141] Pierre Vandel, one of the chief of the reprobate children of Geneva. Handsome and brilliant, he loved to exhibit himself surrounded by valets and courtezans, with rings on his fingers, and his breast covered with gold chains. He had been imprisoned on account of his debaucheries, and his insolent behaviour before the Consistory.

[141] Pierre Vandel, one of the most notorious young men in Geneva. Good-looking and charming, he loved to show off surrounded by servants and women of the night, with rings on his fingers and his chest draped in gold chains. He had been jailed because of his wild parties and disrespectful behavior in front of the Consistory.

[142] Doctor Chelius, in the handwriting of Calvin.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Dr. Chelius, written by Calvin.

[143] Henry of Brunswick.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Henry of Brunswick.

[144] The personage here designated is doubtless Erich, hereditary prince of Sweden, who ascended the throne in 1560, and was deposed in 1568.

[144] The individual mentioned here is definitely Erich, the hereditary prince of Sweden, who became king in 1560 and was ousted in 1568.

[145] A common interest at that time conciliated the King of France and the Swiss. The ambassadors of Henry II., Brissac and Marillac, assured Geneva of the friendship of the King, and took in charge letters of Calvin to the Helvetic Churches.—Histoire de la Suisse, vol. xi. p. 358.

[145] A shared interest at that time brought the King of France and the Swiss together. The ambassadors of Henry II, Brissac and Marillac, assured Geneva of the King's friendship and carried letters from Calvin to the Helvetic Churches.—Histoire de la Suisse, vol. xi. p. 358.

[146] The minister Francis Perucel, called La Rivière.

[146] The minister Francis Perucel, known as La Rivière.

[147] Intimidated by the defeat of the Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hesse had submitted himself to the Emperor, and only obtained his pardon by imploring it upon his knees, and surrendering his person and states into the power of this prince.

[147] Feeling intimidated by the defeat of the Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hesse had surrendered to the Emperor and only received his pardon after begging on his knees and giving over his person and territories to this prince.

[148] Amy Perrin. His wife, daughter of a rich burgess, François Favre d'Echallens, and reprimanded incessantly by the Consistory, was the implacable enemy of the ministers and of Calvin.

[148] Amy Perrin. His wife, the daughter of a wealthy merchant, François Favre d'Echallens, was constantly criticized by the Consistory and was a relentless opponent of the ministers and Calvin.

[149] Jacques Gruet, formerly a Canon, and a man of licentious and irregular morals, impatient of all restraint either of Church or State. Severely censured by the ministers on account of his debaucheries, he had uttered threats of death against them, which he even ventured to affix to the pulpit of St. Peter's Church. His trial, conducted with all the rigour of that period, terminated by a sentence of capital punishment. Condemned for sedition, blasphemy, and atheism, he perished on the scaffold the 26th July 1547.

[149] Jacques Gruet, who was once a Canon, was a man with loose morals and a disregard for any constraints from the Church or State. He faced harsh criticism from the ministers due to his reckless behavior and had even made death threats against them, which he boldly attached to the pulpit of St. Peter's Church. His trial, conducted with the full severity of the time, ended with a death sentence. Found guilty of sedition, blasphemy, and atheism, he was executed on the scaffold on July 26, 1547.

[150] Subjected to torture, Gruet admitted his guilt, and as well on the ground of his impious and blasphemous productions, as of a letter written to a private individual, in which he exhorted the Duke of Savoy to turn his arms against Geneva, he was condemned to death. It appeared, according to the letter of Calvin to Viret, of which a fragment is here reproduced, that this sentence was not unanimous, and that Gruet reckoned up to this time, in the councils of the republic, friends or accomplices who were desirous of saving him. This did not prevent his execution on the 26th July 1547, and the example threw terror into the ranks of the party of the Libertins. On the trial of Gruet, see the various historians of Geneva,—Spon, Picot, and the Histoire de la Suisse, vol. xi. pp. 364, 365.

[150] Under torture, Gruet confessed to his crimes, and due to his irreverent and blasphemous writings, as well as a letter he wrote to a private person urging the Duke of Savoy to attack Geneva, he was sentenced to death. According to Calvin's letter to Viret, part of which is included here, this verdict was not unanimous, and Gruet still had some friends or allies in the republic’s councils who wanted to save him. However, this did not stop his execution on July 26, 1547, which instilled fear among the ranks of the Libertins. For details on Gruet's trial, see the various historians of Geneva—Spon, Picot, and the Histoire de la Suisse, vol. xi. pp. 364, 365.

[151] Entitled: To our very dear lords and brethren who desire the advancement of the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ.

[151] Entitled: To our beloved lords and brothers who seek the growth of the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ.

During the period that the Reformation was for a while overcome in Germany, and that it had to sustain the rudest conflicts in order to its establishment at Geneva, the most alarming reports were spread among the French Protestants, and carried discouragement and dismay into their ranks. Calvin, addressing his brethren from the midst of the struggle in which he was engaged against the party of the Libertins, reassured and comforted them by his letters, and exhorted them to place their entire confidence in God.

During the time when the Reformation was briefly pushed back in Germany, and had to endure intense battles to take root in Geneva, frightening reports circulated among the French Protestants, spreading discouragement and fear among them. Calvin, writing to his fellow believers amid his fight against the Libertins, reassured and comforted them through his letters, urging them to place all their trust in God.

[152] Ils font des mauvais chevaulx à mordre et à regimber.

[152] They have bad horses that bite and kick.

[153] Francis Baudouin of Arras, a distinguished lawyer, fled to Geneva on account of religion. He became the friend and the secretary of Calvin, whose opinions at a later period he attacked, and betrayed his confidence by robbing him of his most precious papers.—(See Drelincourt, Defence of Calvin, pp. 251, 252.) Called successively as Professor of Law to Bourges, to Strasbourg, and to Heidelberg, Baudouin died in 1573, leaving the reputation of one of the most learned men of his time, and of a most versatile spirit in matters of religion. It has been justly said of him, that he was a Roman Catholic in France, a Lutheran at Strasbourg, and a Calvinist at Geneva.

[153] Francis Baudouin of Arras, a prominent lawyer, escaped to Geneva because of his beliefs. He became a close friend and secretary to Calvin, but later criticized his views and betrayed his trust by stealing his most valuable documents. —(See Drelincourt, Defence of Calvin, pp. 251, 252.) Baudouin was appointed as a Law Professor in Bourges, Strasbourg, and Heidelberg, and he passed away in 1573, earning a reputation as one of the most knowledgeable individuals of his time, with a highly adaptable perspective on religion. It has been rightly observed that he identified as a Roman Catholic in France, a Lutheran in Strasbourg, and a Calvinist in Geneva.

[154] See note 1, p. 111. Dryander seems at this period to have filled the office of secretary to M. de Falais. He carried on at the same time a correspondence with Calvin, expressing the highest esteem for his character and talents.—Library of Geneva, Vol. 110. One of his brothers, John Ensinas, had been burnt at Rome in 1545, a martyr to the Protestant faith.

[154] See note 1, p. 111. At this time, Dryander appears to have served as the secretary to M. de Falais. He also maintained a correspondence with Calvin, expressing great respect for his character and abilities.—Library of Geneva, Vol. 110. One of his brothers, John Ensinas, was burned at the stake in Rome in 1545, a martyr for the Protestant faith.

[155] Some Flemish and French refugees had already formed a community at Vezel, which was enlarged in 1553 by the dispersion of the foreign congregation of London, and which was constituted as a church by the minister Francis Pérucel, called La Rivière.

[155] Some Flemish and French refugees had already created a community in Vezel, which grew in 1553 when the foreign congregation from London dispersed, and it was established as a church by the minister Francis Pérucel, known as La Rivière.

[156] Jacques Gruet. See p. 128.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Jacques Gruet. See p. 128.

[157] Amy Perrin.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Amy Perrin.

[158] Isaiah lix. 15.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Isaiah 59:15.

[159] Of Mademoiselle de Wilergy.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Of Miss de Wilergy.

[160] The conclusion of the letter is in the handwriting of Francis Baudouin.

[160] The end of the letter is written in Francis Baudouin's handwriting.

[161] The signature of the letter is autograph.

[161] The signature on the letter is handwritten.

[162] "M. Calvin has represented that letters have been written to him, as well from Bourgoyne as from Lyons, to the effect that the children of Geneva were willing to give five hundred crowns to have him put to death; he does not know who these are."—Registers of the Consistory, 1st September 1547.

[162] "M. Calvin has stated that he has received letters, both from Bourgoyne and from Lyons, saying that the children of Geneva are willing to pay five hundred crowns to have him killed; he doesn't know who they are."—Registers of the Consistory, 1st September 1547.

[163] Charged with an important mission to the court of King Henry II., Perrin, on his return, was subjected to the accusation of treason in the carrying out of his commission. The King of France had said that he would give two millions to be master of Geneva. Perrin was accused of having replied, that two hundred horse would be sufficient to conquer the city.—Hist. de la Suisse, vol. xi. p. 361. It could not however be proved, that he had contracted secret engagements with France. He was nevertheless imprisoned, afterwards released at the request of the Seigneury of Berne, and stripped of his offices.—Registers of Council, September and November 1548.

[163] Entrusted with a significant mission to the court of King Henry II, Perrin faced accusations of treason upon his return for how he handled his assignment. The King of France claimed he would pay two million to take control of Geneva. Perrin was said to have responded that two hundred horsemen would be enough to capture the city.—Hist. de la Suisse, vol. xi. p. 361. However, it could not be proven that he had made secret agreements with France. He was still imprisoned, but later released at the request of the Seigneury of Berne, and he lost his positions.—Registers of Council, September and November 1548.

[164] Idelette de Bure is known to have espoused in her first nuptials an Anabaptist, Jean Storder. According to the doctrines of that sect, which denied the authority of the civil power, the marriage to be legitimate had no need of the sanction of the magistrate.

[164] Idelette de Bure is known to have been married in her first marriage to an Anabaptist, Jean Storder. According to the beliefs of that group, which rejected the authority of the civil government, a marriage didn't require approval from the magistrate to be considered legitimate.

[165] Allusion to the work which Calvin was at that time preparing against the Council of Trent, and which appeared at the end of the year.—See the Letter to Farel of the 28th December 1547.

[165] Reference to the work that Calvin was working on at that time in response to the Council of Trent, which was published at the end of the year.—See the Letter to Farel dated December 28, 1547.

[166] See the letter to M. de Falais of the 16th August, p. 132.

[166] See the letter to M. de Falais from August 16th, p. 132.

[167] Emmanuel Tremelli, a learned Hebraist of Ferrara, disciple of Peter Martyr, at that time in retirement at Strasbourg.

[167] Emmanuel Tremelli, a knowledgeable Hebrew scholar from Ferrara, was a student of Peter Martyr, who was at that time living in seclusion in Strasbourg.

[168] The book,—De la Vertu et Usage du Saint Ministère et des Sacremens, Genève, 1548. Senebier, Hist. Litt., vol. i. p. 156, Art. Viret.

[168] The book,—On the Virtue and Use of the Holy Ministry and the Sacraments, Geneva, 1548. Senebier, Literary History, vol. i. p. 156, Article Viret.

[169] The minister Antoine Maigret, who was shortly afterwards deposed from his charge.

[169] The minister Antoine Maigret, who was soon after removed from his position.

[170] We read in the Life of Calvin by Theodore Beza, "From his youth he was all the better, and liberally brought up,—at the expense of his father, however—in the society of the children of the house of Montmor, whom he also accompanied as the companion of their studies at Paris." It is to one of the members of that noble family, Claude de Hangest, Abbot of Saint Eley, that Calvin dedicated, in 1532, his Commentary on Seneca's Treatise De Clementia.

[170] We read in the Life of Calvin by Theodore Beza, "From a young age, he was well-raised and educated—although at his father's expense—in the company of the Montmor family's children, with whom he also studied in Paris." It is to one of the members of that noble family, Claude de Hangest, Abbot of Saint Eley, that Calvin dedicated, in 1532, his Commentary on Seneca's Treatise De Clementia.

[171] Bullinger had submitted his book on the Sacraments to Calvin, (Absoluta de Christi et ejus Ecclesiæ Sacramentis Tractatio,) in which he departed slightly from the doctrine of Zwingle, with the view of approximating to that of the French Reformer. Still, however, the mystery of the spiritual presence of Christ, under external and material symbols, was not expressed in it with sufficient clearness. Calvin had fully criticised this book in a letter, or rather in an extended memoir, the original of which is preserved at Zurich, under the title, Censura Libri Bullingeri de Sacramentis, Geneva, 27th February 1547. This memoir, written with a brotherly freedom, concludes with these words:—"You thus have what in your book I desire to see corrected, that it may meet with absolute approval. I make no note of the parts that merit commendation. I have discharged the office of a friend, by complying with your wishes, and freely admonishing you; it now remains for you to take my liberty in good part. This I am confident you will do."—Library of Zurich. Coll. Hottinger, M. F. 80, p. 338.

[171] Bullinger had sent his book on the Sacraments to Calvin, (Absoluta de Christi et ejus Ecclesiæ Sacramentis Tractatio), which diverged slightly from Zwingle’s teachings in an attempt to align more closely with those of the French Reformer. Yet, the concept of Christ’s spiritual presence through external and material symbols wasn't clearly articulated in it. Calvin thoroughly critiqued this book in a letter, or more accurately, a detailed memo, the original of which is kept in Zurich, titled Censura Libri Bullingeri de Sacramentis, Geneva, February 27, 1547. This memo, written with a tone of brotherly honesty, ends with these words:—"You have what I wish to see corrected in your book so that it meets with complete approval. I won’t mention the parts that are commendable. I’ve fulfilled my duty as a friend by respecting your wishes and candidly advising you; it’s now up to you to take my words in stride. I’m sure you will."—Library of Zurich. Coll. Hottinger, M. F. 80, p. 338.

[172] Peter Farnese, son of Pope Paul III., had in truth been recently assassinated at Placentia, and that city had opened its gates to Charles V. But Parma remained under the power of the Pope, who in vain sued for justice from the Emperor on account of the murder of Farnese, and the dispossession of his children.—Robertson, History of Charles V., B. ix.

[172] Peter Farnese, the son of Pope Paul III, had recently been assassinated in Placentia, and that city had welcomed Charles V. However, Parma was still under the Pope's control, who unsuccessfully sought justice from the Emperor regarding Farnese's murder and the loss of his children's inheritance.—Robertson, History of Charles V., B. ix.

[173] The Catholic cantons having engaged to take no step that should have the effect of connecting them with the Emperor, the Reformed cantons, with Berne at their head, bound themselves to the strictest neutrality, and informed the German princes, that they could give them no aid without throwing the half of the confederate states into the hands of their enemy.—Hist. de la Suisse. Tom. xi. p. 291.

[173] The Catholic cantons promised not to do anything that would connect them with the Emperor. The Reformed cantons, led by Berne, committed to strict neutrality and informed the German princes that they could not provide any help without putting half of the confederate states in the hands of their enemy.—Hist. de la Suisse. Tom. xi. p. 291.

[174] M. de Montmor. See note, p. 141.

[174] Mr. de Montmor. See note, p. 141.

[175] For The Apology of M. de Falais.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ For The Apology by M. de Falais.

[176] According to the testimony of the Registers of Council, Amy Perrin had been restored to liberty, on bail, at the instance of the Seigneury of Berne and his family, and on condition of begging the forgiveness of God and men, and paying the expenses of justice.—Register, 23d November 1547. Had this legal liberation been preceded by the escape of the prisoner? We are not aware.

[176] According to the records from the Council, Amy Perrin was released on bail, thanks to the efforts of the Seigneury of Berne and his family, with the condition that she would seek forgiveness from God and others, and cover the legal fees. —Register, November 23, 1547. Was this release following the prisoner’s escape? We don't know.

[177] The scene of tumult and sedition described in this letter left so lively an impression on the mind of Calvin, that he recalled it seventeen years afterwards, on his deathbed, in his farewell to the ministers of Geneva, subjoining these memorable words:—"Although I am nothing, yet I know that I prevented three thousand disturbances from taking place in Geneva; but take courage, you will become strong, for God will make use of that city, and will maintain it; and I assure you he will keep it."—Collection de M. Tronchin, à Genève. Adieux de Calvin, recueillis par Pinaut.

[177] The chaotic and rebellious scene described in this letter made such a strong impact on Calvin that he mentioned it seventeen years later, on his deathbed, during his farewell to the ministers of Geneva, adding these memorable words:—"Even though I am nothing, I know that I prevented three thousand disturbances from happening in Geneva; but be strong, for you will gain strength, because God will use that city and will protect it; and I assure you He will keep it."—Collection de M. Tronchin, à Genève. Adieux de Calvin, recueillis par Pinaut.

The Registers of Council are silent on this scene, the date of which has been given, by a frequently repeated mistake, as the 17th September; but the circumstances tally with the 13th December 1547.

The Registers of Council don't mention this scene, which is often mistakenly dated as September 17th; however, the details align with December 13, 1547.

[178] Disarmed for a moment by the heroic attitude of Calvin in the rising of the 13th December, the parties that divided Geneva were not slow to renew their lamentable strife. The voice of the Reformer was disregarded, and he wrote with deep sadness on the 23d December,—"Our affairs are in no better condition. I do not cease to press upon them, but I cause them to make little or no advancement. I am now returning from the Senate; I said a great deal, but it is like telling a story to the deaf. May the Lord restore them to their right mind."—Calvin to Viret, MSS. of Geneva, Vol. 106.

[178] For a brief moment, the heroic stance of Calvin during the uprising on December 13th disarmed the factions in Geneva, but they quickly fell back into their unfortunate conflicts. The Reformer’s voice went unheeded, and on December 23rd, he wrote with great sadness, “Our situation hasn't improved. I keep pushing them, but they're making little to no progress. I've just come back from the Senate; I said a lot, but it felt like telling a story to someone who can’t hear. May the Lord bring them back to their senses.” — Calvin to Viret, MSS. of Geneva, Vol. 106.

[179] Calvin had just published his celebrated treatise of the Antidote, (Acta Synodi Tridentinæ cum Antidoto, 1547,) which he translated into French the year following, with changes fitted to bring it within the comprehension of the people.—Opuscules, p. 881. In this work the Reformer passes in review the decrees of the Council of Trent, and refutes them with a merciless logic and a marvellous eloquence. The Catholic theologian Cochlæus replied to him by personal attacks, which Des Gallars and Beza undertook to refute.

[179] Calvin had just published his famous treatise titled Antidote, (Acta Synodi Tridentinæ cum Antidoto, 1547), which he translated into French the following year, making adjustments to ensure it was understandable for the general public.—Opuscules, p. 881. In this work, the Reformer critically examines the decisions of the Council of Trent and counters them with unyielding logic and impressive eloquence. The Catholic theologian Cochlæus responded with personal attacks, which Des Gallars and Beza took on to refute.

[180] See Letter, p. 148.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See letter, p. 148.

[181] In testimony of regard for Calvin, the Council adopted the following decree: "Resolved to present to Calvin all the furniture that is in his house belonging to the city, 29th December 1547." The preceding year he had been offered ten crowns as a present, but he refused them, praying the Council to distribute them among the other ministers who were poor compared with him, "and even to diminish his stipend in order to benefit them."

[181] To show their respect for Calvin, the Council decided on the following decree: "Resolved to give Calvin all the furniture in his house that belongs to the city, 29th December 1547." The year before, he had been offered ten crowns as a gift, but he turned them down, asking the Council to share the money with the other ministers who were less well-off than he was, "and even to reduce his salary to help them."

[182] This family had not yet quitted France. See the letters, pp. 90, 119. They received this new letter of Calvin, on the occasion of the death of one of its members, perhaps Mathieu de Budé, who had corresponded with the Reformer in 1546, and of whom, subsequent to this period, all trace is lost. There exists (MSS. of the Library of Geneva, vol. 109) a letter of Mathieu de Budé to Calvin, relative to the assassination of John Diaz at Neubourg. We remark the following passage:—"I have received your letter ... which was most welcome to me, as well because I recognize in it your disposition of goodwill and love, as on account of the ordinary consolation which I have received from it...."—26th April 1546. The author of that letter is not mentioned by M. Galiffe.—Notices Généalogiques, tom. iii. p. 83. He had died, no doubt, before the establishment of his family at Geneva.

[182] This family had not yet left France. See the letters, pp. 90, 119. They received this new letter from Calvin in response to the death of one of its members, possibly Mathieu de Budé, who had been in touch with the Reformer in 1546, and after this time, there are no further records of him. There is a letter from Mathieu de Budé to Calvin about the assassination of John Diaz at Neubourg (MSS. of the Library of Geneva, vol. 109). The following passage stands out:—"I have received your letter ... which was very welcome to me, both because I appreciate your goodwill and love, and due to the usual comfort I have gained from it...."—April 26, 1546. The author of that letter is not identified by M. Galiffe.—Notices Généalogiques, tom. iii. p. 83. He likely died before his family settled in Geneva.

[183] Dated, on the back of the letter, in a foreign hand.

[183] Dated on the back of the letter, written in a foreign handwriting.

[184] Doubtless these were John de Budé, Sieur de Vérace, and Louis, Sieur de la Motte, his brother.

[184] These were definitely John de Budé, Sieur de Vérace, and his brother Louis, Sieur de la Motte.

[185] He refers to the promise of a visit to M. de Falais. Calvin went in fact to Bâle the 2d of February following. We read under that date, in the Council Registers of the state of Geneva:—"Calvin went to Bâle. The Council offers him things requisite for the voyage. 26th February,—Calvin on his return from Bâle."

[185] He mentions the promise of a visit to M. de Falais. Calvin actually went to Bâle on February 2nd of the following year. We read under that date in the Council Registers of the Geneva state:—"Calvin went to Bâle. The Council provides him with what he needs for the trip. February 26th,—Calvin returned from Bâle."

[186] The Apology of M. de Falais.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Apology by M. de Falais.

[187] Renée of France, Duchess of Ferrara. See, in this collection, the letters of Calvin to that princess.

[187] Renée of France, Duchess of Ferrara. Check out the letters from Calvin to that princess in this collection.

[188] In the journey which he had recently made to Bâle, Calvin had decided M. de Falais to come and fix himself definitively at Geneva.

[188] During his recent trip to Basel, Calvin convinced M. de Falais to come and settle permanently in Geneva.

[189] Veigy, near Geneva. M. de Falais made there the purchase of a domain which he occupied during several years.

[189] Veigy, close to Geneva. Mr. de Falais bought a property there that he lived in for several years.

[190] See letter to Bullinger of 19th September 1547, p. 143. The observations of Calvin on the treatise on the Sacraments being badly received, as it appears, by the minister of the Church of Zurich, had led, on the part of the latter, to a temporary coldness, of which Calvin complained in a letter, characterized alike by the noblest independence and the most Christian affection.

[190] See letter to Bullinger of September 19, 1547, p. 143. Calvin's comments about the treatise on the Sacraments being poorly received by the minister of the Church of Zurich seemed to cause a temporary chill in their relationship, which Calvin expressed in a letter that embodied both great independence and deep Christian love.

[191] On the back, in the handwriting of M. de Falais:—Received the 12th April 1548.

[191] On the back, in M. de Falais's handwriting:—Received April 12, 1548.

[192] M. de Falais could not establish himself at Geneva, without losing the right of a burgess, which he had acquired at Bâle.

[192] M. de Falais couldn't settle in Geneva without giving up his citizenship rights that he had obtained in Basel.

[193] The Emperor, and the new king of France, Henry II. Faithful to the policy of Francis I., a persecutor of the Reformation in his own States, the latter was about to conclude a secret treaty with the Protestant princes of Germany.

[193] The Emperor and the new king of France, Henry II. Staying true to the approach of Francis I., who was a persecutor of the Reformation in his own territories, he was about to sign a secret agreement with the Protestant leaders in Germany.

[194] While persecution decimated the Reformed Churches of France, and the proclamation of the Interim dispersed those of Germany, the Swiss Churches were a prey to the most grievous dissensions, and appeared further removed than ever from that era of unity and peace which Calvin never ceased to invoke for them.

[194] While persecution devastated the Reformed Churches of France, and the announcement of the Interim scattered those in Germany, the Swiss Churches were caught in serious conflicts and seemed further away than ever from the unity and peace that Calvin consistently hoped for them.

[195] "Calvin informs the Council of certain disputes between the Seigneury and the ministers of Berne, which have gone so far that three of the ministers of said city have been deposed, besides Peter Viret of Lausanne; requests that leave may be given him to go to Berne to defend Viret, which was granted him; the Seigneury, besides, undertaking to defray the expenses of the journey."—Registers of Council, May 7, 1548.

[195] "Calvin updates the Council about some issues between the Seigneury and the ministers of Berne, which have escalated to the point where three ministers from the city have been removed, along with Peter Viret from Lausanne; he requests permission to go to Berne to defend Viret, and this request is approved; the Seigneury also agrees to cover the costs of the trip."—Registers of Council, May 7, 1548.

[196] By his second wife, Sebastienne de la Harpe, Viret had three daughters, designated in his will as Marie, Marthe, and Jeanne.—(MS. of the Arch. of Geneva.)

[196] With his second wife, Sebastienne de la Harpe, Viret had three daughters, named in his will as Marie, Marthe, and Jeanne.—(MS. of the Arch. of Geneva.)

[197] See letter of 9th May preceding. The relations between the Vaudois ministers and the Seigneury of Berne, became daily more complicated. A Synod assembled at Lausanne, having ventured formally to propound ten propositions contrary to the celebrated disputation of Berne, and to manifest an inclination in favour of ecclesiastical discipline, with the concurrence of two Bernese ministers, Beat Gerung and Simon Sulcer,—these two clergymen were arbitrarily deposed by the Seigneury, under the pretext of "the maintenance of peace and tranquillity in the Church."—Ruchat, tom. v. pp. 357, 358.

[197] See letter of May 9th preceding. The relationship between the Vaudois ministers and the Seigneury of Berne grew more complicated every day. A Synod met in Lausanne, and, daringly, introduced ten propositions that went against the well-known disputation of Berne, showing a preference for church discipline. With the support of two Bernese ministers, Beat Gerung and Simon Sulcer, these two clergymen were unjustly removed by the Seigneury, claiming it was for "the maintenance of peace and tranquility in the Church."—Ruchat, tom. v. pp. 357, 358.

[198] Jodocus, minister of the Church of Berne.

[198] Jodocus, minister of the Church of Bern.

[199] See the letters, pp. 143, 160. In a new message to Bullinger, Calvin strove to dissipate the still lingering prejudices entertained by the Zurich theologians against those of Geneva and of Strasbourg, regarding the Sacraments; and he proposed the basis of that union, long-desired, which was consummated the following year between Zurich and Geneva. The Church of Berne, now deeply imbued with Lutheran views, refused its adhesion.

[199] See the letters, pp. 143, 160. In a new message to Bullinger, Calvin aimed to clear up the lingering biases held by the Zurich theologians against those from Geneva and Strasbourg regarding the Sacraments. He suggested a foundation for the long-desired union that would take place the following year between Zurich and Geneva. The Church of Berne, which had become significantly influenced by Lutheran beliefs, refused to join.

[200] Ministers of the Church of Berne.

[200] Ministers of the Church of Bern.

[201] M. de Falais was on the point of leaving Bâle to settle at Geneva. He arrived, doubtless, in that town the end of July 1548. We read, in a letter of Calvin to Viret of the 20th August 1548: "Dominus Falesius uxor et soror vos salutant;—the wife and sister of M. de Falais salute you."—Vol. 106 of the Library of Geneva. The correspondence of Calvin with this Seigneur, thenceforward interrupted, was only resumed occasionally, and in 1552, ceased entirely.

[201] M. de Falais was about to leave Bâle to settle in Geneva. He probably arrived in that city at the end of July 1548. We read in a letter from Calvin to Viret dated August 20, 1548: "Dominus Falesius's wife and sister send their regards to you."—Vol. 106 of the Library of Geneva. The correspondence between Calvin and this Seigneur, which had been interrupted, was only resumed occasionally and completely stopped in 1552.

[202] The contract of marriage of Mademoiselle Wilergy.

[202] The marriage agreement of Miss Wilergy.

[203] M de Montmor. See the note, p. 141.

[203] M de Montmor. See the note, p. 141.

[204] Messengers of the Emperor were then scouring the Cantons with a view to detach them from the French alliance, which was nevertheless renewed, 9th June 1549.

[204] The Emperor's messengers were searching the Cantons to try to pull them away from the French alliance, which was still renewed on June 9, 1549.

[205] The minister Toussain, pastor of the church of Montbeliard, at that time dispersed by the imperial army.

[205] Minister Toussain, the pastor of the church in Montbeliard, was at that time scattered by the imperial army.

[206] See the letter to M. de Falais of 17th July 1548, and the relative note.

[206] Check out the letter to M. de Falais dated July 17, 1548, and the related note.

[207] We have reproduced (Vol. i. p. 449,) a letter of Calvin to Viret, containing a severe judgment of the Reformer upon the magistrates of Geneva. Stolen from Viret by a faithless servant, and given to the Seigneury by Trolliet, this letter excited real commotions, the traces of which are to be found in the Registers of Council.

[207] We have reproduced (Vol. i. p. 449,) a letter from Calvin to Viret, where the Reformer harshly criticizes the magistrates of Geneva. Stolen from Viret by a disloyal servant and handed to the Seigneury by Trolliet, this letter caused significant unrest, the evidence of which can be found in the Council's Records.

"Calvin justifies himself in council with regard to a certain letter he had written, in which it was alleged he blamed the Seigneury of this city. He also complains of the calumnies directed against him by Trolliet."—24th September.

"Calvin defends himself in a council concerning a letter he wrote, in which he was accused of criticizing the Seigneury of this city. He also talks about the false accusations made against him by Trolliet."—24th September.

On the 15th October following, Farel appears in Council, "and prays them to entertain a constant regard for Calvin; that he observes with grief they do not show to that servant of God the deference that is due to him ... praying the Council to take order therein."—28th October. "Farel testifies anew that too little regard is had for the character and merits of Calvin; that he has no equal in learning; that it was not necessary to take such offence at what he might have said, as he had censured with great freedom the greatest men, such as Luther, Melanchthon, and many others.

On October 15th, Farel shows up at the Council and asks them to consistently respect Calvin, mentioning that he is saddened by the lack of deference shown to God’s servant. He urges the Council to address this issue. On October 28th, Farel reiterates that there is not enough appreciation for Calvin’s character and accomplishments, emphasizing that no one matches his knowledge. He points out that it wasn’t necessary to be offended by what he may have said, especially since he has openly criticized prominent figures like Luther, Melanchthon, and several others.

"Resolved, to thank the said Farel, and to remit to him the original of the foresaid letter, in order that it might be restored to Viret."

"Resolved, to thank Farel and to give him the original of the previously mentioned letter so that it can be returned to Viret."

[208] Perhaps to Charles de Jonvillers, who became some years afterwards the secretary and friend of the Reformer. It was in fact in 1549, and in consequence of the advice of Calvin, that this Seigneur left Chartres, his country, to go to Geneva, which received him as inhabitant in 1550, and as burgess in 1556.

[208] Maybe to Charles de Jonvillers, who later became the secretary and friend of the Reformer. In fact, in 1549, and following Calvin's advice, this Seigneur left Chartres, his home, to move to Geneva, which welcomed him as a resident in 1550 and as a citizen in 1556.

[209] Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, Duke of Somerset, Regent of England, under the minority of Edward VI. It was under his administration that the Reformation was victoriously established in England. Supported by Parliament, he suppressed the troubles which arose in some parts of the kingdom after the death of Henry VIII., confirmed the king's supremacy, abolished the worship of images, private masses, and restored the communion in both kinds. He held a correspondence with Calvin, who dedicated to him, June 24, 1548, his Commentary on the First Epistle of Paul to Timothy; and by advice of the Reformer, he offered an asylum to the exiles, Bucer, Fagi, Ochino, and Peter Martyr,—banished for the sake of their religion from the Continent. Beloved by the people, hated by the nobles, he made himself unpopular by his want of success in the war which he kept up against the Scots and in France; was overthrown by a conspiracy of the nobility, imprisoned in the Tower of London, (October 1549,) and only recovered his liberty the year following, to perish in 1552 on the scaffold, victim of the ambition of Warwick, Earl of Northumberland, his relative.

[209] Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, Duke of Somerset, and Regent of England during Edward VI's minority. It was under his leadership that the Reformation was successfully established in England. With support from Parliament, he dealt with the unrest that followed Henry VIII's death, upheld the king's authority, abolished the worship of images and private masses, and restored communion in both forms. He communicated with Calvin, who dedicated his Commentary on the First Epistle of Paul to Timothy to him on June 24, 1548. Following the Reformer’s advice, he offered refuge to exiles Bucer, Fagi, Ochino, and Peter Martyr, who were banished from the Continent for their faith. Loved by the people but hated by the nobles, he became unpopular due to his unsuccessful campaigns against the Scots and in France. He was ultimately overthrown by a noble conspiracy, imprisoned in the Tower of London in October 1549, and regained his freedom the following year, only to be executed in 1552 on the scaffold, a victim of the ambitions of his relative, Warwick, Earl of Northumberland.

[210] Deprived, the preceding year, of his office of councillor and captain-general, Amy Perrin had contrived, by the force of intrigue, to recover his former dignities.

[210] After being stripped of his position as councillor and captain-general the previous year, Amy Perrin had managed to regain his former titles through clever scheming.

[211] The city of Bourdeaux having risen in revolt against the authority of the king on the ground of fresh taxation, the Constable Montmorency, being commissioned to suppress the disturbances, acted with relentless severity, and signalized his entry into the capital of Guienne by frightful executions.—De Thou, Lib. v.

[211] The city of Bordeaux rebelled against the king’s authority due to new taxes. Constable Montmorency, assigned to put down the unrest, acted with harsh severity and marked his entrance into the capital of Guienne with terrifying executions.—De Thou, Lib. v.

[212] Bucer wrote to Calvin:—"Earnestly entreat the Lord for this republic that it may learn to put away its own will and obey him."—Calv. Opera, Lib. ix. p. 46. But the magistrates had already resolved to make their submission, which involved the suppression of the Gospel in that unhappy city.

[212] Bucer wrote to Calvin:—"Please pray sincerely for this republic so that it can learn to let go of its own desires and obey Him."—Calv. Opera, Lib. ix. p. 46. However, the officials had already decided to submit, which meant putting an end to the Gospel in that troubled city.

[213] Is the reference to the partisans of the Imperial Alliance?

[213] Is this referring to the supporters of the Imperial Alliance?

[214] Without date. This letter appears to have been written at the moment when Strasbourg, menaced by the victorious army of Charles V., was disposed, in spite of the counsel of Bucer, to accept the Interim, and avoid by a voluntary submission the punishment inflicted on the leagued cities of Germany.—(December 1548.)

[214] No date. This letter seems to have been written at the time when Strasbourg, threatened by the victorious army of Charles V, was considering, despite Bucer's advice, accepting the Interim and, through voluntary submission, avoiding the punishment that was imposed on the allied cities of Germany.—(December 1548.)

John Sturm, a learned humanist and able politician, born at Sleida in 1507, passed through a brilliant course of study at the University of Louvain. Famous from his youth for learning and eloquence, he was nominated in 1529 Professor of Belles Lettres in the College of France, founded by Francis I., and became in 1537 Rector of the celebrated Academy of Strasbourg. Connected thenceforward with the German and Swiss Reformers, he occupied an important place in the religious negotiations of the age, maintained a correspondence with the principal European sovereigns, and died in 1583.

John Sturm, a knowledgeable humanist and skilled politician, was born in Sleida in 1507 and had an impressive academic career at the University of Louvain. Renowned for his intelligence and eloquence from a young age, he was appointed Professor of Belles Lettres at the College of France, founded by Francis I, in 1529, and became the Rector of the famous Academy of Strasbourg in 1537. From then on, he was connected with the German and Swiss Reformers and played a significant role in the religious discussions of his time, maintained correspondence with key European rulers, and passed away in 1583.

Calvin and Sturm were known to each other, and associated together during the sojourn of the French Reformer at Strasbourg. From this period date the relations they maintained during many years, numerous precious memorials of which are to be found in the correspondence of Calvin. See on the subject of Sturm the curious and learned work entitled:—La vie et les travaux de Jean Sturm, Premier Recteur de l'Académie de Strasbourg, par C. Schmidt. 1 vol. in 8vo, 1855.

Calvin and Sturm knew each other and spent time together during the French Reformer's stay in Strasbourg. This period marked the beginning of their relationship, which lasted many years and is documented in Calvin's correspondence. For more on Sturm, check out the interesting and scholarly work titled:—La vie et les travaux de Jean Sturm, Premier Recteur de l'Académie de Strasbourg, par C. Schmidt. 1 vol. in 8vo, 1855.

[215] Conclusion wanting in the original manuscript.

[215] Conclusion missing in the original manuscript.

[216] Peronne de Pisseleu, wife of Michel de Barbançon, Seigneur de Cany, one of the personages of most importance in Picardy. This lady, instructed in the Reformed faith by Laurent de Normandie, lieutenant of the king at Noyon, and the friend of Calvin, had for a long time to endure the severity of her husband, who afterwards came at a later period to be a partaker of like faith.—Bèze, Hist. Eccl., tom. ii. p. 244.; De Thou, lib. xxv. Madame de Cany, sister of the Duchess d'Etampes, favourite of the late king, had possessed an unbounded influence at court, which she always used for generous purposes. Her ordinary residence was the Château de Varanues, situated on the Oise, near to Noyon.

[216] Peronne de Pisseleu, wife of Michel de Barbançon, Lord of Cany, was one of the most important figures in Picardy. She was taught the Reformed faith by Laurent de Normandie, the king's lieutenant at Noyon and a friend of Calvin. For a long time, she had to endure her husband's strictness, but later on, he also came to share her faith. —Bèze, Hist. Eccl., vol. ii, p. 244.; De Thou, book xxv. Madame de Cany, sister of the Duchess d'Etampes, who was a favorite of the late king, held immense influence at court, which she always used for noble causes. Her main residence was the Château de Varanues, located on the Oise river, near Noyon.

[217] The donations which a pious liberality daily multiplied at Geneva, gave rise to the foundations known by the name of French, German, and Italian Bourses. The names of Margaret de Valois, and the Duchess of Ferrara, shine in the first rank upon the list of foreign contributors.—Bolsec, Life of Calvin, c. xi.

[217] The contributions made by generous individuals each day in Geneva led to the creation of the foundations known as French, German, and Italian Bourses. The names of Margaret de Valois and the Duchess of Ferrara stand out prominently among the list of international donors.—Bolsec, Life of Calvin, c. xi.

[218] To the Faithful Servants of Christ, the Ministers of the Church of Montbeliard, dearest Brethren and Fellow-Ministers.

[218] To the Devoted Servants of Christ, the Leaders of the Church of Montbeliard, dear Brothers and Fellow Ministers.

George of Wurtemberg, Count of Montbeliard, having fallen under the disgrace of the Emperor, at the end of the war of Smalkald, in which he had taken part in the ranks of the Protestant princes, was stript of his Principality in 1548, and withdrew to the Canton of Berne.—Ruchat, vol. v. p. 368. At the termination of that revolution, the Churches of the Pays de Montbeliard were dispersed, and their ministers, among whom was to be remarked Pierre Toussain, were banished, and sought an asylum in the different Reformed Cantons of Switzerland, until the period of the restoration, both political and religious, that replaced them some years afterwards in their native country.

George of Wurtemberg, Count of Montbeliard, fell out of favor with the Emperor after the war of Smalkald, in which he fought alongside the Protestant princes. He lost his Principality in 1548 and moved to the Canton of Berne.—Ruchat, vol. v. p. 368. After that revolution ended, the Churches of the Pays de Montbeliard were broken up, and their ministers, including Pierre Toussain, were exiled and sought refuge in various Reformed Cantons of Switzerland until their eventual political and religious restoration, which allowed them to return to their homeland a few years later.

[219] The year 1549 is remarkable for the tendencies to union manifested by many of the Swiss Churches, and for their happy issue! Several persons, says Ruchat, zealous for religion, imagined that the clergy of Zurich and Geneva did not hold the same doctrine on the Supper, on the ground of some slight difference in the expressions they made use of; and this divergence caused them pain. Accordingly, as they held Bullinger and Calvin in great esteem, and desired to be able to profit equally by writings published by theologians of both churches, they deemed it necessary to institute conferences with a view to union; and Calvin, ever full of zeal for the interests of the Church, did not hesitate to subscribe to this petition.—Hospinien, tom. ii. p. 367; Ruchat, tom. v. p. 369.

[219] The year 1549 is notable for the movements towards unity shown by many of the Swiss Churches, along with their positive outcome! According to Ruchat, some individuals, passionate about their faith, thought that the clergy of Zurich and Geneva did not share the same beliefs about the Supper, based on minor differences in their wording; this discrepancy troubled them. Because they held Bullinger and Calvin in high regard and wanted to benefit from the writings of theologians from both churches, they felt it was necessary to hold discussions aimed at achieving unity. Calvin, always eager to support the Church's interests, readily agreed to this request.—Hospinien, tom. ii. p. 367; Ruchat, tom. v. p. 369.

[220] Valeran Poulain, brother-in-law of Hooper, whose sister he espoused at Zurich. He became this same year minister of the congregation cf Foreign Protestants at Glastonbury, near London. We shall find him afterwards minister of the Church of Frankfort.

[220] Valeran Poulain, Hooper's brother-in-law, married his sister in Zurich. That same year, he became the minister for the congregation of Foreign Protestants in Glastonbury, near London. Later, we will see him as the minister of the Church of Frankfort.

[221] John Hooper, formerly chaplain to the Duke of Somerset, withdrew to Zurich during the latter years of the reign of Henry VIII. He was at this time disposed to return to England.

[221] John Hooper, who used to be the chaplain for the Duke of Somerset, went to Zurich during the later years of Henry VIII's reign. At that time, he was thinking about going back to England.

[222] Ambroise Blaurer, formerly minister of the Reformed Church of Constance, at this time minister of the Church of Bienne.

[222] Ambroise Blaurer, who used to be the minister of the Reformed Church of Constance, is now the minister of the Church of Bienne.

[223] This undated fragment should, we think, be referred to the month of February 1549; that is, to the period at which Bucer, compelled to leave Strasbourg, by the establishment of the Interim in that town, was making preparations for his departure for England. In one of his letters to Calvin we discover the following passage:—"We are only hindered by the tears and sighs of the pious—of whom there are still a great many here—from leaving this place before we get orders. For, if the Lord will, we wish rather to seal than to break up our ministry. You see how our affairs stand, and how much we need the assistance of your prayers, both in our own behalf and on that of this very unfortunate Church."—Calv. Opera, b. ix. p. 233.

[223] We believe this undated fragment should be linked to February 1549; that is, to the time when Bucer, forced to leave Strasbourg due to the establishment of the Interim in that city, was getting ready to head to England. In one of his letters to Calvin, we find the following passage:—"We are only held back by the tears and sighs of the faithful—of whom there are still many here—from leaving this place before we receive orders. For, if the Lord wills, we prefer to conclude rather than to end our ministry. You can see how things are with us, and how much we need your prayers, both for ourselves and for this very unfortunate Church."—Calv. Opera, b. ix. p. 233.

Sadly disappointed in the dream of his whole life—the union of the Reformed Churches of Germany and Switzerland—forgotten by parties who could not forgive his moderation in an age of hatred and intolerance, Bucer carried with him into exile the respect and affection of Calvin, who in a letter, of which we have here only a mere fragment, addressed to him the highest consolations of Christian philosophy.

Sadly disappointed in the lifelong dream of uniting the Reformed Churches of Germany and Switzerland—ignored by groups that couldn’t forgive his moderate views in a time of hatred and intolerance—Bucer took with him into exile the respect and affection of Calvin, who, in a letter of which we only have a small fragment, offered him the greatest comforts of Christian philosophy.

[224] While Calvin was engaged in active negotiations with the ministers of Zurich for the adoption of a common formula regarding the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, he addressed to the ministers of the Church of Berne a statement of what the Church of Geneva held on that important question, in the hope of leading that Church into the proposed union. But the Bernese clergy, placed in a position of absolute dependence on the seigneury, could not adopt any formula without its authority; and the seigneurs, jealous of their influence, regarded with a distrustful eye any communication with the ministers of Geneva. The approaches of Calvin, also, were not well received, and the noble desire of the Reformer for the union of the Helvetian churches, realized at a later period by Bullinger, met with no response.—Ruchat, tom. v. pp. 578, 579.

[224] While Calvin was actively negotiating with the ministers of Zurich to establish a common understanding about the Lord's Supper, he sent a statement to the ministers of the Church of Berne outlining the views of the Church of Geneva on this significant issue, hoping to encourage that Church to join the proposed union. However, the clergy in Bern, who were completely dependent on the local lords, couldn’t adopt any formula without their approval; and the nobles, wary of losing their power, viewed any communication with the ministers of Geneva with suspicion. Calvin's outreach wasn’t well received, and his noble desire for the unification of the Helvetian churches, which was eventually realized later by Bullinger, was met with silence.—Ruchat, tom. v. pp. 578, 579.

[225] A peculiar interest attaches to this and the following letter, written under a load of great domestic affliction. Early in April 1549, Calvin lost the worthy partner of his life, Idelette de Bure, whose frail and delicate health gave way under the pressure of a protracted illness, and whose last hours are known to us by the touching picture given of them by the Reformer. The consolations of friendship, and the consideration of the important duties he had to discharge, supported Calvin in this affliction, and the self-control which he manifested during the first days of his bereavement, excited the admiration of his friends. Viret wrote him on this occasion as follows: "Wonderfully and incredibly have I been refreshed, not by empty rumours alone, but especially by numerous messengers who have informed me how you, with a heart so broken and lacerated, have attended to all your duties even better than hitherto ... and that, above all, at a time when grief so fresh, and on that account all the more severe, might have prostrated your mind. Go on then as you have begun ... and I pray God most earnestly that you may be enabled to do so, and that you may receive daily greater comfort and be strengthened more and more."—Letter of 10th April 1549. Calv. Opera, tom. ix. p. 53

[225] There's a unique interest in this and the next letter, written during a time of deep personal loss. In early April 1549, Calvin lost his beloved partner, Idelette de Bure, whose fragile health finally succumbed to a long illness. We know about her last moments from the heartfelt account provided by the Reformer. The support of friends and the important responsibilities he had helped Calvin cope with this grief, and his self-control in the early days of his mourning impressed those around him. Viret wrote to him during this time, saying: "I have been wonderfully and incredibly uplifted, not just by rumors, but especially by many messengers who have told me how you, with such a broken and torn heart, have attended to all your duties even better than before... and that, most importantly, at a time when such fresh grief, and thus more intense, could have overwhelmed your mind. Keep going just as you have started... and I earnestly pray that God enables you to continue this way, that you find greater comfort each day, and that you are strengthened more and more."—Letter of 10th April 1549. Calv. Opera, tom. ix. p. 53

[226] Idelette de Bure had, by her first marriage with Jean Storder, several children known to us only by the pious solicitude of their mother on her deathbed.

[226] Idelette de Bure had several children from her first marriage to Jean Storder, known to us only through the caring concern of their mother on her deathbed.

[227] We read in Viret's letter to Calvin already referred to,—"My wife salutes you most courteously; she has been grieved in no ordinary way by the death of her very dear sister, and she and I feel it to be a loss to us all." Idelette de Bure kept up with Viret's wife a pious epistolary correspondence, which has unfortunately not been preserved.

[227] We read in Viret's letter to Calvin, which we've mentioned before, "My wife sends her warmest regards to you; she has been deeply saddened by the passing of her beloved sister, and both she and I consider it a loss for all of us." Idelette de Bure maintained a heartfelt exchange of letters with Viret's wife, although sadly, those letters have not been kept.

[228] The minister Francis Bourgouin.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Minister Francis Bourgouin.

[229] See the letter and the note at p. 201.

[229] Check out the letter and the note on page 201.

[230] Laurent de Normandie, sprung from a noble family of Picardy, fellow-countryman and friend of Calvin, discharged the functions of master of requests and of lieutenant of the King at Noyon, before retiring to Geneva. Received inhabitant of the town, the 2d May 1547, burgess, the 25th April 1555, he lived there in intimacy with Calvin, who dedicated to him in 1550 his Traité des Scandales. He had married for his first wife Anne de la Vacquerie, of a noble family, which has merged in that of the Dukes of Saint Simon, and illustrious under the reign of Louis XI., by the first president Jacques de la Vacquerie. A short time after his arrival at Geneva he lost his wife, whose edifying death is the subject of Calvin's letter to Madame de Cany, and he married a second time (14th September 1550) Anne Colladon.—Galiffe, Notices Généalogiques sur les Familles de Genève, tom. ii. p. 527.

[230] Laurent de Normandie, who came from a noble family in Picardy and was a countryman and friend of Calvin, held the positions of master of requests and lieutenant of the King in Noyon before moving to Geneva. He became a resident of the town on May 2, 1547, and was made a burgess on April 25, 1555. While living there, he formed a close relationship with Calvin, who dedicated his Traité des Scandales to him in 1550. He married his first wife, Anne de la Vacquerie, from a noble family that later merged with that of the Dukes of Saint Simon, and was notable during the reign of Louis XI because of Jacques de la Vacquerie, the first president. Shortly after arriving in Geneva, he lost his wife, and her inspiring death is addressed in Calvin's letter to Madame de Cany. He remarried on September 14, 1550, to Anne Colladon.—Galiffe, Notices Généalogiques sur les Familles de Genève, tom. ii. p. 527.

[231] Eloi de la Vacquerie.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Eloi de la Vacquerie.

[232] Accused of having wished to seduce a servant, Ferron was deposed from the ministry on the 5th September 1548.—Registers of the Council.

[232] Accused of trying to seduce a servant, Ferron was removed from the ministry on September 5, 1548.—Registers of the Council.

[233] In a letter from Calvin to Farel, written on the same day as that to Viret, we meet with a passage regarding Amy Perrin:—"Cæsar, our comedian, in his last mission, exasperated them [the Bernese] exceedingly, and I fear he has commenced a serious tragedy among us."—MSS. of Geneva, vol. 106. Charged with a mission to Berne, he had returned to Geneva more insolent and more intractable than ever.

[233] In a letter from Calvin to Farel, written on the same day as the one to Viret, there's a mention of Amy Perrin:—"Cæsar, our comedian, on his last mission, really upset them [the Bernese], and I’m worried he has started a serious conflict among us."—MSS. of Geneva, vol. 106. Tasked with a mission to Berne, he returned to Geneva even more arrogant and difficult than before.

[234] The learned lawyer, Francis Hotman, recently engaged in the evangelical cause, had quitted France, his native country, at the advice of Calvin, to retire to Geneva. He became, during the same year, Professor of Law at the Academy of Lausanne.—See La France Protestante, Art. Hotman.

[234] The knowledgeable lawyer, Francis Hotman, who recently got involved in the evangelical movement, left France, his homeland, on Calvin's advice to move to Geneva. That same year, he became a Law Professor at the Academy of Lausanne.—See La France Protestante, Art. Hotman.

[235] The new King of France, Henry II., sought an alliance with the Swiss with extreme eagerness. His envoys, Boisrigault, Liancourt, Lavan, and Menage overran the Cantons, scattering everywhere proofs of his liberality, to obtain a renewal of the ancient treaties. Everywhere, says the Swiss historian, their proposals were welcomed, except at Berne and at Zurich. In the latter town, Bullinger rose with great energy against this negotiating with a man who was converting a loyal and Christian people into a nation of hired murderers. He called to their recollection the persecutions of which France had been the theatre, and adjured his fellow-citizens to avoid all terms with a persecuting monarch, who was covered with the blood of their brethren. Better aware than Bullinger of the dangers which the supremacy of the Emperor was spreading over the various states of Europe, and over the Reformed Churches of Germany and Switzerland, and hoping, perhaps, to obtain by a treaty some relief to the faithful of France, Calvin was in favour of the French alliance, and in this remarkable letter attempted to vindicate its legitimacy by examples borrowed from the Old Testament.—Histoire de la Suisse, tom. xi. p. 306, et suiv.

[235] The new King of France, Henry II, eagerly sought an alliance with the Swiss. His envoys, Boisrigault, Liancourt, Lavan, and Menage, traveled across the Cantons, showcasing his generosity to renew the old treaties. According to a Swiss historian, their proposals were welcomed almost everywhere, except in Berne and Zurich. In Zurich, Bullinger passionately opposed negotiations with a king who was turning a loyal and Christian people into a nation of hired killers. He reminded them of the persecutions that France had inflicted and urged his fellow citizens to avoid any agreement with a monarch who was stained with the blood of their brothers. More aware than Bullinger of the dangers posed by the Emperor's dominance over various European states and the Reformed Churches in Germany and Switzerland, and perhaps hoping to secure some respite for the faithful in France, Calvin supported the French alliance, using his remarkable letter to justify its legitimacy with examples from the Old Testament.—Histoire de la Suisse, tom. xi. p. 306, et suiv.

[236] On the back: It is thought that this letter has been written to Madame de la Roche-Posay, Abbess of Thouars. A Seigneur of that name played an important part in the religious wars of Poitou, but he figured in the ranks of the Roman Catholic army.—Bèze, Hist. Eccl., tom. ii. p. 588. There is a letter from the Reformed Church of de la Roche-Posay of the 27th May 1561, addressed to Calvin. (Library of Geneva, Vol. 107.)

[236] On the back: It is believed that this letter was written to Madame de la Roche-Posay, the Abbess of Thouars. A lord by that name played a significant role in the religious wars of Poitou, but he was part of the Roman Catholic forces.—Bèze, Hist. Eccl., vol. ii. p. 588. There is a letter from the Reformed Church of de la Roche-Posay dated May 27, 1561, addressed to Calvin. (Library of Geneva, Vol. 107.)

[237] This letter is without a date, but is evidently related to the early period of Bucer's residence in England. Proceeding from Strasbourg on the 5th April 1549 with Paul Fagius, he reached London on the 25th, and met with a very cordial reception at Lambeth, in the house of Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury. At the desire of his protector, and amid the sorrows inseparable from his exile, he immediately undertook a new translation of the Bible, which he was not permitted to finish, owing to repeated illness, brought on by the change of climate. He was engaged, at the same time, on a revision of the English Liturgy, from which he removed everything that appeared to be tainted with Popery, without going as far in these corrections as he was desired by Calvin, who was pressing him by letter to remove the accusations of his life, by showing himself more resolute and firm than hitherto.—See La France Protestante of M. M. Haag. Art. Bucer.

[237] This letter is undated, but it's clearly connected to the early time of Bucer's stay in England. After leaving Strasbourg on April 5, 1549, with Paul Fagius, he arrived in London on the 25th and was warmly welcomed at Lambeth, in the home of Cranmer, the Archbishop of Canterbury. At the request of his protector, and amidst the struggles that came with his exile, he immediately began a new translation of the Bible, which he wasn’t able to complete due to recurring illness caused by the change in climate. At the same time, he was also revising the English Liturgy, removing anything that seemed to have traces of Catholicism, although he didn’t go as far in these adjustments as Calvin wanted, who was urging him in letters to demonstrate more determination and strength than he had before.—See La France Protestante of M. M. Haag. Art. Bucer.

[238] War prevailed at that time between France and England, with Artois and Scotland for its theatre. Peace was concluded only the year following (May 1550).—De Thou, tom. vi.

[238] At that time, there was a war between France and England, taking place in Artois and Scotland. Peace was only achieved the following year (May 1550).—De Thou, tom. vi.

[239] In allusion to the Emperor, who saw his power increase by the weakness of the English and French monarchs, who were equally interested in opposing his supremacy on the Continent.

[239] Referring to the Emperor, who gained more power due to the weakness of the English and French kings, both of whom were equally interested in challenging his dominance in Europe.

[240] Doubtless one of the ministers of the Church of Berne.

[240] Surely one of the ministers of the Church of Berne.

[241] Nicolas Amsdorf, a learned German minister, exaggerated the Lutheran doctrine regarding Works and the Supper, and wrote a book, in which he endeavoured to prove that good works are hurtful to salvation,—Bona opera sunt ad salutem noxia et perniciosa.—McIchior Adam, pp. 69, 70

[241] Nicolas Amsdorf, an educated German minister, overstated the Lutheran teaching about good works and the Lord's Supper, and wrote a book in which he tried to demonstrate that good works are harmful to salvation,—Good works are harmful and detrimental to salvation.—McIchior Adam, pp. 69, 70

[242] The common formulary, doubtless, on the Supper, compiled by Calvin, which the theologians of Zurich and Geneva were led to adopt.

[242] The standard guide, undoubtedly, on the Supper, put together by Calvin, which the theologians of Zurich and Geneva came to accept.

[243] While Schaffhausen, Basle, and Bienne acceded to the French alliance, Zurich and Berne haughtily refused to be the allies of a monarch who was the persecutor of the churches of France. Moved by the eloquence of Bullinger, the Seigneury of Zurich declared that it would lean upon God alone, and dispense with the alliance of the king.—Hist. de la Suisse, tom. xi. p. 308.

[243] While Schaffhausen, Basel, and Biel joined the French alliance, Zurich and Bern arrogantly refused to ally with a king who persecuted the churches in France. Inspired by Bullinger's eloquence, the government of Zurich declared that it would rely solely on God and forgo the king's alliance.—Hist. de la Suisse, tom. xi. p. 308.

[244] "To the Most Noble, Most Gifted, and Most Honourable Lady Ann, Eldest Daughter of the very Illustrious Protector of England."

[244] "To the Most Noble, Most Gifted, and Most Honorable Lady Ann, Eldest Daughter of the Highly Distinguished Protector of England."

Anne Seymour, the eldest daughter of the Duke of Somerset, Protector of England, was distinguished alike for her illustrious descent, genius, and piety. She married in 1550 the Earl of Warwick, son of the Duke of Northumberland, and thus apparently sealed the reconciliation of her father with the ambitious head of that illustrious house. We read in a letter, from Martin Micronius to Bullinger, of 4th June 1550:—"On the third of this month was celebrated a marriage between the daughter of the Duke of Somerset and the son of the Earl of Warwick, at which the King himself was present. This event, I hope, will wonderfully unite and conciliate the friendship of those noblemen."—Zurich Letters, 1st series, tom. ii. p. 569.

Anne Seymour, the eldest daughter of the Duke of Somerset, who was the Protector of England, was known for her noble heritage, intelligence, and devoutness. She married the Earl of Warwick, the son of the Duke of Northumberland, in 1550, seemingly bringing her father closer to the ambitious leader of that prominent family. In a letter from Martin Micronius to Bullinger dated June 4, 1550, it states: “On the third of this month, a marriage took place between the daughter of the Duke of Somerset and the son of the Earl of Warwick, with the King himself in attendance. I hope this event will greatly strengthen and mend the friendship between these noblemen.” —Zurich Letters, 1st series, tom. ii. p. 569.

[245] The messenger charged with the letter to the Regent of 22d October 1549.

[245] The messenger responsible for delivering the letter to the Regent on October 22, 1549.

[246] The names and fate of these two brothers of M. de Falais are not known.

[246] The names and fate of these two brothers of M. de Falais remain unknown.

[247] See the account of the persecutions in Hainault in L'Histoire des Martyrs, p. 184. A woman named Mary was buried alive. A learned Frenchman named M. Nicolas, endured courageously the torment of the stake, crying out in the midst of the flames: "O Charles, Charles, how long will thy courage endure?"

[247] Check out the account of the persecutions in Hainault in L'Histoire des Martyrs, p. 184. A woman named Mary was buried alive. A knowledgeable Frenchman named M. Nicolas bravely faced the agony of the stake, shouting in the flames: "O Charles, Charles, how long will your courage last?"

[248] One of the martyrs here referred to was a poor tailor, who, led before the King and Diana of Poictiers, made a courageous confession of his faith, addressed stern words to la favorite, and was condemned to perish in the flames. The king wished to be a spectator of his sufferings, "and, to command a better view, went to the house of Sieur de la Rochepot, opposite the stake. The martyr remained firm, and having perceived the king, he fastened on him a look so fixed and penetrating, that the affrighted monarch was forced to retire; and he afterwards repeatedly confessed, that the look of that man incessantly pursued him, and that he never again wished to be present at a fine spectacle."—Histoire des Martyrs, p. 189, Bèze, tom. i. p. 79.

[248] One of the martyrs mentioned was a poor tailor who, when brought before the King and Diana of Poitiers, courageously confessed his faith, delivering stern words to la favorite, and was sentenced to die in the flames. The king wanted to watch his suffering, so he went to the house of Sieur de la Rochepot, across from the stake, for a better view. The martyr stood firm and, noticing the king, gave him a fixed and piercing look that made the frightened monarch retreat. The king later admitted that the gaze of that man haunted him, and he never wanted to witness such a spectacle again."—Histoire des Martyrs, p. 189, Bèze, tom. i. p. 79.

[249] George de Wurtemberg, Count of Montbeliard, dispossessed of his estates by Charles V. He had obtained from the Seigneury of Berne permission to reside at Arau.

[249] George de Wurtemberg, Count of Montbeliard, lost his estates to Charles V. He had received permission from the Seigneury of Berne to live in Arau.

[250] See letter p. 208.

See letter p. 208.

After the long conferences, in which Farel and Fabri took part in the name of the Church of Neuchatel, and after a correspondence of many months, the theologians of Zurich and Geneva came to an agreement on the doctrine of the sacrament of the Supper, and drew up a common formula, which may be seen in Hospinian.—Hist. Sacr., tom. ii. pp. 369, 370. It is very likely, says Ruchat, that this definite formula was the work of Calvin. We recognize his genius in it at least, and we find in it the same ideas and expressions met with in his Liturgy on the Holy Supper.—Hist. de la Réf., tom. v. p. 378. Tho adoption of this formula was the first step towards the union of the Swiss churches, sanctioned two years after the death of Calvin (1566), by the adoption of the famous Helvetic Confession.

After the long conferences, where Farel and Fabri represented the Church of Neuchatel, and after months of correspondence, the theologians from Zurich and Geneva agreed on the doctrine of the Lord’s Supper and created a shared formula, which can be found in Hospinian.—Hist. Sacr., tom. ii. pp. 369, 370. Ruchat suggests that this specific formula was likely crafted by Calvin. We can recognize his genius in it, as it contains the same ideas and phrases found in his Liturgy on the Holy Supper.—Hist. de la Réf., tom. v. p. 378. The adoption of this formula was the first step towards the unity of the Swiss churches, officially sanctioned two years after Calvin’s death (1566) with the acceptance of the famous Helvetic Confession.

[251] See the preceding letter. The negotiations entered into with the Church of Zurich, and already near a close, were prosecuted equally at Berne; but they were encountered there by insurmountable difficulties, arising from the hesitation of the ministers and the policy of the Seigneury. Calvin did not shrink from any concessions which, without causing injury to the integrity of the doctrine, might rally their spirits to union and peace.—Hospinian, tom. ii. p. 370.

[251] Refer to the previous letter. The discussions with the Church of Zurich, which were already nearing completion, were also pursued in Berne; however, they faced major challenges due to the ministers' uncertainty and the Seigneury's policies. Calvin was willing to make any concessions that wouldn’t compromise the core doctrine and could help unite them for harmony and peace.—Hospinian, tom. ii. p. 370.

[252] In the month of July 1549, the fury of the persecutions was redoubled at Paris and in the provinces, and places of execution were so multiplied everywhere, as if the King had wished, by additional severity, to remove from memory the Edict which he had restored on account of the Vaudeis of Provençe.—Bèze, Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 70, et suiv. Notwithstanding all this violence, says Bèze, the churches increased and gathered strength in many places.

[252] In July 1549, the intensity of the persecutions intensified in Paris and the provinces, and execution sites appeared everywhere, as if the King wanted to completely erase the memory of the Edict he had reinstated for the Vaudois of Provence. —Bèze, Hist. Eccl., vol. i, p. 70, et suiv. Despite all this violence, Bèze reports that the churches grew and gained strength in many areas.

[253] Among the number of professors burnt on occasion of the public entrance of the King into Paris, there is found Florent Venot, of Sedano in Brie,—allowed to stand for six weeks in a pit at Chatelet, called the Hippocras' Cup, where it was impossible either to remain lying or standing—and whose firmness overcame the cruelty of the executioners. "You think," he said to them, "by long torment, to weaken the force of the spirit, but you waste your time, and God will enable me to bless his holy name even till my death." Compelled, by a refinement of cruelty, to be a spectator of the torment of his brethren burnt at Paris, he exhorted them by look and gesture before he ascended the pile prepared for him in the Place Maubert.—Hist. des Martyrs, p. 186.

[253] Among the professors who were executed during the public arrival of the King in Paris was Florent Venot from Sedano in Brie. He was made to stand for six weeks in a pit at Chatelet, known as the Hippocras' Cup, where it was impossible to sit or stand comfortably—and his strength overcame the brutality of the executioners. "You think," he told them, "that by torturing me for a long time, you can break my spirit, but you're wasting your efforts, and God will give me the strength to praise His holy name until my last moment." Forced to watch his fellow prisoners being burned in Paris, he encouraged them with his expressions and gestures before he was led to the stake prepared for him in the Place Maubert.—Hist. des Martyrs, p. 186.

[254] The preceding letter.

The previous letter.

[255] Francis Spira, a jurisconsult of Padua, having abjured the Protestant faith through fear of the tortures of the Inquisition, died a short while afterwards in a state of fearful mental anxiety. Paolo Vergerio, an aged Bishop of Pola in Istria, who was led to give up his bishopric that he might live in the free profession of the doctrines of the gospel, among the Grisons, visited Spira on his deathbed, and endeavoured in vain to console this unhappy penitent. Tho history of Spira, written by Vergerio, and translated from the Italian into Latin by Celio Secondo Curione, was published in 1550, with a preface by Calvin.—(Miscellanea Groningana, tom. iii. p. 109.) We have not met with this edition, which is become extremely rare.

[255] Francis Spira, a legal expert from Padua, renounced the Protestant faith out of fear of Inquisition torture and soon died in a state of extreme mental distress. Paolo Vergerio, an elderly Bishop of Pola in Istria, who chose to give up his bishopric to openly practice the gospel teachings among the Grisons, visited Spira on his deathbed and tried unsuccessfully to comfort this troubled penitent. The account of Spira's life, written by Vergerio and translated from Italian to Latin by Celio Secondo Curione, was published in 1550, with a preface by Calvin.—(Miscellanea Groningana, tom. iii. p. 109.) We have not encountered this edition, which has become extremely rare.

[256] We find Calvin's opinion of Vergerio at greater length, in a letter to Farel of July 1550.

[256] We see Calvin's views on Vergerio in more detail in a letter to Farel from July 1550.

[257] Endowed, according to the testimony of his contemporaries, with a powerful and impetuous eloquence which charmed multitudes, and which, with the strong faith with which he was animated, could alone explain his splendid success as a missionary, Farel was abler with the tongue than with the pen, and his various writings, called forth by circumstances, are in general defective. We find in them a few ideas, cast forth at hazard, without plan, in strange disorder, and with a superabundance of explanation, in a diffuse and obscure style. It is not uninteresting to know the judgment which Calvin pronounced upon the works of his friend, and to find in this judgment even a new testimony to the brotherly candour which presided at all times over the intercourse of the two Reformers.—See on the writings of Farel, Senebier, Hist. Litt. tom. i. pp. 148, 149; Sayous, Etudes sur les Ecrivains de la Réformation, tom. i., 1st sketch; and Haag, France Protestante, Art. Farel.

[257] According to those who knew him, Farel was gifted with a powerful and passionate eloquence that captivated many. His strong faith helped explain his remarkable success as a missionary. He was more skilled with his speech than with his writing, and his various writings, prompted by different circumstances, are generally lacking. They contain a few ideas thrown together at random, without any clear organization, in a chaotic manner, and with too much explanation in a wordy and unclear style. It’s interesting to note Calvin’s judgment on his friend’s works, as it shows the brotherly honesty that characterized their relationship throughout their time together. —See on the writings of Farel, Senebier, Hist. Litt. tom. i. pp. 148, 149; Sayous, Etudes sur les Ecrivains de la Réformation, tom. i., 1st sketch; and Haag, France Protestante, Art. Farel.

[258] See Note 1, p. 223.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Note 1, p. 223.

[259] The only work of Farel's mentioned at this date by Senebier, is the following: Le Glaice de la Parole Véritable contre le Bouclier de Défense, duquel un Cordelier s'est voulu servir, in 12mo, Geneva, 1550. It is a vehement reply to a Cordelier who had adopted the sentiments of that spiritual mysticism which leads to a denial of all morality. It presents, besides, the ordinary defects of the works of Farel—confusion and prolixity.

[259] The only work of Farel's mentioned at this time by Senebier is the following: Le Glaice de la Parole Véritable contre le Bouclier de Défense, duquel un Cordelier s'est voulu servir, in 12mo, Geneva, 1550. It is a passionate response to a Cordelier who had embraced the ideas of spiritual mysticism, which leads to a rejection of all morality. It also displays the usual flaws of Farel's works—confusion and wordiness.

[260] Laurent de Normandie, a Picard gentleman, and Procurator-general at Noyon, had retired to Geneva some months previously, at the request of Calvin, his countryman and friend.—Registers of the Council, 2d May 1549. "Laurent de Normandie retires to this place for the sake of religion, and presses the Council to receive him as an inhabitant, which is granted him."

[260] Laurent de Normandie, a gentleman from Picardy and Procurator-general in Noyon, had moved to Geneva a few months earlier at the request of Calvin, his fellow countryman and friend.—Registers of the Council, May 2, 1549. "Laurent de Normandie comes to this place for religious reasons and urges the Council to accept him as a resident, which they agree to."

[261] See the preceding letter.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See the previous letter.

[262] This is the first time the name of Beza is found mentioned in the correspondence of Calvin. Born on the 24th of June 1519, at Vezelay, in Burgundy, he had left Paris after a brilliant and dissipated youth, to retire to Geneva.—Registers of the Council, 3d May 1549. "Eight French gentlemen, among whom is Theodore Beza, arrive here and obtain permission to remain." Beza was a short time afterwards, made Professor of Greek in the Academy of Lausanne, from which place he wrote to Bullinger:—"The Lord has shewn me this, in the first place, for which may I be able to make my boast in him continually,—that I must prefer the cross to my country, and to all changes of fortune. In the next place, I have received the friendship of Calvin, Viret, Musculus, and Haller; kind Heaven, the friendship of such men! When I think that these are my friends, so far from feeling any inconvenience from exile, I may adopt the saying of Themistocles,—'Perieram nisi periissem.'"—MSS. of Archives of Zurich, Gest. vi. p. 139.

[262] This is the first time Beza's name appears in Calvin's correspondence. He was born on June 24, 1519, in Vezelay, Burgundy, and after a brilliant yet reckless youth in Paris, he withdrew to Geneva.—Registers of the Council, May 3, 1549. "Eight French gentlemen, including Theodore Beza, arrive here and are granted permission to stay." Soon after, Beza was appointed Professor of Greek at the Academy of Lausanne, from where he wrote to Bullinger:—"The Lord has shown me this, first and foremost, for which I hope to continually boast in Him—that I must choose the cross over my homeland and all changes in fortune. Second, I have gained the friendship of Calvin, Viret, Musculus, and Haller; how blessed to have the friendship of such men! When I consider that they are my friends, far from feeling any hardship from exile, I can adopt the saying of Themistocles—'I would have perished if I had not perished.'"—MSS. of Archives of Zurich, Gest. vi. p. 139.

[263] "To John Haller, Pastor of the Bernese Church."

[263] "To John Haller, Pastor of the Bern Church."

John Haller, of the illustrious family of that name, which reflected so much honour on Switzerland, was born at Zurich in 1523, and became a minister at the age of nineteen, as he informs us himself in his Chronicle. He became the colleague of Musculus, at Augsburg, in 1545, was recalled to Zurich three years afterwards, and, yielding to the pressing solicitations of the Seigneury of Berne, undertook the duties of a minister of that church in 1548. His zeal and talents, together with his prudence, which was remarkable in one so very young, raised him to the highest offices; and before he was quite twenty-nine, he was chosen president of the clergy of Berne, an office which he filled for a long period amidst very trying circumstances.—Ruchat, tom. v. p. 329, et suiv.

John Haller, from the famous family that brought so much honor to Switzerland, was born in Zurich in 1523. He became a minister at just nineteen, as he mentions in his Chronicle. In 1545, he partnered with Musculus in Augsburg but was called back to Zurich three years later. After being urged by the leaders of Berne, he took on the role of minister for that church in 1548. His passion, skills, and surprisingly mature judgment for someone his age helped him rise to prominent positions. By the time he was almost twenty-nine, he was elected president of the clergy of Berne, a role he held for a long time despite facing many challenges.—Ruchat, tom. v. p. 329, et suiv.

[264] See note 2, p. 224.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See note 2, p. 224.

[265] The ministers of the Pays de Vaud were accustomed to meet weekly to consult about religious matters, and for mutual exhortation. This custom displeased the Seigneurs of Berne, who abolished it by an edict dated 2d September 1549, under pretext that those assemblies, instead of producing edification, engendered disputes, divisions, and disorders. The College of Lausanne protested in vain, through Viret, against this measure, which obtained the approbation of the leading ministers of Berne, notwithstanding the strong representations addressed by Calvin to Haller and Musculus.—Ruchat, tom. v. p. 382, et suiv.

[265] The ministers of the Pays de Vaud used to meet weekly to discuss religious issues and encourage one another. This practice upset the Seigneurs of Berne, who ended it with an edict on September 2, 1549, claiming that these gatherings led to arguments, divisions, and chaos rather than enlightenment. The College of Lausanne, through Viret, protested against this decision in vain, which was supported by the leading ministers of Berne, despite Calvin's strong objections to Haller and Musculus.—Ruchat, tom. v. p. 382, et suiv.

[266] Deposed from the ministry, and appointed Principal of the College of Lausanne, Zebedee ranked among the most violent adversaries of Viret and of Calvin. Numerous testimonies to his animosity against the Reformation will be found in the sequel.

[266] Removed from his ministry and designated as Principal of the College of Lausanne, Zebedee was one of the fiercest opponents of Viret and Calvin. Many accounts of his hostility towards the Reformation will be presented later.

[267] Pope Paul III. died on the 20th November 1549, of grief and rage, on hearing of the treachery of his grandson Octave Farnese, who, to obtain the restitution of Parma, joined the cause of the Emperor against his grandfather.—De Thou, b. vi.; Robertson, b. x.

[267] Pope Paul III died on November 20, 1549, from grief and anger upon hearing about the betrayal of his grandson Octave Farnese, who allied with the Emperor against his grandfather to reclaim Parma.—De Thou, b. vi.; Robertson, b. x.

[268] The title:—To the father of Mademoiselle de Saint-Lorrans. Sans date (1549?) This gentleman retired in the following year to Geneva.

[268] The title:—To the father of Mademoiselle de Saint-Lorrans. No date (1549?) This gentleman moved to Geneva the following year.

[269] On the back, in the hand writing of Calvin: "To Monsieur the Protector of England.—Sent."

[269] On the back, in Calvin's handwriting: "To the Protector of England.—Sent."

This letter was addressed to the Earl of Somerset after his first disgrace.—(See the letter of the 22d October 1548, and the Note p. 275.) Set at liberty, the 6th February 1550, by the favour of the king his nephew, he resumed his place in the Privy Council, but losing the title and dignity of Protector. The letter of Calvin is without any doubt of February or March 1550.

This letter was sent to the Earl of Somerset after his initial downfall.—(See the letter from October 22, 1548, and the Note p. 275.) Released on February 6, 1550, with the king's favor as his nephew, he returned to the Privy Council, but lost the title and status of Protector. The letter from Calvin is definitely dated February or March 1550.

[270] During his disgrace, which was regarded as a public calamity by the friends of the Reformation in England and throughout Europe, the Duke of Somerset had sought consolation in reading and in pious meditations. He translated into English a work on Patience, to which he added a preface containing the expression of the most elevated sentiments. He received also exhortations from Peter Martyr, and shewed himself no less constant in his attachment to the Gospel, than resigned to the loss of fortune and credit.—See Burnet, History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 184; vol. iii. p. 209, fol. London.

[270] During his disgrace, which was seen as a public disaster by supporters of the Reformation in England and across Europe, the Duke of Somerset sought solace in reading and spiritual reflection. He translated a work on Patience into English and added a preface expressing his highest ideals. He also received encouragement from Peter Martyr and remained just as steadfast in his commitment to the Gospel as he was accepting of his loss of wealth and reputation. —See Burnet, History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 184; vol. iii. p. 209, fol. London.

[271] The young King Edward VI. Instructed by the most able masters, this prince gave early proof of a strong mind and of a lively piety. When scarcely fourteen years of age, he set forth in a discourse, of which a fragment has been preserved, the plan of the Reformation in England. He drew up with much care a journal of events which happened during his reign. He composed, besides, a collection of passages of the Old Testament condemning idolatry and image-worship. This collection, written in French, was dedicated by the young King to the Duke of Somerset, his uncle.—Burnet, History of the Reformation, vol. ii. pp. 224, 225.

[271] The young King Edward VI. Guided by talented masters, this prince showed early signs of a strong intellect and a deep sense of faith. Barely fourteen years old, he outlined the plan for the Reformation in England in a discourse, a fragment of which has been preserved. He carefully kept a journal of events that occurred during his reign. Additionally, he compiled a collection of verses from the Old Testament that condemned idolatry and the worship of images. This collection, written in French, was dedicated by the young King to his uncle, the Duke of Somerset.—Burnet, History of the Reformation, vol. ii. pp. 224, 225.

[272] The letter to the Protector, of January 1550.

[272] The letter to the Protector, dated January 1550.

[273] See Note 3, pp. 240-1.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Note 3, pp. 240-1.

[274] The Reformer having attacked the Interim in one of his writings, was accused of Pelagianism by a German theologian, perhaps Flacius Illyricus. He replied to this accusation in a publication entitled, Appendix Libelli de vera Ecclesiæ reformandæ ratione, in qua refutat Censuram quamdam typographi ignoti de parvalorum Sanctificatione et muliebri Baptismo. Geneva, 1550.

[274] The Reformer, after criticizing the Interim in one of his writings, was accused of Pelagianism by a German theologian, possibly Flacius Illyricus. He responded to this accusation in a publication titled Appendix Libelli de vera Ecclesiæ reformandæ ratione, in qua refutat Censuram quamdam typographi ignoti de parvalorum Sanctificatione et muliebri Baptismo. Geneva, 1550.

[275] The pontifical chair, rendered vacant in the month of November 1549, by the death of Paul III., was occupied in the month of February of the following year by the Cardinal del Monte, who took the name of Julius III. The irregularities of his past life, and the disgraceful accusations which rested on his character, rendered him very unfit to be a reformer of the Church.

[275] The papal throne, left vacant in November 1549 due to the death of Paul III, was filled in February of the following year by Cardinal del Monte, who took the name Julius III. The irregularities in his past and the disgraceful accusations against his character made him very unsuitable to be a reformer of the Church.

[276] On the back: "To the very Illustrious M. Francis Dryander, a Spaniard, at Baslo, with M. Myconius."

[276] On the back: "To the esteemed M. Francis Dryander, a Spaniard, in Baslo, with M. Myconius."

Dryander left Strasbourg (for England) in 1548. Melanchthon gave him letters of introduction to King Edward and to Cranmer, by whose patronage he obtained a Chair in the University of Cambridge.—(Zurich Letters, first series, tom. i. p. 349.) At the end of the following year (December 1549) we find Dryander in Strasbourg again. What were his motives for returning to the Continent cannot now be ascertained. See the notice of Dryander, p. 111.

Dryander left Strasbourg for England in 1548. Melanchthon gave him letters of introduction to King Edward and Cranmer, through whose support he secured a position at the University of Cambridge.—(Zurich Letters, first series, vol. i, p. 349.) By the end of the next year (December 1549), we find Dryander back in Strasbourg. His reasons for returning to the continent are no longer clear. See the notice of Dryander, p. 111.

[277] "To Nicolas Colladon, a man distinguished for piety and learning."

[277] "To Nicolas Colladon, a man known for his faith and knowledge."

Among the numerous French refugees whom persecution led yearly to Geneva, there were none more distinguished than the members of the Colladon family, originally from Berry, where they occupied an eminent position, and are reckoned, even in our own day, among the number of the Genevese aristocracy. Nicolas Colladon, to whom the letter of the Reformer is addressed, was the son of Leon Colladon, the celebrated parliamentary advocate of Bourges, who, with his brother Germain, retired to Geneva in the early part of the year 1551. Long initiated in evangelical doctrine, Nicolas Colladon continued to exercise those pastoral functions in his adopted country, which he had previously performed in Berry. In 1564 he was made Principal of the College of Geneva, and in 1566 succeeded Calvin himself in the chair of theology, without ceasing to discharge his pastoral duties with a zeal which, during the plague of 1570, found a perilous opportunity of signalizing itself. He spent the last years of his life in the Canton de Vaud. The precise date of his death is not known.—Senebier, Hist. Litt., tom. i. p. 398. Galiffe, Notices Généalogiques, tom. ii. p. 566; and Haag, France Protestante, Art Colladon.

Among the many French refugees who sought safety in Geneva because of persecution, none were more notable than the Colladon family. They originally came from Berry, where they held a prominent position and are still considered part of the Genevese aristocracy today. Nicolas Colladon, to whom the Reformer addressed the letter, was the son of Leon Colladon, a well-known parliamentary advocate from Bourges. Leon, along with his brother Germain, moved to Geneva in early 1551. Well-versed in evangelical teachings, Nicolas Colladon continued to serve the same pastoral role in his new home that he had in Berry. In 1564, he became the Principal of the College of Geneva, and in 1566, he succeeded Calvin in the theology chair, all while diligently fulfilling his pastoral duties. His commitment was especially evident during the plague of 1570 when he found a dangerous opportunity to demonstrate his dedication. He spent his final years in the Canton de Vaud. The exact date of his death is unknown.—Senebier, Hist. Litt., tom. i. p. 398. Galiffe, Notices Généalogiques, tom. ii. p. 566; and Haag, France Protestante, Art Colladon.

[278] In allusion to the various members of the Colladon family, who were contemplating a removal to Geneva.

[278] Referring to the different members of the Colladon family, who were considering moving to Geneva.

[279] Anne Colladon, the sister of Nicolas, was on the point of being married to Laurent de Normandie. See Note 1, p. 217.

[279] Anne Colladon, Nicolas's sister, was about to marry Laurent de Normandie. See Note 1, p. 217.

[280] Three years after the death of Gruet, beheaded for the crime of rebellion and of blasphemy, (see the note p. 226,) there was discovered in a garret of his house a writing in his own hand, of twenty-six pages, which was brought to the magistrates of Geneva. These latter submitted the document to Calvin, who drew up his opinion in the Memorial which we here reproduce, as an undeniable evidence of the religious doctrines and the morals professed by some of the chiefs of the Libertin party.

[280] Three years after Gruet was executed for rebellion and blasphemy (see the note p. 226), a written document in his own handwriting, spanning twenty-six pages, was found in an attic of his house. This was presented to the magistrates of Geneva. They then passed the document on to Calvin, who wrote his opinion in the Memorial that we reproduce here as clear evidence of the religious beliefs and morals held by some leaders of the Libertin party.

The writing in question was condemned, the 23d May 1550, as being full of the most detestable blasphemies, and was burnt by the hand of the hangman in front of the house of Gruet.

The writing in question was condemned on May 23, 1550, for containing the most offensive blasphemies, and it was burned by the executioner's hand in front of Gruet's house.

[281] The proclamation of the Interim plunged Germany into a state of extraordinary confusion. Some towns were so bold as to present remonstrances to the Emperor, and protested against an arbitrary edict, which reprobated alike the partisans of the ancient worship and those of the new. But their voice was not heard, and the greater number of the towns submitted. There were even theologians compliant enough to legitimize this submission. Of this number was Melanchthon, who, by his virtues and his knowledge, deserved the first rank among the Reformed doctors, but who, deprived now of the manly exhortations of Luther, and led away by an excessive love of peace, and by the natural weakness of his character, was making concessions which cannot be justified. Led by his example, and seduced by the artifices of the Elector Maurice, the Assembly of Leipsic declared that in matters purely indifferent we ought to obey the orders of our lawful superiors,—a dangerous principle, which applied to ceremonies, and led to the revival of the grossest and most pernicious errors of the Romish Church. Melanchthon himself wrote a great number of the letters of [Greek: Adiáphoros]Αδιάφορος [indifferent], in support of this doctrine, and his weakness drew down upon him the most violent reproaches from the zealous Lutherans, who accused him of being an accomplice of the enemies of the Gospel.—Sleidan, book xxii.; Robertson, book x. Moved by this sad news, Calvin did not hesitate to blame Melanchthon in a letter addressed to him, in which respect and affection are joined to a just severity.

[281] The announcement of the Interim threw Germany into a state of intense confusion. Some towns were bold enough to voice their objections to the Emperor, protesting against a capricious decree that condemned both supporters of the old faith and those of the new. However, their concerns went unheard, and most towns submitted. There were even theologians willing to justify this submission. Among them was Melanchthon, who, due to his virtues and knowledge, deserved to be recognized as one of the top Reformed leaders, but who, lacking Luther's strong encouragement, and driven by an excessive desire for peace, was making justifications that couldn't be defended. Following his lead and influenced by the tactics of Elector Maurice, the Assembly of Leipsic declared that in matters considered indifferent, we should obey the orders of our rightful superiors—a dangerous principle that, applied to rituals, led to the resurgence of the most egregious and harmful errors of the Roman Church. Melanchthon himself wrote many letters on the topic of [Greek: Adiáphoros]Αδιάφορος [indifferent], supporting this doctrine, and his weakness attracted harsh criticism from passionate Lutherans, who accused him of colluding with the enemies of the Gospel.—Sleidan, book xxii.; Robertson, book x. Disturbed by this distressing news, Calvin did not hesitate to criticize Melanchthon in a letter he sent, combining respect and affection with rightful sternness.

[282] The town of Magdeburg, then besieged by the army of the Elector Maurice, persisted in rejecting the Interim, and the theologians of that Church flooded Germany with pamphlets, in which Melanchthon was not spared. The Burghers of Magdeburg, put under the ban of the empire, sustained a long siege, and did not submit till the following year.—Sleidan, book xxii.

[282] The town of Magdeburg, which was under siege by Elector Maurice's army, continued to resist the Interim, and the church's theologians distributed numerous pamphlets throughout Germany, without holding back criticism of Melanchthon. The citizens of Magdeburg, who were declared outlaws by the empire, endured a lengthy siege and didn't surrender until the next year.—Sleidan, book xxii.

[283] In a reply to Flacius Illyricus, who maintained that, rather than tolerate the restoration of the Popish ceremonies, he would plunder and destroy the Churches and stir up the people,—"vastitatem faciendam in templis, et metu seditionum terrendos principes." Melanchthon advocated immovable steadfastness in doctrine, submission in everything else.—"In ceremoniis tolerandam aliquam servitutem, quæ tamen sit sine impietate."—Melch. Adam. Vita Melanchthonis, p. 344. But was it possible to submit to the Church of Rome without deserting sound doctrine?

[283] In response to Flacius Illyricus, who insisted that instead of allowing the return of Catholic ceremonies, he would loot and destroy the churches and incite the people,—"vastitatem faciendam in templis, et metu seditionum terrendos principes.” Melanchthon promoted unwavering commitment to doctrine, while being submissive in all other matters.—"In ceremoniis tolerandam aliquam servitutem, quæ tamen sit sine impietate."—Melch. Adam. Vita Melanchthonis, p. 344. But could one truly submit to the Church of Rome without abandoning sound doctrine?

[284] This letter is without date. We discover the date, however, in a letter of Calvin's to Valentin Pacaeus, a doctor of Leipsic, of 18th June 1550, where we meet with these words:—"I make no mention of M. Philip, as I am writing specially to himself."—Calv. Opera, tom. ix. p. 54.

[284] This letter is undated. However, we find the date in a letter from Calvin to Valentin Pacaeus, a physician in Leipzig, dated June 18, 1550, where he writes: "I don’t mention M. Philip since I’m writing specifically to him."—Calv. Opera, vol. ix, p. 54.

[285] See note 2, p. 175. M. de Falais lived during the summer in a country-seat, situated at Veigy, a small village of Savoy, a few leagues from Geneva.

[285] See note 2, p. 175. M. de Falais spent his summers at a country house in Veigy, a small village in Savoy, just a few miles from Geneva.

[286] On the opposite bank of the lake, where rises the delightful eminence of Chambesy, crowned at the present day with beautiful villas.

[286] On the other side of the lake, where the lovely hill of Chambesy stands, it's now topped with beautiful villas.

[287] Paolo Vergerio, one of the missionaries of Reform in Swiss Italy. Born of an illustrious family of Istria, he had successively studied law and oratory, was made Bishop of Istria, and discharged the duties of Pope's legate in Germany. He became a convert to the Gospel through conversations with Melanchthon, abandoned his diocese, and retired among the Grisons. He died in 1565.

[287] Paolo Vergerio, one of the reformist missionaries in Swiss Italy. Born into a prestigious family from Istria, he studied law and public speaking, was appointed Bishop of Istria, and served as the Pope's representative in Germany. He converted to the Gospel through discussions with Melanchthon, left his diocese, and withdrew to the Grisons. He passed away in 1565.

[288] There is a beautiful letter from Bucer to Calvin, [Calvini Opera, tom. ix. p. 58,] dated from Cambridge, and containing curious details regarding the religious state of England. We find this passage in it relative to the young King Edward VI.,—"Increase in prayer in behalf of the most serene King, who is making quite wonderful progress in pious and literary studies."

[288] There's a lovely letter from Bucer to Calvin, [Calvini Opera, tom. ix. p. 58,] written from Cambridge, that includes interesting details about the religious situation in England. It has this passage about the young King Edward VI.—"Let us pray more for the most noble King, who is making remarkable progress in his spiritual and academic studies."

[289] See the preceding letter.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See the previous letter.

[290] We find no allusion to this fact in the Registers of the Council of that year. But Ruchat mentions, after Roset, the arrest of one Jean Baptiste Didaco, Receiver-General of Finance at Rouen, who, having been imprisoned at Geneva at the impeachment of one of his domestics, was released at the request of the King of France, and of the Bernese, after three months' imprisonment.—Ruchat, tom. v. pp. 311, 313.

[290] We don't see any reference to this fact in the Council's Registers from that year. However, Ruchat notes, following Roset, the arrest of one Jean Baptiste Didaco, the Receiver-General of Finance in Rouen, who was imprisoned in Geneva after one of his servants was accused. He was released at the request of the King of France and the Bernese after three months in jail.—Ruchat, vol. v, pp. 311, 313.

[291] The nature of this tax is not known; it was set on foot in the localities belonging to the ancient territory of the Chapter of Saint Victor, and shared between the jurisdiction of the two republics.

[291] The details of this tax are unclear; it was established in areas that were part of the old territory of the Chapter of Saint Victor and divided between the authority of the two republics.

[292] Commentarii in Iesaiam Prophetam. In fol. Geneva, 1550. A work dedicated to the King of England.

[292] Commentaries on the Prophet Isaiah. In folio. Geneva, 1550. A work dedicated to the King of England.

[293] In omnes Pauli Epistolas atque etiam in Epistolam ad Hebraeos Commentarii. In fol. Geneva, 1550. With a preface by Theodore Beza.

[293] Commentaries on All of Paul's Letters including the Letter to the Hebrews. In folio. Geneva, 1550. With a preface by Theodore Beza.

[294] The title:—To William Rabot, "Dictus a Salena" of Avignon.

[294] The title:—To William Rabot, "Dictus a Salena" from Avignon.

It appears from a letter of Rabot's to Calvin, preserved in the Library of Gotha, that, exiled from his native country from conscientious motives, this young man was then engaged in the study of law at the University of Padua, in company with a number of gentlemen, among others Charles de Jonvillers, Francis and Louis de Budé, &c. Their studies were intermingled with religious discourses, which contributed to the spread of the Gospel in certain distinguished families, among which we remark that of Contarini, originally of Padua. The increasing rigours of persecution soon scattered this focus of Evangelism, and led some of those youthful missionaries to Geneva, where Charles de Jonvillers, one of their number, gained the friendship of Calvin, and became his secretary.—Divers MSS. of Gotha and of Geneva.

It seems from a letter from Rabot to Calvin, kept in the Library of Gotha, that this young man, exiled from his home for his beliefs, was studying law at the University of Padua alongside several gentlemen, including Charles de Jonvillers, Francis and Louis de Budé, and others. Their studies included religious discussions, which helped spread the Gospel among some prominent families, including the Contarini family from Padua. The rising intensity of persecution soon disrupted this hub of Evangelism, prompting some of these young missionaries to move to Geneva, where Charles de Jonvillers became friends with Calvin and eventually became his secretary.—Divers MSS. of Gotha and of Geneva.

[295] The Treatise on Scandals, one of the most remarkable of Calvin's writings appeared this same year, with a beautiful dedication addressed by Calvin to Laurent de Normandie, his old and constant friend. It was published at first in Latin, under the following title:—De Scandalis quibus hodie plerique absterrentur, nonnulli etiam alienantur a pura Evangelii Doctrina. Geneva, 1550. This work was translated into French by Latern during the following year. It is to be found in tom. viii. of his Opera, and in the Recueil des Opuscules, p. 1145.

[295] The Treatise on Scandals, one of Calvin's most notable writings, was published this same year with a lovely dedication from Calvin to Laurent de Normandie, his old and loyal friend. It was initially released in Latin under the title: De Scandalis quibus hodie plerique absterrentur, nonnulli etiam alienantur a pura Evangelii Doctrina. Geneva, 1550. This work was translated into French by Latern the following year. It can be found in tom. viii. of his Opera, and in the Recueil des Opuscules, p. 1145.

[296] Henry II. of France, to gain the good-will of the cantons, pretended at that time to take a lively interest in the protection of Geneva, menaced by the Duke of Savoy and the Emperor of Germany. He even informed the magistrates of the republic regarding certain plots, real or imaginary, laid for its destruction.—Registers of the Council, 1549, 1550, passim.

[296] Henry II of France, to win the support of the cantons, feigned a strong interest in protecting Geneva, which was threatened by the Duke of Savoy and the Emperor of Germany. He even updated the republic's magistrates about various plots—whether real or imagined—that were aimed at its downfall.—Registers of the Council, 1549, 1550, passim.

[297] The Emperor Charles V. published, at that time, his bloody edict against the Protestants, Lutherans, Zuinglians, and others, and seemed to be preparing himself for a general crusade against the Reformed Churches.—Sleidan, book xxii.

[297] At that time, Emperor Charles V published his brutal decree against the Protestants, Lutherans, Zwinglians, and others, and appeared to be getting ready for a widespread crusade against the Reformed Churches.—Sleidan, book xxii.

[298] See note 3, p. 277.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See note 3, p. 277.

[299] This passage in the letter is addressed to Christopher Fabri, or Libertet, a colleague of Farel's at Neuchatel.

[299] This part of the letter is directed to Christopher Fabri, also known as Libertet, a coworker of Farel's in Neuchatel.

[300] Calvin had stood godfather to one of the daughters of Libertet, whose wife he habitually called by the familiar name of my godmother.

[300] Calvin had been the godfather of one of Libertet's daughters, whose wife he often referred to as my godmother.

[301] Saddened by his exile, and tormented by a malady under which he sunk the year following, Bucer complained bitterly of being continually the object of an unjust suspicion to the theologians of Zurich, and of being neglected by his friends in Switzerland.

[301] Feeling down about his exile and suffering from an illness that took him down the following year, Bucer expressed frustration about being constantly suspected unfairly by the theologians in Zurich and feeling overlooked by his friends in Switzerland.

[302] Two of the keenest adversaries of the Reformation in France.

[302] Two of the most intense opponents of the Reformation in France.

[303] See note 2, p. 283. Having left Strasbourg at the same time as Bucer and Fagius, John Utenhoven went to London, where he resided for many years before going to exercise the ministry in Poland. See his correspondence with Bullinger, (1549-1554,) Zurich Letters, first series, toms. i. and ii.

[303] See note 2, p. 283. After leaving Strasbourg at the same time as Bucer and Fagius, John Utenhoven moved to London, where he lived for many years before going to serve in Poland. Check out his correspondence with Bullinger (1549-1554), Zurich Letters, first series, vols. i. and ii.

[304] John Laski, (Joannes a Lasco,) a Polish nobleman devoted to the cause of the Reformation, who had preached successively in Poland, in Germany, and in England. In the reign of Edward VI. he rose to great favour in the latter country, and was appointed superintendent of the congregation of foreign Protestants in London.—Zurich Letters, first series, tom. i. p. 187.

[304] John Laski, (Joannes a Lasco), a Polish nobleman committed to the Reformation, who preached in Poland, Germany, and England. During the reign of Edward VI, he gained significant favor in England and was appointed superintendent of the congregation of foreign Protestants in London.—Zurich Letters, first series, vol. i, p. 187.

[305] "I am glad your Commentary on Isaiah, and also the Canonical Epistles, are designed for our king; and I do not doubt but that, even from your letter to him, very considerable benefit will accrue to the English king."—Utenhoven to Calvin. Paris MSS. Recueil Historique de France, tom. xix.

[305] "I'm happy that your Commentary on Isaiah and the Canonical Epistles are meant for our king; and I have no doubt that, even from your letter to him, the English king will gain a lot."—Utenhoven to Calvin. Paris MSS. Recueil Historique de France, tom. xix.

[306] See Calvin's letter to the King of England, of January 1551.

[306] See Calvin's letter to the King of England from January 1551.

[307] Louis de Budé, Sieur de la Motte, brother of John de Budé, was particularly versed in Oriental languages, of which he was made professor at Geneva, a short time after his arrival in that town. He died in 1552. We have of his a Psautier traduit de l'Hebreu en Français. 8vo. Geneva, 1550.

[307] Louis de Budé, Sieur de la Motte, the brother of John de Budé, was especially skilled in Eastern languages, and he became a professor of them in Geneva shortly after arriving in the city. He passed away in 1552. We have his work, a Psautier traduit de l'Hebreu en Français. 8vo. Geneva, 1550.

[308] The celebrated printer Robert Etienne, (Stephens,) a man of the purest reputation, who lived in an age which failed to recognize his genius, and which rewarded his labours with ingratitude. Having become odious to the clergy by his beautiful editions of the Bible, and by his desire for reform, and but ill protected by the King of France against the vexations of the Sorbonne, he resolved to quit his country and remove his presses to Geneva, whither the printer Crespin had already preceded him. He arrived there towards the end of the year 1550, with his son Henry, who afterwards shed a new lustre on the name of Stephens. He publicly embraced the cause of the Reformation, together with the members of his family, and honoured his adopted country by the publication of various works of antiquity, both sacred and profane. Made a burgess of Geneva in 1556, he lived in constant intimacy with Calvin and Beza, until his death in 1559.—Senebier, Hist. Litt., pp. 355, 356; Haag. France Protestante, Art. Estienne.

[308] The renowned printer Robert Etienne, (Stephens), a man with an impeccable reputation, lived in a time that didn’t appreciate his talent and repaid his efforts with ingratitude. He became unpopular with the clergy due to his beautiful editions of the Bible and his desire for reform, and not well protected by the King of France from the troubles caused by the Sorbonne. He decided to leave his country and move his printing presses to Geneva, where the printer Crespin had already gone. He arrived there towards the end of 1550, along with his son Henry, who later brought further prestige to the name of Stephens. He publicly supported the Reformation, alongside his family, and honored his new home by publishing various works of both sacred and secular antiquity. Made a citizen of Geneva in 1556, he maintained a close relationship with Calvin and Beza until his death in 1559.—Senebier, Hist. Litt., pp. 355, 356; Haag. France Protestante, Art. Estienne.

[309] In allusion to a tolerably numerous party in France, who, on receiving the Gospel, believed they might remain united in external communion with the Romish Church, and escape persecution by an apparent adhesion to its dogmas.

[309] Referring to a fairly large group in France who, upon accepting the Gospel, believed they could stay connected with the Catholic Church and avoid persecution by seemingly adhering to its doctrines.

[310] After leaving Bâle, and his establishment at Geneva, (July 1548). This seigneur lived in the village of Veigy, situated several leagues from the city, between Hermance and Les Voirons.

[310] After leaving Basel and settling in Geneva (July 1548), this lord lived in the village of Veigy, located several miles from the city, between Hermance and Les Voirons.

[311] In allusion to the misconduct of a servant of Monsieur de Falais.

[311] Referring to the misbehavior of a servant of Monsieur de Falais.

[312] We read in the MS. Chronicle of Michael Roset, lib. v. chap. 27, "By advice of the ministers, April 3, 1550, it was enacted, that an annual visitation be maintained from house to house, for the examination of men and women as to their faith, in order to discern between the ignorant, and hardened sinners, and true Christians, which in time has wrought great benefit."

[312] We read in the manuscript Chronicle of Michael Roset, book 5, chapter 27, "On the advice of the ministers, April 3, 1550, it was enacted that there should be an annual visitation from house to house to examine men and women regarding their faith, to distinguish between the uninformed, hardened sinners, and true Christians, which has brought great benefits over time."

[313] See the notice, p. 249.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check the notice, p. 249.

In a reaction, perhaps exaggerated, against the practices of the Romish Church, the magistrates of Geneva were led to adopt a measure which made a great noise among the Swiss Protestants. While Berne and Zurich celebrated the four great feasts of the year, according to the ancient Catholic custom, the Genevese abolished the weekday feasts, and kept nothing but the Sabbath. This measure, in which Calvin had no hand whatever, and of which he, in some degree, even disapproved, was made nevertheless the subject of very violent personal declamations against him. Some even accused him of wishing to abolish the Sabbath. In letters to his friends, Haller, Bullinger, and some others, he thought it his duty to represent the true character of the reform effected at Geneva, and his real relation to it. He had little difficulty in obtaining the approbation of Bullinger, who replied to him in these words: "You have just given the answer which I expected, my dear brother. For I know that in matters of that sort, where duty is but little heeded, and much ill-will is engendered, you have never been morose. I am anxious, indeed, in such matters, to see that liberty preserved, which I perceive to have flourished in the churches from the very days of the apostles." ...—Calvini Opera, tom. ix. p. 63.

In what might have been an exaggerated reaction against the practices of the Roman Catholic Church, the leaders of Geneva decided to implement a measure that caused quite a stir among the Swiss Protestants. While Berne and Zurich continued to celebrate the four major religious festivals of the year, as per the traditional Catholic practice, the people of Geneva abolished weekday celebrations and observed only the Sabbath. This decision, in which Calvin had no role and somewhat disapproved of, nevertheless became the basis for intense personal attacks against him. Some even accused him of wanting to eliminate the Sabbath altogether. In letters to his friends, Haller, Bullinger, and others, he felt it was important to clarify the true nature of the reforms in Geneva and his actual involvement in them. He found it easy to gain Bullinger's approval, who responded, “You have just given the answer that I expected, my dear brother. For I know that in matters like this, where duty is often overlooked, and a lot of animosity is created, you have never been unkind. I truly hope to see that liberty maintained, which I recognize has thrived in the churches since the days of the apostles.” ...—Calvini Opera, tom. ix. p. 63.

[314] The plague, which had cut off Hedio, the pious minister at Strasbourg, made great ravages at Berne during the same year. It entered the houses of Wolfgang Musculus, and of John Haller, although they escaped themselves. A great number of the ministers of the Church of Berne sunk under the attacks of this awful scourge.—Ruchat, tom. v. p. 470. The Chronique of Haller, cited by Hottinger.

[314] The plague that claimed Hedio, the devout minister in Strasbourg, caused significant destruction in Berne during the same year. It reached the homes of Wolfgang Musculus and John Haller, though they themselves survived. Many of the ministers from the Church of Berne succumbed to this dreadful affliction.—Ruchat, vol. v. p. 470. The Chronique of Haller, as referenced by Hottinger.

[315] Ruchat, who reproduces this letter, (tom. v. p. 441,) considers that the name here suppressed is that of Pierre Kontzen, a minister of Berne, who presided, in 1538, at the Synod of Lausanne.

[315] Ruchat, who reproduces this letter, (vol. v. p. 441,) believes that the name omitted here is that of Pierre Kontzen, a minister from Berne, who led the Synod of Lausanne in 1538.

[316] Always attentive to regulate by ordinances the different points of religious and ecclesiastical life, the Seigneurs of Berne had just published (Dec. 1550) new edicts more rigorous than those which had preceded them. These edicts were especially directed against the gross notions and certain customs of the Papists, which Berne punished by fine. Indulgent to the taking of oaths, of which the custom was generally disseminated among the Catholic population subject to their dominion, the Seigneurie seemed to reserve all their severity for the offence of not observing the feasts abolished at Geneva.

[316] Always focused on regulating various aspects of religious and church life, the leaders of Bern had just issued (Dec. 1550) new laws that were stricter than the ones before. These laws specifically targeted the outrageous beliefs and certain practices of the Catholics, which Bern punished with fines. While they were lenient regarding oaths, which were commonly taken among the Catholic population under their rule, the leadership seemed to reserve their harshness for those who didn’t observe the feasts that were abolished in Geneva.

[317] This abolition, which was at a later period to provoke such warm debates between Berne and Geneva, had been pronounced the 16th Nov. 1550.

[317] This abolition, which would later spark heated debates between Berne and Geneva, was declared on November 16, 1550.

[318] Richard Le Fèvre, a native of Rouen, one of the martyrs of the Reformed Church of Lyons. Seized in that town in 1551, and condemned to death, he appealed thence to the Parliament of Paris, and was delivered in transitu by some unknown friends. Surprised, two years afterwards, at Grenoble, he was brought back to the dungeons of Lyons, saw his first sentence confirmed by the Parliament of Paris, and went cheerfully to the stake the 7th July 1551. He wrote on the 3d of May to Calvin,—"The present is to let you know, that I hope to go to keep Whitsuntide in the kingdom of heaven, and to be present at the marriage of the Son of God, ... if I am not sooner called away by this good Lord and Master, whose voice i am ready to obey, when he shall say, Come, ye blessed of my Father, possess the kingdom which has been prepared for you before the foundation of the world."—(The original autograph letter, Library of Geneva, Vol. 109.) During his first captivity at Lyons, Richard Le Fèvre had consulted Calvin on some points of doctrine, and had received pious exhortations from him regarding them.

[318] Richard Le Fèvre, originally from Rouen, was one of the martyrs of the Reformed Church of Lyons. Captured in that town in 1551 and sentenced to death, he appealed to the Parliament of Paris and was rescued in transitu by some unidentified allies. Two years later, he was unexpectedly caught in Grenoble and taken back to the dungeons of Lyons, where his initial sentence was upheld by the Parliament of Paris. He bravely went to the stake on July 7, 1551. On May 3, he wrote to Calvin, “I’m writing to let you know that I hope to celebrate Whitsun in the kingdom of heaven and to witness the marriage of the Son of God... unless I am called away sooner by this good Lord and Master, whose call I am ready to follow when He says, ‘Come, you blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you since the foundation of the world.’” —(The original autograph letter, Library of Geneva, Vol. 109.) During his first imprisonment in Lyons, Richard Le Fèvre had consulted Calvin about some doctrinal issues and had received spiritual encouragement from him in response.

[319] In an assembly which met at Neuchatel on the 14th of March 1551, the number of individuals who should compose the Consistory was fixed, and a collection of regulations regarding marriage was drawn out.

[319] At a meeting held in Neuchatel on March 14, 1551, the number of people who would make up the Consistory was determined, and a set of rules concerning marriage was established.

[320] The translation of the Psalms begun by Clement Marot, was continued by Theodore Boza, who obtained, during this same year, the authority of the Council of Geneva for the publication of a part of his work.

[320] The translation of the Psalms that Clement Marot started was carried on by Theodore Beza, who, in the same year, received approval from the Council of Geneva to publish part of his work.

[321] Edward VI., son of Henry VIII. and Jane Seymour, King of England, born in 1537, died, in his sixteenth year, the 8th of July 1553. Gifted with a precocious strength of reason, and a lively sensibility, instructed in the ancient languages and foreign literature, this young prince did not live long enough to realize the hopes to which his accession to the throne had given birth. "His virtues," says the historian Hume, "had made him an object of tender affection to the public. He possessed mildness of disposition, application to study and business, a capacity to learn and judge, and an attachment to equity and justice." Devotional reading had a particular attraction for this prince, who was heartily devoted to the cause of the Reformation. Calvin dedicated two of his commentaries to him: "Joannis Calvini Commentarii in Iesaiam Prophetam, Eduardo VI., Angliæ Regi, 8 Cal. Januarii 1551." "Joannis Calvini Commentarii in Epistolas Canonicas." The dedication of the first of these commentaries (25th December 1550) furnishes us the date of the letter of Calvin, written in the month of January 1551, and brought to the King by the minister, Nicolas des Gallars.

[321] Edward VI, the son of Henry VIII and Jane Seymour, was the King of England, born in 1537 and died at the age of sixteen on July 8, 1553. He had an impressive ability to think critically and a strong emotional sensitivity. Educated in ancient languages and foreign literature, this young king didn't live long enough to fulfill the expectations that arose from his ascension to the throne. "His virtues," as historian Hume states, "made him a beloved public figure. He had a gentle nature, a dedication to study and governance, a capacity for learning and judgment, and a commitment to fairness and justice." Devotional reading particularly appealed to him, as he was deeply committed to the Reformation. Calvin dedicated two of his commentaries to him: "Joannis Calvini Commentarii in Iesaiam Prophetam, Eduardo VI., Angliæ Regi, 8 Cal. Januarii 1551." "Joannis Calvini Commentarii in Epistolas Canonicas." The dedication of the first of these commentaries (December 25, 1550) gives us the date of Calvin's letter, written in January 1551 and delivered to the King by the minister, Nicolas des Gallars.

[322] The privilege granted by King Edward VI. to the Church of the foreign Protestants instituted at London 1550. The royal patent was thus expressed:—"Considering that it is the duty of a Christian prince well to administer the affairs of his kingdom, to provide for religion, and for the unhappy exiles, afflicted and banished by reason thereof, we would have you to know, that having compassion of the condition of those who have for some considerable time past been domiciled in our kingdom, and come there daily, of our special grace ... will and ordain that henceforward they may have in our city of London a church, to be called the Church of the Lord Jesus, where the assembly of the Germans and other strangers can meet and worship, for the purpose of having the Gospel purely interpreted by the ministers of their church, and the Sacraments administered according to the word of God and the apostolic ordinance."

[322] King Edward VI granted a privilege to the Church of foreign Protestants established in London in 1550. The royal patent stated: “Recognizing that it's the responsibility of a Christian ruler to manage the affairs of his kingdom, to support religion, and to care for the unfortunate exiles thrown out because of it, we want you to know that, out of compassion for those who have settled in our kingdom for some time and continue to come here, by our special grace ... we will allow that from now on, they may have a church in our city of London, to be named the Church of the Lord Jesus, where the gatherings of Germans and other foreigners can come together and worship, with the goal of having the Gospel accurately explained by their church ministers and the Sacraments administered according to the word of God and apostolic practice.”

[323] The agreement concluded two years before, between the Churches of Geneva and of Zurich, on the question of the Sacraments, had been a source of joy to all the sober-minded in Switzerland and in Germany, who had deplored the excesses of the sacramental quarrel. But it displeased the intemperate Lutheran party, who accused Calvin of fickleness, and went so far as to charge him with having changed his opinions, and with squaring his doctrine to that of Zuingle, since the defeat of the Protestant party in Germany. This was nothing but a calumny, which is removed by a comparison of the previous writings of Calvin upon the Supper, with the formula drawn up under his care and which he was desirous should be published at Zurich.—Ruchat, tom. v. p. 379.

[323] The agreement reached two years earlier between the Churches of Geneva and Zurich regarding the Sacraments had brought joy to all the level-headed people in Switzerland and Germany, who had lamented the extremes of the sacramental dispute. However, it angered the radical Lutheran faction, who accused Calvin of being inconsistent and even claimed he had changed his views to align with Zuingle's since the Protestant party's defeat in Germany. This was nothing but a slander, which can be disproven by comparing Calvin's earlier writings on the Supper with the statement he oversaw and wanted published in Zurich.—Ruchat, tom. v. p. 379.

[324] Some have erroneously fixed on 1549 as the date of this publication. Delayed by the theologians of Zurich it was only finished in 1551, under the title—Consensio mutua in re Sacramentaria ministrorum Tigurinæ Ecclesiæ et D. Joannis Calvini Ministri Genevensis Ecclesiæ. Zurich, 8vo. Caused by Calvin to be translated into French the following year, this important document figures in the Recueil des Opuscules, p. 1137, with a preface by Calvin to the Ministers and Doctors of the Church of Zurich.

[324] Some have mistakenly identified 1549 as the year of this publication. Due to delays by the theologians of Zurich, it was not completed until 1551, under the title—Consensio mutua in re Sacramentaria ministrorum Tigurinæ Ecclesiæ et D. Joannis Calvini Ministri Genevensis Ecclesiæ. Zurich, 8vo. The following year, Calvin had it translated into French, and this significant document appears in the Recueil des Opuscules, p. 1137, with a preface by Calvin addressed to the Ministers and Doctors of the Church of Zurich.

[325] Under this title, Bullinger had commenced publishing a series of discourses concerning the principal points of the Christian religion.

[325] Under this title, Bullinger had started releasing a series of talks about the main aspects of the Christian faith.

[326] See the letter to the king, p. 299.

[326] Check out the letter to the king, p. 299.

[327] Having returned to England the previous year, and having been appointed Bishop of Gloucester through the patronage of Cranmer, Hooper was imprisoned and suffered a few days of captivity for having refused to wear, at the time of his consecration, the sacerdotal dress then in use in the English Church. See his correspondence with Bullinger, Zurich Letters, 1537-1558, tom. i. p. 9; Burnet, vol. i.

[327] After returning to England the previous year and being appointed Bishop of Gloucester with Cranmer's support, Hooper was imprisoned and endured a few days of captivity for refusing to wear the priestly garments that were customary in the English Church during his consecration. See his correspondence with Bullinger, Zurich Letters, 1537-1558, vol. i, p. 9; Burnet, vol. i.

[328] After having proscribed the Reformed worship in the town of Augsburg, the Emperor took up his quarters at Inspruck, among the valleys of the Tyrol, from which he could keep an eye at once upon the Council of Trent, Germany, and Italy.—Robertson, book x.

[328] After banning the Reformed worship in Augsburg, the Emperor settled in Innsbruck, in the valleys of Tyrol, from where he could monitor the Council of Trent, Germany, and Italy all at once.—Robertson, book x.

[329] Bullinger had presented the King of England with his third and fourth Decade, (see note 1, p. 306,) with a long letter, in which he reminds the young king of the duties which he had to fulfil towards his subjects. "This epistle and book were presented to the King by the hands of Hooper, Bishop of Gloucester, personally acquainted with Bullinger, to whom the King declared his good acceptance thereof, and the respect and esteem he had for the reverend author."—Strype, Memoir, vol. ii. pp. 390, 394.

[329] Bullinger had given the King of England his third and fourth Decade, (see note 1, p. 306,) along with a long letter reminding the young king of his responsibilities to his subjects. "This letter and book were delivered to the King by Hooper, Bishop of Gloucester, who was personally acquainted with Bullinger. The King expressed his appreciation for them and the respect and esteem he had for the esteemed author."—Strype, Memoir, vol. ii. pp. 390, 394.

[330] The letter here referred to has escaped all our investigations, and appears to be entirely lost.

[330] The letter mentioned here has evaded all our searches and seems to be completely lost.

[331] One of the first acts of the new Pope, Julius III, was to decree the re-assembly of the Council of Trent, on the 1st of May 1551. This session, termed the eleventh—eight having been held at Trent and two at Bologna—was without result. The fathers resolved upon fixing that there should not be another assembly until the 1st of September.—Fra Paolo, Hist. du Concile de Trente, lib. iv. sect. i.

[331] One of the first actions of the new Pope, Julius III, was to order the re-convening of the Council of Trent on May 1, 1551. This session, called the eleventh—after eight sessions held in Trent and two in Bologna—was unproductive. The assembly decided that there wouldn't be another meeting until September 1.—Fra Paolo, Hist. du Concile de Trente, lib. iv. sect. i.

[332] An invitation to the Council was, in point of fact, addressed by the Pope to the Cantons, with all sorts of flattering words, to induce them to comply. The theologians of Zurich, appointed to draw up a reply, had little difficulty in showing that the Council was not for the advantage of the Swiss, or for the good of religion, and the Reformed Cantons adopted unanimously the conclusions of the theologians, and refused to send deputies to the Council.—Ruchat, tom. v. p. 426.

[332] The Pope sent an invitation to the Cantons for the Council, using all kinds of flattering phrases to persuade them to participate. The theologians from Zurich, tasked with crafting a response, easily demonstrated that the Council was not in the best interest of the Swiss people or beneficial for religion, and the Reformed Cantons unanimously accepted the theologians' conclusions and decided not to send representatives to the Council.—Ruchat, tom. v. p. 426.

[333] The year 1551 was marked by two grievous losses to the Reformed churches of Europe. Bucer, overcome by the sorrows of exile, died in England on the 28th of February, and the decease of Joachim Vadian, one of the most brilliant minds of that age, occurred at Saint Gall during the same year. The earliest notice of Bucer's death is to be found in the Journal of King Edward VI. of England:—"February 28th.—The learned man Bucerus died at Cambridge, who was two days after buried in St. Mary's Church, all the whole University, with the whole town, bringing him to the grave, to the number of three thousand persons. Also there was an oration of Mr. Haddon made very elegantly at his death...." &c.—Zurich Letters, first series, tom. ii. p. 492. Vadian, cut off in the prime of life, breathed his last in the arms of his friend Kessler, the poet, leaving behind him a name held in deep veneration by his friends and countrymen. Above two thousand of the present inhabitants of Saint Gall claim the honour of being descended from the burgomaster Vadian. See the notice of him given in the present collection, vol. i. p. 475.

[333] The year 1551 saw two significant losses for the Reformed churches of Europe. Bucer, troubled by the pains of exile, died in England on February 28, and Joachim Vadian, one of the most brilliant thinkers of his time, passed away in Saint Gall during the same year. The first mention of Bucer's death appears in the Journal of King Edward VI. of England:—"February 28.—The learned man Bucerus died at Cambridge, and he was buried two days later in St. Mary's Church, with the entire University and town, numbering around three thousand people, escorting him to his grave. Mr. Haddon delivered a very eloquent eulogy at his funeral...." &c.—Zurich Letters, first series, tom. ii. p. 492. Vadian, taken in the prime of life, died in the arms of his friend Kessler, the poet, leaving a legacy that was deeply respected by his friends and fellow citizens. More than two thousand of the current residents of Saint Gall claim descent from the burgomaster Vadian. See the mention of him provided in this collection, vol. i. p. 475.

[334] Nicolas des Gallars.

Nicolas des Gallars.

[335] In a letter to Calvin of the 25th May preceding, Farel gave eloquent expression to his sorrow at the death of Bucer:—"I have at length received the last letter of the pious Bucer. What a spirit! How calmly he sunk down! We must mingle joy with our sorrow, inasmuch as our friend has gone up to God."—Library of Paris. Recueil Historique de France, tom. xix.

[335] In a letter to Calvin dated May 25th, Farel expressed his deep sorrow over Bucer's death:—"I have finally received the last letter from the devout Bucer. What a spirit! How peacefully he passed away! We must blend joy with our sadness since our friend has ascended to God."—Library of Paris. Recueil Historique de France, tom. xix.

[336] A man of distinguished learning, an accomplished statesman, and an able negotiator, as well as a theologian, and an admirable poet, Joachim Vadian left as wide a blank in the political councils, as he did in the churches of his country. He had been elected eleven times to the office of Burgomaster of Saint Gall.—See Melchior Adam, Vitæ Medicorum Germanorum; and the Theatrum of Pauli Freheri, tom. ii. pp. 1231, 1232.

[336] A man of notable intelligence, a skilled politician, a capable negotiator, a theologian, and a respected poet, Joachim Vadian left a significant gap in the political discussions, just as he did in the churches of his nation. He had been elected eleven times as the mayor of Saint Gall.—See Melchior Adam, Vitæ Medicorum Germanorum; and the Theatrum of Pauli Freheri, tom. ii. pp. 1231, 1232.

[337] An allusion to a recent work of Osiander's On Justification, which gave rise to keen controversy in Germany.—See the Correspondence of Calvin with Melanchthon in 1552.

[337] A reference to a recent work by Osiander, On Justification, which sparked intense debate in Germany.—See the Correspondence of Calvin with Melanchthon in 1552.

[338] By all appearance Amy Perrin.

From all perspectives, Amy Perrin.

[339] The number of refugees daily increasing at Geneva, permission was grantod them to assemble together for public worship in their own languages. English was preached at the Auditoire, Italian at the College, Spanish at Saint Gervais, and Flemish in Saint Germain. The unity of the Spirit shone through the diversity of languages.—Spon and Picot, Histoire de Genève.

[339] As the number of refugees in Geneva grew daily, they were allowed to gather for public worship in their own languages. English services were held at the Auditoire, Italian at the College, Spanish at Saint Gervais, and Flemish in Saint Germain. The unity of the Spirit was evident even amid the diversity of languages.—Spon and Picot, Histoire de Genève.

[340] The Pope and the King of France were at that time engaged in a struggle about the town of Parma, which the former wished to plunder, and the latter to defend in behalf of Ottavio Farneso. Tho Emperor was not slow in joining the cause of the Pope, and peace was not concluded till the following year.

[340] At that time, the Pope and the King of France were involved in a conflict over the town of Parma, which the Pope wanted to seize and the King aimed to protect on behalf of Ottavio Farnese. The Emperor quickly sided with the Pope, and peace wasn't achieved until the following year.

[341] This letter without an address, was written to a friend, perhaps to one of the members of the family of Beza in France, during an illness which endangered his life, in 1551, and which called forth from the Reformer the most touching testimonies of his affection.

[341] This letter, which has no address, was written to a friend, possibly to a family member of Beza in France, during a serious illness in 1551 that threatened his life, prompting the Reformer to express the most heartfelt feelings of his affection.

[342] See the letter to the King of the month of January, p. 299. The ministor, Nicolas des Gallars, charged to present to the King the letter and the Commentaries of Calvin, had met with the most flattering reception at Court.*

[342] See the letter to the King from January, p. 299. The minister, Nicolas des Gallars, tasked with delivering the letter and Calvin's Commentaries to the King, received a very warm welcome at Court.*

*See Calvin's letter to Farel, p. 311, ante.

*See Calvin's letter to Farel, p. 311, before.*

[343] Calvin published his treatise, De Æterna Dei Praedestinatione, during the following year, in reply to certain attacks directed against this doctrine by an Italian Doctor named George of Sicily, and the German theologian, Albert Pighius, whom he had already assailed in 1543.—(See vol. i. p. 371 of the present Collection.) Little is known regarding George of Sicily. Suspected by the Catholics on account of his professing certain of the Reformed doctrines, and by the Protestants from his holding certain heterodox opinions, he was disclaimed alike by both of those Churches, and ultimately fell a victim to the Inquisition, at Ferrara.—MSS. of the Library of Ferrara.

[343] Calvin published his treatise, De Æterna Dei Praedestinatione, the following year in response to attacks on this doctrine from an Italian doctor named George of Sicily and the German theologian Albert Pighius, whom he had already criticized in 1543.—(See vol. i. p. 371 of the present Collection.) Not much is known about George of Sicily. He was viewed with suspicion by Catholics for endorsing some of the Reformed doctrines and by Protestants for holding certain unorthodox views. Consequently, both Churches disavowed him, and he ultimately became a victim of the Inquisition in Ferrara.—MSS. of the Library of Ferrara.

[344] Notwithstanding the interested advances made by the King of France to the Swiss Cantons, and despite his alliance with the Protestants of Germany, the persecutions did not terminate in France. A minister of the district of Neuchatel, originally from the neighbourhood of Mans, named Hugues Gravier, having undertaken a journey to his native country, was arrested at the bridge of Maçon, and, after a long imprisonment, condemned to the flames, notwithstanding the intervention of the Seigneurs of Berne in his behalf. He submitted to this cruel torture at Bourg-en-Bresse, with wonderful firmness; and his death, says the historian of the Martyrs, was the means of forming a nursery of the faithful throughout the entire neighbourhood.—Hist. des Martyrs, p. 234, anno 1552. Hist. Eccl., p. 86.

[344] Despite the King's attempts to win over the Swiss Cantons and his alliance with the Protestant factions in Germany, persecution in France continued. A minister from Neuchatel, originally from the Mans area, named Hugues Gravier, took a trip back to his homeland and was arrested at the Maçon bridge. After a lengthy imprisonment, he was sentenced to be burned alive, even with the support of the Seigneurs of Berne advocating for him. He faced this brutal punishment in Bourg-en-Bresse with remarkable courage; and according to the historian of the Martyrs, his death led to the creation of a community of believers throughout the entire surrounding area.—Hist. des Martyrs, p. 234, anno 1552. Hist. Eccl., p. 86.

[345] The new opinions made every day fresh progress in France, in spite of the rigour of the edicts, and the severity of the judges. Inspired by the evil spirit of Cardinals Tournon and Lorraine, the King resorted to measures of great cruelty. The Edict of Chateaubriand, issued on the 27th of June 1551, declared Protestants amenable at once to ecclesiastical and civil tribunals, so that if absolved by the jurisdiction of the one, they were liable to condemnation by that of the other! This was a violation of the laws of the most ordinary justice; but at a time when the Emperor, aided by the heretic Maurice of Saxony, was attacking the Pope, the King of France could not give too strong a pledge of his orthodoxy. The blood of the disciples of the Gospel flowed like water, to expiate the alliance of this persecuting monarch with the Lutherans of Germany.—Haag, France Protestante, Introduction, p. x.

[345] Fresh ideas were making progress every day in France, despite the strictness of the laws and the harshness of the judges. Influenced by the malicious intentions of Cardinals Tournon and Lorraine, the King resorted to extremely cruel measures. The Edict of Chateaubriand, issued on June 27, 1551, declared that Protestants were subject to both church and civil courts, meaning that if they were exonerated by one, they could still be condemned by the other! This was a clear violation of standard justice principles; however, at a time when the Emperor, supported by the heretic Maurice of Saxony, was attacking the Pope, the King of France needed to demonstrate his commitment to orthodoxy. The blood of Gospel followers flowed like water, sacrificing themselves for the alliance of this persecuting monarch with the Lutherans of Germany.—Haag, France Protestante, Introduction, p. x.

[346] There were at that time proposals of marriage between the young King Edward, and Elizabeth of France, daughter of Henry II., but the negotiations relative to that match wore without result.—Burnet, History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 282, (Nares' Edition.)

[346] At that time, there were marriage proposals between the young King Edward and Elizabeth of France, daughter of Henry II, but the negotiations for that match ended without any results.—Burnet, History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 282, (Nares' Edition.)

[347] Calvin, referring to the same circumstance in a letter to Viret, (Aug. 1551,) expressed himself thus:—"An ignorant monk, from an obscure village, disparaged me. A ridiculous affair. He was a demagogue, who from the front of the platform, bawled out that we were worse than the Papists, and brought forward a paper before the Consistory, written by himself, in which he accused me, by name, of teaching what was false and contrary to the word of God; called me an impostor; babbled out that those who agreed with me held impious opinions," &c.—(Calv. Opera, vol. ix. p. 61.) From these last traits, we recognize the same obscure individual, who made bold to bring forward such accusations against Calvin, and whose disputes with the Reformer were soon to acquire a sad notoriety over all Switzerland. This man was Jerome Bolsec!—See the following letter.

[347] Calvin, mentioning the same situation in a letter to Viret (Aug. 1551), wrote: "An ignorant monk from a small village insulted me. It was ridiculous. He was a demagogue who shouted from the front of the platform that we were worse than the Papists and presented a paper to the Consistory, written by himself, where he accused me by name of teaching things that were false and against the word of God; called me a fraud; rambled on about how those who agreed with me held impious views," &c.—(Calv. Opera, vol. ix. p. 61.) From these last details, we recognize the same obscure individual who dared to make such accusations against Calvin, and whose arguments with the Reformer would soon gain unfortunate notoriety across all of Switzerland. This man was Jerome Bolsec!—See the following letter.

[348] At a general meeting, held October 16, 1551, the minister of Jussy, Jean de Saint André, in preaching from the words of St. John, (viii. 47,) "He that is of God heareth God's words ...," took occasion to develope the doctrine of eternal election, declaring that "those who are not regenerated by the Spirit of God, continue in a state of rebellion even to the end, because obedience is a gift accorded only to the elect." He had scarcely finished speaking when one of the hearers rose up, and pronounced this doctrine false and impious, accompanying his discourse with coarse abuse of those who make God the author of sin, and exhorted the people to guard against this new doctrine as a detestable piece of folly. This man was the old Carmelite monk, Jerome Bolsec, a physician, preacher, and poet, who, wandering by turns in France and Italy, had retired to Geneva some months previously, where he had already frequently attacked the doctrines of Calvin. Unnoticed in the crowd, the Reformer, whom Bolsec had thought absent, immediately rose up, and by a succession of testimonies borrowed from the writings of Augustine, eloquently refuted his adversary. Arrested on account of the temerity of his language, and interrogated by the magistrate, Jerome refused to retract, and was thrown into prison. The case was brought before the Council, where he boldly maintained his opinion, adding, besides, that many of the Swiss ministers shared in his sentiments. Before pronouncing a judgment, which the ministers of Geneva earnestly desired, the magistrates wrote concerning the subject to three Reformed towns, namely, Zurich, Berne, and Bâle, furnishing them with a list of the errors of Bolsec, and asking their advice as to how they should treat him. See the Registers of the Council, Oct. 1551; Gautier, Manuscript History of Geneva, and Ruehat, tom. v. p. 456.

[348] At a general meeting on October 16, 1551, the minister of Jussy, Jean de Saint André, while preaching on the words of St. John (viii. 47), "He that is of God hears God's words ...," took the opportunity to explain the doctrine of eternal election. He stated that "those who are not reborn by the Spirit of God remain in a state of rebellion until the end, because obedience is a gift given only to the elect." He had barely finished when one listener stood up and declared this doctrine to be false and impious, adding harsh insults against those who consider God the author of sin, and urged the crowd to be wary of this new teaching as a terrible folly. This man was the old Carmelite monk, Jerome Bolsec, a doctor, preacher, and poet, who had wandered between France and Italy before settling in Geneva a few months earlier, where he had already frequently criticized Calvin's doctrines. Unnoticed in the crowd, the Reformer, whom Bolsec had thought was absent, quickly rose and, using a series of references from Augustine's writings, eloquently countered his opponent. Arrested for his bold words and questioned by the magistrate, Jerome refused to back down, leading to his imprisonment. The case was brought before the Council, where he confidently defended his views, noting that many Swiss ministers held similar beliefs. Before making a decision, which the ministers of Geneva were keen on, the magistrates wrote to three Reformed cities—Zurich, Berne, and Bâle—providing them with a list of Bolsec's errors and seeking their advice on how to handle him. See the Registers of the Council, Oct. 1551; Gautier, Manuscript History of Geneva, and Ruehat, tom. v. p. 456.

[349] This is Calvin's last letter to Myconius. Struck by apoplexy while in the pulpit of the Cathedral of Bâle, a few days before the Easter festivals of 1551, Myconius never rallied, till he was carried off by the plague in October 1552, in the sixty-fourth year of his age. His bereaved widow survived him only a few days. Simon Sulzer succeeded him in the office of Antistes which he had filled during more than ten years with moderation and wisdom.—See Melch. Adam, Vitæ Theol. Germ., p. 224; Ruchat, tom. v. p. 468.

[349] This is Calvin's last letter to Myconius. Struck by a stroke while preaching in the pulpit of the Cathedral of Bâle, just days before the Easter celebrations of 1551, Myconius never recovered and subsequently died from the plague in October 1552, at the age of sixty-four. His grieving widow lived only a few days longer. Simon Sulzer took over as Antistes, a position he had held for more than ten years with balance and wisdom.—See Melch. Adam, Vitæ Theol. Germ., p. 224; Ruchat, tom. v. p. 468.

[350] Alluding to the reply expected from the ministers of Bâle, concerning the case of Bolsec. See the preceding letter.

[350] Referring to the response anticipated from the ministers of Bâle regarding the Bolsec case. See the earlier letter.

[351] See letter, p. 319.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See letter, p. 319.

[352] "To Mons. Christopher Fabri, minister of the Word of God in the Church of Neufchatel."

[352] "To Mr. Christopher Fabri, minister of the Word of God in the Church of Neufchatel."

The theologians of Bâle were the first to communicate their sentiments regarding the case of Bolsec. In a letter dated 28th November, they openly acknowledged the doctrine which was the occasion of the dispute. They regarded election as "the effect of a secret cause, known to God alone, and which man should not attempt to fathom." So far as Bolsec himself was concerned, they were inclined to treat him with indulgence, deceiving thereby the hopes of the Reformer, who desired a triumphant condemnation of his adversary.

The theologians of Bâle were the first to share their thoughts on the Bolsec case. In a letter dated November 28th, they openly recognized the doctrine that sparked the conflict. They viewed election as "the result of a hidden cause, known only to God, which humans should not try to understand." As for Bolsec himself, they seemed willing to show him some leniency, which ultimately disappointed the hopes of the Reformer, who wanted a decisive condemnation of his opponent.

[353] In the theological disputes between Calvin and Bolsec, M. de Falais declared himself in favour of the latter, from whom he received medical advice. He had even written a letter to Bâle in his behalf.

[353] In the theological debates between Calvin and Bolsec, M. de Falais sided with Bolsec, from whom he got medical advice. He even wrote a letter to Bâle on his behalf.

[354] See the preceding letter, p. 327.

[354] See the previous letter, p. 327.

[355] The theologians of Zurich, like those of Bâle, did not hesitate to profess adherence to the doctrine attacked by Bolsec. "Jerome," said they, "deceives himself and wrongs Zuingle, if he believes that the latter taught that God himself was the cause of man's sinning; for if he appeared to teach something similar to that in his book on The Providence of God, we must, at the same time, consult his other writings, where he has plainly established that sin comes by no means from God, but from human corruption and voluntary wickedness." Addressed to the Councils of Geneva by an oversight which the ministers of that church seemed keenly to feel, the answer from Zurich did not appear to Calvin to be a sufficiently explicit condemnation of his adversary. See the letter to Bullinger of January 1552.

[355] The theologians of Zurich, similar to those in Bâle, were not hesitant to affirm their support for the doctrine that Bolsec criticized. "Jerome," they stated, "is misleading himself and misrepresenting Zwingli if he thinks that Zwingli taught that God himself was the cause of human sin; because even if he seems to suggest something like that in his book on The Providence of God, we must also look at his other writings, where he clearly states that sin does not come from God at all, but from human corruption and voluntary wrongdoing." The response from Zurich, addressed to the Councils of Geneva, was seen as a misstep that the ministers of that church were acutely aware of, and Calvin did not consider it a sufficiently clear condemnation of his opponent. See the letter to Bullinger from January 1552.

[356] Lelio Socin, founder of the celebrated sect which bears his name, was born at Sienna of a distinguished family: his father, Mariano Socin, a professor in the University of Bologna, was one of the most learned jurisconsults of his age. Of a bold and active mind, which found pleasure in the most subtle speculations, and which would not stop short of the interpretation of mysteries, Lelio left his native country in 1548, and joined the Reformers of Switzerland and Germany, whose friendship he won by the politeness of his manners, the purity of his life, and his zeal for learning. He resided by turns at Zurich and Wittemberg, and was not slow, by correspondence or conversation, to express his doubts on the common doctrines, which he skilfully advanced rather in the form of questions than as opinions which he was prepared to maintain and to teach. He was beloved by Bullinger, who did not suspect the heterodoxy of his beliefs, and who wrote to Calvin regarding him, "I restrain as far as I can this man's curiosity;" and Calvin himself, after having repeatedly broken off correspondence with Socin, could not forbear renewing it, and giving a friendly reply to the doubts which he had expressed on the resurrection, baptism, the trinity, &c. (Calv. Opera, tom. ix. pp. 51, 57, 197.) The letter, which is published here for the first time, throws valuable light on the relation of the Reformer to the founder of a sect to which even Socin himself was yet a stranger, and whose doubts were afterwards to be set up as dogmas by his disciples. Lelio Socin died in 1562, before he had completed his thirty-seventh year.—M'Crie, Hist. of Ref. in Italy, passim.

[356] Lelio Socin, the founder of the well-known sect named after him, was born in Sienna to a prominent family. His father, Mariano Socin, was a professor at the University of Bologna and one of the most knowledgeable legal experts of his time. With a bold and active mind, fascinated by deep speculations and eager to explore mysteries, Lelio left his homeland in 1548 and joined the Reformers in Switzerland and Germany. He earned their friendship through his courteous behavior, virtuous life, and passion for learning. He stayed alternately in Zurich and Wittenberg, where he quickly shared his doubts about conventional beliefs through letters and discussions, often framing his thoughts as questions rather than firm opinions. He was well-liked by Bullinger, who was unaware of any unorthodox views, and who wrote to Calvin about Lelio, saying, "I do my best to temper this man's curiosity." Calvin, despite repeatedly ending their correspondence, couldn’t resist renewing it and replying positively to Lelio's doubts about the resurrection, baptism, the Trinity, and other topics. (Calv. Opera, tom. ix. pp. 51, 57, 197.) The letter presented here for the first time provides valuable insight into the Reformer’s relationship with the founder of a sect that Socin himself had not yet fully identified with, a sect whose doubts would later be adopted as doctrines by his followers. Lelio Socin died in 1562, just before turning thirty-seven. —M'Crie, Hist. of Ref. in Italy, passim.

[357] This letter, without a date, appears to us to belong to the last months of the year 1551. Lelio Socin was living at that time at Wittemberg.—M'Crie, Hist. of the Ref. in Italy, p. 430.

[357] This undated letter seems to be from the final months of 1551. Lelio Socin was living in Wittenberg at that time.—M'Crie, Hist. of the Ref. in Italy, p. 430.

[358] The magistrates of Geneva, after having received the advice of the leading Swiss Churches,—which were unanimous alike in their recognition of the doctrine of election, and in soliciting indulgence for Bolsec,—proceeded with the trial of the prisoner, who, having refused to retract his opinions, was solemnly banished on the 23d December 1551, for having persisted in an obstinate despisal of the judgment of the Churches to which he had promised submission.—(Registers of the Council, Dec. 1551. Spon and Picot, Histoire de Genève.) Calvin did not wish the sentence to be more severe, although he counted on the Swiss Churches taking a more energetic course, and in the ardour of his zeal for what he regarded as sound doctrine, looked upon all hesitation and all weakness as a cowardly abandonment of the truth.

[358] The magistrates of Geneva, after consulting with the leaders of the Swiss Churches—who all agreed on the doctrine of election and requested leniency for Bolsec—continued with the trial of the prisoner, who had refused to retract his views. He was officially banished on December 23, 1551, for stubbornly disregarding the judgment of the Churches to which he had pledged his allegiance. —(Registers of the Council, Dec. 1551. Spon and Picot, Histoire de Genève.) Calvin did not want the punishment to be harsher, even though he expected the Swiss Churches to take a stronger stance. In his zeal for what he believed to be true doctrine, he viewed any hesitation or weakness as a cowardly betrayal of the truth.

[359] In their reply to the ministers of Geneva concerning Bolsec, the ministers of Berne freely pleaded the cause of toleration:—"We do not believe," said they, "that it is necessary to treat those who err with too much severity, lest while wishing to defend, with too great zeal, the purity of dogmas, we swerve from the law of Jesus Christ, that is, from charity.... Jesus Christ loved the truth, but he loved souls also; not only those who advanced without declension, but also those who went astray. And it is the latter of which the Good Shepherd, in the Gospel parable, takes the greatest care."... More explicit than the theologians of Zurich and of Bâle on the doctrine which formed the ground of the debate, the ministers of Berne gave a deliverance against the doctrine of predestination:—"To come," said they, "to the subject of dispute with Bolsec, you are not ignorant how much vexation it has caused very many good men, of whom we cannot have a bad opinion, who reading in the Scriptures those passages which exalt the grace of God to all men, have not sufficient discernment rightly to understand the true mysteries of Divine election, attach themselves to the proclamation of grace and of universal benevolence, and think that we cannot make God condemn, harden, and blind any man, without being guilty of the insupportable blasphemy of making God himself the author both of man's blindness and of his perdition, and by consequence of all sin."—See this letter, and those of the Churches of Zurich and Bâle, in the Collection of Professor Alph. Turretin, entitled, Nubes Testium, and in Ruchat, tom. v. p. 461, et seq.

[359] In their response to the ministers of Geneva regarding Bolsec, the ministers of Berne strongly advocated for tolerance: "We do not believe," they stated, "that it is necessary to deal too harshly with those who are mistaken, as in trying to protect the purity of our beliefs with too much zeal, we might stray from the teachings of Jesus Christ, which is love... Jesus Christ valued the truth, but he also valued souls; not just those who move forward without faltering, but also those who go astray. It is for the latter that the Good Shepherd, in the Gospel story, shows the greatest care." More clearly than the theologians of Zurich and Bâle on the doctrine central to the discussion, the ministers of Berne declared against the doctrine of predestination: "To address the dispute with Bolsec, you are aware of the distress it has caused many good people, whom we cannot judge poorly. They read those Scripture passages that emphasize God’s grace towards all, yet they lack the ability to fully grasp the true mysteries of Divine election. They cling to the message of grace and universal goodwill, believing that we cannot make God condemn, harden, and blind anyone without holding Him responsible for their blindness and destruction, and therefore for all sin."—Refer to this letter and those from the Churches of Zurich and Bâle in the collection by Professor Alph. Turretin, titled Nubes Testium, and in Ruchat, vol. v, p. 461, et seq.

[360] This minister was banished shortly after beyond the territory of the Seigneurs of Berne on account of this expression.

[360] This minister was expelled shortly after from the land of the Seigneurs of Berne because of this remark.

[361] Farel was a genuine orator. All his contemporaries speak with admiration of his eloquent discourses, of his beautiful exhortations, and of his prayers, so fervent, that no one could hear them without being charmed. But it appears that his discourses were all extempore; none of them have been preserved, but they had a few of the defects of improvisation. Their fault was prolixity. Calvin, in his preface to the Psalms, paid, among other things, a brilliant tribute to the eloquence of his friend, and to those thunders of the word (tonitrua) by which he had been enchained at Geneva.

[361] Farel was a true orator. All his contemporaries spoke highly of his powerful speeches, beautiful encouragements, and his prayers, which were so passionate that no one could listen to them without being captivated. However, it seems that all of his speeches were improvised; none have been saved, but they did have some of the typical flaws of spontaneity. Their main issue was being overly lengthy. Calvin, in his introduction to the Psalms, paid a glowing tribute to his friend's eloquence and to the thunderous words (tonitrua) that had captivated him in Geneva.

[362] In Calvin's own hand.

In Calvin's handwriting.

[363] Without date. The end is wanting. We believe that this letter refers to the first month of the year 1552.

[363] Undated. The end is missing. We think this letter is about the first month of the year 1552.

[364] Who is the personage to whom these words refer, stamped at once by the inflexible spirit of the time and the stern rigour of the Reformer? The historian can only offer conjectures: can it be Jerome Bolsec? But a regular sentence had banished him from Geneva, and Calvin himself does not appear to have called for a more severe judgment against this innovator whom resentment had transformed into a vile pamphleteer. "That fellow, Jerome, is driven out into perpetual exile by a public sentence. Certain revilers have spread abroad the falsehood, that we earnestly desired a much severer punishment, and foolishly, it is believed."—(Calvin to Bullinger, in the month of January 1552.) In that age of inexorable severity against unsound doctrine, Servetus only appeared at Geneva to expire at the stake, and Gentili only escaped the scaffold for a time, by the voluntary retraction of his opinions. To name Gentili, Servetus, Bolsec, is to recall the principal victims of Calvinistic intolerance in the sixteenth century, but not to solve the mystery which attaches to the personage designated in the letter of Calvin to Madame de Cany.

[364] Who is the person referred to here, marked by the strict nature of the times and the harsh principles of the Reformer? Historians can only speculate: could it be Jerome Bolsec? But a formal verdict had exiled him from Geneva, and Calvin himself does not seem to have called for a harsher punishment against this reformer who had been turned into a disreputable pamphleteer by resentment. "That guy, Jerome, is banished into eternal exile by a public sentence. Certain critics have spread the falsehood that we seriously wanted a much harsher punishment, which is foolishly believed."—(Calvin to Bullinger, January 1552.) In that time of ruthless severity against misguided beliefs, Servetus only came to Geneva to meet his end at the stake, and Gentili managed to escape execution for a time by voluntarily retracting his views. Mentioning Gentili, Servetus, and Bolsec brings to mind the main victims of Calvinistic intolerance in the sixteenth century, but it doesn’t unravel the mystery surrounding the individual mentioned in Calvin’s letter to Madame de Cany.

[365] Theodore Beza, then professor of Greek literature in the Academy of Lausanne. Born the 24th June 1519, at Véselay in Burgundy, he had left Paris after a brilliant and dissipated youth, and retired to Geneva the 24th October 1548, giving up the possession of the rich benefices which he held of his uncle, the Abbé of Froidmont. Of this number was the priory of Londjumeau, which became the matter of a tedious lawsuit between Beza and the new titular, M. de Sunistan, the protégé of the Duchesse d'Etampes.

[365] Theodore Beza, who was the professor of Greek literature at the Academy of Lausanne. Born on June 24, 1519, in Véselay, Burgundy, he left Paris after a troubled but glamorous youth and moved to Geneva on October 24, 1548, giving up his wealthy positions that he inherited from his uncle, the Abbé of Froidmont. One of these positions was the priory of Londjumeau, which became the subject of a long legal battle between Beza and the new holder, M. de Sunistan, a protege of the Duchesse d'Etampes.

[366] Anne de Pisseleu, Duchesse d'Etampes. She was a sister of Madame de Cany.

[366] Anne de Pisseleu, Duchess of Etampes. She was a sister of Madame de Cany.

[367] Laurent de Normandie. See note 1, p. 311.

[367] Laurent de Normandie. See note 1, p. 311.

This passage seems to refer to an edition of the Psalms translated into French verse by Theodore Beza, earlier than that which is mentioned by Senebier.—(Histoire Littéraire de Genève, tom. i. p. 289.—Septante-Neuf Pseaulmes mis en Rithme Française, Quarante-Neuf par Clement Marot, avec le Cantique de Siméon et les Dix Commandements, in 24. Genève, chez Simon de Bosc, 1556.) M. Picot, Hist. de Genève, tom. ii. p. 7, mentions an edition of the Psalms, published in 1551. We know that the first complete edition, for the use of the Reformed Churches, appeared at Lyons in 1562, with the "Privilège du Roi."

This passage seems to refer to a version of the Psalms translated into French verse by Theodore Beza, earlier than the one mentioned by Senebier.—(Histoire Littéraire de Genève, vol. i, p. 289.—Septante-Neuf Pseaulmes mis en Rithme Française, Quarante-Neuf par Clément Marot, avec le Cantique de Siméon et les Dix Commandements, in 24. Geneva, published by Simon de Bosc, 1556.) M. Picot, Hist. de Genève, vol. ii, p. 7, mentions a version of the Psalms released in 1551. We know that the first complete edition for the Reformed Churches came out in Lyons in 1562, with the "Privilège du Roi."

[368] Despite Calvin's disagreements with the magistrates of Berne and the Helvetic Churches, he did not hesitate to undertake a journey to them in the month of March 1552, which the seriousness of the circumstances demanded, in order to plead the cause, among the Cantons, of the French Protestants, who were then in a most deplorable condition. "This year," says Ruchat, "the King of France carried his persecution of the Reformers, even to the death, so to speak: and those faithful subjects, who wished only to be allowed to serve God in liberty of conscience, were subjected to the violence of his officers, who acted like so many unchained furies. The flames were kindled, the wheel and the gallows were erected at all the tribunals. The Protestant States of the empire, and the four Reformed Cantons, wore active in their intercessions with the King, by means of special ambassadors, in behalf of these poor persecuted ones; but all their prayers were useless." (Hist. de la Réf., tom. v. p. 479.) The King, on advising the Cantons to abstain from any further approaches to him, declared that he wished to be allowed to remain his own master, and to act as he pleased, and for them to refrain in future, lest those cities continued this business at their own peril; ... that they were at liberty to govern their own cities as they thought proper; that, for his own part, he wished, without let or hindrance, to do the same in his own kingdom, because he intended by all means to purge it of those seditious men.—(Bullinger to Calvin, tom. ix. p. 68.) This last epithet was a calumny. Yet he continued, nevertheless, to persecute the faithful of France as seditious and as rebels, because they desired to serve and to worship God according to his word.

[368] Even though Calvin disagreed with the magistrates of Berne and the Helvetic Churches, he didn’t hesitate to travel to see them in March 1552, as the serious circumstances required it, to advocate for the French Protestants, who were in a terrible situation. "This year," notes Ruchat, "the King of France escalated his persecution of the Reformers to the point of death: those loyal subjects, who only wanted to serve God with freedom of conscience, faced the brutality of his officers, who acted like wild beasts. The fires were lit, and the wheel and gallows were set up at all the courts. The Protestant States of the empire and the four Reformed Cantons actively intervened with the King through special ambassadors on behalf of these poor persecuted individuals; but all their efforts were in vain." (Hist. de la Réf., tom. v. p. 479.) When the King advised the Cantons to stop reaching out to him, he stated that he wanted to remain in control of his own decisions and for them to refrain from further actions, or they would face risks; … that they were free to govern their own cities as they saw fit; and that he, on his part, wanted to do the same in his kingdom without any interference, as he intended to rid it of those seditious individuals.—(Bullinger to Calvin, tom. ix. p. 68.) This last term was a calumny. Nonetheless, he continued to persecute the faithful in France, labeling them as seditious and rebellious, simply because they wished to serve and worship God according to his word.

[369] See note 1, Vol. i. p. 439.

[369] See note 1, Vol. i. p. 439.

"This good bishop," says Beza, "agreeing to persecute those whom he formerly defended as far as he could, was made Bishop of Orleans, whither God attended him on his journey. For on the eve of his entrée, he went, as the custom was, to the Monastery called Saint Iverte, and entered a pulpit to preach; there was a very great number of people present, and whilst uttering harsh threats against those termed heretics, he was seized with a colic so sudden and severe, that being carried away he died a miserable death on the following night, and made his entrée elsewhere than at Orleans."—Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 81.

"This good bishop," says Beza, "who agreed to persecute those he had previously defended as much as he could, became the Bishop of Orleans, where God accompanied him on his journey. On the eve of his entrée, he went, as was customary, to the Monastery called Saint Iverte and stepped into a pulpit to preach; there was a huge crowd present, and while he was delivering strong threats against those labeled as heretics, he was suddenly struck with a severe colic. He was taken away and died a miserable death the following night, making his entrée somewhere other than Orleans."—Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 81.

[370] Doubtless the writing published by Calvin and his colleagues, entitled, "Congrégation faite en l'Eglise de Genève sur la Matière de l'élection éternelle." Geneva, 1552, 8vo.

[370] Clearly, the writing released by Calvin and his colleagues, titled, "Congrégation faite en l'Eglise de Genève sur la Matière de l'élection éternelle," Geneva, 1552, 8vo.

[371] The Marquis de Vico, a Neapolitan nobleman, retired to Geneva. He was admitted an inhabitant of the city, "after having promised to submit to the laws of the magistrates, and to live in the profession of the Reformed religion."—Registers of Council, 15th June 1551.

[371] The Marquis de Vico, a nobleman from Naples, moved to Geneva. He was accepted as a resident of the city "after promising to follow the laws of the officials and to live according to the principles of the Reformed religion."—Registers of Council, 15th June 1551.

[372] Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of England, took an important part in the Reformation of his country during the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. He laboured assiduously with the Reformers of the Continent, who esteemed his learning and honoured his character, to establish a bond of union between the foreign churches and his own; and if he did not live to see his efforts crowned with success, he at least left behind him an example worthy of imitation. What is most notable in these endeavours is to be found in Cranmer's Letters to the leading theologians of Switzerland and Germany, reproduced in the Collections of his Works published by the Parker Society. They are likewise to be found in the Collection of Zurich Letters, 1st series, vol. i. p. 21-26, from which we borrow the following letter to Calvin, which furnishes us with the date of the Reformer's reply to the Prelate:—"As nothing tends more injuriously to the separation of the Churches than heresies and disputes respecting the doctrines of religion, so nothing tends more effectually to unite the Churches of God, and more powerfully to defend the fold of Christ, than the pure teaching of the Gospel and harmony of doctrine. Wherefore I have often wished, and still continue to do so, that learned and godly men, who are eminent for erudition and judgment, might meet together, and, comparing their respective opinions, might handle all the heads of ecclesiastical doctrine, and hand down to posterity, under the weight of their authority some work not only upon the subjects themselves, but upon the forms of expressing them. Our adversaries are now holding their councils at Trent, for the establishment of their errors; and shall we neglect to call together a godly synod, for the refutation of error, and for restoring and propagating the truth? They are, as I am informed, making decrees respecting the worship of the host; wherefore we ought to leave no stone unturned, not only that we may guard others against this idolatry, but also that we may ourselves come to an agreement upon the doctrine of this sacrament. It cannot escape your prudence how exceedingly the Church of God has been injured by dissensions and varieties of opinion respecting the sacrament of unity; and though they are now in some measure removed, yet I could wish for an agreement in this doctrine, not only as regards the subject itself, but also with respect to the words and forms of expression. You have now my wish, about which I have also written to Masters Philip [Melanchthon] and Bullinger; and I pray you to deliberate among yourselves as to the means by which this synod can be assembled with the greatest convenience. Farewell.—Your very dear brother in Christ,

[372] Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of England, played a crucial role in the Reformation of his country during the reigns of Henry VIII and Edward VI. He worked tirelessly with the Reformers from the Continent, who valued his knowledge and respected his character, to create a connection between the foreign churches and his own; and while he did not live to see his efforts succeed, he left behind an example worthy of emulation. What stands out most in these efforts can be found in Cranmer's Letters to leading theologians in Switzerland and Germany, included in the Collections of his Works published by the Parker Society. They are also found in the Zurich Letters, 1st series, vol. i. p. 21-26, from which we draw the following letter to Calvin, which provides us with the date of the Reformer's response to the Archbishop:—"Nothing harms the unity of the Churches more than heresies and disputes over religious doctrines, just as nothing does more to unify God's Churches and strongly defend Christ's flock than the pure teaching of the Gospel and harmony of doctrine. Thus, I have often wished, and still do, that learned and godly men, who are distinguished for their education and judgment, could gather together, compare their opinions, address all aspects of ecclesiastical doctrine, and leave behind a work under their authority that explores not only the subjects themselves but also the ways to express them. Our opponents are currently holding their councils at Trent to solidify their errors; shall we ignore the opportunity to gather a godly synod to refute these errors and to restore and spread the truth? They are reportedly making decrees regarding the worship of the host; therefore, we should spare no effort to protect others from this idolatry and also to reach a consensus on the doctrine of this sacrament ourselves. It cannot escape your insight how much the Church of God has suffered from disagreements and differing opinions regarding the sacrament of unity; and although some of these issues have been resolved, I still wish for agreement in this doctrine, not only regarding the subject itself but also concerning the wording and expressions used. You now know my desire, which I have also shared with Masters Philip [Melanchthon] and Bullinger; and I ask you to consider among yourselves how this synod can be organized most conveniently. Farewell.—Your very dear brother in Christ,

"Thomas Cantuar.

Thomas Cantuar.

"Lambeth, 20th March 1552."

"Lambeth, March 20, 1552."

Calvin could only subscribe to the wishes so nobly expressed by Cranmer, and which harmonized so well with the most elevated sentiments of the Reformer of Geneva.

Calvin could only agree with the wishes so nobly expressed by Cranmer, which matched so well with the highest ideals of the Reformer of Geneva.

[373] Alluding to the unfortunate controversies raised by Osiander in Germany on the doctrine of Justification.

[373] Referring to the unfortunate controversies caused by Osiander in Germany regarding the doctrine of Justification.

[374] See the eloquent appeal addressed to Bullinger, ante, pp. 329, 341. The latter had written to Calvin, giving him an account of the fruitless efforts of the Cantons with Henry II., and of the haughty response of that monarch: "He lives who delivered his people from Egypt; he lives who brought back the captivity from Babylon; he lives who defended his Church against Cæsars, kings, and profligate princes. Verily we must needs pass through many afflictions into the kingdom of God. But woe to those who touch the apple of God's eye."—Calv. Opera, tom. ix. p. 68.

[374] Check out the powerful message sent to Bullinger, ante, pp. 329, 341. He had written to Calvin, sharing the failed attempts of the Cantons with Henry II., and that king's arrogant reply: "He lives who freed his people from Egypt; he lives who returned the captives from Babylon; he lives who protected his Church against emperors, kings, and corrupt princes. Truly, we must go through many hardships to enter the kingdom of God. But woe to those who harm the apple of God's eye." — Calv. Opera, tom. ix. p. 68.

[375] See the following Letter.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check the following Letter.

[376] In the month of April 1552, five young Frenchmen, instructed at the school of theology of Lausanne, and devoted to the functions of the ministry, made arrangements for returning to their own country. These were Martial Alba of Montauban, Peter Ecrivain of Gascony, Charles Favre of Blanzac in Angoumois, Peter Navihères of Limousin, and Bernard Seguin of La Reole. After having spent some days at Geneva, they set out for Lyons, and met on the way at the Bourg de Colognes, nigh to L'Ecluse, a stranger, who offered himself as their fellow-traveller. They consented without harbouring any suspicion. Arrived at Lyons, they parted with their travelling companion, who pressed them to visit him at his dwelling of Ainay. They went thither without any distrust, were arrested and led away to the prisons of that jurisdiction. Such was the origin of a long and doleful process, which held the Churches of France and Switzerland for a long time in suspense, and during which, the blood-thirsty cruelty of the judges was only equalled by the constancy of the victims. On the first rumour of the arrest of the five students, the Church of Geneva took the matter up, and lavished upon the captives, by the voice of Calvin, the most lively testimonies of their sympathy.

[376] In April 1552, five young Frenchmen studying at the theology school in Lausanne and dedicated to the ministry planned to return to their home country. These were Martial Alba from Montauban, Peter Ecrivain from Gascony, Charles Favre from Blanzac in Angoumois, Peter Navihères from Limousin, and Bernard Seguin from La Reole. After spending a few days in Geneva, they set off for Lyons and met a stranger on the way at Bourg de Colognes near L'Ecluse, who offered to travel with them. They accepted without any suspicion. Upon arriving in Lyons, they parted ways with their traveling companion, who urged them to visit him at his home in Ainay. They went there without any doubt, were arrested, and taken to the local prison. This marked the beginning of a lengthy and sorrowful process that kept the Churches of France and Switzerland in suspense for a long time, during which the ruthless cruelty of the judges was matched only by the steadfastness of the victims. As soon as news of the five students' arrest spread, the Church of Geneva took action and, through Calvin, expressed their deepest sympathy for the captives.

[377] Calvin wrote this letter to King Edward VI., when dedicating to him the following little work: Four Sermons of Master John Calvin, treating of matters very profitable for our time, with a Brief Exposition of Psalm lxxxvii. Geneva, 1552, in 8vo, inserted in the Recueil des Opuscules, p. 824. These four sermons have been translated at different times into English. In the first, Calvin exhorts the faithful to flee from idolatry; in the second, he encourages them to suffer everything for Jesus Christ; in the third, he shews how highly believers ought to prize the privilege of being in the Church of God, where they are at liberty to worship him purely; in the last, he shews that this liberty cannot be purchased at too high a price.

[377] Calvin wrote this letter to King Edward VI when dedicating to him the following small work: Four Sermons of Master John Calvin, discussing topics very beneficial for our time, along with a Brief Exposition of Psalm 87. Geneva, 1552, in 8vo, included in the Recueil des Opuscules, p. 824. These four sermons have been translated into English at various times. In the first, Calvin urges the faithful to avoid idolatry; in the second, he encourages them to endure everything for Jesus Christ; in the third, he illustrates how much believers should value the privilege of being part of the Church of God, where they can worship Him freely; in the last, he explains that this freedom is worth any price.

[378] An error in the original; we must read 87th.

[378] There's an error in the original; it should say 87th.

[379] For a facsimile of the original of this passage, see Vol. I.

[379] For a copy of the original of this passage, see Vol. I.

[380] This letter bears no date, but it refers to the subject set forth in a preceding letter of Calvin's to Cranmer, p. 345, and we have no hesitation in assigning it a place in the course of the same year,—perhaps in July 1552.

[380] This letter has no date, but it talks about the topic mentioned in an earlier letter from Calvin to Cranmer, p. 345, and we confidently place it within the same year—possibly in July 1552.

[381] A letter without address, but evidently, as the date and the contents prove, relating to the trial of the five students of Lausanne.—(See the letter of the 10th of June, and the note at p. 355.) The personage to whom Calvin writes, is doubtless John Liner, a rich merchant of Saint Gall, settled at Lyons, who often visited the scholars in their dungeon, undertook several journeys on their behalf, and was unsparing, during the whole course of the suit, in tokens of most lively affection.—(Histoire des Martyrs, liv. iv. pp. 230, 231.) John Liner afterwards retired to his own country, where he lived to a very advanced age, and corresponded with Charles de Jonvillers, the secretary of Calvin, a correspondence which has been preserved to our days in the library of Saint Gall. Note, p. 363.

[381] A letter without an address, but clearly related to the trial of the five students from Lausanne, as shown by the date and content. —(See the letter from June 10th and the note on p. 355.) The person Calvin is writing to is likely John Liner, a wealthy merchant from Saint Gall living in Lyons, who frequently visited the students in their prison, made several trips on their behalf, and demonstrated his deep affection throughout the entire trial. —(Histoire des Martyrs, book iv, pp. 230, 231.) John Liner later returned to his home country, where he lived to a very old age and corresponded with Charles de Jonvillers, Calvin's secretary; this correspondence has been kept to this day in the library of Saint Gall. Note, p. 363.

[382] To the brethren of ..., without any further indication. The name of the Polish nobleman, John A Lasco, moderator of the Congregation of Foreign Protestants at London, informs us to what Church this letter was addressed.

[382] To the members of ..., without any further detail. The name of the Polish nobleman, John A Lasco, who was the leader of the Congregation of Foreign Protestants in London, tells us which Church this letter was meant for.

The Reformed Church of London, next to that of Strasbourg the oldest of the refugee churches, was formed during the first years of the reign of Edward VI., obtained a legal recognition in 1550, had for ministers Francis Péruçel, called La Rivière, and Richard Vanville, and as moderator an illustrious foreign nobleman, devoted to the cause of religious reform, John A Lasco or Laski. Dispersed in 1553, under the intolerant reign of Mary, it reconstituted itself under the reparative reign of Elizabeth, and reckoned in the list of its pastors one of the most distinguished ministers of Geneva, Nicolas des Gallars. In its early commencement, that Church, which has been perpetuated to our own day, and to which the greater part of the French Churches of England, of Scotland, and even of America, owe their origin and their organization, was troubled by theological disputes, which made the intervention of Calvin needful.

The Reformed Church of London, along with the Church of Strasbourg, is one of the oldest refugee churches. It was established during the early years of Edward VI's reign, gained legal recognition in 1550, and had Francis Péruçel, known as La Rivière, and Richard Vanville as ministers, with John A Lasco or Laski, an esteemed foreign nobleman dedicated to religious reform, serving as moderator. In 1553, it was disbanded during Mary’s intolerant reign but was reestablished during Elizabeth’s more tolerant rule. Among its pastors was Nicolas des Gallars, one of the most prominent ministers from Geneva. In its early days, this Church, which continues to exist today and is the foundation for many French Churches in England, Scotland, and even America, faced theological disputes that required Calvin’s intervention.

[383] A Lasco had composed a work entitled, The whole Form and Manner of the Ecclesiastical Ministry in the Church of the Strangers, set up at London by the very faithful Prince, Edward VI.

[383] A Lasco wrote a book called, The Complete Structure and Function of the Ecclesiastical Ministry in the Church of the Strangers, established in London by the very devoted Prince, Edward VI.

[384] On the back, in the handwriting of Calvin: "The case against Trolliet."

[384] On the back, in Calvin's handwriting: "The case against Trolliet."

Trolliet, of Geneva, a discontented and unsettled spirit, became, first of all, a hermit in Burgundy, and lived in affectation of sanctity. Soon tired, however, of playing this part, he re-appeared at Geneva, and solicited the functions of the ministry, from which he was warned off by the influence of Calvin, against whom he vowed an irreconcilable hatred. Thenceforward, he made himself remarkable in the ranks of the libertine party, by the violence of his attacks against the Reformer. He arraigned his writings, and offered to prove, that in the book of The Christian Institution, Calvin had made God the author of sin. These accusations, emulously repeated by the adversaries of the Reformer, and speciously tricked up with the authority of Melanchthon, provoked sharp discussions, which were only half appeased by the sentence of the Seigneurs of Geneva, who approved the Christian Institution, while at the same time declaring Trolliet, "homme de bien," out of consideration for the party to which he belonged. The whole of the papers relating to the controversy of Calvin with Trolliet, are to be found collected in Vol. 145 of the MSS. of the Library of Geneva.

Trolliet, from Geneva, a discontented and restless individual, first became a hermit in Burgundy, pretending to be pious. However, he quickly grew bored of this act and returned to Geneva, seeking a role in the ministry, which Calvin prevented him from taking, igniting an intense hatred towards Calvin. From that point on, he stood out among the libertine faction by aggressively attacking the Reformer. He criticized Calvin's writings and claimed that in the book The Christian Institution, Calvin had made God the author of sin. These accusations, eagerly echoed by Calvin's opponents and misleadingly supported by Melanchthon's authority, led to heated debates, which were only partially settled by the ruling of the Seigneurs of Geneva, who endorsed the Christian Institution while also calling Trolliet a "homme de bien," in consideration of his political affiliations. All the documents related to the controversy between Calvin and Trolliet can be found collected in Vol. 145 of the MSS. of the Library of Geneva.

[385] "Since we are all corrupt and contaminate by vice, it cannot be but God must hate us, and that not with tyrannical cruelty, but with reasonable equity.... That all the children of Adam come forward to contend and dispute against their Creator, because by his eternal Providence, they were devoted, before they were born, to perpetual calamity. When, on the contrary, God brings them to know themselves, how can they murmur at that? If they have all been taken out of a corrupt mass, it is no way marvellous that they are liable to condemnation. Let them not therefore accuse God of iniquity, because by his eternal decree they are ordained to condemnation, to which their very nature makes them amenable."—Institution of the Christian Religion, edit, of 1554, p. 461.

[385] "Since we are all flawed and tainted by wrongdoing, it’s only natural that God must despise us, not out of cruel tyranny, but out of just fairness.... All of humanity argues and complains against their Creator, because, through His eternal plan, they were destined, even before birth, to endless suffering. When, on the other hand, God helps them understand their true selves, how can they complain about that? If they all come from a corrupted source, it’s not surprising that they are subject to judgment. So they shouldn’t blame God for being unfair, because by His everlasting decree they are destined for condemnation, a fate to which their very nature subjects them."—Institution of the Christian Religion, edit, of 1554, p. 461.

[386] "The first man fell, because God thought it fit. Now, as to why he thought it fit, we know nothing. Yet it is certain, that he has not thus decided, unless because he saw that it would advance the glory of his name.... Man then falls, according as it has been ordained of God, but he falls by his own vice."—Ibid. edit, of 1551, p. 463.

[386] "The first man fell because God deemed it appropriate. We don't know why He thought it was appropriate, but it’s clear that He wouldn't have made that decision unless He saw it would bring glory to His name... So, man falls in accordance with what God has ordained, but he falls due to his own weaknesses."—Ibid. edit, of 1551, p. 463.

"Although that by the eternal Providence of God man has been created for that state of misery in which he is, yet notwithstanding he has derived the cause of that misery from himself, and not from God. For he perishes only because of his having, through perversity, degenerated from the pure nature which God had given him."—Ibid., p. 464.

"Even though God's eternal plan has put man in this state of misery, he is still responsible for the cause of that misery, which comes from himself, not from God. He suffers only because he has, out of his own wrongdoing, strayed from the pure nature that God originally gave him."—Ibid., p. 464.

[387] This is the book: De Æterna Dei Prædestinatione et Providentia. Genève, 1550, in 8vo; translated into French the same year.

[387] This is the book: On the Eternal Predestination and Providence of God. Geneva, 1550, in 8vo; translated into French the same year.

[388] This is the famous book of the Common Places (Loci Theologici), translated into French under the care of Calvin: The Summe of Theology, or Common Places of Melanchthon, translated from the Latin, by John Calvin. With a Preface. 1546, in 8vo.

[388] This is the well-known book of the Common Places (Loci Theologici), translated into French under Calvin's supervision: The Summe of Theology, or Common Places of Melanchthon, translated from Latin by John Calvin. With a Preface. 1546, in 8vo.

[389] It is not uninteresting to compare this estimate formed by Calvin of Melanchthon, with the remarkable one contained in the preface to the Common Places:—"I perceive that the author, being a person of profound knowledge, has not chosen to enter into subtile disputations, nor to treat these matters with that high degree of skill which it would have been so easy for him to employ. But he has brought himself down as much as he could, having only regard to edification. It is, certes, the style and fashion which we should observe, did not our adversaries constrain us by their cavils to turn aside from this course.... The same about predestination, because he sees now-a-days so many flighty spirits who are but too much given to curiosity, and who go beyond bounds in this matter. Wishing to provide against this danger, he has proposed to touch only on what was needful to be known, leaving all else buried out of sight, rather than by disclosing all he could, to give the reins to much perplexing and confused disputation, from whence arises no good fruit. I confess that the whole of what God has been pleased to reveal to us in Scripture ought not to be suppressed, whatsoever happens; but he who seeks to give profitable instruction to his readers, may very well be excused for dwelling upon what he knows to be most essential, passing lightly over or leaving out of sight that which he does not expect to be equally profitable."

[389] It's quite interesting to compare Calvin's assessment of Melanchthon with the noteworthy remarks in the preface to the Common Places:—"I notice that the author, being someone with deep knowledge, has chosen not to engage in subtle arguments, nor to discuss these topics with the high level of expertise that he easily could have used. Instead, he has simplified his approach as much as possible, focusing solely on edification. Certainly, this is the style and method we would adopt if our opponents didn’t force us to deviate from this approach... The same goes for predestination, as he observes many restless individuals today who are overly curious and who exceed the limits on this subject. To guard against this risk, he has decided to touch on only what is necessary to know, keeping everything else hidden, rather than revealing too much and leading to confusing arguments that yield no constructive outcomes. I admit that everything God has chosen to reveal to us in Scripture shouldn’t be hidden, no matter what happens; however, a person who aims to provide valuable instruction to their readers has every right to focus on what they know to be most important, briefly mentioning or omitting what they believe won't be equally beneficial."

[390] Here is the sentence pronounced on this occasion by the Seigneurs of Geneva:—

[390] Here is the statement made on this occasion by the Lords of Geneva:—

"Wednesday, 9th November 1552.—Having heard in council the worshipful and learned ministers of the word of God, Master William Farel, and Master Peter Viret, and after them worshipful Monsieur John Calvin, minister of this city of Geneva, and noble John Trolliet, also of Geneva, in their depositions and replies, now often repeated, touching the Christian Institution of the said Monsieur Calvin, and having well considered the whole, the council has determined and concluded, that all things well heard and understood, it has pronounced and declared, and pronounces and declares the said book of the Institution of the said Calvin, to be well and holily done, and his holy doctrine to be God's doctrine, and that he be held as good and true minister of this city, and that henceforward no person dare to speak against the said book, nor the said doctrine. We command both parties, and all concerned, to observe this.

Wednesday, November 9, 1552.—After hearing from the respected and knowledgeable ministers of God's word, Master William Farel, and Master Peter Viret, followed by the esteemed Monsieur John Calvin, minister of this city of Geneva, and the honorable John Trolliet, also from Geneva, during their statements and repeated responses regarding the Christian Institution by the aforementioned Monsieur Calvin, and after thoroughly considering everything, the council has decided and concluded that after careful listening and understanding, it declares the book Institution by Calvin to be well and holy created, and his holy teachings to be God's teachings, and that he should be regarded as a good and true minister of this city, and that from now on, no one should dare to speak against the said book or the said teachings. We command both parties and all involved to comply with this.

"My said Lords Syndics and Council,

My Lords, Syndics, and Council,

"Roset."

"Roset."

[391] While Calvin was eloquently pleading among others the cause of the persecuted faithful of France, he was struggling with an ever-increasing energy for the suppression of scandals, and the formation of a new people at Geneva. His efforts, however, seemed powerless before the enormity of the evil, and the furious resistance of that party, which history has justly branded with the name of Libertine. The cabal of the factious gathered strength from day to day, and disorders were committed with impunity. The task of reforming the public morals, courageously undertaken by the ministers, was almost absolutely fruitless. Ashamed of such excesses, but incapable of suppressing them, the Great Council increased the severity of its edicts, but had not the power to impose them upon the multitude who were banded together against the foreigners. The French were a particular object of fury to the factions. They beat them in the streets, and subjected them to all sorts of outrages. Most absurd accusations were circulated against them, and were believed by the multitude. The presence of Farel and Viret in Geneva could not quiet these troubles; and it was in vain that these courageous ministers presented themselves before the councils, "to commend to them the care of religion and morals."—Chronique of Roset, c. v. pp. 42, 44; Ruchat, c. v. pp. 489, 490.

[391] While Calvin was passionately advocating for the persecuted faithful in France, he was also dealing with a growing determination to address scandals and build a new community in Geneva. However, his efforts felt weak in the face of the immense evil and the fierce opposition from a group that history has rightly labeled as Libertines. The faction's conspiracies gained strength daily, and they committed acts of disorder without fear of punishment. The ministers' brave attempts to reform public morals were nearly futile. Ashamed of such excesses but unable to stop them, the Great Council tightened its laws but lacked the power to enforce them on the crowds united against the foreigners. The French were particularly targeted by these factions, suffering violence in the streets and all kinds of mistreatment. Ridiculous accusations were spread about them and believed by the masses. The presence of Farel and Viret in Geneva did little to calm these issues; their attempts to appeal to the councils "to advocate for the care of religion and morals" were in vain.—Chronique of Roset, c. v. pp. 42, 44; Ruchat, c. v. pp. 489, 490.

[392] Probably Amy Perrin.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Probably Amy Perrin.

[393] Placed by his character and talents at the head of the Vaudois clergy, Viret had to maintain a ceaseless struggle against the encroachments and ecclesiastical tyranny of the Seigneurs of Berne.—See Ruchat, c. v. p. 488.

[393] With his character and skills, Viret was positioned as the leader of the Vaudois clergy, and he had to constantly fight against the overreach and church tyranny of the Lords of Berne.—See Ruchat, c. v. p. 488.

[394] Minister of the French Church of Strasbourg.

[394] Minister of the French Church in Strasbourg.

[395] Quatre Sermons traictans des matières fort utiles pour nostre temps. 1552, 8vo. Opuscules, p. 824.

[395] Four Sermons Addressing Topics Very Relevant to Our Time. 1552, 8vo. Essays, p. 824.

[396] Beza published this year a new edition of his Tragedy of Abraham under the following title:—Le Sacrifice d'Abraham, Tragédie Française, séparée en trois Pauses à la façon des Actes de Comédies, avec des Chœurs, un Prologue et un Epilogue. 1552, 8vo.

[396] Beza released a new edition of his Tragedy of Abraham this year with the title:—Le Sacrifice d'Abraham, Tragédie Française, separated into three Acts like Comedies, with Choral Sections, a Prologue, and an Epilogue. 1552, 8vo.

[397] Ambroise Blaurer, of a noble family of Constance, entered in early youth a convent, which he soon left to become a preacher of reform, for which he had contracted a taste from reading the writings of Luther. Present at the Controversy of Berne with Zwingle, Œeolampadius, Bucer, and Capito, he beheld his preaching attended with the most gratifying success, and saw the Gospel victoriously established in his native town, where he exercised his valuable ministry until the war of Smalkald. Having at that time refused submission to the Interim, he left Constance, and retired first to Winterthur, near Zurich, and afterwards to Bienne, whilst his unfortunate city, fallen into the hands of the Imperialists, saw itself deprived at once of the Gospel and of liberty. Esteemed by Calvin, Blaurer witnessed his influence at Zurich and at Berne solicited more than once by the Reformer of Geneva. He died in 1567.—See Beza, Icones, and Melch. Adam, Theolog. Germ., p. 413.

[397] Ambroise Blaurer, from a noble family in Constance, entered a convent as a young man but quickly left to become a reform preacher, inspired by reading Luther's works. He participated in the Berne controversy alongside Zwingle, Œeolampadius, Bucer, and Capito, where he saw great success in his preaching and witnessed the Gospel triumph in his hometown. He continued his important ministry there until the Smalkald War. At that time, he refused to accept the Interim, leading him to leave Constance and first move to Winterthur near Zurich, then to Bienne, while his unfortunate city fell to the Imperialists and lost both the Gospel and its freedom. Respected by Calvin, Blaurer observed Calvin’s influence in Zurich and Berne and was approached for help by the Reformer of Geneva multiple times. He passed away in 1567.—See Beza, Icones, and Melch. Adam, Theolog. Germ., p. 413.

[398] In a letter to an unknown personage, (Opera, tom. ix. p. 238,) Calvin mentions this same event, adding to it a curious detail taken from the letter of an eye-witness: "Among other things, he informed me of a circumstance which I am unwilling to withhold from you—that a striking spectacle presented itself to him in the destruction of our city, viz., that my father's house stood entire after all the others had been reduced to ashes." Farther on he adds,—"I have no doubt but that God wishes to make this a testimony against all those of our city who, eight or ten days before, had burnt in effigy Monsieur de Normandie."

[398] In a letter to an unknown person, (Opera, tom. ix. p. 238), Calvin talks about the same event, adding an interesting detail from the letter of someone who witnessed it: "Among other things, he told me about something I don't want to keep from you—that an amazing sight greeted him during the destruction of our city: my father's house remained standing while all the others were turned to ashes." Later, he adds, "I have no doubt that God wants to make this a warning to all those in our city who, eight or ten days before, had burned an effigy of Monsieur de Normandie."

[399] Commentarius in Evangelium Johannis. Geneva, 1553. Fol. Robert Estienne.

[399] Commentary on the Gospel of John. Geneva, 1553. Fol. Robert Estienne.

[400] See Letter, p. 270. Doubly afflicted by the wars which were desolating Germany, and by the disorders which were rending the Church, Melanchthon had maintained a long silence, which was only broken on the 1st October 1552, by a touching letter to Calvin:—"Reverend sir and very dear brother,—I should have written you frequently, had I been able to secure trustworthy letter-carriers. I should have preferred a conversation with you on many questions of very serious interest, inasmuch as I set a very high value on your judgment, and am conscious that the integrity and candour of your mind is unexceptionable. I am at present living as if in a wasps' nest. But perhaps I shall ere long put off this mortal life for a brighter companionship in heaven." Full of affection and respect for Melanchthon, whose character he venerated, while he freely blamed him for his weakness and indecision, Calvin made known, in turn, to the German Reformer, the struggles of all sorts which he had to undergo at Geneva, and with which the name of Melanchthon himself is found mixed up, owing to the astute intrigues of the Libertines, who had an interest in involving these two great men in mutual opposition.

[400] See Letter, p. 270. Heavily impacted by the wars devastating Germany and the turmoil tearing the Church apart, Melanchthon had kept quiet for a long time, only breaking his silence on October 1, 1552, with a heartfelt letter to Calvin:—"Dear Reverend and beloved brother,—I would have written to you often if I could find reliable messengers. I would have preferred to talk with you about many important issues since I greatly value your opinion and recognize the integrity and honesty of your character. Right now, I feel like I’m living in a wasps' nest. But perhaps I will soon leave this life for a better connection in heaven." Filled with affection and respect for Melanchthon, whose character he admired while openly criticizing him for his weaknesses and indecisiveness, Calvin, in turn, shared with the German Reformer the various struggles he faced in Geneva, which were intertwined with Melanchthon’s name due to the cunning schemes of the Libertines, who wanted to pit these two great men against each other.

[401] The same fact is related in a letter of Calvin to Dryander in the following terms: "After that monk let loose against us from the service of M. de Falais had been condemned, a plot having been clandestinely hatched, a noisy fellow was found who, not only at table in private families, but up and down the taverns, kept constantly bawling, that we made God the author of sin, and otherwise traduced our ministry in the most insulting manner possible. When I saw that these evenomed words were spread about everywhere, by means of which profligate men were intriguing, by no means covertly, to overthrow the whole kingdom of Christ in this city, I mildly admonished the people to be on their guard against them. I also pointed out to the Senate how dangerous dilatory measures were in such dissensions. Those who had suborned him to molest me, by their intrigues so protracted the cause, that I was kept in suspense upwards of three months. For among the judges there were several who favoured the adverse party. But among many injuries, there was nothing I felt more keenly and bitterly than that this affair forced me into a hateful contest with M. Philip, with whom, however, I broke in such a manner that I never spoke of so great a man except in honourable terms."—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.

[401] The same fact is mentioned in a letter from Calvin to Dryander, which says: "After that monk was condemned for his actions against us from M. de Falais, a secret plot was set in motion. A loudmouth was found who, not only at dinner in private homes but also in taverns, kept shouting that we made God responsible for sin and otherwise insulted our ministry in the most disrespectful way possible. When I saw that these poisonous words were spreading everywhere, as corrupt individuals openly tried to undermine the entire kingdom of Christ in this city, I gently warned the people to watch out for them. I also pointed out to the Senate how dangerous it was to delay in such conflicts. Those who hired him to harass me prolonged the case so much that I was left in suspense for over three months. Among the judges, there were several who supported the opposing side. But among many injuries, nothing hurt me more than that this situation forced me into a loathsome conflict with M. Philip, of whom I eventually only spoke in respectful terms."—Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.

[402] We can judge of this from the remarkable memorial of Calvin to the Seigneurie, entitled La Cause contre Trolliet, where we meet with these words:—"That party, Noble Seigneurs, which is desirous of bringing Melanchthon and myself into mutual conflict, is doing great wrong to both of us, and in general to the whole Church of God. I honour Melanchthon as much for his superior learning as for his virtues, and above all, for having laboured so faithfully to uphold the Gospel. If I find fault with him, I do not conceal it from him, seeing that he gives me liberty to do so. There are witnesses in abundance on his side, who know how much he loves me. And I know that he will hold in detestation all those who, under cover of his name, seek to blacken my doctrine."—6th Oct. 1552. (Library of Geneva, vol. 145.) Calvin's preface to Melanchthon's Common Places may also be consulted. Geneva, 1546, 8vo.

[402] We can see this from Calvin's remarkable memorial to the Seigneurie, titled La Cause contre Trolliet, where he writes: “Noble Seigneurs, the party trying to pit Melanchthon and me against each other is doing great harm to both of us and, ultimately, to the entire Church of God. I respect Melanchthon not only for his superior knowledge but also for his virtues and, most importantly, for his dedicated efforts to uphold the Gospel. If I have criticisms of him, I express them openly because he allows me to do so. There are many witnesses on his behalf who know how much he cares for me. And I know that he will despise those who, under his name, try to tarnish my teachings.” —6th Oct. 1552. (Library of Geneva, vol. 145.) Calvin's preface to Melanchthon's Common Places may also be referred to. Geneva, 1546, 8vo.

Osiander had published many writings against Melanchthon, in which, by a strange reversing of the orthodox doctrine, he attempted to derive Justification from God the Father, by forgetting the part which belonged to Jesus Christ as the Redeemer. See Seckendorf, and Melch. Adam, p. 229.

Osiander had published many writings against Melanchthon, in which, by a strange reversal of the orthodox doctrine, he tried to derive justification from God the Father, ignoring the role of Jesus Christ as the Redeemer. See Seckendorf, and Melch. Adam, p. 229.

[403] No date. Written evidently about the end of 1552. This letter, the last which Calvin wrote to M. de Falais, throws a great light on the circumstances of their rupture, of which Jerome Bolsec's process was the occasion. Banished from Geneva for his attacks on the doctrine of predestination and his invectives against Calvin, Bolsec had found means to interest in his cause M. de Falais, whose physician he was, and who interceded to no purpose for him with his judges: "Master Jerome is better acquainted with my constitution and what affords me relief than any other doctor that I know.... It is to him after God that I am indebted for my life."—Archives of Geneva. Letters of the 9th and 11th November 1551. These steps undertaken from a feeling of humanity, would certainly not have indisposed Calvin, if M. de Falais had not too openly taken part with Bolsec against the Reformer. Calvin bitterly complained of it, "that M. de Falais should write that he (Bolsec) was not a bad man, and for the sake of an obscure wretch should hold up his reputation as a subject of mockery." Letter to the ministers of Bâle, January 1552. Expelled from Geneva and settled at Thonon, Bolsec contrived to envenom this difference which the recollections of a long friendship should have appeased, and which terminated in a painful rupture. In a vehement letter, Calvin, at that time suffering from bad health, took leave of his old friend, whose name he erased four years afterwards from the preface to his Commentary on the first Epistle to the Corinthians, in order to substitute in its place that of the Marquis de Vico.

[403] No date. Written evidently around the end of 1552. This letter, the last one Calvin wrote to M. de Falais, sheds significant light on the circumstances of their falling out, which stemmed from Jerome Bolsec's trial. Bolsec was exiled from Geneva for his criticisms of the doctrine of predestination and his attacks on Calvin. He managed to gain the support of M. de Falais, his physician, who unsuccessfully pleaded for him with his judges: "Master Jerome knows my condition and what helps me more than any other doctor I know.... It is to him, after God, that I owe my life."—Archives of Geneva. Letters of November 9 and 11, 1551. These actions, done out of compassion, wouldn’t have upset Calvin if M. de Falais hadn't so openly sided with Bolsec against the Reformer. Calvin bitterly complained that M. de Falais should suggest that Bolsec was not a bad man and for the sake of an unknown misfit should mockingly defend his reputation. Letter to the ministers of Bâle, January 1552. After being expelled from Geneva and relocating to Thonon, Bolsec managed to exacerbate this conflict that should have been settled by their long friendship, leading to a painful breakup. In a passionate letter, Calvin, who was then struggling with his health, bid farewell to his old friend, and four years later, he removed M. de Falais's name from the preface to his Commentary on the first Epistle to the Corinthians and replaced it with that of the Marquis de Vico.

[404] See vol. i. pp. 403, 409. Settled at Bâle, Castalio had just published his Latin version of the Holy Scriptures, which being judged with excessive severity by the Reformed Divines, drew on him numerous enmities.—Bibla Sacra Latina, Basil, 1551.

[404] See vol. i. pp. 403, 409. After settling in Basel, Castalio had just released his Latin version of the Holy Scriptures, which was critically evaluated too harshly by the Reformed Theologians, leading to a lot of hostility towards him.—Bibla Sacra Latina, Basel, 1551.

[405] The history of M. de Falais, after his rupture with Calvin, is enveloped in much obscurity. He left Geneva in order to settle at Berne, lost his wife in 1557, and contracted a second marriage. We know neither the date nor the place of his death. Is it true, as Bayle affirms, that this seigneur, chagrined by the spectacle of the divisions which he had witnessed at Geneva, at last returned to the Catholic church? We are rather inclined to believe, from the testimonies of Calvin and Beza, indirectly confirmed by the silence of the Brabançon historians, that, though differing on some points of Calvinistic theology, the great-grand-son of Philip of Burgundy did not abjure the tenets for which he had sacrificed his fortune and his country. See Bayle, Dict., Art. Philip of Burgundy, remark G; Calvin, Comment. on the 1st Epistle of Saint Paul to the Corinthians, dedication to the Marquis of Vico, 24th January 1556; and the preface of Beza to the Commentary on Joshua.

[405] The history of M. de Falais, after his split with Calvin, is surrounded by a lot of uncertainty. He left Geneva to settle in Berne, lost his wife in 1557, and remarried. We don’t know when or where he died. Is it true, as Bayle claims, that this seigneur, upset by the divisions he witnessed in Geneva, eventually returned to the Catholic church? We tend to believe, based on the testimonies of Calvin and Beza, which are indirectly supported by the silence of the Brabançon historians, that, despite differing on some points of Calvinistic theology, the great-grandson of Philip of Burgundy did not abandon the beliefs for which he sacrificed his wealth and his homeland. See Bayle, Dict., Art. Philip of Burgundy, remark G; Calvin, Comment. on the 1st Epistle of Saint Paul to the Corinthians, dedication to the Marquis of Vico, 24th January 1556; and the preface of Beza to the Commentary on Joshua.

[406] Mathieu Dimonet, a devout Protestant of Lyons, was arrested in that town the 9th January 1553. In his letters to the ministers of Geneva he has himself related the details of his trial:—"On Monday 9 January being in my house in presence of the king's lieutenant and the official, who, after they had searched and visited my books, found nothing, except a little book of spiritual songs set to music...." Dimonet underwent a first examination, and was then led away to the prison of the officialty. "I have undergone," says he, "great assaults and temptations ... for on the one side, they set before me tortures and death, then the shame and dishonour of myself and my relations, the sorrow of my mother, who they said was dying with grief and many other things ... which would have been very hard for me to bear, unless the Lord had strengthened me by his Holy Spirit." The prisoner courageously withstood the threats of the inquisitor Oritz, and the pressing entreaties of his family. The 15th July 1553, quite cheerfully, and praying to the Lord, he endured the torment of death.—Histoire des Martyrs, p. 247.

[406] Mathieu Dimonet, a devoted Protestant from Lyons, was arrested in that city on January 9, 1553. In his letters to the ministers of Geneva, he shared the details of his trial:—"On Monday, January 9, I was in my house with the king's lieutenant and the official, who, after searching through my books, found nothing except a small book of spiritual songs set to music...." Dimonet went through an initial examination, and then was taken to the official's prison. "I have undergone," he said, "great assaults and temptations ... for on one side, they presented me with torture and death, then the shame and dishonor for myself and my family, the sorrow of my mother, whom they claimed was dying of grief, and many other things ... which would have been incredibly difficult for me to bear, unless the Lord had strengthened me with his Holy Spirit." The prisoner bravely resisted the threats from the inquisitor Oritz and the urgent pleas from his family. On July 15, 1553, quite cheerfully, and while praying to the Lord, he faced the torment of death.—Histoire des Martyrs, p. 247.

[407] Peter Berger of Bar-sur-Seine, burgess of Geneva, was seized at Lyons three days after the scholars of Lausanne, whom he rejoined in the dungeons and preceded to martyrdom. "Having mounted the stake, he said, 'Lord, I commit my soul to thee.' Then looking up to heaven with steadfast gaze, and crying aloud, he said, 'To-day I see heaven open;' and immediately after, this saint yielded up his spirit to God."—Histoire des Martyrs, p. 234.

[407] Peter Berger from Bar-sur-Seine, a citizen of Geneva, was captured in Lyons three days after joining the scholars of Lausanne, whom he reunited with in the dungeons before facing martyrdom. "As he was tied to the stake, he said, 'Lord, I entrust my soul to you.' Then, looking up at heaven with a steady gaze, and shouting out, he said, 'Today I see heaven open;' and right after that, this saint gave up his spirit to God."—Histoire des Martyrs, p. 234.

[408] Christopher Fabri [or Libertet] was on the eve of his second marriage. We know nothing of his first wife. In a letter of May 1545, to Fabri, then pastor at Thonon, Calvin speaks highly of the entertainment he received from his wife, on his return from a long tour in the German Cantons: "I could never get your wife to treat us in a plain, homely way.... She was willing to take advice. She repeatedly requested that I should ask for whatever I chose, as if it were my own; she adhered to her own opinion in this, however, that she entertained us too sumptuously; for there was twice as much food always prepared as there was any occasion for. We felt just as much at home as if you had been present."—MS. of the Library of Neuchatel.

[408] Christopher Fabri [or Libertet] was about to remarry. We know nothing about his first wife. In a letter from May 1545 to Fabri, who was then the pastor at Thonon, Calvin praises the hospitality he received from Fabri's wife after returning from a long trip in the German Cantons: "I could never get your wife to host us in a simple, casual way.... She was eager to take advice. She kept asking me to request whatever I wanted, as if it was my own; she did stick to her own belief though, that she treated us too lavishly; there was always twice as much food prepared as was necessary. We felt just as much at home as if you had been there."—MS. of the Library of Neuchatel.

[409] In allusion to the efforts of the Libertine party, put forth with increasing violence for the overthrow of ecclesiastical discipline, and which gave rise during the same year to a decisive struggle between the Reformer and his adversaries.

[409] Referring to the Libertine group's efforts, which became more aggressive in trying to dismantle church discipline, leading to a significant conflict that same year between the Reformer and his opponents.

[410] A village on the banks of the Arve, a few miles from Geneva.

[410] A village next to the Arve River, just a few miles from Geneva.

[411] John Macard, originally from the neighbourhood of Laon in Picardy, took refuge in Geneva on account of religion. A man of resolute character, and endowed with a manly eloquence, he rendered eminent service to the Church alternately at Geneva and Paris, and the latter reckoned him among the number of its most distinguished pastors.

[411] John Macard, originally from the Laon area in Picardy, sought refuge in Geneva due to his religious beliefs. A determined individual with powerful speaking skills, he provided outstanding service to the Church, working in both Geneva and Paris, where he was recognized as one of its most distinguished pastors.

[412] The minister, Philip de Ecclesia, deposed on account of his disorderly life.

[412] The minister, Philip de Ecclesia, was removed due to his inappropriate behavior.

[413] John Cheke, preceptor of Edward VI., King of England, and distinguished alike in science and in letters, won the esteem and confidence of his royal pupil, who raised him to the rank of knighthood, and who gave him in many ways the most precious testimonies of his affection.—See Fuller's Church History, B. vii.; sixteenth cent., 19, 20. Though a man of sincere piety, Cheke was not possessed of a firmness of character equal to the variety of his knowledge and the greatness of his talents. He survived his pupil only to make a deplorable manifestation of the infirmity of his faith under fear of the scaffold and of martyrdom. Arrested in the Low Countries in 1556, by a secret order of Philip II., he was conducted to London, imprisoned in the Tower, and escaped death only by a solemn retractation. He then fell into a profound melancholy, and soon after died, exhibiting sentiments of sincere repentance, asking pardon of God and men for the sin of which he had been guilty. See Strype, Memoirs, III., i. 515, and Zurich Letters, first series, passim

[413] John Cheke, tutor to Edward VI, King of England, and notable in both science and literature, earned the respect and trust of his royal student, who elevated him to knighthood and expressed his affection in many meaningful ways. —See Fuller's Church History, B. vii.; sixteenth cent., 19, 20. Although Cheke was truly devout, he lacked the strength of character to match his extensive knowledge and immense talents. He survived his pupil only to reveal a troubling weakness in his faith when faced with the fear of execution and martyrdom. Arrested in the Low Countries in 1556 through a secret order from Philip II, he was taken to London, imprisoned in the Tower, and avoided death only by formally renouncing his beliefs. This led him into deep melancholy, and he soon died, showing genuine remorse and asking for forgiveness from God and people for his sins. See Strype, Memoirs, III., i. 515, and Zurich Letters, first series, passim

[414] Declared guilty of the crime of heresy, and delivered over to the secular arm by the Judge Ordinary of Lyons, the five students made their appeal to the Parliament of Paris, while the authorities of Berne strove in vain to save "leurs escholiers." Transferred from dungeon to dungeon, during a trial which lasted for more than a year, brought back at last from Paris to Lyons, to await the sentence of their judges, the constancy of these young men never faltered for a single day. At length, the 1st March 1553, they received the communication of the decree of the Parliament of Paris, which gave them over to the stake.—Hist. des Martyrs, lib. iv., p. 230. That melancholy intelligence soon spread around, and brought mourning to Lausanne and to Geneva.

[414] Found guilty of heresy and handed over to the secular authorities by the Judge Ordinary of Lyons, the five students appealed to the Parliament of Paris, while the officials in Berne struggled unsuccessfully to save "their scholars." Moved from one dungeon to another during a trial that lasted over a year, they were finally brought back from Paris to Lyons to await their judges' decision. Throughout this ordeal, the determination of these young men never wavered for a single day. Finally, on March 1, 1553, they received the news from the Parliament of Paris, which sentenced them to be burned at the stake.—Hist. des Martyrs, lib. iv., p. 230. This sad news quickly spread, bringing grief to Lausanne and Geneva.

[415] This was the pious merchant, John Liner, of Saint Gall.—See the Letter of the 10th August, p. 358. He was present with the prisoners at the bar of Roanne when they received their sentence of death. He set out immediately for Berne, in order to try a last application on the part of the seigneury of that town to the King of France.—Hist. des Martyrs, pp. 230, 231. Various MSS. of the library of St. Gall.

[415] This was the devout merchant, John Liner, from Saint Gall.—See the Letter of August 10th, p. 358. He was there with the prisoners at the Roanne trial when they received their death sentences. He immediately headed to Berne to make one last appeal on behalf of the local lords to the King of France.—Hist. des Martyrs, pp. 230, 231. Various manuscripts from the library of St. Gall.

[416] The inquisitor, Nicolas Oritz, who presided at the trial of the five students. The paper here mentioned still exists in the library of Geneva, 113, with this title:—"Copy of a paper of the Inquisitor Houriz, given to the prisoners for the Word at Lyons, to be conveyed to M. Calvin to retain."

[416] The inquisitor, Nicolas Oritz, presided over the trial of the five students. The document mentioned still exists in the library of Geneva, 113, with this title:—"Copy of a paper from Inquisitor Houriz, given to the prisoners for the Word at Lyons, to be sent to M. Calvin to keep."

[417] This gentleman, whose name is not known, corresponded by letter with Calvin, his countryman and friend. Shortly before his arrest he wrote to Calvin on the subject of a fire, which had almost entirely destroyed the town of Noyon, sparing, however, the house of the Reformer: "I have no doubt," said he, "that God has left this testimony against those of your town, who eight or ten days before had burnt in effigy Monsieur de Normandie and the rest."—Latin Letter of Calvin of 15th February 1553.

[417] This man, whose name is unknown, exchanged letters with Calvin, his fellow countryman and friend. Just before his arrest, he wrote to Calvin about a fire that had nearly destroyed the town of Noyon, though it spared the Reformer's house: "I have no doubt," he said, "that God has left this as a warning to those in your town who had burned an effigy of Monsieur de Normandie and others eight or ten days earlier."—Latin Letter of Calvin of 15th February 1553.

[418] Laurent de Normandie.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Laurent of Normandy.

[419] The reading of this letter, filled with the most lively and disinterested testimonies of affection for Farel, calls to one's mind the beautiful preface of Calvin's Commentary on the Epistle of St. Paul to Titus, dedicated to Farel and Viret:—"I do not think," says Calvin, "that there have ever been friends who have lived together in such fast friendship and concord, as we have done during our ministry. I have been a fellow-pastor here with both of you. So far from there having been any appearance of envy between you and me, I always regarded us as one. We have since been separated. As for you, Master William, the Church of Neuchatel, which you have delivered from the tyranny of the Papacy, and won over to Christ, called you to be its pastor; and as for you, Master Peter, you stand in a similar relation to the Church of Lausanne. Each of us, however, guards so well the place committed to us, that by our united efforts, the children of God assemble within the fold of Jesus Christ, and are even united in one company."—Dedication of 29th November 1549.

[419] Reading this letter, filled with the most vibrant and selfless expressions of affection for Farel, brings to mind the beautiful preface of Calvin's Commentary on the Epistle of St. Paul to Titus, dedicated to Farel and Viret:—"I don’t believe," says Calvin, "that there have ever been friends who have shared such a deep bond and harmony as we have during our ministry. I have been a fellow pastor here with both of you. Far from there being any hint of envy between you and me, I’ve always seen us as one. We have since been separated. For you, Master William, the Church of Neuchatel, which you rescued from the tyranny of the Papacy and led to Christ, has called you to be its pastor; and for you, Master Peter, you have a similar role in the Church of Lausanne. Each of us, however, takes such good care of our responsibilities, that through our joint efforts, the children of God gather within the fold of Jesus Christ, and are even united as one."—Dedication of 29th November 1549.

[420] On the back.—To my kind brethren and friends, the brothers Christopher and Thomas Zollicoffre, merchants of Saint Gall, dwelling at Lyons. Pardon the mistake as to the names and the haste.

[420] On the back.—To my dear brothers and friends, Christopher and Thomas Zollicoffre, merchants from Saint Gall, living in Lyons. Please forgive the error in names and the rush.

The 21st May 1552. The Seigneury of Berne, informed of the arrest of the five Scholars of Lausanne, had written to the King of France to solicit the deliverance of their "pensionaires." The burgomaster of Zurich, John Hab, obtained an audience of this prince and found him inflexible. The following year, March 1553, the Bernese solicited anew the pardon of the five prisoners, condemned by the official of Lyons and the parliament of Paris. It is to this last intercession, urged forward by Calvin and Viret, that the letter of the Reformer to the brothers Zollicoffre refers.

The 21st of May, 1552. The Seigneury of Berne, aware of the arrest of the five Scholars of Lausanne, had written to the King of France to request the release of their "pensionnaires." The mayor of Zurich, John Hab, got a meeting with the king and found him unyielding. The following year, in March 1553, the Bernese sought the pardon of the five prisoners again, who had been condemned by the official of Lyons and the parliament of Paris. It’s to this last plea, pushed by Calvin and Viret, that the Reformer's letter to the Zollicoffre brothers refers.

[421] In a letter to the King of the 15th March, Messieurs of Berne had made strong complaint of the conduct of the Cardinal de Tournon, who, after having promised them to interest himself in behalf of the five students, had, with the utmost rigour, instituted proceedings against them. In a second letter, written three days later, they represented to this prince the innocence of their scholars, arrested at Lyons before they had sojourned there a single day, and condemned to death, although they had neither preached, nor dogmatized, nor excited any disturbance in the kingdom. They concluded by saying,—"We very humbly pray your Majesty to bestow them on us as a pure, royal, gratuitous, and liberal gift, which we shall esteem as great and precious, as if a present had been made us of an inestimable amount of gold and silver." These petitions were of no avail. Inspired by the fatal genius of the Cardinals of Tournon and of Lorraine, Henry II. confirmed the sentence of the parliament of Paris.

[421] In a letter to the King dated March 15th, the officials of Berne strongly complained about the actions of Cardinal de Tournon, who, after promising to advocate for the five students, had harshly taken legal action against them. In a follow-up letter written three days later, they expressed to the king the innocence of their scholars, who were arrested in Lyons before even spending a day there, and sentenced to death, even though they had not preached, debated, or caused any trouble in the kingdom. They ended by saying, “We humbly request Your Majesty to grant them to us as a pure, royal, free, and generous gift, which we would value as greatly and as dearly as if we had received an enormous amount of gold and silver.” These appeals were pointless. Influenced by the unfortunate decisions of the Cardinals de Tournon and de Lorraine, Henry II. upheld the sentence from the parliament of Paris.

[422] The letter to which allusion is here made is lost; and one cannot sufficiently deplore the disappearance of documents, which would have shed a fuller light on the relations of Calvin with the Reformer of England.

[422] The letter being referenced is lost, and it's truly unfortunate that documents like this have disappeared, as they would have provided deeper insights into Calvin's relationship with the English Reformer.

[423] Seigneur of Picardy, no doubt one of the ancestors of that illustrious confessor, Louis de Marolles, who expiated in the galleys of Marseilles the crime of his resistance to the dragooning zeal of Louis XIV. and the pressing solicitations of Bossuet. "The hour of liberty," says M. Charles Weiss, "never struck for that unfortunate one. He died in 1692 in the Hôpital des Forçats at Marseilles, and was interred in the Turkish cemetery, the ordinary burial-place of the Reformed who died in the galleys, faithful to the last in the religion for which they had suffered."—Histoire des Refugiés Protestantes de France, tom. i. p. 101. See also the book entitled Histoire des Souffrances du bien heureux martyr, M. Louis de Marolles. La Haye, 1699.

[423] Lord of Picardy, surely one of the ancestors of that famous confessor, Louis de Marolles, who paid for his resistance to the forced conversions of Louis XIV and the strong pressures from Bossuet with imprisonment in the galleys of Marseilles. "The hour of liberty," says M. Charles Weiss, "never came for that unfortunate man. He died in 1692 in the Hôpital des Forçats at Marseilles, and was buried in the Turkish cemetery, the usual burial place for the Reformed who died in the galleys, remaining faithful to the end to the faith for which they had suffered."—Histoire des Refugiés Protestantes de France, vol. i, p. 101. See also the book titled Histoire des Souffrances du bien heureux martyr, M. Louis de Marolles. La Haye, 1699.

[424] This was doubtless Madame de Cany. See note, p. 295.

[424] This was definitely Madame de Cany. See note, p. 295.

[425] See the letter to the brothers Zollieoffre, and the notes relative to the last intercession of the Seigneurie of Berne in behalf of the students of Lausanne, p. 396. Viret took the most lively interest in the captives, and wrote them a beautiful letter a short while before their martyrdom, full of Christian exhortations, which may be seen in the Histoire des Martyrs, pp. 248, 249.

[425] Check out the letter to the Zollieoffre brothers and the notes regarding the last intercession by the Seigneurie of Berne for the students of Lausanne, p. 396. Viret was very concerned about the captives and wrote them a heartfelt letter shortly before their martyrdom, filled with Christian encouragement, which can be found in the Histoire des Martyrs, pp. 248, 249.

[426] The Constable, Anne de Montmorency, governor of Lyonnais, shared with Cardinal de Tournon the melancholy honour of having urged on with fury the condemnation of those prisoners who had been recommended to his merciful intercession with the king.—Hist. des Martyrs, p. 231, MSS. of the Archives of Berne.

[426] The Constable, Anne de Montmorency, governor of Lyonnais, shared with Cardinal de Tournon the sorrowful honor of vigorously pushing for the condemnation of those prisoners who had been suggested for his merciful intervention with the king.—Hist. des Martyrs, p. 231, MSS. of the Archives of Berne.

[427] This letter is without a date, but from the allusion to the very dangerous illness of Farel, it must have been written in the month of April 1553.

[427] This letter doesn't have a date, but based on the mention of Farel's serious illness, it must have been written in April 1553.

[428] Theodore Bibliander, professor of Theology at Zurich. Of an ardent and irritable nature, he could not bear to be contradicted, and it is even told of him that he challenged to a duel the celebrated Peter Martyr, one of his colleagues, owing to some disagreement on the doctrine of predestination. The Seigneurie of Zurich dismissed the warlike theologian.—Hist. de la Suisse, tom. xii. p. 87.

[428] Theodore Bibliander, a theology professor at Zurich, had a passionate and irritable personality. He couldn't stand being contradicted, and it's even said that he challenged the famous Peter Martyr, one of his colleagues, to a duel over a disagreement about predestination. The leaders of Zurich let go of the belligerent theologian.—Hist. de la Suisse, tom. xii. p. 87.

[429] Is this John ab Ulmis of whom we read in numerous letters to Bullinger?—Zurich Letters, first series, vol. ii. pp. 377, 458.

[429] Is this John ab Ulmis that we see mentioned in many letters to Bullinger?—Zurich Letters, first series, vol. ii. pp. 377, 458.

[430] The end of this letter is wanting.

[430] The end of this letter is missing.

[431] This letter must have preceded by some days the last conflict of the five prisoners. Foreseeing their end near, they wrote, on the 5th May, to the Seigneurie of Berne, to thank them for the testimonials of affection which they had received from them. "If it has not pleased God," they said, "to preserve life by your means, it has at least been prolonged thereby ... in spite of the fury of all those who would have desired long ago to put us to death. Since, then, that He is pleased that our blood should soon be shed for the confession of his holy name, we reckon ourselves far happier than if we were set at liberty, for as he is true and all-powerful, he will strengthen us, and will not permit us to be tormented beyond our strength; and after that we have suffered awhile, he will receive us into his heavenly kingdom, and will bestow upon us eternal rest with himself...." It was the 16th May when the five scholars were told to prepare for death; they received that intelligence with a pious serenity. The stake was set up upon the Place des Terreaux; they proceeded thither, singing psalms, and repeating passages of holy writ. "Having arrived at the place of death, they cheerfully mounted on the heap of wood, the two youngest first.... The last who went up was Martial Alba, the elder of the five, who had been a long time on his knees in prayer to the Lord. He earnestly requested Lieutenant Tignac to grant him a favour. The lieutenant said to him: What would you? He said to him: That I might kiss my brethren before I die. The lieutenant granted his wish. Then the said Martial kissed the other four who were already bound, saying to each of them, Adieu, adieu, my brother. The fire was kindled; the voice of the five confessors was heard, still exhorting one another in the midst of the flames: Courage, my brothers; courage.... These were the last audible words of these five valiant champions and martyrs of the Lord."—Hist. des Martyrs, lib. iv. p. 231.

[431] This letter must have been written a few days before the last ordeal of the five prisoners. Anticipating their end, they wrote on May 5th to the Seigneurie of Berne, thanking them for the expressions of support they had received. "If it hasn’t pleased God," they said, "to preserve our lives through your means, it has at least extended them ... despite the rage of those who have longed to put us to death. Since God seems to want our blood spilled for the confession of His holy name, we consider ourselves much happier than if we were set free, for as He is true and all-powerful, He will strengthen us and will not allow us to be tormented beyond our ability; and after we have suffered for a while, He will welcome us into His heavenly kingdom and grant us eternal rest with Him...." It was on May 16th when the five scholars were told to prepare for death; they received this news with peaceful serenity. The stake was set up in the Place des Terreaux; they walked there, singing psalms and reciting scripture. "When they reached the place of execution, they cheerfully climbed onto the pile of wood, the two youngest going first.... The last to ascend was Martial Alba, the eldest of the five, who had been kneeling in prayer to the Lord for a long time. He earnestly asked Lieutenant Tignac for a favor. The lieutenant asked him, 'What do you want?' He replied, 'To kiss my brothers before I die.' The lieutenant granted his request. Then Martial kissed the other four, who were already bound, saying to each, Goodbye, goodbye, my brother. The fire was lit; the voices of the five confessors were heard, still encouraging one another amidst the flames: Courage, my brothers; courage.... These were the last audible words of these five brave champions and martyrs of the Lord."—Hist. des Martyrs, lib. iv. p. 231.

[432] Calvin refers here to other prisoners of Lyons, Mathieu Dimonet and Denis Peloquin, who kept up in prison a pious correspondence by letter with the scholars of Lausanne.

[432] Calvin is talking about other prisoners in Lyons, Mathieu Dimonet and Denis Peloquin, who maintained a religious correspondence through letters with the scholars from Lausanne while they were in prison.

[433] In the Fellowship Register of Geneva, (Registres de la Compagnie de Genève, Vol. A. p. 440,) there is a document entitled, "Letter of a Lady persecuted by her Papist Husband," from France, 24th June 1552. That lady was of high birth, as these words indicate, "Knowing the house to which she belongs, and the great lords of the kingdom to whom she is related, and who are in great favour with the king...." This passage appears to us to point at Madame de Cany; see the Note, p. 295. Persecuted by her husband on account of her belief, that lady found her only consolation in the letters and exhortations which she received in secret from Geneva. Note, p. 409.

[433] In the Fellowship Register of Geneva, (Registres de la Compagnie de Genève, Vol. A. p. 440,) there is a document titled, "Letter of a Lady Persecuted by Her Papist Husband," from France, dated June 24, 1552. This lady came from a noble background, as indicated by the words, "Knowing the house to which she belongs, and the great lords of the kingdom to whom she is related, and who are in great favour with the king...." This passage seems to refer to Madame de Cany; see the Note, p. 295. Persecuted by her husband because of her beliefs, she found her only comfort in the letters and encouragement she received secretly from Geneva. Note, p. 409.

[434] A town of Savoy, some leagues from Geneva—used sometimes as a pseudonyme by the Reformer.

[434] A town in Savoy, a few miles from Geneva—sometimes used as a pseudonym by the Reformer.

[435] The dungeons in which Mathieu Dimonet still pined away, contained several other prisoners, Denis Peloquin of Blois, Louis de Marsac, gentleman of the Bourbonnais, and one of his cousins. It is to the two last, recently arrived at Lyons, that the letter of the Reformer is addressed. The prisoners maintained a pious correspondence with those outside their prison. Peloquin wrote to his relations,—"... My dear brothers and sisters, ... do not stay yourselves, I beseech you, upon the judgment of the world, which is so blinded, that it cannot find life in death, nor blessing in cursing. Let us know that the means of being confirmed in Jesus Christ ... is that we should carry our cross with him, for the servant is not greater than the master...." Louis de Marsac wrote to Calvin:—"Sir and brother, ... I cannot express to you the great comfort I have received ... from the letter which you have sent to my brother Denis Peloquin, who found means to deliver it to one of our brethren who was in a vaulted cell above me, and read it to me aloud, as I could not read it myself, being unable to see anything in my dungeon. I entreat of you, therefore, to persevere in helping us with similar consolation, for it invites us to weep and to pray."—Histoire des Martyrs, pp. 236, 251.

[435] The dungeons where Mathieu Dimonet was still languishing held several other prisoners: Denis Peloquin from Blois, Louis de Marsac, a gentleman from Bourbonnais, and one of his cousins. It is to the last two, who had just arrived in Lyons, that the letter from the Reformer is addressed. The prisoners kept a spiritual correspondence with those outside their prison. Peloquin wrote to his family, "My dear brothers and sisters, please don't focus on the world's judgment, which is so blinded that it can’t see life in death or blessings in curses. We must understand that the way to be confirmed in Jesus Christ is to carry our cross with him, for a servant is not greater than the master..." Louis de Marsac wrote to Calvin: "Sir and brother, I can’t tell you the great comfort I received from the letter you sent to my brother Denis Peloquin, who managed to pass it to one of our brethren in a vaulted cell above me, and he read it aloud to me, as I couldn’t read it myself due to my inability to see anything in my dungeon. I therefore ask you to continue providing us with similar comfort, for it encourages us to weep and to pray."—Histoire des Martyrs, pp. 236, 251.

[436] King Edward VI. died a very pious death on the 6th of July preceding. See Burnet's History. Bullinger verified this mournful event to Calvin in the following words:—"I have received intelligence from England of a very sad occurrence. That most pious king departed to the Lord on the 6th of July; and he departed very happily indeed with a holy confession. The book which I here send you was written by him, and published in the month of May. You will see from it how great a treasure the Church of Christ has lost."—Bullinger to Calvin, August 1553. Eccl. Archives of Berne.

[436] King Edward VI passed away peacefully on July 6th. See Burnet's History. Bullinger confirmed this sad news to Calvin in the following message:—"I have received word from England about a very unfortunate event. That most devout king went to the Lord on July 6th; and he left this world very contentedly with a sincere confession. The book I’m sending you was written by him and published in May. You will see from it the immense loss the Church of Christ has suffered."—Bullinger to Calvin, August 1553. Eccl. Archives of Berne.

[437] We have already read at p. 30, of the present volume of Calvin's first connection with Servetus, and of the rupture of that connection as attested by the letter of Calvin to John Frellon (13th February 1546). Wandering by turns in France, Germany, and Italy, Servetus had taken up his residence at Vienne in Dauphiné, where he at once exercised the profession of a doctor, and persisted in his daring attacks on Christianity, for which he aspired to substitute a rational philosophy. Such is the drift of his book entitled Christianismi Restitutio, which he published anonymously in 1553, after having two-and-twenty years before directed his bold attacks against the doctrine of the Trinity, in his book De Trinitatis Erroribus, published at Haguenau in 1531. Accused by a Genevan refugee before the Inquisition of Lyons, as the author of these writings, Servetus was arrested, cast into the dungeons of Vienne, and condemned by Catholic judges to be burnt, from which he only escaped by flight. Hear how Theodore Beza recounts, in his letter to Bullinger, the preparations for the trial of Servetus, of his escape from prison, and of his arrival and arrest at Geneva:—"You have heard doubtless of that impious blasphemer Servetus. He caused a book, or rather volume of his blasphemies to be secretly printed at Lyons. Certain good brethren at Lyons informed the magistrate of this deceitful action. Persons were despatched to Vienne, where he was practising as a physician, to bring him bound [to Lyons]. He was seized, but soon after effected his escape by deceit. At length he came to Geneva, where he went skulking about. He was forthwith recognized, however, by a certain person, and cast into prison. Calvin also, whom he treated very unhandsomely by name in thirty printed letters, pled the cause of the Church against him in the Council, in the presence of a great assemblage of the pious. He continued in his impiety. What will come of it I know not. Let us pray the Lord to purge his Church of these monsters."—MSS. of Zurich. Letter of the 27th August 1553. Such was the opening of the process which terminated so fatally for Servetus. Born in an age not disposed to show mercy to errors of faith, he seems, says a historian, to have fled from Spain—the native country of the auto-da-fé—only to see his effigy burnt in a strange land by the torch of a Catholic executioner, and to come afterwards to expire amid flames kindled by Calvinistic justice.—Albert Rilliet, Relation du Procès Criminel intenté contre Servet. Genève, 1844. 8vo.—[Translated into English by the Rev. Dr. Tweedie.]

[437] We have already read on p. 30 of this volume about Calvin's first connection with Servetus and the breakup of that connection, as confirmed by Calvin's letter to John Frellon dated February 13, 1546. Traveling through France, Germany, and Italy, Servetus settled in Vienne in Dauphiné, where he began practicing as a doctor while continuing his bold criticisms of Christianity, which he aimed to replace with a rational philosophy. This is the gist of his book titled Christianismi Restitutio, published anonymously in 1553, after he had challenged the doctrine of the Trinity in his book De Trinitatis Erroribus, published in Haguenau in 1531, twenty-two years earlier. Accused by a Genevan refugee before the Inquisition in Lyons as the author of these writings, Servetus was arrested, thrown into the dungeons of Vienne, and condemned to be burned by Catholic judges, from which he narrowly escaped by fleeing. Listen to how Theodore Beza describes in his letter to Bullinger the preparations for Servetus's trial, his escape from prison, and his arrival and arrest in Geneva: "You've likely heard of that wicked blasphemer Servetus. He had a book, or rather a volume of his blasphemies, secretly printed in Lyons. Some good brethren in Lyons informed the magistrate about this deceitful act. People were sent to Vienne, where he was working as a physician, to bring him back [to Lyons] in chains. He was captured but soon managed to escape through trickery. Eventually, he ended up in Geneva, where he was hiding around. However, he was soon recognized by someone and thrown into prison. Calvin, whom Servetus insulted by name in thirty printed letters, defended the Church against him in the Council, in front of a large gathering of the faithful. He persisted in his impiety. What's going to happen, I don't know. Let's pray the Lord to cleanse His Church of these monsters."—MSS. of Zurich. Letter dated August 27, 1553. This was the beginning of the trial that ended so tragically for Servetus. Born in a time that offered little mercy for errors of faith, he seems, as a historian notes, to have fled from Spain—the land of the auto-da-fé—only to see his effigy burned in a foreign land by the flames of a Catholic executioner, and later to perish amidst flames ignited by Calvinistic justice.—Albert Rilliet, Relation du Procès Criminel intenté contre Servet. Genève, 1844. 8vo.—[Translated into English by the Rev. Dr. Tweedie.]

[438] Nicolas de la Fontaine, a servant of Calvin's, was made, conformably to the judicial usages then in operation at Geneva, criminal prosecutor against Servetus.—Registers of the Council, 14th August 1553.

[438] Nicolas de la Fontaine, a servant of Calvin, was appointed, following the legal practices in place at Geneva, as the criminal prosecutor against Servetus.—Registers of the Council, 14th August 1553.

[439] It is curious to read on this point the reply of Farel to Calvin:—"In desiring to mitigate the severity of his punishment, you act the part of a friend to a man who is most hostile to you. But I beseech you so to manage the matter that no one whatever may rashly dare to publish new dogmas, and throw all things into confusion with impunity for such a length of time as he has done." In his relentless rigour against heresy, Farel did not hesitate to pronounce himself even to be worthy of death if he should teach any dogma opposed to the faith. His words deserve to be recorded:—"When I read Paul's statement that he did not refuse to suffer death if he had in any way deserved it, I saw clearly that I must be prepared to suffer death if I should teach anything contrary to the doctrine of piety. And I added, that I should be most worthy of any punishment whatever, if I should seduce any one from the faith and doctrine of Christ."—8th Sept. 1553. Calv. Opera, tom. ix. p. 71

[439] It's interesting to read Farel's response to Calvin on this matter:—"In wanting to lessen the harshness of his punishment, you’re acting as a friend to someone who is very much against you. But I urge you to handle this in a way that no one will dare to publish new doctrines and create chaos without consequences, like he has done for so long." Farel, in his fierce stance against heresy, was even willing to say he deserved death if he taught any doctrine that went against the faith. His words should be noted:—"When I read Paul's declaration that he wouldn't hesitate to face death if he was guilty in any way, I understood clearly that I had to be ready to face death if I taught anything contrary to the doctrine of piety. And I added that I would be deserving of any punishment if I led anyone away from the faith and teachings of Christ."—8th Sept. 1553. Calv. Opera, tom. ix. p. 71

[440] Occupying the same cell during the last days of their captivity, the two prisoners were only separated to die. Denis Peloquin was taken from his prison the 4th September, and conducted to Ville Franche, where his heroic constancy at the stake excited the wonder and tender sympathy of the spectators. Louis de Marsac, with two other victims, Etienne Gravot of Gyen, and Marsac, his cousin, who had followed him into his dungeon, "gave thanks to God for the inestimable honour which he conferred upon them of suffering for his name." At the moment when the three condemned were about to be led to the place of execution, a rope was put about their neck, according to custom. "Louis de Marsac, seeing that they spared him in that particular, out of some regard to his quality, asked in a loud voice if the cause of his two brethren was different from his, adding these words, 'Alas! do not refuse me the collar of so excellent an order.' The lieutenant agreed to his wish, and the three martyrs, chanting with one voice the song of deliverance, shortly after mounted the pile prepared on the Place des Terreaux, and expired in the midst of the flames."—Hist. des Martyrs. Lib. iv. p. 254. Hist. Eccl. tom. i. p. 92.

[440] In the final days of their captivity, the two prisoners occupied the same cell and were only separated to meet their fate. Denis Peloquin was taken from his prison on September 4th and brought to Ville Franche, where his brave endurance at the stake amazed and touched the hearts of the spectators. Louis de Marsac, along with two other victims, Etienne Gravot of Gyen and his cousin Marsac, who had followed him into captivity, "thanked God for the invaluable honor of suffering for His name." Just before the three condemned were led to their execution, a rope was placed around their necks, as was customary. "Seeing that they spared him in this regard because of his status, Louis de Marsac called out loudly, asking if the situation of his two companions was different from his own, adding, 'Alas! do not deny me the privilege of such an honorable order.' The lieutenant granted his request, and the three martyrs, singing together the song of deliverance, soon ascended the pyre set up in the Place des Terreaux and perished in the flames."—Hist. des Martyrs. Lib. iv. p. 254. Hist. Eccl. tom. i. p. 92.

[441] Michael Girard. In a note in the History of the Martyrs, this Michael Girard did not persevere.

[441] Michael Girard. In a note in the History of the Martyrs, this Michael Girard did not keep going.

[442] The rigour of the judges of Servetus could not fail to extend to the book which served as the basis of the judicial prosecution directed against his person. From the confession of the accused, there had been printed a thousand copies of the Christianismi Restitutio, of which a certain number were deposited at Frankfort. Calvin did not forget the latter portion of this acknowledgment, confirmed besides by a letter from the printer at Vienne, but wrote immediately to the Church of Frankfort, desiring the sequestration and destruction of this dangerous deposit. A clerk of the celebrated printer, Robert Stephens, then resident at Geneva, was charged with this mission, which he accomplished with so very great success, that there are only three copies of the original edition to be found at the present day; one in the Imperial Library of Paris, another in that of Vienna in Austria, and a third in a private collection.—Rilliet, Relation du Procès de Servet, p. 9.

[442] The strictness of the judges in Servetus's case inevitably extended to the book that formed the basis for his trial. According to the defendant's confession, a thousand copies of the Christianismi Restitutio had been printed, with some stored in Frankfurt. Calvin did not overlook this part of the confession, which was further supported by a letter from the printer in Vienne, and he immediately wrote to the Church in Frankfurt, asking for the seizure and destruction of this dangerous material. A clerk from the well-known printer, Robert Stephens, who was then in Geneva, was tasked with this job, and he was so successful that only three copies of the original edition are currently known to exist: one in the Imperial Library of Paris, another in the library in Vienna, Austria, and a third in a private collection.—Rilliet, Relation du Procès de Servet, p. 9.

[443] A serious conflict came to be raised between the ministers and the magistrates of Geneva. A chief of the Libertins, Philibert Berthelier, was excommunicated by the Consistory for his irregular habits, and appealed to the Council of State, which annulled the ecclesiastical sentence, and gave Berthelier authority to go forward to the Supper. The experiment was decisive; it was made to know whether or not Calvin would abandon ecclesiastical discipline, or resist the government. This letter of the Reformer to Viret, shows us with what energetic resolution and heroic constancy he resolved, in this instance, to maintain the honour of Christ. This conflict, which mutually divided the representatives of the spiritual and civil powers, could only be terminated by the solemn intervention of the Helvetian Churches.—Registers of Council, anno 1553. See also the various histories of Geneva, Spon, Picot, &c.

[443] A serious conflict arose between the ministers and the magistrates of Geneva. Philibert Berthelier, a leader of the Libertines, was excommunicated by the Consistory for his improper behavior, and he appealed to the Council of State, which overturned the church's decision and allowed Berthelier to participate in the Supper. This move was crucial; it tested whether Calvin would forsake church discipline or stand against the government. This letter from the Reformer to Viret shows us the strong determination and heroic courage with which he chose to uphold the honor of Christ in this situation. This clash, which split the representatives of spiritual and civil authority, could only be resolved through the formal intervention of the Helvetian Churches.—Registers of Council, anno 1553. See also the various histories of Geneva, Spon, Picot, & c.

[444] In a letter to Theodore Beza of 30th August 1553, he gave eloquent expression to his deep anxiety for the Church of England:—"Scarcely has any other thing so much distressed me as this English affair. Let us earnestly implore mercy of God, that he may have pity on us, and upon his most afflicted Church. But where is our Martyr? where John A Lasco? where is Hooper, Bishop of Worcester? where is Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury? where is the Duke of Suffolk? where are numberless other excellent men? Lord, have mercy upon them. I cannot easily express how greatly these things distress me."—Zurich Letters, 1st series, vol. ii. p. 741.

[444] In a letter to Theodore Beza dated August 30, 1553, he expressed his deep concern for the Church of England:—"Nothing has troubled me as much as this English situation. Let us sincerely ask God for mercy, so that He may show compassion to us and His suffering Church. But where is our Martyr? Where is John A Lasco? Where is Hooper, Bishop of Worcester? Where is Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury? Where is the Duke of Suffolk? Where are so many other great men? Lord, have mercy on them. I can hardly put into words how deeply these things distress me."—Zurich Letters, 1st series, vol. ii. p. 741.

[445] "The London Church has more than 15,000 foreigners. Where will these miserable ones flee to, should the Pope gain the day? We must pray God therefore...."—Letter of Bullinger to Calvin, of 26th August 1553.—Eccl. Archives of Berne, vol. vi. p. 312.

[445] "The London Church has over 15,000 foreigners. Where will these unfortunate people go if the Pope is victorious? We must pray to God about this...."—Letter from Bullinger to Calvin, August 26, 1553.—Eccl. Archives of Berne, vol. vi. p. 312.

[446] Cardinal Pole was at that time preparing to leave Rome to return to England:—"An English nobleman was sent lately by Queen Mary to recall that Reginald Pole, who is too well known both to you and myself; for that English Athaliah desires the benefit of his presence and his counsel."—Bullinger to Beza, letter already quoted.

[446] Cardinal Pole was getting ready to leave Rome to go back to England:—"An English nobleman was recently sent by Queen Mary to bring back Reginald Pole, who you and I both know well; that English Athaliah wants his presence and advice."—Bullinger to Beza, letter already quoted.

[447] At the session of the 5th September, the Council of Geneva had decided, contrary to the wish of Calvin, upon consulting the Churches of Berne, Basle, Sebaffhausen, and Zurich, respecting the culpability of Servetus, but this decision was realized just a fortnight too late.—Rilliet, Relation du Procès de Servet, p. 84.

[447] During the meeting on September 5th, the Geneva Council decided, against Calvin's wishes, to consult the Churches of Bern, Basel, Schaffhausen, and Zurich about Servetus's guilt. Unfortunately, this decision came just two weeks too late.—Rilliet, Relation du Procès de Servet, p. 84.

[448] Rudolph Gualter, minister of the Church of Zurich, and son-in-law to Bullinger.

[448] Rudolph Gualter, minister of the Church of Zurich, and Bullinger's son-in-law.

[449] The Lesser Council of Geneva, acting upon the proposition made a few days previously, (note 1,) prepared to write to the Churches of Berne, Zurich, Sebaffhausen, and Basle, to ask their advice regarding the culpability of Servetus. It was not, however, till the 21st of September, that the messenger, charged with the various papers relative to the trial, had put into his hands the circular letter addressed to the magistrates or pastors of the four towns. These letters were accompanied by a copy of the Christianismi Restitutio, a copy of the works of Tertullian, and one of those of Irenæns, as well as the questions put to Servetus, together with his replies, and the refutation of the ministers. In those circulars, the council gave expression to its entire confidence in the intelligence of the pastors of Geneva, but desired, before coming to a decision, to have fuller information on the point, by consulting the other Churches. The fate of the prisoner evidently depended on the result of this supreme measure. Calvin, addressing Bullinger and Sulzer alternately, insisted strongly on the alleged culpability of Servetus, and on the necessity of a punishment, which should be, as it appeared to him, a solemn consecration of those truths which had been shaken by the attacks of the audacious Spanish doctor. The messenger charged with the letter to Sulzer was the Treasurer Du Pan, one of the most devoted disciples of the Reformer.

[449] The Lesser Council of Geneva, following a suggestion made a few days earlier, (note 1,) prepared to reach out to the Churches of Berne, Zurich, Schaffhausen, and Basel for their opinion on the culpability of Servetus. However, it wasn't until September 21st that the messenger, tasked with the various documents related to the trial, was handed the circular letter addressed to the magistrates or pastors of the four towns. These letters were accompanied by a copy of the Christianismi Restitutio, a copy of Tertullian's works, and one of Irenaeus's, along with the questions posed to Servetus, his responses, and the ministers' rebuttals. In those circulars, the council expressed complete trust in the judgment of the pastors of Geneva but wanted more information on the matter before making a decision, hence consulting the other Churches. The prisoner’s fate clearly depended on the outcome of this crucial action. Calvin, addressing Bullinger and Sulzer in turn, strongly emphasized the supposed guilt of Servetus and the need for a punishment that he believed would serve as a formal affirmation of the truths that had been challenged by the bold Spanish doctor. The messenger delivering the letter to Sulzer was Treasurer Du Pan, one of the Reformer’s most devoted followers.

[450] These last words betray Calvin's want of confidence in the Pastors of the Church of Berne, with certain of whom he was found to disagree upon certain points of doctrine, and who had given expression to principles of great toleration in the reply relative to Bolsec.

[450] These final words reveal Calvin's lack of confidence in the pastors of the Church of Berne, with whom he disagreed on some doctrinal issues, and who had expressed ideas of significant tolerance in their response regarding Bolsec.

[451] See letter, p. 418.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See letter, p. 418.

[452] Notice in the handwriting of Charles de Jonvillers:—"He wrote this letter to a good young lady, personally unknown to him, who having set out on the way to Geneva, was arrested by a relation of her own, who wished to deprive her of her liberty. Two of her brothers came hither to get letters from him. But fearing lest they might ask them for their own ends, and to the injury of the young lady, he wrote and adopted this style for the express object he had in view."

[452] Notice in the handwriting of Charles de Jonvillers:—"He wrote this letter to a good young lady, whom he didn't know personally, who was on her way to Geneva but was stopped by a relative who wanted to take away her freedom. Two of her brothers came here to get letters from him. However, worried that they might use them for their own purposes and harm the young lady, he wrote and chose this style for the specific goal he had in mind."

[453] "To the faithful dispersed in some isles of France." The peninsula of Arvert on the coast of Saintonge, peopled by fishermen and pirates, received the first seeds of the Gospel from some refugees driven away by persecution from the neighbouring towns. "The seed sown was afterwards fertilized by some monks preaching a kind of half truth, as regarded doctrine, and reproving vices; so that in a little time we saw (in that country) a strange alteration."—Beza, Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 101. From the point of Arvert, the Reformation spread into the adjoining islets, and there made numerous disciples, in spite of the rigours of the Parliament of Bourdeaux. A great missionary, Philibert Hamelin, regulated this movement. From Tours originally, he at first preached the Reformed doctrine with success at Saintes. Seized in that town, he miraculously escaped death, and sought an asylum at Geneva, where he followed the calling of a printer. But the ardour of his zeal soon led him to betake himself once more to the perilous apostolate, which was to close with martyrdom. He revisited La Saìntonge, visited his brethren dispersed among the islands, organized their churches, and taken a second time, he perished at the stake at Bourdeaux, the 18th April 1557. The journal of another glorious missionary of the Reformation, Bernard Palissy, may be consulted as to the ministry and death of Hamelin.

[453] "To the faithful scattered across some islands of France." The Arvert peninsula on the Saintonge coast, home to fishermen and pirates, was where the first seeds of the Gospel were planted by refugees fleeing persecution from nearby towns. "The seeds sown were later nurtured by monks who preached a sort of half-truth regarding doctrine and criticized vices; thus, in a short time, we witnessed a remarkable change in that region."—Beza, Hist. Eccl., vol. i. p. 101. From Arvert, the Reformation spread to the surrounding islands, gaining many followers despite the harsh measures of the Bordeaux Parliament. A key missionary, Philibert Hamelin, led this movement. Originally from Tours, he successfully preached Reformed doctrine in Saintes. Captured in that town, he miraculously escaped death and sought refuge in Geneva, where he became a printer. However, his fervent zeal soon drove him back into the dangerous mission work that would ultimately lead to his martyrdom. He returned to La Saintonge, visited his fellow believers scattered among the islands, organized their churches, and was captured again, ultimately being burned at the stake in Bordeaux on April 18, 1557. The diary of another notable missionary of the Reformation, Bernard Palissy, provides details about Hamelin's ministry and death.

[454] Philibert Hamelin.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Philibert Hamelin.

[455] See the letters, pp. 422, 427. They were then waiting at Geneva for the reply of the Swiss churches to the circular letters which had been addressed to them concerning the case of Servetus.

[455] See the letters, pp. 422, 427. They were then waiting in Geneva for the response from the Swiss churches to the circular letters that had been sent to them regarding the case of Servetus.

[456] Farel arrived at Geneva a few days afterwards, where was reserved for him the melancholy mission of accompanying Servetus to the stake.

[456] Farel arrived in Geneva a few days later, where he had the sad task of accompanying Servetus to the stake.

[457] Galeazzo Caraccioli, Marquis de Vico.

Galeazzo Caraccioli, Marquis of Vico.

[458] The state messenger charged with the delivery of the documents relative to the trial of Servetus to the Swiss Churches, had visited in succession those of Berne, Zurich, Schaffhausen, and Bâle, and had now returned to Geneva with their replies. The churches were alike unanimous in their judgment of the theological culpability of Servetus, and in their testimonies of affection and confidence towards Calvin and his colleagues. Without giving expression to the nature of the punishment which should be inflicted on the accused, they were unanimous in advising them to rid the Church of a pest, which had already brought ruin to so great a number of souls. Their various replies will be found in Calvini Opera, tom. ix. p. 72, et seq. The magistrates of Berne, who had counselled toleration to Bolsec, manifested an inflexible rigour towards Servetus, exhorting those of Geneva not to act unworthily of Christian magistrates. The ministers of Zurich were still more decided: "We think," said they, "that you ought in this case to manifest much faith and zeal, inasmuch as our churches have abroad the bad reputation of being heretical, and of being particularly favourable to heresy. Holy Providence at this time affords you an opportunity of freeing yourselves and us from that injurious suspicion, if you know how to be vigilant and active in preventing the further spreading of that poison, and we have no doubt but that your Seigneurs will do so." After such replies the sentence against Servetus could not be long doubtful; and the magistrates, in condemning him to death, were only the interpreters of the stern thought of an age in which persecution, that sad legacy of the Middle Ages, was the avowed jurisprudence of all Christian communions. The day following that on which Calvin penned these lines addressed to Farel, (27th October 1553,) Servetus was led forth to hear his doom pronounced at the gate of the Hotel de Ville, and mounted the fatal pile erected at Champel, bequeathing a mournful souvenir to the Reformation, and an eternal subject of accusation to the enemies of the Reformer. The error of Calvin in the death of Servetus was, we may say, altogether that of his age, inasmuch as men of the most conciliating and moderate dispositions, viz., Bucer, Œcolampadius, Melanchthon, and Bullinger, were at one in their approval of the condemnation of the unfortunate Spanish innovator. One may deeply deplore this error without insulting the Reformation, and combine in a just measure that pity which a great victim demands, with respect for those men whom an unhappy time made the accusers and the judges of Servetus.

[458] The state messenger responsible for delivering the documents related to Servetus's trial to the Swiss Churches had visited the churches in Berne, Zurich, Schaffhausen, and Bâle, and had now returned to Geneva with their responses. The churches were unanimous in their view of Servetus's theological guilt and expressed their support for Calvin and his colleagues. Without specifying the type of punishment that should be given to the accused, they all agreed on the need to rid the Church of a plague that had already led to the downfall of so many souls. Their various replies can be found in Calvini Opera, tom. ix. p. 72, et seq. The magistrates of Berne, who had advised tolerance towards Bolsec, showed unyielding harshness toward Servetus, urging the people of Geneva not to act unworthy of Christian magistrates. The ministers of Zurich were even more decisive: "We believe," they stated, "that you should show great faith and zeal in this matter since our churches have a poor reputation abroad for being heretical and especially accommodating to heresy. Holy Providence is now giving you a chance to rid yourselves and us of that damaging suspicion, if you can be vigilant and proactive in stopping the further spread of that poison, and we have no doubt that your Seigneurs will do so." After such replies, the decision regarding Servetus's fate could hardly be uncertain; the magistrates, in condemning him to death, were merely interpreting the harsh mindset of an era where persecution, a sad legacy of the Middle Ages, was openly accepted by all Christian communities. The day after Calvin wrote these lines to Farel (October 27, 1553), Servetus was taken to the gate of the Hotel de Ville to hear his sentence and was led to the fatal pyre at Champel, leaving behind a sorrowful memory for the Reformation and a lasting source of criticism for the enemies of the Reformer. Calvin's error regarding Servetus's death was, we might say, entirely reflective of his time, as even the most conciliatory and moderate figures—like Bucer, Œcolampadius, Melanchthon, and Bullinger—unanimously supported the condemnation of the unfortunate Spanish innovator. One can deeply mourn this mistake without disparaging the Reformation, balancing the pity due to a great victim with respect for those who, due to unfortunate circumstances, became the accusers and judges of Servetus.

[459] May not the personage in question be Antoine de Pons, Lord of Maremme? He had taken for his first wife Anne de Parthenay, daughter of M. de Soubise, and had embraced the Reformed faith at the Court of Ferrara. Having afterwards married the lady of Montebenu, he fell away from Protestantism, and even became one of its persecutors.—Bèze, Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 199.

[459] Could the person in question be Antoine de Pons, Lord of Maremme? He had married Anne de Parthenay, the daughter of M. de Soubise, as his first wife, and he had adopted the Reformed faith at the Court of Ferrara. Later, after marrying the lady of Montebenu, he abandoned Protestantism and even became one of its persecutors.—Bèze, Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 199.

[460] After the accession of Queen Mary to the throne of England, the Continent was filled with religious exiles, who did not hesitate to sacrifice their country for the free profession of their faith in a strange land. A great many English Churches were established in Germany and Switzerland. Those of Frankfort and Geneva were the most important.—See on the origin and history of the latter, the Memoir published by a Genevese savant, M. Heyer, in the Recueil de la Société d'Histoire et d'Archéologie de Genève. 1854.

[460] After Queen Mary took the throne of England, many people across the Continent became religious exiles, willing to leave their homeland to freely practice their faith in foreign lands. A significant number of English Churches were founded in Germany and Switzerland, with the ones in Frankfort and Geneva being the most notable. —For more on the history and background of the latter, see the memoir published by the Genevese scholar M. Heyer in the Recueil de la Société d'Histoire et d'Archéologie de Genève. 1854.

[461] "The whole of the Lesser Council, the gentlemen of justice, M. Calvin, and a great number of the more eminent men of the town, dine together, in order to cement the peace, and it has been decided upon that if any one violate it all the others may oppose him."—Registers of the Council for 1553.

[461] "The entire Lesser Council, the gentlemen of justice, M. Calvin, and many of the town's prominent figures, are having dinner together to strengthen the peace, and it has been agreed that if anyone breaks it, everyone else can stand against him."—Registers of the Council for 1553.

[462] See the letter to Viret, p. 423. After having solemnly refused the Supper to Philibert Berthelier, Calvin presented himself before the Council, and demanded a general assembly of the people. The Council could not, he said, annul a discipline which the entire people had sanctioned. Intimidated by this step, the Council adopted the course which it had already followed in the case of Servetus, and expressed the intention of consulting the other Reformed Cantons. Charged with a secret mission by the Reformer, his friend John de Budé set out for Zurich, to solicit in that place, a decision favourable to the views of Calvin. Bullinger was active in his exertions to gain over the magistrates of his country, as well as in giving Calvin wise counsels of moderation:—"We have laboured with all our might," he wrote to him, "to prevent our Seigneurs from acting in any way derogatory to the excellent laws of your Church; we have besides exhorted you to continue faithful, using moderation in all things, lest you lose those whose salvation is desired by the Lord, who does not break the bruised reed nor quench the smoking flax."—Bullinger to Calvin. 12th December 1553.

[462] See the letter to Viret, p. 423. After formally denying the Supper to Philibert Berthelier, Calvin went before the Council and called for a general assembly of the people. He argued that the Council couldn’t overturn a discipline that the whole community had approved. The Council, feeling pressured by this action, took the same approach it had with Servetus and expressed its intention to consult the other Reformed Cantons. Sent on a secret mission by the Reformer, Calvin’s friend John de Budé traveled to Zurich to seek a decision there that would support Calvin’s views. Bullinger worked hard to convince the magistrates in his region and also offered Calvin wise advice on moderation: "We have done everything we can," he wrote to him, "to prevent our leaders from taking any actions that would undermine the excellent laws of your Church; we have also urged you to stay faithful, exercising moderation in everything, so that you don’t lose those whose salvation the Lord desires, who does not break the bruised reed nor quench the smoking flax."—Bullinger to Calvin. 12th December 1553.

[463] While giving an energetic deliverance against the errors of Servetus, the ministers of Zurich had paid, in their reply to the Seigneurie of Geneva, a very beautiful tribute to Calvin:—"We trust that the faith and zeal—in a word, the distinguished services among the exiles and the pious—of our brother, your pastor, Calvin, is too illustrious to be obscured by such very disgraceful calumnies, whether in the estimation of your honourable Council, or in that of other good men."—Calv. Opera, tom. ix. p. 74.

[463] While energetically countering the mistakes of Servetus, the ministers of Zurich paid a beautiful tribute to Calvin in their response to the Geneva authorities:—"We believe that the faith and zeal—in short, the exceptional contributions among the exiles and the devout—of our brother, your pastor, Calvin, are too remarkable to be tarnished by such disgraceful slanders, either in the eyes of your honorable Council or other good people."—Calv. Opera, tom. ix. p. 74.

[464] See the preceding letter. The Council of Zurich having received the letter of that of Geneva, and having consulted Bullinger and his colleagues regarding the reply which they would require to make, did not hesitate to give a deliverance in favour of Calvin, and against the demands of the Libertines. They accordingly exhorted the magistrates of Geneva to maintain their ecclesiastical laws, "as good and conformable to the prescriptions of the Divine word, and as particularly necessary in an age in which men are becoming more and more wicked." Although the discipline then in operation at Zurich differed essentially from that of Geneva, in being less rigorous, yet the Seigneurs of Zurich pronounced a eulogy upon that of the latter, "inasmuch as it was framed in a manner adapting it to the time, the place, and the persons; and that every Church ought to persevere in those usages which she has received and holily established, according to the word of God."—Ruchat, Hist. de la Reformation, tom. vi. pp. 67, 68. The reply of the Seigneurs of Berne was less explicit. They limited themselves to the declaration, that excommunication was not in force among them, but that they had certain regulations, of which they forwarded them a copy.

[464] See the preceding letter. The Council of Zurich received a letter from Geneva and consulted Bullinger and his colleagues about the response they needed to give. They quickly decided to support Calvin and oppose the demands of the Libertines. They encouraged the magistrates of Geneva to uphold their church laws "as good and in line with the requirements of the Divine word, and particularly needed in a time when people are becoming increasingly wicked." Although the discipline in place in Zurich was quite different from Geneva's and less strict, the Seigneurs of Zurich praised Geneva's approach "since it was designed to fit the time, the location, and the people; and that every Church should continue the practices it has received and established in accordance with the word of God."—Ruchat, Hist. de la Reformation, tom. vi. pp. 67, 68. The response from the Seigneurs of Berne was less clear. They simply stated that excommunication was not enforced among them, but that they had certain regulations, for which they sent a copy.

[465] Farel, while preaching at Geneva, had addressed severe language to the youths of that city; and he said they were "worse than brigands, murderers, thieves, plunderers, atheists." A crowd of young men presenting themselves before the Council, menaced it to its face, and demanded that Farel should be summoned from Neuchatel to give an account of his insolent language. A great tumult followed this proposition. Some made bold to stand up and call to their recollection the services Farel had rendered to the republic, and the shame of an accusation directed against the spiritual father of the city. Meanwhile, Farel arrived, calm as usual. The cry got up of Justice! Justice! and the citizens leaving their shops, hastened to rally round the venerable pastor, and preserve him from all disgrace. He had little difficulty in justifying himself and even Perrin was compelled to proclaim his innocence.—Registers of the Council, Nov. 1553; Roset, tom. v. p. 53; and Hist. de la Suisse, tom. xi. p. 381.

[465] Farel, while preaching in Geneva, used harsh words towards the young people of the city, calling them "worse than brigands, murderers, thieves, plunderers, atheists." A group of young men confronted the Council, threatening it directly, and demanded that Farel be brought from Neuchatel to answer for his disrespectful comments. A huge uproar followed this demand. Some bravely stood up to remind everyone of the services Farel had done for the republic and the shame of accusing the spiritual father of the city. Meanwhile, Farel arrived, as calm as ever. The cry of Justice! Justice! arose, and the citizens, leaving their shops, hurried to support the respected pastor and protect him from any dishonor. He had little trouble defending himself, and even Perrin was forced to declare his innocence.—Registers of the Council, Nov. 1553; Roset, tom. v. p. 53; and Hist. de la Suisse, tom. xi. p. 381.

[466] In Calvin's own hand.

In Calvin's own handwriting.

[467] This is the book against the errors of Michael Servetus.—Opera, tom. viii.; and Opuscules, p. 230. The Registers of Council contain the following intimation on the subject of this work:—"Calvin has represented to the Council, that at the request of the Swiss Churches, he is about to publish a book, containing an account of the opinions of Servetus: and that he has not been so bold as to commit it to the press without the permission of the Council, assuring it that this book contains nothing not conformable to the word of God, or dishonourable to the city. Agreed to permit Calvin to print it; 11th December 1553." This book, as establishing the right of magistrates to punish heresy by the sword, has given occasion to the most violent controversies.

[467] This is the book against the errors of Michael Servetus.—Opera, vol. viii.; and Opuscules, p. 230. The Council's records include the following note about this work:—"Calvin has informed the Council that at the request of the Swiss Churches, he plans to publish a book discussing the views of Servetus, and he did not dare submit it for printing without the Council's approval, assuring them that this book contains nothing that contradicts the word of God or dishonors the city. Approved to allow Calvin to print it; December 11, 1553." This book, which establishes the authority of magistrates to punish heresy with the death penalty, has sparked the most intense debates.

[468] Calvin had written, what he then suppressed: De Curione et Similibus. The condemnation of Servetus was disapproved of by certain of the professors of the Academy of Bâle, among whom is to be found the celebrated Italian refugee, Celio Secondo Curione, and Sebastian Castalio.

[468] Calvin had written, but then kept it from being published: De Curione et Similibus. Some professors at the Academy of Bâle disapproved of the condemnation of Servetus, including the well-known Italian refugee Celio Secondo Curione and Sebastian Castalio.

[469] Whilst the number of refugees was increasing at Geneva and the other towns of Switzerland, their wants were provided for by liberal charitable donations. This was the origin of the Bourse Etrangère founded at Geneva, and whose revenues are applied, even in our own day, to the support of poor students, or to the establishing of new schools.

[469] While the number of refugees was rising in Geneva and other Swiss towns, their needs were met by generous charitable donations. This led to the establishment of the Bourse Etrangère in Geneva, which continues to use its funds, even today, to support underprivileged students or to set up new schools.

[470] No date. Printed with this designation: D. Agneti Anglæ. But the text of the letter itself proves that it is addressed to an Italian lady named Agnès. We find a person of this name among the members of the Reformed Church of Ferrara. Opera Olympiæ Moratæ. Edit. of 1580, p. 115. Is it not to this lady that is addressed the message of the Reformer, the date of which ought apparently to be placed in 1553, the time of the dispersion of the Evangelical church formed in the capital of the Dukes of Este?

[470] No date. Printed with this designation: D. Agneti Anglæ. However, the content of the letter shows that it's directed to an Italian woman named Agnès. We find someone by that name among the members of the Reformed Church in Ferrara. Opera Olympiæ Moratæ. Edit. of 1580, p. 115. Isn’t the message from the Reformer meant for this lady, with the date likely being around 1553, during the time when the Evangelical church in the capital of the Dukes of Este was being dispersed?

[471] To a Seigneur of the neighbouring Isle of Normandy. Without date: 1553?

[471] To a Lord from the nearby Isle of Normandy. Undated: 1553?

The English Isles of Jersey and Guernsey had a share in the religious revolutions of England during the reign of Mary and Elizabeth. Already during the reign of Edward VI. the Isle of Guernsey possessed a French Protestant Church, of which the pastor Denis Le Vair was tortured in 1555 in Rouen: Beza, Hist. Eccl. Vol. 1. p. 95. The Church of Saint Helier in Jersey has been perpetuated to the present time.

The English islands of Jersey and Guernsey were involved in the religious changes occurring in England during the reigns of Mary and Elizabeth. Even during the reign of Edward VI, the Isle of Guernsey had a French Protestant Church, whose pastor, Denis Le Vair, was tortured in 1555 in Rouen: Beza, Hist. Eccl. Vol. 1. p. 95. The Church of Saint Helier in Jersey still exists today.

Transcriber's note:"

Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained as printed.

Minor typos have been fixed without mention. Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been kept as printed.

There was no CHAPTER CXLVI in the book, but there were two chapters CLXVIII. These were renumbered thus matching the table of contents.

There was no CHAPTER CXLVI in the book, but there were two chapters CLXVIII. These were renumbered to match the table of contents.

Page 89: The transcriber has inserted a dash to replace the blank area.

Page 89: The transcriber has added a dash to fill in the empty space.


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