This is a modern-English version of Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, Volume 1 (of 3): Consisting of Old Heroic Ballads, Songs and Other Pieces of Our Earlier Poets Together With Some Few of Later Date, originally written by unknown author(s).
It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling,
and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If
you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.
Scroll to the bottom of this page and you will find a free ePUB download link for this book.

PERCY'S RELIQUES.
PERCY'S RELICS.

REMAINS OF
ANCIENT ENGLISH
POETRY
COMPRISING CLASSIC HEROIC BALLADS, SONGS, AND OTHER WORKS BY OUR EARLIER POETS, ALONG WITH A FEW FROM MORE RECENT TIMES
BY
THOMAS PERCY, D.D.
BISHOP OF DROMORE
BY
THOMAS PERCY, D.D.
BISHOP OF DROMORE
EDITED, WITH A GENERAL INTRODUCTION, ADDITIONAL
PREFACES, NOTES, GLOSSARY, ETC.
BY
HENRY B. WHEATLEY, F.S.A.
EDITED, WITH A GENERAL INTRODUCTION, ADDITIONAL
PREFACES, NOTES, GLOSSARY, ETC.
BY
HENRY B. WHEATLEY, F.S.A.
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOL. I
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOL. 1
LONDON: GEORGE ALLEN & UNWIN LTD.
RUSKIN HOUSE 40 MUSEUM STREET, W.C.1
LONDON: GEORGE ALLEN & UNWIN LTD.
RUSKIN HOUSE 40 Museum St, WC1
First Published by Swan Sonnenschein | April | 1885 |
Reprinted | August | 1891 |
" | August | 1899 |
" | December | 1909 |
" | January | 1927 |
Printed by the Riverside Press Limited, Edinburgh
Great Britain
Printed by Riverside Press Limited, Edinburgh
UK

CONTENTS OF VOLUME THE FIRST
PAGE | ||
---|---|---|
![]() Editor's Preface Editor’s Preface |
ix | |
GENERAL INTRODUCTION | ||
The Minstrels | xiii | |
Ballads and Ballad Writers | xxiv | |
Imitators and Forgers | xliv | |
Authenticity of Certain Ballads | xlviii | |
Preservers of the Ballads | lviii | |
Life of Percy | lxxi | |
Folio MS. and the Reliques | lxxxi | |
Ballad Literature since Percy | xci | |
Dedications | 1 | |
Advertisement to the fourth edition | 4 | |
Preface | 7 | |
BOOK THE FIRST | ||
1. | The ancient Ballad of Chevy-chase | 19 |
2. | The Battle of Otterbourne | 35 |
Illustration of the Names in the foregoing ballads | 51 | |
3. | The Jew's Daughter. A Scottish Ballad | 54 |
4. | Sir Cauline | 61 |
Copy from the Folio MS. | 76 | |
5. | Edward, Edward. A Scottish Ballad | 82 |
6. | King Estmere | 85 |
On the word Termagant | 96 | |
7. | Sir Patrick Spence. A Scottish Ballad | 98 |
8. | Robin Hood and Guy of Gisborne | 102 |
9. | An Elegy on Henry Fourth, Earl of Northumberland, by Skelton | 117 |
10. | The Tower of Doctrine, by Stephen Hawes[Pg vi] | 127 |
11. | The Child of Elle | 131 |
Fragment from the Folio MS. | 138 | |
12. | Edom o' Gordon. A Scottish Ballad | 140 |
Captain Carre, from the Folio MS | 148 | |
BOOK THE SECOND. | ||
(Containing Ballads that illustrate Shakespeare.) | ||
1. | Adam Bell, Clym of the Clough, and William of Cloudesley | 153 |
2. | The aged Lover renounceth Love, by Lord Vaux | 179 |
3. | Jephthah judge of Israel | 182 |
4. | A Robyn Jolly Robyn | 185 |
5. | A Song to the lute in musicke, by R. Edwards | 187 |
6. | King Cophetua and the Beggar-maid | 189 |
7. | Take thy old cloak about thee | 195 |
8. | Willow, Willow, Willow | 199 |
9. | Sir Lancelot du Lake | 204 |
10. | Corydon's Farewell to Phillis | 209 |
The Ballad of constant Susanna | 209 | |
11. | Gernutus the Jew of Venice | 211 |
12. | The passionate Shepherd to his Love, by Marlowe | 220 |
The Nymph's Reply, by Sir W. Raleigh | 223 | |
13. | Titus Andronicus's Complaint | 224 |
14. | Take those lips away | 230 |
15. | King Leir and his three daughters | 231 |
16. | Youth and Age, by Shakespeare | 237 |
17. | The Frolicksome Duke, or the Tinker's good Fortune | 238 |
18. | The Friar of Orders Gray, by Percy | 242 |
BOOK THE THIRD. | ||
1. | The more modern Ballad of Chevy-chace | 249 |
Illustration of the Northern Names | 263 | |
2. | Death's final Conquest, by James Shirley | 264 |
3. | The Rising in the North | 266 |
Copy from the Folio MS | 274 | |
4. | Northumberland betrayed by Douglas | 279 |
Copy from the Folio MS | 289 | |
5. | My Mind to me a Kingdom is, by Sir Edward Dyer | 294 |
6. | The Patient Countess, by W. Warner | 298 |
7. | Dowsabell, by M. Drayton[Pg vii] | 304 |
8. | The Farewell to Love, from Beaumont and Fletcher | 310 |
9. | Ulysses and the Syren, by S. Daniel | 311 |
10. | Cupid's Pastime, by Davison | 314 |
11. | The character of a happy life, by Sir H. Wotton. | 317 |
12. | Gilderoy. A Scottish Ballad | 318 |
13. | Winifreda | 323 |
14. | The Witch of Wokey | 325 |
15. | Bryan and Pereene. A West Indian Ballad, by Dr. Grainger | 328 |
16. | Gentle River, Gentle River. Translated from the Spanish | 331 |
17. | Alcanzor and Zayda, a Moorish Tale | 338 |
APPENDIX I. | ||
An Essay on the Ancient Minstrels in England | 343 | |
Notes and Illustrations | 382 | |
APPENDIX II. | ||
On the Origin of the English Stage, &c. | 431 | |
Index to Vol. I | 459 |
ERRATA.


EDITOR'S PREFACE

In undertaking the supervision of a new edition of the Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, I felt that no safer or better guidance could be followed than that of Bishop Percy himself; and as he always strove, in the several editions published by himself, to embody therein the sum of the knowledge of his times, so I, following at a distance, have endeavoured, by gathering from many quarters particulars published since his death, to make his book still more worthy of the great reputation it has acquired.
In taking on the task of supervising a new edition of the Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, I believed that no better guidance could be followed than that of Bishop Percy himself. He always aimed, in the various editions he published, to reflect the total knowledge of his time. Similarly, I have tried, from afar, to enhance his book by collecting details published since his passing, making it even more deserving of the great reputation it has earned.
Each edition published during the lifetime of the author contained large additions and corrections; but since the publication of the fourth edition, in 1794, no changes worth mentioning have been made, with the exception of such as occur in a revision brought out by the Rev. R. A. Willmott in 1857. His object, however, was to form a handy volume, and he therefore[Pg x] cleared away all Percy's Essays and Prefaces, and added short notices of his own, founded on Percy's facts, and, in some instances, on recent information.
Each edition released during the author's lifetime included many additions and corrections; however, since the release of the fourth edition in 1794, no significant changes have been made, except for a revision by the Rev. R. A. Willmott in 1857. His goal was to create a convenient volume, so he[Pg x]removed all of Percy's essays and prefaces and added brief notices of his own based on Percy's information and, in some cases, on more recent insights.
The desire for a new edition of the Reliques has more particularly grown since the publication of the original folio MS. in 1867, and I trust that the readers of the present edition may feel disposed to accept it as in some degree satisfying this desire.
The desire for a new edition of the Reliques has grown particularly since the original folio manuscript was published in 1867, and I hope that the readers of this edition will find it somewhat satisfying to that desire.
In the preparation of the present edition, the whole of Percy's work has been reprinted from his fourth edition, which contains his last touches; and in order that no confusion should be occasioned to the reader, all my notes and additions have been placed between brackets. The chief of these are the additional prefaces to the various pieces, the glossarial notes at the foot of the page, and the collation of such pieces as are taken from the folio MS. The complete glossary, which will be appended to the third volume, might seem to render the glossarial notes unnecessary; but there may be some readers who will find them useful. With regard to the pieces taken from the folio MS., the originals have been printed after Percy's copies in those cases which had undergone considerable alterations. Readers have now, therefore, before them complete materials for forming an opinion as to the use the Bishop made of his manuscript.
In this current edition, all of Percy's work has been reprinted from his fourth edition, which includes his final edits. To avoid confusing the reader, all my notes and additions are enclosed in brackets. The main additions include new prefaces for the different pieces, glossary notes at the bottom of the page, and a comparison of pieces taken from the folio manuscript. Although a complete glossary will be included at the end of the third volume, it may still be helpful for some readers to have the glossary notes. For the pieces from the folio manuscript, the originals have been printed after Percy's versions in cases where significant changes were made. Readers now have all the materials they need to form an opinion on how the Bishop used his manuscript.
After commencing my work, I found that to treat[Pg xi] the Essays interspersed throughout the book as the Prefaces had been treated, would necessitate so many notes and corrections as to cause confusion; and as the Essays on the English Stage, and the Metrical Romances, are necessarily out of date, the trouble expended would not have been repaid by the utility of the result. I have, therefore, thrown them to the end of their respective volumes, where they can be read exactly as Percy left them.
After starting my work, I realized that treating the Essays scattered throughout the book the same way the Prefaces were treated would require so many notes and corrections that it would lead to confusion. Since the Essays on the English Stage and the Metrical Romances are obviously outdated, the effort wouldn’t be worth the usefulness of the outcome. Therefore, I’ve placed them at the end of their respective volumes, where they can be read just as Percy left them.
In concluding these explanations, I have much pleasure in expressing my thanks to those friends who have assisted me, and to those writers without whose previous labours mine could not have been performed, more particularly to Messrs. Furnivall and Hales, who most kindly gave me permission to use any part of their edition of the folio MS. To Mr. Hales I am also indebted for many valuable hints, of which I have gladly availed myself.
In wrapping up these explanations, I want to express my gratitude to the friends who helped me and to the writers whose earlier work made my efforts possible, especially to Messrs. Furnivall and Hales, who generously allowed me to use parts of their edition of the folio manuscript. I'm also very thankful to Mr. Hales for many valuable suggestions that I've happily taken advantage of.
Henry B. Wheatley.
Henry B. Wheatley.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

Several questions of general interest have arisen for discussion by the editor during the work of revision. Notes upon these have been brought together, so as to form an introduction, which it is hoped may be of some use to the readers of the Reliques, in the absence of an exhaustive compilation, which has yet to be made. Here there is no attempt at completeness of treatment, and the notes are roughly arranged under the following headings:—
Several questions of general interest have come up for discussion by the editor during the revision process. Notes on these topics have been compiled to create an introduction, which we hope will be useful to the readers of the Reliques, in the absence of a comprehensive compilation that hasn't been created yet. There’s no attempt here to cover everything completely, and the notes are loosely organized under the following headings:—
- The Minstrels.
- Ballads and Ballad Writers.
- Imitators and Forgers.
- Authenticity of certain Ballads.
- Preservers of the Ballads.
- Life of Percy.
- Folio MS. and the Reliques.
- Ballad Literature since Percy.
The Minstrels.
When Percy wrote the opening sentence in his first sketch of that "Essay on the Ancient English[Pg xiv] Minstrels" (1765), which was the foundation of the literature of the subject, he little expected the severe handling he was to receive from the furious Ritson for his hasty utterance. His words were, "The minstrels seem to have been the genuine successors of the ancient bards, who united the arts of poetry and music, and sung verses to the harp of their own composing." The bishop was afterwards convinced, from Ritson's remarks, that the rule he had enunciated was too rigid, and in the later form of the Essay he somewhat modified his language. The last portion of the sentence then stood, "composed by themselves or others," and a note was added to the effect that he was "wedded to no hypothesis."
When Percy wrote the opening sentence in his first draft of that "Essay on the Ancient English[Pg xiv] Minstrels" (1765), which laid the groundwork for the literature on the topic, he hardly expected the harsh criticism he would receive from the furious Ritson for his quick statement. His words were, "The minstrels seem to have been the true successors of the ancient bards, who combined the arts of poetry and music and sang verses to the harp they composed themselves." The bishop later realized, based on Ritson's comments, that the rule he had stated was too strict, and in the revised version of the Essay, he softened his language. The last part of the sentence was revised to say, "composed by themselves or others," and a note was added indicating that he was "committed to no hypothesis."
Sir Walter Scott criticised the controversy in his interesting article on Romance in the supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica, where he wrote: "When so popular a department of poetry has attained this decided character, it becomes time to inquire who were the composers of these numerous, lengthened, and once-admired narratives which are called metrical romances, and from whence they drew their authority. Both these subjects of discussion have been the source of great controversy among antiquarians; a class of men who, be it said with their forgiveness, are apt to be both positive and polemical upon the very points which are least susceptible of proof, and which are least valuable if the truth could be ascertained; and which, therefore, we would gladly have seen handled with more diffidence and better temper in proportion to their uncertainty." After some remarks upon the essays of Percy and Ritson, he added, "Yet there is so little room for this extreme loss of temper, that upon a recent perusal of both these ingenious essays, we were surprised to find that the reverend editor of the[Pg xv] Reliques and the accurate antiquary have differed so very little as in essential facts they appear to have done. Quotations are indeed made by both with no sparing hand; and hot arguments, and on one side, at least, hard words are unsparingly employed; while, as is said to happen in theological polemics, the contest grows warmer in proportion as the ground concerning which it is carried on is narrower and more insignificant. In reality their systems do not essentially differ." Ritson's great object was to set forth more clearly than Percy had done that the term minstrel was a comprehensive one, including the poet, the singer, and the musician, not to mention the fablier, conteur, jugleur, baladin, &c.
Sir Walter Scott critiqued the debate in his engaging article on Romance in the supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica, where he wrote: "When such a popular branch of poetry has taken on this distinct character, it's time to ask who were the creators of these numerous, lengthy, and once-celebrated narratives known as metrical romances, and where they got their authority. Both of these topics have sparked considerable controversy among antiquarians; a group of people who, with all due respect, tend to be quite assertive and argumentative about the very points that are the hardest to prove and which are the least significant if the truth could be established; and therefore, we would prefer to see these issues approached with more humility and a better attitude proportional to their uncertainty." After commenting on the essays of Percy and Ritson, he added, "Yet there is so little reason for this extreme loss of temper, that upon a recent reading of both of these clever essays, we were surprised to see that the reverend editor of the [Pg xv] Reliques and the meticulous antiquarian have disagreed so little as they seem to have done in essential facts. Both quote generously; and heated arguments, and on at least one side, harsh words are freely exchanged; while, as is often the case in theological debates, the argument becomes more intense as the topic it concerns is narrower and less significant. In reality, their positions do not fundamentally differ." Ritson's main goal was to clarify more than Percy did that the term minstrel was a broad one, encompassing the poet, the singer, and the musician, not to mention the fablier, conteur, jugleur, baladin, etc.
Ritson delighted in collecting instances of the degradation into which the minstrel gradually sank, and, with little of Percy's taste, he actually preferred the ballad-writer's songs to those of the minstrel. Percy, on the other hand, gathered together all the material he could to set the minstrel in a good light. There is abundant evidence that the latter was right in his view of the minstrel's position in feudal times, but there were grades in this profession as in others, and law-givers doubtless found it necessary to control such Bohemians as wandered about the country without licence. The minstrel of a noble house was distinguished by bearing the badge of his lord attached to a silver chain, and just as in later times the players who did not bear the name of some courtier were the subjects of parliamentary enactments, so the unattached minstrels were treated as vagrants. Besides the minstrels of great lords, there were others attached to important cities. On May 26, 1298, as appears by the Wardrobe accounts of Edward I., that king gave 6s. 8d. to Walter Lovel, the harper of Chichester, whom he found playing the[Pg xvi] harp before the tomb of St. Richard in the Cathedral of Chichester.
Ritson enjoyed collecting examples of the decline that the minstrel gradually underwent, and, unlike Percy, he actually preferred the songs of the ballad-writer over those of the minstrel. Percy, on the other hand, gathered all the materials he could to portray the minstrel positively. There's plenty of evidence that he was correct in his perspective on the minstrel's role during feudal times, but there were various levels within this profession, just like in others, and lawmakers undoubtedly found it necessary to regulate the wandering performers who roamed the country without permission. The minstrel of a noble house was marked by wearing his lord's badge on a silver chain, and just as later, players without a courtly name were subjected to parliamentary laws, unattached minstrels were treated as vagrants. Besides the minstrels serving great lords, there were others affiliated with major cities. On May 26, 1298, as shown in the Wardrobe accounts of Edward I., that king gave 6s. 8d. to Walter Lovel, the harper from Chichester, whom he found playing the[Pg xvi] harp before the tomb of St. Richard in the Cathedral of Chichester.
Waits were formerly attached to most corporate towns, and were, in fact, the corporation minstrels. They wore a livery and a badge, and were formed into a sort of guild. No one, even were he an inhabitant of the town, was suffered to play in public who was not free of the guild. Besides singing out the hours of the night, and warning the town against dangers, they accompanied themselves with the harp, the pipe, the hautboy, and other instruments. They played in the town for the gratification of the inhabitants, and attended the mayor on all state occasions. At the mayor's feast they occupied the minstrels' gallery. From the merchants' guild book at Leicester, it appears that as early as 1314 "Hugh the Trumpeter" was made free of the guild, and in 1481 "Henry Howman, a harper," was also made free, while in 1499 "Thomas Wylkyns, Wayte," and in 1612 "Thomas Pollard, musician," were likewise admitted.[1]
Waits were formerly attached to most corporate towns, and were, in fact, the corporation minstrels. They wore a livery and a badge, and were formed into a sort of guild. No one, even were he an inhabitant of the town, was suffered to play in public who was not free of the guild. Besides singing out the hours of the night, and warning the town against dangers, they accompanied themselves with the harp, the pipe, the hautboy, and other instruments. They played in the town for the gratification of the inhabitants, and attended the mayor on all state occasions. At the mayor's feast they occupied the minstrels' gallery. From the merchants' guild book at Leicester, it appears that as early as 1314 "Hugh the Trumpeter" was made free of the guild, and in 1481 "Henry Howman, a harper," was also made free, while in 1499 "Thomas Wylkyns, Wayte," and in 1612 "Thomas Pollard, musician," were likewise admitted.[1]
Percy collected so many facts concerning the old minstrels, that it is not necessary to add much to his stock of information, especially as, though a very interesting subject in itself, it has really very little to do with the contents of the Reliques.
Percy gathered so much information about the old minstrels that there’s not much need to add to what he already knows, especially since, while it’s a very intriguing topic on its own, it doesn’t actually relate much to the contents of the Reliques.
The knightly Troubadours and Trouvères, and such men as Taillefer, the Norman minstrel, who at the battle of Hastings advanced on horseback before the invading host, and gave the signal for attack by singing the Song of Roland, who died at Roncesvalles, had little in common with the authors of the ballads in this book.
The knightly Troubadours and Trouvères, and men like Taillefer, the Norman minstrel, who at the Battle of Hastings rode ahead of the invading army and signaled the attack by singing the Song of Roland, who died at Roncesvalles, had very little in common with the authors of the ballads in this book.
The wise son of Sirach enumerates among those famous men who are worthy to be praised "such as found out musical tunes, and recited verses in writing;" but, according to Hector Boece, the early Scottish kings thought otherwise. In the Laws of Kenneth II., "bardis" are mentioned with vagabonds, fools, and idle persons, to be scourged and burnt on the cheek, unless they found some work by which to live; and the same laws against them were, according to Boece, still in force in the reign of Macbeth, nearly two centuries later. Better times, however, came, and Scotch bards and minstrels were highly favoured in the reign of James III.; but the sunshine did not last long. In 1574, "pipers, fiddlers, and minstrels" are again branded with the opprobrious term of vagabonds, and threatened with severe penalties; and the Regent Morton induced the Privy Council to issue an edict that "nane tak upon hand to emprent or sell whatsoever book, ballet, or other werk," without its being examined and licensed, under pain of death and confiscation of goods. In August, 1579, two poets of Edinburgh (William Turnbull, schoolmaster, and William Scot, notar, "baith weel belovit of the common people for their common offices"), were hanged for writing a satirical ballad against the Earl of Morton; and in October of the same year, the Estates passed an Act against beggars and "sic as make themselves fules and are bards ... minstrels, sangsters, and tale tellers, not avowed in special service by some of the lords of parliament or great burghs."
The wise son of Sirach lists among those famous people worthy of praise "those who discovered musical tunes and wrote verses." However, according to Hector Boece, the early Scottish kings had a different opinion. In the Laws of Kenneth II, "bards" are grouped with vagabonds, fools, and idle people who are to be whipped and marked on the cheek unless they found some way to support themselves. Boece notes that the same laws were still enforced during the reign of Macbeth, almost two centuries later. Fortunately, better times arrived, and Scottish bards and minstrels were well-regarded during the reign of James III; but this period of favor didn't last long. In 1574, "pipers, fiddlers, and minstrels" were once again labeled as vagabonds and threatened with harsh penalties. The Regent Morton convinced the Privy Council to issue a decree stating that "no one should take it upon themselves to print or sell any book, ballad, or other work" without it being examined and approved, under the threat of death and the confiscation of property. In August 1579, two poets from Edinburgh (William Turnbull, a schoolmaster, and William Scot, a notary, "both well-loved by the common people for their public services") were hanged for writing a satirical ballad about the Earl of Morton; and in October of the same year, the Estates passed a law against beggars and "those who make themselves fools and are bards... minstrels, singers, and storytellers not officially employed by some of the lords of parliament or major burghs."
The minstrels had their several rounds, and, as a general rule, did not interfere with each other; but it is probable that they occasionally made a foray into other districts, in order to replenish their worn-out stock of songs.
The minstrels had their own circuits, and generally, they didn't interfere with one another; however, it's likely that they occasionally ventured into other areas to refresh their depleted collection of songs.
One of the last of the true minstrels was Richard[Pg xviii] Sheale, who enjoys the credit of having preserved the old version of Chevy Chase. He was for a time in the service of Edward, Earl of Derby, and wrote an elegy on the Countess, who died in January, 1558. He afterwards followed the profession of a minstrel at Tamworth, and his wife was a "sylke woman," who sold shirts, head clothes, and laces, &c., at the fairs of Lichfield and other neighbouring towns. On one occasion, when he left Tamworth on horseback, with his harp in his hand, he had the misfortune to be robbed by four highwaymen, who lay in wait for him near Dunsmore Heath. He wrote a long account of his misfortune in verse,[2] in which he describes the grief of himself and his wife at their great loss, and laments over the coldness of worldly friends. He was robbed of threescore pounds—a large amount in those days—not obtained, however, from the exercise of his own skill, but by the sale of his wife's wares. This money was to be devoted to the payment of their debts, and in order that the carriage of it should not be a burden to him he changed it all for gold. He thought he might carry it safely, as no one would suspect a minstrel of possessing so much property, but he found to his cost that he had been foolishly bold. To add to his affliction, some of his acquaintances grieved him by saying that he was a lying knave, and had not been robbed, as it was not possible for a minstrel to have so much money. There was a little sweetness, however, in the poor minstrel's cup, for patrons were kind, and his loving neighbours at Tamworth exerted themselves to help him. They induced him to brew a bushel of malt, and sell the ale.
One of the last of the true minstrels was Richard[Pg xviii] Sheale, who enjoys the credit of having preserved the old version of Chevy Chase. He was for a time in the service of Edward, Earl of Derby, and wrote an elegy on the Countess, who died in January, 1558. He afterwards followed the profession of a minstrel at Tamworth, and his wife was a "sylke woman," who sold shirts, head clothes, and laces, &c., at the fairs of Lichfield and other neighbouring towns. On one occasion, when he left Tamworth on horseback, with his harp in his hand, he had the misfortune to be robbed by four highwaymen, who lay in wait for him near Dunsmore Heath. He wrote a long account of his misfortune in verse,[2] in which he describes the grief of himself and his wife at their great loss, and laments over the coldness of worldly friends. He was robbed of threescore pounds—a large amount in those days—not obtained, however, from the exercise of his own skill, but by the sale of his wife's wares. This money was to be devoted to the payment of their debts, and in order that the carriage of it should not be a burden to him he changed it all for gold. He thought he might carry it safely, as no one would suspect a minstrel of possessing so much property, but he found to his cost that he had been foolishly bold. To add to his affliction, some of his acquaintances grieved him by saying that he was a lying knave, and had not been robbed, as it was not possible for a minstrel to have so much money. There was a little sweetness, however, in the poor minstrel's cup, for patrons were kind, and his loving neighbours at Tamworth exerted themselves to help him. They induced him to brew a bushel of malt, and sell the ale.
All this is related in a poem, which gives a vivid [Pg xix]picture of the life of the time, although the verse does not do much credit to the poet's skill.
All of this is described in a poem that provides a vivid [Pg xix]picture of life during that time, even though the poetry doesn't showcase the poet's skill very well.
When the minstrel class had fallen to utter decay in England, it flourished with vigour in Wales; and we learn that the harpers and fiddlers were prominent figures in the Cymmortha, or gatherings of the people for mutual aid. These assemblies were of a similar character to the "Bees," which are common among our brethren in the United States. They were often abused for political purposes, and they gave some trouble to Burghley as they had previously done to Henry IV. In the reign of that king a statute was passed forbidding rhymers, minstrels, &c. from making the Cymmortha. The following extract from a MS. in the Lansdowne Collection in the British Museum, on the state of Wales in Elizabeth's reign, shows the estimation in which the minstrels were then held:—
When the minstrel class had completely fallen apart in England, it thrived with energy in Wales; and we learn that harpers and fiddlers were key figures in the Cymmortha, or gatherings of the people for mutual support. These assemblies were similar to the "Bees" common among our counterparts in the United States. They were often exploited for political reasons and caused some concern for Burghley, just as they had for Henry IV before him. During that king's reign, a law was passed prohibiting rhymers, minstrels, etc. from participating in the Cymmortha. The following excerpt from a manuscript in the Lansdowne Collection at the British Museum, discussing the state of Wales during Elizabeth's reign, illustrates the regard in which the minstrels were held at that time:—
"Upon the Sundays and holidays the multitudes of all sorts of men, women, and children of every parish do use to meet in sundry places, either on some hill or on the side of some mountain, where their harpers and crowthers sing them songs of the doings of their ancestors."[3]
"Upon the Sundays and holidays the multitudes of all sorts of men, women, and children of every parish do use to meet in sundry places, either on some hill or on the side of some mountain, where their harpers and crowthers sing them songs of the doings of their ancestors."[3]
Ben Jonson introduces "Old Father Rosin," the chief minstrel of Highgate, as one of the principal characters in his Tale of a Tub; and the blind harpers continued for many years to keep up the remembrance of the fallen glories of the minstrel's profession. Tom D'Urfey relates how merrily blind Tom harped, and mention is made of "honest Jack Nichols, the harper," in Tom Brown's Letters from the Dead to the Living (Works, ii. 191). Sir Walter Scott, in the article on Romance referred to above, [Pg xx]tells us that "about fifty or sixty years since" (which would be about the year 1770) "a person acquired the nickname of 'Roswal and Lillian,' from singing that romance about the streets of Edinburgh, which is probably the very last instance of the proper minstrel craft." Scott himself, however, gives later instances in the introduction to the Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border. He there writes: "It is certain that till a very late period the pipers, of whom there was one attached to each border town of note, and whose office was often hereditary, were the great depositaries of oral, and particularly of poetical tradition. About spring-time, and after harvest, it was the custom of these musicians to make a progress through a particular district of the country. The music and the tale repaid their lodging, and they were usually gratified, with a donation of seed corn. This order of minstrels is alluded to in the comic song of Maggy Lauder, who thus addresses a piper:
Ben Jonson introduces "Old Father Rosin," the chief minstrel of Highgate, as one of the main characters in his Tale of a Tub; and the blind harpers kept alive the memory of the minstrel's art for many years. Tom D'Urfey describes how happily blind Tom played the harp, and there's a mention of "honest Jack Nichols, the harper," in Tom Brown's Letters from the Dead to the Living (Works, ii. 191). Sir Walter Scott, in the article on Romance mentioned earlier, [Pg xx] tells us that "about fifty or sixty years ago" (around 1770) "a person got the nickname 'Roswal and Lillian' for singing that ballad in the streets of Edinburgh, which is probably the last example of true minstrel craft." However, Scott provides more recent examples in the introduction to the Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border. He writes: "It is certain that until very recently, the pipers, one of whom was associated with each notable border town, and whose position was often hereditary, were the main keepers of oral, and especially poetic tradition. Around springtime and after harvest, it was common for these musicians to travel through a specific area of the country. The music and the story paid for their lodging, and they were usually rewarded with some seed corn. This type of minstrel is referenced in the comic song Maggy Lauder, where she speaks directly to a piper:
To this is added the following note:—"These town pipers, an institution of great antiquity upon the borders, were certainly the last remains of the minstrel race. Robin Hastie, town piper of Jedburgh, perhaps the last of the order, died nine or ten years ago; his family was supposed to have held the office for about three centuries. Old age had rendered Robin a wretched performer, but he knew several old songs and tunes, which have probably died along with him. The town-pipers received a livery and salary from the community to which they belonged; and in some burghs they had a small allotment of land, called the Pipers' Croft." Scott further adds:—"Other itinerants, not professed musicians, [Pg xxi]found their welcome to their night's quarters readily ensured by their knowledge in legendary lore. John Græme, of Sowport, in Cumberland, commonly called the Long Quaker, a person of this latter description, was very lately alive, and several of the songs now published have been taken down from his recitation." A note contains some further particulars of this worthy:—"This person, perhaps the last of our professed ballad reciters, died since the publication of the first edition of this work. He was by profession an itinerant cleaner of clocks and watches, but a stentorian voice and tenacious memory qualified him eminently for remembering accurately and reciting with energy the border gathering songs and tales of war. His memory was latterly much impaired, yet the number of verses which he could pour forth, and the animation of his tone and gestures, formed a most extraordinary contrast to his extreme feebleness of person and dotage of mind." Ritson, in mentioning some relics of the minstrel class, writes:—"It is not long since that the public papers announced the death of a person of this description somewhere in Derbyshire; and another from the county of Gloucester was within these few years to be seen in the streets of London; he played on an instrument of the rudest construction, which he properly enough called a humstrum, and chanted (amongst others) the old ballad of Lord Thomas and Fair Eleanor, which, by the way, has every appearance of being originally a minstrel song." He adds further in a note:—"He appeared again in January, 1790, and called upon the present writer in the April following. He was between sixty and seventy years of age, but had not been brought up to the profession of a minstrel, nor possessed any great store of songs, of which that mentioned in the text seemed the principal. Having,[Pg xxii] it would seem, survived his minstrel talents, and forgot his epic, nay Pindaric art, he has been of late frequently observed begging in the streets."[5]
To this is added the following note:—"These town pipers, an institution of great antiquity upon the borders, were certainly the last remains of the minstrel race. Robin Hastie, town piper of Jedburgh, perhaps the last of the order, died nine or ten years ago; his family was supposed to have held the office for about three centuries. Old age had rendered Robin a wretched performer, but he knew several old songs and tunes, which have probably died along with him. The town-pipers received a livery and salary from the community to which they belonged; and in some burghs they had a small allotment of land, called the Pipers' Croft." Scott further adds:—"Other itinerants, not professed musicians, [Pg xxi]found their welcome to their night's quarters readily ensured by their knowledge in legendary lore. John Græme, of Sowport, in Cumberland, commonly called the Long Quaker, a person of this latter description, was very lately alive, and several of the songs now published have been taken down from his recitation." A note contains some further particulars of this worthy:—"This person, perhaps the last of our professed ballad reciters, died since the publication of the first edition of this work. He was by profession an itinerant cleaner of clocks and watches, but a stentorian voice and tenacious memory qualified him eminently for remembering accurately and reciting with energy the border gathering songs and tales of war. His memory was latterly much impaired, yet the number of verses which he could pour forth, and the animation of his tone and gestures, formed a most extraordinary contrast to his extreme feebleness of person and dotage of mind." Ritson, in mentioning some relics of the minstrel class, writes:—"It is not long since that the public papers announced the death of a person of this description somewhere in Derbyshire; and another from the county of Gloucester was within these few years to be seen in the streets of London; he played on an instrument of the rudest construction, which he properly enough called a humstrum, and chanted (amongst others) the old ballad of Lord Thomas and Fair Eleanor, which, by the way, has every appearance of being originally a minstrel song." He adds further in a note:—"He appeared again in January, 1790, and called upon the present writer in the April following. He was between sixty and seventy years of age, but had not been brought up to the profession of a minstrel, nor possessed any great store of songs, of which that mentioned in the text seemed the principal. Having,[Pg xxii] it would seem, survived his minstrel talents, and forgot his epic, nay Pindaric art, he has been of late frequently observed begging in the streets."[5]
These quotations relate to the end of the last or to the very early part of the present century, but we can add a notice of minstrels who lived well on towards the middle of this century. Mr. J. H. Dixon, in the preface to his Scottish Traditional Versions of Ancient Ballads, printed for the Percy Society in 1845, writes as follows:—"Although the harp has long been silent in the dales of the north of England and Scotland, it has been succeeded by the violin, and a class of men are still in existence and pursuing their calling, who are the regular descendants and representatives of the minstrels of old. In his rambles amongst the hills of the North, and especially in the wild and romantic dales of Yorkshire, the editor has met with several of these characters. They are not idle vagabonds who have no other calling, but in general are honest and industrious, though poor men, having a local habitation as well as a name, and engaged in some calling, pastoral or manual. It is only at certain periods, such as Christmas, or some other of the great festal seasons of the ancient church, that they take up the minstrel life, and levy contributions in the hall of the peer or squire, and in the cottage of the farmer or peasant. They are in general well-behaved, and often very witty fellows, and therefore their visits are always welcome. These minstrels do not sing modern songs, but, like their brethren of a bygone age, they keep to the ballads. The editor has in his possession some old poems, which he obtained from one of these minstrels, who is still living and fiddling in Yorkshire."
These quotes refer to the end of the last century or the very beginning of this one, but we can also mention some minstrels who thrived in the middle of this century. Mr. J. H. Dixon, in the preface to his Scottish Traditional Versions of Ancient Ballads, published for the Percy Society in 1845, writes: “Even though the harp has been quiet in the dales of northern England and Scotland for a long time, it has been replaced by the violin, and there are still people today who are the direct descendants and representatives of the old minstrels. While wandering through the hills of the North, particularly in the wild and romantic dales of Yorkshire, the editor has encountered several of these individuals. They are not aimless drifters with no other purpose; generally, they are honest and hardworking, albeit poor men, with a place to call home and a profession, either in farming or manual work. They only embrace the minstrel life during specific times, like Christmas or other major celebrations of the ancient church, when they perform in the halls of lords or squires and in the cottages of farmers or peasants. Usually, they are well-mannered and often quite funny, so their visits are always appreciated. These minstrels don’t sing modern songs; instead, like their counterparts from the past, they stick to the ballads. The editor has some old poems in his possession, which he got from one of these minstrels, who is still alive and playing the fiddle in Yorkshire.”
In his Ancient Poems, Ballads, and Songs of the Peasantry of England, 1846, Mr. Dixon notices one of these relics of the past, viz. Francis King, who was well known in the western dales of Yorkshire as "the Skipton Minstrel:"—"This poor minstrel, from whose recitation two of our ballads were obtained, met his death by drowning in December, 1844. He had been at a merry meeting at Gargrave in Craven, and it is supposed that owing to the darkness of the night he had mistaken his homeward road, and walked into the water. He was one in whose character were combined the mimic and the minstrel, and his old jokes and older ballads and songs ever insured him a hearty welcome. His appearance was peculiar, and owing to one leg being shorter than its companion, he walked in such a manner as once drew from a wag the remark, 'that few kings had had more ups and downs in the world!' As a musician his talents were creditable, and some of the dance tunes that he was in the habit of composing showed that he was not deficient in the organ of melody. In the quiet churchyard of Gargrave may be seen the minstrel's grave."
In his Ancient Poems, Ballads, and Songs of the Peasantry of England, 1846, Mr. Dixon mentions one of these remnants of the past, Francis King, who was well known in the western dales of Yorkshire as "the Skipton Minstrel." "This unfortunate minstrel, from whose recitation we got two of our ballads, drowned in December 1844. He had been at a lively gathering in Gargrave, Craven, and it's believed that due to the darkness of the night, he mistook his way home and walked into the water. He was a blend of a mimic and a minstrel, and his old jokes and even older ballads and songs always earned him a warm welcome. His appearance was distinctive; one leg was shorter than the other, and he walked in such a way that it once led a joker to quip that few kings had faced as many ups and downs in life! As a musician, his skills were respectable, and some of the dance tunes he composed showed he had a good sense of melody. In the peaceful churchyard of Gargrave, you can find the minstrel's grave."
Percy wrote an interesting note upon the division of some of the long ballads into fits (see vol. ii. p. 182). The minstrel's payment for each of these fits was a groat; and so common was this remuneration, that a groat came to be generally spoken of as "fiddler's money."
Percy wrote an interesting note about breaking some of the long ballads into sections (see vol. ii. p. 182). The minstrel received a groat for each of these sections, and it became so common that a groat was usually referred to as "fiddler's money."
Puttenham describes the blind harpers and tavern minstrels as giving a fit of mirth for a groat; and in Ben Jonson's masque of the Metamorphosed Gipsies, 1621, Townshead, the clown, cries out, "I cannot hold now; there's my groat, let's have a fit for mirth sake."
Puttenham talks about blind harpers and tavern musicians offering a laugh for just a penny; and in Ben Jonson's masque of the Metamorphosed Gipsies, 1621, Townshead, the clown, exclaims, "I can’t hold back now; here’s my penny, let’s have a laugh for the fun of it."
The payment seems to have remained the same,[Pg xxiv] though the money became in time reduced in value, so that, as the minstrel fell in repute, his reward became less. In 1533, however, a Scotch eighteen-penny groat possessed a considerable buying power, as appears from the following extract:—
The payment seems to have stayed the same,[Pg xxiv] even though the money gradually decreased in value, so that, as the minstrel's reputation declined, his compensation dropped. In 1533, however, a Scotch eighteen-penny groat had significant buying power, as shown in the following extract:—
"Sir Walter Coupar, chaplaine in Edinburghe, gate a pynte of vyne, a laiffe of 36 vnce vaight, a peck of aite meill, a pynte of aill, a scheipe head, ane penny candell and a faire woman for ane xviii. penny grotte."[6]
"Sir Walter Coupar, chaplaine in Edinburghe, gate a pynte of vyne, a laiffe of 36 vnce vaight, a peck of aite meill, a pynte of aill, a scheipe head, ane penny candell and a faire woman for ane xviii. penny grotte."[6]
After the Restoration, the sixpence took the place of the groat; and it is even now a current phrase to say, when several sixpences are given in change, "What a lot of fiddlers' money!"
After the Restoration, the sixpence replaced the groat; and it’s still a common saying today to remark, when receiving several sixpences in change, “What a lot of fiddlers' money!”
Songs and Songwriters.
One of the most important duties of the old minstrel was the chanting of the long romances of chivalry, and the question whether the ballads were detached portions of the romances, or the romances built up from ballads, has greatly agitated the minds of antiquaries. There seems reason to believe that in a large number of instances the most telling portions of the romance were turned into ballads, and this is certainly the case in regard to several of those belonging to the Arthurian cycle. On the other side, such poems as Barbour's Bruce and Blind Harry's Wallace have, according to Motherwell, swept out of existence the memory of the ballads from which they were formed. When Barbour wrote, ballads relative to Bruce and his times were common, "for the poet, [Pg xxv]in speaking of certain 'thre worthi poyntis of wer,' omits the particulars of the 'thrid which fell into Esdaill,' being a victory gained by 'Schyr Johne the Soullis,' over 'Schyr Andrew Hardclay,' for this reason:—
One of the most important duties of the old minstrel was to sing the long tales of chivalry, and the debate over whether the ballads were separate parts of the tales or if the tales were created from the ballads has excited the minds of historians. There seems to be good reason to believe that in many cases, the most powerful parts of the tale were turned into ballads, and this is definitely true for several in the Arthurian cycle. On the flip side, works like Barbour's *Bruce* and Blind Harry's *Wallace* have, according to Motherwell, erased the memory of the ballads they were based on. When Barbour wrote, ballads related to Bruce and his times were common, "for the poet, [Pg xxv] when discussing certain 'three worthy points of war,' leaves out the details of the 'third which fell into Esdaill,' a victory won by 'Sir John the Soullis' over 'Sir Andrew Hardclay,' for this reason:—
For those who enjoy Thai food, Young women when they want to play,
Sing it among them every day.'"[7]
Another instance of the agglutinative process may be cited in the gradual growth of the Robin Hood ballads into a sort of epic, the first draught of which we may see in the Merrye Geste. The directness and dramatic cast of the minstrel ballad, however, form a strong argument in favour of the theory that they were largely taken from the older romances and chronicles, and the fragmentary appearance of some of them gives force to this view. Without preface, they go at once straight to the incident to be described. Frequently the ballad opens with a conversation, and some explanation of the position of the interlocutors was probably given by the minstrel as a prose introduction. Motherwell, in illustration of the opinion that the abrupt transitions of the ballads were filled up by the explanations of the minstrels, gives the following modern instance:—
Another example of the agglutinative process can be seen in the gradual evolution of the Robin Hood ballads into a sort of epic, the earliest version of which we can find in the Merrye Geste. The straightforwardness and dramatic nature of the minstrel ballad strongly support the theory that they were largely derived from older romances and chronicles, and the incomplete feel of some of them reinforces this perspective. Without any preface, they dive straight into the incident being described. Often, the ballad begins with a conversation, and some background on the characters was likely provided by the minstrel as an introduction in prose. Motherwell, to illustrate the idea that the ballads' abrupt transitions were filled in by the minstrels' explanations, offers the following modern example:—
"Traces of such a custom still remain in the lowlands of Scotland among those who have stores of these songs upon their memory. Reciters frequently, when any part of the narrative appears incomplete, supply the defect in prose.... I have heard the ancient ballad of Young Beichan and Susan Pye dilated by a story-teller into a tale of very remarkable dimensions—a paragraph of prose, and then a [Pg xxvi]screed of rhyme, alternately given. From this ballad I may give a short specimen, after the fashion of the venerable authority from whom I quote: 'Well ye must know that in the Moor's castle there was a massymore, which is a dark, deep dungeon for keeping prisoners. It was twenty feet below the ground, and into this hole they closed poor Beichan. There he stood, night and day, up to his waist in puddle water; but night or day, it was all one to him, for no ae styme of light ever got in. So he lay there a long and weary while, and thinking on his heavy weird, he made a mournfu' sang to pass the time, and this was the sang that he made, and grat when he sang it, for he never thought of ever escaping from the massymore, or of seeing his ain country again:
"Traces of this custom still exist in the lowlands of Scotland among those who remember these songs. Storytellers often fill in any gaps in the narrative with prose. I've heard the old ballad of Young Beichan and Susan Pye expanded by a storyteller into a very lengthy tale—a paragraph of prose followed by a [Pg xxvi]screed of rhyme, given alternately. From this ballad, I can share a short excerpt in the style of the esteemed source I'm quoting: 'Well, you should know that in the Moor's castle there was a massymore, which is a dark, deep dungeon for holding prisoners. It was twenty feet below the ground, and into this hole they locked up poor Beichan. He stood there, night and day, up to his waist in puddle water; but whether it was night or day didn't matter to him because no single beam of light ever got in. So he stayed there for a long, tiresome time, thinking about his heavy fate, and he made a mournful song to pass the time, and this was the song he made, crying as he sang it, for he never thought he would escape from the massymore or see his own country again:'
And I’ll never see fair England again.
And my ship is sailing on the sea again; I'd turn my face to beautiful England,
And don't sail to a foreign country anymore.'
'Now the cruel Moor had a beautiful daughter, called Susan Pye, who was accustomed to take a walk every morning in her garden, and as she was walking ae day she heard the sough o' Beichan's sang, coming, as it were, from below the ground,'" &c.[8]
'Now the cruel Moor had a beautiful daughter, called Susan Pye, who was accustomed to take a walk every morning in her garden, and as she was walking ae day she heard the sough o' Beichan's sang, coming, as it were, from below the ground,'" &c.[8]
The contrast between the construction of minstrel ballads and those of the ballad-mongers who arose as a class in the reign of Elizabeth is very marked. The ballad-singers who succeeded the minstrels were sufficiently wise not to reject the treasures of their predecessors, and many of the old songs were rewritten [Pg xxvii]and lengthened to suit their purpose. Sir Patrick Spence would perhaps be the best of the minstrel ballads to oppose to one of the best of the later ballads, such as the Beggar's Daughter of Bednall Green; but as its authenticity has been disputed, it will be well to choose another, and Captaine Carre, which Ritson allows to have been one of the few minstrel ballads he acknowledges, will do well for the purpose. As both these poems are before our readers, it will only be necessary to quote the first stanzas of each. The version in the folio MS. of Captain Carre commences abruptly thus:—
The difference between how minstrel ballads were created and the ballads made by the ballad-mongers that emerged during Queen Elizabeth's reign is quite noticeable. The ballad-singers who came after the minstrels were smart enough to embrace the valuable works of their predecessors, and many of the old songs were revised and extended to fit their needs. Sir Patrick Spence might be the best example of a minstrel ballad to compare with one of the best later ballads, like the Beggar's Daughter of Bednall Green; however, since its authenticity has been questioned, it’s better to choose another. Captaine Carre, which Ritson recognizes as one of the few minstrel ballads he accepts, will work well for this comparison. Since both poems are available to our readers, we only need to quote the opening stanzas of each. The version in the folio MS. of Captain Carre begins abruptly like this:—
where you like the most,
to the castle of Bitton's borrow,
"and there to relax."[9]
This is a remarkable contrast to the opening of the Beggar's Daughter:—
This is a striking difference from the beginning of the Beggar's Daughter:—
Some may think, however, that this ballad is an adaptation by the ballad-monger from an older original, so that perhaps a still better instance of the great change in form that the ballads underwent will be found in the Children in the Wood.[11] This favourite ballad is one of the best specimens of that didactic style which is so natural in the hands of the master, but degenerates into such tedious twaddle when copied by the pupil. The first stanza is:—
Some may think, however, that this ballad is an adaptation by the ballad-monger from an older original, so that perhaps a still better instance of the great change in form that the ballads underwent will be found in the Children in the Wood.[11] This favourite ballad is one of the best specimens of that didactic style which is so natural in the hands of the master, but degenerates into such tedious twaddle when copied by the pupil. The first stanza is:—
These words that I am about to write; You will hear a sad story,[Pg xxviii] Eventually brought to light.
A well-respected man In Norfolk lived recently,
Who achieved greatness in honor far beyond Most men of his rank.
To put the matter simply, we may say that the writer of the old minstrel ballad expected an unhesitating belief for all his statements. "If fifteen stalwart foresters are slain by one stout knight, single-handed, he never steps out of his way to prove the truth of such an achievement by appealing to the exploits of some other notable manslayer."[12] On the other hand the professional ballad-writer gives a reason for everything he states, and in consequence fills his work with redundancies. Percy understood the characteristics of the older ballads, and explained the difference between the two classes of ballads in his Essay on the Ancient Minstrels,[13] but unfortunately he did not bear the distinction in mind when he altered some of the ballads in the folio MS. So that we find it to have been his invariable practice to graft the prettinesses and redundancies of the later writers upon the simplicity of the earlier. For instance, in his version of Sir Cauline he inserts such well-worn saws as the following:—
To put the matter simply, we may say that the writer of the old minstrel ballad expected an unhesitating belief for all his statements. "If fifteen stalwart foresters are slain by one stout knight, single-handed, he never steps out of his way to prove the truth of such an achievement by appealing to the exploits of some other notable manslayer."[12] On the other hand the professional ballad-writer gives a reason for everything he states, and in consequence fills his work with redundancies. Percy understood the characteristics of the older ballads, and explained the difference between the two classes of ballads in his Essay on the Ancient Minstrels,[13] but unfortunately he did not bear the distinction in mind when he altered some of the ballads in the folio MS. So that we find it to have been his invariable practice to graft the prettinesses and redundancies of the later writers upon the simplicity of the earlier. For instance, in his version of Sir Cauline he inserts such well-worn saws as the following:—
And every sweet its sour:
This founded Lady Cristabelle In an untimely hour. [14]
Ritson also remarks upon the distinctive styles of the ancient and modern writers, but, as observed above, he had the bad taste to prefer the work of [Pg xxix]the later ballad-writer. His opinion is given in the following passage:—"These songs [of the minstrels] from their wild and licentious metre were incapable of any certain melody or air; they were chanted in a monotonous stile to the harp or other instrument, and both themselves and the performers banished by the introduction of ballad-singers without instruments, who sung printed pieces to fine and simple melodies, possibly of their own invention, most of which are known and admired at this day. The latter, owing to the smoothness of their language, and accuracy of their measure and rime, were thought to be more poetical than the old harp or instrument songs; and though critics may judge otherwise, the people at large were to decide, and did decide: and in some respects, at least, not without justice, as will be evident from a comparison of the following specimens.
Ritson also comments on the unique styles of ancient and modern writers, but, as mentioned earlier, he had the poor taste to prefer the work of [Pg xxix] the later ballad-writer. His opinion is expressed in the following passage:—"These songs [of the minstrels], because of their wild and free-form style, couldn't have any fixed melody or tune; they were sung in a monotonous manner to the harp or other instruments, and both the songs and the performers were pushed aside by the rise of ballad-singers without instruments, who sang printed pieces to beautiful and simple melodies, possibly of their own making, many of which are still known and appreciated today. The latter, due to the smoothness of their language and the accuracy of their rhythm and rhyme, were seen as more poetic than the old harp or instrument songs; and while critics may disagree, the general public was the ultimate judge, and they did judge: and in some respects, at least, not without reason, as will become clear from a comparison of the following examples.
"The first is from the old Chevy Chase, a very popular minstrel ballad in the time of Queen Elizabeth:—
"The first is from the old Chevy Chase, a very popular minstrel ballad during the reign of Queen Elizabeth:—
And a vow to God made he,' &c.[15]
How was it possible that this barbarous language, miserably chanted 'by some blind crowder with no rougher voice than rude stile,' should maintain its ground against such lines as the following, sung to a beautiful melody, which we know belongs to them?—
How could this harsh language, poorly sung by some blind performer with no stronger voice than a crude style, hold its own against lines like these, sung to a beautiful melody that we know belongs to them?—
The second of that name, Besides the queen he loved dearly,
A beautiful and attractive lady,' &c.[16]
The minstrels would seem to have gained little by such a contest. In short, they gave up the old Chevy [Pg xxx]Chase to the ballad-singers, who, desirous, no doubt, to avail themselves of so popular a subject, had it new written, and sung it to the favourite melody just mentioned. The original, of course, became utterly neglected, and but for its accidental discovery by Hearne, would never have been known to exist."[17]
The minstrels would seem to have gained little by such a contest. In short, they gave up the old Chevy [Pg xxx]Chase to the ballad-singers, who, desirous, no doubt, to avail themselves of so popular a subject, had it new written, and sung it to the favourite melody just mentioned. The original, of course, became utterly neglected, and but for its accidental discovery by Hearne, would never have been known to exist."[17]
Percy held the view, which was afterwards advocated by Scott, that the Borders were the true home of the romantic ballad, and that the chief minstrels originally belonged either to the north of England or the south of Scotland;[18] but later writers have found the relics of a ballad literature in the north of Scotland. The characteristics of the ballad doubtless varied to some extent in different parts of the country, but there is no reason to believe that the glory of being its home can be confined to any one place. Unfortunately this popular literature was earlier lost in the plains than among the hills, while the recollection of the fatal fields of Otterburn, Humbledon, Flodden, Halidon, Hedgeley, Hexham, &c., would naturally keep it alive longer among the families of the Border than elsewhere.
Percy held the view, which was afterwards advocated by Scott, that the Borders were the true home of the romantic ballad, and that the chief minstrels originally belonged either to the north of England or the south of Scotland;[18] but later writers have found the relics of a ballad literature in the north of Scotland. The characteristics of the ballad doubtless varied to some extent in different parts of the country, but there is no reason to believe that the glory of being its home can be confined to any one place. Unfortunately this popular literature was earlier lost in the plains than among the hills, while the recollection of the fatal fields of Otterburn, Humbledon, Flodden, Halidon, Hedgeley, Hexham, &c., would naturally keep it alive longer among the families of the Border than elsewhere.
Before proceeding further, it may be as well to say a few words upon the word ballad. The strong line of demarcation that is now drawn between an ordinary song and a ballad is a late distinction, and even Dr. Johnson's only explanation of the word "ballad" in his Dictionary is "a song." One of his quotations is taken from Watts, to the effect that "ballad once signified a solemn and sacred song, as well as trivial, when Solomon's Song was called the ballad of ballads; but now it is applied to nothing but trifling verse." The "balade" as used by Chaucer and others was a song written in a particular rhythm, but later writers [Pg xxxi]usually meant by a ballad a song that was on the lips of the people.
Before going any further, it might be helpful to say a few words about the word ballad. The clear distinction that we make today between a regular song and a ballad is a relatively recent development, and even Dr. Johnson's only definition of "ballad" in his Dictionary is simply "a song." One of his quotes comes from Watts, which states that "ballad once meant a solemn and sacred song, as well as something trivial, when Solomon's Song was referred to as the ballad of ballads; but now it only applies to trivial verse." The "balade" used by Chaucer and others was a song written in a specific rhythm, but later writers [Pg xxxi]usually referred to a ballad as a song that was popular among the people.
It is not necessary to enlarge here upon the change of meaning that the word has undergone, nor to do more than mention the relation that it bears to the word ballet. As a ballad is now a story told in verse, so a ballet is now a story told in a dance. Originally the two were one, and the ballad was a song sung while the singers were dancing.
It’s not necessary to elaborate on the change in meaning that the word has gone through, nor do I need to say much about its connection to the word ballet. Just as a ballad is now a story told in verse, a ballet is now a story told through dance. Originally, the two were the same, and the ballad was a song performed while the singers were dancing.
When Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun wrote, "I knew a very wise man, so much of Sir Christopher's sentiment that he believed if a man were permitted to make all the ballads, he need not care who should make the laws of a nation," he referred to the popular songs of the people, but, in point of fact, a nation makes its own ballads, which do not become current coin until stamped with public approval. No song will change a people's purpose, but the national heart will be found written in a country's songs as a reflection of what has happened.
When Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun said, "I knew a very wise man who agreed with Sir Christopher's idea that if a person could create all the ballads, they wouldn’t need to worry about who made the laws of a nation," he was talking about the popular songs of the people. However, in reality, a nation creates its own ballads, which don't become widely accepted until they're approved by the public. No song will alter a people's intentions, but the national spirit can be seen in a country’s songs, reflecting what has occurred.
The successful ballad-writer requires a quick eye and ear to discern what is smouldering in the public mind, and then if his words fall in with the humour of the people his productions will have a powerful influence, and may set the country in a blaze. Ça ira and the Carmagnole had much influence on the progress of the great French Revolution, as Mourir pour la Patrie had upon that of 1848. Lilliburlero gave the finishing stroke to the English Revolution of 1688, and its author (Lord Wharton) boasted that he had rhymed King James out of his dominions.
The successful ballad writer needs a sharp eye and ear to pick up on what people are really thinking, and if their words match the public's mood, their work can have a huge impact and might even spark a movement. Ça ira and the Carmagnole greatly influenced the progress of the French Revolution, just as Mourir pour la Patrie did in 1848. Lilliburlero put the final nail in the coffin for the English Revolution of 1688, and its author (Lord Wharton) proudly claimed he rhymed King James out of his rule.
The old ballad filled the place of the modern newspaper, and history can be read in ballads by those who try to understand them; but the type is often blurred, and in attempting to make out their meaning, we must be careful not to see too much,[Pg xxxii] for the mere fact of the existence of a ballad does not prove its popularity or its truth.
The old ballad served as a substitute for today's newspapers, and you can learn about history through ballads if you're willing to dive into them; however, the wording is often unclear, and while trying to interpret their meaning, we have to be cautious not to read into them too much,[Pg xxxii] because just because a ballad exists doesn’t mean it's popular or true.
Literature is often presumed to assert a larger influence over a nation than it really does, and there is little doubt that literature is more a creation of the people than the people are a creation of literature. Where a healthy public opinion exists, people are less affected to action by what is written than is sometimes supposed, but still there is an important reflex action, and—
Literature is often thought to have more influence over a nation than it actually does, and it's clear that literature is more of a product of the people than the people are a product of literature. When a strong public opinion is present, people are less driven to act by what is written than we sometimes believe, but there is still a significant feedback loop, and—
Falling like dew on a thought, creates
That which makes thousands, maybe millions, think.
There are recorded instances of the powerful influence of ballads, and we know how much Dibdin's sea songs did for the British navy, when they placed before the sailor an ideal of his own feelings, and painted men he wished to be like.
There are documented cases of the significant impact of ballads, and we know how much Dibdin's sea songs contributed to the British navy by presenting the sailor with an ideal image of his own emotions and depicting the kind of men he aspired to be.
The songs of a country are the truly natural part of its poetry, and really the only poetry of the great body of the people. Percy, in the dedication to his Reliques, calls ballads the "barbarous productions of unpolished ages." Nevertheless they are instinct with life, and live still, while much of the polished poetry of his age, which expelled nature from literature, is completely dead. Nature is the salt that keeps the ballad alive, and many have maintained a continuance of popularity for several centuries.
The songs of a country are the genuine essence of its poetry and really the only poetry meaningful to the majority of people. Percy, in the dedication to his Reliques, refers to ballads as the "barbarous productions of unpolished ages." However, they are full of life and continue to thrive, while a lot of the refined poetry from his time, which pushed nature out of literature, is completely gone. Nature is the salt that keeps the ballad alive, and many have remained popular for several centuries.
A good ballad is not an easy thing to write, and many poets who have tried their hand at composition in this branch of their art have signally failed, as may be seen by referring to some of the modern pieces in this book, which Percy hoped would "atone for the rudeness of the more obsolete poems."
A good ballad isn't easy to write, and many poets who have attempted to create in this style have notably failed, as seen by looking at some of the modern pieces in this book, which Percy hoped would "make up for the roughness of the older poems."
The true ballad is essentially dramatic, and one that is to make itself felt should be all action, without[Pg xxxiii] any moralizing padding, for it is a narrative in verse meant for the common people. James Hogg, himself a successful ballad-writer, has something to say about a good song: "A man may be sair mista'en about many things, sic as yepics, an' tragedies, an' tales, an' even lang set elegies about the death o' great public characters, an' hymns, an' odes, an' the like, but he canna be mista'en about a sang. As sune as it's down on the sclate I ken whether it's gude, bad, or middlin'. If any of the two last I dight it out wi' my elbow; if the first, I copy it o'er into writ and then get it aff by heart, when it's as sure o' no' being lost as if it war engraven on a brass plate. For though I hae a treacherous memory about things in ordinar', a' my happy sangs will cleave to my heart to my dying day, an' I should na wonder gin I war to croon a verse or twa frae some o' them on my deathbed."
The true ballad is fundamentally dramatic, and for it to make an impact, it should be all action, without any moralizing fluff, because it’s a narrative in verse meant for everyday people. James Hogg, who was a successful ballad writer himself, has something to say about a good song: "A person can be seriously mistaken about many things, like epics, tragedies, tales, even long sad poems about the deaths of famous public figures, hymns, odes, and so on, but they can’t be mistaken about a song. As soon as it’s down on the slate, I can tell whether it’s good, bad, or mediocre. If it’s one of the last two, I wipe it out with my elbow; if it’s the first, I rewrite it and then memorize it, making it as safe from being lost as if it were engraved on a brass plate. Because even though I have a shaky memory for ordinary things, all my favorite songs will stick with my heart until I die, and I wouldn’t be surprised if I ended up humming a verse or two from some of them on my deathbed."
All ballads are songs, but all songs are not ballads, and the difference between a ballad and a song is something the same as that between a proverb and an apophthegm, for the ballad like the proverb should be upon many lips. A poet may write a poem and call it a ballad: but it requires the public approval before it becomes one in fact.
All ballads are songs, but not all songs are ballads. The difference between a ballad and a song is similar to that between a proverb and an apophthegm, because a ballad, like a proverb, should be spoken by many people. A poet can write a poem and label it a ballad, but it needs public approval to truly be considered one.
The objects of the minstrel and the ballad-singer were essentially different: thus the minstrel's stock of ballads usually lasted him his lifetime, and as his living depended upon them they were jealously guarded by him from others. Nothing he objected to more than to see them in print. The chief aim of the ballad-singer, on the other hand, was to sell his collection of printed broadsides, and to obtain continually a new stock, so as to excite the renewed attention of his customers.
The goals of the minstrel and the ballad-singer were fundamentally different: the minstrel typically had a set of ballads that lasted him for his entire life, and since his livelihood depended on them, he protected them fiercely from others. He hated seeing them in print. In contrast, the main goal of the ballad-singer was to sell his collection of printed broadsides and constantly refresh his stock to grab the renewed interest of his customers.
Henry Chettle mentions in his Kind Hart's Dream, 1592, the sons of one Barnes, who boasted that they[Pg xxxiv] could earn twenty shillings a day by singing ballads at Bishop's Stortford and places in the neighbourhood. The one had a squeaking treble, the other "an ale-blown bass."
Henry Chettle mentions in his Kind Hart's Dream, 1592, the sons of a man named Barnes, who bragged that they[Pg xxxiv] could make twenty shillings a day singing ballads in Bishop's Stortford and nearby areas. One had a high-pitched voice, while the other had a deep, booming voice.
One of the most popular singers of the early time was a boy named Cheeke, and nicknamed "Outroaring Dick." He was originally a mechanic, but renounced that life for ballad-singing, by which occupation he earned ten shillings a day. He was well known in Essex, and was not missed for many years from the great fair at Braintree. He had a rival in Will Wimbars, who sung chiefly doleful tragedies. Mat Nash, a man from the "North Countrie," made the Border ballads his own by his manner of singing them, in which he accompanied his voice by dramatic action. Chevy Chase was his tour de force. Lord Burghley was so pleased with his singing that he enabled him to retire from his occupation. The gipsies have furnished many female singers, and one of them, named Alice Boyce, who came to London in Elizabeth's reign, paid the expenses of her journey up to London by singing the whole way. She had the honour of singing, "O, the broom" and "Lady Green Sleeves" before the queen. Gravelot, the portrait painter in the Strand, had several sittings from ballad-singers; and Hogarth drew the famous "Philip in the Tub" in his Wedding of the Industrious Apprentice.
One of the most popular singers back in the day was a guy named Cheeke, nicknamed "Outroaring Dick." He started out as a mechanic but left that life behind for ballad-singing, making ten shillings a day. He was well-known in Essex and was a regular at the big fair in Braintree for many years. He had a rival named Will Wimbars, who mainly sang sad tragedies. Mat Nash, a man from the North Country, made Border ballads his signature with his unique singing style, adding dramatic gestures to his performances. His standout piece was Chevy Chase. Lord Burghley was so impressed with his singing that he helped him retire from his job. The gypsies produced many female singers, including one named Alice Boyce, who traveled to London during Elizabeth's reign. She covered her travel expenses by singing the entire way. She had the honor of performing "O, the broom" and "Lady Green Sleeves" for the queen. Gravelot, the portrait painter in the Strand, had several sittings with ballad-singers, and Hogarth illustrated the famous "Philip in the Tub" in his Wedding of the Industrious Apprentice.
Street singing still continues, and one of the songs of thirty years ago tells of "the luck of a cove wot sings," and how many friends he has. One of the verses is as follows:—
Street singing is still going strong, and one of the songs from thirty years ago talks about "the luck of a guy who sings," and how many friends he has. One of the verses goes like this:—
I stopped by a house, you know; The landlord is so polite,
Insisted on treating me;[Pg xxxv] I ordered a glass of port, When he brings half a bottle; 'How much?'—'Not at all,'
He says, "You're a guy who sings."
Mr. Chappell gives a large number of early quotations relating to ballad-singing, in his interesting History of Ballad Literature, and observes that "some idea of the number of ballads that were printed in the early part of the reign of Elizabeth may be formed from the fact that seven hundred and ninety-six ballads left for entry at Stationers' Hall remained in the cupboard of the Council Chamber of the Company at the end of the year 1560, to be transferred to the new Wardens, and only forty-four books."[19] Some of the old writers, like Shakspere's Mopsa, loved "a ballad in print;" but more of them disliked the new literature that was rising up like a mushroom, and took every opportunity of having a fling at it.
Mr. Chappell gives a large number of early quotations relating to ballad-singing, in his interesting History of Ballad Literature, and observes that "some idea of the number of ballads that were printed in the early part of the reign of Elizabeth may be formed from the fact that seven hundred and ninety-six ballads left for entry at Stationers' Hall remained in the cupboard of the Council Chamber of the Company at the end of the year 1560, to be transferred to the new Wardens, and only forty-four books."[19] Some of the old writers, like Shakspere's Mopsa, loved "a ballad in print;" but more of them disliked the new literature that was rising up like a mushroom, and took every opportunity of having a fling at it.
Webbe, in his Discourse of English Poetrie (1586), refers to "the un-countable rabble of ryming ballet-makers and compylers of senseless sonnets;" and Chettle complains in Kind Hart's Dream (1592), that "now ballads are abusively chanted in every street; and from London, this evil has overspread Essex and the adjoining counties. There is many a tradesman of a worshipful trade, yet no stationer, who after a little bringing up apprentices to singing brokery, takes into his shop some fresh men, and trusts his servants of two months' standing with a dozen groats' worth of ballads, in which, if they prove thrifty, he makes them pretty chapmen, able to spread more pamphlets by the State forbidden than all the booksellers in London." Bishop Hall (1597) does not forget to satirize ballad-writing among other things more worthy of censure.
Webbe, in his Discourse of English Poetrie (1586), refers to "the countless crowd of rhyming ballad-makers and compilers of meaningless sonnets;" and Chettle complains in Kind Hart's Dream (1592), that "now ballads are abusively sung in every street; and from London, this problem has spread to Essex and the surrounding counties. There are many tradesmen of respectable professions, yet not stationers, who after a little training apprentices to singing ballads, take into their shops some newcomers, and trust their employees of two months' experience with a dozen groats' worth of ballads, in which, if they become profitable, he turns them into good sellers, capable of distributing more banned pamphlets than all the booksellers in London." Bishop Hall (1597) does not forget to mock ballad writing alongside other things more deserving of criticism.
If he can live to see his name in print; Who, once he is ready for the press, And sees his efforts have such fair success Sung to the wheel and sung to the pail,
He sends out a bunch of ballads for sale.
That is, by the spinsters and milkmaids. Shakspere also refers to the love which women at work have for a ballad in Twelfth Night (act i. sc. 4):
That is, by the single women and milkmaids. Shakespeare also mentions the love that working women have for a ballad in Twelfth Night (act i. sc. 4):
And the free maids who weave their thread with bones "Used to chant this."
The larger number of ballads are anonymous, but we are told that in the reign of Henry VIII., "the most pregnant wits" were employed in writing them, and that the king himself set the example. The ballad, however, here referred to probably only meant an ordinary song. In course of time rhymesters succeeded poets, because, as the world becomes more educated, the poet confines himself to the refined, and the people have to content themselves with poor poetasters. Stirring times will, however, always give birth to some real poetry among the masses, because whatever is true and earnest must find an echo in many hearts. In Elizabeth's reign, as we have already seen, the ballad-writer had sunk very low in public esteem. In further illustration of this we find in Martin Mar-sixtus (1592) the following diatribe: "I lothe to speak it, every red-nosed rhymester is an auther, every drunken man's dream is a book; and he whose talent of little wit is hardly worth a farthing, yet layeth about him so outrageously as if all Helicon had run through his pen. In a word, scarce a cat can look out of a gutter, but out starts a halfpenny chronicler, and presently a proper new ballet of a strange sight is indited." The producer and the product[Pg xxxvii] had not greatly changed in forty years, for we find the following character in the curious little book, entitled Whimzies, or a New Cast of Characters (1631):
The majority of ballads are anonymous, but we're told that during the reign of Henry VIII, "the most talented minds" were involved in writing them, and that the king himself set the example. The ballad mentioned here probably just meant an ordinary song. Over time, lesser poets replaced true poets because, as society became more educated, poets focused on the refined, leaving the masses with subpar writers. However, times of upheaval will always inspire real poetry among the people, because anything genuine and sincere resonates with many hearts. During Elizabeth's reign, as we've already seen, the ballad writer had fallen quite low in public regard. To illustrate this, we find in Martin Mar-sixtus (1592) the following critique: "I hate to say it, every red-nosed rhymester is an author, every drunken man's dream is a book; and he whose little talent is hardly worth a farthing, yet boasts as if all of Helicon had flowed through his pen. In short, hardly a cat can peek out of a gutter without prompting a cheap chronicler to emerge and soon after, a new ballad about some strange sight is written." The producer and the product[Pg xxxvii] hadn’t changed much in forty years, as we see in the curious little book titled Whimzies, or a New Cast of Characters (1631):
"A ballad-monger is the ignominious nickname of a penurious poet, of whom he partakes in nothing but in povertie. He has a singular gift of imagination, for he can descant on a man's execution long before his confession. Nor comes his invention far short of his imagination. For want of truer relations, for a neede, he can finde you out a Sussex dragon, some sea or inland monster, drawne out by some Shoe-lane man in a Gorgon-like feature, to enforce more horror in the beholder."
"A ballad seller is a shameful term for a broke poet, who only shares in poverty. He has a unique gift for imagination, as he can elaborate on a man's execution long before he confesses. His creativity is just as impressive as his imagination. Lacking real stories, he can create a Sussex dragon or some sea or land monster, described in a terrifying way by some Shoe-lane guy, just to add more fright for those who hear it."
The chief of the ballad-writers were William Elderton, Thomas Deloney, Richard Johnson, and Anthony Munday. Elderton was known as the prince of ballad-mongers; but, unfortunately, he was as notorious for his love of the bottle, and he is said to have drunk himself to death before the year 1592. Camden tells us that "he did arm himself with ale (as old Father Ennius did with wine) when he ballated," and two epitaphs made upon him are registered in the Remaines, the Latin one of which is also printed at p. 221 of vol. ii., with Oldys's translation, and the following:—
The main ballad writers were William Elderton, Thomas Deloney, Richard Johnson, and Anthony Munday. Elderton was called the prince of ballad writers; however, he was also notorious for his love of drinking, and it's said he drank himself to death before 1592. Camden tells us that "he armed himself with ale (just like old Father Ennius did with wine) when he sang his ballads," and two epitaphs written for him are recorded in the Remaines, with the Latin version also printed on p. 221 of vol. ii., along with Oldys's translation, and the following:—
Or lying Elderton; choose whichever you prefer.
Here he lies dead; I mean him no harm,
"Who knew him while he was alive?"
Nash asserts that "Elderton consumed his alecrammed nose to nothing in bear-bayting" an enemy "with whole bundells of ballets;"[20] and Gabriel Harvey attacks "Father Elderton and his son Greene as the ringleaders of the riming and scribbling crew."
Nash asserts that "Elderton consumed his alecrammed nose to nothing in bear-bayting" an enemy "with whole bundells of ballets;"[20] and Gabriel Harvey attacks "Father Elderton and his son Greene as the ringleaders of the riming and scribbling crew."
According to Stow, Elderton was an attorney in the Sheriffs' Courts of the City of London, and wrote some verses on the new porch and stone statues at Guildhall. Ritson does not think that his poetical powers are to be compared with those of Deloney and Johnson. Drayton also appears to have had a low opinion of him, for he writes:—
According to Stow, Elderton was a lawyer in the Sheriffs' Courts of the City of London, and he wrote some verses about the new porch and stone statues at Guildhall. Ritson believes that his poetic abilities can't compete with those of Deloney and Johnson. Drayton also seems to have held a low opinion of him, as he writes:—
but Benedick, in Much Ado about Nothing (act v. sc. 2) does him the honour of singing one of his songs:—
but Benedick, in Much Ado about Nothing (act v. sc. 2) honors him by singing one of his songs:—
That sits above, And knows me, and knows me How pathetic I deserve.
Thomas Deloney, the shoemaker's historiographer, was a voluminous writer of ballads, which he himself collected into Garlands, with different taking titles. Several of his pieces are printed in these volumes. Nash calls him "the balleting silk-weaver of Norwich;" and in his Have with you to Saffron Walden, he remarks on the ballad-maker's change of style: "He hath rhyme enough for all miracles, and wit to make a Garland of Good Will, &c., but whereas his muse, from the first peeping forth, hath stood at livery at an ale-house wisp, never exceeding a penny a quart, day or night—and this dear year, together with the silencing of his looms, scarce that—he is constrained to betake himself to carded ale, whence it proceedeth that, since Candlemas, or his jigg of John for the King, not one merry ditty will come from him; nothing but The Thunderbolt against Swearers; Repent, England, Repent, and the Strange Judgments of God." Kemp, the comic actor and morris-dancer, was particularly angry with the ballad-makers in general, and[Pg xxxix] Deloney in particular, and addresses them in the following terms:—
Thomas Deloney, the shoemaker's historian, was a prolific writer of ballads, which he compiled into collections called Garlands, with various enticing titles. Several of his works are printed in these volumes. Nash refers to him as "the ballading silk-weaver of Norwich," and in his Have with you to Saffron Walden, he comments on the ballad-maker's changing style: "He has enough rhyme for all miracles and the creativity to make a Garland of Good Will, etc., but since his muse, from the very beginning, has hung out at a cheap tavern, never exceeding a penny a quart, day or night—and with this expensive year, along with his looms being silent, hardly that—he’s forced to settle for watered-down ale, which is why, since Candlemas, or his jig of John for the King, not a single cheerful tune has come from him; only The Thunderbolt against Swearers; Repent, England, Repent, and the Strange Judgments of God." Kemp, the comedic actor and morris dancer, was especially upset with ballad-makers in general and Deloney in particular, addressing them in the following manner:—
"Kemp's humble request to the impudent generation of Ballad-makers and their coherents, that it would please their rascalities to pitty his paines in the great journey he pretends, and not fill the country with lyes of his never done actes as they did in his late Morrice to Norwich. I knowe the best of ye, by the lyes ye writ of me, got not the price of a good hat to cover your brainless heds. If any of ye had come to me, my bounty should have exceeded the best of your good masters the ballad-buiers. I wold have apparrelled your dry pates in party-coloured bonnets, and bestowed a leash of my cast belles to have crown'd ye with cox-combs.
Kemp's humble request to the disrespectful generation of ballad-makers and their followers is that they consider his struggles on the grand journey he intends to take and not fill the country with lies about his unfinished actions, as they did in his recent Morrice to Norwich. I know that the best of you, because of the lies you've written about me, didn’t earn enough for a decent hat to cover your mindless heads. If any of you had approached me, my generosity would have surpassed that of your best clients, the ballad-buyers. I would have dressed your empty heads in colorful bonnets and given you a couple of my old bells to crown you with fool's caps.
"I was told it was the great ballet-maker, T. D., alias Tho. Deloney, chronicler of the memorable lives of the 6 yeamen of the West, Jack of Newbery, the Gentle-Craft, and such like honest men, omitted by Stow, Hollinshead, Grafton, Hal, Froysart, and the rest of those wel deserving writers."[21]
"I was told it was the great ballet-maker, T. D., alias Tho. Deloney, chronicler of the memorable lives of the 6 yeamen of the West, Jack of Newbery, the Gentle-Craft, and such like honest men, omitted by Stow, Hollinshead, Grafton, Hal, Froysart, and the rest of those wel deserving writers."[21]
Richard Johnson, the author of the Seven Champions of Christendom, like Deloney, collected his own ballads into a book, and his Crown Garland of Golden Roses was once highly popular.
Richard Johnson, the author of the Seven Champions of Christendom, like Deloney, compiled his own ballads into a book, and his Crown Garland of Golden Roses used to be very popular.
Anthony Munday, a draper in Cripplegate, and a member of the Drapers' Company, has the fame of being a voluminous writer of ballads, but none of his productions are known to exist. Kemp calls him "Elderton's immediate heir," but he does not seem to have walked in his predecessor's disreputable steps, but to have lived respected to the good age of eighty. He died Aug. 10, 1633, and was buried in St. Stephen's, Coleman-street, where a monument with an inscription in praise of his knowledge as an antiquary was [Pg xl]erected. He wrote many of the annual city pageants, besides plays, which caused Meres to call him "the best plotter" of his age.
Anthony Munday, a draper in Cripplegate and a member of the Drapers' Company, is known for being a prolific writer of ballads, though none of his works are known to exist today. Kemp describes him as "Elderton's immediate heir," but he seems to have avoided the questionable reputation of his predecessor and lived a respected life until the age of eighty. He died on August 10, 1633, and was buried in St. Stephen's, Coleman Street, where a monument with an inscription praising his knowledge as an antiquary was [Pg xl] erected. He wrote many of the annual city pageants, as well as plays, which led Meres to call him "the best plotter" of his time.
Chettle disguised Munday as Anthony Now-Now, and Ben Jonson ridiculed him in The Case is Altered, as Antonio Balladino, the pageant poet. To the question, "You are not the pageant poet to the city of Milan, are you?" he is made to answer, "I supply the place, sir, when a worse cannot be had, sir." He had several enemies who ran him down, but he also had friends who stood up for him. William Webbe, in his Discourse of English Poetrie, describes Munday as "an earnest traveller in this art," and says that he wrote "very excellent works, especially upon nymphs and shepherds, well worthy to be viewed and to be esteemed as rare poetry."
Chettle dressed Munday up as Anthony Now-Now, and Ben Jonson poked fun at him in The Case is Altered, portraying him as Antonio Balladino, the showy poet. When asked, "You aren’t the showy poet for the city of Milan, are you?" he replies, "I fill the spot, sir, when a worse can’t be found, sir." He had several enemies who criticized him, but he also had friends who defended him. William Webbe, in his Discourse of English Poetrie, refers to Munday as "a dedicated traveler in this art" and mentions that he produced "very good works, especially about nymphs and shepherds, truly deserving to be seen and considered as exceptional poetry."
Thomas Middleton, the dramatic poet, who produced the Lord Mayor's pageant for the mayoralty of his namesake, Sir Thomas Middleton (The Triumphs of Truth), in 1613, attacks poor Munday most viciously. On the title-page he declares his pageant to have been "directed, written, and redeem'd into forme, from the ignorance of some former times and their common writer," and in his book he adds:—"The miserable want of both [art and knowledge] which in the impudent common writer hath often forced from me much pity and sorrow, and it would heartily grieve any understanding spirit to behold many times so glorious a fire in bounty and goodness offering to match itselfe with freezing art, sitting in darknesse with the candle out, looking like the picture of Blacke Monday."
Thomas Middleton, the playwright, who created the Lord Mayor's pageant for the mayoralty of his namesake, Sir Thomas Middleton (The Triumphs of Truth), in 1613, harshly criticizes poor Munday. On the title page, he states his pageant was "directed, written, and brought to life, from the ignorance of some earlier times and their common writer," and in his book he adds:—"The miserable lack of both [art and knowledge] that the shameless common writer has often forced me to feel much pity and sorrow, and it would truly trouble any thoughtful person to see so often such a glorious fire in generosity and goodness trying to match itself with cold art, sitting in darkness with the candle out, looking like the image of Black Monday."
When the civil war broke out, the majority of the poets were ready to range themselves on the side of the King. Alexander Brome was the most voluminous writer of royalist songs, but Martin Parker, the[Pg xli] writer of The King shall enjoy his own again, must take rank as the leading ballad-writer of his time. This was one of those songs that cheer the supporters of a losing cause, and help them to win success in the end. It is supposed to have formed a by no means unimportant item in the causes that brought about the Restoration. Parker is said to have been the leading spirit in a society of ballad-writers; he certainly was not the "Grub Street scribbler" that Ritson has called him. The Puritans hated this "ballad-maker laureat of London," and lost no opportunity of denouncing him and his works. Mr. Chappell has written an interesting notice of him in his Popular Music of the Olden Time, where he mentions some other royalist ballad writers, as John Wade, the author of The Royal Oak, Thomas Weaver, the author of a Collection of Songs, in which he ridiculed the Puritans so effectually that the book was denounced as a seditious libel against the Government, and John Cleveland, who, according to Anthony Wood, was the first to come forth as a champion of the royal cause. The last of these was one of the very few ballad writers whose names are enrolled in the list of British poets.
When the civil war broke out, most poets were ready to side with the King. Alexander Brome was the most prolific writer of royalist songs, but Martin Parker, the writer of The King shall enjoy his own again, stands out as the leading ballad-writer of his time. This was one of those songs that uplift supporters of a losing cause and ultimately help them achieve victory. It’s believed to have played a significant role in bringing about the Restoration. Parker is said to have been a key figure in a society of ballad-writers; he certainly wasn’t the "Grub Street scribbler" that Ritson labeled him. The Puritans despised this "ballad-maker laureate of London" and seized every chance to condemn him and his works. Mr. Chappell has written an interesting note about him in his Popular Music of the Olden Time, where he mentions other royalist ballad writers like John Wade, the author of The Royal Oak, Thomas Weaver, who wrote a Collection of Songs that mocked the Puritans so effectively it was labeled a seditious libel against the Government, and John Cleveland, who, according to Anthony Wood, was the first to emerge as a champion of the royal cause. Cleveland was one of the very few ballad writers whose name is included in the list of British poets.
In December, 1648, Captain Betham was appointed Provost Marshal, with power to seize upon all ballad-singers, and five years from that date there were no more entries of ballads at Stationers' Hall, but when Cromwell became Protector he removed the ban against ballads and ballad-singers. After the Restoration, the courtier poets wrote for the streets, and therefore most of the ballads were ranged on the side of the Court. After a time, however, the Court fell into popular disfavour, and it was then discovered that ballad-singers and pamphleteers had too much liberty. Killigrew, the Master of the Revels to Charles II., licensed all[Pg xlii] singers and sellers of ballads, and John Clarke, a London bookseller, rented of Killigrew this privilege for a period, which expired in 1682. Besides licensers of the singers and sellers, there were licensers of the ballads themselves. These were Sir Roger L'Estrange, from 1663 to 1685, Richard Pocock, from 1685 to 1688, J. Fraser, from 1689 to 1691, and Edmund Bohun, who died in 1694, the year that the licensing system also expired.
In December 1648, Captain Betham was appointed Provost Marshal, with the authority to arrest all ballad-singers. Five years later, there were no more ballad entries at Stationers' Hall. However, when Cromwell became Protector, he lifted the ban on ballads and ballad-singers. After the Restoration, the courtier poets began to write for the streets, leading to most ballads being in favor of the Court. Eventually, though, the Court lost popularity, and it became clear that ballad-singers and pamphleteers had too much freedom. Killigrew, the Master of the Revels for Charles II, licensed all[Pg xlii] ballad-singers and sellers, and John Clarke, a London bookseller, acquired this privilege from Killigrew for a time, which ended in 1682. In addition to licensing the singers and sellers, there were also licensers for the ballads themselves. These included Sir Roger L'Estrange, from 1663 to 1685, Richard Pocock, from 1685 to 1688, J. Fraser, from 1689 to 1691, and Edmund Bohun, who passed away in 1694, the same year the licensing system ended.
When James, Duke of York, went to Scotland to seek for that popularity which he had lost in England, he is supposed to have taken with him an English ballad-maker to sing his praises, and this man is believed to have produced The Banishment of Poverty by H. R. H. James, Duke of Albany. Ballad-singing was very much out of favour among the authorities in the eighteenth century, and in 1716 the Middlesex grand jury denounced the singing of "scandalous" ballads about the streets as a common nuisance, tending to alienate the minds of the people. In July, 1763, we are told that "yesterday evening two women were sent to Bridewell by Lord Bute's order for singing political ballads before his lordship's door in South Audley Street."
When James, Duke of York, went to Scotland to regain the popularity he had lost in England, he supposedly took an English ballad-maker with him to sing his praises. This man is thought to have created The Banishment of Poverty by H. R. H. James, Duke of Albany. Ballad-singing was quite unpopular with the authorities in the eighteenth century, and in 1716, the Middlesex grand jury condemned the singing of "scandalous" ballads in the streets as a public nuisance that could distract the people. In July 1763, it was reported that "yesterday evening two women were sent to Bridewell by Lord Bute's order for singing political ballads in front of his lordship's door on South Audley Street."
Ballads were then pretty much the same kind of rubbish that they are now, and there was little to show that they once were excellent. The glorious days when—
Ballads were pretty much the same kind of junk they are today, and there was little evidence that they were ever great. The glorious days when—
At country wakes, ballads were sung from a cart, "[22]
had long ago departed. There are but few instances of true poets writing for the streets in later times, but we have one in Oliver Goldsmith. In his early life in Dublin, when he often felt the want of a meal, he wrote [Pg xliii]ballads, which found a ready customer at five shillings each at a little bookseller's shop in a by-street of the city. We are informed that he was as sensitive as to the reception of these children of his muse as in after years he was of his more ambitious efforts; and he used to stroll into the street to hear his ballads sung, and to mark the degrees of applause with which they were received. Most of the modern ballad-writers have been local in their fame, as Thomas Hoggart, the uncle of Hogarth the painter, whose satiric lash made him a power in his native district of Cumberland, dreaded alike by fools and knaves.
had long ago departed. There are only a few true poets writing for the streets in more recent times, but one is Oliver Goldsmith. In his early life in Dublin, when he often struggled to find a meal, he wrote [Pg xliii] ballads that quickly sold for five shillings each at a small bookseller's shop in a side street of the city. We’re told that he was just as sensitive to how these creations were received as he was later with his more ambitious works; he would stroll into the street to hear his ballads sung and to judge the level of applause they received. Most modern ballad-writers have had local fame, like Thomas Hoggart, the uncle of the painter Hogarth, whose sharp satire made him a force in his home area of Cumberland, feared by both fools and tricksters.
The chief heroes of the older ballads were King Arthur and his knights, Robin Hood, and Guy of Warwick. The ballads relating to the first of these appear to have been chiefly chipped off from the great cycle of Arthurian romances. The popularity of Robin Hood was at one time so great that Drayton prophesied in his Polyolbion:—
The main heroes of the older ballads were King Arthur and his knights, Robin Hood, and Guy of Warwick. The ballads about the first of these seem to have mainly come from the larger collection of Arthurian tales. At one point, Robin Hood was so popular that Drayton predicted in his Polyolbion:—
But he has heard some talk about him, and little John,
And until the end of time, the stories will never end. Of Scarlock, George a Green, and Much the Miller's son. Of Tuck the cheerful Friar, who preached many a sermon In praise of Robin Hood, his band of outlaws, and their way of life.
From a local hero he grew into national fame, and superseded Arthur in popular regard. He then sunk into a mere highwayman, to be again raised into fame by literary men, Ritson being the chief of these. Wakefield is still proud of its Pinder, who was one of Robin Hood's company—
From a local hero, he became nationally famous and surpassed Arthur in popularity. He then fell into just being a highwayman, only to be brought back into the spotlight by writers, with Ritson being the most notable among them. Wakefield still takes pride in its Pinder, who was part of Robin Hood's crew—
In Wakefield, all on a green,
and one of the thoroughfares of that place is now called Pinder Field Road. Robin Hood was a purely[Pg xliv] English hero, but Guy of Warwick was almost as popular in foreign countries as in his own land. The earliest of English political ballads was an outcome of the Barons' wars in the reign of Henry III.,[23] and each period of political excitement since then has been represented in ballads. The controversies between Protestant and Papist were carried on in verse, and Laud and his clergy were attacked by the ballad-writers of the Puritan party.
and one of the thoroughfares of that place is now called Pinder Field Road. Robin Hood was a purely[Pg xliv] English hero, but Guy of Warwick was almost as popular in foreign countries as in his own land. The earliest of English political ballads was an outcome of the Barons' wars in the reign of Henry III.,[23] and each period of political excitement since then has been represented in ballads. The controversies between Protestant and Papist were carried on in verse, and Laud and his clergy were attacked by the ballad-writers of the Puritan party.
Copycats and Forgers.
No attempt was made to produce false antique ballads until the true antiques had again risen in public esteem, and one of the first to deceive the connoisseurs was Lady Wardlaw, who was highly successful in her object when she gave Hardyknute to the world (see vol. ii. p. 105). She seems to have been quite contented with the success which attended the mystification, and does not appear to have taken any particular pains to keep her secret close. Suspicions were rife long before the publication of the Reliques, but when they appeared the whole truth came out. With regard to the other ballads, to which she had added verses, there does not appear to have been any attempt at concealment. The recent endeavour to attribute a large number of the romantic ballads of Scotland to her pen will be considered further on.
No one tried to create fake antique ballads until the real antiques had regained their popularity, and one of the first to fool the experts was Lady Wardlaw, who succeeded brilliantly when she introduced Hardyknute to the world (see vol. ii. p. 105). She seemed quite satisfied with the success of her trick and didn't seem to make much effort to keep her secret hidden. There were already suspicions before the publication of the Reliques, but when they were released, the whole truth came out. As for the other ballads to which she added verses, there doesn’t seem to have been any effort to hide it. The recent attempt to credit many of Scotland's romantic ballads to her will be discussed further on.
A large number of poets have imitated the old ballad, but very few have been successful in the attempt to give their efforts the genuine ring of the original. Tickell and Goldsmith entered into the spirit of their models, but Scott succeeded best in [Pg xlv]old Elspeth's fragment of a chant (the Battle of Harlaw) in the Antiquary. W. J. Mickle, the translator of the Lusiad, contributed several imitations to Evans's Collection of Old Ballads, but although these are beautiful poems in themselves, their claim to antiquity was made to rest chiefly upon a distorted spelling. One of the most remarkably successful imitations of modern times is the ballad of Trelawny, which the late Rev. R. S. Hawker, of Morwenstow, wrote to suit the old burden of "And shall Trelawny die." This spirited ballad deceived Scott, Macaulay, and Dickens, who all believed it to be genuine, and quoted it as such. In 1846 it was actually printed by J. H. Dixon in his "Ancient Poems, Ballads, and Songs of the Peasantry of England, taken down from oral tradition, and transcribed from private manuscripts, rare broadsides, and scarce publications," published by the Percy Society. Mr. Dixon was probably deceived by Davies Gilbert, who sent the ballad to the Gentleman's Magazine in 1827, and said that it formerly "resounded in every house, in every highway, and in every street." In 1832 Hawker had, however, himself acknowledged the authorship. He wrote in his Records of the Western Shore (p. 56), "With the exception of the chorus contained in the last two lines, this song was written by me in the year 1825. It was soon after inserted in a Plymouth paper. It happened to fall into the hands of Davies Gilbert, Esq., who did me the honour to reprint it at his private press at East Bourne, under the impression, I believe, that it is an early composition of my own. The two lines above-mentioned formed, I believe, the burthen of the old song, and are all that I can recover."[24] Hawker was fond of these mystifications, and although he did not care to lose the [Pg xlvi]credit of his productions, he was amused to see another of his ballads, Sir Beville, find its way into a collection of old ballads.
A large number of poets have imitated the old ballad, but very few have been successful in the attempt to give their efforts the genuine ring of the original. Tickell and Goldsmith entered into the spirit of their models, but Scott succeeded best in [Pg xlv]old Elspeth's fragment of a chant (the Battle of Harlaw) in the Antiquary. W. J. Mickle, the translator of the Lusiad, contributed several imitations to Evans's Collection of Old Ballads, but although these are beautiful poems in themselves, their claim to antiquity was made to rest chiefly upon a distorted spelling. One of the most remarkably successful imitations of modern times is the ballad of Trelawny, which the late Rev. R. S. Hawker, of Morwenstow, wrote to suit the old burden of "And shall Trelawny die." This spirited ballad deceived Scott, Macaulay, and Dickens, who all believed it to be genuine, and quoted it as such. In 1846 it was actually printed by J. H. Dixon in his "Ancient Poems, Ballads, and Songs of the Peasantry of England, taken down from oral tradition, and transcribed from private manuscripts, rare broadsides, and scarce publications," published by the Percy Society. Mr. Dixon was probably deceived by Davies Gilbert, who sent the ballad to the Gentleman's Magazine in 1827, and said that it formerly "resounded in every house, in every highway, and in every street." In 1832 Hawker had, however, himself acknowledged the authorship. He wrote in his Records of the Western Shore (p. 56), "With the exception of the chorus contained in the last two lines, this song was written by me in the year 1825. It was soon after inserted in a Plymouth paper. It happened to fall into the hands of Davies Gilbert, Esq., who did me the honour to reprint it at his private press at East Bourne, under the impression, I believe, that it is an early composition of my own. The two lines above-mentioned formed, I believe, the burthen of the old song, and are all that I can recover."[24] Hawker was fond of these mystifications, and although he did not care to lose the [Pg xlvi]credit of his productions, he was amused to see another of his ballads, Sir Beville, find its way into a collection of old ballads.
A far more beautiful ballad than Hardyknute is Auld Robin Gray, in which a lady of rank caught the spirit of the tender songs of peasant life with excellent effect. Lady Anne Barnard kept her secret for fifty years, and did not acknowledge herself the author of it until 1823, when she disclosed the fact in a letter to Sir Walter Scott.
A much more beautiful ballad than Hardyknute is Auld Robin Gray, in which a noblewoman captured the essence of the heartfelt songs of rural life with great skill. Lady Anne Barnard kept her secret for fifty years and didn’t reveal that she was the author until 1823, when she shared this information in a letter to Sir Walter Scott.
These were harmless attempts to deceive, such as will always be common among those who take a pleasure in reducing the pride of the experts; and when they were discovered no one was found to have been injured by the deceit. It is far different, however, when a forgery is foisted in among genuine works, because when a discovery is made of its untrustworthiness, the reputation of the true work is injured by this association with the false. Pinkerton inserted a large number of his own poems in his edition of Select Scottish Ballads (1783), which poems he alleged to be ancient. He was taken severely to task by Ritson on account of these fabrications, and he afterwards acknowledged his deceit.[25]
These were harmless attempts to deceive, such as will always be common among those who take a pleasure in reducing the pride of the experts; and when they were discovered no one was found to have been injured by the deceit. It is far different, however, when a forgery is foisted in among genuine works, because when a discovery is made of its untrustworthiness, the reputation of the true work is injured by this association with the false. Pinkerton inserted a large number of his own poems in his edition of Select Scottish Ballads (1783), which poems he alleged to be ancient. He was taken severely to task by Ritson on account of these fabrications, and he afterwards acknowledged his deceit.[25]
One of the most barefaced of literary deceptions was the work published in 1810 by R. H. Cromek, under the title of Remains of Nithsdale and Galloway Song. Although the ballads contained in these volumes are very varied in their subject, they were almost entirely composed by Allan Cunningham, who produced whatever was required of him by his employer.
One of the most blatant literary deceptions was the work published in 1810 by R. H. Cromek, titled Remains of Nithsdale and Galloway Song. Even though the ballads in these volumes cover a wide range of topics, they were mostly written by Allan Cunningham, who created whatever his employer needed.
Poets are often the worst of editors, as they find the temptation to "improve" their originals too strong to resist. Allan Cunningham published in [Pg xlvii]1826 a collection of the Songs of Scotland, in which he availed himself so largely of this license that Motherwell felt called upon to reprobate the work in the strongest terms. He observes: "While thus violating ancient song, he seems to have been well aware of the heinousness of his offending. He might shudder and sicken at his revolting task indeed! To soothe his own alarmed conscience, and, if possible, to reconcile the mind of his readers to his wholesale mode of hacking and hewing and breaking the joints of ancient and traditionary song; and to induce them to receive with favour the conjectural emendations it likes him to make, he, in the course of his progress, not unfrequently chooses to sneer at those, and to underrate their labours, who have used their best endeavours to preserve ancient song in its primitive and uncontaminated form."[26] These are by no means the hardest words used by Motherwell in respect to the Songs of Scotland.
Poets are often the worst of editors, as they find the temptation to "improve" their originals too strong to resist. Allan Cunningham published in [Pg xlvii]1826 a collection of the Songs of Scotland, in which he availed himself so largely of this license that Motherwell felt called upon to reprobate the work in the strongest terms. He observes: "While thus violating ancient song, he seems to have been well aware of the heinousness of his offending. He might shudder and sicken at his revolting task indeed! To soothe his own alarmed conscience, and, if possible, to reconcile the mind of his readers to his wholesale mode of hacking and hewing and breaking the joints of ancient and traditionary song; and to induce them to receive with favour the conjectural emendations it likes him to make, he, in the course of his progress, not unfrequently chooses to sneer at those, and to underrate their labours, who have used their best endeavours to preserve ancient song in its primitive and uncontaminated form."[26] These are by no means the hardest words used by Motherwell in respect to the Songs of Scotland.
The worst among the forgers, however, was a man who ought to have been above such dishonourable work, viz., Robert Surtees, the author of the History of the County Palatine of Durham, in whose honour the Surtees Society was founded. In Scott's Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border will be found three ballads—The Death of Featherstonhaugh, Lord Ewrie, and Bartram's Dirge, which are treated by Sir Walter as true antiques, and of the genuine character of which he never had a doubt. They are all three, however, mere figments of Surtees's imagination. Each of the ballads was accompanied by fictitious historical incidents, to give it an extra appearance of authenticity. Featherstonhaugh was said to be "taken down from the recitation of a woman eighty years of age, mother of one of the miners in Alston Moor;" [Pg xlviii]Lord Ewrie was obtained from "Rose Smith, of Bishop Middleham, a woman aged upwards of ninety-one;" and Bartram's Dirge from "Anne Douglas, an old woman who weeded in his (Surtees's) garden." On other occasions Sir Walter Scott was deluded by his friend with false information. Mr. George Taylor makes the following excuse in his Life of Surtees (p. 25): "Mr. Surtees no doubt had wished to have the success of his attempt tested by the unbiassed opinion of the very first authority on the subject, and the result must have been gratifying to him. But at a later period of their intimacy, when personal regard was added to high admiration for his correspondent, he probably would not have subjected him to the mortification of finding that he could be imposed on in a matter where he had a right to consider himself as almost infallible. And it was most likely from this feeling that Mr. Surtees never acknowledged the imposition: for so late as the year 1830, in which Scott dates his introduction to the edition of the Minstrelsy, published in 1831, the ballad of the Death of Featherstonhaugh retains its place (vol. i. p. 240) with the same expressions of obligation to Mr. Surtees for the communication of it, and the same commendation of his learned proofs of its authenticity." In spite of this attempted justification, we cannot fail to stigmatize Surtees's forgery as a crime against letters which fouls the very wells of truth.
The worst of the forgers was a man who should have risen above such dishonorable work, namely Robert Surtees, the author of the History of the County Palatine of Durham, in whose honor the Surtees Society was established. In Scott's Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border, you'll find three ballads—The Death of Featherstonhaugh, Lord Ewrie, and Bartram's Dirge—that Sir Walter treated as authentic antiques, and he had no doubt about their genuine character. However, all three are just products of Surtees's imagination. Each ballad came with made-up historical incidents to give it an extra air of authenticity. Featherstonhaugh was claimed to be "taken down from the recitation of a woman eighty years old, mother of one of the miners in Alston Moor;" [Pg xlviii]Lord Ewrie was said to be from "Rose Smith, of Bishop Middleham, a woman over ninety-one;" and Bartram's Dirge came from "Anne Douglas, an old woman who weeded in his (Surtees's) garden." At other times, Sir Walter Scott was misled by his friend with false information. Mr. George Taylor offers the following excuse in his Life of Surtees (p. 25): "Mr. Surtees likely wanted to have the success of his attempt judged by the unbiased opinion of the foremost authority on the subject, and the outcome must have pleased him. But later in their friendship, when personal affection was added to his high admiration for his correspondent, he probably wouldn’t have wanted to subject him to the embarrassment of realizing he could be tricked in a matter he had every reason to consider himself almost infallible in. It’s likely due to this feeling that Mr. Surtees never admitted the deception: as late as 1830, when Scott dates his introduction to the 1831 edition of the Minstrelsy, the ballad of The Death of Featherstonhaugh still appears (vol. i. p. 240) with the same expressions of gratitude to Mr. Surtees for sharing it, and the same praise for his scholarly evidence of its authenticity." Despite this attempted justification, we cannot help but label Surtees's forgery as a crime against literature that taints the very sources of truth.
Authenticity of Some Ballads
As was to be expected, the existence of the forgeries just referred to caused several persons to doubt the genuineness of many of the true ballads. Finlay wrote, in 1808, "the mention of hats and cork-heeled shoon (in the ballad of Sir Patrick Spence) would lead[Pg xlix] us to infer that some stanzas are interpolated, or that its composition is of a comparatively modern date;"[27] and, in 1839, the veteran ballad-collector, Mr. David Laing, wrote as follows: "Notwithstanding the great antiquity that has been claimed for Sir Patrick Spence, one of the finest ballads in our language, very little evidence would be required to persuade me but that we were also indebted for it to Lady Wardlaw (Stenhouse's Illustrations of the Lyric Poetry and Music of Scotland, with additional notes to Johnson's Scots Musical Museum, p. 320[27])." At p. 457[27] of the same book, Mr. Laing, after quoting from Finlay, made the following further observations: "Bishop Percy also remarks that 'an ingenious friend thinks the author of Hardyknute has borrowed several expressions and sentiments from the foregoing and other old Scottish songs in this collection.' It was this resemblance with the localities Dunfermline and Aberdour, in the neighbourhood of Sir Henry Wardlaw's seat, that led me to throw out the conjecture, whether this much-admired ballad might not also have been written by Lady Wardlaw herself, to whom the ballad of Hardyknute is now universally attributed."[28]
As was to be expected, the existence of the forgeries just referred to caused several persons to doubt the genuineness of many of the true ballads. Finlay wrote, in 1808, "the mention of hats and cork-heeled shoon (in the ballad of Sir Patrick Spence) would lead[Pg xlix] us to infer that some stanzas are interpolated, or that its composition is of a comparatively modern date;"[27] and, in 1839, the veteran ballad-collector, Mr. David Laing, wrote as follows: "Notwithstanding the great antiquity that has been claimed for Sir Patrick Spence, one of the finest ballads in our language, very little evidence would be required to persuade me but that we were also indebted for it to Lady Wardlaw (Stenhouse's Illustrations of the Lyric Poetry and Music of Scotland, with additional notes to Johnson's Scots Musical Museum, p. 320[27])." At p. 457[27] of the same book, Mr. Laing, after quoting from Finlay, made the following further observations: "Bishop Percy also remarks that 'an ingenious friend thinks the author of Hardyknute has borrowed several expressions and sentiments from the foregoing and other old Scottish songs in this collection.' It was this resemblance with the localities Dunfermline and Aberdour, in the neighbourhood of Sir Henry Wardlaw's seat, that led me to throw out the conjecture, whether this much-admired ballad might not also have been written by Lady Wardlaw herself, to whom the ballad of Hardyknute is now universally attributed."[28]
Mr. J. H. Dixon, in 1845, considered that the suspicion had become a certainty, and wrote of Lady Wardlaw as one "who certainly appears to have been [Pg l]a great adept at this species of literary imposture." "This celebrated lady is now known to be the author of Edward! Edward! and of Sir Patrick Spence, in addition to Hardyknute."[29] Mr. Dixon and the late Mr. Robert Chambers have also thrown out hints of their disbelief in the authenticity of the recitations of Mrs. Brown of Falkland.
Mr. J. H. Dixon, in 1845, considered that the suspicion had become a certainty, and wrote of Lady Wardlaw as one "who certainly appears to have been [Pg l]a great adept at this species of literary imposture." "This celebrated lady is now known to be the author of Edward! Edward! and of Sir Patrick Spence, in addition to Hardyknute."[29] Mr. Dixon and the late Mr. Robert Chambers have also thrown out hints of their disbelief in the authenticity of the recitations of Mrs. Brown of Falkland.
These, however, were mere skirmishing attacks, but in 1859 Robert Chambers marshalled his forces, and made a decisive charge in his publication entitled The Romantic Scottish Ballads, their Epoch and Authorship. He there explains his belief as follows:—
These, however, were just minor skirmishes, but in 1859, Robert Chambers gathered his forces and made a significant move with his publication titled The Romantic Scottish Ballads, their Epoch and Authorship. In it, he explains his belief as follows:—
"Upon all these considerations I have arrived at the conclusion that the high-class romantic ballads of Scotland are not ancient compositions—are not older than the early part of the eighteenth century—and are mainly, if not wholly, the production of one mind. Whose was this mind is a different question, on which no such confident decision may, for the present, be arrived at; but I have no hesitation in saying that, from the internal resemblance traced on from Hardyknute through Sir Patrick Spence and Gil Morrice to the others, there seems to be a great likelihood that the whole were the composition of the authoress of that poem, namely, Elizabeth Lady Wardlaw of Pitreavie."
"After considering all these points, I've concluded that the high-quality romantic ballads of Scotland aren't ancient—they're not older than the early part of the eighteenth century—and are mostly, if not entirely, the work of one person. Whose mind that was is another question, one that we can't confidently answer for now; however, I’m quite sure that, based on the similarities traced from Hardyknute through Sir Patrick Spence and Gil Morrice to the others, it seems very likely that they were all written by the author of that poem, namely, Elizabeth Lady Wardlaw of Pitreavie."
Scotsmen were not likely to sit down tamely under an accusation by which their principal ballad treasures were thus stigmatized as false gems, and we find that several writers immediately took up their pens to refute the calumny. It will be seen that the charge is divided into two distinct parts, and it will be well to avoid mixing them together, and to consider each part separately.
Scotsmen were not likely to passively accept an accusation that labeled their key ballad treasures as fake, and several writers quickly took up their pens to defend against the slander. It's important to note that the charge is split into two distinct parts, and it’s best to avoid confusing them and to examine each part separately.
I. Certain ballads, generally supposed to be genuine, were really written by one person, in imitation of the antique.
I. Some ballads, usually thought to be authentic, were actually written by a single person, trying to mimic the old style.
II. The author of this deceit was Lady Wardlaw, the writer of Hardyknute.
II. The person behind this deception was Lady Wardlaw, the author of Hardyknute.
I. The ballads in the Reliques, which are instanced by Chambers, are as follows:—
I. The ballads in the Reliques, mentioned by Chambers, are as follows:—
- Sir Patrick Spence.
- Gil Morrice.
- Edward! Edward!
- Jew's Daughter.
- Gilderoy.
- Young Waters.
- Edom o' Gordon.
- Bonny Earl of Murray.
Two of these (2 and 7) are in the Folio MS., which was written before Lady Wardlaw was born; Edom o' Gordon also exists in another old MS. copy; Gilderoy (5) is known to have been a street ballad, and the remainder are found in other copies. It is not necessary to discuss each of these cases separately, and we shall therefore reserve what we have to say for the special consideration of Sir Patrick Spence.
Two of these (2 and 7) are in the Folio manuscript, which was written before Lady Wardlaw was born; *Edom o' Gordon* also exists in another old manuscript copy; *Gilderoy* (5) is known to have been a street ballad, and the rest are found in other copies. It's not necessary to discuss each of these cases separately, so we will reserve our comments for the specific analysis of *Sir Patrick Spence*.
Before proceeding, we must first consider how far Chambers's previous knowledge of ballad literature prepared him for this inquiry; and we cannot rate that knowledge very highly, for in his Collection of Scottish Songs, he actually attributes Wotton's Ye Meaner Beauties to Darnley, and supposes Mary Queen of Scots to have been the subject of the author's praises. At this period also his scepticism had not been aroused, for all the ballads that he thought spurious in 1859 had been printed by him in 1829 as genuine productions.
Before we move on, we need to think about how much Chambers's earlier knowledge of ballad literature prepared him for this investigation; and we can't value that knowledge very highly, because in his Collection of Scottish Songs, he mistakenly attributes Wotton's Ye Meaner Beauties to Darnley, assuming that Mary Queen of Scots was the subject of the author's praise. At this time, his skepticism hadn't been triggered either, since all the ballads he believed were fake in 1859 were printed by him as authentic works in 1829.
To return to the main Point at issue. Chambers writes:—
To get back to the main point in question. Chambers writes:—
"It is now to be remarked of the ballads published by the successors of Percy, as of those which he published, that there is not a particle of positive evidence for their having existed before the eighteenth century. Overlooking the one given by Ramsay in his Tea-table Miscellany, we have neither print nor manuscript of them before the reign of George III. They are not in the style of old literature. They contain no references to old literature. As little does old literature contain any references to them. They wholly escaped the collecting diligence of Bannatyne. James Watson, who published a collection of Scottish poetry in 1706-1711, wholly overlooks them. Ramsay, as we see, caught up only one."
"It should be noted about the ballads published by Percy's successors, as well as those he published, that there’s no solid evidence they existed before the eighteenth century. Aside from the one provided by Ramsay in his Tea-table Miscellany, we have no prints or manuscripts of them prior to the reign of George III. They don’t resemble old literature at all and have no references to it. Similarly, old literature makes no references to them. They completely evaded Bannatyne’s collecting efforts. James Watson, who published a collection of Scottish poetry between 1706 and 1711, entirely overlooks them. As we can see, Ramsay only included one."
Mr. Norval Clyne (Ballads from Scottish History, 1863, p. 217) gives a satisfactory answer to the above. He writes:—
Mr. Norval Clyne (Ballads from Scottish History, 1863, p. 217) provides a solid response to the above. He writes:—
"The want of any ancient manuscript can be no argument against the antiquity of a poem, versions of which have been obtained from oral recitation, otherwise the great mass of ballads of all kinds collected by Scott, and by others since his time, must lie under equal suspicion. Bannatyne, in the sixteenth century, and Allan Ramsay, in the early part of the eighteenth, were not collectors of popular poetry in the same sense as those who have since been so active in that field. The former contented himself, for the most part, with transcribing the compositions of Dunbar, Henrysone, and other "makers," well known by name, and Ramsay took the bulk of his Evergreen from Bannatyne's MS. That a great many poems of the ballad class, afterwards collected and printed, must have been current among the people when the Evergreen was published, no one that knows anything of the subject will deny." The old ballads lived on the tongues of the people, and a small percentage of them only were ever committed to writing,[Pg liii] so that a fairer test of authenticity is the existence of various versions. Of known forgeries no varieties exist, but several versions of Sir Patrick Spence have been rescued from oblivion.
The lack of any ancient manuscript can’t be used as proof against the oldness of a poem, especially when there are forms of it that have come from oral storytelling. Otherwise, all the ballads collected by Scott and others since his time would also be in doubt. Bannatyne in the 16th century and Allan Ramsay in the early 18th weren’t collectors of popular poetry in the same way that later collectors have been. Bannatyne mostly focused on copying the works of Dunbar, Henrysone, and other well-known "makers," while Ramsay took most of his Evergreen from Bannatyne's manuscript. It's clear that many ballads, which were later collected and published, must have been well-known among the people when Evergreen came out—anyone who knows about this topic would agree. The old ballads were alive in the mouths of the people, and only a small fraction of them were ever written down,[Pg liii] so a better test of authenticity is the existence of various versions. There are no known forgeries with different versions, but several versions of Sir Patrick Spence have been saved from being forgotten.
It is not probable that any fresh ballads will be obtained from recitation, but it is in some degree possible, as may be seen from an instance of a kindred nature in the field of language. We know that local dialects have almost passed away, and yet some of the glossaries of them lately issued contain words that explain otherwise dark passages in manuscripts of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
It’s unlikely that any new ballads will come from recitation, but it is somewhat possible, as demonstrated by a similar case in language. We know that local dialects have nearly disappeared, yet some recently published glossaries include words that clarify otherwise obscure sections in manuscripts from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
Chambers further affirms that the sentiment of these ballads is not congenial to that of the peasantry—"it may be allowably said, there is a tone of breeding throughout these ballads, such as is never found in the productions of rustic genius." This, however, is begging the question, for it does not follow that the songs of the peasantry were written by the peasantry. It is they who have remembered them, and held to them with greater tenacity than the educated classes.
Chambers further argues that the feeling in these ballads isn’t in sync with that of the common people—“it can be fairly said, there is a tone of breeding throughout these ballads, which is never present in the works of rural talent.” However, this overlooks the point, because it doesn’t mean that the songs of the common people were composed by them. They are the ones who have remembered these songs and clung to them more strongly than the educated classes have.
We now come to the text that bears specially upon Sir Patrick Spence, and we will give it in Chambers's own words:—"The Scottish ladies sit bewailing the loss of Sir Patrick Spence's companions 'wi' the gowd kaims in their hair.' Sir Patrick tells his friends before starting on his voyage, 'Our ship must sail the faem;'[30] and in the description of the consequences of his shipwreck, we find 'Mony was the feather-bed that flattered on the faem.'[30] No old poet would use faem as an equivalent for the sea; but it was just such a phrase as a poet of the era of Pope would use in that sense." In the first place, we should be justified in saying that this test is not a [Pg liv]fair one, because no one will contend that the ballads have not been altered in passing from hand to hand, and new words inserted; but Mr. Norval Clyne has a complete answer for this particular objection; he writes: "Bishop Gawin Douglas completed his translation of Virgil's Æneid on 22nd July, 1513, and in his Prologue to the twelfth book are these lines:—
We now come to the text that bears specially upon Sir Patrick Spence, and we will give it in Chambers's own words:—"The Scottish ladies sit bewailing the loss of Sir Patrick Spence's companions 'wi' the gowd kaims in their hair.' Sir Patrick tells his friends before starting on his voyage, 'Our ship must sail the faem;'[30] and in the description of the consequences of his shipwreck, we find 'Mony was the feather-bed that flattered on the faem.'[30] No old poet would use faem as an equivalent for the sea; but it was just such a phrase as a poet of the era of Pope would use in that sense." In the first place, we should be justified in saying that this test is not a [Pg liv]fair one, because no one will contend that the ballads have not been altered in passing from hand to hand, and new words inserted; but Mr. Norval Clyne has a complete answer for this particular objection; he writes: "Bishop Gawin Douglas completed his translation of Virgil's Æneid on 22nd July, 1513, and in his Prologue to the twelfth book are these lines:—
With your voice, all the valley echoes, Where they walk into their caroling,
For passionate lovers, all the bells ring:
Ane sang, "The ship sails over the salt foam," "Will bring their merchandise and my lemonade home."
Here we have the expression, to which attention is called, occurring in a popular song in common use before the battle of Flodden. I have seen it remarked, however, that it is the elliptical use of 'sail the faem' for 'sail over the faem,' which indicates an authorship not older than the day of Queen Anne. My answer to this objection shall also be an example from an 'old poet.' One of the Tales of the Three Priests of Peblis assigned to the early part of the sixteenth century, describes in homely verse the career of a thrifty burgess, and contains these lines (Sibbald's Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, 1802):—
Here we have the phrase, which is worth noting, found in a popular song that was commonly used before the battle of Flodden. I’ve seen it pointed out, however, that the use of 'sail the faem' instead of 'sail over the faem' shows that it couldn’t have been written earlier than Queen Anne’s time. My response to this criticism will also include an example from an 'old poet.' One of the Tales of the Three Priests of Peblis, dated to the early part of the sixteenth century, tells in simple verse about the life of a frugal townsman and includes these lines (Sibbald's Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, 1802):—
And after that, he said he the sea.'"[31]
These quotations completely set aside one portion of the charge, and the other, in which an attempt is made to show that a similar form of expression is constantly occurring in the several poems, is really of little weight, pressed as it is with some unfairness. We have already seen that the old minstrels used certain forms of expression as helps to memory, and [Pg lv]these recur in ballads that have little or no connection with each other. Chambers, following David Laing, uses Percy's note at the end of Sir Patrick Spence[32] as an engine of attack against the authenticity of the ballad, but there is really no reason for the conclusion he comes to, "that the parity he remarked in the expressions was simply owing to the two ballads being the production of one mind," for a copyist well acquainted with ballad literature would naturally adopt the expressions found in them in his own composition.
These quotations completely set aside one portion of the charge, and the other, in which an attempt is made to show that a similar form of expression is constantly occurring in the several poems, is really of little weight, pressed as it is with some unfairness. We have already seen that the old minstrels used certain forms of expression as helps to memory, and [Pg lv]these recur in ballads that have little or no connection with each other. Chambers, following David Laing, uses Percy's note at the end of Sir Patrick Spence[32] as an engine of attack against the authenticity of the ballad, but there is really no reason for the conclusion he comes to, "that the parity he remarked in the expressions was simply owing to the two ballads being the production of one mind," for a copyist well acquainted with ballad literature would naturally adopt the expressions found in them in his own composition.
II. The consideration of the opinion that Lady Wardlaw was the author of Sir Patrick Spence and other ballads, need not detain us long, because the main point of interest is their authenticity, and the question of her authorship is quite a secondary matter: that falls to the ground if the grand charge is proved false, and need not stand even if that remains unrefuted. The only reason for fixing upon Lady Wardlaw appears to have been that as these ballads were transmitted to Percy by Lord Hailes, and one of them was an imitation of the antique by Lady Wardlaw, and another was added to by the same lady, therefore if a similarity between the ballads could be proved, it would follow that all were written by her. Now the very fact that the authorship of Hardyknute was soon discovered is strong evidence against any such supposition, because none of her associates had any suspicion that she had counterfeited other ballads, and could such a wholesale manufacture have been concealed for a century it would be a greater mystery than the vexed question, who was Junius? The other point, whether the author of the indistinct and redundant Hardyknute [Pg lvi]could have written the clear and incisive lines of Sir Patrick Spence may be left to be decided by readers who have the two poems before them in these volumes.
II. We don't need to spend much time on the idea that Lady Wardlaw wrote Sir Patrick Spence and other ballads, because the main issue is their authenticity, and whether or not she wrote them is a secondary concern: that argument loses weight if the main charge is proven false, and it doesn't need to stand even if it remains unanswered. The only reason people think of Lady Wardlaw is that these ballads were sent to Percy by Lord Hailes, and one was an imitation of an old style by Lady Wardlaw, while another was revised by her. So, if a connection between the ballads could be established, it would suggest that she wrote them all. However, the fact that the authorship of Hardyknute was quickly identified is strong evidence against that idea, because none of her peers suspected she had faked any other ballads, and if such a large-scale forgery had been hidden for a hundred years, it would be an even bigger mystery than the puzzling question of who Junius was. As for whether the author of the unclear and repetitive Hardyknute [Pg lvi] could have written the sharp and clear lines of Sir Patrick Spence, I'll leave that for readers to decide when they compare the two poems in these volumes.
A few particulars may, however, be mentioned. The openings of these ballads form excellent contrasted examples of the two different styles of ballad writing. Sir Patrick Spence commences at once, like other minstrel ballads, with the description of the king and his council:—
A few details can be mentioned, though. The openings of these ballads provide great contrasting examples of the two different styles of ballad writing. Sir Patrick Spence starts right away, like other minstrel ballads, with a description of the king and his council:—
Drinking the blue-red wine:
Where will I find a good sailor? To sail this ship of mine?
Sat at the king's right side:
Sir Patrick Spence is the best sailor,
That sails on the sea."
The king then sends a letter to Spence. There is no description of how this was sent, but we at once read:—
The king then sends a letter to Spence. There is no description of how this was sent, but we immediately read:—
A loud laugh he launched; The next line that Sir Patrick read, The tear blinded his eye.
Hardyknute, on the other hand, is full of reasons and illustrative instances in the true ballad-writer's style:—
Hardyknute, on the other hand, has plenty of reasons and examples written in the authentic style of a ballad writer:—
He lived when the British broke their promises. Made Scotland great: And yes, his sword spoke to their expense,
He was their deadly fae.
Having placed the openings of the two poems in opposition, we will do the same with the endings.[Pg lvii] How different is the grand finish of Sir Patrick Spence—
Having put the openings of the two poems against each other, we will do the same with the endings.[Pg lvii] How different is the grand finish of Sir Patrick Spence—
It's fifty fathoms deep,
And there lies good Sir Patrick Spence,
"With the Scottish lords at his feet."
from the feeble conclusion of Hardyknute:—
from the weak ending of Hardyknute:—
There stopped his boasting about the dam, Sair was too ashamed to think about anything but his lady,
And a pretty maiden. He felt a deep sense of fear, but what was there to be afraid of? He didn't know yet; with fear Sai shook his body, moving his limbs, And all the warrior fled.
Sir Patrick Spence gives us a clear picture that a painter could easily reproduce, but Hardyknute is so vague that it is sometimes difficult to follow it with understanding, and if the same author wrote them both she must have been so strangely versatile in her talents that there is no difficulty in believing that she wrote all the romantic ballads of Scotland.
Sir Patrick Spence provides a vivid image that a painter could easily replicate, but Hardyknute is so unclear that it can be hard to grasp its meaning, and if the same author wrote both, she must have been incredibly versatile in her talents, making it easy to believe that she wrote all the romantic ballads of Scotland.
How little Chambers can be trusted may be seen in the following passage, where he writes: "The first hint at the real author came out through Percy, who in his second edition of the Reliques (1767) gives the following statement, 'There is more than reason,' &c.,[33] to which he adds the note: 'It is rather remarkable that Percy was not informed of these particulars in 1765; but in 1767, Sir John Hope Bruce having died in the interval (June, 1766), they were communicated to him. It looks as if the secret had hung on the life of this venerable gentleman." Who would suspect, what is the real fact of the case, that Percy's quoted preface was actually printed in his first edition [Pg lviii](1765), and that Chambers's remarks fall to the ground because they are founded on a gross blunder.[34]
How little Chambers can be trusted may be seen in the following passage, where he writes: "The first hint at the real author came out through Percy, who in his second edition of the Reliques (1767) gives the following statement, 'There is more than reason,' &c.,[33] to which he adds the note: 'It is rather remarkable that Percy was not informed of these particulars in 1765; but in 1767, Sir John Hope Bruce having died in the interval (June, 1766), they were communicated to him. It looks as if the secret had hung on the life of this venerable gentleman." Who would suspect, what is the real fact of the case, that Percy's quoted preface was actually printed in his first edition [Pg lviii](1765), and that Chambers's remarks fall to the ground because they are founded on a gross blunder.[34]
Ballad Preservers.
Printed broadsides are peculiarly liable to accidents which shorten their existence, and we therefore owe much to the collectors who have saved some few of them from destruction. Ballads were usually pasted on their walls by the cottagers, but they were sometimes collected together in bundles. Motherwell had "heard it as a by-word in some parts of Stirlingshire that a collier's library consists but of four books, the Confession of Faith, the Bible, a bundle of Ballads, and Sir William Wallace. The first for the gudewife, the second for the gudeman, the third for their daughter, and the last for the son, a selection indicative of no mean taste in these grim mold-warps of humanity."[35]
Printed broadsides are peculiarly liable to accidents which shorten their existence, and we therefore owe much to the collectors who have saved some few of them from destruction. Ballads were usually pasted on their walls by the cottagers, but they were sometimes collected together in bundles. Motherwell had "heard it as a by-word in some parts of Stirlingshire that a collier's library consists but of four books, the Confession of Faith, the Bible, a bundle of Ballads, and Sir William Wallace. The first for the gudewife, the second for the gudeman, the third for their daughter, and the last for the son, a selection indicative of no mean taste in these grim mold-warps of humanity."[35]
The love of a good ballad has, however, never been confined to the uneducated. Queen Mary II., after listening to the compositions of Purcell, played by the composer himself, asked Mrs. Arabella Hunt to sing Tom D'Urfey's ballad of "Cold and Raw," which was set to a good old tune, and thereby offended Purcell's vanity, who was left unemployed at the harpsichord. Nevertheless, the composer had the sense afterwards to introduce the tune as the bass of a song he wrote himself. When ballads were intended [Pg lix]for the exclusive use of the ordinary ballad-buyers they were printed in black letter, a type that was retained for this purpose for more than a century after it had gone out of use for other purposes. According to Pepys the use of black letter ceased about the year 1700, and on the title-page of his collection he has written "the whole continued down to the year 1700, when the form till then peculiar thereto, viz. of the black letter with pictures, seems (for cheapness sake) wholly laid aside for that of the white letter without pictures." White-letter printing of non-political street ballads really commenced about 1685, and of political ballads about half a century earlier. The saving referred to by Pepys as being made by the omission of woodcuts could not have been great, for they seldom illustrated the letterpress, and were used over and over again, so that cuts which were executed in the reign of James I. were used on ballads in Queen Anne's time.
The love for a good ballad has never been limited to the uneducated. Queen Mary II, after hearing Purcell's compositions played by the composer himself, asked Mrs. Arabella Hunt to sing Tom D'Urfey's ballad "Cold and Raw," which was set to a classic tune, offending Purcell’s pride as he sat idle at the harpsichord. However, the composer wisely later incorporated the tune as the bass for a song he wrote himself. When ballads were meant for everyday buyers, they were printed in black letter, a style that continued to be used for this purpose long after it had fallen out of favor for other types of printing. According to Pepys, the use of black letter stopped around the year 1700, and he noted on the title page of his collection, "the whole continued down to the year 1700, when the form till then peculiar thereto, viz. of the black letter with pictures, seems (for cheapness sake) wholly laid aside for that of the white letter without pictures." White-letter printing for non-political street ballads actually began around 1685, while political ballads started about fifty years earlier. The savings Pepys mentioned from removing woodcuts were likely minimal because they rarely illustrated the text and were reused multiple times; cuts made during James I’s reign were still being used for ballads in Queen Anne's era.
Until about the year 1712 ballads were universally printed on broadsides, and those intended to be sold in the streets are still so printed, but after that date such as were intended to be vended about the country were printed so as to fold into book form.
Until around 1712, ballads were widely printed on broadsides, and those meant for street sales are still printed that way, but after that year, those intended to be sold throughout the countryside were printed to fold into book form.
The great ballad factory has been for many years situated in Seven Dials, where Pitts employed Corcoran and was the patron of "slender Ben," "over head and ears Nic," and other equally respectably named poets. The renowned Catnach lived in Seven Dials, and left a considerable business at his death. He was the first to print yards of songs for a penny, and his fame was so extended, that his name has come to be used for a special class of literature.
The famous ballad factory has been located in Seven Dials for many years, where Pitts hired Corcoran and supported "slender Ben," "over head and ears Nic," and other equally well-known poets. The notable Catnach also lived in Seven Dials and left behind a significant business when he passed away. He was the first to print long songs for a penny, and his popularity was so widespread that his name has become associated with a specific genre of literature.
Although, thanks to the labours of far-sighted men, our stock of old ballads and songs is large, we[Pg lx] know that those which are irrevocably lost far exceed them in number. It is therefore something to recover even the titles of some of these, and we can do this to a considerable extent by seeking them in some of the old specimens of literature. In Cockelbie's Sow, a piece written about 1450, which was printed in Laing's Select Remains of the Ancient Popular Poetry of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1822), there is a list of the songs sung at a meeting. In Henryson's curious old pastoral, Robin and Makyne (vol. 2, p. 85), reference is made to the popular tales and songs, which were even then old:—
Although, thanks to the efforts of forward-thinking individuals, our collection of old ballads and songs is substantial, we know that those which are permanently lost far outnumber them. Therefore, it's worthwhile to recover even the titles of some of these, and we can do this to a significant degree by looking for them in some of the old pieces of literature. In Cockelbie's Sow, a work written around 1450, which was printed in Laing's Select Remains of the Ancient Popular Poetry of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1822), there's a list of the songs performed at a gathering. In Henryson's intriguing old pastoral, Robin and Makyne (vol. 2, p. 85), there’s a mention of the popular tales and songs that were already considered old back then:—
In old tales and stories, The man who will not when he can Sall has nothing when he wants.
To the prologues of Gawin Douglas's translation of Virgil's Æneid, we are indebted for a knowledge of four old songs, a fact that outweighs in the opinion of some the merits of the work itself, which was the first translation of a classic that ever appeared in England.
To the introductions of Gawin Douglas's translation of Virgil's Æneid, we owe our knowledge of four old songs, a detail that some believe is more significant than the qualities of the work itself, which was the first classic translation to be published in England.
In the Catalogue of Captain Cox's Library, printed in Laneham's letter on the Kenilworth entertainments, there is a short list of some of the popular ballads of his time, but it is sorely tantalizing to read of "a bunch of ballets and songs all auncient," "and a hundred more he hath fair wrapt in parchment, and bound with a whipcord." We learn the names of ballads which were popular in old Scotland from the Complaynt of Scotland, a most interesting list, which Mr. Furnivall has fully illustrated and explained in his edition of Laneham. Another source of information for learning the names of songs no longer known to exist are the medleys, which are made up of the first lines of many songs. The[Pg lxi] extreme popularity of ballads in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is reflected in the literature of the time, which is full of allusions to them. Burton, the anatomist of melancholy, who put a little of almost everything into his book, could not be expected to overlook ballads. He says: "The very rusticks and hog-rubbers ... have their wakes, whitson ales, shepherds' feasts, meetings on holy dayes, countrey dances, roundelayes ... instead of odes, epigrams and elegies, &c., they have their ballads, countrey tunes, O the Broom, the bonny, bonny Broom, ditties and songs, Bess a Bell she doth excel." The favourite songs of Father Rosin, the minstrel in Ben Jonson's Tale of a Tub (act i. sc. 2), are Tom Tiler, the Jolly Joiner, and the Jovial Tinker. The old drama is full of these references, and one of the most frequent modes of revenge against an enemy was to threaten that he should be balladed. Thus Massinger writes:—
In the Catalogue of Captain Cox's Library, printed in Laneham's letter about the Kenilworth entertainments, there's a brief list of some popular ballads of his time, but it's really frustrating to read about "a bunch of ballets and songs all ancient," "and a hundred more he has neatly wrapped in parchment and bound with whipcord." We discover the names of ballads that were popular in old Scotland from the Complaynt of Scotland, which is a fascinating list that Mr. Furnivall has thoroughly illustrated and explained in his edition of Laneham. Another way to learn about songs that are no longer known to exist is through medleys, which are compiled from the first lines of many songs. The[Pg lxi] immense popularity of ballads in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is evident in the literature of that era, which is full of references to them. Burton, the analyst of melancholy, who included a bit of almost everything in his book, couldn't be expected to miss ballads. He mentions: "The very rustics and pig farmers ... have their wakes, Whitsun ales, shepherds' feasts, holy day gatherings, country dances, roundelays ... instead of odes, epigrams, and elegies, they have their ballads, country tunes, O the Broom, the bonny, bonny Broom, ditties and songs, Bess a Bell she does excel." The favorite songs of Father Rosin, the minstrel in Ben Jonson's Tale of a Tub (act i. sc. 2), are Tom Tiler, the Jolly Joiner, and the Jovial Tinker. The old drama is rich with these references, and one of the most common ways to get revenge on an enemy was to threaten that he would be balladed. Thus Massinger writes:—
Depicted as you are now, along with your entire story. Sung to a wicked melody in a risqué ballad,
And make you so well-known in the world,
"That boys in the street will shout at you."[36]
Fletcher sets side by side as equal evils the having one's eyes dug out, and the having one's name sung
Fletcher places side by side as equal evils the act of having one's eyes gouged out and the act of having one's name sung.
The ballad-writers are called base rogues, and said to "maintaine a St. Anthonie's fire in their noses by nothing but two-penny ale."[38]
The ballad-writers are called base rogues, and said to "maintaine a St. Anthonie's fire in their noses by nothing but two-penny ale."[38]
Shakspere was not behind his contemporaries in his contemptuous treatment of "odious ballads," or of "these same metre ballad-mongers," but he has [Pg lxii]shown by the references in King Lear and Hamlet his high appreciation of the genuine old work, and there is no doubt that the creator of Autolycus loved "a ballad but even too well."
Shakespeare wasn't any less scornful than his peers when it came to "horrible ballads" or "those same meter ballad-makers," but he has [Pg lxii] demonstrated through the references in King Lear and Hamlet his deep appreciation for the real old work, and there's no doubt that the creator of Autolycus loved "a ballad maybe even too much."
There have been two kinds of collectors, viz. those who copied such fugitive poetry as came in their way, and those who bought up all the printed ballads they could obtain.
There have been two types of collectors: those who copied any fleeting poetry they encountered and those who bought up every printed ballad they could find.
Of the manuscript collections of old poetry, the three most celebrated are the Maitland MS. in the Pepysian Library, Cambridge, the Bannatyne MS. presented by the Earl of Hyndford to the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, and the famous folio MS. which formerly belonged to Percy, and is now in the British Museum. The Maitland MS., which contains an excellent collection of Scotch poetry, was formed by Sir Richard Maitland, of Lethington, Lord Privy Seal and Judge in the Court of Session (b. 1496, d. 1586). Selections from this MS. were printed by Pinkerton in 1786.
Of the old poetry manuscript collections, the three most famous are the Maitland MS. in the Pepysian Library, Cambridge, the Bannatyne MS. given by the Earl of Hyndford to the Advocates' Library in Edinburgh, and the well-known folio MS. that once belonged to Percy and is now at the British Museum. The Maitland MS., which has a great collection of Scottish poetry, was put together by Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, who was Lord Privy Seal and a Judge in the Court of Session (b. 1496, d. 1586). Selections from this MS. were published by Pinkerton in 1786.
In the year 1568, when Scotland was visited by the Plague, a certain George Bannatyne, of whom nothing is known, retired to his house to escape infection, and employed his leisure in compiling his most valuable collection of Scottish poetry. This MS. was lent out of the Advocates' Library to Percy, and he was allowed to keep it for a considerable time. Sir David Dalrymple published "Some ancient Scottish Poems" in 1770, which were taken from this MS.
In 1568, when the Plague hit Scotland, a man named George Bannatyne, about whom we know very little, stayed home to avoid getting sick and spent his time putting together a valuable collection of Scottish poetry. This manuscript was loaned from the Advocates' Library to Percy, who was allowed to keep it for quite a while. Sir David Dalrymple published "Some Ancient Scottish Poems" in 1770, which were taken from this manuscript.
The great Lord Burghley was one of the first to recognize the value of ballads as an evidence of the popular feeling, and he ordered all broadsides to be brought to him as they were published. The learned Selden was also a collector of them, but the Chinese nation was before these wise men, and had realized an idea that has often been suggested in[Pg lxiii] Europe. One of their sacred books is the Book of Songs, in which the manners of the country are illustrated by songs and odes, the most popular of which were brought to the sovereign for the purpose.
The great Lord Burghley was one of the first to recognize the value of ballads as a reflection of popular sentiment, and he had all broadsides delivered to him as they were published. The learned Selden was also a collector of them, but the Chinese had already grasped this concept before these wise men, having developed an idea that has often been suggested in [Pg lxiii] Europe. One of their sacred texts is the Book of Songs, which illustrates the customs of the country through songs and odes, the most popular of which were presented to the ruler for that purpose.
The largest collections of printed ballads are now in Magdalene College, Cambridge, in the Bodleian at Oxford, and in the British Museum. Some smaller collections are in private hands. In taking stock of these collections, we are greatly helped by Mr. Chappell's interesting preface to the Roxburghe Ballads. The Pepysian collection deposited in the library of Magdalene College, Cambridge, consisting of 1,800 ballads in five vols., is one of the oldest and most valuable of the collections. It was commenced by Selden, who died in 1654, and continued by Samuel Pepys till near the time of his own death in 1703. Tradition reports that Pepys borrowed Selden's collection, and then "forgot" to return it to the proper owner. Besides these five volumes, there are three vols. of what Pepys calls penny merriments. There are 112 of these, and some are garlands that contain many ballads in each.
The largest collections of printed ballads are now at Magdalene College, Cambridge, in the Bodleian at Oxford, and in the British Museum. Some smaller collections are privately owned. When reviewing these collections, Mr. Chappell's engaging preface to the Roxburghe Ballads is a great help. The Pepysian collection at Magdalene College, Cambridge, which has 1,800 ballads in five volumes, is one of the oldest and most valuable collections. It was started by Selden, who died in 1654, and continued by Samuel Pepys until just before his own death in 1703. It's said that Pepys borrowed Selden's collection and then "forgot" to give it back. In addition to these five volumes, there are three volumes of what Pepys calls penny merriments. There are 112 of these, and some are garlands that contain many ballads in each.
Cambridge's rival, Oxford, possesses three collections, viz. Anthony Wood's 279 ballads and collection of garlands, Francis Douce's 877 in four vols., and Richard Rawlinson's 218.
Cambridge's rival, Oxford, has three collections: Anthony Wood's 279 ballads and collection of garlands, Francis Douce's 877 in four volumes, and Richard Rawlinson's 218.
Previously to the year 1845, when the Roxburghe collection was purchased, there were in the British Museum Library about 1,000 ballads, but Mr. Chappell, without counting the Roxburghe Ballads, gives the number as 1292 in 1864. They are as follows:—
Previously to the year 1845, when the Roxburghe collection was purchased, there were in the British Museum Library about 1,000 ballads, but Mr. Chappell, not including the Roxburghe Ballads, lists the total as 1292 in 1864. They are as follows:—
Bagford Collection | 355 |
Volume of Miscellaneous Ballads and Poems, 17th century | 31 |
Volume, mostly political, from 1641 | 250 |
Volume in King's Library, principally relating to London, from 1659 to 1711[Pg lxiv] | 60 |
The Thomason Collection of Tracts | 304 |
Satirical Ballads on the Popish Plot, from Strawberry Hill sale | 27 |
Luttrell Collection, vol. ii. | 255 |
Miscellaneous | 10 |
1292 |
The celebrated Roxburghe collection was bought by Rodd at Benjamin Heywood Bright's sale in 1845 for the British Museum, the price being £535. It was originally formed by Robert Harley, first Earl of Oxford, and as John Bagford was one of the buyers employed by the Earl, he is the reputed collector of the ballads. At the sale of the Harleian Library, this collection became the property of James West, P.R.S., and when his books were sold in 1773, Major Thomas Pearson bought it for, it is said, £20. This gentleman, with the assistance of Isaac Reed, added to the collection, and bound it in two volumes with printed title-pages, indexes, &c. In 1788, John, Duke of Roxburghe, bought it at Major Pearson's sale for £36 14s. 6d., and afterwards added largely to it, making a third volume. At the Duke's sale in 1813, the three volumes were bought for £477 15s., by Harding, who sold them to Mr. Bright for, it is supposed, £700. The collection consists of 1335 broadsides, printed between 1567 and the end of the eighteenth century, two-thirds of them being in black letter. Bright added a fourth volume of eighty-five pages, which was bought for the British Museum for £25 5s.
The renowned Roxburghe collection was purchased by Rodd at Benjamin Heywood Bright's auction in 1845 for £535 for the British Museum. It was originally put together by Robert Harley, the first Earl of Oxford, and since John Bagford was one of the buyers he employed, he's considered the collector of the ballads. When the Harleian Library was sold, this collection became the property of James West, P.R.S., and when his books were auctioned off in 1773, Major Thomas Pearson bought it for reportedly £20. This gentleman, with Isaac Reed's help, expanded the collection and bound it into two volumes with printed title pages, indexes, etc. In 1788, John, Duke of Roxburghe, bought it at Major Pearson's auction for £36 14s. 6d., and later significantly added to it, creating a third volume. At the Duke's auction in 1813, the three volumes were purchased for £477 15s. by Harding, who is believed to have sold them to Mr. Bright for around £700. The collection includes 1,335 broadsides printed between 1567 and the end of the 18th century, with two-thirds in black letter. Bright added a fourth volume of eighty-five pages, which was acquired for the British Museum for £25 5s.
Some early ballads are included in the collection of broadsides in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, and a collection of proclamations and ballads was made by Mr. Halliwell Phillipps, and presented by him to the Chetham Library at Manchester.
Some early ballads are included in the collection of broadsides in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, and a collection of proclamations and ballads was made by Mr. Halliwell Phillipps and given to the Chetham Library in Manchester.
The late George Daniel picked up a valuable collection of ballads at an old shop in Ipswich, which[Pg lxv] is supposed to have come from Helmingham Hall, Suffolk, where it had lain unnoticed or forgotten for two centuries or more. It originally numbered 175 to 200 ballads, but was divided by Daniel, who sold one portion (consisting of eighty-eight ballads) to Thorpe, who disposed of it to Heber. At Heber's sale it was bought by Mr. W. H. Miller, of Britwell, and from him it descended to Mr. S. Christie Miller. Twenty-five ballads known to have belonged to the same collection were edited by Mr. Payne Collier for the Percy Society in 1840. The portion that Daniel retained was bought at the sale of his library by Mr. Henry Huth, who has reprinted seventy-nine of the best ballads. Other known private collections are five volumes belonging to Mr. Frederic Ouvry, President of the Society of Antiquaries, which contain Mr. Payne Collier's collection of Black-letter Ballads, the Earl of Jersey's at Osterley Park, and one which was formed by Mr. Halliwell Phillipps, who printed a full catalogue of the ballads contained in it, and then disposed of it to the late Mr. William Euing of Glasgow.
The late George Daniel discovered a valuable collection of ballads at an old shop in Ipswich, which[Pg lxv] is believed to have come from Helmingham Hall, Suffolk, where it had been left unnoticed or forgotten for over two centuries. It initially included 175 to 200 ballads but was split up by Daniel, who sold one part (with eighty-eight ballads) to Thorpe, who then sold it to Heber. At Heber's sale, it was purchased by Mr. W. H. Miller from Britwell, and it was later passed down to Mr. S. Christie Miller. Twenty-five ballads known to be from the same collection were edited by Mr. Payne Collier for the Percy Society in 1840. The portion that Daniel kept was bought at the sale of his library by Mr. Henry Huth, who has reprinted seventy-nine of the best ballads. Other known private collections include five volumes owned by Mr. Frederic Ouvry, the President of the Society of Antiquaries, which contain Mr. Payne Collier's collection of Black-letter Ballads, the Earl of Jersey's collection at Osterley Park, and one formed by Mr. Halliwell Phillipps, who printed a complete catalog of the ballads it contained before selling it to the late Mr. William Euing of Glasgow.
We owe our gratitude to all these collectors, but must also do honour to those writers who in advance of their age tried to lead their contemporaries to fresher springs than those to which they were accustomed. The first of these was Addison, who commented on the beauties of Chevy Chase and the Children in the Wood in the Spectator. He wrote: "it is impossible that anything should be universally tasted and approved by a multitude, though they are only the rabble of a nation, which hath not in it some peculiar aptness to please and gratify the mind of man."
We owe our thanks to all these collectors, but we also need to recognize those writers who, ahead of their time, tried to guide their peers to new inspirations beyond what they were used to. The first of these was Addison, who praised the beauty of Chevy Chase and the Children in the Wood in the Spectator. He wrote: "It’s impossible for anything to be universally enjoyed and approved by a crowd, even if it’s just the common people of a nation, unless it has some unique quality that appeals to and satisfies the human mind."
Rowe was another appreciator of this popular literature, and his example and teaching may have had its influence in the publication of the first Collection of Old Ballads, for the motto to the first[Pg lxvi] volume is taken from the prologue to Rowe's Jane Shore (first acted in 1713):—
Rowe was another fan of this popular literature, and his example and teachings might have influenced the release of the first Collection of Old Ballads, as the motto for the first[Pg lxvi] volume is taken from the prologue to Rowe's Jane Shore (first performed in 1713):—
Because recording ballads sing her name; Those legendary ancient songwriters Soared many pitches above our modern writers.
They wailed in no romantic song,
Sighing for Philis's or Cloe's compassion; They rightfully brought the Fair forth and spoke to her directly, And called her by her Christian name—It was Jane.
Our figures might be more precise than those,
But what we've gained in poetry, we've lost in prose;
Their words had no confusing double meanings, Their words were simple, but their hearts were genuine.
Parnell, Tickell, and Prior belonged to the small band who had the taste to appreciate the unfashionable old ballad. Prior says of himself in a MS. essay quoted by Disraeli in the Calamities of Authors: "I remember nothing further in life than that I made verses: I chose Guy Earl of Warwick for my first hero, and killed Colborne the giant before I was big enough for Westminster school." The few were, however, unable to convert the many, and Dr. Wagstaffe, one of the wits of the day, ridiculed Addison for his good taste, and in a parody of the famous essay on Chevy Chase he commented upon the History of Tom Thumb, and pretended to point out the congenial spirit of this poet with Virgil.
Parnell, Tickell, and Prior were part of a small group who appreciated the old ballad, even though it was out of style. In a manuscript essay quoted by Disraeli in the Calamities of Authors, Prior reflects, "I don't remember anything else in my life except that I wrote verses: I chose Guy Earl of Warwick as my first hero and killed the giant Colborne before I was tall enough for Westminster school." However, this small group couldn't convince the majority, and Dr. Wagstaffe, one of the wits of the time, made fun of Addison for his good taste. In a parody of the famous essay on Chevy Chase, he commented on the History of Tom Thumb and pretended to highlight the similarity between this poet and Virgil.
There is still another class of preservers of ballads to be mentioned, viz. those whose tenacious memories allow them to retain the legends and songs they heard in their youth, but as Prof. Aytoun writes: "No Elspats of the Craigburnfoot remain to repeat to grandchildren that legendary lore which they had acquired in years long gone by from the last of the itinerant minstrels." The most celebrated of these retailers of the old ballads was Mrs. Brown of Falkland, wife of the Rev. Dr. Brown, for from her both Scott and[Pg lxvii] Jamieson obtained some of their best pieces. Her taste for the songs and tales of chivalry was derived from an aunt, Mrs. Farquhar, "who was married to the proprietor of a small estate near the sources of the Dee in Braemar, a good old woman, who spent the best part of her life among flocks and herds, [but] resided in her latter years in the town of Aberdeen. She was possest of a most tenacious memory, which retained all the songs she had heard from nurses and countrywomen in that sequestered part of the country."[39] Doubts have been expressed as to the good faith of Mrs. Brown, but they do not appear to be well grounded. Another of these ladies from whose mouths we have learnt so much of the ever-fading relics of the people's literature was Mrs. Arrot.
There is still another class of preservers of ballads to be mentioned, viz. those whose tenacious memories allow them to retain the legends and songs they heard in their youth, but as Prof. Aytoun writes: "No Elspats of the Craigburnfoot remain to repeat to grandchildren that legendary lore which they had acquired in years long gone by from the last of the itinerant minstrels." The most celebrated of these retailers of the old ballads was Mrs. Brown of Falkland, wife of the Rev. Dr. Brown, for from her both Scott and[Pg lxvii] Jamieson obtained some of their best pieces. Her taste for the songs and tales of chivalry was derived from an aunt, Mrs. Farquhar, "who was married to the proprietor of a small estate near the sources of the Dee in Braemar, a good old woman, who spent the best part of her life among flocks and herds, [but] resided in her latter years in the town of Aberdeen. She was possest of a most tenacious memory, which retained all the songs she had heard from nurses and countrywomen in that sequestered part of the country."[39] Doubts have been expressed as to the good faith of Mrs. Brown, but they do not appear to be well grounded. Another of these ladies from whose mouths we have learnt so much of the ever-fading relics of the people's literature was Mrs. Arrot.
The earliest printed collection of Scottish popular poetry known to exist is a volume printed at Edinburgh, "by Walter Chepman and Androw Myllar, in the year 1508," which was reprinted in facsimile by David Laing in 1827. The next work of interest in the bibliography of ballads is "Ane Compendious Booke of Godly and Spirituall Songs, collected out of sundrie partes of the Scripture, with sundrie of other ballates, chainged out of prophaine songs for avoiding of Sinne and Harlotrie," printed in 1590 and 1621, and reprinted by J. G. Dalzell in 1801, and by David Laing in 1868. It contains parodies of some of the songs mentioned in the Complaint of Scotland, and is supposed to be the work of three brothers—James, John, and Robert Wedderburn, of Dundee. To the last of the three Mr. Laing attributed the Complaint, but Mr. Murray, the latest editor of that book, is unable to agree with him.
The earliest printed collection of Scottish popular poetry that we know of is a volume printed in Edinburgh, "by Walter Chepman and Androw Myllar, in the year 1508," which was reprinted in facsimile by David Laing in 1827. The next noteworthy work in the bibliography of ballads is "Ane Compendious Booke of Godly and Spirituall Songs, collected out of sundrie partes of the Scripture, with sundrie of other ballates, chainged out of prophaine songs for avoiding of Sinne and Harlotrie," printed in 1590 and 1621, and later reprinted by J. G. Dalzell in 1801, and by David Laing in 1868. It includes parodies of some of the songs mentioned in the Complaint of Scotland, and is believed to be the work of three brothers—James, John, and Robert Wedderburn, from Dundee. Mr. Laing attributed the Complaint to the last of the three, but Mr. Murray, the most recent editor of that book, disagrees with him.
The first book of "prophane" songs published in Scotland was a musical collection entitled "Cantus [Pg lxviii]Songs and Fancies to several musicall parts, both apt for voices and viols: with a brief introduction to musick, as it is taught by Thomas Davidson in the Musick School of Aberdeen. Aberdeen, printed by John Forbes." 1662, 1666, and 1682.
The first book of "secular" songs published in Scotland was a music collection called "Cantus [Pg lxviii]Songs and Fancies for various musical parts, suitable for voices and viols: along with a brief introduction to music, as taught by Thomas Davidson at the Music School of Aberdeen. Aberdeen, printed by John Forbes." 1662, 1666, and 1682.
The next work in order of time is "A Choise Collection of Comic and Serious Scots Poems, both ancient and modern, by several hands. Edinburgh, printed by James Watson." In three parts, 1706, 1709, 1710. Supposed to have been compiled by John Spottiswood, author of Hope's Minor Practicks.
The next work in chronological order is "A Choice Collection of Comic and Serious Scots Poems, both ancient and modern, by various authors. Edinburgh, printed by James Watson." In three parts, 1706, 1709, 1710. It's believed to have been compiled by John Spottiswood, author of Hope's Minor Practicks.
All these works emanated from Scotchmen, and the only works of the same character that were published in England were small collections of songs and ballads, called Garlands and Drolleries. These are too numerous to be noticed here; but that they were highly popular may be judged from the fact that a thirteenth edition of The Golden Garland of Princely Delight is registered. The Garlands are chiefly small collections of songs on similar subjects. Thus, there were Love's Garlands, Loyal Garlands, Protestant Garlands, &c. Considerable pains seem to have been taken in order to obtain attractive titles for these little brochures. Thus, on one we read:—
All these works came from Scots, and the only similar works published in England were small collections of songs and ballads, known as Garlands and Drolleries. There are too many to mention here, but their popularity is evident from the fact that a thirteenth edition of The Golden Garland of Princely Delight is recorded. The Garlands are mainly small collections of songs on related themes. For instance, there were Love's Garlands, Loyal Garlands, Protestant Garlands, etc. A lot of effort seems to have gone into creating appealing titles for these little booklets. For example, on one we read:—
The thorn and the rose,
This garland is made of.
Drolleries were collections of "jovial poems" and "merry songs," and some of them were confined to the songs sung at the theatres.
Drolleries were collections of "funny poems" and "happy songs," and some of them were limited to the songs performed at the theaters.
One of the first English collections of any pretensions was Dryden's Miscellany Poems, published in 1684-1708, which was shortly after followed by Tom D'Urfey's Wit and Mirth, or Pills to Purge Melancholy, 1719-20. But the first attempt to bring together a large number of popular ballads, as distin[Pg lxix]guished from songs, was made in "A Collection of Old Ballads, corrected from the best and most ancient copies extant, with Introductions historical, critical, or humorous." London. Vols I. and II. 1723. Vol. III. 1725.
One of the earliest English collections with real significance was Dryden's Miscellany Poems, published between 1684 and 1708. It was soon followed by Tom D'Urfey's Wit and Mirth, or Pills to Purge Melancholy, released in 1719-20. However, the first serious effort to compile a large number of popular ballads, as opposed to songs, was in "A Collection of Old Ballads, corrected from the best and most ancient copies extant, with Introductions historical, critical, or humorous." London. Vols I. and II. 1723. Vol. III. 1725.
The object of most of the works referred to above was the publication of songs to be sung; the object of this one was the presentment of ballads to be read. It had a large sale, and the editor (who is said to have been Ambrose Phillips) expresses his satisfaction in the Preface to Vol. II.: "Though we printed a large edition for such a trifle, and in less than two months put it to the press again, yet could we not get our second edition out before it was really wanted." In spite, however, of its satisfactory reception, it does not appear to have taken any permanent position in literature, although it must have prepared the public mind to receive the Reliques. This collection contains one hundred and fifty-nine ballads, out of which number twenty-three are also in the Reliques.[40] Many of the others are of considerable interest, but some had better have been left unprinted, and all are of little critical value.
The object of most of the works referred to above was the publication of songs to be sung; the object of this one was the presentment of ballads to be read. It had a large sale, and the editor (who is said to have been Ambrose Phillips) expresses his satisfaction in the Preface to Vol. II.: "Though we printed a large edition for such a trifle, and in less than two months put it to the press again, yet could we not get our second edition out before it was really wanted." In spite, however, of its satisfactory reception, it does not appear to have taken any permanent position in literature, although it must have prepared the public mind to receive the Reliques. This collection contains one hundred and fifty-nine ballads, out of which number twenty-three are also in the Reliques.[40] Many of the others are of considerable interest, but some had better have been left unprinted, and all are of little critical value.
In the year after the first two volumes of the English collection were published, Allan Ramsay issued [Pg lxx]in Edinburgh "The Evergreen, being a collection of Scots poems wrote by the ingenious before 1600," the principal materials of which were derived from the Bannatyne MS. This was followed in the same year (1724) by "The Tea-Table Miscellany: a Collection of choice Songs, Scots and English," a work which is frequently referred to by Percy in the following pages. In neither of these works was Ramsay very particular as to the liberties he allowed himself in altering his originals. In order to make the volumes fit reading for his audience, which he hoped would consist of
In the year after the first two volumes of the English collection were published, Allan Ramsay released [Pg lxx] in Edinburgh, titled "The Evergreen, a collection of Scottish poems written by talented individuals before 1600," which primarily drew from the Bannatyne Manuscript. That same year (1724), he published "The Tea-Table Miscellany: a Collection of Choice Songs, Scottish and English," a work frequently referenced by Percy in the following pages. Ramsay was not very precise about the changes he made to his original sources in either of these works. He adjusted the volumes to make them suitable for his audience, which he hoped would consist of
From ladies Charlotte, Ann, and Jean,
Down to the same beautiful singing girl "Who dances barefoot on the grass,"
Ramsay pruned the songs of their indelicacies, and filled up the gaps thus made in his own way. The Tea-table Miscellany contains upwards of twenty presumably old songs, upwards of twelve old songs much altered, and about one hundred songs written by the editor himself, Crawford, Hamilton, and others.
Ramsay edited the songs to remove their crude parts and filled the gaps in his own style. The Tea-table Miscellany includes more than twenty supposedly old songs, over twelve old songs that have been significantly changed, and around one hundred songs written by the editor, Crawford, Hamilton, and others.
In 1725, William Thomson, a teacher of music in London, brought out a collection of Scottish songs, which he had chiefly taken from the Tea-table Miscellany without acknowledgment. He called his book Orpheus Caledonius.
In 1725, William Thomson, a music teacher in London, released a collection of Scottish songs that he mainly gathered from the Tea-table Miscellany without giving credit. He titled his book Orpheus Caledonius.
For some years before Percy's collection appeared, the Foulises, Glasgow's celebrated printers, issued from their press, under the superintendence of Lord Hailes, various Scottish ballads, luxuriously printed with large type, in a small quarto size.
For several years before Percy's collection came out, the Foulises, the famous printers from Glasgow, produced various Scottish ballads from their press, overseen by Lord Hailes, printed in a lavish style with large type in a small quarto format.
These were the signs that might have shown the far-sighted man that a revival was at hand. At last the time came when, tired out with the dreary and leaden regularity of the verse-writers of the day, the people were ready to receive poetry fresh from na[Pg lxxi]ture. The man who arose to supply the want (which was none the less a want that it was an unrecognized one) was Thomas Percy, a clergyman living in a retired part of the country, but occasionally seen among the literati of the capital.
These were the signs that might have indicated to the forward-thinking man that a revival was approaching. Finally, the moment arrived when, exhausted by the dull and monotonous regularity of the poets of the time, the public was ready to embrace poetry directly from na[Pg lxxi]ture. The person who stepped up to fulfill this need (which, although unrecognized, was still a need) was Thomas Percy, a clergyman living in a quiet part of the countryside, but who was occasionally seen among the literati of the capital.
Percy's Life.
Thomas Percy was born on April 13th, 1729, at Bridgnorth in Shropshire, in a street called the Cartway. His father and grandfather were grocers, spelt their name Piercy, and knew nothing of any connection with the noble house of Northumberland.[41] His early education was received at the grammar school of Bridgnorth, and in 1746, being then in his eighteenth year, and having obtained an exhibition, he matriculated as a commoner at Christ Church, Oxford.
Thomas Percy was born on April 13th, 1729, at Bridgnorth in Shropshire, in a street called the Cartway. His father and grandfather were grocers, spelt their name Piercy, and knew nothing of any connection with the noble house of Northumberland.[41] His early education was received at the grammar school of Bridgnorth, and in 1746, being then in his eighteenth year, and having obtained an exhibition, he matriculated as a commoner at Christ Church, Oxford.
He took the degree of B.A. on May 2nd, 1750, that of M.A. on July 5th, 1753, and shortly after was presented by his college to the living of Easton Maudit, in the county of Northampton. In this poor cure he remained for twenty-five years, and in [Pg lxxii]the little vicarage his six children (Anne, Barbara, Henry, Elizabeth, Charlotte, and Hester), were all born. Percy's income was increased in 1756 by the gift of the rectory of Wilby, an adjacent parish, in the patronage of the Earl of Sussex, and on April 24th, 1759, he married Anne, daughter of Barton Gutteridge,[42] who was his beloved companion for forty-seven years. It was to this lady, before his marriage to her, that Percy wrote his famous song, "O Nancy, wilt thou go with me?" Miss Matilda Lætitia Hawkins stated in her Memoirs, that these charming verses were intended by Percy as a welcome to his wife on her release from a twelve-month's confinement in the royal nursery, and Mr. Pickford follows her authority in his Life of Percy, but this is an entire mistake, for the song was printed as early as the year 1758 in the sixth volume of Dodsley's Collection of Poems. Anyone who reads the following verses will see, that though appropriate as a lover's proposal, they are very inappropriate as a husband's welcome home to his wife.
He took the degree of B.A. on May 2nd, 1750, that of M.A. on July 5th, 1753, and shortly after was presented by his college to the living of Easton Maudit, in the county of Northampton. In this poor cure he remained for twenty-five years, and in [Pg lxxii]the little vicarage his six children (Anne, Barbara, Henry, Elizabeth, Charlotte, and Hester), were all born. Percy's income was increased in 1756 by the gift of the rectory of Wilby, an adjacent parish, in the patronage of the Earl of Sussex, and on April 24th, 1759, he married Anne, daughter of Barton Gutteridge,[42] who was his beloved companion for forty-seven years. It was to this lady, before his marriage to her, that Percy wrote his famous song, "O Nancy, wilt thou go with me?" Miss Matilda Lætitia Hawkins stated in her Memoirs, that these charming verses were intended by Percy as a welcome to his wife on her release from a twelve-month's confinement in the royal nursery, and Mr. Pickford follows her authority in his Life of Percy, but this is an entire mistake, for the song was printed as early as the year 1758 in the sixth volume of Dodsley's Collection of Poems. Anyone who reads the following verses will see, that though appropriate as a lover's proposal, they are very inappropriate as a husband's welcome home to his wife.
Don't sigh about leaving the flashy city? Can quiet valleys have any appeal for you,
The simple bed and brown dress? No longer dressed in silky shine,
No longer adorned with rare jewels,
Hey, can you leave behind all the fancy settings,
Where were you the most beautiful of all?
Won't you cast a wish behind? Hey, can you handle the scorching sun,
Nor flinch in the cold wind? Oh, can that soft and gentle appearance Extreme hardships teach us to endure,
Nor do I sadly regret each formal encounter,
Where were you the most beautiful of all? [Pg lxxiii]
Shall I face the dangers alongside you? Or, when your lover's misfortune will be regretted,
To share with him the feeling of sorrow? If disease or pain strikes, Will you take on the nurse's responsibilities? Neither nostalgic, those cheerful scenes bring back, Where were you the most beautiful of them all?
Will you accept his last breath? Will you hold back every struggling sigh,
And celebrate with smiles at the deathbed? And will you stand over his lifeless body Scatter flowers and shed a gentle tear? Don't regret those cheerful scenes then,
"Where were you the fairest of the fair?"
By the alteration of a few words, such as gang for go, toun for town, &c., "Oh Nanny, wilt thou gang with me?" was transposed into a Scotch song, and printed as such in Johnson's Musical Museum. Burns remarked on this insertion: "It is too barefaced to take Dr. Percy's charming song, and by the means of transposing a few English words into Scots, to offer it to pass for a Scots song. I was not acquainted with the editor until the first volume was nearly finished, else had I known in time I would have prevented such an impudent absurdity." Stenhouse, suggested[43] that Percy may have had in view the song called The young Laird and Edinburgh Kate, printed in Ramsay's Tea-Table Miscellany, the second stanza of which is somewhat similar—
By the alteration of a few words, such as gang for go, toun for town, &c., "Oh Nanny, wilt thou gang with me?" was transposed into a Scotch song, and printed as such in Johnson's Musical Museum. Burns remarked on this insertion: "It is too barefaced to take Dr. Percy's charming song, and by the means of transposing a few English words into Scots, to offer it to pass for a Scots song. I was not acquainted with the editor until the first volume was nearly finished, else had I known in time I would have prevented such an impudent absurdity." Stenhouse, suggested[43] that Percy may have had in view the song called The young Laird and Edinburgh Kate, printed in Ramsay's Tea-Table Miscellany, the second stanza of which is somewhat similar—
And leave the noisy town for a bit? The flowers are blooming on the tree,
"And all the summer's going to smile."
Mr. Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe, however, hinted[44] that "perhaps both the author of The Young Laird and Edinburgh Katy, and the Bishop, took the idea of their ballads from a song in Lee's beautiful tragedy of Theodosius, or the Force of Love."
Mr. Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe, however, hinted[44] that "perhaps both the author of The Young Laird and Edinburgh Katy, and the Bishop, took the idea of their ballads from a song in Lee's beautiful tragedy of Theodosius, or the Force of Love."
Dr. Rimbault communicated this poem to the editors of the folio MS. from a MS. dated 1682, or fifteen years earlier than Lee's version. It is called The Royal Nun, and the first stanza is as follows:—
Dr. Rimbault shared this poem with the editors of the folio MS. from a manuscript dated 1682, which is fifteen years earlier than Lee's version. It’s titled The Royal Nun, and the first stanza is as follows:—
The world that is the enemy of devotion,
Where crowns are thrown and scepters are hurled,
Where do lust and prideful ambition hold power? Can you hold back your expensive clothes,
To live with us in humble clothes; Can you go from courts to cells? "To sing in the choir at midnight?"[45]
The likeness in this stanza to Percy's song is not very apparent, and the subject is very different. The other three stanzas have nothing in common with O Nancy. Even could it be proved that Percy had borrowed the opening idea from these two poems, it does not derogate from his originality, for the charm of the song is all his own.
The similarity in this stanza to Percy's song isn't very clear, and the topic is quite different. The other three stanzas have nothing in common with O Nancy. Even if it could be proven that Percy took the opening idea from these two poems, it doesn't take away from his originality, because the song's charm is entirely his own.
A portrait of Mrs. Percy holding in her hand a scroll inscribed Oh Nancy, is preserved at Ecton House, near Northampton, the seat of Mr. Samuel Isted, husband of Percy's daughter Barbara.
A portrait of Mrs. Percy holding a scroll that says Oh Nancy is kept at Ecton House, near Northampton, which is the home of Mr. Samuel Isted, husband of Percy’s daughter Barbara.
The song was set to music by Thomas Carter, and sung by Vernon at Vauxhall in 1773.
The song was composed by Thomas Carter and performed by Vernon at Vauxhall in 1773.
In 1761 Percy commenced his literary career by the publication of a Chinese novel, Hau Kiau Chooan, in four volumes, which he translated from the Portuguese, and in the same year he undertook to edit [Pg lxxv]the works of the Duke of Buckingham. In 1762 he published "Miscellaneous Pieces relating to the Chinese," and in 1763 commenced a new edition of Surrey's Poems, with a selection of early specimens of blank verse. The "Buckingham" and "Surrey" were printed, but never published, and the stock of the latter was destroyed by fire in 1808. In 1763 were published "Five Pieces of Runic Poetry—translated from the Icelandic Language," and in the following year appeared "A New Translation of the Song of Solomon from the Hebrew, with Commentary and Notes," and also "A Key to the New Testament." Dr. Johnson paid a long-promised visit to the Vicarage of Easton Maudit in the summer of 1764, where he stayed for some months, and the little terrace in the garden is still called after him, "Dr. Johnson's Walk." At this time Percy must have been full of anxiety about his Reliques, which were shortly to be published, and in the preparation of which he had so long been engaged. The poet Shenstone was the first to suggest the subject of this book, as he himself states in a letter to a friend, dated March 1, 1761. "You have heard me speak of Mr. Percy; he was in treaty with Mr. James Dodsley for the publication of our best old ballads in three volumes. He has a large folio MS. of ballads, which he showed me, and which, with his own natural and acquired talents, would qualify him for the purpose as well as any man in England. I proposed the scheme to him myself, wishing to see an elegant edition and good collection of this kind. I was also to have assisted him in selecting and rejecting, and fixing upon the best readings; but my illness broke off the correspondence in the beginning of winter."
In 1761, Percy started his literary career by publishing a Chinese novel, Hau Kiau Chooan, in four volumes, which he translated from Portuguese. That same year, he took on the task of editing the works of the Duke of Buckingham. In 1762, he released "Miscellaneous Pieces relating to the Chinese," and in 1763, he began a new edition of Surrey's Poems, which included a selection of early examples of blank verse. The "Buckingham" and "Surrey" works were printed but never published, and the stock of the latter was destroyed by a fire in 1808. In 1763, "Five Pieces of Runic Poetry—translated from the Icelandic Language" was published, and the following year saw the release of "A New Translation of the Song of Solomon from the Hebrew, with Commentary and Notes," as well as "A Key to the New Testament." Dr. Johnson made a long-planned visit to the Vicarage of Easton Maudit in the summer of 1764, where he stayed for several months, and the small terrace in the garden is still called "Dr. Johnson's Walk" in his honor. During this time, Percy must have been quite anxious about his Reliques, which were about to be published, a project he had been working on for a long time. The poet Shenstone was the first to suggest the subject of this book, as he wrote in a letter to a friend dated March 1, 1761: "You’ve heard me talk about Mr. Percy; he was negotiating with Mr. James Dodsley to publish our best old ballads in three volumes. He has a large folio manuscript of ballads that he showed me, and his natural and acquired talents would qualify him for this purpose as well as any man in England. I proposed the idea to him myself, wanting to see an elegant edition and a good collection of this kind. I was also going to help him with selecting, rejecting, and choosing the best readings, but my illness interrupted our correspondence at the beginning of winter."
In February, 1765, appeared the first edition of the Reliques, which gave Percy a name, and obtained[Pg lxxvi] for him the patronage of the great. He became Chaplain and Secretary to the Duke of Northumberland, with whose family he kept up intimate relations throughout his life. The Northumberland Household Book, which he compiled in accordance with the wishes of his patron, was privately printed in the year 1768.[46] In 1769 he was appointed Chaplain to George III., and in the following year appeared his translation of Mallet's Northern Antiquities. Each of these three works was the first of its class, and created a taste which produced a literature of the same character. The Household Book gave rise to a large number of publications which have put us in possession of numerous facts relating to the domestic expenses and habits of the royal and noble families of old England. The mythology of the Eddas was first made known to English readers by Percy, and in his Preface to Mallet's work he clearly pointed out the essential difference between the Celtic and Teutonic races, which had previously been greatly overlooked.
In February, 1765, appeared the first edition of the Reliques, which gave Percy a name, and obtained[Pg lxxvi] for him the patronage of the great. He became Chaplain and Secretary to the Duke of Northumberland, with whose family he kept up intimate relations throughout his life. The Northumberland Household Book, which he compiled in accordance with the wishes of his patron, was privately printed in the year 1768.[46] In 1769 he was appointed Chaplain to George III., and in the following year appeared his translation of Mallet's Northern Antiquities. Each of these three works was the first of its class, and created a taste which produced a literature of the same character. The Household Book gave rise to a large number of publications which have put us in possession of numerous facts relating to the domestic expenses and habits of the royal and noble families of old England. The mythology of the Eddas was first made known to English readers by Percy, and in his Preface to Mallet's work he clearly pointed out the essential difference between the Celtic and Teutonic races, which had previously been greatly overlooked.
The remuneration which Percy received for his labours was not large. Fifty pounds was the pay for the Chinese novel, and one hundred guineas for the first edition of the Reliques. The agreements he made with the Tonsons were fifty guineas for Buckingham's Works and twenty guineas for Surrey's Poems. He also agreed to edit the Spectator and Guardian, with notes, for one hundred guineas, but was obliged to abandon his intention on account of the engrossing character of his appointments in the Northumberland family.
The payment Percy received for his work wasn't very high. He earned fifty pounds for the Chinese novel and one hundred guineas for the first edition of the Reliques. The agreements he made with the Tonsons included fifty guineas for Buckingham's Works and twenty guineas for Surrey's Poems. He also agreed to edit the Spectator and Guardian, including notes, for one hundred guineas, but had to give up on that plan because of the demanding nature of his responsibilities with the Northumberland family.
About this time Mrs. Percy was appointed nurse [Pg lxxvii]to Prince Edward, the infant son of George III., afterwards Duke of Kent, and father of her present Majesty, who was born in 1767.
About this time, Mrs. Percy was appointed nurse [Pg lxxvii] to Prince Edward, the infant son of George III, later Duke of Kent and father of the current Queen, who was born in 1767.
In 1770 Percy took his degree of D.D. at Cambridge, having incorporated himself at Emmanuel College, the master of which was his friend, Dr. Farmer, to be remembered as the Shakspere commentator. Later on in the year he lost his eldest daughter, and in January, 1771, yet another child was buried in the village church. In 1771 he printed the Hermit of Warkworth, which exhibited his continued interest in the subject of the Reliques, and we find him for many years after this date continually writing to his literary correspondents for information relating to old ballads.
In 1770, Percy earned his D.D. degree at Cambridge after joining Emmanuel College, where his friend Dr. Farmer was the master, known as the Shakspere commentator. Later that year, he lost his eldest daughter, and in January 1771, another child was buried in the village church. In 1771, he published the Hermit of Warkworth, which showed his ongoing interest in the topic of the Reliques. We see him, for many years after this, regularly writing to his literary contacts for information about old ballads.
In 1778 Percy obtained the Deanery of Carlisle, which four years afterwards he resigned on being appointed to the bishopric of Dromore, worth £2,000 a year. He did not resign his vicarage and rectory until the same time, and he was succeeded in the first by Robert Nares, the compiler of the well-known glossary. It was in 1778 that the memorable quarrel between Percy and Johnson occurred which is graphically described by Boswell. The cause of the heat was the different views held by the two disputants as to the merits of the traveller Pennant. When the reconciliation was brought about Johnson's contribution to the peace was, "My dear sir, I am willing you shall hang Pennant."
In 1778, Percy became the Dean of Carlisle, which he gave up four years later when he was appointed to the bishopric of Dromore, worth £2,000 a year. He didn't resign his vicarage and rectory until the same time, and Robert Nares, the compiler of the well-known glossary, succeeded him in the first position. It was in 1778 that the famous conflict between Percy and Johnson happened, which Boswell vividly describes. The disagreement stemmed from their differing opinions on the merits of the traveler Pennant. When they finally reconciled, Johnson's contribution to the peace was, "My dear sir, I am fine with you hanging Pennant."
In this same year Percy was writing about his son Henry, then a tall youth of fifteen, who he hoped in a few years would be able to edit the Reliques for him, but in April, 1783, soon after he had settled at Dromore, a great sorrow fell upon him, and this only and much-loved son died at the early age of twenty. In 1780 a large portion of Northumberland House, Strand, was consumed by[Pg lxxviii] fire, when Percy's apartments were burnt. The chief part of his library, was, however, saved. Four very interesting letters of the bishop's, written to George Steevens in 1796 and 1797, are printed in the Athenæum for 1848 (pp. 437 and 604). The first relates to his edition of Goldsmith's works, which was published in 1801 in four volumes octavo. His object in undertaking the labour was to benefit two surviving relations of Goldsmith, and he complains to Steevens that the publishers had thwarted him in his purpose. The second letter is on the same subject, and the third and fourth relate to his work on blank verse before Milton, attached to Surrey's Poems. In 1798 the Irish Rebellion broke out, and Percy sent a large quantity of correspondence and valuable books to his daughter, Mrs. Isted, for safe preservation at Ecton House. In 1806 his long and happy union with Mrs. Percy was abruptly brought to a close, and to add to his afflictions he became totally blind. He bore his trials with resignation, and ere five more years had passed by, he himself was borne to the tomb. On the 30th of September, 1811, he died in the eighty-third year of his age, having outlived nearly all his contemporaries.[47]
In this same year Percy was writing about his son Henry, then a tall youth of fifteen, who he hoped in a few years would be able to edit the Reliques for him, but in April, 1783, soon after he had settled at Dromore, a great sorrow fell upon him, and this only and much-loved son died at the early age of twenty. In 1780 a large portion of Northumberland House, Strand, was consumed by[Pg lxxviii] fire, when Percy's apartments were burnt. The chief part of his library, was, however, saved. Four very interesting letters of the bishop's, written to George Steevens in 1796 and 1797, are printed in the Athenæum for 1848 (pp. 437 and 604). The first relates to his edition of Goldsmith's works, which was published in 1801 in four volumes octavo. His object in undertaking the labour was to benefit two surviving relations of Goldsmith, and he complains to Steevens that the publishers had thwarted him in his purpose. The second letter is on the same subject, and the third and fourth relate to his work on blank verse before Milton, attached to Surrey's Poems. In 1798 the Irish Rebellion broke out, and Percy sent a large quantity of correspondence and valuable books to his daughter, Mrs. Isted, for safe preservation at Ecton House. In 1806 his long and happy union with Mrs. Percy was abruptly brought to a close, and to add to his afflictions he became totally blind. He bore his trials with resignation, and ere five more years had passed by, he himself was borne to the tomb. On the 30th of September, 1811, he died in the eighty-third year of his age, having outlived nearly all his contemporaries.[47]
That his attachment to "Nancy" was fervent as well as permanent, is shown by many circumstances. One of these is a little poem printed for the first time in the edition of the folio MS.[48]
That his attachment to "Nancy" was fervent as well as permanent, is shown by many circumstances. One of these is a little poem printed for the first time in the edition of the folio MS.[48]
"On leaving —— on a Tempestuous Night, March 22, 1788, by Dr. Percy.
"Leaving —— on a Stormy Night, March 22, 1788, by Dr. Percy."
Snow and rain are falling quickly,
Down come the floods in a wild rush,
And flood all the plain.
[Pg lxxix]
And whirls the blown snow;
The torrents ignore the shore in vain,
I must go to Delia.
And terrible dangers threaten,
What can upset the lover's heart,
Or check his excited feet?
And winds through its vast woods; High above the cliff's terrifying peak flies,
And rushes through the flood.
And play the amazing role; He flies on foot with the speed of an eagle,
And lends the brave heart.
I'll brave the scary night;
Your dart will protect me from annoyance,
Your torch lights my path.
The friend—everyone pleads in vain; Love calls—I face every challenge. Of danger and suffering.
Percy had naturally a hot temper, but this cooled down with time, and the trials of his later life were accepted with Christian meekness. One of his relations, who as a boy could just recollect him, told Mr. Pickford "that it was quite a pleasure to see even then his gentleness, amiability, and fondness for children. Every day used to witness his strolling down to a pond in the palace garden, in order to feed his swans, who were accustomed to come at the well-known sound of the old man's voice." He was a pleasing companion and a steady friend. His duties, both in the retired country village and in the more elevated positions of dean and bishop, were all performed with a wisdom and ardour that gained[Pg lxxx] him the confidence of all those with whom he was brought in contact. The praise given to him in the inscription on the tablet to his memory in Dromore Cathedral does not appear to have gone beyond the truth. It is there stated that he resided constantly in his diocese, and discharged "the duties of his sacred office with vigilance and zeal, instructing the ignorant, relieving the necessitous, and comforting the distressed with pastoral affection." He was "revered for his piety and learning, and beloved for his universal benevolence, by all ranks and religious denominations."
Percy had a naturally fiery temper, but over time it mellowed, and he faced the challenges of his later life with a humble spirit. One of his relatives, who as a child barely remembered him, told Mr. Pickford that it was a delight to see his gentleness, kindness, and love for children even back then. Every day, he would take a stroll down to a pond in the palace garden to feed his swans, who were used to arriving at the familiar sound of his voice. He was an enjoyable companion and a loyal friend. He approached his responsibilities, whether in the quiet country village or in the higher roles of dean and bishop, with a thoughtfulness and passion that earned him the trust of everyone around him. The praise inscribed on the tablet in Dromore Cathedral honoring his memory seems to reflect the truth. It notes that he lived continuously in his diocese and carried out "the duties of his sacred office with alertness and zeal, instructing the ignorant, helping those in need, and comforting the troubled with pastoral care." He was "respected for his devotion and knowledge, and loved for his widespread kindness, by people of all backgrounds and faiths."
There are three portraits of Percy. The first and best known was painted by Reynolds in May, 1773. It represents him habited in a black gown and bands, with a loose black cap on his head, and the folio MS. in his hand. It is not known whether the original is still in existence, but engravings from it are common. The next was painted by Abbot in 1797, and hangs at Ecton Hall. Percy is there represented as a fuller-faced man, in his episcopal dress, and wearing a wig. We have Steevens's authority for believing this to be an excellent likeness. An engraving from it is prefixed to the "Percy Correspondence," in Nichols's Illustrations of Literature.
There are three portraits of Percy. The first and most famous was painted by Reynolds in May 1773. It shows him dressed in a black gown and bands, with a loose black cap on his head, holding a folio manuscript. It’s not clear if the original still exists, but engravings of it are quite common. The second was painted by Abbot in 1797 and is displayed at Ecton Hall. In this one, Percy is depicted as a fuller-faced man in his bishop's attire and wearing a wig. Steevens confirms that this is an excellent likeness. An engraving from it is included at the beginning of the "Percy Correspondence" in Nichols's Illustrations of Literature.
In the third volume of Dibdin's Bibliographical Decameron is a beautiful engraving from a watercolour drawing, which represents the bishop in his garden at Dromore, when totally blind, feeding his swans.[49]
In the third volume of Dibdin's Bibliographical Decameron is a beautiful engraving from a watercolour drawing, which represents the bishop in his garden at Dromore, when totally blind, feeding his swans.[49]
The Folio manuscript and the "Reliques."
What were the sources from which Percy obtained the chief contents of his celebrated work? They were:—1. The folio MS.; 2. Certain other MS. collections, the use of which he obtained; 3. The Scotch ballads sent to him by Sir David Dalrymple (better known by his title of Lord Hailes, which he assumed on being appointed one of the Judges of the Court of Session in Edinburgh); 4. The ordinary printed broadsides; 5. The poems he extracted from the old printed collections of fugitive poetry—The Paradise of Dainty Devices, England's Helicon, &c.
What were the sources from which Percy obtained the main contents of his famous work? They were:—1. The folio manuscript; 2. Some other manuscript collections that he accessed; 3. The Scottish ballads sent to him by Sir David Dalrymple (better known by his title of Lord Hailes, which he took on when he was appointed as one of the Judges of the Court of Session in Edinburgh); 4. The regular printed broadsides; 5. The poems he collected from the old printed collections of fleeting poetry—The Paradise of Dainty Devices, England's Helicon, etc.
In considering the above sources, it will be necessary to give some little space to the discussion of the connection between the folio MS. and the Reliques, as it is not generally understood by the ordinary readers of the latter.
In looking at the sources mentioned, it’s important to spend some time discussing the link between the folio manuscript and the Reliques, since this connection isn’t widely understood by typical readers of the latter.
The folio MS. came into Percy's hands early in his life, and the interest of its contents first caused him to think of forming his own collection. One of the notes on the covers of the MS. is as follows:—
The folio manuscript came into Percy's possession early in his life, and his interest in its contents initially inspired him to consider creating his own collection. One of the notes on the covers of the manuscript reads as follows:—
"When I first got possession of this MS. I was very young, and being no degree an antiquary, I had not then learnt to reverence it; which must be my excuse for the scribble which I then spread over some parts of its margin, and, in one or two instances, for even taking out the leaves to save the trouble of transcribing. I have since been more careful. T. P."
"When I first got this manuscript, I was very young, and since I wasn't really an expert on old things, I hadn't yet learned to appreciate it, which is my excuse for the scribbles I made in the margins and, in a couple of cases, for actually tearing out some pages to avoid the hassle of copying. I've been more careful since then. T. P."
He showed it to his friends, and immediately after the publication of the Reliques he deposited it at the house of his publishers, the Dodsleys, of Pall Mall. In spite of all this publicity, Ritson actually denied the very existence of the MS. Another memorandum on the cover of the folio was written on Nov. 7, 1769. It is as follows:—
He showed it to his friends, and right after the publication of the Reliques, he dropped it off at the house of his publishers, the Dodsleys, on Pall Mall. Despite all this attention, Ritson actually denied that the manuscript existed at all. Another note on the cover of the folio was written on Nov. 7, 1769. It is as follows:—
"This very curious old manuscript, in its present mutilated state, but unbound and sadly torn, &c., I rescued from destruction, and begged at the hands of my worthy friend Humphrey Pitt, Esq., then living at Shiffnal, in Shropshire, afterwards of Priorslee, near that town; who died very lately at Bath (viz., in summer 1769). I saw it lying dirty on the floor, under a Bureau in ye Parlour: being used by the maids to light the fire. It was afterwards sent, most unfortunately, to an ignorant Bookbinder, who pared the margin, when I put it into Boards in order to lend it to Dr. Johnson. Mr. Pitt has since told me that he believes the transcripts into this volume, &c., were made by that Blount who was author of Jocular Tenures, &c., who he thought was of Lancashire or Cheshire, and had a remarkable fondness for these old things. He believed him to be the same person with that Mr. Thomas Blount who published the curious account of King Charles the 2ds escape intitled Boscobel, &c., Lond. 1660, 12mo, which has been so often reprinted. As also the Law Dictionary, 1671, folio, and many other books which may be seen in Wood's Athenæ, ii. 73, &c. A Descendant or Relation of that Mr. Blount was an apothecary at Shiffnal, whom I remember myself (named also Blount). He (if I mistake not) sold the Library of the said predecessor Thos. Blount to the above-mentioned Mr. Humphy Pitt: who bought it for the use of his nephew, my ever-valued friend Robt Binnel. Mr. Binnel accordingly had all the printed books, but this MS. which was among them was neglected and left behind at Mr. Pitt's house, where it lay for many years. T. Percy."
"This very intriguing old manuscript, in its current damaged condition, but unbound and sadly torn, I rescued from destruction and obtained from my good friend Humphrey Pitt, Esq., who was then living in Shiffnal, Shropshire, later in Priorslee, near that town; he recently passed away in Bath (in the summer of 1769). I found it dirty on the floor under a bureau in the parlor, where it was being used by the maids to start the fire. Unfortunately, it was later sent to an unknowledgeable bookbinder, who trimmed the margins when I had it bound to lend it to Dr. Johnson. Mr. Pitt later told me that he believes the transcripts in this volume were made by that Blount, the author of Jocular Tenures, who he thought was from Lancashire or Cheshire and had a notable affinity for these old items. He believed he was the same person as Mr. Thomas Blount, who published the fascinating account of King Charles II's escape titled Boscobel, London, 1660, 12mo, which has been reprinted many times. Also, the Law Dictionary, 1671, folio, and many other books can be found in Wood's Athenæ, ii. 73, etc. A descendant or relative of that Mr. Blount was an apothecary in Shiffnal, whom I remember (also named Blount). He, if I’m not mistaken, sold the library of the aforementioned Thomas Blount to the above-mentioned Mr. Humphrey Pitt, who purchased it for the use of his nephew, my valued friend Robt Binnel. Mr. Binnel had all the printed books, but this manuscript, which was among them, was overlooked and left behind at Mr. Pitt’s house, where it remained for many years. T. Percy."
Mr. Furnivall believes that the copier of the MS. must have been a man greatly inferior to Thomas Blount, who was a barrister of the Middle Temple, of considerable learning.
Mr. Furnivall believes that the person who copied the manuscript must have been someone far less skilled than Thomas Blount, who was a barrister of the Middle Temple and quite knowledgeable.
Percy afterwards kept the volume very much to himself, and Ritson affirmed that "the late Mr. Tyrwhitt, an excellent judge and diligent peruser of old compositions, and an intimate friend of the owner, never saw it."[50] Although Jamieson was obliged by receiving a copy of three of the pieces in the MS., he was not allowed a sight of the volume, and no one else was permitted to make any use of it. This spirit of secrecy was kept up by the bishop's descendants, who refused all who applied to see it. Sir Frederic Madden alone was allowed to print some pieces in his Syr Gawayne for the Bannatyne Club, 1839. The public obtained a glimpse of its contents through Dr. Dibdin, who copied from Percy's list the first seventy-two entries, and would have finished the whole, had he not been stopped by his entertainers (Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Isted, of Ecton Hall), when they found out what he was about. He gave in his Bibliographical Decameron a description of the MS. which he thus handled in the winter of 1815. Mr. Furnivall writes as follows of his several attempts to get the MS. printed, and of his success at last: "The cause of the printing of Percy's MS., of the publication of the book, was the insistence time after time by Professor Child, that it was the duty of English antiquarian men of letters to print this foundation document of English balladry, the basis of that structure which Percy raised, so fair to the eyes of all English-speaking men throughout the world. Above a hundred years had gone since first the Reliques met men's view, a Percy Society had been born and died, but still the Percy manuscript lay hid in Ecton Hall, and no one was allowed to know how the owner who had made his fame by it had dealt with it, whether his treatment [Pg lxxxiv]was foul or fair. No list even of its contents could be obtained. Dibdin and Madden, and many a man less known had tried their hands, but still the MS. was kept back, and this generation had made up its mind that it was not to see the desired original in type.... I tried to get access to the MS. some half-a-dozen years ago. Repulsed, I tried again when starting the Early English Text Society. Repulsed again, I tried again at a later date, but with the like result. Not rebuffed by this, Professor Child added his offer of £50 to mine of £100, through Mr. Thurstan Holland, a friend of his own and of the owners of the MS., and this last attempt succeeded." The less said the better about the conduct of these owners who were only to be tempted to confer a public benefit by the increased offers of two private gentlemen, but there cannot be two opinions about the spirited conduct of Mr. Furnivall and Professor Child. The three volumes[51] that the printed edition of the MS. occupy, form a handsome monument of well-directed labour. The text is printed with the most careful accuracy under the superintendence of Mr. Furnivall, and the elaborate prefaces which exhibit that union of judgment and taste for which Mr. Hales is so well known, leave nothing to be desired.
Percy afterwards kept the volume very much to himself, and Ritson affirmed that "the late Mr. Tyrwhitt, an excellent judge and diligent peruser of old compositions, and an intimate friend of the owner, never saw it."[50] Although Jamieson was obliged by receiving a copy of three of the pieces in the MS., he was not allowed a sight of the volume, and no one else was permitted to make any use of it. This spirit of secrecy was kept up by the bishop's descendants, who refused all who applied to see it. Sir Frederic Madden alone was allowed to print some pieces in his Syr Gawayne for the Bannatyne Club, 1839. The public obtained a glimpse of its contents through Dr. Dibdin, who copied from Percy's list the first seventy-two entries, and would have finished the whole, had he not been stopped by his entertainers (Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Isted, of Ecton Hall), when they found out what he was about. He gave in his Bibliographical Decameron a description of the MS. which he thus handled in the winter of 1815. Mr. Furnivall writes as follows of his several attempts to get the MS. printed, and of his success at last: "The cause of the printing of Percy's MS., of the publication of the book, was the insistence time after time by Professor Child, that it was the duty of English antiquarian men of letters to print this foundation document of English balladry, the basis of that structure which Percy raised, so fair to the eyes of all English-speaking men throughout the world. Above a hundred years had gone since first the Reliques met men's view, a Percy Society had been born and died, but still the Percy manuscript lay hid in Ecton Hall, and no one was allowed to know how the owner who had made his fame by it had dealt with it, whether his treatment [Pg lxxxiv]was foul or fair. No list even of its contents could be obtained. Dibdin and Madden, and many a man less known had tried their hands, but still the MS. was kept back, and this generation had made up its mind that it was not to see the desired original in type.... I tried to get access to the MS. some half-a-dozen years ago. Repulsed, I tried again when starting the Early English Text Society. Repulsed again, I tried again at a later date, but with the like result. Not rebuffed by this, Professor Child added his offer of £50 to mine of £100, through Mr. Thurstan Holland, a friend of his own and of the owners of the MS., and this last attempt succeeded." The less said the better about the conduct of these owners who were only to be tempted to confer a public benefit by the increased offers of two private gentlemen, but there cannot be two opinions about the spirited conduct of Mr. Furnivall and Professor Child. The three volumes[51] that the printed edition of the MS. occupy, form a handsome monument of well-directed labour. The text is printed with the most careful accuracy under the superintendence of Mr. Furnivall, and the elaborate prefaces which exhibit that union of judgment and taste for which Mr. Hales is so well known, leave nothing to be desired.
"The manuscript itself is a 'scrubby, shabby paper' book, about fifteen and a half inches long by five and a half wide, and about two inches thick, which has lost some of its pages both at the beginning and end.... The handwriting was put by Sir F. Madden at after 1650 A.D.; by two authorities at the Record Office whom I consulted, in the reign of [Pg lxxxv]James I. rather than that of Charles I., but as the volume contains, among other late pieces, one on the siege of Newark in Charles I.'s time (ii. 33), another on the taking of Banbury in 1642 (ii. 39), and a third, The King inioyes his rights againe, which contains a passage[52] that (as Mr. Chappell observes in Pop. Mus. ii. 438, note 2) fixes the date of the song to the year 1643, we must make the date about 1650, though rather before than after, so far as I can judge. I should keep it in Charles I.'s reign, and he died Jan. 30, 1649, but within a quarter of a century one can hardly determine.... The dialect of the copier of the MS. seems to have been Lancashire, as is shown by the frequent use of the final st, thoust for thou shalt, Ist for I will, youst for you will, unbethought for umbethought, and the occurrence of the northern terms, like strang, gange, &c. &c. Moreover, the strong local feeling shown by the copier in favour of Lancashire and Cheshire, and the Stanleys, in his choice of Flodden Feilde, Bosworth Feilde, Earles of Chester, Ladye Bessiye, confirms the probability that he was from one of the counties named. That much, if not all, of the MS. was written from dictation and hurriedly is almost certain, from the continual miswriting of they for the, rought for wrought, knight for night (once), me fancy for my fancy, justine for justing."[53]
"The manuscript itself is a 'scrubby, shabby paper' book, about fifteen and a half inches long by five and a half wide, and about two inches thick, which has lost some of its pages both at the beginning and end.... The handwriting was put by Sir F. Madden at after 1650 A.D.; by two authorities at the Record Office whom I consulted, in the reign of [Pg lxxxv]James I. rather than that of Charles I., but as the volume contains, among other late pieces, one on the siege of Newark in Charles I.'s time (ii. 33), another on the taking of Banbury in 1642 (ii. 39), and a third, The King inioyes his rights againe, which contains a passage[52] that (as Mr. Chappell observes in Pop. Mus. ii. 438, note 2) fixes the date of the song to the year 1643, we must make the date about 1650, though rather before than after, so far as I can judge. I should keep it in Charles I.'s reign, and he died Jan. 30, 1649, but within a quarter of a century one can hardly determine.... The dialect of the copier of the MS. seems to have been Lancashire, as is shown by the frequent use of the final st, thoust for thou shalt, Ist for I will, youst for you will, unbethought for umbethought, and the occurrence of the northern terms, like strang, gange, &c. &c. Moreover, the strong local feeling shown by the copier in favour of Lancashire and Cheshire, and the Stanleys, in his choice of Flodden Feilde, Bosworth Feilde, Earles of Chester, Ladye Bessiye, confirms the probability that he was from one of the counties named. That much, if not all, of the MS. was written from dictation and hurriedly is almost certain, from the continual miswriting of they for the, rought for wrought, knight for night (once), me fancy for my fancy, justine for justing."[53]
A very erroneous impression has grown up as to the proportion of pieces in the Reliques which were taken from the MS. This is owing to a misleading statement made by Percy in his preface, to the effect that "the greater part of them are extracted from [Pg lxxxvi]an ancient MS. in the editor's possession, which contains near two hundred poems, songs, and metrical romances." The fact is that only one-fourth were so taken. The Reliques contain 180 pieces, and of these only forty-five[54] are taken from the manuscript. We thus see that a very small part of the manuscript was printed by Percy. He mentions some of the other pieces in various parts of his [Pg lxxxvii]book, and he proposed to publish a fourth volume of the Reliques at some future period that never came.
A very erroneous impression has grown up as to the proportion of pieces in the Reliques which were taken from the MS. This is owing to a misleading statement made by Percy in his preface, to the effect that "the greater part of them are extracted from [Pg lxxxvi]an ancient MS. in the editor's possession, which contains near two hundred poems, songs, and metrical romances." The fact is that only one-fourth were so taken. The Reliques contain 180 pieces, and of these only forty-five[54] are taken from the manuscript. We thus see that a very small part of the manuscript was printed by Percy. He mentions some of the other pieces in various parts of his [Pg lxxxvii]book, and he proposed to publish a fourth volume of the Reliques at some future period that never came.
Mr. Furnivall has the following remarks on the gains to literature by the publication of the manuscript: "It is more that we have now for the first time Eger and Grime in its earlier state, Sir Lambewell, besides the Cavilere's praise of his hawking, the complete versions of Scottish Feilde and Kinge Arthur's Death, the fullest of Flodden Feilde and the verse Merline, the Earle of Westmorlande, Bosworth Feilde, the curious poem of John de Reeve, and the fine alliterative one of Death and Liffe, with its gracious picture of Lady dame Life, awakening life and love in grass and tree, in bird and man, as she speeds to her conquest over death."
Mr. Furnivall makes the following comments about the contributions to literature from the publication of the manuscript: "Now, for the first time, we have Eger and Grime in its earlier version, Sir Lambewell, along with the Cavilere's praise of his hawking, the complete versions of Scottish Feilde and Kinge Arthur's Death, the most detailed Flodden Feilde, and the poem Merline, the Earle of Westmorlande, Bosworth Feilde, the intriguing poem by John de Reeve, and the beautiful alliterative poem Death and Liffe, which features a lovely depiction of Lady dame Life, bringing life and love to grass and trees, to birds and humans, as she moves toward her victory over death."
In 1774 Percy wrote: "In three or four years I intend to publish a volume or two more of old English and Scottish poems in the manner of my Reliques." And again in 1778: "With regard to the Reliques, I have a large fund of materials, which when my son has compleated his studies at the University, he may, if he likes it, distribute into one or more additional volumes." The death of this son put an end to his hopes, but before the fourth edition was required, the bishop had obtained the assistance of his nephew, the Rev. Thomas Percy. In 1801 he wrote as follows to Jamieson, who had asked for some extracts from the folio: "Till my nephew has completed his collection for the intended fourth volume it cannot be decided whether he may not wish to insert himself the fragments you desire; but I have copied for you here that one which you particularly pointed out, as I was unwilling to disappoint your wishes and expectations altogether. By it you will see the defective and incorrect state of the old text in the ancient folio MS., and the[Pg lxxxviii] irresistible demand on the editor of the Reliques to attempt some of those conjectural emendations, which have been blamed by one or two rigid critics, but without which the collection would not have deserved a moment's attention."
In 1774, Percy wrote: "In three or four years, I plan to publish a volume or two more of old English and Scottish poems like my Reliques." And again in 1778: "Regarding the Reliques, I have a lot of materials, which when my son finishes his studies at the University, he may, if he wants, organize into one or more additional volumes." The death of this son ended his hopes, but before the fourth edition was needed, the bishop had enlisted the help of his nephew, the Rev. Thomas Percy. In 1801, he wrote the following to Jamieson, who had asked for some extracts from the folio: "Until my nephew has completed his collection for the intended fourth volume, we can’t decide whether he might want to include the fragments you’re asking for; however, I’ve copied for you the one you specifically mentioned, as I didn’t want to completely let you down. Through it, you’ll see the flawed and incorrect state of the old text in the ancient folio manuscript and the[Pg lxxxviii] urgent need for the editor of the Reliques to attempt some of those conjectural corrections that have been criticized by a couple of strict reviewers, but without which the collection wouldn’t have deserved a moment’s attention."
Percy has been very severely judged for the alterations he made in his manuscript authorities; and Ritson has attempted to consider his conduct as a question of morality rather than one of taste. As each point is noticed in the prefaces to the various pieces, it is not necessary to discuss the question here. It may, however, be remarked that, in spite of all Ritson's attacks (and right was sometimes on his side), the Reliques remain to the present day unsuperseded.
Percy has faced harsh criticism for the changes he made to his source materials, and Ritson has tried to frame his actions as a moral issue rather than a matter of taste. Since each point is addressed in the prefaces to the different pieces, there's no need to go into the debate here. However, it's worth noting that despite all of Ritson's attacks (and occasionally he was justified), the Reliques remain unmatched to this day.
Mr. Thoms communicated to the Notes and Queries (5th series, v. 431) the following note, which he made upwards of forty years ago, after a conversation with Francis Douce:—
Mr. Thoms shared the following note with the Notes and Queries (5th series, v. 431), which he wrote more than forty years ago after chatting with Francis Douce:—
"Mr. Douce told me that the Bishop (Percy) originally intended to have left the manuscript to Ritson; but the reiterated abuse with which that irritable and not always faultless antiquary visited him obliged him to alter his determination. With regard to the alterations (? amendments) made by Percy in the text, Mr. Douce told me that he (Percy) read to him one day from the MS., while he held the work in his hand to compare the two; and 'certainly the variations were greater than I could have expected,' said my old friend, with a shrug of the shoulders."
"Mr. Douce told me that the Bishop (Percy) originally planned to leave the manuscript to Ritson; however, the constant criticism from that sensitive and not always flawless antiquarian made him change his mind. Regarding the changes (or amendments) made by Percy in the text, Mr. Douce mentioned that one day Percy read to him from the manuscript while holding the work in his hand to compare the two. 'The differences were definitely greater than I anticipated,' my old friend said with a shrug."
Of the other sources from which Percy drew his materials little need be said. 2. Some of the ballads were taken from MSS. in public libraries, and others from MSS. that were lent to him. 3. The Scotch ballads supplied by Sir David Dalrymple have already been referred to. 4. The printed ballads[Pg lxxxix] are chiefly taken from the Pepys Collection at Cambridge. 5. When the Reliques were first published, the elegant poems in the Paradyse of Daynty Devises, England's Helicon, were little known, and it was a happy thought on the part of Percy to intersperse these smaller pieces among the longer ballads, so as to please the reader with a constant variety.
Of the other sources Percy used for his materials, not much needs to be said. Some of the ballads were taken from manuscripts in public libraries, while others were lent to him. The Scottish ballads provided by Sir David Dalrymple have already been mentioned. The printed ballads[Pg lxxxix] mostly come from the Pepys Collection at Cambridge. When the Reliques were first published, the elegant poems in the Paradyse of Daynty Devises and England's Helicon were fairly unknown, and it was a clever idea by Percy to mix these shorter pieces among the longer ballads, providing the reader with a nice variety.
The weak point in the book is the insertion of some of the modern pieces. The old minstrel believed the wonders he related; but a poet educated in modern ideas cannot transfer himself back to the times of chivalry, so that his attempts at imitating "the true Gothic manner" are apt to fill his readers with a sense of unreality.
The weak point in the book is the inclusion of some modern pieces. The old minstrel believed in the wonders he described; however, a poet educated in contemporary ideas cannot go back to the times of chivalry, making their attempts to imitate "the true Gothic manner" likely to leave readers feeling a sense of unreality.
After the first edition of the Reliques was printed, and before it was published, Percy made a great alteration in its arrangement. The first volume was turned into the third, and the third into the first, as may be seen by a reference to the foot of the pages where the old numbering remains. By this means the Arthur Ballads were turned off to the end, and Chevy Chase and Robin Hood obtained the place of honour. Several ballads were also omitted at the last moment, and the numbers left vacant. These occur in a copy of two volumes at Oxford which formerly belonged to Douce. In Vol. III. (the old Vol. I.), Book 1, there is no No. 19; in the Douce copy this is filled by The Song-birds. In Vol. II., Book 3, there are no Nos. 10 and 11; but in the Douce copy, Nos. 9, 10, and 11 are Cock Lorrell's Treat, The Moral Uses of Tobacco, and Old Simon the Kinge. Besides these omissions it will be seen that in Book 3 of Vol. III. there are two Nos. 2; and that George Barnwell must have been inserted at the last moment, as it occupies a duplicate series of pages 225-240, which are printed between brackets. In 1765 the volumes were published in London. In[Pg xc] the following year a surreptitious edition was published in Dublin, and in 1767 appeared a second edition in London. In 1775 was published the third edition, which was reprinted at Frankfort in 1790. The fourth edition, ostensibly edited by the Rev. Thomas Percy, but really the work of the bishop himself, was published in 1794. Many improvements were made in this edition, and it contains Percy's final corrections; the fifth edition, published in 1812, being merely a reprint of the fourth.
After the first edition of the Reliques was printed and before it was published, Percy made significant changes to its arrangement. The first volume became the third, and the third became the first, as you can see by looking at the foot of the pages where the old numbering is still present. This change moved the Arthur Ballads to the end, while Chevy Chase and Robin Hood were given prominent positions. Several ballads were also removed at the last minute, leaving some numbers empty. These can be found in a two-volume copy at Oxford that once belonged to Douce. In Vol. III. (which is the old Vol. I.), Book 1, there is no No. 19; in the Douce copy, this space is filled by The Song-birds. In Vol. II., Book 3, there are no Nos. 10 and 11; however, in the Douce copy, Nos. 9, 10, and 11 are Cock Lorrell's Treat, The Moral Uses of Tobacco, and Old Simon the Kinge. Besides these omissions, you'll notice that in Book 3 of Vol. III., there are two Nos. 2; and George Barnwell must have been added at the last minute, as it takes up a duplicate series of pages 225-240, which are printed in brackets. In 1765, the volumes were published in London. In the following year, an unauthorized edition was released in Dublin, and in 1767, a second edition was published in London. The third edition came out in 1775 and was reprinted in Frankfort in 1790. The fourth edition, which was supposedly edited by the Rev. Thomas Percy but was actually the work of the bishop himself, was published in 1794. Many improvements were made in this edition, and it includes Percy's final corrections; the fifth edition, released in 1812, is just a reprint of the fourth.
The year 1765 was then a memorable one in the history of literature. The current ballads which were bawled in the street, or sung in the ale-house, were so mean and vulgar that the very name of ballad had sunk into disrepute. It was therefore a revelation to many to find that a literature of nature still existed which had descended from mother to child in remote districts, or was buried in old manuscripts, covered with the dust of centuries. It is necessary to realize this state of things in order to understand Percy's apologetic attitude. He collected his materials from various sources with great labour, and spared no pains in illustrating the poetry by instructive prose. Yet after welding with the force of genius the various parts into an harmonious whole, he was doubtful of the reception it was likely to obtain, and he called the contents of his volumes "the barbarous productions of unpolished ages." He backed his own opinion of their interest by bringing forward the names of the chiefs of the republic of letters, and ill did they requite him. Johnson parodied his verses, and Warburton sneered at him as the man "who wrote about the Chinese." Percy looked for his reward where he received nothing but laughter; but the people accepted his book with gladness, and the young who fed upon the food he presented to them grew up to found new schools of poetry.
The year 1765 was a significant one in literary history. The ballads sung in the streets and taverns were so low-quality and crude that the very term "ballad" had fallen out of favor. It was a surprise for many to discover that a rich tradition of nature-based literature still existed, passed down from generation to generation in remote areas, or hidden away in old manuscripts, covered in centuries of dust. Understanding this situation is key to grasping Percy's apologetic stance. He put in a lot of effort to gather his materials from various sources and was meticulous in using informative prose to explain the poetry. However, despite combining these elements into a cohesive work with his remarkable talent, he was uncertain about how it would be received and referred to the contents of his volumes as "the barbarous productions of unpolished ages." He supported his belief in their value by citing prominent figures in the literary world, but they responded poorly. Johnson mocked his verses, and Warburton dismissed him as the man who "wrote about the Chinese." Percy sought recognition where he found only ridicule; yet the public embraced his book enthusiastically, and the young readers who thrived on what he offered went on to establish new schools of poetry.
Few books have exerted such extended influence over English literature as Percy's Reliques. Beattie's Minstrel was inspired by a perusal of the Essay on the Ancient Minstrels; and many authors have expressed with gratitude their obligations to the bishop and his book.
Few books have had such a lasting impact on English literature as Percy's Reliques. Beattie's Minstrel was inspired by reading the Essay on the Ancient Minstrels; and many authors have gratefully acknowledged their debt to the bishop and his work.
How profoundly the poetry of nature, which lived on in the ballads of the country, stirred the souls of men is seen in the instance of two poets of strikingly different characteristics. Scott made his first acquaintance with the Reliques at the age of thirteen, and the place where he read them was ever after imprinted upon his memory. The bodily appetite of youth was unnoticed while he mentally devoured the volumes under the huge leaves of the plantain tree. Wordsworth was not behind Scott in admiration of the book. He wrote: "I have already stated how much Germany is indebted to this work, and for our own country, its poetry has been absolutely redeemed by it. I do not think there is an able writer in verse of the present day who would not be proud to acknowledge his obligation to the Reliques. I know that it is so with my friends; and for myself, I am happy in this occasion to make a public avowal of my own." After such men as these have spoken, who can despise our old ballads?
How deeply the poetry of nature, which continued in the ballads of the countryside, resonated with people is evident in the case of two poets with very different qualities. Scott first encountered the Reliques when he was thirteen, and the spot where he read them was forever etched in his memory. While he was mentally engrossed in the books beneath the large leaves of the plantain tree, his youthful physical cravings went unnoticed. Wordsworth also admired the book just as much as Scott did. He wrote: "I have already pointed out how much Germany owes to this work, and for our own country, its poetry has truly been uplifted by it. I doubt there's a talented contemporary poet who wouldn't proudly acknowledge their debt to the Reliques. I know this is true among my friends; and for myself, I'm glad to publicly declare my own gratitude." After voices like these have spoken, who can look down on our old ballads?
Ballad literature since Percy.
The impetus given to the collection of old ballads by the publication of Reliques showed itself in the rapid succession of volumes of the same class which issued from the press. Most of these were devoted to the publication of Scottish ballads exclusively. In 1769, David Herd, a native of St. Cyrus, in Kincar[Pg xcii]dineshire, who had spent most of his life as clerk in an accountant's office in Edinburgh, published his Ancient and Modern Scottish Songs, Heroic Ballads, &c., a work which was enlarged into two volumes in 1776.[55] He was a most successful and faithful collector, and not being a poet, he was preserved from the temptation of tampering with his stores. Motherwell mentions twenty ballads which had not appeared in a collected form before the publication of this work. Herd was assisted in his editorial labours by George Paton.
The impetus given to the collection of old ballads by the publication of Reliques showed itself in the rapid succession of volumes of the same class which issued from the press. Most of these were devoted to the publication of Scottish ballads exclusively. In 1769, David Herd, a native of St. Cyrus, in Kincar[Pg xcii]dineshire, who had spent most of his life as clerk in an accountant's office in Edinburgh, published his Ancient and Modern Scottish Songs, Heroic Ballads, &c., a work which was enlarged into two volumes in 1776.[55] He was a most successful and faithful collector, and not being a poet, he was preserved from the temptation of tampering with his stores. Motherwell mentions twenty ballads which had not appeared in a collected form before the publication of this work. Herd was assisted in his editorial labours by George Paton.
In 1777 appeared the first edition of Evans's Old Ballads, Historical and Narrative, in two volumes. The best edition of this work, edited by the son of the original compiler, was published in 4 vols., 1810.
In 1777, the first edition of Evans's Old Ballads, Historical and Narrative was released in two volumes. The best edition of this work, edited by the son of the original compiler, was published in 4 volumes in 1810.
In 1781 Pinkerton published his Scottish Tragic Ballads, which was followed in 1783 by Select Scottish Ballads. These volumes contained several fabrications by the editor, as already stated on a previous page.
In 1781, Pinkerton published his Scottish Tragic Ballads, which was followed in 1783 by Select Scottish Ballads. These volumes included several made-up pieces by the editor, as mentioned on a previous page.
In 1783 Ritson commenced the publication of that long series of volumes which is of such inestimable value to the literary antiquary, with A Select Collection of English Songs. The Bishopric Garland, or Durham Minstrel, followed, in 1784; The Yorkshire Garland, in 1788; the Pieces of Ancient Popular Poetry, in 1791; Ancient Songs and Ballads from the reign of Henry II. to the Revolution, in 1787; The Northumberland Garland, in 1793; Scottish Songs, in 1794; and Robin Hood, in 1795.
In 1783, Ritson started publishing the long series of volumes that are incredibly valuable to literary historians, beginning with A Select Collection of English Songs. This was followed by The Bishopric Garland, or Durham Minstrel in 1784; The Yorkshire Garland in 1788; Pieces of Ancient Popular Poetry in 1791; Ancient Songs and Ballads from the reign of Henry II. to the Revolution in 1787; The Northumberland Garland in 1793; Scottish Songs in 1794; and Robin Hood in 1795.
In 1787 was commenced The Scots Musical Museum, by James Johnson. Johnson was a music-seller and engraver in Edinburgh, and the work was really [Pg xciii]projected by William Tytler of Woodhouselee, Dr. Blacklock, and Samuel Clark. The first volume was partly printed, when Burns became acquainted with the object of the work. He then entered into the scheme with enthusiasm, and besides "begging and borrowing" old songs, wrote many new songs himself.
In 1787, The Scots Musical Museum was started by James Johnson. Johnson was a music seller and engraver in Edinburgh, and the project was actually envisioned by William Tytler of Woodhouselee, Dr. Blacklock, and Samuel Clark. The first volume was partially printed when Burns learned about the purpose of the work. He then joined the project with enthusiasm, and in addition to "begging and borrowing" old songs, he wrote many new songs himself.
In 1801 was published at Edinburgh, Scottish Poems of the XVIth Century, edited by J. G. Dalzell, which contains a reprint of Ane Compendious Booke of Godly and Spirituall Songs, already referred to above.
In 1801, Scottish Poems of the XVIth Century, edited by J. G. Dalzell, was published in Edinburgh. It includes a reprint of Ane Compendious Booke of Godly and Spirituall Songs, which was mentioned earlier.
In 1802 appeared the first two volumes of the only work which is worthy to stand side by side with the Reliques. Sir Walter Scott's Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border is a book that can be read through, and it and the Reliques are the only works of the class in which the materials are welded into a whole, so as no longer to appear a collection of units.
In 1802, the first two volumes of the only work that deserves to be compared with the Reliques were published. Sir Walter Scott's Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border is a book that can be read from start to finish, and both it and the Reliques are the only works of their kind where the materials are integrated into a cohesive whole, so they no longer feel like just a collection of individual pieces.
In 1806, Robert Jamieson published at Edinburgh his Popular Ballads and Songs, from Tradition, Manuscripts, and scarce editions. He was working upon this book at the same time that Scott was engaged upon his Minstrelsy, and he obtained much of his material from the same source as Scott, viz. Mrs. Brown, of Falkland; but he, nevertheless, was able to print seventeen ballads that had not before appeared in any published collection. Jamieson has the following remarks on himself in the Introduction to the first volume:—
In 1806, Robert Jamieson published in Edinburgh his Popular Ballads and Songs, from Tradition, Manuscripts, and scarce editions. He was working on this book while Scott was involved with his Minstrelsy, and he got a lot of his material from the same source as Scott, namely, Mrs. Brown of Falkland. However, he was still able to print seventeen ballads that had not appeared in any previous published collection. Jamieson has the following remarks about himself in the Introduction to the first volume:—
"Being obliged to go, at a few weeks' warning, to a distant part of the world, and to seek, on the shores of the frozen Baltic, for (which his own country seems to deny him) the means of employing his talents and industry in some such manner as may enable him to preserve (for a time, at least) his respectability and a partial independence in the world, the following[Pg xciv] sheets have been prepared for the press, amidst all the anxiety and bustle of getting ready and packing up for a voyage." (Vol. i. p. xvii.)
"Having to leave, on short notice, for a far-off part of the world, and to look for, on the shores of the icy Baltic, the opportunity to use his talents and hard work in a way that might help him maintain (at least for a while) his respectability and some degree of independence in life, the following[Pg xciv] pages have been prepared for publication, amidst all the stress and chaos of getting ready and packing for the trip." (Vol. i. p. xvii.)
John Finlay of Glasgow published in 1808 his Scottish Historical and Romantic Ballads. These volumes only contain twenty-six ballads in all.
John Finlay from Glasgow published his Scottish Historical and Romantic Ballads in 1808. These volumes include only twenty-six ballads in total.
John Gilchrist's Collection of Ancient and Modern Scottish Ballads, Tales, and Songs, (Edinburgh 1815) is a carefully edited work, compiled from former books.
John Gilchrist's Collection of Ancient and Modern Scottish Ballads, Tales, and Songs, (Edinburgh 1815) is a well-edited collection, put together from earlier books.
In 1822 David Laing published his valuable Select Remains of the Ancient Popular Poetry of Scotland, and in 1824 C. K. Sharpe printed privately a little volume which he entitled A Ballad Book. James Maidment printed also privately A North Countrie Garland in the same year (1824).
In 1822, David Laing published his valuable Select Remains of the Ancient Popular Poetry of Scotland, and in 1824, C. K. Sharpe privately printed a small volume called A Ballad Book. Also in 1824, James Maidment privately printed A North Countrie Garland.
In 1825 E. V. Utterson printed "Select Pieces of Early English Poetry, republished principally from early printed copies in Black Letter."
In 1825, E. V. Utterson published "Select Pieces of Early English Poetry," mainly reprinted from early printed copies in Black Letter.
Peter Buchan commenced his ballad career by publishing at Peterhead, in 1825, a little volume entitled "Gleanings of Scotch, English, and Irish scarce old ballads, chiefly tragical and historical, many of them connected with the localities of Aberdeenshire." In 1828 he published his "Ancient Ballads and Songs of the North of Scotland, hitherto unpublished." He affirmed that his materials were faithfully and honestly transcribed, and "they have suffered no change since they fortunately were consigned to me by their foster parents." A portrait is given in this book, which represents the compiler as a wild-looking, unkempt, man. Besides these two books Buchan made a large collection of ballads, songs, and poems, which he took down from the oral recitation of the peasantry. These were pronounced by Scott to be "decidedly and indubitably original." The two folio MS. volumes in which they[Pg xcv] were contained came into the possession of the Percy Society, and a selection was made from them by J. H. Dixon, in 1845, who entitled his work Scottish Traditional Versions of Ancient Ballads (Percy Society Publications, vol. xvii.).
Peter Buchan began his ballad career by publishing a small book in Peterhead in 1825 called "Gleanings of Scotch, English, and Irish scarce old ballads, chiefly tragical and historical, many of them connected with the localities of Aberdeenshire." In 1828, he released "Ancient Ballads and Songs of the North of Scotland, hitherto unpublished." He claimed that his materials were accurately and honestly transcribed, and "they have undergone no alteration since they were fortunately entrusted to me by their original caretakers." This book includes a portrait of the compiler, showing him as a wild-looking, scruffy man. In addition to these two books, Buchan compiled a large set of ballads, songs, and poems that he collected from the oral storytelling of the local people. Scott declared them to be "decidedly and indubitably original." The two folio manuscript volumes containing them[Pg xcv] were acquired by the Percy Society, and J. H. Dixon created a selection from them in 1845, naming his work Scottish Traditional Versions of Ancient Ballads (Percy Society Publications, vol. xvii.).
In 1826 Allan Cunningham published The Songs of Scotland, to which reference has already been made.
In 1826, Allan Cunningham published The Songs of Scotland, which has already been mentioned.
George R. Kinloch published in 1827, "Ancient Scottish Ballads, recovered from tradition, and never before published." He states in his introduction that "the present collection is almost entirely composed of ballads obtained in the 'North Countrie,' a district hitherto but little explored, though by no means destitute of traditional poetry."
George R. Kinloch published in 1827, "Ancient Scottish Ballads, recovered from tradition, and never before published." He states in his introduction that "this collection is almost entirely made up of ballads collected in the 'North Countrie,' a region that has been largely unexplored, yet is definitely not lacking in traditional poetry."
In this same year appeared William Motherwell's Minstrelsy, Ancient and Modern, a work of the most sterling character, which contains the best account of ballad literature extant.
In this same year, William Motherwell's Minstrelsy, Ancient and Modern was published, a truly remarkable work that offers the best overview of ballad literature available.
In 1829 Robert Chambers published his collection of Scottish Ballads, which contains eighty pieces, of which number twelve are modern, or imitations. At this period the editor had not elaborated his theory that Sir Patrick Spence and certain other ballads were modern imitations.
In 1829, Robert Chambers released his collection of Scottish Ballads, which includes eighty pieces, twelve of which are modern or imitations. At that time, the editor had not fully developed his theory that Sir Patrick Spence and some other ballads were modern imitations.
Peter Cunningham published The Songs of England and Scotland, in 1835, and Thomas Wright printed The Political Songs of England from the reign of John to that of Edward II. in 1839, for the Camden Society.
Peter Cunningham published The Songs of England and Scotland in 1835, and Thomas Wright printed The Political Songs of England from the reign of John to that of Edward II. in 1839 for the Camden Society.
In 1840 was founded, in honour of Bishop Percy, the Percy Society, which continued to print some of the old Garlands and various collections of old Ballads until 1852.
In 1840, the Percy Society was founded in honor of Bishop Percy. It continued to publish some of the old Garlands and various collections of old Ballads until 1852.
William Chappell published in 1840 his valuable Collection of National English Airs, consisting of Ancient Song, Ballad and Dance Tunes, which[Pg xcvi] work was re-arranged and enlarged, and issued in 1855 as Popular Music of the Olden Time. This work is a mine of wealth concerning both the airs and the words of our ballad treasures. It was a truly national undertaking, and has been completed with great skill. No ballad lover can get on without it.
William Chappell published in 1840 his valuable Collection of National English Airs, consisting of Ancient Song, Ballad and Dance Tunes, which[Pg xcvi] was re-arranged and expanded, and released in 1855 as Popular Music of the Olden Time. This work is a treasure trove of information about both the melodies and the lyrics of our ballad heritage. It was a truly national effort and has been completed with great skill. No ballad enthusiast can do without it.
In 1844 Alexander Whitelaw published The Book of Scottish Ballads, and The Book of Scottish Song. An edition of the former was printed in 1875, and one of the latter in 1866, which contains about twelve hundred and seventy songs.
In 1844, Alexander Whitelaw published The Book of Scottish Ballads and The Book of Scottish Song. A version of the first was printed in 1875, while a version of the second was printed in 1866, which includes around twelve hundred and seventy songs.
In 1847 John Matthew Gutch published "A Lytell Geste of Robin Hode, with other Ancient and Modern Ballads and Songs relating to this celebrated yeoman."
In 1847, John Matthew Gutch published "A Lytell Geste of Robin Hode, along with other old and new ballads and songs about this famous outlaw."
In the same year appeared Frederick Sheldon's Minstrelsy of the English Border, but it is a work of very little value.
In the same year, Frederick Sheldon released Minstrelsy of the English Border, but it’s a work of very little value.
Dr. Rimbault printed in 1850 those valuable Musical Illustrations of Bishop Percy's Reliques, which are so frequently quoted in the following pages.
Dr. Rimbault published in 1850 those valuable Musical Illustrations of Bishop Percy's Reliques, which are often referenced in the following pages.
Professor Francis James Child, of Harvard College, one of our greatest authorities on Ballad lore, published at Boston, U.S., a very complete collection of English and Scottish Ballads, in eight volumes. The first volume contains a full list of the principal collections of Ballads and Songs.
Professor Francis James Child, from Harvard College, one of the top experts on ballads, published a very comprehensive collection of English and Scottish Ballads in eight volumes in Boston, U.S. The first volume includes a complete list of the main collections of ballads and songs.
In 1858 William Edmondstoune Aytoun published his Ballads of Scotland, which contain collated versions of one hundred and thirty-nine ballads, with short introductions.
In 1858, William Edmondstoune Aytoun published his Ballads of Scotland, which include compiled versions of one hundred and thirty-nine ballads, along with brief introductions.
The year 1867 was memorable as seeing the publication of the first instalment of the Folio Manuscript under the editorship of J. W. Hales and F. J. Furnivall.
The year 1867 was significant as it marked the publication of the first installment of the Folio Manuscript, edited by J. W. Hales and F. J. Furnivall.
In 1868 appeared "Scottish Ballads and Songs, historical and traditionary, edited by James Maidment, Edinburgh, 1868," 2 vols. The number of pieces is small but select, and the introductions are full and elaborate.
In 1868, "Scottish Ballads and Songs, historical and traditional, edited by James Maidment, Edinburgh, 1868," was published in 2 volumes. The collection is small but carefully chosen, and the introductions are detailed and extensive.
In 1871 Messrs. Ogle of Glasgow published a well edited collection of Scottish Ballads, with an interesting introduction and notes, entitled "The Ballad Minstrelsy of Scotland. Romantic and Historical. Collated and Annotated."
In 1871, Ogle of Glasgow published a well-edited collection of Scottish Ballads, complete with an interesting introduction and notes, titled "The Ballad Minstrelsy of Scotland: Romantic and Historical. Collated and Annotated."
Upon the completion of the Percy Folio, Mr. Furnivall started the Ballad Society, for the publication of the various collections of ballads that exist. Mr. Chappell has edited half of the Roxburghe Ballads in several parts, and Mr. Furnivall himself has printed some interesting ballads from manuscripts. All these have been presented to readers with a wealth of illustrative notes.
After finishing the Percy Folio, Mr. Furnivall launched the Ballad Society to publish the various collections of ballads that are available. Mr. Chappell has edited half of the Roxburghe Ballads in multiple parts, and Mr. Furnivall himself has printed some fascinating ballads from manuscripts. All of these have been shared with readers along with a lot of explanatory notes.
The books referred to above form but a portion of the literature of the subject. So mighty has been the growth of the small seed set by Percy, that the despised outcasts which the literary leaders attempted to laugh out of existence have made good their right to a high position among the poetry of the nation, and proved that they possessed the germs of a long and vigorous life.
The books mentioned above are only part of the literature on the subject. The small seed planted by Percy has grown so strong that the overlooked works that literary leaders tried to dismiss have claimed their rightful place in the nation's poetry and shown that they have the potential for a long and healthy life.
H. B. W.
H.B.W.
FOOTNOTES:
[7] Motherwell's Minstrelsy, 1827, p. xlvii.
[8] Motherwell's Minstrelsy, p. xv.
[10] Vol. ii. p. 172.
[12] Motherwell's Minstrelsy, p. xiii.
[16] See vol. ii. p. 158.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See vol. 2, p. 158.
[22] Dryden's Prologue to Lee's Sophonisba.
[28] Mr. Laing, with his usual kindness, has been so good as to answer my inquiry whether he still held the opinion he published in 1839. He writes (June 2, 1876): "I still adhere to the general inference that this ballad is comparatively a modern imitation, and although we have no positive evidence as to the authorship, I can think of no one that was so likely to have written it as Elizabeth Halket, Lady Wardlaw of Pitreavie, who died in 1727, aged fifty. Had Bishop Percy's correspondence with Sir David Dalrymple, Lord Hailes, been preserved, some interesting information would no doubt have been obtained regarding these ballads sent from Scotland."
[28] Mr. Laing, with his usual kindness, has been so good as to answer my inquiry whether he still held the opinion he published in 1839. He writes (June 2, 1876): "I still adhere to the general inference that this ballad is comparatively a modern imitation, and although we have no positive evidence as to the authorship, I can think of no one that was so likely to have written it as Elizabeth Halket, Lady Wardlaw of Pitreavie, who died in 1727, aged fifty. Had Bishop Percy's correspondence with Sir David Dalrymple, Lord Hailes, been preserved, some interesting information would no doubt have been obtained regarding these ballads sent from Scotland."
[32] "An ingenious friend thinks the author of Hardyknute has borrowed several expressions and sentiments from the foregoing and other old Scottish songs in this collection."
[32] "An ingenious friend thinks the author of Hardyknute has borrowed several expressions and sentiments from the foregoing and other old Scottish songs in this collection."
[34] It has been necessary in the foregoing remarks to give reasons why the opinions of the late Dr. Robert Chambers on this subject are not to be taken on trust, but it is hoped that these criticisms will not be understood as written with any wish to detract from the literary character of one who did so much good work during a laborious and ever active life.
[34] It has been necessary in the foregoing remarks to give reasons why the opinions of the late Dr. Robert Chambers on this subject are not to be taken on trust, but it is hoped that these criticisms will not be understood as written with any wish to detract from the literary character of one who did so much good work during a laborious and ever active life.
[35] Minstrelsy, p. xlvi.
[36] Parliament of Love.
[37] Queen of Corinth.
[39] Scott's Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border.
Vol. I. "Fair Rosamond and King Henry II.," "Queen Eleanor's Confession," "St. George and the Dragon," "The Dragon of Wantley," "Chevy Chace," "The Lamentation of Jane Shore," "Sir Andrew Barton's Death," "Prince of England's Courtship to the King of France's Daughter," "The Lady turn'd Serving-Man," "The Children in the Wood," "The Bride's Burial," "The Lady's Fall," "Lord Thomas and Fair Ellinor," "Gilderoy."
Vol. I. "Fair Rosamond and King Henry II.," "Queen Eleanor's Confession," "St. George and the Dragon," "The Dragon of Wantley," "Chevy Chase," "The Lamentation of Jane Shore," "Sir Andrew Barton's Death," "The Prince of England's Courtship to the King of France's Daughter," "The Lady Turned Serving-Man," "The Children in the Wood," "The Bride's Burial," "The Lady's Fall," "Lord Thomas and Fair Ellinor," "Gilderoy."
Vol. II. "King Leir and his Three Daughters," "King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table," "King John and the Abbot of Canterbury," "The Wanton Wife of Bath," "The Spanish Lady's Love," "The Blind Beggar of Bednal Green."
Vol. II. "King Leir and his Three Daughters," "King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table," "King John and the Abbot of Canterbury," "The Wanton Wife of Bath," "The Spanish Lady's Love," "The Blind Beggar of Bednal Green."
Vol. III. "The Baffled Knight," "William and Margaret," "The Gaberlunzie Man."
Vol. III. "The Baffled Knight," "William and Margaret," "The Gaberlunzie Man."
[41] Percy communicated to Dr. Nash, for the History of Worcestershire (vol. ii. p. 318), a pedigree in which he attempted to identify his family with that of the descendants of Ralph, third Earl of Northumberland. Nash subjoined a note to the effect that he had examined the proofs of all the particulars above mentioned, and Boswell, in his Life of Johnson, expressed the opinion that, "both as a lawyer accustomed to the consideration of evidence, and as a genealogist versed in the study of pedigrees," he was fully satisfied. Mr. Furnivall is rather unjust to Percy when he suggests that the pedigree was treated like the ballads, and the gaps filled up, for the cases are not quite analogous. The pedigree may not be of greater authenticity than many other doubtful ones, but at all events his Patrons the Duke and Duchess of Northumberland acknowledged the connection between them when he was in some way distinguished.
[41] Percy communicated to Dr. Nash, for the History of Worcestershire (vol. ii. p. 318), a pedigree in which he attempted to identify his family with that of the descendants of Ralph, third Earl of Northumberland. Nash subjoined a note to the effect that he had examined the proofs of all the particulars above mentioned, and Boswell, in his Life of Johnson, expressed the opinion that, "both as a lawyer accustomed to the consideration of evidence, and as a genealogist versed in the study of pedigrees," he was fully satisfied. Mr. Furnivall is rather unjust to Percy when he suggests that the pedigree was treated like the ballads, and the gaps filled up, for the cases are not quite analogous. The pedigree may not be of greater authenticity than many other doubtful ones, but at all events his Patrons the Duke and Duchess of Northumberland acknowledged the connection between them when he was in some way distinguished.
[44] Stenhouse's Illustrations, p. 112.
[49] The chief particulars of the above sketch of Percy's life are taken from the interesting life by the Rev. J. Pickford in Hales and Furnivall's edition of the Folio MS., vol. i. p. xxvii.
[49] The chief particulars of the above sketch of Percy's life are taken from the interesting life by the Rev. J. Pickford in Hales and Furnivall's edition of the Folio MS., vol. i. p. xxvii.
[50] Ancient Songs, 1790, p. xix.
[51] Bishop Percy Folio Manuscript: Ballads and Romances. Edited by John W. Hales, M.A., and Frederick J. Furnivall, M.A., London (Trübner and Co.), 1867-68, 3 vols.
[51] Bishop Percy Folio Manuscript: Ballads and Romances. Edited by John W. Hales, M.A., and Frederick J. Furnivall, M.A., London (Trübner and Co.), 1867-68, 3 vols.
Percy Folio MS. (ii. 25/17-18.)
Percy Folio MS. (ii. 25/17-18.)
[53] Furnivall's Forewords, p. xiii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Furnivall's Forewords, p. xiii.
[54] The following is a list of these, taken from Mr. Furnivall's Forewords:—
[54] The following is a list of these, taken from Mr. Furnivall's Forewords:—
- Sir Cauline.
- King Estmere.
- Robin Hood and Guy of Gisborne.
- The Child of Elle.
- Edom O'Gordon (or Captaine Carre).
- Adam Bell, Clym o' the Clough, and William of Cloudesly.
- Take thy old Cloak about thee (or Bell my wife).
- Sir Lancelot du Lake.
- The more modern Ballad of Chevy Chase.
- The Rising in the North.
- Northumberland betrayed by Douglas.
- The Not-browne Mayd.
- Sir Aldingar.
- Gentle Heardsman, tell to me.
- The Beggar's Daughter of Bednal Green.
- Sir Andrew Barton.
- Lady Bothwell's Lament.
- The Murder of the King of Scots.
- The King of Scots and Andrew Browne, though in the Folio, was printed by Percy from the Antiquaries' copy.
- Mary Ambree.
- The Winning of Cales.
- The Spanish Lady's Love.
- The Complaint of Conscience.
- K. John and the Abbot of Canterbury.
- The Heir of Lynne.
- To Althea from Prison (When Love with unconfined wings).
- Old Tom of Bedlam.
- The Boy and the Mantle.
- The Marriage of Sir Gawaine.
- King Arthur's Death.
- The Legend of King Arthur.
- Glasgerion.
- Old Robin of Portingale.
- Child Waters.
- Little Musgrave and Lady Barnard.
- Gil Morrice.
- Legend of Sir Guy.
- Guy and Amarant.
- The Shepherd's Resolution.
- The Lady's Fall.
- The King of France's Daughter.
- A Lover of Late.
- The King and Miller of Mansfield.
- Dulcina.
- The Wandering Prince of Troy.
- The Aspiring Shepherd.

TO
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
ELIZABETH,
COUNTESS OF NORTHUMBERLAND;
IN HER OWN RIGHT,
BARONESS PERCY, LUCY, POYNINGS, FITZ-PAYNE,
BRYAN, AND LATIMER.
Madam,—
Ma'am,—

Those writers, who solicit the protection of the noble and the great, are often exposed to censure by the impropriety of their addresses: a remark that will, perhaps, be too readily applied to him, who, having nothing better to offer than the rude songs of ancient minstrels, aspires to the patronage of the Countess of Northumberland, and hopes that the barbarous productions of unpolished ages can obtain the approbation or notice of her, who adorns courts by her presence, and diffuses elegance by her example.
Those writers who seek the support of the noble and powerful often face criticism for the awkwardness of their appeals. This observation might easily apply to someone who, having nothing more impressive to share than the rough songs of old minstrels, aims to win the favor of the Countess of Northumberland and hopes that the crude works from unrefined times can catch the attention or approval of someone who embellishes courts with her presence and spreads sophistication through her example.
But this impropriety, it is presumed, will disappear, when it is declared that these poems are presented to your Ladyship, not as labours of art, but as effusions of nature, showing the first efforts of ancient genius, and exhibiting the customs and[Pg 2] opinions of remote ages: of ages that had been almost lost to memory, had not the gallant deeds of your illustrious ancestors preserved them from oblivion.
But this issue is expected to fade away when it's made clear that these poems are presented to you, not as works of art, but as natural expressions, showcasing the early efforts of ancient talent and reflecting the customs and[Pg 2] opinions of distant times: times that would have almost vanished from memory if not for the brave acts of your remarkable ancestors that kept them alive.
No active or comprehensive mind can forbear some attention to the reliques of antiquity. It is prompted by natural curiosity to survey the progress of life and manners, and to inquire by what gradations barbarity was civilized, grossness refined, and ignorance instructed; but this curiosity, Madam, must be stronger in those who, like your Ladyship, can remark in every period the influence of some great progenitor, and who still feel in their effects the transactions and events of distant centuries.
No active or thoughtful mind can resist taking a look at the remnants of the past. It's a natural curiosity to explore how life and customs have evolved and to ask how savagery became civilized, crudeness was refined, and ignorance was educated. But this curiosity, Madam, must be even greater in those like your Ladyship, who can see the impact of great ancestors in every era and who still feel the effects of events and actions from long ago.
By such bonds, Madam, as I am now introducing to your presence, was the infancy of genius nurtured and advanced, by such were the minds of unlettered warriors softened and enlarged, by such was the memory of illustrious actions preserved and propagated, by such were the heroic deeds of the Earls of Northumberland sung at festivals in the hall of Alnwick; and those songs, which the bounty of your ancestors rewarded, now return to your Ladyship by a kind of hereditary right; and, I flatter myself, will find such reception as is usually shown to poets and historians, by those whose consciousness of merit makes it their interest to be long remembered.
With the connections I’m now introducing to you, Madam, the beginnings of genius were nurtured and developed. These connections softened and expanded the minds of uneducated warriors, preserved and spread the memory of great deeds, and celebrated the heroic actions of the Earls of Northumberland during festivals in the hall of Alnwick. The songs, which your ancestors generously rewarded, now return to you, almost as a legacy. I hope they will be received as poets and historians are typically honored, by those who recognize the importance of their contributions and want to be remembered for a long time.
I am,
I'm,
Madam,
Ma'am,
Your Ladyship's
Your Honor's
Most humble,
Most humble.
And most devoted Servant,
And most dedicated Servant,
Thomas Percy.[56]
Thomas Percy. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
TO
ELIZABETH,
LATE DUCHESS AND COUNTESS OF NORTHUMBERLAND,
IN HER OWN RIGHT BARONESS PERCY,
ETC. ETC. ETC.
WHO, BEING SOLE HEIRESS TO MANY GREAT FAMILIES
OF OUR ANCIENT NOBILITY, EMPLOYED THE PRINCELY
FORTUNE, AND SUSTAINED THE ILLUSTRIOUS
HONOURS, WHICH SHE DERIVED FROM THEM,
THROUGH HER WHOLE LIFE WITH THE
GREATEST DIGNITY, GENEROSITY, AND SPIRIT; AND
WHO FOR HER MANY PUBLIC AND PRIVATE VIRTUES
WILL EVER BE REMEMBERED AS ONE OF THE
FIRST CHARACTERS OF HER TIME, THIS
LITTLE WORK WAS ORIGINALLY
DEDICATED; AND, AS IT SOMETIMES AFFORDED HER
AMUSEMENT, AND WAS HIGHLY DISTINGUISHED
BY HER INDULGENT APPROBATION, IT IS
NOW, WITH THE UTMOST REGARD,
RESPECT, AND GRATITUDE, CONSECRATED
TO HER BELOVED AND HONOURED
MEMORY.[57]
TO
ELIZABETH,
LATE DUCHESS AND COUNTESS OF NORTHUMBERLAND,
IN HER OWN RIGHT BARONESS PERCY,
ETC. ETC. ETC.
WHO, BEING SOLE HEIRESS TO MANY GREAT FAMILIES
OF OUR ANCIENT NOBILITY, EMPLOYED THE PRINCELY
FORTUNE, AND SUSTAINED THE ILLUSTRIOUS
HONOURS, WHICH SHE DERIVED FROM THEM,
THROUGH HER WHOLE LIFE WITH THE
GREATEST DIGNITY, GENEROSITY, AND SPIRIT; AND
WHO FOR HER MANY PUBLIC AND PRIVATE VIRTUES
WILL EVER BE REMEMBERED AS ONE OF THE
FIRST CHARACTERS OF HER TIME, THIS
LITTLE WORK WAS ORIGINALLY
DEDICATED; AND, AS IT SOMETIMES AFFORDED HER
AMUSEMENT, AND WAS HIGHLY DISTINGUISHED
BY HER INDULGENT APPROBATION, IT IS
NOW, WITH THE UTMOST REGARD,
RESPECT, AND GRATITUDE, CONSECRATED
TO HER BELOVED AND HONOURED
MEMORY.[57]
FOOTNOTES:
[57] The Duchess of Northumberland died in the year 1776, and the above inscription appears in the fourth edition (1794) and the fifth edition (1812), besides many subsequent editions.
[57] The Duchess of Northumberland died in the year 1776, and the above inscription appears in the fourth edition (1794) and the fifth edition (1812), besides many subsequent editions.

ADVERTISEMENT TO THE FOURTH EDITION.[58]

Twenty years have near elapsed since the last edition of this work appeared. But, although it was sufficiently a favourite with the public, and had long been out of print, the original editor had no desire to revive it. More important pursuits had, as might be expected, engaged his attention; and the present edition would have remained unpublished, had he not yielded to the importunity of his friends, and accepted the humble offer of an editor in a nephew, to whom, it is feared, he will be found too partial.
Twenty years have almost passed since the last edition of this work was published. Although it was quite popular and had been out of print for a long time, the original editor had no interest in bringing it back. He had been busy with more significant projects, and this edition would have gone unpublished if he hadn’t given in to the persistent requests of his friends and accepted the modest offer of an editor, who happens to be his nephew, to whom he is likely to be overly fond.
These volumes are now restored to the public with such corrections and improvements as have occurred since the former impression; and the text in particular hath been emended in many passages by recurring to the old copies. The instances, being frequently trivial, are not always noted in the margin; but the alteration hath never been made without good reason; and especially in such pieces as were extracted from the folio manuscript so often mentioned in the following pages, where any variation [Pg 5]occurs from the former impression, it will be understood to have been given on the authority of that MS.
These volumes are now available to the public again, with corrections and improvements made since the previous edition; the text, in particular, has been revised in many places by referring back to the old copies. The changes, often minor, are not always indicated in the margin, but no alterations have been made without a good reason. Especially in the sections taken from the folio manuscript mentioned frequently in the following pages, whenever there is a difference from the previous edition, it should be understood as coming from that manuscript. [Pg 5]
The appeal publicly made to Dr. Johnson in the first page of the following Preface, so long since as in the year 1765, and never once contradicted by him during so large a portion of his life, ought to have precluded every doubt concerning the existence of the MS. in question. But such, it seems, having been suggested, it may now be mentioned, that, while this edition passed through his press, the MS. itself was left for near a year with Mr. Nichols, in whose house, or in that of its possessor, it was examined with more or less attention by many gentlemen of eminence in literature. At the first publication of these volumes it had been in the hands of all, or most of, his friends; but, as it could hardly be expected that he should continue to think of nothing else but these amusements of his youth, it was afterwards laid aside at his residence in the country. Of the many gentlemen above-mentioned, who offered to give their testimony to the public, it will be sufficient to name the Honourable Daines Barrington, the Reverend Clayton Mordaunt Cracherode, and those eminent Critics on Shakespeare, the Reverend Dr. Farmer, George Steevens, Esq., Edmund Malone, Esq., and Isaac Reed, Esq., to whom I beg leave to appeal for the truth of the following representation.
The public request made to Dr. Johnson on the first page of the following Preface, as far back as 1765, and never once denied by him throughout much of his life, should have put to rest any doubts about the existence of the manuscript in question. However, since doubts have been raised, it’s worth mentioning that while this edition was going through his press, the manuscript itself was with Mr. Nichols for nearly a year. During that time, it was examined—some more thoroughly than others—by several distinguished individuals in literature at either his house or that of the manuscript’s owner. When these volumes were first published, it was in the hands of most, if not all, of his friends; but since it wasn’t realistic to expect him to focus solely on the entertainments of his youth, it was later set aside at his country home. Among the many gentlemen mentioned who offered to vouch for this publicly, I will simply name the Honourable Daines Barrington, the Reverend Clayton Mordaunt Cracherode, and those notable critics on Shakespeare: the Reverend Dr. Farmer, George Steevens, Esq., Edmund Malone, Esq., and Isaac Reed, Esq., to whom I respectfully refer for the accuracy of the following account.
The MS. is a long narrow folio volume, containing 195 Sonnets, Ballads, Historical Songs, and Metrical Romances, either in the whole or in part, for many of them are extremely mutilated and imperfect. The first and last leaves are wanting; and of fifty-four pages near the beginning half of every leaf hath been torn away, and several others are injured towards the end; besides that through a great part[Pg 6] of the volume the top or bottom line, and sometimes both have been cut off in the binding.
The manuscript is a long, narrow folio volume that contains 195 sonnets, ballads, historical songs, and metric romances, either in full or in part, as many of them are severely damaged and incomplete. The first and last pages are missing, and on fifty-four pages near the beginning, half of each leaf has been torn off, with several other pages damaged towards the end. Additionally, throughout much of the volume, the top or bottom line, and sometimes both, have been cut off during the binding.
In this state is the MS. itself: and even where the leaves have suffered no injury, the transcripts, which seem to have been all made by one person (they are at least all in the same kind of hand), are sometimes extremely incorrect and faulty, being in such instances probably made from defective copies, or the imperfect recitation of illiterate fingers; so that a considerable portion of the song or narrative is sometimes omitted; and miserable trash or nonsense not unfrequently introduced into pieces of considerable merit. And often the copyist grew so weary of his labour as to write on without the least attention to the sense or meaning; so that the word which should form the rhyme is found misplaced in the middle of the line; and we have such blunders as these, want and will for wanton will;[59] even pan and wale for wan and pale,[60] &c., &c.
In this state is the MS. itself: and even where the leaves have suffered no injury, the transcripts, which seem to have been all made by one person (they are at least all in the same kind of hand), are sometimes extremely incorrect and faulty, being in such instances probably made from defective copies, or the imperfect recitation of illiterate fingers; so that a considerable portion of the song or narrative is sometimes omitted; and miserable trash or nonsense not unfrequently introduced into pieces of considerable merit. And often the copyist grew so weary of his labour as to write on without the least attention to the sense or meaning; so that the word which should form the rhyme is found misplaced in the middle of the line; and we have such blunders as these, want and will for wanton will;[59] even pan and wale for wan and pale,[60] &c., &c.
Hence the public may judge how much they are indebted to the composer of this collection; who, at an early period of life, with such materials and such subjects, formed a work which hath been admitted into the most elegant libraries; and with which the judicious antiquary hath just reason to be satisfied, while refined entertainment hath been provided for every reader of taste and genius.
Therefore, the public can see how much they owe to the composer of this collection, who, at a young age, created a work with such materials and subjects that it has been included in the most elegant libraries. The knowledgeable antiquarian has good reason to be pleased, as it offers refined entertainment for every reader with taste and talent.
Thomas Percy,
Thomas Percy,
Fellow of St. John's College, Oxford.
Fellow at St. John's College, Oxford.
FOOTNOTES:

THE PREFACE

The reader is here presented with select remains of our ancient English bards and minstrels, an order of men, who were once greatly respected by our ancestors, and contributed to soften the roughness of a martial and unlettered people by their songs and by their music.
The reader is now presented with selected works from our ancient English bards and minstrels, a group of people who were once highly respected by our ancestors and helped to soften the harshness of a warrior culture and uneducated society through their songs and music.
The greater part of them are extracted from an ancient folio manuscript, in the editor's possession, which contains near 200 poems, songs, and metrical romances. This MS. was written about the middle of the last century; but contains compositions of all times and dates, from the ages prior to Chaucer, to the conclusion of the reign of Charles I.[61]
The greater part of them are extracted from an ancient folio manuscript, in the editor's possession, which contains near 200 poems, songs, and metrical romances. This MS. was written about the middle of the last century; but contains compositions of all times and dates, from the ages prior to Chaucer, to the conclusion of the reign of Charles I.[61]
This manuscript was shewn to several learned and ingenious friends, who thought the contents too curious to be consigned to oblivion, and importuned the possessor to select some of them, and give them to the press. As most of them are of great simplicity, and seem to have been merely written for the people, he was long in doubt, whether, in the present state of improved literature, they could be deemed [Pg 8]worthy the attention of the public. At length the importunity of his friends prevailed, and he could refuse nothing to such judges as the author of the Rambler and the late Mr. Shenstone.
This manuscript was shown to several knowledgeable and creative friends, who believed the content was too interesting to be forgotten, and encouraged the owner to pick some of it and publish it. Since most of it is very straightforward and seems to have been written for everyday people, he hesitated for a long time about whether, in today's landscape of refined literature, it would be considered [Pg 8]worthy of the public's attention. Eventually, his friends' insistence won out, and he felt he couldn't say no to such esteemed judges as the author of the Rambler and the late Mr. Shenstone.
Accordingly such specimens of ancient poetry have been selected, as either shew the gradation of our language, exhibit the progress of popular opinions, display the peculiar manners and customs of former ages, or throw light on our earlier classical poets.
Accordingly, we have chosen samples of ancient poetry that either show the development of our language, illustrate the evolution of public opinions, highlight the unique customs and practices of past eras, or shed light on our earlier classical poets.
They are here distributed into volumes, each of which contains an independent series of poems, arranged chiefly according to the order of time, and shewing the gradual improvements of the English language and poetry from the earliest ages down to the present. Each volume, or series, is divided into three books, to afford so many pauses, or resting-places to the reader, and to assist him in distinguishing between the productions of the earlier, the middle, and the latter times.
They are organized into volumes, each containing a separate collection of poems, mostly arranged in chronological order, showcasing the gradual evolution of the English language and poetry from the earliest times to the present. Each volume, or collection, is divided into three parts, providing several breaks or resting spots for the reader and helping to differentiate between works from the early, middle, and later periods.
In a polished age, like the present, I am sensible that many of these reliques of antiquity will require great allowances to be made for them. Yet have they, for the most part, a pleasing simplicity, and many artless graces, which in the opinion of no mean critics[62] have been thought to compensate for the want of higher beauties, and, if they do not dazzle the imagination, are frequently found to interest the heart.
In a polished age, like the present, I am sensible that many of these reliques of antiquity will require great allowances to be made for them. Yet have they, for the most part, a pleasing simplicity, and many artless graces, which in the opinion of no mean critics[62] have been thought to compensate for the want of higher beauties, and, if they do not dazzle the imagination, are frequently found to interest the heart.
To atone for the rudeness of the more obsolete poems, each volume concludes with a few modern attempts in the same kind of writing: and, to take off from the tediousness of the longer narratives, [Pg 9]they are everywhere intermingled with little elegant pieces of the lyric kind. Select ballads in the old Scottish dialect, most of them of the first-rate merit, are also interspersed among those of our ancient English minstrels; and the artless productions of these old rhapsodists are occasionally confronted with specimens of the composition of contemporary poets of a higher class; of those who had all the advantages of learning in the times in which they lived, and who wrote for fame and for posterity. Yet perhaps the palm will be frequently due to the old strolling minstrels, who composed their rhymes to be sung to their harps, and who looked no farther than for present applause, and present subsistence.
To make up for the outdated nature of the earlier poems, each collection ends with some modern attempts in the same style; and to break up the monotony of the longer narratives, [Pg 9]they are mixed in with shorter, elegant lyrical pieces. Selected ballads in the old Scottish dialect, most of which are of top quality, are also scattered among the works of our ancient English minstrels; and the simple creations of these old poets are sometimes paired with examples from the works of contemporary poets of a higher caliber; those who had the benefits of education in their time, and who wrote for fame and for future generations. Yet, it's likely that the credit will often go to the old traveling minstrels, who crafted their verses to be sung to their harps, and who focused solely on immediate applause and daily survival.
The reader will find this class of men occasionally described in the following volumes, and some particulars relating to their history in an Essay subjoined. (Appendix I.)
The reader will occasionally find this group of men described in the following volumes, along with some details about their history in an attached essay. (Appendix I.)
It will be proper here to give a short account of the other collections that were consulted, and to make my acknowledgements to those gentlemen who were so kind as to impart extracts from them; for, while this selection was making, a great number of ingenious friends took a share in the work, and explored many large repositories in its favour.
It’s appropriate here to provide a brief overview of the other collections that were referenced and to express my gratitude to those gentlemen who generously shared excerpts from them. While this selection was being prepared, many talented friends contributed to the effort and searched through numerous large archives to support it.
The first of these that deserved notice was the Pepysian library at Magdalen College, Cambridge. Its founder, Sam. Pepys, Esq.,[63] Secretary of the Admiralty in the reigns of Charles II. and James II. had made a large collection of ancient English [Pg 10]ballads, near 2,000 in number, which he has left pasted in five volumes in folio; besides Garlands and other smaller miscellanies. This collection he tells us was "begun by Mr. Selden; improved by the addition of many pieces elder thereto in time; and the whole continued down to the year 1700; when the form peculiar till then thereto, viz., of the black letter with pictures, seems (for cheapness sake) wholly laid aside for that of the white letter without pictures."
The first of these that deserved notice was the Pepysian library at Magdalen College, Cambridge. Its founder, Sam. Pepys, Esq.,[63] Secretary of the Admiralty in the reigns of Charles II. and James II. had made a large collection of ancient English [Pg 10]ballads, near 2,000 in number, which he has left pasted in five volumes in folio; besides Garlands and other smaller miscellanies. This collection he tells us was "begun by Mr. Selden; improved by the addition of many pieces elder thereto in time; and the whole continued down to the year 1700; when the form peculiar till then thereto, viz., of the black letter with pictures, seems (for cheapness sake) wholly laid aside for that of the white letter without pictures."
In the Ashmole Library at Oxford is a small collection of ballads made by Anthony Wood in the year 1676, containing somewhat more than 200. Many ancient popular poems are also preserved in the Bodleyan library.
In the Ashmole Library at Oxford, there's a small collection of ballads compiled by Anthony Wood in 1676, containing just over 200. Many old popular poems are also kept in the Bodleian Library.
The archives of the Antiquarian Society at London contain a multitude of curious political poems in large folio volumes, digested under the several reigns of Hen. VIII., Edw. VI., Mary, Elizabeth, James I., &c.[65]
The archives of the Antiquarian Society at London contain a multitude of curious political poems in large folio volumes, digested under the several reigns of Hen. VIII., Edw. VI., Mary, Elizabeth, James I., &c.[65]
In the British Museum is preserved a large treasure of ancient English poems in MS. besides one folio volume of printed ballads.
In the British Museum, there's a valuable collection of ancient English poems in manuscript, along with one folio volume of printed ballads.
From all these some of the best pieces were selected; and from many private collections, as well printed, as manuscript, particularly from one large folio volume which was lent by a lady.
From all of these, some of the best pieces were chosen; and from many private collections, both printed and handwritten, especially from one large folio volume that was borrowed from a lady.
Amid such a fund of materials, the editor is afraid he has been sometimes led to make too great a parade of his authorities. The desire of being accurate has perhaps seduced him into too minute and trifling an exactness; and in pursuit of information he may have been drawn into many a petty and frivolous research. It was, however, necessary to [Pg 11]give some account of the old copies; though often, for the sake of brevity, one or two of these only are mentioned, where yet assistance was received from several. Where any thing was altered that deserved particular notice, the passage is generally distinguished by two inverted 'commas.' And the editor has endeavoured to be as faithful as the imperfect state of his materials would admit. For, these old popular rhymes being many of them copied only from illiterate transcripts, or the imperfect recitation of itinerant ballad-singers, have, as might be expected, been handed down to us with less care than any other writings in the world. And the old copies, whether MS. or printed, were often so defective or corrupted, that a scrupulous adherence to their wretched readings would only have exhibited unintelligible nonsense, or such poor meagre stuff, as neither came from the bard, nor was worthy the press; when, by a few slight corrections or additions, a most beautiful or interesting sense hath started forth, and this so naturally and easily, that the editor could seldom prevail on himself to indulge the vanity of making a formal claim to the improvement; but must plead guilty to the charge of concealing his own share in the amendments under some such general title, as a Modern Copy, or the like. Yet it has been his design to give sufficient intimation where any considerable liberties[66] were taken with the old copies, and to have retained either in the text or margin any word or phrase which was antique, obsolete, unusual, or peculiar, so that these might be safely quoted as of genuine and undoubted antiquity. His object was to please both the judicious antiquary, and the reader of taste; and he hath endeavoured to gratify both without offending either.
Amid such a fund of materials, the editor is afraid he has been sometimes led to make too great a parade of his authorities. The desire of being accurate has perhaps seduced him into too minute and trifling an exactness; and in pursuit of information he may have been drawn into many a petty and frivolous research. It was, however, necessary to [Pg 11]give some account of the old copies; though often, for the sake of brevity, one or two of these only are mentioned, where yet assistance was received from several. Where any thing was altered that deserved particular notice, the passage is generally distinguished by two inverted 'commas.' And the editor has endeavoured to be as faithful as the imperfect state of his materials would admit. For, these old popular rhymes being many of them copied only from illiterate transcripts, or the imperfect recitation of itinerant ballad-singers, have, as might be expected, been handed down to us with less care than any other writings in the world. And the old copies, whether MS. or printed, were often so defective or corrupted, that a scrupulous adherence to their wretched readings would only have exhibited unintelligible nonsense, or such poor meagre stuff, as neither came from the bard, nor was worthy the press; when, by a few slight corrections or additions, a most beautiful or interesting sense hath started forth, and this so naturally and easily, that the editor could seldom prevail on himself to indulge the vanity of making a formal claim to the improvement; but must plead guilty to the charge of concealing his own share in the amendments under some such general title, as a Modern Copy, or the like. Yet it has been his design to give sufficient intimation where any considerable liberties[66] were taken with the old copies, and to have retained either in the text or margin any word or phrase which was antique, obsolete, unusual, or peculiar, so that these might be safely quoted as of genuine and undoubted antiquity. His object was to please both the judicious antiquary, and the reader of taste; and he hath endeavoured to gratify both without offending either.
The plan of the work was settled in concert with the late elegant Mr. Shenstone, who was to have borne a joint share in it had not death unhappily prevented him[67]: most of the modern pieces were of his selection and arrangement, and the editor hopes to be pardoned if he has retained some things out of partiality to the judgment of his friend. The old folio MS. above-mentioned was a present from Humphrey Pitt, Esq., of Prior's-Lee, in Shropshire,[68] to whom this public acknowledgement is due for that, and many other obliging favours. To Sir David Dalrymple, Bart., of Hailes, near Edinburgh, the editor is indebted for most of the beautiful Scottish poems with which this little miscellany is enriched, and for many curious and elegant remarks with which they are illustrated. Some obliging communications of the same kind were received from John MacGowan, Esq., of Edinburgh; and many curious explanations of Scottish words in the glossaries from John Davidson, Esq., of Edinburgh, and from the Rev. Mr. Hutchinson, of Kimbolton. Mr. Warton, who has twice done so much honour to the Poetry Professor's chair at Oxford, and Mr. Hest, of Wor[Pg 13]cester College, contributed some curious pieces from the Oxford libraries. Two ingenious and learned friends at Cambridge deserve the editor's warmest acknowledgements: to Mr. Blakeway, late fellow of Magdalen College, he owes all the assistance received from the Pepysian library: and Mr. Farmer, fellow of Emanuel, often exerted, in favour of this little work, that extensive knowledge of ancient English literature for which he is so distinguished.[69] Many extracts from ancient MSS. in the British Museum, and other repositories, were owing to the kind ser[Pg 14]vices of Thomas Astle, Esq., to whom the public is indebted for the curious Preface and Index annexed to the Harleyan Catalogue.[70] The worthy Librarian of the Society of Antiquaries, Mr. Norris, deserved acknowledgement for the obliging manner in which he gave the editor access to the volumes under his care. In Mr. Garrick's curious collection of old plays are many scarce pieces of ancient poetry, with the free use of which he indulged the editor in the politest manner. To the Rev. Dr. Birch he is indebted for the use of several ancient and valuable tracts. To the friendship of Dr. Samuel Johnson he owes many valuable hints for the conduct of the work. And, if the Glossaries are more exact and curious than might be expected in so slight a publication, it is to be ascribed to the supervisal of a friend, who stands at this time the first in the world for northern literature, and whose learning is better known and respected in foreign nations than in his own country. It is, perhaps, needless to name the Rev. Mr. Lye, editor of Junius's Etymologicum, and of the Gothic Gospels.
The plan of the work was settled in concert with the late elegant Mr. Shenstone, who was to have borne a joint share in it had not death unhappily prevented him[67]: most of the modern pieces were of his selection and arrangement, and the editor hopes to be pardoned if he has retained some things out of partiality to the judgment of his friend. The old folio MS. above-mentioned was a present from Humphrey Pitt, Esq., of Prior's-Lee, in Shropshire,[68] to whom this public acknowledgement is due for that, and many other obliging favours. To Sir David Dalrymple, Bart., of Hailes, near Edinburgh, the editor is indebted for most of the beautiful Scottish poems with which this little miscellany is enriched, and for many curious and elegant remarks with which they are illustrated. Some obliging communications of the same kind were received from John MacGowan, Esq., of Edinburgh; and many curious explanations of Scottish words in the glossaries from John Davidson, Esq., of Edinburgh, and from the Rev. Mr. Hutchinson, of Kimbolton. Mr. Warton, who has twice done so much honour to the Poetry Professor's chair at Oxford, and Mr. Hest, of Wor[Pg 13]cester College, contributed some curious pieces from the Oxford libraries. Two ingenious and learned friends at Cambridge deserve the editor's warmest acknowledgements: to Mr. Blakeway, late fellow of Magdalen College, he owes all the assistance received from the Pepysian library: and Mr. Farmer, fellow of Emanuel, often exerted, in favour of this little work, that extensive knowledge of ancient English literature for which he is so distinguished.[69] Many extracts from ancient MSS. in the British Museum, and other repositories, were owing to the kind ser[Pg 14]vices of Thomas Astle, Esq., to whom the public is indebted for the curious Preface and Index annexed to the Harleyan Catalogue.[70] The worthy Librarian of the Society of Antiquaries, Mr. Norris, deserved acknowledgement for the obliging manner in which he gave the editor access to the volumes under his care. In Mr. Garrick's curious collection of old plays are many scarce pieces of ancient poetry, with the free use of which he indulged the editor in the politest manner. To the Rev. Dr. Birch he is indebted for the use of several ancient and valuable tracts. To the friendship of Dr. Samuel Johnson he owes many valuable hints for the conduct of the work. And, if the Glossaries are more exact and curious than might be expected in so slight a publication, it is to be ascribed to the supervisal of a friend, who stands at this time the first in the world for northern literature, and whose learning is better known and respected in foreign nations than in his own country. It is, perhaps, needless to name the Rev. Mr. Lye, editor of Junius's Etymologicum, and of the Gothic Gospels.
The names of so many men of learning and character the editor hopes will serve as an amulet to guard him from every unfavourable censure, for having bestowed any attention on a parcel of old ballads. It was at the request of many of these gentlemen, and of others eminent for their genius and taste, that this little work was undertaken. To prepare it for the press has been the amusement of now and then a vacant hour amid the leisure and retirement of rural life, and hath only served as a relaxation from graver studies. It has been taken up at different times, and often thrown aside for many months, during an interval of four or five years. This [Pg 15]has occasioned some inconsistencies and repetitions, which the candid reader will pardon. As great care has been taken to admit nothing immoral and indecent, the editor hopes he need not be ashamed of having bestowed some of his idle hours on the ancient literature of our own country, or in rescuing from oblivion some pieces (though but the amusements of our ancestors) which tend to place in a striking light their taste, genius, sentiments, or manners.
The names of many educated and respectable people hopefully will act as a protective charm for the editor against any negative criticism for paying attention to a collection of old ballads. It was at the request of several of these gentlemen and others known for their talent and taste that this small project was started. Preparing it for publication has been a way to pass the time during some free moments in the peace and quiet of country life, and has mainly served as a break from more serious studies. It has been picked up at various times and often set aside for several months over a span of four or five years. This [Pg 15] has led to some inconsistencies and repetitions, which the kind reader will forgive. As great care has been taken to include nothing immoral or inappropriate, the editor hopes he will not feel embarrassed about spending some of his idle hours on the ancient literature of our own country or in saving from being forgotten some pieces (though they are just the entertainments of our ancestors) that highlight their taste, creativity, feelings, or customs.
Except in one paragraph, this Preface is given with little variation from the first edition in MDCCLXV.
Except in one paragraph, this Preface is presented with minimal changes from the first edition in 1765.
FOOTNOTES:
[61] Chaucer quotes the old Romance of Libius Disconius, and some others, which are found in this MS. (See the Essay, vol. iii. Appendix I.) It also contains several songs relating to the civil war in the last century, but not one that alludes to the Restoration.
[61] Chaucer quotes the old Romance of Libius Disconius, and some others, which are found in this MS. (See the Essay, vol. iii. Appendix I.) It also contains several songs relating to the civil war in the last century, but not one that alludes to the Restoration.
[62] Mr. Addison, Mr. Dryden, and the witty Lord Dorset, &c. See the Spectator, No. 70. To these might be added many eminent judges now alive. The learned Selden appears also to have been fond of collecting these old things. See below.
[62] Mr. Addison, Mr. Dryden, and the witty Lord Dorset, &c. See the Spectator, No. 70. To these might be added many eminent judges now alive. The learned Selden appears also to have been fond of collecting these old things. See below.
[64] [In Percy's time Pepys was not known as the author of that Diary which will keep his name in remembrance so long as English literature continues to exist.]
[64] [In Percy's time Pepys was not known as the author of that Diary which will keep his name in remembrance so long as English literature continues to exist.]
[67] That the editor hath not here under-rated the assistance he received from his friend, will appear from Mr. Shenstone's own letter to the Rev. Mr. Graves, dated March 1, 1761. See his Works, vol. iii. letter cii. It is doubtless a great loss to this work that Mr. Shenstone never saw more than about a third of one of these volumes, as prepared for the press.
[67] That the editor hath not here under-rated the assistance he received from his friend, will appear from Mr. Shenstone's own letter to the Rev. Mr. Graves, dated March 1, 1761. See his Works, vol. iii. letter cii. It is doubtless a great loss to this work that Mr. Shenstone never saw more than about a third of one of these volumes, as prepared for the press.
[68] Who informed the editor that this MS. had been purchased in a library of old books, which was thought to have belonged to Thomas Blount, Author of the Jocular Tenures, 1679, 4to. and of many other publications enumerated in Wood's Athenæ, ii. 73; the earliest of which is The Art of making Devises, 1646, 4to. wherein he is described to be "of the Inner Temple." If the collection was made by this lawyer (who also published the Law Dictionary, 1671, folio), it should seem, from the errors and defects with which the MS. abounds, that he had employed his clerk in writing the transcripts, who was often weary of his task.
[68] Who informed the editor that this MS. had been purchased in a library of old books, which was thought to have belonged to Thomas Blount, Author of the Jocular Tenures, 1679, 4to. and of many other publications enumerated in Wood's Athenæ, ii. 73; the earliest of which is The Art of making Devises, 1646, 4to. wherein he is described to be "of the Inner Temple." If the collection was made by this lawyer (who also published the Law Dictionary, 1671, folio), it should seem, from the errors and defects with which the MS. abounds, that he had employed his clerk in writing the transcripts, who was often weary of his task.
[69] To the same learned and ingenious friend, since Master of Emanuel College, the editor is obliged for many corrections and improvements in his second and subsequent editions; as also to the Rev. Mr. Bowle, of Idmistone, near Salisbury, editor of the curious edition of Don Quixote, with Annotations in Spanish, in 6 vols. 4to.; to the Rev. Mr. Cole, formerly of Blecheley, near Fenny-Stratford, Bucks; to the Rev. Mr. Lambe, of Noreham, in Northumberland (author of a learned History of Chess, 1764, 8vo. and editor of a curious Poem on the Battle of Flodden Field, with learned Notes, 1774, 8vo.); and to G. Paton, Esq., of Edinburgh. He is particularly indebted to two friends, to whom the public as well as himself, are under the greatest obligations; to the Honourable Daines Barrington, for his very learned and curious Observations on the Statutes, 4to.; and to Thomas Tyrwhitt, Esq., whose most correct and elegant edition of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, 5 vols. 8vo. is a standard book, and shows how an ancient English classic should be published. The editor was also favoured with many valuable remarks and corrections from the Rev. Geo. Ashby, late fellow of St. John's College, in Cambridge, which are not particularly pointed out because they occur so often. He was no less obliged to Thomas Butler, Esq., F.A.S., agent to the Duke of Northumberland, and Clerk of the Peace for the County of Middlesex, whose extensive knowledge of ancient writings, records, and history, have been of great use to the editor in his attempts to illustrate the literature or manners of our ancestors. Some valuable remarks were procured by Samuel Pegge, Esq., author of that curious work the Curialia, 4to.; but this impression was too far advanced to profit by them all; which hath also been the case with a series of learned and ingenious annotations inserted in the Gentleman's Magazine for August, 1793, April, June, July, and October, 1794, and which, it is hoped, will be continued.
[69] To the same learned and ingenious friend, since Master of Emanuel College, the editor is obliged for many corrections and improvements in his second and subsequent editions; as also to the Rev. Mr. Bowle, of Idmistone, near Salisbury, editor of the curious edition of Don Quixote, with Annotations in Spanish, in 6 vols. 4to.; to the Rev. Mr. Cole, formerly of Blecheley, near Fenny-Stratford, Bucks; to the Rev. Mr. Lambe, of Noreham, in Northumberland (author of a learned History of Chess, 1764, 8vo. and editor of a curious Poem on the Battle of Flodden Field, with learned Notes, 1774, 8vo.); and to G. Paton, Esq., of Edinburgh. He is particularly indebted to two friends, to whom the public as well as himself, are under the greatest obligations; to the Honourable Daines Barrington, for his very learned and curious Observations on the Statutes, 4to.; and to Thomas Tyrwhitt, Esq., whose most correct and elegant edition of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, 5 vols. 8vo. is a standard book, and shows how an ancient English classic should be published. The editor was also favoured with many valuable remarks and corrections from the Rev. Geo. Ashby, late fellow of St. John's College, in Cambridge, which are not particularly pointed out because they occur so often. He was no less obliged to Thomas Butler, Esq., F.A.S., agent to the Duke of Northumberland, and Clerk of the Peace for the County of Middlesex, whose extensive knowledge of ancient writings, records, and history, have been of great use to the editor in his attempts to illustrate the literature or manners of our ancestors. Some valuable remarks were procured by Samuel Pegge, Esq., author of that curious work the Curialia, 4to.; but this impression was too far advanced to profit by them all; which hath also been the case with a series of learned and ingenious annotations inserted in the Gentleman's Magazine for August, 1793, April, June, July, and October, 1794, and which, it is hoped, will be continued.


RELIQUES OF ANCIENT POETRY, ETC.
Relics of Ancient Poetry, etc.
SERIES THE FIRST.
Season One.
BOOK I.

I never heard the olde song of Percy and Duglas, that I found not my heart mooved more then with a trumpet: and yet is it sung but by some blinde crouder, with no rougher voyce, then rude stile; which being so evill apparelled in the dust and cobwebbes of that uncivill age, what would it worke, trymmed in the gorgeous eloquence of Pindar!—Sir Philip Sidney's Apologie for Poetrie, 1595.
I never heard the old song of Percy and Douglas that didn't move my heart more than a trumpet would: and yet it's only sung by some blind fiddler, with no rougher voice than a clumsy style; which, being so poorly dressed in the dust and cobwebs of that uncivilized age, what would it achieve, polished in the beautiful eloquence of Pindar!—Sir Philip Sidney's Apologie for Poetrie, 1595.

I.
THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF CHEVY
CHASE.

The fine heroic song of Chevy-Chase has ever been admired by competent judges. Those genuine strokes of nature and artless passion, which have endeared it to the most simple readers, have recommended it to the most refined; and it has equally been the amusement of our childhood, and the favourite of our riper years.
The great heroic poem of Chevy-Chase has always been praised by knowledgeable critics. Its genuine expressions of nature and sincere emotions, which have won over even the simplest readers, have also appealed to the more sophisticated; it has been both a source of enjoyment in our childhood and a favorite in our later years.
Mr. Addison has given an excellent critique[71] on this very popular ballad, but is mistaken with regard to the antiquity of the common-received copy; for this, if one may judge from the style, cannot be older than the time of Elizabeth, and was probably written after the elogium of Sir Philip Sidney: perhaps in consequence of it. I flatter myself, I have here recovered the genuine antique poem; the true original song, which appeared rude even in the time of Sir Philip, and caused him to lament, that it was so evil-apparelled in the rugged garb of antiquity.
Mr. Addison has given an excellent critique[71] on this very popular ballad, but is mistaken with regard to the antiquity of the common-received copy; for this, if one may judge from the style, cannot be older than the time of Elizabeth, and was probably written after the elogium of Sir Philip Sidney: perhaps in consequence of it. I flatter myself, I have here recovered the genuine antique poem; the true original song, which appeared rude even in the time of Sir Philip, and caused him to lament, that it was so evil-apparelled in the rugged garb of antiquity.
This curiosity is printed, from an old manuscript,[72] at the end of Hearne's preface to Gul. Newbrigiensis Hist. 1719, 8vo. vol. i. To the MS. copy is subjoined the name of the author, Rychard Sheale;[73] whom Hearne had so little judgement as to suppose to be the same with a R. Sheale, who was living in 1588. But whoever examines the gradation of language and idiom in the following volumes, will be convinced that this is the production [Pg 20]of an earlier poet. It is indeed expressly mentioned among some very ancient songs in an old book intituled, The Complaint of Scotland[74] (fol. 42), under the title of the Huntis of Chevet, where the two following lines are also quoted:—
This curiosity is printed, from an old manuscript,[72] at the end of Hearne's preface to Gul. Newbrigiensis Hist. 1719, 8vo. vol. i. To the MS. copy is subjoined the name of the author, Rychard Sheale;[73] whom Hearne had so little judgement as to suppose to be the same with a R. Sheale, who was living in 1588. But whoever examines the gradation of language and idiom in the following volumes, will be convinced that this is the production [Pg 20]of an earlier poet. It is indeed expressly mentioned among some very ancient songs in an old book intituled, The Complaint of Scotland[74] (fol. 42), under the title of the Huntis of Chevet, where the two following lines are also quoted:—
That day, that day, that beautiful day: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
which, tho' not quite the same as they stand in the ballad, yet differ not more than might be owing to the author's quoting from memory. Indeed whoever considers the style and orthography of this old poem will not be inclined to place it lower than the time of Henry VI.: as on the other hand the mention of James the Scottish King,[77] with one or two anachronisms, forbids us to assign it an earlier date. King James I. who was prisoner in this kingdom at the death of his father,[78] did not wear the crown of Scotland till the second year of our Henry VI.,[79] but before the end of that long reign a third James had mounted the throne.[80] A succession of two or three Jameses, and the long detention of one of them in England, would render the name familiar to the English, and dispose a poet in those rude times to give it to any Scottish king he happened to mention.
which, tho' not quite the same as they stand in the ballad, yet differ not more than might be owing to the author's quoting from memory. Indeed whoever considers the style and orthography of this old poem will not be inclined to place it lower than the time of Henry VI.: as on the other hand the mention of James the Scottish King,[77] with one or two anachronisms, forbids us to assign it an earlier date. King James I. who was prisoner in this kingdom at the death of his father,[78] did not wear the crown of Scotland till the second year of our Henry VI.,[79] but before the end of that long reign a third James had mounted the throne.[80] A succession of two or three Jameses, and the long detention of one of them in England, would render the name familiar to the English, and dispose a poet in those rude times to give it to any Scottish king he happened to mention.
So much for the date of this old ballad: with regard to its subject, altho' it has no countenance from history, there is room to think it had originally some foundation in fact. It was one of the Laws of the Marches frequently renewed between the two nations, that neither party should hunt in the other's borders, without leave from the proprietors or their deputies.[81] There had long been a [Pg 21]rivalship between the two martial families of Percy and Douglas, which heightened by the national quarrel, must have produced frequent challenges and struggles for superiority, petty invasions of their respective domains, and sharp contests for the point of honour; which would not always be recorded in history. Something of this kind, we may suppose, gave rise to the ancient ballad of the Hunting a' the Cheviat.[82] Percy earl of Northumberland had vowed to hunt for three days in the Scottish border without condescending to ask leave from earl Douglas, who was either lord of the soil, or lord warden of the marches. Douglas would not fail to resent the insult, and endeavour to repel the intruders by force; this would naturally produce a sharp conflict between the two parties: something of which, it is probable, did really happen, tho' not attended with the tragical circumstances recorded in the ballad: for these are evidently borrowed from the Battle of Otterbourn,[83] a very different event, but which after-times would easily confound with it. That battle might be owing to some such previous affront as this of Chevy Chase, though it has escaped the notice of historians. Our poet has evidently jumbled the two subjects together: if indeed the lines,[84] in which this mistake is made, are not rather spurious, and the after-insertion of some person, who did not distinguish between the two stories.
So much for the date of this old ballad: with regard to its subject, altho' it has no countenance from history, there is room to think it had originally some foundation in fact. It was one of the Laws of the Marches frequently renewed between the two nations, that neither party should hunt in the other's borders, without leave from the proprietors or their deputies.[81] There had long been a [Pg 21]rivalship between the two martial families of Percy and Douglas, which heightened by the national quarrel, must have produced frequent challenges and struggles for superiority, petty invasions of their respective domains, and sharp contests for the point of honour; which would not always be recorded in history. Something of this kind, we may suppose, gave rise to the ancient ballad of the Hunting a' the Cheviat.[82] Percy earl of Northumberland had vowed to hunt for three days in the Scottish border without condescending to ask leave from earl Douglas, who was either lord of the soil, or lord warden of the marches. Douglas would not fail to resent the insult, and endeavour to repel the intruders by force; this would naturally produce a sharp conflict between the two parties: something of which, it is probable, did really happen, tho' not attended with the tragical circumstances recorded in the ballad: for these are evidently borrowed from the Battle of Otterbourn,[83] a very different event, but which after-times would easily confound with it. That battle might be owing to some such previous affront as this of Chevy Chase, though it has escaped the notice of historians. Our poet has evidently jumbled the two subjects together: if indeed the lines,[84] in which this mistake is made, are not rather spurious, and the after-insertion of some person, who did not distinguish between the two stories.
Hearne has printed this ballad without any division of stanzas, in long lines, as he found it in the old written copy; but it is usual to find the distinction of stanzas neglected in ancient MSS.; where, to save room, two or three verses are frequently given in one line undivided. See flagrant instances in the Harleian Catalogue, No. 2253, s. 29, 34, 61, 70, et passim.
Hearne has printed this ballad without any breaks into stanzas, in long lines, just like he found it in the old handwritten version; however, it’s common to see the separation of stanzas overlooked in ancient manuscripts, where, to save space, two or three verses are often presented together in one undivided line. Check out clear examples in the Harleian Catalogue, No. 2253, s. 29, 34, 61, 70, et passim.
[Bishop Percy did well to open his book with Chevy Chase and the Battle of Otterburn, as these two are by far the most remarkable of the old historical ballads still left to us, and all Englishmen must feel peculiar interest in Chevy Chase, as it is one of the few northern ballads that are the exclusive growth of the south side of the Border. The partizanship of the Englishman is very amusingly brought out in verses 145-154, where we learn that the Scotch king had no captain in his realm equal to the dead Douglas, but that the English king had a hundred captains as good as Percy. A ballad which stirred the soul of Sidney and caused Ben Jonson to wish that he had been the author of it rather than [Pg 22]of all his own works cannot but be dear to all readers of taste and feeling. The old version is so far superior to the modern one (see Book iii. No. 1) that it must ever be a source of regret that Addison, who elegantly analyzed the modern version, did not know of the original.
[Bishop Percy did well to start his book with Chevy Chase and the Battle of Otterburn, as these two are definitely the most notable old historical ballads that we still have, and every Englishman must feel a special interest in Chevy Chase, since it is one of the few northern ballads that originated exclusively from the southern side of the Border. The partisanship of the Englishman is humorously highlighted in verses 145-154, where we find out that the Scottish king had no captain in his realm who matched the dead Douglas, but the English king had a hundred captains just as good as Percy. A ballad that inspired Sidney and made Ben Jonson wish he had written it instead of [Pg 22]all of his own works can't help but be cherished by all readers with taste and feeling. The old version is far superior to the modern one (see Book iii. No. 1), which is always a source of regret since Addison, who elegantly analyzed the modern version, didn't know about the original.]
It will be well to arrange under three heads the subjects on which a few words require to be added to Percy's preface, viz. 1. the title, 2. the occasion, 3. the author. 1. In the old version the title given in the ballad itself is the hunting of the Cheviat, and in the Complaynt of Scotlande it is referred to as The Huntis of Chevot. The title of the modern version is changed to Chevy Chase, which Dr. E. B. Nicholson has suggested to be derived from the old French word chevauchée, a foray or expedition (see Notes and Queries, 3rd series, vol. xii. p. 124); but this explanation is not needed, as the original of the modern title is found in ver. 62 as Chyviat Chays, which naturally became contracted into Chevy Chase, as Teviotdale into Tevidale (ver. 50).
It’s helpful to organize the topics that need a few additional comments on Percy’s preface into three categories: 1. the title, 2. the occasion, 3. the author. 1. In the old version, the title given in the ballad itself is the hunting of the Cheviat, and in the Complaynt of Scotlande it is referred to as The Huntis of Chevot. The title of the modern version has been changed to Chevy Chase, which Dr. E. B. Nicholson suggests is derived from the old French word chevauchée, meaning a raid or expedition (see Notes and Queries, 3rd series, vol. xii. p. 124); however, this explanation is unnecessary, as the original of the modern title can be found in verse 62 as Chyviat Chays, which naturally got shortened to Chevy Chase, just like Teviotdale became Tevidale (verse 50).
2. The ballad is so completely unhistorical that it is difficult to give any opinion as to the occasion to which it refers, but apparently it was written, as Bishop Percy remarks, to commemorate a defiant expedition of one of the Lords of the Marches upon the domain of another, but that the names of Percy and Douglas led the writer into a confusion with the battle of Otterburn, which was fresh in the people's memory owing to the ballad of the Battle of Otterburn. In fact Professor Child throws out the hint that possibly Sidney referred to the Battle of Otterburn and not to the Hunting of the Cheviat, as he only mentions the old song of Percie and Douglas, but it has so long been believed that Sidney spoke of Chevy Chase that we should be sorry to think otherwise now. In the note immediately following the modern version (see Book iii. No. 1.) Bishop Percy suggests the possibility that the ballad may refer to the battle of Pepperden fought in 1436, but this view is highly improbable for the following reason. In both the ancient and modern versions the battle of Humbledown is alluded to as a future event caused by the death of Percy at Chevy Chase. Now as Humbledown was fought in the year 1402, and as the battle of Otterburn was the only conflict of importance on the Borders which preceded it, and as, moreover, Otterburn is mentioned in the ballad, there cannot well be any reference to a battle fought so many years afterwards.
2. The ballad is so completely unhistorical that it's hard to determine what event it refers to, but it seems to have been written, as Bishop Percy notes, to commemorate a bold expedition by one of the Lords of the Marches against another lord's territory. However, the names Percy and Douglas misled the writer into confusing it with the battle of Otterburn, which was still fresh in people's minds because of the ballad about the Battle of Otterburn. In fact, Professor Child suggests that Sidney might have been referring to the Battle of Otterburn and not the Hunting of the Cheviat, since he only mentions the old song of Percie and Douglas, but it has been long believed that Sidney was talking about Chevy Chase, so it would be disappointing to think otherwise now. In the note right after the modern version (see Book iii. No. 1.), Bishop Percy proposes that the ballad might refer to the battle of Pepperden fought in 1436, but this is highly unlikely for the following reason. In both the ancient and modern versions, the battle of Humbledown is mentioned as a future event caused by Percy's death at Chevy Chase. Since Humbledown was fought in 1402, and the battle of Otterburn was the only significant conflict on the Borders that preceded it, and since Otterburn is mentioned in the ballad, there can't be any reference to a battle that took place so many years later.
3. Bishop Percy is unnecessarily severe in his remark upon Hearne, as that learned antiquary was probably correct in identifying the Richard Sheale of the old ballad with Richard Sheale the minstrel. Whether, however, the latter was the author, as is argued by C. in Brydges' British Bibliographer (vol. 4, pp. 95-105), is another matter. The other examples of the minstrel's[Pg 23] muse are so inferior to this ballad that it is impossible to believe him to be the author. Doubtless it was recited by him, and being associated with his name the transcriber may naturally have supposed him to be its maker. Sheale really flourished (or withered, as Mr. Hales has it) at a rather earlier period than the date 1588 mentioned by Percy would lead us to imagine, for he appears to have been writing before 1560, nevertheless the language is of a much earlier date than this, and, moreover, a ballad of the Borders is not likely to have been invented at Tamworth, where Sheale lived.
3. Bishop Percy is unnecessarily harsh in his comment about Hearne, as that knowledgeable antiquarian was probably right in linking Richard Sheale from the old ballad to Richard Sheale the minstrel. However, whether the latter was the author, as argued by C. in Brydges' British Bibliographer (vol. 4, pp. 95-105), is a different issue. The other examples of the minstrel's[Pg 23] work are so much weaker than this ballad that it’s hard to believe he wrote it. Surely it was performed by him, and since it was associated with his name, the transcriber might have naturally assumed he was its creator. Sheale actually thrived (or faded, as Mr. Hales puts it) a bit earlier than the 1588 date mentioned by Percy would suggest because he seems to have been writing before 1560. Nonetheless, the language is of an earlier period than this, and, additionally, a ballad from the Borders is unlikely to have originated in Tamworth, where Sheale lived.
Chevy Chase was long a highly popular song, and Bishop Corbet, in his Journey into France, speaks of having sung it in his youth. The antiquated beau in Davenant's play of the Wits also prides himself on being able to sing it, and in Wit's Intepreter, 1671, a man when enumerating the good qualities of his wife, cites after the beauties of her mind and her patience "her curious voice wherewith she useth to sing Chevy Chace." Many other ballads were sung to the same tune, so that we are not always sure as to whether the original is referred to or some more modern song. The philosopher Locke, when Secretary to the Embassy sent by Charles II. to the Elector of Brandenburg, wrote home a description of the Brandenburg church singing, in which he says, "He that could not though he had a cold make better music with a chevy chace over a pot of smooth ale, deserved well to pay the reckoning and to go away athirst."[85] The writer here probably referred to any song sung to this tune.]
Chevy Chase was long a highly popular song, and Bishop Corbet, in his Journey into France, speaks of having sung it in his youth. The antiquated beau in Davenant's play of the Wits also prides himself on being able to sing it, and in Wit's Intepreter, 1671, a man when enumerating the good qualities of his wife, cites after the beauties of her mind and her patience "her curious voice wherewith she useth to sing Chevy Chace." Many other ballads were sung to the same tune, so that we are not always sure as to whether the original is referred to or some more modern song. The philosopher Locke, when Secretary to the Embassy sent by Charles II. to the Elector of Brandenburg, wrote home a description of the Brandenburg church singing, in which he says, "He that could not though he had a cold make better music with a chevy chace over a pot of smooth ale, deserved well to pay the reckoning and to go away athirst."[85] The writer here probably referred to any song sung to this tune.]
THE FIRST FIT.[86]

And a vow to God made he, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ That he wanted to hunt in the mountains. Off Chyviat within three days,
In the mauger__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ of doughtè Dogles,[89]5
And everything that is ever with him. [Pg 24]
"Be my feth," said the tough Douglas again,
I will let__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ that hunting if I can.
With him a mighty group;[92]
With fifteen hundred acres bold;[93]
The selection made from shyars three.[94]
The child may regret that it is yet to be born,
It was the more petty.
For to reas __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the dear; Bomen argued against the bent[98]
With their broad areas __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ clear.
Great hounds through the groves gleam __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ To kill their dear.
Yerly __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ on a Monday; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ Be__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ aware that it led to the awareness of none[107]
[Pg 25] A hundred big deer lay dead there.30
The assembly on sides share;[110]
To the query__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ then the Perse went To see the brightness __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ off the deer.
The great oath of the Persè is sworn.
It was an impressive sight to see.
Hardy are men both of heart and hand. Don't wear in Christianity.
The wear carried along by the water in the Tyne,
Boundaries of Tividale.
And to your boys, make sure you pay good attention; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
For never would you wear on your mother's skin __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ If you have ever had such great need.[122]
[Pg 26]
He rode out with all his men before him;[123]
His armor shimmered like a flame;[124]
A bolder barn was never born.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Or whose men are you:60
Who gave you permission to hunt in this? Does tea await me in the morning?
It was the good Lord Persè:
We won't reveal what kind of people we are, he says,[127]65
Nor whose men we are;
But we will hunt here in this chase
In spite of yours and of the.
We have kyld and cast__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ to take them away.70
"Promise me, said the brave Douglas in response, [129]
" Therefore, the ton__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ of us shall do this today.
To kill all these innocent men,75
Alas! It was a great pity.
I am a yerle__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ located within my country;
Let all our men stand on a party __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. And fight the battle at my end.80
[Pg 27] You will never see that day;
Not for any man born of a woman, But and __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ fortune be my chance,
I met him in person. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
To King Henry the Fourth for shame.
I am a poor squire of land; I will never see my captain fight on a battlefield,95
And I stand by myself and look on,
But why should I wield my weapon, I will not fail in both heart and hand.
The first Fit __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ here I find. And you will not hear any more about the hunting of the Cheviot, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Yet there’s more behind.
THE SECOND FIT.

The hearts were good enough; The first of the arrows that shot off, [144]
Seven score spear men the slough.[145]
Like a chief leading with pride,10
With suar__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ spears off myghtè tree The vibe is on every side. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Many a young man worries about dying,[151]15
Which guided them, no pride.
And pulled out brands that were bright;[153]
It was a heavy sight to see
Bright swords on bayonets __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ light.
Many starlings __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the stroke down strength: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Many a freyke,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ who was completely free,
[Pg 29] The ground underfoot did shine.
Like to captains of strength and power;[160]
The swapte__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ together until both swat[162] With swords, that are made of fine Milan. [163]
Tyll the blood out of their helmets splashed,[165]
As always, heal or shine.[166]
And I swear I will bring it Where you will have a year's wages __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Of Jamy, our Scottish king.
I highlight the hear this thing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ For the most courageous man, yet are you, That I ever conquered in field fighting.40
I told it before, That I would never yield to be To no man born of a woman.
The year Duglas has struck the hat. In at the breast bane.
[Pg 30]
The sharp arrow has gone,50
That never again in all his life days, He spoke more words than one,
That was, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Fight, my happy friends, while you can,
For my life days have begun.
And saw the Douglas, too; He took the dead man by the hand,
And said, Woe is me for you!
My land for years three,60
For a better man of heart, not of hand Wasn't in all the northern country.
Was called Sir Hewe the Mongon-berry, He saw that Douglas was prepared for death __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__; He spent __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ on a trustworthy tree:
Until he arrived at the good lord Persè.70
With a spear made of a mighty tree He bore the clean through the body,[177]
[Pg 31]
Better captains do not wear in Christianity,
Then that day they died there.
He had a curved bow in his hand, Was based on trust:
A tune that was both sad and uplifting,85
He sat on Sir Hewe the Mongon-byrry.
That he of Mongon-byrry sat; The swan feathers that his arrow carried, With his heart, blood was shed. [182]90
But still in dust__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ did stand,
Leaning on each other,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ while they might dream,[185]
With many a bad brand.
And when the evening song bell rang The battle was not even halfway done.
Many had no strength to stand,[Pg 32] In Chyviat, the hills above.
But even 5 and 15:
The child may regret that it is not yet born,
It was the most pitiful.
Sir John of Agerstone, Sir Roger the Hinde __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Hartly,
Sir William the Bold Hearone.
A knight of great renown, Sir Raff the Rich Rugby With dints worn beaten down.
That he should be slain; For when both his legs are heavy to bear,[192]
Yet he knelt and fought on his knees.[193]
That never a foot would flee; Sir Hewe Maxwell was a lord,[Pg 33] With the Duglas dies, he dies.
Many couples __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ with crying tears, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Cam to make them a way.
Northombarlond can make great money,[199]
For those captains, as slain wear their,
On the march perti__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ will never be none.[201]
To Jamy the Scottish king,140
That guy Doughetie Douglas, tenant of the Merchants,
He lay on Chyviot hill.
Such another captain Scotland within,145
He said, "Faith should never be." [203]
Till __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the fourth Harry our king, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ Lord Persè, lieutenant of the Merchis,[206]
[Pg 34] He lay slain Chyviat within.150
I have a hundred captains in England, he said,
He was as good as ever:
But Perse, I tolerate __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ my life, Your death will be just __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Like a noble prince of renown,
For the death of Lord Persè,
He fought in the Battle of Hombyll-down:160
Glendale glittered on their bright armor,
Over castle, tower, and town.
Older men who know the ground well enough, Let's call it the Battle of Otterburn.
There was the doughty Douglas slain,
The Persè never disappeared.
As the rainy days in the street. 176
[Pg 35]
And may it bring us joy!
This was the hunting of the Chevyat:
May God grant us all a good outcome!180
⁂ The style of this and the following ballad is uncommonly rugged and uncouth, owing to their being writ in the very coarsest and broadest northern dialect.
⁂ The style of this and the next ballad is unusually rough and crude, because they are written in a very coarse and broad northern dialect.
The battle of Hombyll-down, or Humbledon, was fought Sept. 14, 1402 (anno 3 Hen. IV.), wherein the English, under the command of the Earl of Northumberland and his son Hotspur, gained a complete victory over the Scots. The village of Humbledon is one mile northwest from Wooler, in Northumberland. The battle was fought in the field below the village, near the present Turnpike Road, in a spot called ever since Red-Riggs. Humbledon is in Glendale Ward, a district so named in this county, and mentioned above in ver. 163.
The Battle of Hombyll-down, or Humbledon, took place on September 14, 1402 (in the 3rd year of King Henry IV). The English forces, led by the Earl of Northumberland and his son Hotspur, achieved a complete victory over the Scots. The village of Humbledon is located one mile northwest of Wooler in Northumberland. The battle occurred in the field below the village, close to what is now the Turnpike Road, in an area known ever since as Red-Riggs. Humbledon is part of Glendale Ward, a district named for this area in the county, as mentioned earlier in verse 163.
FOOTNOTES:
[71] Spectator, Nos. 70, 74.
[72] [MS. Ashmole, 48, in the Bodleian Library. The Rev. W. W. Skeat has printed the ballad from the MS. in his Specimens of English Literature, 1394-1579. Clarendon Press Series, 1871.]
[72] [MS. Ashmole, 48, in the Bodleian Library. The Rev. W. W. Skeat has printed the ballad from the MS. in his Specimens of English Literature, 1394-1579. Clarendon Press Series, 1871.]
[74] One of the earliest productions of the Scottish press, now to be found. The title-page was wanting in the copy here quoted; but it is supposed to have been printed in 1540. See Ames. [It is now believed to have been printed in 1549. See the new edition by J. A. H. Murray, printed for the Early English Text Society (Extra Series), 1872.]
[74] One of the earliest productions of the Scottish press, now to be found. The title-page was wanting in the copy here quoted; but it is supposed to have been printed in 1540. See Ames. [It is now believed to have been printed in 1549. See the new edition by J. A. H. Murray, printed for the Early English Text Society (Extra Series), 1872.]
[75] See Pt. ii. v. 25.
[76] See Pt. i. v. 99.
[77] Pt. ii. v. 36, 140.
[81] Item.... Concordatum est, quod, ... nullus unius partis vel alterius ingrediatur terras, boschas, forrestas, warrenas, loca, dominia quæcunque alicujus partis alterius subditi, causa venandi, piscandi, aucupandi, disportum aut solatium in eisdem, aliave quacunque de causa, absque licentia ejus ... ad quem ... loca ... pertinent, aut de deputatis suis prius capt. et obtent. Vid. Bp. Nicolson's Leges Marchiarum, 1705, 8vo. pp. 27, 51.
[81] Item.... Concordatum est, quod, ... nullus unius partis vel alterius ingrediatur terras, boschas, forrestas, warrenas, loca, dominia quæcunque alicujus partis alterius subditi, causa venandi, piscandi, aucupandi, disportum aut solatium in eisdem, aliave quacunque de causa, absque licentia ejus ... ad quem ... loca ... pertinent, aut de deputatis suis prius capt. et obtent. Vid. Bp. Nicolson's Leges Marchiarum, 1705, 8vo. pp. 27, 51.
[83] See the next ballad.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check out the next ballad.
[84] Vid. Pt. ii. v. 167.
[86] Fit. see ver. 100.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Fit. see version 100.
[88] [in spite of.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [despite.]
[90] [hinder.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [hinder.]
[91] Ver. 11. The the Persé. PC.
[92] [company.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [company.]
[94] By these "shyars thre" is probably meant three districts in Northumberland, which still go by the name of shires, and are all in the neighbourhood of Cheviot. These are Island-shire, being the district so named from Holy-Island: Norehamshire, so called from the town and castle of Noreham (or Norham): and Bamboroughshire, the ward or hundred belonging to Bamborough castle and town.
[94] By these "shyars thre" is probably meant three districts in Northumberland, which still go by the name of shires, and are all in the neighbourhood of Cheviot. These are Island-shire, being the district so named from Holy-Island: Norehamshire, so called from the town and castle of Noreham (or Norham): and Bamboroughshire, the ward or hundred belonging to Bamborough castle and town.
[95] [high.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [high.]
[96] Ver. 19. throrowe. PC.
[97] [rouse.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [wake up.]
[99] [broad arrows.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [wide arrows.]
[100] [wild deer.]
[101] [entirely.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [entirely.]
[102] [the bushes glanced.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [the bushes glanced.]
[103] [above.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [above.]
[104] [early.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [early.]
[105] [Monday.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Monday.]
[106] [by.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [by.]
[107] [hour of noon.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [12 PM.]
[109] Ver. 31. blwe a mot. PC.
[110] [on all sides.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [from all sides.]
[111] [slaughtered game.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [hunted animals.]
[112] [quartering.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [sharing.]
[113] [truly.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [really.]
[114] [aware of.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [aware of.]
[115] V. 42. myghtte. PC. passim.
[116] [battle axe and sword.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [battle axe and sword.]
[117] V. 43. brylly. PC.
[118] V. 48. withowte ... feale. PC.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ V. 48. without ... feel. PC.
[119] [in the.]
[120] V. 52. boys PC.
[121] [since.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [since.]
[122] V. 54. ned. PC.
[124] [glowing coal.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [glowing coal.]
[125] [man.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [man.]
[126] Ver. 59. whos. PC.
[127] Ver. 65. whoys. PC.
[128] [mean.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [meaning.]
[129] Ver. 71. agay. PC.
[131] [earl.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [earl.]
[132] [apart or aside.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [apart or aside.]
[133] [curse.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [swear.]
[134] [head.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [head.]
[135] Ver. 81. sayd the the. PC.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ver. 81. said the the. PC.
[136] [but if.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [but if.]
[137] [one man for one.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [one guy for one.]
[138] Ver. 88. on i.e. one.
[139] This is probably corrupted in the MS. for Rog. Widdrington, who was at the head of the family in the reign of K. Edw. III. There were several successively of the names of Roger and Ralph, but none of the name of Richard, as appears from the genealogies in the Heralds' office.
[139] This is probably corrupted in the MS. for Rog. Widdrington, who was at the head of the family in the reign of K. Edw. III. There were several successively of the names of Roger and Ralph, but none of the name of Richard, as appears from the genealogies in the Heralds' office.
[140] [for wot, know.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [for what, know.]
[141] [two.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [2.]
[143] [if you.]
[144] Ver. 3. first, i.e. flight.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ver. 3. first, i.e. flight.
[145] [slew.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [bunch.]
[146] [abides.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [follows.]
[147] V. 5. byddys. PC.
[148] [mischief, wrong.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [mischief, wrong.]
[149] [sure.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [sure.]
[150] [they come.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [they're here.]
[152] V. 17. boys. PC.
[153] V. 18. briggt. PC.
[154] [helmets.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [helmets.]
[156] V. 21. throrowe. PC.
[158] V. 22. done. PC.
[159] [strong man.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [strong man.]
[160] Ver. 26. to, i.e. two. Ibid. and of. PC.
[161] [exchanged blows.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fought back.]
[162] [did sweat.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [did sweat.]
[163] [Milan steel.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Milan steel.]
[164] [men.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [guys.]
[165] [spurted out.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [spurted out.]
[166] V. 32. ran. PC.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ V. 32. ran. PC.
[167] V. 33. helde. PC.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ V. 33. helde. PC.
[168] [promise.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [promise.]
[170] Ver. 49. throroue. PC.
[172] [put.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [put.]
[173] [grasped.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [understood.]
[174] [courser.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [course.]
[175] [he never lingered nor stopped.]
[176] [blow.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [blow.]
[177] V. 74. ber. PC.
[178] Ver. 80. Say, i. e. Sawe.
[179] V. 84. haylde. PC.
[180] [sore.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [sore.]
[181] V. 87. far. PC.
[182] This incident is taken from the battle of Otterbourn; in which Sir Hugh Montgomery, Knt. (son of John Lord Montgomery) was slain with an arrow. Vid. Crawford's Peerage.
[182] This incident is taken from the battle of Otterbourn; in which Sir Hugh Montgomery, Knt. (son of John Lord Montgomery) was slain with an arrow. Vid. Crawford's Peerage.
[183] [fight.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fight.]
[184] [hewing at each other.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fighting each other.]
[185] [suffer.]
[186] [hills above.]
[187] Ver. 102. abou. PC.
[188] V. 108. strenge ... hy. PC.
[189] [gentle.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [gentle.]
[190] [Mr. Skeat reads Loumbe.]
[191] V. 115. lóule. PC.
[192] V. 121. in to, i.e. in two.
[193] V. 122. kny. PC.
[194] Ver. 132. gay. PC.
[195] [widows.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [widows.]
[196] A common pleonasm, see the next poem, Fit. 2d. V. 155; so Harding in his Chronicle, chap. 140, fol. 148, describing the death of Richard I. says,
[196] A common pleonasm, see the next poem, Fit. 2d. V. 155; so Harding in his Chronicle, chap. 140, fol. 148, describing the death of Richard I. says,
So likewise Cavendish in his Life of Cardinal Wolsey, chap. 12, p. 31, 4to.: "When the Duke heard this, he replied with weeping teares," &c.
So similarly, Cavendish in his Life of Cardinal Wolsey, chap. 12, p. 31, 4to.: "When the Duke heard this, he replied with tears," &c.
[197] [mates.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [friends.]
[198] [complain]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [vent]
[199] V. 136. mon. PC.
[201] V. 138. non. PC.
[202] [wail.]
[203] V. 146. ye feth. PC.
[206] Ver. 149. cheyff tennante. PC.
[207] [if I enjoy.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [if I like.]
[208] [requited.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [mutual.]
[210] [Monday.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Monday.]
II.
THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

The only battle wherein an Earl of Douglas was slain fighting with a Percy was that of Otterbourne, which is the subject of this ballad. It is here related with the allowable partiality of an English poet, and much in the same manner as it is recorded in the English Chronicles. The Scottish writers have, with a partiality at least as excusable, related it no less in their own favour. Luckily we have a very circumstantial narrative of the whole affair from Froissart, a French historian, who appears to be unbiassed. Froissart's relation is prolix; I shall therefore give it, with a few corrections, as abridged by Carte, who has, however, had recourse to other authorities, and differs from Froissart in some things, which I shall note in the margin.
The only battle where an Earl of Douglas was killed while fighting a Percy was at Otterbourne, which is the focus of this ballad. It's told here with the understandable bias of an English poet, much like how it’s recorded in the English Chronicles. Scottish writers have, with an equally justifiable bias, told the story in their own favor. Fortunately, we have a very detailed account of the entire event from Froissart, a French historian who seems to be impartial. Froissart's account is lengthy; therefore, I will present it, with a few corrections, as summarized by Carte, who has also referred to other sources and disagrees with Froissart on some points, which I will note in the margin.
In the twelfth year of Richard II., 1388, "The Scots taking advantage of the confusions of this nation, and falling with a party into the West-marches, ravaged the country about Carlisle, and [Pg 36]carried off 300 prisoners. It was with a much greater force, headed by some of the principal nobility, that, in the beginning of August,[212] they invaded Northumberland; and, having wasted part of the county of Durham,[213] advanced to the gates of Newcastle; where, in a skirmish, they took a 'penon' or colours[214] belonging to Henry lord Percy, surnamed Hotspur, son to the Earl of Northumberland. In their retreat home, they attacked a castle near Otterbourn: and, in the evening of Aug. 9 (as the English writers say, or rather, according to Froissart, Aug. 15), after an unsuccessful assault were surprised in their camp, which was very strong, by Henry, who at the first onset put them into a good deal of confusion. But James Earl of Douglas rallying his men, there ensued one of the best-fought actions that happened in that age; both armies showing the utmost bravery:[215] the earl Douglas himself being slain on the spot;[216] the Earl of Murrey mortally wounded; and Hotspur,[217] with his brother Ralph Percy, taken prisoners. These disasters on both sides have given occasion to the event of the engagement's being disputed. Froissart (who derives his relation from a Scotch knight, two gentlemen of the same country, and as many of Foix)[218] affirming that the Scots [Pg 37]remained masters of the field; and the English writers insinuating the contrary. These last maintain that the English had the better of the day: but night coming on, some of the northern lords, coming with the Bishop of Durham to their assistance, killed many of them by mistake, supposing them to be Scots; and the Earl of Dunbar, at the same time falling on another side upon Hotspur, took him and his brother prisoners, and carried them off while both parties were fighting. It is at least certain, that immediately after this battle the Scots engaged in it made the best of their way home: and the same party was taken by the other corps about Carlisle."
In the twelfth year of Richard II., 1388, "The Scots taking advantage of the confusions of this nation, and falling with a party into the West-marches, ravaged the country about Carlisle, and [Pg 36]carried off 300 prisoners. It was with a much greater force, headed by some of the principal nobility, that, in the beginning of August,[212] they invaded Northumberland; and, having wasted part of the county of Durham,[213] advanced to the gates of Newcastle; where, in a skirmish, they took a 'penon' or colours[214] belonging to Henry lord Percy, surnamed Hotspur, son to the Earl of Northumberland. In their retreat home, they attacked a castle near Otterbourn: and, in the evening of Aug. 9 (as the English writers say, or rather, according to Froissart, Aug. 15), after an unsuccessful assault were surprised in their camp, which was very strong, by Henry, who at the first onset put them into a good deal of confusion. But James Earl of Douglas rallying his men, there ensued one of the best-fought actions that happened in that age; both armies showing the utmost bravery:[215] the earl Douglas himself being slain on the spot;[216] the Earl of Murrey mortally wounded; and Hotspur,[217] with his brother Ralph Percy, taken prisoners. These disasters on both sides have given occasion to the event of the engagement's being disputed. Froissart (who derives his relation from a Scotch knight, two gentlemen of the same country, and as many of Foix)[218] affirming that the Scots [Pg 37]remained masters of the field; and the English writers insinuating the contrary. These last maintain that the English had the better of the day: but night coming on, some of the northern lords, coming with the Bishop of Durham to their assistance, killed many of them by mistake, supposing them to be Scots; and the Earl of Dunbar, at the same time falling on another side upon Hotspur, took him and his brother prisoners, and carried them off while both parties were fighting. It is at least certain, that immediately after this battle the Scots engaged in it made the best of their way home: and the same party was taken by the other corps about Carlisle."
Such is the account collected by Carte, in which he seems not to be free from partiality: for prejudice must own that Froissart's circumstantial account carries a great appearance of truth, and he gives the victory to the Scots. He, however, does justice to the courage of both parties; and represents their mutual generosity in such a light, that the present age might edify by the example. "The Englyshmen on the one partye, and Scottes on the other party, are good men of warre, for whan they mete, there is a hard fighte without sparynge. There is no hoo[219] betwene them as long as speares, swordes, axes, or dagers wyll endure; but lay on eche upon other: and whan they be well beaten, and that the one party hath obtayned the victory, they than glorifye so in their dedes of armes, and are so joyfull, that suche as be taken, they shall be ransomed or they go out of the felde;[220] so that shortely eche of them is so contente with other, that at their departynge curtoysly they will saye, God thanke you. But in fyghtynge one with another there is no playe, nor sparynge." Froissart's Chronicle (as translated by Sir Johan Bourchier Lord Berners), cap. cxlii.
Such is the account collected by Carte, in which he seems not to be free from partiality: for prejudice must own that Froissart's circumstantial account carries a great appearance of truth, and he gives the victory to the Scots. He, however, does justice to the courage of both parties; and represents their mutual generosity in such a light, that the present age might edify by the example. "The Englyshmen on the one partye, and Scottes on the other party, are good men of warre, for whan they mete, there is a hard fighte without sparynge. There is no hoo[219] betwene them as long as speares, swordes, axes, or dagers wyll endure; but lay on eche upon other: and whan they be well beaten, and that the one party hath obtayned the victory, they than glorifye so in their dedes of armes, and are so joyfull, that suche as be taken, they shall be ransomed or they go out of the felde;[220] so that shortely eche of them is so contente with other, that at their departynge curtoysly they will saye, God thanke you. But in fyghtynge one with another there is no playe, nor sparynge." Froissart's Chronicle (as translated by Sir Johan Bourchier Lord Berners), cap. cxlii.
The following Ballad is (in this present edition) printed from an old MS. in the Cotton Library[221] (Cleopatra, c. iv.), and contains many stanzas more than were in the former copy, which was transcribed from a MS. in the Harleian Collection [No. 293, fol. 52.] In the Cotton MS. this poem has no title, but in the Harleian copy it is thus inscribed, A songe made in R. 2. his tyme of the battele of Otterburne, betweene Lord Henry Percye earle of Northomberlande and the earle Douglas of Scotlande, Anno 1388.
The following Ballad is (in this present edition) printed from an old MS. in the Cotton Library[221] (Cleopatra, c. iv.), and contains many stanzas more than were in the former copy, which was transcribed from a MS. in the Harleian Collection [No. 293, fol. 52.] In the Cotton MS. this poem has no title, but in the Harleian copy it is thus inscribed, A songe made in R. 2. his tyme of the battele of Otterburne, betweene Lord Henry Percye earle of Northomberlande and the earle Douglas of Scotlande, Anno 1388.
But this title is erroneous, and added by some ignorant transcriber of after-times: for, 1. The battle was not fought by the Earl of Northumberland, who was absent, but by his son, Sir Henry Percy, Knt., surnamed Hotspur (in those times they did not usually give the title of Lord to an Earl's eldest son). 2. Altho' the battle was fought in Richard II.'s time, the song is evidently of later date, as appears from the poet's quoting the chronicles in Pt. II., ver. 26; and speaking of Percy in the last stanza as dead. It was, however, written in all likelihood as early as the foregoing song, if not earlier. This, perhaps, may be inferred from the minute circumstances with which the story is related, many of which are recorded in no chronicle, and were probably preserved in the memory of old people. It will be observed that the authors of these two poems have some lines in common; but which of them was the original proprietor must depend upon their priority; and this the sagacity of the reader must determine.
But this title is incorrect and added by some clueless transcriber from later times: 1. The battle wasn't fought by the Earl of Northumberland, who was absent, but by his son, Sir Henry Percy, known as Hotspur (back then, they usually didn't give the title of Lord to an Earl's eldest son). 2. Although the battle took place during Richard II's time, the song is clearly from a later period, as evidenced by the poet quoting the chronicles in Pt. II, verse 26, and referring to Percy in the last stanza as dead. However, it was likely written as early as the previous song, if not earlier. This might be inferred from the detailed circumstances in which the story is told, many of which aren't found in any chronicle and were probably passed down through the memories of older people. You'll notice that the authors of these two poems share some lines, but determining who was the original creator will depend on which came first; and that's something the reader's insight must figure out.
[We have here a ballad founded upon a true historical event, in which the writer attempts to be as truthful as his national bias will allow him. In Chevy Chase, Percy is the aggressor, but in the "Battle of Otterburn," Douglas commences the encounter by his action. At the period under notice the king of England (Richard II.) was occupied in dissension with his uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, and the Parliament, while Robert II., King of Scotland, was very old, and his eldest son lame and inactive, so that the Border chieftains were pretty much left to their own devices. The Earl of Fife, a younger son of King Robert, and certain of the great nobles, arranged among themselves that an inroad should be made into England as a reprisal for the injuries the Scotch had at various times sustained from the English, and the expedition was placed under the command of James, Earl of Douglas.
[We have a ballad based on a true historical event, where the writer tries to be as honest as his national bias allows. In Chevy Chase, Percy is the aggressor, but in the "Battle of Otterburn," Douglas starts the conflict with his actions. During this time, the king of England (Richard II) was caught up in disputes with his uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, and the Parliament, while Robert II, King of Scotland, was quite old, and his eldest son was lame and unable to act. This left the Border chieftains largely to their own devices. The Earl of Fife, a younger son of King Robert, and some of the major nobles planned to launch an incursion into England as revenge for the injuries the Scots had suffered from the English over the years, and they put James, Earl of Douglas, in charge of the expedition.]
Besides the ballad we are now considering there are metrical accounts of the battle in John Hardyng's Chronicle, Joannes de Fordun's Scoti-Chronicon, and Wyntoun's Orygynal Cronykil of Scotland. In 1857, Robert White published an interesting History of the Battle of Otterburn, fought in 1388, with Memoirs of the Warriors who engaged in that memorable conflict. This book is written in an enthusiastic spirit by one who was born and bred on the Borders, and who kept alive in his soul the true old Border spirit. He listened on his mother's knee to the stanzas of the modern ballad of Chevy Chase, which she chanted to him, and he grew up with a feeling which he retained through life, that Percy and Douglas were far greater men than Napoleon and Wellington.
Besides the ballad we're currently looking at, there are also poetic accounts of the battle in John Hardyng's Chronicle, Joannes de Fordun's Scoti-Chronicon, and Wyntoun's Orygynal Cronykil of Scotland. In 1857, Robert White published an intriguing History of the Battle of Otterburn, fought in 1388, with Memoirs of the Warriors who engaged in that memorable conflict. This book is written with enthusiasm by someone who was raised in the Borders and who kept the true old Border spirit alive in his heart. He listened on his mother's lap to the verses of the modern ballad of Chevy Chase, which she sang to him, and he grew up feeling that Percy and Douglas were much greater figures than Napoleon and Wellington.
The exact date of the battle is an open question, for the[Pg 39] authorities disagree as to this particular; thus Buchanan fixes it on July 21st, and other writers name, respectively, August 5th, 9th, 10th, 15th, and 19th. White thinks that the battle was fought on the evening of Wednesday and morning of Thursday, 19th and 20th of August, immediately before the full moon. In the year 1388 the new moon fell on the 6th of August, and Douglas is not likely to have chosen a period of dark evenings for his expedition. Another disputed point is the number of men in the Scottish army, under Douglas. Froissart gives the numbers at three or four hundred men-at-arms, and two thousand infantry; Wyntoun, at near seven thousand men; Buchanan, at three hundred horse and two thousand foot, besides servants and attendants; Godscroft, at four thousand horsemen; Ridpath, at three thousand men; and Scott, at three hundred men-at-arms, who, with their followers, made up from a thousand to fifteen hundred men, with two thousand chosen infantry. White makes the following statement as the result of his sifting of the conflicting accounts:—
The exact date of the battle is still uncertain, as the[Pg 39]authorities don't agree on it; Buchanan says it was on July 21st, while other writers mention August 5th, 9th, 10th, 15th, and 19th. White believes the battle took place on the evening of Wednesday and the morning of Thursday, August 19th and 20th, just before the full moon. In 1388, the new moon was on August 6th, so Douglas likely didn't plan his mission during the dark days. Another debated issue is the size of the Scottish army under Douglas. Froissart claims there were three or four hundred knights and two thousand infantry; Wyntoun suggests nearly seven thousand men; Buchanan counts three hundred cavalry and two thousand foot soldiers, not including servants; Godscroft states four thousand horsemen; Ridpath mentions three thousand men; and Scott reports three hundred knights, who, along with their followers, totaled between a thousand and fifteen hundred men, plus two thousand select infantry. White summarizes the conflicting reports as follows:—
Men-at-arms | 400 |
Attendants on ditto, footmen, lackeys, and grooms | 1,200 |
Infantry mounted | 2,000 |
Attendants on ditto, boys to take care of horses, sutlers, &c. | 3,000 |
6,600 |
It has been supposed that the first part of this ballad down to verse 112 was originally of Scottish manufacture, for two reasons: 1st, because Hume, of Godscroft, refers to "a Scots song," which begins as this does; and 2nd, because haymaking has been over at least a month in England at Lammas, when Scotch husbandmen are still busy "winning their hay." This last reason, however, cannot be considered a very conclusive one, as the seasons must be much alike on the two sides of the Border. The second part is written from a thoroughly English stand-point. The two Scottish versions, viz. the one given by Scott in his Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border, and the one in Herd's Collection, are very different from the English ballad.]
It’s believed that the first part of this ballad, up to verse 112, was originally made in Scotland for two reasons: First, because Hume of Godscroft mentions "a Scots song" that starts like this one does; and second, because haymaking in England is over by Lammas, while Scottish farmers are still busy "winning their hay." However, this last reason isn't very convincing since the seasons are likely similar on both sides of the Border. The second part is written from a completely English perspective. The two Scottish versions, one given by Scott in his Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border and the other in Herd's Collection, are quite different from the English ballad.

When husbands win their hay, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
The brave Douglas vowed __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ to ride, In England, to say a prayer:
He bound him over Solway:[226]
They wanted to ride together forever; They might regret that race forever.
So down by Rodelyffe crag, 10
They landed at Grene 'Leyton',
Styrande__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ many a stag:[229]
[Pg 41]
And harried __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ many a town;
They did our English men great wrong,[232]15
To battle that were not born.[233]
And said, We have burned Northumberland,
We have all the wealth in hand.20
We have all the wealth in the world; I rede __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ we ride to Newcastle,
So calm and strong.[237]
The standards shine full bright;
To the New Castle, they took the path,
And there they came fully right.
I tell you without doubt; He had been a march-man__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ all his life,
And kept Berwick upon Tweed.
The Skottes shouted loudly,[239]
Syr Harye Percy, and though you are__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ inside,35
Come to the field and fight:
Your heritage is good and right; And since my lodging, I have taken,[241]
With my brother, the noble knight.40
[Pg 42]
The Scottish host to see;
"And you have burned Northumberland,
I'm really feeling it. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
You have caused me great annoyance;[243]
For the trespass you have committed me,
The tone of us shall die.
There might be something really important here.
To create joy and fun in the game:
The falcon and the pheasant__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ both,55
Among the holtes on 'hee.'[249][250]
It shouldn't take long, or I'll come the till,"[251]
Sayd Sir Harry Percy.60
Here I come, said Sir Harry Percy; I pledge my truth to you.
[Pg 43]
So, as I tell you: There he made the Douglas drink,
And all his guests that day.
For sure __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ without a doubt, He took his lodging at Oterborne On a Wednesday:
And then __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ he warned his men to go To choose their geldings' grass.
Awaken, Dowglas, cried the knight,
For his love, who sits on the throne.[261]
I have seen the proud Percy, And seven standards with him.
It's just a made-up story:90
He didn't dare look at my bread__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ banner,
For all England so hail. [264]
[Pg 44]
What stands so fair on the Tyne? For all the men that Percy had,95
He couldn't get __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ to dine with me once.
To look at it as if it were less; Listen up, everyone, all of you, For here begins no peace.[266]100
The forward __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I give to the: The Earl of Huntly caught__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and keen, He shall with the bee.
On the other hand, he shall be:
Lord Jhonstone and Lord Maxwell, They will be with me.
Sir John of Agurstone.
A FYTTE.
A poem.

Wych was always a noble knight,
He can shout out upon the Douglas loud, I will keep my promise:[274][275]
[Pg 45]
And made me very envious;
For this wrong you have done to me,
The tone of us shall die.
And said, I have twenty against your one,[277][278]
Behold and you might see.
For truly, as I tell you: [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__He landed on his feet,15
And shot __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ his horse completely away.
That ryall__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ was ever in a row;<__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__> Every man shoots his horse free, And light him around.
For sure, as I tell you: Jesus Christ in heaven on high He helped him well that day.
Forty thousand Scots and four That day fought them again.
A knight hurriedly arrived,30
'Then' letters fair forth have he taken[Pg 46] And so he said correctly:
With many a noble knight; He wants you to stay So he can see this fight.
With him a noble company; They all stay at your father's place tonight,
And they really wanted to see the battle.40
That was done for you and me,
I turn to my lord, my Father again,
And say you didn't see me with you:[284]
It doesn't require me to explain,[285]
That I should invite him on this slope,
And I have his truth again:
Then my manhood should be criticized. With a Scot another day.
And let sharp arrows fly:
Minstrels, play on for your weary son,[289]
And that's how it will be.60
[Pg 47]
And mark him to the Trinity:[290]
For to God, I make my vow. Today I will not flee.
His standard stood on high; That every man might know well:
By the side stood three stars.
For sure as I say to you; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__70
The Lucetts and the Cressawnts both: The Skotts fought them again.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
And then they shouted loudly,
And then they noted one of the English men, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__,75
As I have told you before.
And try the shout again.
I'm telling you for sure; Men of arms began to join; Many brave men were slain there.
[Pg 48]
That ether of another was happy; They chatted together, while the sweet,
With fine Collayne swords;[295]
You are either a nobleman or a knight.[299]
Now you have full right, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Yet I will never yield to you,
I will stand and fight.100
With sharp, long swords; They’re just so fast that they beat each other, Till their helmets came in pieces down.
I tell you at this moment,[301]
He struck the Dowglas with a sword's length, That he fell to the ground.
With many a grievous groan; They fought that day and all night, 115
And many brave men were 'alone.'[302]
Ychone__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ hanging on others while they might dry,[306]
With many a battle-ready sword.120
For sure and certain, Sir James Douglas was killed, That day he could die.[307]
Grysely__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ groaned upon the ground;
Sir Davy Scott, Sir Walter Stewart,
Syr 'John' of Agurstonne.[309]
That never a foot would fly; Sir Hughe Maxwell, he was a lord,
With the Douglas, he dies.
For sooth, as I say to you, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Of forty-four thousand Scots __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Went but eighteen away. [Pg 50]
For sure and certain,
A gentle knight, Sir John Fitz-hughe,
It was the more petty.
For their hearts were heavy,
The noble 'Lovelle' was slain,[311]
The Percy family banner.
For so I tell you; Of nine thousand English men Five hundred came away:
Cryste keeps their souls from woe,150
Seeing there were so few friends Against so many an enemy.
Of birch, and hazel gray;
Many a widow with weeping tears Ther makes__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ they get__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ away.
Between the night and the day:
There, Douglas lost his life,
And Percy was led away.[315]160
Indeed, as I tell you,[Pg 51] He borrowed the Percy home again.[316]
To Jesus most of might, To bring his soul to the bliss of heaven,
For he was a noble knight.

⁂ Most of the names in the two preceding ballads are found to have belonged to families of distinction in the North, as may be made appear from authentic records. Thus in
⁂ Most of the names in the two preceding ballads are seen to have belonged to prominent families in the North, as can be confirmed by reliable records. Thus in
THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF CHEVY CHASE.

[Second Fit, ver. 112. Agerstone.] The family of Haggerston of Haggerston, near Berwick, has been seated there for many centuries, and still remains. Thomas Haggerston was among the commissioners returned for Northumberland in 12 Hen. 6, 1433. (Fuller's Worthies, p. 310.) The head of this family at present is Sir Thomas Haggerston, Bart., of Haggerston above-mentioned.
Second Fit, ver. 112. Agerstone.] The family of Haggerston from Haggerston, near Berwick, has been living there for many centuries and still does. Thomas Haggerston was one of the commissioners elected for Northumberland in 12 Hen. 6, 1433. (Fuller's Worthies, p. 310.) The current head of this family is Sir Thomas Haggerston, Bart., of the aforementioned Haggerston.
N.B. The name is spelt Agerstone, as in the text, in Leland's Itinerary, vol. vii. p. 54.[318]
N.B. The name is spelt Agerstone, as in the text, in Leland's Itinerary, vol. vii. p. 54.[318]
[Ver. 113. Hartly.] Hartley is a village near the sea in the barony of Tinemouth, about 7 m. from North-Shields. It probably gave name to a family of note at that time.
[Ver. 113. Hartly.] Hartley is a village by the sea in the barony of Tinemouth, around 7 miles from North Shields. It likely named a prominent family from that period.
[Ver. 114. Hearone.] This family, one of the most ancient, was long of great consideration in Northumberland. Haddeston, the Caput Baroniæ of Heron, was their ancient residence. It descended [Pg 52]25 Edw. I. to the heir general Emiline Heron, afterwards Baroness Darcy.—Ford, &c., and Bockenfield (in com. eodem) went at the same time to Roger Heron, the heir male; whose descendants were summoned to Parliament: Sir William Heron of Ford Castle being summoned 44 Edw. III.—Ford Castle hath descended by heirs general to the family of Delaval (mentioned in the next article).—Robert Heron, Esq., who died at Newark in 1753, (father of the Right Hon. Sir Richard Heron, Bart.) was heir male of the Herons of Bockenfield, a younger branch of this family.—Sir Thomas Heron Middleton, Bart., is heir male of the Herons of Chip-Chase, another branch of the Herons of Ford Castle.
[Ver. 114. Hearone.] This family, one of the oldest, was long held in high regard in Northumberland. Haddeston, the main estate of Heron, was their historic home. It passed down [Pg 52]25 Edw. I. to the general heir Emiline Heron, who later became Baroness Darcy. — Ford, &c., and Bockenfield (in the same county) went at that time to Roger Heron, the male heir; his descendants were summoned to Parliament: Sir William Heron of Ford Castle was summoned 44 Edw. III. — Ford Castle has descended through general heirs to the Delaval family (noted in the next article). — Robert Heron, Esq., who died in Newark in 1753, (father of the Right Hon. Sir Richard Heron, Bart.) was the male heir of the Herons of Bockenfield, a younger branch of this family. — Sir Thomas Heron Middleton, Bart., is the male heir of the Herons of Chip-Chase, another branch of the Herons of Ford Castle.
[Ver. 115. Lovele.] Joh. de Lavale, miles, was sheriff of Northumberland 34 Hen. VIII. Joh. de Lavele, mil. in the 1 Edw. VI. and afterwards. (Fuller, 313.) In Nicholson this name is spelt Da Lovel, p. 304. This seems to be the ancient family of Delaval, of Seaton Delaval, in Northumberland, whose ancestor was one of the 25 Barons appointed to be guardians of Magna Charta.[319]
[Ver. 115. Lovele.] Joh. de Lavale, miles, was sheriff of Northumberland 34 Hen. VIII. Joh. de Lavele, mil. in the 1 Edw. VI. and afterwards. (Fuller, 313.) In Nicholson this name is spelt Da Lovel, p. 304. This seems to be the ancient family of Delaval, of Seaton Delaval, in Northumberland, whose ancestor was one of the 25 Barons appointed to be guardians of Magna Charta.[319]
[Ver. 117. Rugbè.] The ancient family of Rokeby, in Yorkshire, seems to be here intended. In Thoresby's Ducat. Leod., p. 253, fol., is a genealogy of this house, by which it appears that the head of the family, about the time when this ballad was written, was Sir Ralph Rokeby, Knt., Ralph being a common name of the Rokebys.[320]
[Ver. 117. Rugbè.] The ancient family of Rokeby, in Yorkshire, seems to be here intended. In Thoresby's Ducat. Leod., p. 253, fol., is a genealogy of this house, by which it appears that the head of the family, about the time when this ballad was written, was Sir Ralph Rokeby, Knt., Ralph being a common name of the Rokebys.[320]
[Ver. 119. Wetharrington.] Rog. de Widrington was sheriff of Northumberland in 36 of Edw. III. (Fuller, p. 311.)—Joh. de Widrington in 11 of Hen. IV. and many others of the same name afterwards.—See also Nicholson, p. 331.—Of this family was the late Lord Witherington.
[Ver. 119. Wetharrington.] Rog. de Widrington served as sheriff of Northumberland in the 36th year of Edw. III. (Fuller, p. 311.)—Joh. de Widrington in the 11th year of Hen. IV. and several others with the same name later on.—See also Nicholson, p. 331.—The late Lord Witherington was from this family.
[Ver. 124. Mongonberry.] Sir Hugh Montgomery was son of John Lord Montgomery, the lineal ancestor of the present Earl of Eglington.
[Ver. 124. Mongonberry.] Sir Hugh Montgomery was the son of John Lord Montgomery, the direct ancestor of the current Earl of Eglington.
[Ver. 125. Lwdale.] The ancient family of the Liddels were originally from Scotland, where they were lords of Liddel Castle, and of the Barony of Buff. (Vid. Collins's Peerage.) The head of this family is the present Lord Ravensworth, of Ravensworth Castle, in the county of Durham.[321]
[Ver. 125. Lwdale.] The ancient family of the Liddels were originally from Scotland, where they were lords of Liddel Castle, and of the Barony of Buff. (Vid. Collins's Peerage.) The head of this family is the present Lord Ravensworth, of Ravensworth Castle, in the county of Durham.[321]
IN THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.
[Ver. 101. Mentaye.] At the time of this battle the Earldom of Menteith was possessed by Robert Stewart, Earl of Fife, third son of K. Robert II., who, according to Buchanan, commanded the Scots that entered by Carlisle. But our minstrel had probably an eye to the family of Graham, who had this earldom when the ballad was written. See Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, 1764, fol.
[Ver. 101. Mentaye.] At the time of this battle, the Earldom of Menteith was held by Robert Stewart, Earl of Fife, the third son of King Robert II, who, according to Buchanan, led the Scots that entered through Carlisle. However, our poet likely considered the family of Graham, who owned this earldom when the ballad was written. See Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, 1764, fol.
[Ver. 103. Huntleye.] This shews this ballad was not composed before 1449; for in that year Alexander Lord of Gordon and Huntley, was created Earl of Huntley, by K. James II.
[Ver. 103. Huntleye.] This shows that this ballad wasn’t written before 1449; because in that year, Alexander, Lord of Gordon and Huntley, was made Earl of Huntley by King James II.
[Ver. 105. Bowghan.] The Earl of Buchan at that time was Alexander Stewart, fourth son of K. Robert II.
[Ver. 105. Bowghan.] The Earl of Buchan at that time was Alexander Stewart, the fourth son of King Robert II.
[Ver. 107. Jhonstone—Maxwell.] These two families of Johnstone Lord of Johnston, and Maxwell Lord of Maxwell, were always very powerful on the borders. Of the former family was Johnston Marquis of Annandale: of the latter was Maxwell Earl of Nithsdale. I cannot find that any chief of this family was named Sir Hugh; but Sir Herbert Maxwell was about this time much distinguished. (See Doug.) This might have been originally written Sir H. Maxwell, and by transcribers converted into Sir Hugh. So above, in No. I. v. 90. Richard is contracted into Ric.
[Ver. 107. Jhonstone—Maxwell.] These two families, the Johnstone family, Lords of Johnston, and the Maxwell family, Lords of Maxwell, have always been very influential in the borders. From the former family came Johnston, Marquis of Annandale; from the latter, Maxwell, Earl of Nithsdale. I can't find any chief from this family named Sir Hugh; however, Sir Herbert Maxwell was quite notable around this time. (See Doug.) It's possible this was originally written as Sir H. Maxwell and was later miswritten as Sir Hugh by transcribers. Similarly, as mentioned above, in No. I. v. 90, Richard is shortened to Ric.
[Ver. 109. Swintone.] i. e. The Laird of Swintone; a small village within the Scottish border, 3 miles from Norham. This family still subsists, and is very ancient.
[Ver. 109. Swintone.] i. e. The Laird of Swintone; a small village in the Scottish borders, 3 miles from Norham. This family still exists and is very old.
[Ver. 111. Scotte.] The illustrious family of Scot, ancestors of the Duke of Buccleugh, always made a great figure on the borders. Sir Walter Scot was at the head of this family when the battle was fought; but his great-grandson, Sir David Scot, was the hero of that house when the ballad was written.
[Ver. 111. Scotte.] The famous family of Scot, ancestors of the Duke of Buccleugh, always held a prominent position on the borders. Sir Walter Scot led this family during the battle; however, his great-grandson, Sir David Scot, was the hero of that house when the ballad was created.
[Ibid. Stewarde.] The person here designed was probably Sir Walter Stewart, Lord of Dalswinton and Gairlies, who was eminent at that time. (See Doug.) From him is descended the present Earl of Galloway.
[Ibid. Stewarde.] The person referred to here was likely Sir Walter Stewart, Lord of Dalswinton and Gairlies, who was prominent at that time. (See Doug.) The current Earl of Galloway is descended from him.
[Ver. 112. Agurstonne.] The seat of this family was sometimes subject to the kings of Scotland. Thus Richardus Haggerstoun, miles, is one of the Scottish knights who signed a treaty with the English in 1249, temp. Hen. III. (Nicholson, p. 2, note).—It was the fate of many parts of Northumberland often to change their masters, according as the Scottish or English arms prevailed.
[Ver. 112. Agurstonne.] The home of this family was occasionally under the control of the kings of Scotland. So, Richardus Haggerstoun, knight, is listed as one of the Scottish knights who signed a treaty with the English in 1249, during the reign of Hen. III. (Nicholson, p. 2, note).—Many regions of Northumberland frequently changed their rulers, depending on whether the Scottish or English forces were dominant.
[Ver. 129. Murrey.] The person here meant was probably Sir Charles Murray of Cockpoole, who flourished at that time, and was ancestor of the Murrays sometime Earls of Annandale. See Doug. Peerage.
[Ver. 129. Murrey.] The individual referred to here was likely Sir Charles Murray of Cockpoole, who was prominent during that time and was an ancestor of the Murrays who were once Earls of Annandale. See Doug. Peerage.
[Ver. 139. Fitz-hughe.] Dugdale (in his Baron. v. i. p. 403) informs us that John, son of Henry Lord Fitzhugh, was killed at the battle of Otterbourne. This was a Northumberland family. Vid. Dugd. p. 403, col. 1, and Nicholson, pp. 33, 60.
[Ver. 139. Fitz-hughe.] Dugdale (in his Baron. v. i. p. 403) tells us that John, son of Henry Lord Fitzhugh, was killed at the battle of Otterbourne. This was a family from Northumberland. See Dugd. p. 403, col. 1, and Nicholson, pp. 33, 60.
[Ver. 141. Harbotle.] Harbottle is a village upon the river Coquet, about 10 m. west of Rothbury. The family of Harbottle was once considerable in Northumberland. (See Fuller, pp. 312, 313.) A daughter of Guischard Harbottle, Esq., married Sir Thomas Percy, Knt., son of Henry the fifth,—and father of Thomas seventh, Earls of Northumberland.
[Ver. 141. Harbotle.] Harbottle is a village on the River Coquet, about 10 miles west of Rothbury. The Harbottle family was once significant in Northumberland. (See Fuller, pp. 312, 313.) A daughter of Guischard Harbottle, Esq., married Sir Thomas Percy, Knt., son of Henry the fifth, and father of Thomas seventh, Earls of Northumberland.
FOOTNOTES:
[212] Froissart speaks of both parties (consisting in all of more than 40,000 men) as entering England at the same time: but the greater part by way of Carlisle.
[212] Froissart speaks of both parties (consisting in all of more than 40,000 men) as entering England at the same time: but the greater part by way of Carlisle.
[213] And, according to the ballad, that part of Northumberland called Bamboroughshire; a large tract of land so named from the town and castle of Bamborough; formerly the residence of the Northumbrian kings.
[213] And, according to the ballad, that part of Northumberland called Bamboroughshire; a large tract of land so named from the town and castle of Bamborough; formerly the residence of the Northumbrian kings.
[215] Froissart says the English exceeded the Scots in number three to one, but that these had the advantage of the ground, and were also fresh from sleep, while the English were greatly fatigued with their previous march.
[215] Froissart says the English exceeded the Scots in number three to one, but that these had the advantage of the ground, and were also fresh from sleep, while the English were greatly fatigued with their previous march.
[216] By Henry L. Percy, according to this ballad, and our old English historians, as Stow, Speed, &c., but borne down by numbers, if we may believe Froissart.
[216] By Henry L. Percy, according to this ballad, and our old English historians, as Stow, Speed, &c., but borne down by numbers, if we may believe Froissart.
[217] Hotspur (after a very sharp conflict) was taken prisoner by John, Lord Montgomery, whose eldest son, Sir Hugh, was slain in the same action with an arrow, according to Crawford's Peerage (and seems also to be alluded to in the foregoing ballad, p. 31), but taken prisoner and exchanged for Hotspur, according to this ballad.
[217] Hotspur (after a very sharp conflict) was taken prisoner by John, Lord Montgomery, whose eldest son, Sir Hugh, was slain in the same action with an arrow, according to Crawford's Peerage (and seems also to be alluded to in the foregoing ballad, p. 31), but taken prisoner and exchanged for Hotspur, according to this ballad.
[218] Froissart (according to the English translation) says he had his account from two squires of England, and from a knight and squire of Scotland, soon after the battle.
[218] Froissart (according to the English translation) says he had his account from two squires of England, and from a knight and squire of Scotland, soon after the battle.
[219] So in Langham's Letter concerning Queen Elizabeth's entertainment at Killingworth Castle, 1575, 12o. p. 61. "Heer was no ho in devout drinkyng."
[219] So in Langham's Letter concerning Queen Elizabeth's entertainment at Killingworth Castle, 1575, 12o. p. 61. "Heer was no ho in devout drinkyng."
[221] The notice of this MS. I must acknowledge with many other obligations, owing to the friendship of Thomas Tyrwhitt, Esq., late Clerk of the House of Commons.
[221] The notice of this MS. I must acknowledge with many other obligations, owing to the friendship of Thomas Tyrwhitt, Esq., late Clerk of the House of Commons.
[223] [prepared.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [ready.]
[224] [earl.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [earl.]
[226] i. e. "over Solway frith." This evidently refers to the other division of the Scottish army, which came in by way of Carlisle. Bowynd, or Bounde him; i. e. hied him.
[226] i. e. "over Solway frith." This evidently refers to the other division of the Scottish army, which came in by way of Carlisle. Bowynd, or Bounde him; i. e. hied him.
[227] They: sc. the Earl of Douglas and his party. The several stations here mentioned are well-known places in Northumberland. Ottercap-hill is in the parish of Kirk Whelpington, in Tynedale-ward. Rodeliffe (or as it is more usually pronounced Rodeley) Cragge is a noted cliff near Rodeley, a small village in the parish of Hartburn, in Morpeth-ward. It lies south-east of Ottercap, and has, within these few years, been distinguished by a small tower erected by Sir Walter Blacket, Bart., which in Armstrong's map of Northumberland is pompously called Rodely-castle. Green Leyton is another small village in the same parish of Hartburn, and is south-east of Rodeley. Both the original MSS. read here corruptly, Hoppertop and Lynton.
[227] They: sc. the Earl of Douglas and his party. The several stations here mentioned are well-known places in Northumberland. Ottercap-hill is in the parish of Kirk Whelpington, in Tynedale-ward. Rodeliffe (or as it is more usually pronounced Rodeley) Cragge is a noted cliff near Rodeley, a small village in the parish of Hartburn, in Morpeth-ward. It lies south-east of Ottercap, and has, within these few years, been distinguished by a small tower erected by Sir Walter Blacket, Bart., which in Armstrong's map of Northumberland is pompously called Rodely-castle. Green Leyton is another small village in the same parish of Hartburn, and is south-east of Rodeley. Both the original MSS. read here corruptly, Hoppertop and Lynton.
[228] [stirring.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [stirring.]
[229] V. 12. This line is corrupt in both the MSS., viz. "Many a styrande stage." Stags have been killed within the present century on some of the large wastes in Northumberland.
[229] V. 12. This line is corrupt in both the MSS., viz. "Many a styrande stage." Stags have been killed within the present century on some of the large wastes in Northumberland.
[230] [burnt.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [burnt.]
[231] [pillaged.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [looted.]
[232] [wrong.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [incorrect.]
[233] [ready.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [ready.]
[234] [man.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [man.]
[235] [field.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [field.]
[236] [advise.]
[237] [stoutly.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [strongly.]
[239] [aloud.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [out loud.]
[240] [art.]
[241] Ver. 39. Syne seems here to mean since.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ver. 39. Syne seems to mean since.
[242] [regrets.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [regrets.]
[243] [injury.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [injury.]
[244] [the one.]
[245] Otterbourn is near the old Watling Street road, in the parish of Elsdon. The Scots were encamped in a grassy plain near the river Read. The place where the Scots and English fought, is still called Battle Riggs.
[245] Otterbourn is near the old Watling Street road, in the parish of Elsdon. The Scots were encamped in a grassy plain near the river Read. The place where the Scots and English fought, is still called Battle Riggs.
[246] [roe.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [roe.]
[247] Ver. 53. Roe-bucks were to be found upon the wastes not far from Hexham in the reign of Geo. I.—Whitfield, Esq., of Whitfield, is said to have destroyed the last of them.
[247] Ver. 53. Roe-bucks were to be found upon the wastes not far from Hexham in the reign of Geo. I.—Whitfield, Esq., of Whitfield, is said to have destroyed the last of them.
[248] [falcon and pheasant.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [falcon and pheasant.]
[249] [woods on high.]
[250] V. 56. hye, MSS.
[251] [come unto thee.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [come to you.]
[252] [truth.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [truth.]
[253] [pitched.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [pitched.]
[254] [booty.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [booty.]
[255] [then.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [then.]
[256] [hovered.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [hovered.]
[257] Ver. 77. upon the best bent. MS.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ver. 77. at the best angle. MS.
[258] [spy.]
[259] [aware.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [aware.]
[260] [spurred.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [motivated.]
[261] [enthroned.]
[262] [joy.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [joy.]
[263] [broad.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [broad.]
[264] [strong.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [strong.]
[265] [force.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [force.]
[266] [peace.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [peace.]
[267] The Earl of Menteith.
The Earl of Menteith.
[268] [uncle.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [uncle.]
[269] [van.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [van.]
[270] [cautious.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [careful.]
[271] The Lord Buchan.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Lord Buchan.
[272] [ready.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [ready.]
[273] Ver. 1, 13. Pearcy, all MSS.
[274] [promised or engaged.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [promised or engaged.]
[276] Ver. 10. hye, MSS.
[278] V. 11. the one, MS.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ V. 11. the one, MS.
[280] [let go.]
let it go.
[281] [royal.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [royal.]
[282] [rout.]
[283] [deceive.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [trick.]
[284] [eye.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [eye.]
[285] [break my word.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [go back on my word.]
[286] [rather.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [instead.]
[287] [flayed?]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [skinned?]
[288] [great maid.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [great cleaner.]
[289] [reward.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [reward.]
[291] [say to you.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [say to you.]
[292] The ancient arms of Douglas are pretty accurately emblazoned in the former stanza, and if the readings were, The crowned harte, and Above stode starres thre, it would be minutely exact at this day. As for the Percy family, one of their ancient badges of cognizances was a whyte lyon statant, and the silver crescent continues to be used by them to this day. They also give three luces argent for one of their quarters.
[292] The ancient arms of Douglas are pretty accurately emblazoned in the former stanza, and if the readings were, The crowned harte, and Above stode starres thre, it would be minutely exact at this day. As for the Percy family, one of their ancient badges of cognizances was a whyte lyon statant, and the silver crescent continues to be used by them to this day. They also give three luces argent for one of their quarters.
[293] i. e. the English.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ i.e. the English.
[294] [swapped? i.e. smote.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [swapped? i.e. hit.]
[295] [Cologne steel.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Cologne steel.]
[296] [helmets.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [helmets.]
[297] [steam.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [steam.]
[298] [sword.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [sword.]
[300] [guessed.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [guessed.]
[301] [time.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [time.]
[302] Ver. 116. slayne. MSS.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ver. 116. slayne. MSS.
[303] [man.]
[304] [fight.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fight.]
[305] [each one.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [each one.]
[306] [endure.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [endure.]
[307] V. 124, i.e. He died that day.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ V. 124, i.e. He passed away that day.
[308] [dreadfully.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [really bad.]
[309] Our old minstrel repeats these names, as Homer and Virgil do those of their heroes:
[309] Our old minstrel repeats these names, as Homer and Virgil do those of their heroes:
Both the MSS. read here, "Sir James," but see above, Pt. I., ver. 112.
Both the MSS. read here, "Sir James," but see above, Pt. I., ver. 112.
[310] [truth.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [truth.]
[312] V. 153. one, i.e. on.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ V. 153. one, i.e. on.
[313] [mates.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [friends.]
[314] [fetch.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fetch.]
[315] sc. captive.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ sc. captive.
[316] In the Cotton MS. is the following note on ver. 164, in an ancient hand:—
[316] In the Cotton MS. is the following note on ver. 164, in an ancient hand:—
"Syr Hewe Mongomery takyn prizonar, was delyvered for the restorynge of Perssy."
"Sir Hewe Montgomery, taken prisoner, was delivered for the restoration of Percy."
[317] Ver. 165. Percyes.—Harl. MS.
[318] [Sir Walter Scott suggests that the person here alluded to was one of the Rutherfords, barons of Edgerstane or Edgerston, who at this time were retainers of the house of Douglas, but in Chevy Chase Sir John of Agerstone was on Percy's side.]
[318] [Sir Walter Scott suggests that the person here alluded to was one of the Rutherfords, barons of Edgerstane or Edgerston, who at this time were retainers of the house of Douglas, but in Chevy Chase Sir John of Agerstone was on Percy's side.]
[320] Sir W. Scott supposes "Sir Raffe the ryche Rugbè" to be Sir Ralph Neville of Raby Castle, son of the first Earl of Westmoreland, and cousin-german to Hotspur. He is called Sir Ralph Raby in the modern version of the ballad.
[320] Sir W. Scott supposes "Sir Raffe the ryche Rugbè" to be Sir Ralph Neville of Raby Castle, son of the first Earl of Westmoreland, and cousin-german to Hotspur. He is called Sir Ralph Raby in the modern version of the ballad.
III.
THE JEW'S DAUGHTER,
A Scottish Ballad,
A Scottish Ballad

Is founded upon the supposed practice of the Jews in crucifying or otherwise murdering Christian children, out of hatred to the religion of their parents: a practice which has been always alledged in excuse for the cruelties exercised upon that wretched people, but which probably never happened in a single instance. For, if we consider, on the one hand, the ignorance and superstition of the times when such stories took their rise, the virulent prejudices of the monks who record them, and the eagerness with which they would be catched up by the barbarous populace as a pretence for plunder; on the other hand, the great danger incurred by the perpetrators, and the inadequate motives they could have to excite them to a crime of so much horror; we may reasonably conclude the whole charge to be groundless and malicious.
Is based on the unfounded belief that Jews crucified or killed Christian children out of hatred for their parents' religion. This allegation has always been used to justify the brutal treatment of that unfortunate community, yet it's likely that it never occurred even once. If we think about the ignorance and superstition of the times when these stories first emerged, the intense biases of the monks who wrote them down, and how eagerly they were embraced by the violent masses as an excuse for looting, we can see the other side of the coin: the significant risk faced by those accused and the lack of real motives that could lead them to commit such a horrific act. Therefore, we can reasonably conclude that this entire accusation is baseless and malicious.
The following ballad is probably built upon some Italian legend, and bears a great resemblance to the Prioresse's Tale in Chaucer: the poet seems also to have had an eye to the known story of Hugh of Lincoln, a child said to have been there murdered by the Jews in the reign of Henry III. The conclusion of this ballad appears to be wanting: what it probably contained may be seen[Pg 55] in Chaucer. As for Mirry-land Toun, it is probably a corruption of Milan (called by the Dutch Meylandt) Town: the Pa is evidently the river Po; although the Adige, not the Po, runs through Milan.
The following ballad is likely based on some Italian legend and closely resembles the Prioresse's Tale in Chaucer: the poet seems to have also referenced the well-known story of Hugh of Lincoln, a child who was supposedly murdered there by Jews during the reign of Henry III. The ending of this ballad appears to be missing; what it likely contained can be found[Pg 55] in Chaucer. As for Mirry-land Toun, it’s probably a distorted version of Milan (referred to by the Dutch as Meylandt) Town: the Pa clearly stands for the river Po; although the Adige, not the Po, flows through Milan.
Printed from a MS. copy sent from Scotland.
Printed from a manuscript copy sent from Scotland.
[This ballad, which is also known under the title of Sir Hugh of Lincoln, was at one time so widely popular that it is preserved in six different versions, besides fragments, and has originated a literature of its own. Mons. Francisque Michel discovered a Norman-French version in the Royal Library at Paris, which is supposed to date back to the period when the murder of Sir Hugh was to have been committed. This was first published in the year 1834 under the title, "Hugues de Lincoln: Recueil de Ballades Anglo-Normande et Ecossoises relatives au meurtre de cet enfant commis par les Juifs en MCCLV." The Rev. Dr. A. Hume communicated a very full paper on the subject of the tradition to the Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool, on November 13, 1848, which is published in the Proceedings (No. 5), and Mr. J. O. Halliwell printed, in 1849, a small volume containing "Ballads and Poems respecting Hugh of Lincoln." In the Athenæum for Dec. 15, 1849, there is a condemnatory review of Dr. Hume's work, to which the reviewer has added some valuable information of his own. Percy's remark that Mirry-land town is a corruption of Milan town, and Pa of the river Po, seems far-fetched, as there is no reason for supposing that the ballad was in any way connected with Italy. Jamieson's version reads Merry Lincoln, and in Motherwell's the scene is changed to Maitland town. In some parts of England the ballad has degenerated into a sort of nursery rhyme, the Northamptonshire version reading "Merry Scotland," and the Shropshire one, "Merry-cock land." Mr. J. H. Dixon suggests mere-land town, from the mere or fen lakes, and reads wa' for Pa'. (Notes and Queries, 3rd Series, vol. ix. p. 30, note.)
[This ballad, also known as Sir Hugh of Lincoln, was once so popular that it exists in six different versions, along with several fragments, and has inspired a literature of its own. Mons. Francisque Michel found a Norman-French version in the Royal Library in Paris, which is believed to date back to the time when Sir Hugh's murder was said to have occurred. This version was first published in 1834 under the title, "Hugues de Lincoln: Recueil de Ballades Anglo-Normande et Ecossoises relatives au meurtre de cet enfant commis par les Juifs en MCCLV." The Rev. Dr. A. Hume presented an extensive paper on the tradition to the Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool on November 13, 1848, which was published in the Proceedings (No. 5), and Mr. J. O. Halliwell printed a small volume in 1849 containing "Ballads and Poems respecting Hugh of Lincoln." In the Athenæum on December 15, 1849, there is a critical review of Dr. Hume's work, to which the reviewer has added some valuable information. Percy's claim that Mirry-land town is a corruption of Milan town and Pa of the river Po seems unlikely, as there's no reason to believe the ballad was connected to Italy. Jamieson's version refers to Merry Lincoln, while Motherwell's changes the setting to Maitland town. In some parts of England, the ballad has turned into a nursery rhyme, with the Northamptonshire version saying "Merry Scotland," and the Shropshire one saying "Merry-cock land." Mr. J. H. Dixon proposes mere-land town, referring to the mere or fen lakes, and interprets wa’ for Pa. (Notes and Queries, 3rd Series, vol. ix. p. 30, note.)]
Miss Agnes Strickland communicated the following lines obtained from oral tradition at Godalming, in Surrey, to Mr. Halliwell, who printed them in his tract:—
Miss Agnes Strickland shared these lines she got from local tradition in Godalming, Surrey, with Mr. Halliwell, who published them in his pamphlet:—
He threw the ball so low; He threw the ball into the Jew's garden,
And all the Jews were below.
She was dressed all in green:
'Come here, come here, my sweet pretty friend,
And get your ball again.'"
The tradition upon which this ballad is founded—that the Jews use human blood in their preparation for the Passover, and are in the habit of kidnapping and butchering Christian children for the purpose—is very widely spread and of great antiquity. Eisenmenger[322] refers to a case which occurred at Inmestar, in Syria, so early as the year 419, but the earliest case recorded as having occurred in Europe is that of William of Norwich, in 1137. The following is a translation from a passage in the Peterborough Chronicle (which ends with the death of Stephen and the accession of Henry the Second), relating to this remarkable superstition:—"Now we will say something of what happened in King Stephen's time. In his time the Jews of Norwich bought a Christian child before Easter, and tortured him with all the same torturing that our Lord was tortured. And on Good Friday (lang fridæi) they hanged him on a cross, for our Lord's love; and afterwards buried him. They thought (wenden) that it should be concealed, but our Lord showed that he was a holy martyr (m̃r), and the monks took him and buried him solemnly in the monastery (minst). And he maketh through our Lord wonderful and manifold miracles. And he was called Saint William." Mr. Earle, in his note to this passage,[323] says that "S. William seems to have retained his celebrity down to the time of the Reformation, at least in Norfolk. In Loddon church, which is advanced perpendicular of about 1500, there is a painting of his crucifixion on a panel of the rood-screen, still in fair preservation."
The tradition upon which this ballad is founded—that the Jews use human blood in their preparation for the Passover, and are in the habit of kidnapping and butchering Christian children for the purpose—is very widely spread and of great antiquity. Eisenmenger[322] refers to a case which occurred at Inmestar, in Syria, so early as the year 419, but the earliest case recorded as having occurred in Europe is that of William of Norwich, in 1137. The following is a translation from a passage in the Peterborough Chronicle (which ends with the death of Stephen and the accession of Henry the Second), relating to this remarkable superstition:—"Now we will say something of what happened in King Stephen's time. In his time the Jews of Norwich bought a Christian child before Easter, and tortured him with all the same torturing that our Lord was tortured. And on Good Friday (lang fridæi) they hanged him on a cross, for our Lord's love; and afterwards buried him. They thought (wenden) that it should be concealed, but our Lord showed that he was a holy martyr (m̃r), and the monks took him and buried him solemnly in the monastery (minst). And he maketh through our Lord wonderful and manifold miracles. And he was called Saint William." Mr. Earle, in his note to this passage,[323] says that "S. William seems to have retained his celebrity down to the time of the Reformation, at least in Norfolk. In Loddon church, which is advanced perpendicular of about 1500, there is a painting of his crucifixion on a panel of the rood-screen, still in fair preservation."
St. William's fame, however, was eclipsed in other parts of England by that of Sir Hugh of Lincoln, whose death was celebrated by historians and poets. Henry III. being often in want of money, was glad to take any opportunity of extorting it from the unfortunate Jews, and in 1255 his exchequer particularly required replenishing on account of the expected arrival in England of his son Edward's newly married wife, Eleanor of Castile. In this year a young boy was murdered, and, opportunely for the king, the crime was charged to the Jews. It was asserted that the child had been stolen, fattened on bread and milk for ten days, and crucified with all the cruelties and insults of Christ's passion, in the presence of all the Jews in England, who had been summoned to Lincoln for the purpose. The supposed criminals were brought to justice, and the king's commission for the trial, and the warrant to sell the goods of the several Jews who were found guilty, are still preserved. The Jew into whose house the child had gone to play, tempted by the promise of his life, made a full confession, and threw the guilt upon his brethren. Ninety-one Jews of Lin[Pg 57]coln were sent to London as accomplices, and thrown into dungeons. Eighteen of the richest were hanged on a gallows, and twenty more imprisoned in the Tower of London. The king was enriched by the spoils, and the clergy of Lincoln did not lose their opportunity, for the minster was made famous by the possession of the martyr's tomb. Dean Milman, in relating these circumstances, says: "Great part of the story refutes itself, but I have already admitted the possibility that among the ignorant and fanatic Jews there might be some who, exasperated by the constant repetition of the charge, might brood over it so long, as at length to be tempted to its perpetration."[324] Any such explanation as this, however, does not seem necessary, for the wide-spread existence of the superstition goes far to prove the entire falsehood at least of the later cases, and the story of Sir Hugh was but a revival of that of St. William. It is worth mentioning, in passing, that this calumny was in fact a recoil upon the Jews themselves of a weapon they had used against the Christians. As early as the third century they affirmed that Christians in celebrating their mysteries used to kill a child and eat its flesh. Pagans probably learnt the calumny from the Jews, and also charged the Christians with eating children.
St. William's fame, however, was eclipsed in other parts of England by that of Sir Hugh of Lincoln, whose death was celebrated by historians and poets. Henry III. being often in want of money, was glad to take any opportunity of extorting it from the unfortunate Jews, and in 1255 his exchequer particularly required replenishing on account of the expected arrival in England of his son Edward's newly married wife, Eleanor of Castile. In this year a young boy was murdered, and, opportunely for the king, the crime was charged to the Jews. It was asserted that the child had been stolen, fattened on bread and milk for ten days, and crucified with all the cruelties and insults of Christ's passion, in the presence of all the Jews in England, who had been summoned to Lincoln for the purpose. The supposed criminals were brought to justice, and the king's commission for the trial, and the warrant to sell the goods of the several Jews who were found guilty, are still preserved. The Jew into whose house the child had gone to play, tempted by the promise of his life, made a full confession, and threw the guilt upon his brethren. Ninety-one Jews of Lin[Pg 57]coln were sent to London as accomplices, and thrown into dungeons. Eighteen of the richest were hanged on a gallows, and twenty more imprisoned in the Tower of London. The king was enriched by the spoils, and the clergy of Lincoln did not lose their opportunity, for the minster was made famous by the possession of the martyr's tomb. Dean Milman, in relating these circumstances, says: "Great part of the story refutes itself, but I have already admitted the possibility that among the ignorant and fanatic Jews there might be some who, exasperated by the constant repetition of the charge, might brood over it so long, as at length to be tempted to its perpetration."[324] Any such explanation as this, however, does not seem necessary, for the wide-spread existence of the superstition goes far to prove the entire falsehood at least of the later cases, and the story of Sir Hugh was but a revival of that of St. William. It is worth mentioning, in passing, that this calumny was in fact a recoil upon the Jews themselves of a weapon they had used against the Christians. As early as the third century they affirmed that Christians in celebrating their mysteries used to kill a child and eat its flesh. Pagans probably learnt the calumny from the Jews, and also charged the Christians with eating children.
The whole proceedings in the case of Sir Hugh are chronicled by Matthew Paris, who was in high favour with Henry III., and from his pages the account is transferred to the Chronicles of Grafton, Fabyan, and Holinshed. Chaucer most probably consulted the same source when he included the story in his Canterbury Tales, although he shifts the scene to Asia, and makes his Prioress say, when ending her tale with a reference to Sir Hugh:—
The entire case of Sir Hugh is documented by Matthew Paris, who was favored by Henry III., and from his accounts, the story is passed down to the Chronicles of Grafton, Fabyan, and Holinshed. Chaucer likely consulted the same source when he included the story in his Canterbury Tales, although he moves the setting to Asia and has his Prioress conclude her tale with a mention of Sir Hugh:—
With cursed Jews (as it is noteworthy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__) For it was just a little while ago.
Tyrwhitt, in his edition of Chaucer, notes that he found in the first four months of the Acta Sanctorum of Bollandus the names of five children canonized as having been murdered by the Jews, and he supposes that the remaining eight months would furnish at least as many more. Tyrwhitt accepts Percy's interpretation of Mirry-land as a corruption of the name of Milan, and under this erroneous impression he suggests that the real occasion of the ballad may have been the murder of the boy Simon, at Trent, in 1475.[325]
Tyrwhitt, in his edition of Chaucer, notes that he found in the first four months of the Acta Sanctorum of Bollandus the names of five children canonized as having been murdered by the Jews, and he supposes that the remaining eight months would furnish at least as many more. Tyrwhitt accepts Percy's interpretation of Mirry-land as a corruption of the name of Milan, and under this erroneous impression he suggests that the real occasion of the ballad may have been the murder of the boy Simon, at Trent, in 1475.[325]
The superstition upon which all these stories are founded is said still to prevail among the ignorant members of the Greek Church, and it was revived at Damascus in 1840 in consequence of the disappearance of a priest named Thomaso. Two or three Jews were put to death before a proper judicial examination could be made, and the popular fury was so excited that severe persecution extended through a large part of the Turkish empire. Sir Moses Montefiore visited the various localities with the object of obtaining redress for his people, and he was successful. On November 6, 1840, a firman for the protection of the Jews was given at Constantinople, which contained the following passage:—"An ancient prejudice prevailed against the Jews. The ignorant believed that the Jews were accustomed to sacrifice a human being, to make use of his blood at the Passover. In consequence of this opinion the Jews of Damascus and Rhodes, who are subjects of our empire, have been persecuted by other nations.... But a short time has elapsed since some Jews dwelling in the isle of Rhodes were brought from thence to Constantinople, where they had been tried and judged according to the new regulations, and their innocence of the accusations made against them fully proved." The calumny, however, was again raised in October, 1847, and the Jews were in imminent peril when the missing boy, who had been staying at Baalbec, reappeared in good health.
The superstition that all these stories are based on is said to still exist among the uninformed members of the Greek Church, and it was revived in Damascus in 1840 after a priest named Thomaso went missing. Two or three Jews were killed before a proper judicial investigation could take place, and the public outrage was so intense that severe persecution spread across a large portion of the Turkish empire. Sir Moses Montefiore visited various locations to seek justice for his people, and he was successful. On November 6, 1840, a decree for the protection of the Jews was issued in Constantinople, which included the following statement:—"An old prejudice existed against the Jews. The uninformed believed that the Jews would sacrifice a human being and use his blood during Passover. Because of this belief, the Jews of Damascus and Rhodes, who are subjects of our empire, have faced persecution from other nations... Not long ago, some Jews living on the island of Rhodes were brought to Constantinople, where they were tried and judged according to the new regulations, and their innocence of the accusations against them was fully proven." However, the slander resurfaced in October 1847, and the Jews were in serious danger until the missing boy, who had been staying in Baalbec, returned in good health.
Within the last few years the Greek Patriarch at Constantinople has issued a pastoral letter, in which he points out the wickedness of the Christian persecution of the Jews. He says: "Superstition is a detestable thing. Almost all the Christian nations of the East have taken up the extravagant idea that the Israelites enjoy shedding Christian blood, either to obtain thereby a blessing from heaven, or to gratify their national rancour against Christ. Hence conflicts and disturbances break out, by which the social harmony between the dwellers in the same land, yea, the same fatherland, is disturbed. Thus a report was lately spread of the abduction of little Christian children in order to give a pretext for suspicion. We on our side abhor such lying fancies; we regard them as the superstitions of men of weak faith and narrow minds; and we disavow them officially."
In recent years, the Greek Patriarch in Constantinople has released a letter addressing the wrongfulness of Christian persecution of Jews. He states: "Superstition is a disgusting thing. Almost all the Christian nations in the East have adopted the ridiculous belief that the Israelites take pleasure in spilling Christian blood, either to gain blessings from heaven or to satisfy their national hatred against Christ. As a result, conflicts and disruptions occur, disturbing the social harmony between people in the same land, even the same homeland. Recently, a rumor circulated about the kidnapping of little Christian children, which was used to justify suspicion. We strongly reject such false notions; we see them as the superstitions of people with weak faith and narrow minds; and we officially disavow them."
The superstition, however, still lives on, and according to the Levant Herald (1874), the Mahometans are beginning to fall into the delusion that the sacrificial knife is applied by the Jews to young Turks as well as to young Christians.]
The superstition, however, still lives on, and according to the Levant Herald (1874), the Muslims are starting to believe the false notion that the sacrificial knife is used by the Jews on young Turks as well as young Christians.

Say, do it down the path:
So do the guys from Mirry-land town,
When they play at the ball.[326]
He said, "Will you come in and have dinner?" "I won't come in, I can't come in,
Without my play-friends__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ nine.
Scho picked an apple, white and red, And that the sweet child did win.
And down by her hair,[330]
Scho has connected __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the young thing and his life; A word he never spoke again.
And out came the thin; And out came the beautiful hearts' blood:
There was no life left in. 20
And dressed him like a pig,
And laughing said, Go now and play. With your sweet playmates nine.
[Pg 60]
Told him to lie still and sleep. Scho threw him into a deep draw-well,
Was fifty fathoms deep.
And every lady went home:30
Then every lady had her young son, Bot lady Helen had none.
And she ran into the Jewish castle,35
When they were all asleep.
Please speak to me. "O lady, run to the deep draw-well,
Gin __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ your son is sick.
My dear Sir Hew, an__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ you are here,
Please speak to me.
The well is wonderfully deep,
A sharp penknife is stuck in my heart,
A word I don't __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ speak.
Fetch me my windbreaker,50
And at the back of Mirry-land town,
"It's there where we two will meet." * * * * *
FOOTNOTES:
[325] Mr. Hales points out to me the following reference to the superstition in Marlowe's Jew of Malta, act iii.:—
[325] Mr. Hales points out to me the following reference to the superstition in Marlowe's Jew of Malta, act iii.:—
"You know it's death if it's revealed."
Dyce in his note quotes from Reed a reference to Tovey's Anglio Judaica, where instances of such crucifixion are given.
Dyce, in his note, cites Reed's reference to Tovey's Anglio Judaica, which provides examples of such crucifixion.
[326] [ball.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [ball.]
[327] [play-fellows.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [friends.]
[328] [she.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [she.]
[329] [pulled.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [removed.]
[330] [dress.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [dress.]
[331] [parted in two.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [split in two.]
[332] [she rolled.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [she rolled.]
[333] [if.]
[334] [if.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [if.]
[335] [cannot.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [cannot.]
IV.
SIR CAULINE.

This old romantic tale was preserved in the Editor's folio MS. but in so very defective and mutilated a condition (not from any chasm in the MS. but from great omission in the transcript, probably copied from the faulty recitation of some illiterate minstrell), and the whole appeared so far short of the perfection it seemed to deserve, that the Editor was tempted to add several stanzas in the first part, and still more in the second, to connect and compleat the story in the manner which appeared to him most interesting and affecting.
This old romantic story was kept in the Editor's folio manuscript, but it was in such a damaged and incomplete state (not because of any gaps in the manuscript but due to significant omissions in the transcript, probably copied from the flawed recitation of some untrained minstrel), and the whole thing seemed so far from the perfection it deserved that the Editor felt compelled to add several stanzas in the first part, and even more in the second, to connect and complete the story in a way that he found most interesting and moving.
There is something peculiar in the metre of this old ballad: it is not unusual to meet with redundant stanzas of six lines; but the occasional insertion of a double third or fourth line, as ver. 31, &c. is an irregularity I do not remember to have seen elsewhere.
There’s something strange about the rhythm of this old ballad: it’s not uncommon to come across extra stanzas of six lines; however, the occasional addition of a double third or fourth line, like in verse 31, etc., is an irregularity I don’t recall seeing anywhere else.
It may be proper to inform the reader before he comes to Pt. ii. v. 110, 111, that the Round Table was not peculiar to the reign of K. Arthur, but was common in all the ages of chivalry. The proclaiming a great turnament (probably with some peculiar solemnities) was called "holding a Round Table." Dugdale tells us, that the great baron Roger de Mortimer "having procured the honour of knighthood to be conferred 'on his three sons' by K. Edw. I. he, at his own costs, caused a tourneament to be held at Kenilworth; where he sumptuously entertained an hundred knights, and as many ladies, for three days; the like whereof was never before in England; and there began the Round Table, (so called by reason that the place wherein they practised those feats was environed with a strong wall made in a round form:) And upon the fourth day, the golden lion, in sign of triumph, being yielded to him; he carried it (with all the company) to Warwick."—It may further be added, that Matthew Paris frequently calls justs and turnaments Hastiludia Mensæ Rotundæ.
It might be helpful to let the reader know before reaching Pt. ii. v. 110, 111, that the Round Table wasn’t unique to King Arthur’s time; it was common throughout the ages of chivalry. Hosting a major tournament (likely with some special ceremonies) was known as "holding a Round Table." Dugdale mentions that the great baron Roger de Mortimer "having received the honor of knighthood for his three sons" from King Edward I, organized a tournament at Kenilworth at his own expense; he lavishly entertained a hundred knights and the same number of ladies for three days—something that had never happened before in England. This is where the Round Table began (named because the area where they showcased their skills was surrounded by a strong wall built in a circular shape). On the fourth day, after he was presented with the golden lion as a sign of victory, he took it and everyone with him to Warwick."—Additionally, it’s worth noting that Matthew Paris often refers to jousts and tournaments as Hastiludia Mensæ Rotundæ.
As to what will be observed in this ballad of the art of healing being practised by a young princess; it is no more than what is usual in all the old romances, and was conformable to real manners: it being a practice derived from the earliest times among all the Gothic and Celtic nations, for women, even of the highest rank, to exercise the art of surgery. In the Northern Chronicles we always find the young damsels stanching the wounds of their[Pg 62] lovers, and the wives those of their husbands.[336] And even so late as the time of Q. Elizabeth, it is mentioned among the accomplishments of the ladies of her court, that the "eldest of them are skilful in surgery." See Harrison's Description of England, prefixed to Hollinshed's Chronicle, &c.
As to what will be observed in this ballad of the art of healing being practised by a young princess; it is no more than what is usual in all the old romances, and was conformable to real manners: it being a practice derived from the earliest times among all the Gothic and Celtic nations, for women, even of the highest rank, to exercise the art of surgery. In the Northern Chronicles we always find the young damsels stanching the wounds of their[Pg 62] lovers, and the wives those of their husbands.[336] And even so late as the time of Q. Elizabeth, it is mentioned among the accomplishments of the ladies of her court, that the "eldest of them are skilful in surgery." See Harrison's Description of England, prefixed to Hollinshed's Chronicle, &c.
[This story of Sir Cauline furnishes one of the most flagrant instances of Percy's manipulation of his authorities. In the following poem all the verses which are due to Percy's invention are placed between brackets, but the whole has been so much altered by him that it has been found necessary to reprint the original from the folio MS. at the end in order that readers may compare the two. Percy put into his version several new incidents and altered the ending, by which means he was able to dilute the 201 lines of the MS. copy into 392 of his own. There was no necessity for this perversion of the original, because the story is there complete, and moreover Percy did not sufficiently indicate the great changes he had made, for although nearly every verse is altered he only noted one trivial difference of reading, viz. aukeward for backward (v. 109).
[This story of Sir Cauline provides one of the most blatant examples of Percy's manipulation of his sources. In the following poem, all the lines that are Percy's own invention are enclosed in brackets, but the entire work has been changed so much by him that it has been deemed necessary to reprint the original from the folio manuscript at the end for readers to compare the two. Percy included several new incidents in his version and changed the ending, which allowed him to stretch the 201 lines of the manuscript into 392 of his own. There was no need for this distortion of the original, as the story was already complete, and additionally, Percy did not adequately indicate the significant changes he made. Although nearly every line is altered, he only noted one minor difference in wording, namely aukeward instead of backward (v. 109).]
Motherwell reprinted this ballad in his Minstrelsy, and in his prefatory note he made the following shrewd guess, which we now know to be a correct one:—"We suspect too that the ancient ballad had a less melancholy catastrophe, and that the brave Syr Cauline, after his combat with the 'hend Soldan' derived as much benefit from the leechcraft of fair Cristabelle as he did after winning the Eldridge sword." Professor Child has expressed the same view in his note to the ballad.
Motherwell reprinted this ballad in his Minstrelsy, and in his introductory note, he made the following insightful observation, which we now know to be true:—"We suspect that the original ballad had a less sad ending, and that the valiant Syr Cauline, after his battle with the 'noble Soldan,' gained as much from the healing skills of the beautiful Cristabelle as he did after obtaining the Eldridge sword." Professor Child has shared the same opinion in his note on the ballad.
Buchan printed a ballad entitled King Malcolm and Sir Colvin, which is more like the original than Percy's version, but Mr. Hales is of opinion that this was one of that collector's fabrications.]
Buchan published a ballad called King Malcolm and Sir Colvin, which resembles the original more than Percy's version does, but Mr. Hales believes that this was one of that collector's made-up pieces.]
THE FIRST PART.

There lives a good king; And with him was a young and handsome knight,
Men call him Sir Caulìne. [Pg 63]
In fashion, she has no equal;
And noble knights that courted the lady To be their married partner.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
But he didn’t dare say anything; He doesn’t share his advice with anyone, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ But he dearly loved this girl.[339]
The maidens' love changed his mind, 15
To the care bed went the knight.
Once, while he spread them near: And yes! But I know that ladies love,
For benefits__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ now I must__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ dye.20
Our king was ready to dine:
He says, Where is Sir Cauline,
Who usually serves the wine?
And he began to wring his hands: Sir Cauline is sick and likely to die. Without a good leeching.[345]
She is a really attractive person.30
Go take him dough, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and the baked bread,
And serve him with the wine so red;[Pg 64] I would hate to be him to lose. [347]
Her maidens following nearby:35
Oh well, she says, how is my lord? Oh sick, you fair lady.
You die for love of me.
All this dill I dry:[349]
If you would comfort me with a kiss, Then I was taken from misery to bliss,45
No longer would I lie.
I am his only heir; Unfortunately! And you know well, Sir Knight, I can never be your friend.50
And I am not your peer,
But let me do some acts of bravery
To be your bachelor.[350]
(But always and forever my heart would regret,
Giff harm should happen to you,
Upon the broader norms;[353]60
And do you, sir knight, stay awake there all night?[Pg 65] Until the fair morning?
And no man should take life away, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ But he caused him harm__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and ridicule.
And big in size and strength; But if heaven can help you, Your life is just gone.70
For your sake, fair lady;]
And He will either bring you a ready token,
Or you'll never see him again.
Her maidens following bright:
Syr Cauline jumps from care-bed soon,
And to the Eldridge Hills it has gone, To stay awake all night.
He walked up and down; Then he heard the joyful sound of a bugle being blown. Over the bends __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ so brown; He said, "If sorrow comes to my heart, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__." I am far from any good town.85
A bright lady led his bridle, Wearing a fancy tunic: So quickly, he called out to Sir Cauline,90
[Pg 66] O man, I rede thee fly, For 'but' if crying reaches your heart,
I think you must die.
For, because you didn't mix __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ with Christ before,
The less I dread you.
Sir Cauline's bold home:
Then he shook his trusty spear, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ And the wood these two kids__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ show So soon in separate ways.[366]
And layden__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ on full fast, [Til helme and hawberke, mail and shield,105
They all were practically bursting.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
And stiff in the doorway__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ did stand,
But Sir Cauline with a 'backward' stroke,[370]
He struck off his right hand;110
That soon he, with pain and loss of blood Fell down on that lawn.[371]
And here I swear by the holy cross,115
Now, scoundrel, you will die.
[Pg 67]
Fast wringing of her hands:
For the maiden's love, that you all cherish the most,
Withhold that deadly brand: 120
Please stop striking me, I beg you; Sure, whatever you want, my lord,
He will obey your commands __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
And here on this lowland,
That you will believe in Christ his lay,[373]
And there pledge your hand:
Until the time that he should die.
And the Eldridge knight and his lady They have gone to their castle.140
That was such a large bone,
And on it he found five gold rings
Of knights who had been slain.[375]
As tough as flint: And he took off those five rings,
[Pg 68] As bright as fire and burning.
As light as a leaf on a tree:150
I can’t deny it or hold back. [377]
Until he sees his lady.
Oh lady, I have been on the Eldridge hills:155
These tokens I'm taking.
Welcome to me, For now, I see that you are a true knight,
Of bold and free valor.
Your commands to obey: And I might hope to win your love!—
No more could his tongue say.
And fatty__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ a gentle sigh:
Sadly, sir knight, how can this be, For my degree's requirements?
To be my bachelor, I promise that if I can't marry you, I won't have anyone else.[380]
To that knight so free; He gave it a gentle kiss,175
His heart went from pain to joy,
[Pg 69] The tears streamed from his eye.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Don't let anyone know about it; My father should know it forever, 180
I know he would act slowly.[382]
Where they in love and sweet dalliance Past many a pleasant hour.
⁂ In this conclusion of the First Part, and at the beginning of the Second, the reader will observe a resemblance to the story of Sigismunda and Guiscard, as told by Boccace and Dryden. See the latter's description of the lovers meeting in the cave; and those beautiful lines, which contain a reflection so like this of our poet, "everye white," &c., viz.:
⁂ In this conclusion of the First Part, and at the start of the Second, the reader will notice a similarity to the story of Sigismunda and Guiscard, as recounted by Boccaccio and Dryden. Check out Dryden's description of the lovers meeting in the cave; and those beautiful lines that reflect so closely to our poet's, "everye white," &c., viz.:
And tides at their highest point overflow; So Fate, which could no longer enhance their happiness, Took a wicked joy in causing destruction
Tancred, who loved dearly," &c.

PART THE SECOND.

And every sweet its sour:
This discovered lady Christabelle At an inconvenient hour.
The king, her father, walked outside. To enjoy the evening air:
He found his daughter and Sir Caulìne. There sat in sweet dalliance.
And he was an angry man:
Now, traitor, you will be hanged or drawn,15
And we shall thy lady.
And the lady into a tower so high,
They went away to wail and weep.20
And she said to the king: I urge you to save Sir Cauline's life,
And let him be banished.
If he ever comes into this land,
A crowded death is his fate.
[Pg 71]
And cast a longing gaze:
Fair Christabelle, I must part from you, I had to leave.
But she always feels down in her mind, As nibbled by a harsh wind
Does some fair lily flower.40
To color her lover's eyes: Syr Cauline, you probably don't think about me much, But I will still be honest.
Did you sue to that fair lady of love; But she would never get close to them. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Ne comforte she colde finde The king announced a tournament,
To lift his daughter's spirits:
To break a spear for their lady's love __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Before that fair lady.
But fair Christabelle so sad Was the fairest of them all.60
[Pg 72]
No one knew where he came from, Now no one knows where he has gone,
When they came from the field.
All creatures of limb and flesh;[392]75
Two staring eyes like fire flames,[393]
A smile from ear to ear.
And on his back, he had five heads. All weak and pale in color.[394]
Check out these heads I'm carrying with me!
They are the kings that he has killed.85
The knight of yours who has harmed: [397]
And he has come to seek revenge for his wrongs,
And to you, all your knights among, Defiance has been sent here. [Pg 73]
Or else your dear daughter; Otherwise, within these lists so broad You need to find him a peer.[399]
Is there never a knight of my round table,
This matter will undergo?
And of my crown be heir;
And he will win fair Christabelle
To be his married partner.110
It made their hearts tremble.
When she saw that no help was near:
She focused her thoughts on her own true love,
And tears flowed from her eye.
Said, Lady, don't be afraid: I will fight for you with this grim soldier,
Though he may be unmanly__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ made.
[Pg 74]
That lies within your chamber,
I trust in Christ to defeat this enemy125
Though he may be stubborn in trouble.
The king shouted quickly: May the new heaven help you, polite knight;
My daughter is your reward.[401]130
And said, Away, away: I swear, as I am the hand soldán,
You let __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ me stay here all day.
"That he were my true knight!"
They began to take on a load.[403]
That made him reel aside;
Then the fair lady was filled with sorrow,145
And she sighed deeply three times.
And made the blood to flow:
All pale and weak was that fair lady,
And she cried three times out of grief.150
Which brought the knight to his knees:
Sadness pierced that lady's heart,
And she let out three loud shrieks. [Pg 75]
All reckless of the pain:
He said, "But __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ may heaven help me now," Or else __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I'll be slain.
He drove it into the sultan's side,
And stabbed him in the heart.
The lady cried and thanked Christ,165
That had freed her from captivity.[406]
That courteous knight to greet.170
And there all wallowing in his blood,
Lay lifeless on the ground.
You are a skilled leech; I would rather __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ lose half my lands, Than this good knight should play.[408]
To help him if she can; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ But when she raised his beaver,
It’s my life, my lord, she says, And screamed and fainted away.
Oh lady, I am your one true love;[Pg 76] For you, I wish to die.
Before Christabelle, that gentle lady, Began to catch her breath.
She laid her pale, cold cheek against his, And so she expressed her sorrow.195
For me your faithful friend;[409]
It's right that I should follow you,
Who has bought my love so dear.
And with a deep sigh, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ That broke her gentle heart in two,
Fayre Christabelle passed away.]
⁂
⁂


[The following is the original ballad from which Percy concocted his own. It is reprinted from Bishop Percy's Folio MS., ed. Hales and Furnivall, vol. iii. p. 1.
[The following is the original ballad that Percy based his version on. It is reprinted from Bishop Percy's Folio MS., ed. Hales and Furnivall, vol. iii. p. 1.
that died for us on the cross to maintain our rights, that loves true English blood.
which overall bears the best,10
And with him there lived a courteous Knight, men call him Sir Cawline.
of fashion she has no equal;
Knights and lords both courted her, trusted to have been her equal.
but dearly loved this maid.20
great dill to him was set; the maiden's love changed his mind,
The Knight went to the care bed;
this day may comfort me, "Otherwise, I will be dead by noon!"
thus can Sir Cawline say.30
& our king was ready to dine,
He says, "Where is Sir Cawline?" "That used to serve me with ale and wine?"
She is a pretty fine leech; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I, and take you do and the baked bread,
and one on the wine so red,
& look no daylight for him too dear,
"To be full of rage, I would hate him."
her maidens following New Year's "Oh well," she says, "how is my Lord?"
"Oh sick!" he says again.
[Pg 78]
new cowardly lye here!50
It is said in my father's hall,
"For my love, you will die."
that all this dill I dry. For if you would comfort me with a kiss, then I was taken from pain to happiness,
"no longer here would I lie."
I cannot be your peer." "For certain acts of bravery, I would gladly do." to be your Bachelor."
on the more's brooding; And would you, Sir Knight, stay awake there all night to the other morning?
& there was never a man that took his life away "since the day that I was born."
I'll either bring you a ready token
"Or I'll never come to you again."
her maidens following bright; & Sir Cawlins has gone to the wide moors, to stay awake there all night.
he walked up and down,
And then he heard a cheerful bugle blow. ouer the bents so brown.
He says, "and if tears come to my heart,
I am far from any good town;
a furious King and a fierce, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ & a lady bright led his bridle,
that it was lovely to see; [Pg 79]
"I’m afraid you might die."
nor I do not fear you;
for because you didn't mention Christ before,
You make me less afraid of you.
so soon in separate places,
For they took two good swords, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ & they loaded it up well.
& stiffly stood on the ground; but Sir Cawline with an awkward stroke he took him by the hand,105
I, flying over his head so high, fell down of that Lay land:
fast ringing her hands: "for the maidens love that you have the most merit,"110
strike you my Lord no more,
him to sports, games, or play,
& to meet no man of Middle Earth,
& that lives on Christ's path."115
set him back in his saddle again,
& and that Eldryge King & his Lady they have gone to their castle.
& so he made those rings 5,
harder than fire, and brent.
"but a serrated buffet you have given him,
"the King & the crown!" she said,
"I, but 34 stripes" come beside the cross."
[Pg 80]
he runs among them, and on his squire, he bore 5 heads, vnmackley made it happen.
& he put the cup in his sleeve;135
& all the trembled & were pale for fear he should grieve them.
For I will burn your high temples, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I’ll have your dear daughter; in, or on, that more so broad You will find me appear.
says, "Is there no Knight of the Round Table?" this matter will undergo?
& keep them well in his life; I, and so shall my dear daughter,150
to be his wedded wife.
for I want it at [a] fray.
"but go away, go away!" said the hen Soldan,
"You keep me waiting here all day!"
now he has slain that head Soldan,
& took his 5 heads with him.
& amp; make sure to enjoy your life,
for you promised me your daughter dear to be my wedded wife."
[Pg 81]
& he went until he reached a garden his morning prayers; & that exposed a false steward—
a shameful death that he might die!—
Sir Cawline for to tear; and he had no weapon on him, nor no weapon did we wear.
he pressed the Lyon soe sore against the wall until the lion's heart burst.
& said, "Sir Cawline's slain!
and with a beast is not full little,190
a Lion of Great Might."
Then the king's daughter fell down,
"for peerless is my pain!"
"I bought your love very dearly.195
"O peace, my Lady!" says Sir Cawline, "Calm down, my lady, for I am here!"
with bright gold & silver,
and 15 sons this lady bore __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__200
to Sir Cawline the Knight.
ffins.]
ffins.]
FOOTNOTES:
[337] [mate.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [friend.]
[338] [describe.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [describe.]
[339] [maiden.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [girl.]
[340] [grief.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [grief.]
[341] [wrought.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [created.]
[342] [sorrow.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [sorrow.]
[343] [must.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [must.]
[344] [made ready.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [prepared.]
[345] [medical care.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [healthcare.]
[346] [This is an odd misreading of Percy's. The MS. has "I and take you doe and the baken bread," where doe is the auxiliary verb and the and redundant.]
[346] [This is an odd misreading of Percy's. The MS. has "I and take you doe and the baken bread," where doe is the auxiliary verb and the and redundant.]
[347] [lose.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [lose.]
[348] [swiftly.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [quickly.]
[349] [pain I suffer.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [pain I feel.]
[350] [knight.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [knight.]
[351] [if.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [if.]
[352] [spectral, lonesome.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [ghostly, lonely.]
[353] [wide moors.]
[354] [great.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [awesome.]
[355] [before.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [before.]
[356] [harm.]
[357] [pagan.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [pagan.]
[359] [leaped.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [jumped.]
[360] [fields.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fields.]
[361] [if fear come to.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [if fear comes.]
[362] [fierce.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [intense.]
[363] [advise.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [suggest.]
[364] [mentioned.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [mentioned.]
[366] [split.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [split.]
[367] [laid.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [laid.]
[368] [burst.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [burst.]
[369] [battle.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [battle.]
[370] Ver. 109, aukeward. MS.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ver. 109, awkward. MS.
[371] [green sward.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [green lawn.]
[372] [commands.]
[commands.]
[373] [law.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [law.]
[374] [fight.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fight.]
[375] [slain.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [killed.]
[376] [spurred.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [motivated.]
[377] [neither stopped nor lingered.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [neither stopped nor lingered.]
[378] [fetched.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [retrieved.]
[379] [since thou hast engaged.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [since you have engaged.]
[380] [mate.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [friend.]
[381] [started.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [began.]
[383] [verily.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [truly.]
[384] [bond or covenant.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [bond or agreement.]
[385] [rather.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [rather.]
[386] [lose.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [lose.]
[387] [nigh.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [almost.]
[388] [fine cloth.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fine fabric.]
[389] [leather jacket.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [leather jacket.]
[390] [coat of mail.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [chainmail.]
[391] [quickly.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [quickly.]
[392] [countenance.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [face.]
[393] [flashed.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [flashed.]
[394] [complexion.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [skin tone.]
[395] [bowed.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [bowed.]
[396] [courteous.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [polite.]
[397] [injured.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [injured.]
[398] [burn.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [burn.]
[399] [equal.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [equal.]
[400] [mis-shapen.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [weirdly shaped.]
[401] [reward.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [reward.]
[402] [detainest.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [detained.]
[403] [give blows.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [hit.]
[404] [unless.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [unless.]
[406] [captivity.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [captivity.]
[407] [rather.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [rather.]
[408] [come to harm.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [get hurt.]
[409] [mate.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [buddy.]
[410] [deep-drawn.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [intensely focused.]
V.
EDWARD, EDWARD.
A Scottish Ballad.
A Scottish Ballad.
From a MS. copy transmitted from Scotland.
From a manuscript copy sent from Scotland.

[The affectedly antique orthography of this ballad has caused some to suppose that it was a modern invention, probably by Lady Wardlaw, the author of Hardyknute, but Motherwell obtained another version from the recitation of an old woman, which he printed in his Minstrelsy under the title of "Son Davie, son Davie." He there says that there is reason to believe that Lord Hailes "made a few slight verbal improvements in the copy he transmitted, and altered the hero's name to Edward, a name which, by the bye, never occurs in a Scottish ballad except where allusion is made to an English king."
[The outdated spelling of this ballad has led some to think it was a modern creation, likely by Lady Wardlaw, who wrote Hardyknute, but Motherwell found another version from an old woman's recounting, which he published in his Minstrelsy titled "Son Davie, son Davie." He mentions that there's reason to believe that Lord Hailes "made a few slight verbal improvements in the copy he sent and changed the hero's name to Edward, a name that, by the way, never appears in a Scottish ballad unless it refers to an English king."
There is a Swedish ballad of the same character entitled The Fratricide's Lament and Dialogue with his Mother before he wanders away from home for ever.
There is a Swedish ballad of the same title called The Fratricide's Lament and Dialogue with his Mother before he wanders away from home forever.
The form of a dialogue between a mother and her son is a favourite one in the old ballads, and "Lord Donald" in Kinloch's Scottish Ballads and "Lord Randal" in Scott's Minstrelsy bear some likeness to the ballad of "Edward." The hero is supposed to have been poisoned by eating toads prepared as a dish of fishes, and the last stanza of Kinloch's ballad is as follows:—
The format of a conversation between a mother and her son is a popular choice in the old ballads, and "Lord Donald" in Kinloch's Scottish Ballads and "Lord Randal" in Scott's Minstrelsy are somewhat similar to the ballad of "Edward." The hero is believed to have been poisoned by eating toads disguised as fish, and the last stanza of Kinloch's ballad is as follows:—
My kid? What will you give to your true love,
My cheerful young man? The rope and the halter to hang on that tree over there,
And let her hang there for poisoning me."]

Edward, Edward? Why does your brand look so bloody weak?
Why are you so sad, O? [412]
Oh, I have killed my hawk so good,5
Mither, mither: Oh, I've killed my hawk so good:
And I had no more than he,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ O.
Edward, Edward. Your heart's blood was never so red,
My dear son, I tell you, O. Oh, I have killed my red-roan horse,
Mom, Mom: Oh, I have killed my reddish-roan horse,15
That used to be so beautiful and free, oh.
Edward, Edward: Your place was old, and you have more,
Sum other duel you try,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ O.20
Oh, I have killed my dear father,
Mother, mother:
Oh, I have killed my dear father,
Oh no! I'm so sad!
[Pg 84] Mither, mither: I'll set my feet in that boat over there,
And I'll travel over the sea, O. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Edward, is that you? And what will you do with your towers and your hall, 35
That was so beautiful to see, right? I will let them stand until they fall down,[418]
Mother, mother:
I'll let them stand until they fall down, I can never be here again, O.40
Edward, Edward? And what will you leave for your children and your wife,
When are you going over the sea, huh?
The world is a room, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ letting them enjoy life, 45
Mother, mother:
The world's room, let them go through life,
I will never see them again, O.
Edward, Edward? And what will you leave to your own dear mother?
My dear son, now tell me, O. The curse of hell you'll bear from me,
Mother, mother:
You will bear the curse of hell from me. The advice you gave me, O.
This curious song was transmitted to the editor by Sir David Dalrymple, Bart., late Lord Hailes.
This interesting song was sent to the editor by Sir David Dalrymple, Bart., former Lord Hailes.
FOOTNOTES:
[413] [no other but he.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [no one else but him.]
[414] [some other grief you suffer.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [other grief you’re facing.]
[415] [undergo.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [undergo.]
[416] [pass.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [pass.]
[417] [hall.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [hall.]
[418] [fall.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fall.]
[419] [the world's large.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [the world's largest.]
VI.
KING ESTMERE.

This old Romantic Legend (which is given from two copies, one of them in the editor's folio MS., but which contained very great variations), bears marks of considerable antiquity, and, perhaps, ought to have taken place of any in this volume. It would seem to have been written while part of Spain was in the hands of the Saracens or Moors: whose empire there was not fully extinguished before the year 1491. The Mahometans are spoken of in v. 49, &c., just in the same terms as in all other old romances. The author of the ancient Legend of Sir Bevis represents his hero, upon all occasions, breathing out defiance against
This old Romantic Legend (which comes from two copies, one of which is in the editor's folio manuscript but has significant variations), shows signs of great age and perhaps should have been included instead of any in this collection. It seems to have been written while part of Spain was under the control of the Saracens or Moors, whose power wasn’t completely ended until the year 1491. The Muslims are referred to in v. 49, etc., in the same way as in all other old romances. The author of the ancient Legend of Sir Bevis depicts his hero consistently challenging the enemy, defying them at every turn.
and so full of zeal for his religion, as to return the following polite message to a Paynim king's fair daughter, who had fallen in love with him, and sent two Saracen knights to invite him to her bower,
and so filled with passion for his faith that he sent the following polite message to a pagan king's beautiful daughter, who had fallen in love with him and sent two Saracen knights to invite him to her chamber,
To talk with a heathen hound. Unbaptized hounds, I advise you to flee. Or I shall see your heart's blood. [421]
Indeed they return the compliment by calling him elsewhere "A christen hounde."[422]
Indeed they return the compliment by calling him elsewhere "A christen hounde."[422]
This was conformable to the real manners of the barbarous ages: perhaps the same excuse will hardly serve our bard, for that Adland should be found lolling or leaning at his gate (v. 35) may be thought, perchance, a little out of character. And yet the great painter of manners, Homer, did not think it inconsistent with decorum to represent a king of the Taphians leaning at the gate of Ulysses to inquire for that monarch, when he touched at Ithaca as he was taking a voyage with a ship's cargo of iron to dispose in traffic.[423] So little ought we to judge of ancient manners by our own.
This was conformable to the real manners of the barbarous ages: perhaps the same excuse will hardly serve our bard, for that Adland should be found lolling or leaning at his gate (v. 35) may be thought, perchance, a little out of character. And yet the great painter of manners, Homer, did not think it inconsistent with decorum to represent a king of the Taphians leaning at the gate of Ulysses to inquire for that monarch, when he touched at Ithaca as he was taking a voyage with a ship's cargo of iron to dispose in traffic.[423] So little ought we to judge of ancient manners by our own.
Before I conclude this article, I cannot help observing, that the [Pg 86]reader will see, in this ballad, the character of the old Minstrels (those successors of the Bards) placed in a very respectable light:[424] here he will see one of them represented mounted on a fine horse, accompanied with an attendant to bear his harp after him, and to sing the poems of his composing. Here he will see him mixing in the company of kings without ceremony: no mean proof of the great antiquity of this poem. The farther we carry our inquiries back, the greater respect we find paid to the professors of poetry and music among all the Celtic and Gothic nations. Their character was deemed so sacred, that under its sanction our famous king Alfred (as we have already seen)[425] made no scruple to enter the Danish camp, and was at once admitted to the king's headquarters.[426] Our poet has suggested the same expedient to the heroes of this ballad. All the histories of the North are full of the great reverence paid to this order of men. Harold Harfagre, a celebrated King of Norway, was wont to seat them at his table above all the officers of his court: and we find another Norwegian king placing five of them by his side in a day of battle, that they might be eye-witnesses of the great exploits they were to celebrate.[427] As to Estmere's riding into the hall while the kings were at table, this was usual in the ages of chivalry; and even to this day we see a relic of this custom still kept up, in the champion's riding into Westminster Hall during the coronation dinner.[428]
Before I conclude this article, I cannot help observing, that the [Pg 86]reader will see, in this ballad, the character of the old Minstrels (those successors of the Bards) placed in a very respectable light:[424] here he will see one of them represented mounted on a fine horse, accompanied with an attendant to bear his harp after him, and to sing the poems of his composing. Here he will see him mixing in the company of kings without ceremony: no mean proof of the great antiquity of this poem. The farther we carry our inquiries back, the greater respect we find paid to the professors of poetry and music among all the Celtic and Gothic nations. Their character was deemed so sacred, that under its sanction our famous king Alfred (as we have already seen)[425] made no scruple to enter the Danish camp, and was at once admitted to the king's headquarters.[426] Our poet has suggested the same expedient to the heroes of this ballad. All the histories of the North are full of the great reverence paid to this order of men. Harold Harfagre, a celebrated King of Norway, was wont to seat them at his table above all the officers of his court: and we find another Norwegian king placing five of them by his side in a day of battle, that they might be eye-witnesses of the great exploits they were to celebrate.[427] As to Estmere's riding into the hall while the kings were at table, this was usual in the ages of chivalry; and even to this day we see a relic of this custom still kept up, in the champion's riding into Westminster Hall during the coronation dinner.[428]
Some liberties have been taken with this tale by the editor, but none without notice to the reader in that part which relates to the subject of the harper and his attendant.
Some liberties have been taken with this story by the editor, but none without informing the reader in the section that relates to the harper and his assistant.
[Percy refers to two copies of this ballad, but there is every reason to believe that one of these was the bishop's own composition, as it was never seen by others and has not since been found. The copy from the folio MS. was torn out by Percy when he was preparing the fourth edition of the Reliques for the press, and is now unfortunately lost, so that we have no means of telling what alterations he made in addition to those which he mentions in the footnotes. The readings in the fourth edition are changed in several places from those printed in the first edition.]
[Percy talks about two versions of this ballad, but there's good reason to think that one of them was written by the bishop himself, as it was never shared with anyone else and hasn't been found since. The copy from the folio manuscript was removed by Percy while he was getting the fourth edition of the Reliques ready for publication, and it's unfortunately lost now, so we have no way of knowing what changes he made beyond the ones he notes in the footnotes. The text in the fourth edition differs in several spots from what appeared in the first edition.]

Come and listen; I will tell you about two of the bravest brothers[429]
That ever was born.
The other was King Estmere; They were bold men in their actions,
As anyone was far and near.
A wife to bring us all joy?
And answered him quickly:[432]
I don't know that lady in any place. That's able __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ to marry me.
People describe her as bright and shining;[434]
If I were king here in your place,
That lady should be my queen.20
Throughout cheerful England,
Where we can find a messenger
Between us to send. [Pg 88]
And I fear that we might as well.
Of two good rented steeds, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ And when they arrived at King Adland's hall,
Their clothes shone with a reddish-gold hue.[439]
There they found good King Adlànd35
Rearing __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ himself there.
Now, Christ, you save and see. Sayd, you are welcome, King Estmere,
Write to me wholeheartedly.
My brother would marry her to be his wife,
Of England to be queen.
Syr Bremor, the king of Spain; [441]
And then she joked__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ with him about something new,
And I doubt she will __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ do the same to you.
And 'leeveth on Mahound; And it would be a shame for that beautiful lady Should marry a heathen hound.
[Pg 89]
That I may see your daughter dear __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Before I go away.
Since my daughter was in Halle,
She will come down once for your sake. To please my guests all.
With ladies dressed in silk,[446]
And fifty brave knights,
To take her from the bedroom to the hall; And as many friendly squires, To take care of them all.
Shone of the crystal free.
Sow well and heartily,
Everything you are here for Soon, it will be done.
What he said yesterday.
And take __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ my life I can't blame him if he does,85
If I take his wife from him.
[Pg 90]
Are strongly built about; Therefore, the king of Spain[448]
We don't need to be in doubt.90
By heaven and your right hand,
That you will marry me to your wife,
And make me queen of your land.
And make her queen of his land.
To go to his own country,100
To gather dukes, lords, and knights, That married the mighty bee.
A mile outside the town,
But in did come the king of Spain,105
With kempès__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ many in one.
With many bold barons,
Tone is set to marry King Adland's daughter,
The other day to take her home.110
He must either turn back and fight, Or go home and lose his lady.
Another while he ran; Until he had overtaken King Estmere,
[Pg 91] I swear, he never blamed. [450]
What news now, my boy? I have some news to share with you,
That will annoy you sorely.
A mile outside of town,
But in came the king of Spain __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ With kempès many people:
The other day to take her home.130
And ever more well by me:
You must either turn around and fight again,
Or go home and lose your lady.
My reader shall ride __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ at you,
Whether it is better to turn and fight,
Or go home and lose my lady.
I will quickly come up with a solution. To set your lady free.
And learned in magic.[453]
And when I learned at school,145
[Pg 92] Something she taught me.
And if it were only known,
His color, which is white and red, It will turn black and brown:150
That sword is not in all of England, Upon his coat will bite.
Out of the north country; I'll be your guy, so eager to fight,[454]
And hold your harp by your knee.
That ever picked up a harp; And I will be the best singer,
That ever sang in this land.
That are in all Christianity.
On two good racing steeds: And when they arrived at King Adland's hall,
Their garments shone with reddish gold. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Until the fair hall gate,[455]
There they found a proud porter. Rearing himself up there. [Pg 93]
Wherever you are from.
Come out of the northern country;180
We've come here to this place, This proud wedding is something to witness.
As it is black and brown,
I would say King Estmere and his brother __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ We're coming until this town.
Lay it on the porter’s arm:
And we will always honor you, proud porter,
You won't harm us.190
Then they opened the beautiful hall doors,
He doesn't allow any kind of thing.
Light in King Bremor's beard.
[Pg 94]
He won't do anything that's appropriate;
Is there any man in this hall? Could beat him.
You, harper, here for me: There's a man in this hall,
I will beat both you and your servant.210
Then he will be rid of me.
And looked him in the ear; For all the gold that was beneath the skies,
He didn't dare to neigh near him.[460]
That for all the gold that exists in the world, I can't neigh at him now.
And plaid is a pretty thing: The lady got up from the edge,
And would have left the king.
For God's love, I beg you. If you play as you start, You will take __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ my bride from me. [Pg 95]
And played a pretty thing; The lady laughs __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ As she sat by the king.
And your strings all,
For as many gold nobles as you will have
As there are rings in the hall.240
If I sold it, yeah? "To entertain my wife and me a bit,[463]
When in bed together we be.
As she sits by your knee,
And I will give as many gold nobles as I can,
As leaves are on a tree.
What if I did sell her to you?250
It suits her beautiful body more. To lie down with me then you.
And Adler sang, "O lady, this is your true love;" No harper, but a king.
[Pg 96] "Who separates your love from you?"260
And blushed and looked again,
While Adler has drawn his sword,
And has the Sultan slain.
And loudly they began to cry: Ah! Traitors, you have slain our king,
And therefore you shall die.
And then he drew his brand; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ And Estmere he, and young Adler Right stiff in the storm__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ can stand.
They quickly killed the kempery men,275
Or force them to flee.
And married her to his wife,
And brought her home to cheerful England. With her to guide his life.280

⁂ The word Gramaryè,[468] which occurs several times in the foregoing poem, is probably a corruption of the French word Grimoire, which signifies a conjuring book in the old French romances, if not the art of necromancy itself.
⁂ The word Gramaryè,[468] which occurs several times in the foregoing poem, is probably a corruption of the French word Grimoire, which signifies a conjuring book in the old French romances, if not the art of necromancy itself.
And Termagaunt my god so bright.
Sign. p. iii. b.
Sign. p. iii. b.
This word is derived by the very learned editor of Junius from the Anglo-Saxon Tẏꞃ very, and Maᵹan mighty. As this word had so sublime a derivation, and was so applicable to the true God, how shall we account for its being so degraded? Perhaps Tẏꞃ-maᵹan or Termagant had been a name originally given to some Saxon idol, before our ancestors were converted to Christianity; or had been the peculiar attribute of one of their false deities; and therefore the first Christian missionaries rejected it as profane and improper to be applied to the true God. Afterwards, when the irruptions of the Saracens into Europe, and the Crusades into the East, had brought them acquainted with a new species of unbelievers, our ignorant ancestors, who thought all that did not receive the Christian law were necessarily pagans and idolaters, supposed the Mahometan creed was in all respects the same with that of their pagan forefathers, and therefore made no scruple to give the ancient name of Termagant to the god of the Saracens, just in the same manner as they afterwards used the name of Sarazen to express any kind of pagan or idolater. In the ancient romance of Merline (in the editor's folio MS.) the Saxons themselves that came over with Hengist, because they were not Christians, are constantly called Sarazens.
This word comes from the well-educated editor of Junius, who linked it to the Anglo-Saxon Tẏꞃ meaning very, and Maᵹan meaning mighty. Given its grand origin and how well it fits the true God, how did it end up being so degraded? Perhaps Tẏꞃ-maᵹan or Termagant was originally a name for some Saxon idol, before our ancestors converted to Christianity; or it may have been a specific trait of one of their false gods; thus, the early Christian missionaries dismissed it as vulgar and inappropriate for the true God. Later, when the Saracens invaded Europe and the Crusades introduced a new type of non-believers, our uninformed ancestors, who believed that everyone not following the Christian faith was a pagan and idolater, assumed that the Muslim faith was similar to that of their pagan ancestors. They had no hesitation in labeling the god of the Saracens as Termagant, just as they later used the term Sarazen to refer to any pagan or idolater. In the old romance of Merline (in the editor's folio MS.), the Saxons who came over with Hengist, because they were not Christians, are regularly called Sarazens.
However that be, it is certain that, after the times of the Crusades, both Mahound and Termagaunt made their frequent appearance in the pageants and religious interludes of the barbarous ages; in which they were exhibited with gestures so furious and frantic, as to become proverbial. Thus Skelton speaks of Wolsey:—
However that may be, it is clear that, after the time of the Crusades, both Mahound and Termagaunt frequently appeared in the pageants and religious performances of the dark ages; in which they were portrayed with such furious and frenzied gestures that it became a saying. Thus Skelton speaks of Wolsey:—
No man dares to contradict him.
Ed. 1736, p. 158.
Ed. 1736, p. 158.
In like manner Bale, describing the threats used by some papist magistrates to his wife, speaks of them as "grennyng upon her lyke Termagauntes in a playe." (Actes of Engl. Votaryes, pt. ii. fo. 83, Ed. 1550, 12mo.) Accordingly in a letter of Edward Alleyn, the founder of Dulwich College, to his wife or sister, who, it seems, with all her fellows (the players), had been "by my Lorde Maiors officer[s] mad to rid in a cart," he expresses his concern that she should "fall into the hands of suche Tarmagants." (So the orig. dated May 2, 1593, preserved by the care of the Rev. Thomas Jenyns Smith, Fellow of Dulw. Coll.) Hence we may conceive[Pg 98] the force of Hamlet's expression in Shakspeare, where, condemning a ranting player, he says, "I could have such a fellow whipt for ore-doing Termagant: it out-herods Herod" (Act iii. sc. 3). By degrees the word came to be applied to an outrageous turbulent person, and especially to a violent brawling woman; to whom alone it is now confined, and this the rather as, I suppose, the character of Termagant was anciently represented on the stage after the eastern mode, with long robes or petticoats.
Similarly, Bale, talking about the threats some Catholic officials made to his wife, describes them as "grinning at her like Termagauntes in a play." (Actes of Engl. Votaryes, pt. ii. fo. 83, Ed. 1550, 12mo.) In a letter from Edward Alleyn, the founder of Dulwich College, to his wife or sister—who, it seems, along with her fellow actors, had been "made to ride in a cart by my Lord Mayor's officers"—he expresses worry that she might "fall into the hands of such Tarmagants." (So the original dated May 2, 1593, preserved by the care of the Rev. Thomas Jenyns Smith, Fellow of Dulw. Coll.) Thus, we can understand[Pg 98] the impact of Hamlet's words in Shakespeare, where, criticizing an over-the-top actor, he says, "I could have such a fellow whipped for overdoing Termagant: it out-herods Herod" (Act iii. sc. 3). Over time, the term came to refer to an outrageous, turbulent person, especially a combative woman; it is now mostly used to describe just that, perhaps because the character of Termagant was traditionally portrayed on stage wearing long robes or petticoats.
Another frequent character in the old pageants or interludes of our ancestors, was the sowdan or soldan, representing a grim eastern tyrant. This appears from a curious passage in Stow's Annals (p. 458). In a stage-play "the people know right well that he that plaieth the sowdain, is percase a sowter [shoe-maker]; yet if one should cal him by his owne name, while he standeth in his majestie, one of his tormenters might hap to break his head." The sowdain, or soldan, was a name given to the Sarazen king (being only a more rude pronunciation of the word sultan), as the soldan of Egypt, the soudan of Persia, the sowdan of Babylon, &c., who were generally represented as accompanied with grim Sarazens, whose business it was to punish and torment Christians.
Another common character in the old pageants or interludes of our ancestors was the sowdan or soldan, representing a harsh eastern tyrant. This is shown in an interesting passage in Stow's Annals (p. 458). In a stage play, "the people know very well that the person playing the sowdain might be a shoemaker; yet if someone were to call him by his real name while he stands in his authority, one of his tormentors might end up breaking his head." The sowdain, or soldan, was a term used for the Saracen king (just a rougher pronunciation of the word sultan), like the soldan of Egypt, the soudan of Persia, the sowdan of Babylon, etc., who were usually portrayed alongside grim Saracens, whose role was to punish and torment Christians.
I cannot conclude this short memoir, without observing that the French romancers, who had borrowed the word Termagant from us, and applied it as we in their old romances, corrupted it into Tervagaunte; and from them La Fontaine took it up, and has used it more than once in his tales. This may be added to the other proofs adduced in these volumes of the great intercourse that formerly subsisted between the old minstrels and legendary writers of both nations, and that they mutually borrowed each other's romances.
I can't wrap up this short memoir without noting that the French writers, who borrowed the word Termagant from us and used it like we did in our old romances, changed it to Tervagaunte; and from them, La Fontaine picked it up and used it more than once in his stories. This adds to the other evidence presented in these volumes of the significant exchange that once existed between the old minstrels and legendary writers of both countries, and that they commonly borrowed from each other's romances.
FOOTNOTES:
[421] Sign C. ii. b.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Sign C. ii. b.
[422] Sign C. i. b.
[423] Odyss. a. 105.
[426] Even so late as the time of Froissart, we find minstrels and heralds mentioned together, as those who might securely go into an enemy's country. Cap. cxl.
[426] Even so late as the time of Froissart, we find minstrels and heralds mentioned together, as those who might securely go into an enemy's country. Cap. cxl.
[429] Ver. 3. brether, f. MS.
[430] [the one.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [the one.]
[432] V. 14. hartilye, f. MS.
[433] He means fit, suitable.
He means fit, suitable.
[434] [shining.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [shining.]
[435] [advise me.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [give me advice.]
[437] [they got ready?]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [are they ready?]
[438] [harnessed.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [harnessed.]
[439] [garments.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [clothes.]
[440] [leaning.]
[442] [refused.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [refused.]
[443] [she will.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [she will.]
[444] [pagan.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [pagan.]
[445] [believeth.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [believes.]
[446] [robe of state.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [ceremonial robe.]
[447] [bereave.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [grieve.]
[449] [soldiers or knights.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [soldiers or knights.]
[450] [stopped.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [stopped.]
[452] sic MS.
[454] [fond of fighting.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [likes to fight.]
[455] [gate.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [gate.]
[456] [he left? or he let be opened?]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [he left? or he allowed it to open?]
[458] [lazy or wicked.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [lazy or evil.]
[459] [soldier or fighting man.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [soldier or fighter.]
[460] [approach him near.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [approach him nearby.]
[461] i.e. entice.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ i.e. attract.
[462] [laughed.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [laughed.]
[464] Ver. 253. Some liberties have been taken in the following stanzas; but wherever this edition differs from the preceding, it hath been brought nearer to the folio MS.
[464] Ver. 253. Some liberties have been taken in the following stanzas; but wherever this edition differs from the preceding, it hath been brought nearer to the folio MS.
[465] [quickly.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [quickly.]
[466] [sword.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [sword.]
[467] [fight.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fight.]
VII.
SIR PATRICK SPENCE,
A Scottish Ballad,
A Scottish ballad

Is given from two MS. copies transmitted from Scotland. In what age the hero of this ballad lived, or when this fatal expedition happened that proved so destructive to the Scots nobles, I have not been able to discover; yet am of opinion, that their catastrophe is not altogether without foundation in history, though it has escaped my own[Pg 99] researches. In the infancy of navigation, such as used the northern seas were very liable to shipwreck in the wintry months: hence a law was enacted in the reign of James III. (a law which was frequently repeated afterwards), "That there be na schip frauched out of the realm with any staple gudes, fra the feast of Simons day and Jude, unto the feast of the purification of our Lady called Candelmess." Jam. III. Parlt. 2, ch. 15.
Is taken from two manuscript copies sent from Scotland. I haven’t been able to find out in what time the hero of this ballad lived or when this disastrous expedition occurred that was so harmful to the Scottish nobles; however, I believe that their downfall is somewhat rooted in history, even though it hasn’t come up in my own[Pg 99] research. In the early days of navigation, those who sailed the northern seas were very prone to shipwrecks during the winter months. Because of this, a law was passed during the reign of James III (a law that was often repeated thereafter), "That no ship be sent out of the realm with any staple goods, from the feast of Simon and Jude to the feast of the Purification of Our Lady called Candlemas." Jam. III. Parlt. 2, ch. 15.
In some modern copies, instead of Patrick Spence hath been substituted the name of Sir Andrew Wood, a famous Scottish admiral who flourished in the time of our Edward IV., but whose story has nothing in common with this of the ballad. As Wood was the most noted warrior of Scotland, it is probable that, like the Theban Hercules, he hath engrossed the renown of other heroes.
In some modern versions, instead of Patrick Spence, the name Sir Andrew Wood, a famous Scottish admiral who was prominent during the time of Edward IV, has been used, but his story has nothing to do with that of the ballad. Since Wood was the most recognized warrior of Scotland, it's likely that, similar to the Theban Hercules, he has taken on the fame of other heroes.
[The fact that this glorious ballad was never heard of before Percy printed it in 1765, caused some to throw doubts upon its authenticity, and their scepticism was strengthened by the note at p. 102, which refers to the author of Hardyknute. It was thought that the likeness in expression and sentiment there mentioned might easily be explained if the two poems were both by Lady Wardlaw. This view, advocated by Robert Chambers in his general attack on the authenticity of all The Romantic Scottish Ballads (1859), has not met with much favour, and Professor Child thinks that the arguments against the genuineness of Sir Patrick Spence are so trivial as hardly to admit of statement. He writes, "If not ancient it has been always accepted as such by the most skilful judges, and is a solitary instance of a successful imitation in manner and spirit of the best specimens of authentic minstrelsy."[469] Coleridge, no mean judge of a ballad, wrote—
[The fact that this glorious ballad was never heard of before Percy printed it in 1765, caused some to throw doubts upon its authenticity, and their scepticism was strengthened by the note at p. 102, which refers to the author of Hardyknute. It was thought that the likeness in expression and sentiment there mentioned might easily be explained if the two poems were both by Lady Wardlaw. This view, advocated by Robert Chambers in his general attack on the authenticity of all The Romantic Scottish Ballads (1859), has not met with much favour, and Professor Child thinks that the arguments against the genuineness of Sir Patrick Spence are so trivial as hardly to admit of statement. He writes, "If not ancient it has been always accepted as such by the most skilful judges, and is a solitary instance of a successful imitation in manner and spirit of the best specimens of authentic minstrelsy."[469] Coleridge, no mean judge of a ballad, wrote—
The classic ballad of Sir Patrick Spens.
Antiquaries have objected that Spence is not an early Scottish name, but in this they are wrong, for Professor Aytoun found it in a charter of Robert III. and also in Wyntoun's Chronicle.
Antiquarians have argued that Spence isn’t an early Scottish name, but they’re mistaken. Professor Aytoun found it in a charter from Robert III. and also in Wyntoun's Chronicle.
There has been considerable discussion as to the historical event referred to in the ballad, and the present version does not contain any mention of one of the points that may help towards a settlement of the question. The version in Scott's Minstrelsy contains the following stanza:—
There has been a lot of debate about the historical event mentioned in the ballad, and the current version doesn’t include any reference to one of the details that might help clarify the issue. The version in Scott's Minstrelsy includes the following stanza:—
To Norway across the waves The Noroway king's daughter "You must bring her home."
Professor Aytoun would change the third line to
Professor Aytoun would update the third line to
as he agrees with Motherwell in the view that the ballad refers to the fate of the Scottish nobles who in 1281 conveyed Margaret, daughter of Alexander III., to Norway, on the occasion of her nuptials with King Eric.
as he shares Motherwell's perspective that the ballad reflects the destiny of the Scottish nobles who, in 1281, sent Margaret, daughter of Alexander III, to Norway for her marriage to King Eric.
Fordun relates this incident as follows:—"In the year 1281 Margaret, daughter of Alexander III., was married to the King of Norway, who, leaving Scotland in the last day of July, was conveyed thither in noble style in company with many knights and nobles. In returning home after the celebration of her nuptials, the Abbot of Balmerinoch, Bernard of Monte-alto, and many other persons, were drowned." As to the scene of the disaster, Aytoun brings forward an interesting illustration of the expression "half over to Aberdour," in line 41. He says that in the little island of Papa Stronsay one of the Orcadian group lying over against Norway, there is a large grave or tumulus which has been known to the inhabitants from time immemorial as "the grave of Sir Patrick Spens," and he adds, that as the Scottish ballads were not early current in Orkney, it is unlikely that the poem originated the name.
Fordun describes this event as follows:—"In the year 1281, Margaret, daughter of Alexander III, married the King of Norway, who left Scotland on the last day of July and was taken there in impressive style, accompanied by many knights and nobles. On their way back after the wedding festivities, the Abbot of Balmerinoch, Bernard of Monte-alto, and many others drowned." Regarding the site of the tragedy, Aytoun offers an interesting example of the phrase "half over to Aberdour" in line 41. He points out that on the small island of Papa Stronsay, one of the Orkney islands opposite Norway, there is a large grave or mound known to the locals for ages as "the grave of Sir Patrick Spens," and he adds that since Scottish ballads were not widely known in Orkney at an early date, it’s unlikely that the poem inspired the name.
The other suggestions as to an historical basis for the ballad are not borne out by history. It is well, however, to note in illustration of line 1, that the Scottish kings chiefly resided in their palace of Dunfermline from the time of Malcolm Canmore to that of Alexander III.
The other suggestions regarding a historical basis for the ballad aren't supported by history. However, it's important to note, as an illustration of line 1, that the Scottish kings mainly lived in their palace in Dunfermline from the time of Malcolm Canmore to Alexander III.
The present copy of the ballad is the shortest of the various versions, but this is not a disadvantage, as it gains much in force by the directness of its language.
The current version of the ballad is the shortest among the different versions, but this isn’t a drawback, as it becomes much more powerful due to the straightforwardness of its language.
Buchan prints a ballad called Young Allan, which is somewhat like Sir Patrick Spence.]
Buchan publishes a ballad called Young Allan, which is similar to Sir Patrick Spence.

Drinking the blue-red wine:
Where will I find a good sailor,
To sail this ship of mine?
Sat at the king's right knee:
Sir Patrick Spence is the best sailor,
That sails on the sea. [Pg 101]
And signed it with his hand;10
And sent it to Sir Patrick Spence,
Walking on the sand.
A loud laugh erupted from him:
The next line that Sir Patrick read,15
The tear blinded his eye.
This bad deed done to me; To send me out this time of the year,
To sail on the sea?
Our guide ship sails in the morning.[471]
Oh, say not so, my dear master,
For I fear a deadly storm.
With the old moon in her arms; And I fear, I fear, my dear master,
That we will come to harm.
To wet their cork-held beauty; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Bot lang over__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ all the play were played,
Their hats they swam above.[475]
With their fans in hand,
Or they see Sir Patrick Spence35
Coming to shore. [Pg 102]
Waiting for their own dear lords,
For they will see them no more.40
With the Scottish lords at his feet.[479]
FOOTNOTES:
[471] [to-morrow morning.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [tomorrow morning.]
[472] [loth.]
[473] [to wet their cork-heeled shoes.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [to wet their cork shoes.]
[474] [long ere.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [long ago.]
[475] [above the water.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [above the water.]
[476] [combs.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [combs.]
[477] [half over.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [halfway done.]
[478] A village lying upon the river Forth, the entrance to which is sometimes denominated De mortuo mari.
[478] A village lying upon the river Forth, the entrance to which is sometimes denominated De mortuo mari.
[Finlay observes that Percy's note is incorrect. The truth is that De Mortuo Mari is the designation of a family (Mortimer) who were lords of Aberdour. They are believed to have received their name from the Dead Sea, in Palestine, during the times of the Crusades.]
[Finlay points out that Percy's note is wrong. The reality is that De Mortuo Mari refers to a family (Mortimer) who were the lords of Aberdour. They are thought to have gotten their name from the Dead Sea in Palestine during the Crusades.]
[479] An ingenious friend thinks the author of Hardyknute has borrowed several expressions and sentiments from the foregoing and other old Scottish songs in this collection.
[479] An ingenious friend thinks the author of Hardyknute has borrowed several expressions and sentiments from the foregoing and other old Scottish songs in this collection.
VIII.
ROBIN HOOD AND GUY OF GISBORNE.

We have here a ballad of Robin Hood (from the editor's folio MS.) which was never before printed, and carries marks of much greater antiquity than any of the common popular songs on this subject.
We have here a ballad of Robin Hood (from the editor's folio MS.) that has never been printed before and shows signs of being much older than any of the usual popular songs on this topic.
The severity of those tyrannical forest laws that were introduced by our Norman kings, and the great temptation of breaking them by such as lived near the royal forests at a time when the yeomanry of this kingdom were everywhere trained up to the long-bow, and excelled all other nations in the art of shooting, must constantly have occasioned great numbers of outlaws, [Pg 103]and especially of such as were the best marksmen. These naturally fled to the woods for shelter, and, forming into troops, endeavoured by their numbers to protect themselves from the dreadful penalties of their delinquency. The ancient punishment for killing the king's deer was loss of eyes and castration, a punishment far worse than death. This will easily account for the troops of banditti which formerly lurked in the royal forests, and, from their superior skill in archery and knowledge of all the recesses of those unfrequented solitudes, found it no difficult matter to resist or elude the civil power.
The harsh forest laws imposed by our Norman kings, combined with the strong temptation to break them by those living near the royal forests, created a situation where many became outlaws. At a time when common people across the kingdom were trained to use the longbow and excelled in shooting compared to other nations, this would have led to a significant number of outlaws, particularly among the best marksmen. These individuals naturally sought refuge in the woods, banding together in groups to protect themselves from the severe consequences of their actions. The traditional punishment for killing the king’s deer was losing one’s eyes and being castrated, a fate much worse than death. This explains the groups of bandits that once hid in the royal forests, who, with their superior archery skills and knowledge of the hidden areas of those remote places, found it relatively easy to resist or escape the authorities.
Among all those, none was ever more famous than the hero of this ballad, whose chief residence was in Shirewood forest, in Nottinghamshire, and the heads of whose story, as collected by Stow, are briefly these.
Among all of them, none was ever more famous than the hero of this ballad, who primarily lived in Sherwood Forest, in Nottinghamshire, and the main points of whose story, as gathered by Stow, are briefly these.
"In this time [about the year 1190, in the reign of Richard I.] were many robbers, and outlawes, among the which Robin Hood, and Little John, renowned theeves, continued in woods, despoyling and robbing the goods of the rich. They killed none but such as would invade them; or by resistance for their own defence.
"In this time [about the year 1190, in the reign of Richard I.] there were many thieves and outlaws, including Robin Hood and Little John, famous robbers who lived in the woods, stealing from the rich. They only killed those who attacked them or who resisted in their own defense."
"The saide Robert entertained an hundred tall men and good archers with such spoiles and thefts as he got, upon whom four hundred (were they ever so strong) durst not give the onset. He suffered no woman to be oppressed, violated, or otherwise molested: poore mens goods he spared, abundantlie relieving them with that which by theft he got from abbeys and the houses of rich carles: whom Maior (the historian) blameth for his rapine and theft, but of all theeves he affirmeth him to be the prince, and the most gentle theefe."—Annals, p. 159.
"The said Robert kept a hundred tall men and skilled archers with the spoils and thefts he acquired, against whom four hundred, no matter how strong, did not dare to attack. He allowed no woman to be oppressed, violated, or otherwise harmed: he spared the belongings of poor people, generously helping them with what he took from abbeys and the homes of wealthy nobles. Mayor (the historian) criticizes him for his looting and theft, but among all thieves, he claims Robert to be the leader and the most honorable thief."—Annals, p. 159.
The personal courage of this celebrated outlaw, his skill in archery, his humanity, and especially his levelling principle of taking from the rich and giving to the poor, have in all ages rendered him the favourite of the common people, who, not content to celebrate his memory by innumerable songs and stories, have erected him into the dignity of an earl. Indeed, it is not impossible but our hero, to gain the more respect from his followers, or they to derive the more credit to their profession, may have given rise to such a report themselves: for we find it recorded in an epitaph, which, if genuine, must have been inscribed on his tombstone near the nunnery of Kirklees in Yorkshire; where (as the story goes) he was bled to death by a treacherous nun to whom he applied for phlebotomy:—
The personal bravery of this famous outlaw, his talent in archery, his compassion, and especially his belief in taking from the rich and giving to the poor, have made him a favorite among the common people throughout history. They haven't just celebrated his memory with countless songs and stories; they've also elevated him to the status of an earl. In fact, it's possible that our hero, to gain more respect from his followers, or that they wanted to give more credibility to their cause, may have started such a rumor themselves. We find it noted in an epitaph, which, if authentic, must have been carved on his gravestone near the nunnery of Kirklees in Yorkshire, where (as the tale goes) he was bled to death by a treacherous nun after asking for a bloodletting:—
This epitaph appears to me suspicious; however, a late antiquary has given a pedigree of Robin Hood, which, if genuine, shows that he had real pretensions to the Earldom of Huntingdon, and that his true name was Robert Fitz-ooth.[481] Yet the most ancient poems on Robin Hood make no mention of this earldom. He is expressly asserted to have been a yeoman[482] in a very old legend in verse, preserved in the archives of the public library at Cambridge,[483] in eight fyttes, or parts, printed in black letter, quarto, thus inscribed: "¶ Here begynneth a lytell geste of Robyn hode and his meyne, and of the proude sheryfe of Notyngham." The first lines are—
This epitaph appears to me suspicious; however, a late antiquary has given a pedigree of Robin Hood, which, if genuine, shows that he had real pretensions to the Earldom of Huntingdon, and that his true name was Robert Fitz-ooth.[481] Yet the most ancient poems on Robin Hood make no mention of this earldom. He is expressly asserted to have been a yeoman[482] in a very old legend in verse, preserved in the archives of the public library at Cambridge,[483] in eight fyttes, or parts, printed in black letter, quarto, thus inscribed: "¶ Here begynneth a lytell geste of Robyn hode and his meyne, and of the proude sheryfe of Notyngham." The first lines are—
I will tell you about a good yeman,
His name was Robin Hood.
While he walked on ground; He was such a courteous outlaw, Was never found," &c.
The printer's colophon is, "¶ Explicit Kinge Edwarde and Robin hode and Lyttel Johan. Enprented at London in Flete-strete at the sygne of the sone by Wynkin de Worde." In Mr. Garrick's Collection[484] is a different edition of the same poem, "¶ Imprinted at London upon the thre Crane wharfe by Wyllyam Copland," containing at the end a little dramatic piece on the subject of Robin Hood and the Friar, not found in the former copy, called, "A newe playe for to be played in Maye games very plesaunte and full of pastyme. ¶(∴)⁋."
The printer's colophon is, "¶ Explicit Kinge Edwarde and Robin hode and Lyttel Johan. Enprented at London in Flete-strete at the sygne of the sone by Wynkin de Worde." In Mr. Garrick's Collection[484] is a different edition of the same poem, "¶ Imprinted at London upon the thre Crane wharfe by Wyllyam Copland," containing at the end a little dramatic piece on the subject of Robin Hood and the Friar, not found in the former copy, called, "A newe playe for to be played in Maye games very plesaunte and full of pastyme. ¶(∴)⁋."
I shall conclude these preliminary remarks with observing, that the hero of this ballad was the favourite subject of popular songs so early as the time of King Edward III. In the Visions of Pierce Plowman, written in that reign, a monk says:—
I’ll wrap up these introductory comments by pointing out that the hero of this ballad was a popular topic in songs as early as the time of King Edward III. In the Visions of Pierce Plowman, written during that period, a monk says:—
"But about our Lord and our Lady, I learn nothing at all."
Fol. 26, ed. 1550.
Fol. 26, ed. 1550.
See also in Bishop Latimer's Sermons[485] a very curious and characteristic story, which shows what respect was shown to the memory of our archer in the time of that prelate.
See also in Bishop Latimer's Sermons[485] a very curious and characteristic story, which shows what respect was shown to the memory of our archer in the time of that prelate.
The curious reader will find many other particulars relating to this celebrated outlaw, in Sir John Hawkins's Hist. of Music, vol. iii. p. 410, 4to.
The curious reader will find many other details about this famous outlaw in Sir John Hawkins's Hist. of Music, vol. iii. p. 410, 4to.
For the catastrophe of Little John, who, it seems, was executed for a robbery on Arbor-hill, Dublin (with some curious particulars relating to his skill in archery), see Mr. J. C. Walker's ingenious Memoir on the Armour and Weapons of the Irish, p. 129, annexed to his Historical Essay on the Dress of the Ancient and Modern Irish. Dublin, 1788, 4to.
For the tragedy of Little John, who was apparently executed for a robbery on Arbor Hill in Dublin (along with some interesting details about his archery skills), refer to Mr. J. C. Walker's clever Memoir on the Armour and Weapons of the Irish, p. 129, included in his Historical Essay on the Dress of the Ancient and Modern Irish. Dublin, 1788, 4to.
Some liberties were, by the editor, taken with this ballad; which, in this edition, hath been brought nearer to the folio MS.
Some liberties were taken by the editor with this ballad, which in this edition has been brought closer to the folio manuscript.
[Robin Hood is first mentioned in literature in Piers Plowman, the earliest of the three forms of which poem was written probably about the year 1362. The ballad of Robin Hood and the Monk, printed in Child's English and Scottish Ballads, as the oldest of its class, and possibly as old as the reign of Edward II., commences:—
[Robin Hood is first mentioned in literature in Piers Plowman, the earliest of the three forms of which poem was written probably around 1362. The ballad of Robin Hood and the Monk, printed in Child's English and Scottish Ballads, is the oldest of its kind and may date back to the reign of Edward II. It begins:—
And leaves be large and long It's really cheerful in the lovely forest. To hear the folks' song.
Verses which bear a strong likeness to the opening lines of the present ballad.
Verses that closely resemble the opening lines of this ballad.
Gisborne is a market town in the West Riding of the county of York on the borders of Lancashire, and Guy of that place is mentioned by William Dunbar in a satirical piece on "Schir Thomas Nory," where he is named in company with Adam Bell and other well-known worthies.
Gisborne is a market town in the West Riding of Yorkshire, near the border with Lancashire. Guy from that town is mentioned by William Dunbar in a satirical work about "Sir Thomas Nory," where he is listed alongside Adam Bell and other notable figures.
It is not needful to extend this note with any further particulars of Robin Hood, as he possesses, in virtue of his position as a popular hero, a literature of his own. Those who wish to know more of his exploits should consult Ritson's (1795) and Gutch's (1847) Collections of Robin Hood Ballads, Child's Ballads, vol. v. and Chappell's Popular Music of the Olden Time, vol. i. pp. 387-400.
There’s no need to add more details about Robin Hood, since he has a whole body of literature dedicated to him as a beloved hero. Anyone interested in learning more about his adventures should check out Ritson's (1795) and Gutch's (1847) Collections of Robin Hood Ballads, Child's Ballads, vol. v., and Chappell's Popular Music of the Olden Time, vol. i, pp. 387-400.
There are several Robin Hood Ballads in the folio MS., but Percy only chose the one containing an account of the encounter with Guy for printing. Ritson copied this ballad from Percy's book, but indulged at the same time in a tirade against the bishop's treatment of his original.]
There are several Robin Hood ballads in the folio manuscript, but Percy only selected the one that tells the story of the encounter with Guy for publication. Ritson copied this ballad from Percy’s book, but also launched into a rant about the bishop’s handling of his original.

It is lovely walking in the beautiful forest. To hear the little birds sing.[489]
Sitting on the spray, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ So slowly, he woke up Robin Hood, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
In the forest where he rested.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
A dream __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I had this night; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__10
I dreamed of two mighty__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ yemen,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
That quick encounter can clash with me.]__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
And took my bow away from me;[496]
If I am Robin alive in this land,15
I'll be working __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ on them too.
Tomorrow it may be still.20
[Pg 107]
And John will go with me,
I will go look for that brave yeoman,
In the greenwood where the bee.
[And they each took their bows;
And they went to the green forest. A shooting forth are gone;[499]
Where they were happiest, There were the war__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ of a white yeoman, He leaned his body against a tree.
Of many a man's downfall;[501]
And he was dressed in his horsehide __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__35
Topp, tayll, and mayne.
And I will go to that white yeoman. To understand what he means.[503]40
And that I finally __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ find: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
How often do I send my men ahead,
And delay myself behind?
And a man just hears him speak; And it weren't for breaking my bow,[Pg 108] John, I would break your head.
So Robin and John went their separate ways;50
And John has gone to Barnesdale:
The gates __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ he knows each one.
He had a great heaviness, For he found two of his own companions __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Both were killed in a valley.[508]
For the sheriff with seventy men
Fast after he's gone.
With Christ's power and strength; I'll make that guy who flies so fast,
To stop, he must be willing.[510]
And prepared __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ him to shoot:
The bow was made of a soft branch,
And fell down at his feet.
That before you grew on a tree;70
For now, you are my misery.[Pg 109] My boat __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ when you should be.
Yet the arrow did not fly in vain,[515]
I met one of the sheriff's men, 75
Good William a Trent was killed.
Rather than being that day in the green woods __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ To meet with Little John's arrow.[518]80
The sheriff has captured Little John,[520]
And tied him tightly to a tree.
And was hung high on a hill.
But you might fail in your goal, said John,[521]
If it’s Christ’s will.[522]
And think of Robin Hood, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ How he has gone to the brave yeoman,
Where he stood beneath the leaves.
[Pg 110]
"Good morning, good friend, he said:"
I think by this bow you’re holding in your hand __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ You should be a good archer.[525]
Men call him Robin Hood; I’d rather meet with that proud outlaw __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Than forty pounds so good.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
And you will soon see Robin: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
But first, let's find something to do for fun __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Under the greenwood tree. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
We might run into Robin Hood.[Pg 111] Here at some unsett steven.[533]
That grew both under a briar,[535]
And set them sixty rods in two To shoot the thorns __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ y-fere. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Go ahead, I urge you.
No, by my faith, good sir, he said,[539]
My leader you shall be.[540]120
He missed it by just an inch: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
The yeoman was a skilled archer, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
But he could never shoot so.
He shot within the garden:[543]
But Robin shot far better than he, For he split the good prickle wand.[544]
Hey there, your shooting is good;130
If your heart is as good as your hand,
You were better than Robin Hood.
[Pg 112]
Under the leaves of lyne.[547]
"Not by my faith," said bold Robin,[548]135
Until you have told me yours.[549]
And when I'm called by my true name
I am Guye from Gisbòrne.
I am Robin Hood from Barnèsdale,
Who you have been searching for so long.[550]
To see how these yeomen worked together
With blades both brown and bright.
[Pg 113]
Two hours of a summer day:150
Yet neither Robin Hood nor Sir Guy[553]
They prepared to fly away.
And stumbled at that time;
And Guy was quick and agile with everything, 155
And hit him on the left side.
I don't think it was ever a man's destiny. To dye before his day.
And soon jumped up again,
And he came straight at me with a "backward" strike,[556]
And Sir Guy has killed.[557]
And stuck it on the end of his bow: You have been a traitor your whole life,
Every story must have an ending.
[Pg 114]
And grazed Sir Guy on the face,170
That he was never born of a woman,
Couldn't tell whose head it was.[558]
And don’t be angry with me; If you've received the worst blows from me,175
You will have the better clothes.
And it cast upon Sir Guy, And he put on that horsehide, That covered him from head to toe.180
Now I will bear;[560]
I'm going to Barnèsdale,
To see how my men are doing.
And a loud blast came from it. The sheriff of Nottingham heard that,
As he leaned under a low branch.[561]
For there I hear Sir Guy's horn blowing,
And he has killed Robin Hood.
It blows so well in tide,
And here comes that notable yeoman,195
Clad in his horse's hide. [Pg 115]
Oh, I don’t want any of your gold, said Robin,[562]
Nor will I take any of your fee:200
Let me go confront the scoundrel;
This is all the reward I ask; Neither will I have anyone else.
You should have had a knight's fee:
But seeing that your request has been so poor,
Well, granted it shall be.
He knew it was his voice: [563]210
"Now I should be free," said Little John, With Christ's power in heaven.
He thought to let him believe; [564]
The sheriff and all his crew __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Quickly chased after him.
One should help another here.220
And lost John’s hand and foot,
And handed him Sir Guy's bow. And made it his boat.[565]
[Pg 116]
His bolts and arrows, each one:
When the sheriff saw Little John draw his bow, He got him to leave.
He ran away quickly; And so did all his company: No one would stay behind.
Don't ride away so fast in the cold, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
But Little John with an arrow so broad, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__235
He shot him in the back.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
⁂ The title of Sir was not formerly peculiar to knights, it was given to priests, and sometimes to very inferior personages.
⁂ The title of Sir wasn't always exclusive to knights; it was also given to priests and occasionally to people of much lower status.
Dr. Johnson thinks this title was applied to such as had taken the degree of A. B. in the universities, who are still stiled, Domini, "Sirs," to distinguish them from Undergraduates, who have no prefix, and from Masters of Arts, who are stiled Magistri, "Masters."
Dr. Johnson believes this title was given to those who had earned the A.B. degree at universities, who are still called Domini, "Sirs," to set them apart from Undergraduates, who have no title, and from Masters of Arts, who are called Magistri, "Masters."
FOOTNOTES:
[483] Num. D. 5. 2.
[486] [when woods are bright.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [when the woods are bright.]
[487] [twigs.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [twigs.]
[488] [Ver. 1. shales, f. MS.]
[490] [woodpecker or thrush.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [woodpecker or thrush.]
[491] [V. 5. woodweete, f. MS.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [V. 5. woodweete, f. MS.]
[492] [In place of ver. 6-12 between brackets the f. MS. has—
[492] [In place of ver. 6-12 between brackets the f. MS. has—
And it is by two strong yeomen By dear God, that I mean."]
[493] [faith.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [faith.]
[494] [dream.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [dream.]
[495] [strong.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [strong.]
[496] [from me.]
[497] [revenged.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [got back at.]
[498] [dress ye, get ye ready.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [get dressed, be ready.]
[500] [were they aware.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [did they know.]
[502] [horse-hide.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [leather.]
[504] [strange.]
[strange.]
[506] [breed mischief.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [cause trouble.]
[508] [greensward between two woods.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [grassland between two forests.]
[512] [prepared.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [ready.]
[514] help.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ assistance.
[523] [V. 90-92. in place of these three verses the f. MS. has:—
[523] [V. 90-92. in place of these three verses the f. MS. has:—
and talk about Guy and Robin Hood
In the green woods where they are [how these two yeomen met together] under the leaves of Lyne, to see what merchandise they produced
even at that same time."]]
[526] [ignorant.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [clueless.]
[529] [V. 103-4.—
Then 40 li. of gold.
[530] [V. 105-8. in place of these four verses the f. MS. has—
[530] [V. 105-8. in place of these four verses the f. MS. has—
Let's find another pastime, good fellow, I pray you:
[531] [trial of skill.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [skill challenge.]
[532] [V. 109-10.
and we will walk in the woods too," f. MS.]
[534] [shrubs.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [shrubs.]
[535] [briar.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [briar.]
did not shoot an inch the prick from. Guy was a skilled archer.
[544] [pole.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [pole.]
[547] [lime.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [lime.]
[548] [V. 135. good robin.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [V. 135. nice robin.]
[549] [V. 136-140:—
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [V. 136-140:]
and I've done many a cursed deed;
and he who calls me by my real name,
They call me Guy of good Gysborne."]
[551] The common epithet for a sword or other offensive weapon, in the old metrical romances is Brown, as "brown brand," or "brown sword," "brown bill," &c., and sometimes even "bright brown sword." Chaucer applies the word rustie in the same sense; thus he describes the reve:—
[551] The common epithet for a sword or other offensive weapon, in the old metrical romances is Brown, as "brown brand," or "brown sword," "brown bill," &c., and sometimes even "bright brown sword." Chaucer applies the word rustie in the same sense; thus he describes the reve:—
And even thus the God Mars:—
And even so, the God Mars:—
Spenser has sometimes used the same epithet. See Warton's Observ. vol. ii. p. 62. It should seem, from this particularity, that our ancestors did not pique themselves upon keeping their weapons bright: perhaps they deemed it more honourable to carry them stained with the blood of their enemies. [As the swords are here said to be bright as well as brown, they could not have been rusty. The expression nut-brown sword was used to designate a Damascus blade.]
Spenser has sometimes used the same nickname. See Warton's Observ. vol. ii. p. 62. It seems, based on this detail, that our ancestors weren't particularly concerned about keeping their weapons polished; they might have thought it was more honorable to carry them stained with the blood of their enemies. [Since the swords are described as both bright and brown, they couldn’t have been rusty. The term nut-brown sword was used to refer to a Damascus blade.]
[553] [V. 151-2:—
[554] [careless.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [careless.]
[555] [maid.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [housekeeper.]
[556] V. 163. awkwarde, MS.
[559] [V. 173. good Sir Guye.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [V. 173. good Sir Guye.]
[560] [V. 182:—
For now, I will go to Barnesdale," f. MS.]
[561] [small hill.]
[small hill.]
[562] [Ver. 199:—
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Ver. 199:—
nor will I have any of it," f. MS.]
[563] [voice.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [voice.]
[564] [quickly.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [quickly.]
[565] [help.]
[566] [Ver. 225-8:—
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Ver. 225-8:—
his arrows were rusty at the root;
the sheriff saw Little John draw a bow and get him ready to shoot."]
[568] [V. 233-6:—

IX.
AN ELEGY ON HENRY FOURTH EARL
OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

The subject of this poem, which was written by Skelton, is the death of Henry Percy, fourth earl of Northumberland, who fell a victim to the avarice of Henry VII. In 1489 the parliament had granted the king a subsidy for carrying on the war in Bretagne. This tax was found so heavy in the North, that the whole country was in a flame. The E. of Northumberland, then lord lieutenant for Yorkshire, wrote to inform the king of the discontent, and praying an abatement. But nothing is so unrelenting as avarice: the king wrote back that not a penny should be abated. This message being delivered by the earl with too little caution, the populace rose, and, supposing him to be the promoter of their calamity, broke into his house, and murdered him, with several of his attendants, who yet are charged by Skelton with being backward in their duty on this occasion. This melancholy event happened at the earl's seat at Cocklodge, near Thirske, in Yorkshire, April 28, 1489. See Lord Bacon, &c.
The subject of this poem, written by Skelton, is the death of Henry Percy, the fourth earl of Northumberland, who fell victim to the greed of Henry VII. In 1489, Parliament granted the king a tax to fund the war in Brittany. This tax was so burdensome in the North that the entire region was in upheaval. The Earl of Northumberland, who was then the lord lieutenant for Yorkshire, wrote to inform the king about the discontent and requested a reduction. But nothing is as relentless as greed: the king responded that not a penny would be reduced. When the earl delivered this message with too little caution, the townspeople revolted, thinking he was responsible for their suffering, and they stormed his house, murdering him along with several of his attendants, who Skelton accuses of being negligent in their duties during this crisis. This tragic event occurred at the earl's residence at Cocklodge, near Thirsk, in Yorkshire, on April 28, 1489. See Lord Bacon, &c.
If the reader does not find much poetical merit in this old poem (which yet is one of Skelton's best), he will see a striking picture of the state and magnificence kept up by our ancient nobility during the feudal times. This great earl is described here as having, among his menial servants, knights, squires, and even barons: see v. 32. 183. &c. which, however different from modern manners, was formerly not unusual with our greater barons, whose castles had all the splendour and offices of a royal court before the laws against retainers abridged and limited the number of their attendants.
If the reader doesn’t see much poetic value in this old poem (which is still one of Skelton’s best), they will notice a vivid depiction of the lifestyle and grandeur maintained by our ancient nobility during the feudal era. This great earl is described here as having, among his household staff, knights, squires, and even barons: see v. 32.183. &c. Although this is quite different from modern customs, it was once common among our greater barons, whose castles had all the splendor and functions of a royal court before the laws against retainers reduced and limited the number of their attendants.
John Skelton, who commonly styled himself Poet Laureat, died June 21, 1529. The following poem, which appears to have been written soon after the event, is printed from an ancient MS. copy preserved in the British Museum, being much more correct than that printed among Skelton's Poems in bl. let. 12mo. 1568.—It is addressed to Henry Percy, fifth earl of Northumberland, and is prefaced, &c. in the following manner:
John Skelton, who often called himself Poet Laureate, died on June 21, 1529. The following poem, which seems to have been written shortly after his death, is taken from an old manuscript preserved in the British Museum, and is much more accurate than the version printed in Skelton's Poems in black letter 12mo in 1568.—It is directed to Henry Percy, the fifth earl of Northumberland, and is introduced, etc., in the following way:
Poeta Skelton Laureatus libellum suum metrice alloquitur.
The poet Skelton Laureate addresses his small book in verse.
Who upholds the laws of Northumbria,
At your command, place the famous lion flat down, I sing sad songs for my father. As soon as she read it, doubt started to swirl in her mind. Fortune, who spins everything that's untrustworthy. Whoever lives happily like a lion, and occupies the years of Nestor; I will be ready to do whatever I want.
[Percy does not do justice to Skelton's poetical powers in the above note, as this Elegy is written in a style not at all characteristic of him and is also far from being one of his best poems. Skelton was one of the earliest personal satirists in our language, and he flew at high game when he attacked the powerful Wolsey with fierce invective, in his "Why come ye nat to courte?" His Boke of Phyllyp Sparrowe is described by Coleridge as "an exquisite and original poem," and its subject entitles him to the designation of the modern Catullus. It was very popular in his day, and the nursery rhyme of Who killed Cock robin? was probably paraphrased from the portion of the poem in which the funeral of the sparrow is related. Skelton was a distinguished scholar and his earlier poems are written in the serious strain of the Elegy, but curiously enough about the time that he took orders (1498) and became rector of Diss in Norfolk, he began to write in a more natural, frolicsome and satirical vein, and adopted the metre now known as Skeltonian. He was not very particular as to the words he used, but he does not deserve the opprobrious epithet that Pope applies to him in the couplet—
[Percy doesn't do justice to Skelton's poetic talents in the note above, as this Elegy is written in a style that's not typical of him and isn't among his best works. Skelton was one of the earliest personal satirists in our language, and he aimed high when he took on the powerful Wolsey with sharp criticism in his "Why come ye nat to courte?" His Boke of Phyllyp Sparrowe is called "an exquisite and original poem" by Coleridge, and its theme earns him the title of the modern Catullus. It was very popular in his time, and the nursery rhyme Who killed Cock robin? likely came from the part of the poem that tells the sparrow's funeral. Skelton was a notable scholar, and his earlier poems are written in the serious style of the Elegy, but interestingly, around the time he took holy orders (1498) and became rector of Diss in Norfolk, he began writing in a more natural, playful, and satirical style, adopting the meter now known as Skeltonian. He wasn't too strict about the words he chose, but he doesn't deserve the negative label that Pope gives him in the couplet—]
Skelton graduated as poet laureate at the two Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and the King allowed him to wear an appropriate decoration at court. There is a full length portrait of the poet in Brydges' British Bibliographer (vol. iv. p. 389), taken from one on the back of the title of A ryght delectable tratyse upon a goodly Garlande or Chaplet of Laurell by Mayster Skelton, Poete laureat.
Skelton graduated as poet laureate from both Oxford and Cambridge, and the King permitted him to wear an appropriate decoration at court. There's a full-length portrait of the poet in Brydges' British Bibliographer (vol. iv. p. 389), which is based on one found on the back of the title of A ryght delectable tratyse upon a goodly Garlande or Chaplet of Laurell by Mayster Skelton, Poete laureat.
The Rev. Alexander Dyce published the first complete collected edition of Skelton's Poetical Works in 1843 (2 vols. 8vo.)]
The Rev. Alexander Dyce published the first complete collection of Skelton's Poetical Works in 1843 (2 vols. 8vo.)
SKELTON LAUREAT UPON THE DOLORUS DETHE AND MUCH LAMENTABLE CHAUNCE OF THE MOOST HONORABLE ERLE OF NORTHUMBERLANDE.

Of the blonde __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ royal descent nobly; Whoever's lordship was undoubtedly slain tragically. Through treason against__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ he was surrounded and harmed; True to his prince, in word, deed, and thought.
To seek aid, I call for help. My rough and unrefined nature to dismiss With the fresh waters of Elyconys__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ well.
According to your report, it is usual to be praised, Register every format date;[Pg 120] Of your generosity at the usual rate,
Kyndle in me search many of your nobles,[573]20
The sorrowful details that I can express.
Filled with honor, as everyone in the world knows; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ At his command, which lasted both day and night Knights and squires, at every season when He called upon them, as many household men:
There were no unkind or rude people of this kind. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ To betray their own lord? God wasn't on their minds.35
To let him be killed by his mortal enemy? Run away from him, let him lie in the dust:
They won't be discussed until the reckoning is completed.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ What should I flatter? What should I exaggerate__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ or embellish? Aw, shame on them, their hearts were too weak.
A bunch of rude villagers made him bleed: They cruelly killed him, though he often helped them in their time of need:
He was their shield, their support,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and their barrier,
[Pg 121] Yet shamefully they killed him; may that shame __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ befall them.
Your natural lord? Alas! I can't pretend. You equipped yourself with determination and put your intelligence aside; You could definitely be called unkind commoners.
Ready to assist you in every time of need:
Your worship __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ depended on his excellence: Unfortunately! you crazy people, you've gone too far:60
Your fate was unfortunate, your luck was poor:
What made you go to war or to fight again? What made you betray your lord again?
The well-being concerning the entire land,65
Demanding such duties as are most suitable To the right of his prince, which should not be resisted; For whose cause you killed him with your own hand:
But if his noblemen had done well that day, You wouldn't have been able to say no to him. 70
However, the matter was clear and straightforward,
If they had taken over__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ their spear and their shield,
This noble man definitely should not have been slain.
The men said they were linked with a double chain,75
And held with the common people under a cloak,
Which ignited the wild fire that created all this smoke.
[Pg 122]
They set them on a bushment__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ themselves in baile__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ to bring: Once again, the king's pleasure is to wrestle or to wring,[594]
Honestly, it's best to be straightforward __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and vocal. They said they didn't foresee __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ nor did they care to die.
As a man who was innocent of treachery or deceit,
Press forward boldly to withstand the might,
And, like the warrior Hector, he fought them again,
With strength and power, striking them hard, Relying on the noble men who were with him there:90
But they all ran away from him because of deceit or fear.
Together with servants of his family,
They turned their backs and let their master fall,
Of whose life they didn’t even count a fly; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Take up whose will for them, they let him lie. Unfortunately! his gold, his payment, his annual rent With such a type__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ was poorly allocated and wasted.
Yet while he stood, he gave them wide wounds: Sadly!__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ even though his intentions were good,
His courage was manly, yet he shed his blood!
All left alone, sadly! he fought in vain;
For he was cruelly slain among them.105
[Pg 123]
The famous Earl of Northumberland:
Of knightly prowess, the sword's pommel and hilt, The mighty lion__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ feared__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ by sea and land!
Oh, the painful fate of fortune's cruel hand!110
What man, remembering how shamefully he was slain,
Can he hold back his bitter tears?
Oh sorrowful Tuesday, dedicated to your name,
When you shook your sword, such a noble man to harm!115
O ungrateful ground, may your reputation be miserable, Which you were stained with red blood of the same!
Most noble earl! Oh foul misfortune __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ground Where he got his final deadly wound!
All merciless, in the yes no pity!
Oh, homicide, which kills __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ all that you can, So you ran forcefully at this earl, That with your sharpened sword of mortal fear, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ You tear __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ apart his perfect __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ vital thread!
Of golden __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ poems they want illuminating; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ Buy from them to gain knowledge you can achieve. About the death of this lord and his murder.130
While he lived, he had a passion for everything, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Of knights, of squires, chief lord of tower and town,
Tyl fykkill__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ fortune started to turn against him. [Pg 124]
Surpassing all earls in honor, he excelled. To all countries around him, he reports __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ me I dare. Like to Eneas, kind in word and deed,
Valiant as Hector in every martial need,
Prudent, discreet, cautious, and wise,139
When the chance came back around for him with fortune's double dice.
Transcending beyond my humble muse, which must Yet somewhat right surprised with heartfelt desire,[614]145
Genuinely reporting his truly noble status,
Immaculately immortal.
Doubleness hating, false matters to consider,150
Treytory__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and treason he banished from sight,
His whole delight was to meddle with truth, As all his country can attest to the same:
To look for such a lord, unfortunately, it was a great shame.
As perfectly as could be imagined or designed;
To me, it was all promised as well. Of the holy eloquence of the laureate Phebus, 160
All were too small for his magnificence.
Grow and increase, remember your estate,
God, the assistant to your heritage,
And grant the grace to be more fortunate,165
[Pg 125] Again, rebellious armies are rising to create conflict.
And, as the lion, which is the king of beasts, Be courteous and kind to your subjects.
All flattering factors__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ detest and from the east, May God protect us from the harmful gossip of people: Let double dealing have no place,
Do not be quick to believe anything in any situation.175
The death of this lord, whose equal is hard to find. Allgyf__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ England and France were thoroughly searched. All kings, all princes, all dukes, well they should Both temporal and spiritual to complain This noble man, who was cruelly slain.
They should be forced to weep sorrowfully,
Whenever they call to their remembrance,
Of their good lord, the fate and deadly chance.
That with one word formed everything from nothing; Heaven, hell, and earth obey your call; Which has astonishingly created wonders that resemble you. All humanity, whom you have dearly bought, With your precious blood, you paid our ransom__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ,195
And we redeemed, from the enemy's grasp;[621]
[Pg 126]
Since you are full of mercy and compassion, You bring endless joy[622]
The soul of this lord from all danger of hell,200
In endless bliss with you to stay and live. In your palace above the east,
Where you are Lord and all-powerful God.
Most pure maiden and dear mother of God, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ To sorrowful hearts, chief comfort and solace,
Among all women, O flower without equal, Pray to your son high above the clear stars, He promises through your mediation. To forgive your servant and lead them to salvation.210
With all the hole sorte__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ of that amazing place,
His soul must __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ be received into their company. Through the goodness of Him who created all comfort:
Well of pity, mercy, and grace,215
The Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit
In the Trinity, there is one all-powerful God.
†‡† I have placed the foregoing poem of Skelton's before the following extract from Hawes, not only because it was written first, but because I think Skelton is in general to be considered as the earlier poet; many of his poems being written long before Hawes's Graunde Amour.
†‡† I have put the previous poem by Skelton before the following excerpt from Hawes, not only because it was written earlier, but also because I believe Skelton should generally be seen as the earlier poet; many of his poems were written well before Hawes's Graunde Amour.
FOOTNOTES:
[569] The mother of Henry, first Earl of Northumberland, was Mary daughter to Henry E. of Lancaster, whose father Edmond was second son of K. Henry III.—The mother and wife of the second Earl of Northumberland were both lineal descendants of K. Edward III.—The Percys also were lineally descended from the Emperour Charlemagne and the ancient Kings of France, by his ancestor Josceline de Lovain (son of Godfrey Duke of Brabant), who took the name of Percy on marrying the heiress of that house in the reign of Hen. II. Vid. Camden Britan., Edmondson, &c.
[569] The mother of Henry, first Earl of Northumberland, was Mary daughter to Henry E. of Lancaster, whose father Edmond was second son of K. Henry III.—The mother and wife of the second Earl of Northumberland were both lineal descendants of K. Edward III.—The Percys also were lineally descended from the Emperour Charlemagne and the ancient Kings of France, by his ancestor Josceline de Lovain (son of Godfrey Duke of Brabant), who took the name of Percy on marrying the heiress of that house in the reign of Hen. II. Vid. Camden Britan., Edmondson, &c.
[570] [against.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [against.]
[571] [Helicons.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Helicons.]
[572] [estate.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [estate.]
[573] [nobleness.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [nobleness.]
[574] [rough fellows.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [tough guys.]
[575] [wrath.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [anger.]
[576] [confederated.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [united.]
[577] [slay.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [slay.]
[578] [churls by nature.]
[churls by nature.]
[579] [abode.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [home.]
[580] [gloss over.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [gloss over.]
[581] [dreaded.]
[582] [crouched.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [squatted.]
[583] [a number.]
[584] [large shield.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [big shield.]
[585] [may.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [maybe.]
[586] [fell.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fell.]
[587] [against.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [against.]
[588] [honour.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [honor.]
[589] [false dealing.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [dishonest behavior.]
[590] [used.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [used.]
[591] [refused.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [refused.]
[593] [trouble.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [trouble.]
[594] [contend.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [argue.]
[595] [pride.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [pride.]
[596] [heeded.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [listened.]
[597] [set.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [set.]
[598] [wild.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [wild.]
[599] [pity.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [pity.]
[600] [destroyed.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [destroyed.]
[602] [dreaded.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [dreaded.]
[604] [slayest.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [slayed.]
[605] [hooked or edged.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [hooked or edged.]
[606] [cut.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [cut.]
[607] [perfect.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [perfect.]
[608] [golden.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [golden.]
[609] [embellishing.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [adding details.]
[610] [abundance.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [abundance.]
[611] [fickle.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [unpredictable.]
[612] [equal.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [equal.]
[613] [refer.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [refer.]
[614] [overpowered with hearty desire.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [overwhelmed with strong desire.]
[615] [treachery.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [betrayal.]
[616] [whole choir.]
[618] [deceivers.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [liars.]
[619] [although.]
[620] [fine or forfeiture.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fine or forfeiture.]
[621] [prey of the fiends.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [victims of the monsters.]
[622] [interminable.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [endless.]
[623] [hierarchy.]
[624] [whole company.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [whole company.]
[625] [may.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [possibly.]
X.
THE TOWER OF DOCTRINE.

The reader has here a specimen of the descriptive powers of Stephen Hawes, a celebrated poet in the reign of Hen. VII. tho' now little known. It is extracted from an allegorical poem of his (written in 1505.) intitled, The History of Graunde Amoure and La Bel Pucell, called the Pastime of Pleasure, &c. 4to. 1555. See more of Hawes in Ath. Ox. v. 1. p. 6. and Warton's Observ. v. 2. p. 105. He was also author of a book, intitled, The Temple of Glass. Wrote by Stephen Hawes, gentleman of the bedchamber to K. Henry VII. Pr. for Caxton, 4to. no date.
The reader is presented with an example of the descriptive abilities of Stephen Hawes, a famous poet during the reign of Henry VII, though he is now not very well known. This excerpt comes from one of his allegorical poems (written in 1505) titled, The History of Graunde Amoure and La Bel Pucell, called the Pastime of Pleasure, & c. 4to. 1555. You can find more about Hawes in Ath. Ox. v. 1. p. 6. and Warton's Observ. v. 2. p. 105. He also authored a book titled, The Temple of Glass. Written by Stephen Hawes, gentleman of the bedchamber to King Henry VII. Printed for Caxton, 4to. no date.
The following Stanzas are taken from Chap. III. and IV. of the Hist. above-mentioned. "How Fame departed from Graunde Amoure and left him with Governaunce and Grace, and how he went to the Tower of Doctrine, &c."—As we are able to give no small lyric piece of Hawes's, the reader will excuse the insertion of this extract.
The following stanzas are taken from Chapters III and IV of the mentioned History. "How Fame left Graunde Amoure, leaving him with Governaunce and Grace, and how he went to the Tower of Doctrine, etc."—Since we can't provide a significant lyrical piece by Hawes, we hope the reader will understand the inclusion of this excerpt.
[Most readers will probably be satisfied with the seventy-four lines that Percy has extracted from Hawes's long didactic poem, but those who wish to read the whole will find it reprinted by Mr. Thomas Wright in the fifteenth volume of the Percy Society's publications. The account of Rhetorick and the other allegorical nullities is weary reading, but the chapter in commendation of Gower, Chaucer and the author's master Lydgate, "the chefe orygynal of my lernyng," is interesting from a literary point of view. The poem was very popular in its own day and passed through several editions, and it has found admirers among critics of a later age. The Rev. Dr. Hodgson in a letter to Percy, dated Sept. 22, 1800,[626] speaks of it in very extravagant terms, and regrets that it had not then found an editor, as he regarded it "as one of the finest poems in our own or any other language." Warton describes Hawes as the only writer deserving the name of a poet in the reign of Henry VII. and says that "this poem contains no common touches of romantic and allegoric fiction." Mr. Wright however looks at it as "one of those allegorical writings which were popular with our forefathers, but which can now only be looked upon as monuments of the bad taste [Pg 128]of a bad age." Hawes was a native of Suffolk, but the dates of his birth and death are not known. He studied in the University of Oxford and afterwards travelled much, becoming "a complete master of the French and Italian poetry."]
[Most readers will probably be satisfied with the seventy-four lines that Percy has extracted from Hawes's long didactic poem, but those who wish to read the whole will find it reprinted by Mr. Thomas Wright in the fifteenth volume of the Percy Society's publications. The account of Rhetorick and the other allegorical nullities is weary reading, but the chapter in commendation of Gower, Chaucer and the author's master Lydgate, "the chefe orygynal of my lernyng," is interesting from a literary point of view. The poem was very popular in its own day and passed through several editions, and it has found admirers among critics of a later age. The Rev. Dr. Hodgson in a letter to Percy, dated Sept. 22, 1800,[626] speaks of it in very extravagant terms, and regrets that it had not then found an editor, as he regarded it "as one of the finest poems in our own or any other language." Warton describes Hawes as the only writer deserving the name of a poet in the reign of Henry VII. and says that "this poem contains no common touches of romantic and allegoric fiction." Mr. Wright however looks at it as "one of those allegorical writings which were popular with our forefathers, but which can now only be looked upon as monuments of the bad taste [Pg 128]of a bad age." Hawes was a native of Suffolk, but the dates of his birth and death are not known. He studied in the University of Oxford and afterwards travelled much, becoming "a complete master of the French and Italian poetry."]
Cap. III.
Chap. III.

I looked around and saw a jagged rock,
Far in the west, near the element,
And just as I did then approach it, At the top, I saw shining The royal tower of Morall Document, Made of fine copper with beautiful and high turrets,
Which shone so wonderfully against Phebus,
I couldn't see the beauty. In that palace, where Doctrine resided:[627]
Tyll at last, with misty winds done,
The shining brilliance of golden Phebus
Auster can cover with dark clouds. [628]
But the beautiful tower, so full of riches Was all about, sexangled doubtless;
Gargeyld__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ with greyhounds and many lions,20
Made of fine gold, featuring various dragons.[630]
[Pg 129]
With fine pipes, tuned in their mouths, They played a tune with the wind for a dance, I-clipped__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Love of High Pleasure.
Cap. IV.
Ch. IV.
There was only one way to get through,30
Join the tour to get more information:[634]
A Greek __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ was completely made of stone. Out of the rock, where men used to go Up to the tour, and I did the same. With both the Greyhounds in my company: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__35
Where I saw the beautiful portraits standing,
"Who asked me where I came from lately?" To whom I can express everything All my adventures, chances, and business, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ And also my name; I told her every detail:
When she heard this, she liked me a lot.
Made of fine gold enameled with red; And on the top, four fierce and brave dragons This sweet water spouted in four parts. [Pg 130]
Sweeter than the Nylus__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ or Ganges was their scent;
Tygrys or Eufrates to them no pere:
I then tasted the aromatic liqueur,
Scented with smoke, sweet as any flower; And in my mouth, it had a marvelous taste __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I didn’t know what it meant about different spices.
It was beautifully made from jasper stones:
The clear windows were made entirely of crystal,60
And on the roof up high above all A very skillful vine was made of gold; Instead of grapes, the rubies shone there.
With pillars made of precious stones,65
Like a place of joy so brightly celebrated,
It might be called a glorious palace,
So delicious and soothing; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
The hall was high and circular. With the finest arras fabric in the quickest way.70
Of the risky path to the Tower Perilous;[642]
How a noble knight should win the victory Of many a foul and disgusting serpent. * * * * *
FOOTNOTES:
[627] [dwell.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [live.]
[628] [dark.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [dark.]
[631] [devices.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [devices.]
[632] [heaved.]
[heaved.]
[633] [called.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [called.]
[634] [entrance.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [entrance.]
[635] [a flight of steps.]
[638] [purified.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [cleansed.]
[639] Nysus. PC.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Nysus. PC.
[640] [scent.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [scent.]
[641] [affording solace.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [offering comfort.]
[642] The story of the poem.
The poem's story.
XI.
THE CHILD OF ELLE,

Is given from a fragment in the Editor's folio MS. which, tho' extremely defective and mutilated, appeared to have so much merit, that it excited a strong desire to attempt a completion of the story. The Reader will easily discover the supplemental stanzas by their inferiority, and at the same time be inclined to pardon it, when he considers how difficult it must be to imitate the affecting simplicity and artless beauties of the original.
Is taken from a fragment in the Editor's folio manuscript, which, although it is very incomplete and damaged, seemed to have enough value that it sparked a strong desire to try and finish the story. The reader will easily spot the added stanzas by their lesser quality and will likely be forgiving when considering how hard it is to replicate the touching simplicity and natural charm of the original.
Child was a title sometimes given to a knight.
Child was a title occasionally assigned to a knight.
[The Child of Ell, as it appears in the folio MS., is a fragment without beginning or ending, so that Percy was forced to add some verses in order to fit it for his book, but the above note does not give any adequate notion of his contributions to the ballad. The verses that are entirely due to the bishop's pen are placed between brackets, and it will be seen from the copy of the original printed at the end that the remaining thirty lines are much altered from it. It is unfortunate that Percy's taste was not sufficient to save him from adding sentimental verses so out of character with the directness of the original as—
[The Child of Ell, as it appears in the folio MS., is a fragment that lacks a beginning or an ending, which forced Percy to add some verses to make it suitable for his book. However, the note above doesn’t adequately convey his contributions to the ballad. The lines that are entirely from the bishop's writing are shown in brackets, and you’ll see from the original printed copy at the end that the other thirty lines have been significantly altered. It’s unfortunate that Percy's taste didn’t prevent him from adding sentimental verses that clash with the straightforwardness of the original—]
And yes, her heart was filled with sorrow: Finally, he took her pale white hand,
"And down the ladder he went."
On the other hand, the poem as it stands is certainly elegant, and Sir Walter Scott was justified in his high praise when he pointed out the beauty of verses 181-184.
On the other hand, the poem as it is is definitely elegant, and Sir Walter Scott was right to praise it highly when he highlighted the beauty of verses 181-184.
And turned his head away To wipe away the first tear,
He proudly strove to hide.
Scott published a ballad called "Erlinton" for the first time in his Border Minstrelsy, which he says "seems to be the rude original, or perhaps a corrupt and imperfect copy of The Child of Elle."
Scott published a ballad called "Erlinton" for the first time in his Border Minstrelsy, which he says "appears to be the rough original, or maybe a flawed and incomplete version of The Child of Elle."
The original fragment from the MS. is worth reading for its own sake as a genuine antique, which must outweigh in interest all manufactured imitations.]
The original fragment from the manuscript is worth reading for its own sake as a genuine antique, which must outweigh in interest all manufactured imitations.

And over there lives the Child of Elle,
A young and handsome knight.
And stood by his garden fence,
Then, behold! he saw the beautiful Emmeline's page. Come walking down the valley.
Y-wis he didn't stand still, And soon he met lovely Emmeline's servant. Come climb up the hill.
Oh tell me how your lady is doing,15
And what might your news be?
And the tears fall from her eyes; And yes, she mourns the deadly feud. Between her house and yours.20
And sometimes asks you to think of her,
Who loved you so dearly.
And asks you to wear it for her sake,
When she is laid in the grave.
[Pg 133]
And soon she must be in the grave,30
Since her father has chosen her a new love,
And told her not to think of you.
Sir John from the northern country, And within three days she must marry him,35
Or he vows he will slay her.
And say hi to your lady for me,
And tell her that I am her one true love
Will dye or set her free.40
Let your beautiful lady know
Tonight, I will be at her bedroom window, Come what may.
He neither stopped nor stayed Until he reached fair Emmeline's bower,
When kneeling down he said,
And he sends you his best regards through me; This night he will be at your window, And dye or set you free.
And all were fast asleep,
All except the lady Emmeline,55
Who sat in her bower to weep:
Wake up, my dear lady,
[Pg 134] It’s me, your true love calling.
Come, ride this fine horse: This rope ladder will let you down,
I will carry you away.
Now, this might not be; For always should I lose my maiden fame,
If I were to go with you alone.
You can safely go alone, To my dear mother, I will bring you, Where marriage will unite us as one.
Of proud and noble lineage; And what would he say if his daughter __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Should a knight take flight?
Until he had slain you, Child of Elle,
"And seen your dear one's blood."80
I wouldn't care for your cruel father,
Nor the worst that he could do.
And once without this wallet,
I wouldn't care for your cruel father,
Nor the worst that could happen.
And yes, her heart was sorrowful:90
[Pg 135] Finally, he took her lily-white hand,
And down the ladder he went:
Ranne like the fountain free.]
And draped his bugle around his neck, And they rode away.
In her bed where she lay,
She said, "My lord will know about this," So I will have gold and money.
Your daughter has run away with the Child of Elle,
To do the shameful act.
"Your lady is taken into captivity."__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
A mile outside of town,
When she learned about her father's men __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Come galloping over the hill:
Sir John from the northern country:
"New step, new step, you false traitor,
Nor take that lady away. [Pg 136]
And was born of a lady,
And it suits you to be the son of a deceitful miser. To take her away to mock her."]
A knight met me, and a lady gave birth to me,
So I never did anything by you.
Get down and hold my horse,130
While I and this rude knight Please try this difficult task.
And yes, her heart was filled with sorrow,
Between her love and the rude knight After many harmful blows.140
He waved his weapon vigorously, As soon as he had slain the rude knight,
And laid him on the plain.
And blew both loudly and sharply,150
And soon he saw his own merry men. Come riding over the hill.
[Pg 137]
I urge you to stop. Do not cruelly tear apart two gentle hearts,155
Knit quickly in the bond of true love.
And bless a faithful pair:
My lands and property are substantial,
My house and noble lineage:
And a noble knight, my lord——
The baron frowned and turned away. With great sorrow and anger.
This fair young knight and me:
Trust me, except for the carlish knight,175
I never ran away from you.
And turned his head aside To wipe away the starting tear,
He proudly strived to hide.
[Pg 138]
Here, take my dear and only child,
And with her, half of my land:
My lovely Emmeline.
⁂
⁂
†‡† From the word kirke in ver. 159, this hath been thought to be a Scottish Ballad, but it must be acknowledged that the line referred to is among the additions supplied by the Editor: besides, in the Northern counties of England, kirk is used in the common dialect for church, as well as beyond the Tweed.
†‡† From the word kirke in ver. 159, this has been considered a Scottish ballad, but it's important to note that the line mentioned is one of the additions made by the editor; furthermore, in the northern counties of England, kirk is used in everyday speech to mean church, as well as across the border in Scotland.
[The following thirty-nine lines are the whole of the fragment which Percy used as the groundwork of his poem. They are taken from Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript, vol. i. p. 133.
[The following thirty-nine lines are the complete fragment that Percy used as the basis for his poem. They are taken from Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript, vol. i. p. 133.]
May Christ save you and your horse!
Neither will his drink do him any good,
until he has slain the Child of Ell
And have seen his heart's blood.
And a mile outside of town, I didn't have any feelings for your father. And all his merry crew!
[Pg 139]
And all that long to him!
And he rode away.
Her father was ready with her seven brothers. He said, "Sit my daughter down!"
It's not fitting for you, you son of a false churl, To take her out of this town!
That now lies about me;
A knight fathered me, and a lady gave birth to me; Soe never did anything for you.
Get down and hold my horse. While your father, your brothers, and I Doe, play us at this cross;
And gently hold my steed,
While your father [and your brothers] are bold.
[Half a page missing.]
[Half a page missing.]
FOOTNOTES:
[643] [bedecked.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [decorated.]
[644] [churlish.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [rude.]
[645] [into captivity.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [into captivity.]
[646] [no advantage.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [no advantage.]

XII.
EDOM O' GORDON,
A Scottish Ballad,
A Scottish ballad

Was printed at Glasgow, by Robert and Andrew Foulis, MDCCLV. 8vo. 12 pages. We are indebted for its publication (with many other valuable things in these volumes) to Sir David Dalrymple, Bart., who gave it as it was preserved in the memory of a lady that is now dead.
Was printed in Glasgow by Robert and Andrew Foulis, 1755. 8vo. 12 pages. We owe its publication (along with many other valuable items in these volumes) to Sir David Dalrymple, Bart., who provided it as it was remembered by a lady who has since passed away.
The reader will here find it improved and enlarged with several fine stanzas, recovered from a fragment of the same ballad, in the Editor's folio MS. It is remarkable that the latter is entitled Captain Adam Carre, and is in the English idiom. But whether the author was English or Scotch, the difference originally was not great. The English Ballads are generally of the North of England, the Scottish are of the South of Scotland, and of consequence the country of ballad-singers was sometimes subject to one crown, and sometimes to the other, and most frequently to neither. Most of the finest old Scotch songs have the scene laid within twenty miles of England, which is indeed all poetic ground, green hills, remains of woods, clear brooks. The pastoral scenes remain: of the rude chivalry of former ages happily nothing remains but the ruins of the castles, where the more daring and successful robbers resided. The house or castle of the Rodes stood about a measured mile south from Duns, in Berwickshire: some of the ruins of it may be seen to this day. The Gordons were anciently seated in the same county: the two villages of East and West Gordon lie about ten miles from the castle of the Rodes.[647] The fact, however, on which the ballad is founded, happened in the north of Scotland,[648] [Pg 141]yet it is but too faithful a specimen of the violences practised in the feudal times in every part of this Island, and indeed all over Europe.
The reader will here find it improved and enlarged with several fine stanzas, recovered from a fragment of the same ballad, in the Editor's folio MS. It is remarkable that the latter is entitled Captain Adam Carre, and is in the English idiom. But whether the author was English or Scotch, the difference originally was not great. The English Ballads are generally of the North of England, the Scottish are of the South of Scotland, and of consequence the country of ballad-singers was sometimes subject to one crown, and sometimes to the other, and most frequently to neither. Most of the finest old Scotch songs have the scene laid within twenty miles of England, which is indeed all poetic ground, green hills, remains of woods, clear brooks. The pastoral scenes remain: of the rude chivalry of former ages happily nothing remains but the ruins of the castles, where the more daring and successful robbers resided. The house or castle of the Rodes stood about a measured mile south from Duns, in Berwickshire: some of the ruins of it may be seen to this day. The Gordons were anciently seated in the same county: the two villages of East and West Gordon lie about ten miles from the castle of the Rodes.[647] The fact, however, on which the ballad is founded, happened in the north of Scotland,[648] [Pg 141]yet it is but too faithful a specimen of the violences practised in the feudal times in every part of this Island, and indeed all over Europe.
From the different titles of this ballad, it should seem that the old strolling bards or minstrels (who gained a livelihood by reciting these poems) made no scruple of changing the names of the personages they introduced, to humour their hearers. For instance, if a Gordon's conduct was blameworthy in the opinion of that age, the obsequious minstrel would, when among Gordons, change the name to Car, whose clan or sept lay further west, and vice versâ. The foregoing observation, which I owed to Sir David Dalrymple, will appear the more perfectly well founded, if, as I have since been informed (from Crawford's Memoirs), the principal Commander of the expedition was a Gordon, and the immediate agent a Car, or Ker; for then the reciter might, upon good grounds, impute the barbarity here deplored, either to a Gordon or a Car, as best suited his purpose. In the third volume the reader will find a similar instance. See the song of Gil Morris, wherein the principal character introduced had different names given him, perhaps from the same cause.
From the various titles of this ballad, it seems that the old traveling bards or minstrels (who made a living by reciting these poems) had no qualms about changing the names of the characters they mentioned to please their audiences. For example, if a Gordon's actions were considered wrong at that time, the obedient minstrel would, when in the company of Gordons, swap the name for Car, whose clan was located further west, and vice versa. This observation, which I owe to Sir David Dalrymple, will seem more valid if, as I have since learned (from Crawford's Memoirs), the main commander of the expedition was a Gordon and the immediate agent was a Car or Ker; in that case, the reciter could justifiably blame the barbarity described here on either a Gordon or a Car, depending on what suited his narrative best. In the third volume, the reader will find a similar example. See the song of Gil Morris, where the main character is given different names, possibly for the same reason.
It may be proper to mention that, in the folio MS., instead of the "Castle of the Rodes," it is the "Castle of Bittons-borrow," and also "Dractons-borrow," and "Capt. Adam Carre" is called the "Lord of Westerton-town." Uniformity required that the additional stanzas supplied from that copy should be clothed in the Scottish orthography and idiom: this has therefore been attempted, though perhaps imperfectly.
It might be worth mentioning that, in the folio manuscript, instead of the "Castle of the Rodes," it refers to the "Castle of Bittons-borrow," as well as "Dractons-borrow," and "Capt. Adam Carre" is referred to as the "Lord of Westerton-town." Consistency demanded that the extra stanzas taken from that version be presented in Scottish spelling and style: this has been attempted, though maybe not perfectly.
[Percy's note, which goes to prove that the historical event referred to in this ballad occurred in the north of Scotland, negatives the view which is expressed just before, that the borders are the [Pg 142]exclusive country of the ballad singers, at all events in this particular instance. Sir David Dalrymple appears to have altered the place of action from Towie to Rodes under a misconception. An extract from Crawford's Memoirs (an. 1571, p. 240, ed. 1706), is a proper companion to the passage from Spotswood, and explains the title in the folio MS. The person sent was "one Captain Ker with a party of foot.... Nor was he ever so much as cashiered for this inhuman action, which made Gordon share in the scandal and the guilt." Gordon, in his History of the Family of Gordon, informs us that, in the true old spirit of Scottish family feuds, the Forbes's afterwards attempted to assassinate Gordon in the streets of Paris.
[Percy's note, which shows that the historical event mentioned in this ballad took place in the north of Scotland, contradicts the earlier view that the borders are the [Pg 142]exclusive territory of the ballad singers, at least in this case. Sir David Dalrymple seems to have mistakenly changed the location from Towie to Rodes. An excerpt from Crawford's Memoirs (1571, p. 240, ed. 1706) complements the passage from Spotswood and clarifies the title in the folio MS. The person sent was "one Captain Ker with a party of foot.... Nor was he ever dismissed for this inhumane act, which made Gordon share in the scandal and the blame." Gordon, in his History of the Family of Gordon, tells us that, in the true old spirit of Scottish family feuds, the Forbes family later tried to assassinate Gordon in the streets of Paris.
Percy showed good taste in rejecting the termination given in Dalrymple's version, which certainly does not improve the ballad, and has moreover a very modern flavour. The husband is there made to end his days as follows:—
Percy had good judgment in turning down the ending found in Dalrymple's version, which definitely doesn't enhance the ballad and has a very contemporary feel. In that version, the husband meets his end in this way:—
At last, he flew into the flames. And goodbye to the bad world.
This ballad is found in various versions, which proves how wide-spread was the popularity of the striking story which it relates. In the version given from the Cotton MS. by Ritson in his Ancient Songs (vol. ii. p. 38, ed. 1829) the husband takes no vengeance on Captain Car. Another version, entitled Loudoun Castle, is reprinted in Child's English and Scottish Ballads (vol. vi. p. 254), from the Ballads and Songs of Ayrshire, where the scene is changed to Loudoun Castle, which is supposed to have been burnt about three hundred and sixty years ago by the clan Kennedy. In Ritson's version the castle is called Crechcrynbroghe, and in the Genealogy of the Forbes, by Matthew Lumsden, of Tullikerne, written in 1580 (Inverness, 1819, p. 44), the name is changed to Cargaffe. From this latter source we learn that the lady of Towie was Margaret Campbell, daughter of Sir John Campbell, of Calder, and that the husband, far from flying into the flames, married a second wife, a daughter of Forbes of Reires, who bare him a son named Arthur.]
This ballad exists in different versions, showing how widely popular the compelling story is. In the version from the Cotton MS. that Ritson includes in his Ancient Songs (vol. ii. p. 38, ed. 1829), the husband does not take revenge on Captain Car. Another version, titled Loudoun Castle, is reprinted in Child's English and Scottish Ballads (vol. vi. p. 254), from the Ballads and Songs of Ayrshire, where the setting is moved to Loudoun Castle, which is believed to have been burned about three hundred sixty years ago by the clan Kennedy. In Ritson's version, the castle is referred to as Crechcrynbroghe, and in the Genealogy of the Forbes, by Matthew Lumsden of Tullikerne, written in 1580 (Inverness, 1819, p. 44), the name is changed to Cargaffe. This latter source tells us that the lady of Towie was Margaret Campbell, daughter of Sir John Campbell of Calder, and that her husband, instead of fleeing into the flames, married a second wife, the daughter of Forbes of Reires, who bore him a son named Arthur.


When the wind blew sharply and cold, Said Edom o' Gordon to his men,
We have to draw until we get a hold.[649]
My merry friends and me? We'll go to the house of the Rodes,
To see that fair lady.
Saw both valley and hill: There she was aware of a group of men. Coming into town.[650]
I wonder who they are.
Who cares about sin or shame? 20
And put on her gown,
But Edom o' Gordon and his men
We were around the town.
No sooner said the grace, But Edom o' Gordon and his men, Were bright about the place.
[Pg 144]
As quickly as she could go, 30
To check if through her fair words She could agree with him.
He exploded with anger,35
And his expression was completely shocked.
Come down, come down to me:
Tonight, you will lie __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in my arms, Tomorrow my bride will be.
I'm not coming down to you;
I won't abandon my own dear lord,
That's so far from me.
Give over your house to me,
Or I shall burn __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ yourself therein,
Bot and __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ your kids three.
To not call a traitor like you; And if you burn my own dear babies,
My lord will make you dry.[658]
And load my gun well: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
For just a __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I stab that bloody butcher, My love, we've been broken.
She missed that bloody butcher's heart,
[Pg 145] And only scraped his knee.60
All wood with sorrow and anger:
False lady, you will regret this deed,
As you burn in the fire.
I paid you well for your fee; Why did you take out the ground wall stone?[663]
Let the smell __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ come to me?
I paid you well for your work; Why do you pull out the ground stone,
Who lets the fire in?
But now I'm Edom of Gordon's man,75
Maun either do it or die.
Sit on the nurse's lap:
Say, Mother dear, give up this house,
For the stench, it sickens me.80
So I will spend all my money,
For a gust of the western wind,
To blow the smoke away from you.
She was both slim and small:
O row__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ me in a pair of sheets,
And pull me __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ over the way. [Pg 146]
And told her over the way:90
But on the tip of Gordon's spear,
She has a deadly disease.
And cherry were her cheeks,
And her yellow hair was bright and clear,95
Where the red blood drips.
Her face was pale![670]
He said, you are the first that ever I wish I were alive again.
Oh, her skin was white! __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
I might have saved that beautiful face. To have been some man's delight.
As it lies on the grass.
Then fates will follow them: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__110
Let it never be said brave Edom o' Gordon Was intimidated by a woman.
She cried and kissed her two children, 115
Listen up, kids, we’re just dead. [Pg 147]
I think it's time to go.
As he came over the hill;
He saw __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ his castle was on fire. As far as he could see.
And all his heart was sad;
Put on, put on, my strong men,
Go as fast as you can.
As fast as you can dry;[676]130
For the one that is last in the crowd, Sall never get rid of me.
Fou fast out-owr the bent;[677]
But they were the first to get up,135
Both the lady and the babies were burned.
And cried in teenefu' muid:[678]
Oh, traitors, for this cruel act You will weep tears of blood.140
And soon in the Gordon's foul heart's blood,
He's broken __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ his dear lady.
⁂
⁂
[The following is the version of the ballad in the Percy Folio, which is entitled Captaine Carre. Bishop Percy's Folio MS., ed. J. W. Hales and F. J. Furnivall, 1867, vol. i., pp. 79-83.
[The following is the version of the ballad in the Percy Folio, which is titled Captaine Carre. Bishop Percy's Folio MS., ed. J. W. Hales and F. J. Furnivall, 1867, vol. i., pp. 79-83.]
whereas you like the most,
To the castle of Bittons borrow,
and there to rest.
is made of lime and stone,
There is a beautiful lady over there,
her lord has left and is gone.
she looked up and down,
She was aware of a group of men
came riding towards the town.
I think I see a group of men I wonder who they should be.
he had come riding home:
it was the traitor, Captain Carre
the Lord of Westerton Town
and after said the prayer
but the traitor Captain Carre
was bright around the area.
nor for the traitor Captain Carre,
Until my lord comes home.
I will shoot at the bloody butcher. the lord of Westerton. [Pg 149]
and let the bullets fly,
and where she missed....
[Half a page missing.]
[Half a page missing.]
Says, dear mother, give up this house. For the smoke, it suffocates me.
so would I do all my duty,
for one gust of the western wind
to blow the smoke away from you.
came flaming over her head,
She picked up her two children. Say, everyone, we've all been dead!
a sad sight to see:
Now he has burned this fair lady. and support her three children
he stayed no longer at that time,
he thought that place was too warm so near to stay
to Loudon__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ where her lord lay,
His castle and hall were burned. all and his girlfriend.
More dear to him then either the silver or the gold that men so eagerly would win.
He was full of sorrow in his heart!
says, I will find you, Captain Carre,
whether you ride or go!
[Pg 150]
until I have located Captain Carre,
My heart is not well.
so long before it was day,
and there he found him, Captain Carre; that night he meant to stay.
[Half a page missing.]
[Half a page missing.]
FOOTNOTES:
[647] This ballad is well known in that neighbourhood, where it is intitled Adam O'Gordon. It may be observed, that the famous freebooter whom Edward I. fought with, hand to hand, near Farnham, was named Adam Gordon.
[647] This ballad is well known in that neighbourhood, where it is intitled Adam O'Gordon. It may be observed, that the famous freebooter whom Edward I. fought with, hand to hand, near Farnham, was named Adam Gordon.
[648] Since this ballad was first printed, the subject of it has been found recorded in Abp. Spotswood's History of the Church of Scotland, p. 259, who informs us that, "Anno 1571. In the north parts of Scotland, Adam Gordon (who was deputy for his brother the earl of Huntley) did keep a great stir; and under colour of the queen's authority, committed divers oppressions, especially upon the Forbes's.... Having killed Arthur Forbes, brother to the lord Forbes.... Not long after he sent to summon the house of Tavoy pertaining to Alexander Forbes. The Lady refusing to yield without direction from her husband, he put fire unto it, and burnt her therein, with children and servants, being twenty-seven persons in all.
[648] Since this ballad was first printed, the subject of it has been found recorded in Abp. Spotswood's History of the Church of Scotland, p. 259, who informs us that, "Anno 1571. In the north parts of Scotland, Adam Gordon (who was deputy for his brother the earl of Huntley) did keep a great stir; and under colour of the queen's authority, committed divers oppressions, especially upon the Forbes's.... Having killed Arthur Forbes, brother to the lord Forbes.... Not long after he sent to summon the house of Tavoy pertaining to Alexander Forbes. The Lady refusing to yield without direction from her husband, he put fire unto it, and burnt her therein, with children and servants, being twenty-seven persons in all.
"This inhuman and barbarous cruelty made his name odious, and stained all his former doings; otherwise he was held very active and fortunate in his enterprizes."
"This cruel and barbaric behavior made his name hated and tainted all his previous actions; otherwise, he was considered quite active and successful in his endeavors."
This fact, which had escaped the Editor's notice, was in the most obliging manner pointed out to him by an ingenious writer who signs his name H. H. (Newcastle, May 9) in the Gentleman's Magazine for May, 1775.
This detail, which the Editor had overlooked, was kindly brought to his attention by a clever writer who goes by H. H. (Newcastle, May 9) in the Gentleman's Magazine for May, 1775.
[649] [to a hold.]
[650] [dwelling-house.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [house.]
[651] [thought.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [thought.]
[652] [dressed.]
[dressed.]
[653] [gates.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [gates.]
[654] [lie.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [lie.]
[655] [will not.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [won't.]
[656] [burn.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [burn.]
[657] [and also.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [and also.]
[658] [suffer.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [suffer.]
[660] [unless.]
[661] [mad with sorrow.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [heartbroken.]
[662] [woe betide.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [bad luck.]
[663] [ground-wall stone.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [ground-wall stone.]
[664] [smoke.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [smoke.]
[665] [even.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [even.]
[666] [gold.]
[667] [slender.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [skinny.]
[668] [roll.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [roll.]
[669] [let me down.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [disappoint me.]
[671] [make ready to go.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [get ready to go.]
[673] [bugle.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [bugle.]
[674] [saw.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [saw.]
[675] [nimble.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [agile.]
[676] [endure.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [endure.]
[677] [full fast over the meadows.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [full speed across the fields.]
[678] [in wrathful mood.]
[in a bad mood.]
[679] [bear.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [bear.]
[680] [revenged.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [got revenge.]
THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK.
THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK.

RELIQUES OF ANCIENT POETRY, ETC.
Relics of Ancient Poetry, etc.
SERIES THE FIRST.
SEASON ONE.
BOOK II.
BALLADS THAT ILLUSTRATE
SHAKESPEARE.

Our great dramatic poet having occasionally quoted many ancient ballads, and even taken the plot of one, if not more, of his plays from among them, it was judged proper to preserve as many of these as could be recovered, and, that they might be the more easily found, to exhibit them in one collective view. This Second Book is therefore set apart for the reception of such ballads as are quoted by Shakespeare, or contribute in any degree to illustrate his writings: this being the principal point in view, the candid reader will pardon the admission of some pieces that have no other kind of merit.
Our great playwright occasionally quoted many old ballads and even based one or more of his plays on them. It was deemed appropriate to preserve as many of these as we could find and to display them all together for easier access. Therefore, this Second Book is dedicated to the ballads that are referenced by Shakespeare or that in any way help to explain his works. With this main goal in mind, we hope the open-minded reader will excuse the inclusion of some pieces that don't have any other significant value.

I.
ADAM BELL, CLYM OF THE CLOUGH,
AND WILLIAM OF CLOUDESLEY,

Were three noted outlaws, whose skill in archery rendered them formerly as famous in the north of England, as Robin Hood and his fellows were in the midland counties. Their place of residence was in the forest of Englewood, not far from Carlisle (called corruptly in the ballad Englishwood, whereas Engle, or Ingle-wood, signifies wood for firing). At what time they lived does not appear. The author of the common ballad on "The Pedigree, Education and Marriage of Robin Hood," makes them contemporary with Robin Hood's father, in order to give him the honour of beating them, viz.:
They were three famous outlaws whose archery skills made them as well-known in northern England as Robin Hood and his crew were in the Midlands. They lived in the forest of Englewood, not far from Carlisle (mistakenly referred to in the ballad as Englishwood, whereas Engle, or Ingle-wood, means wood for firewood). It’s unclear when they actually lived. The writer of the popular ballad about "The Pedigree, Education and Marriage of Robin Hood" claims they were contemporaries of Robin Hood's father to give him the honor of defeating them, namely:
Two miles from the north and an inch at a time, as the Pinder of Wakefield is aware:
To shoot with our Forester for forty marks;
and the Forester outperformed all three of them.
Collect. of Old Ballads, vol. i. (1723), p. 67.
Collect. of Old Ballads, vol. i. (1723), p. 67.
This seems to prove that they were commonly thought to have lived before the popular hero of Sherwood.
This seems to show that people generally believed they lived before the famous hero of Sherwood.
Our northern archers were not unknown to their southern countrymen: their excellence at the long-bow is often alluded to by our ancient poets. Shakespeare, in his comedy of Much adoe about nothing, act i., makes Benedick confirm his resolves of not yielding to love, by this protestation, "If I do, hang me in a[Pg 154] bottle like a cat,[682] and shoot at me, and he that hits me, let him be clapt on the shoulder, and called Adam:" meaning Adam Bell, as Theobald rightly observes, who refers to one or two other passages in our old poets wherein he is mentioned. The Oxford editor has also well conjectured, that "Abraham Cupid" in Romeo and Juliet, act ii. sc. 1, should be "Adam Cupid," in allusion to our archer. Ben Jonson has mentioned Clym o' the Clough in his Alchemist, act i. sc. 2. And Sir William Davenant, in a mock poem of his, called "The long vacation in London," describes the Attorneys and Proctors, as making matches to meet in Finsbury fields.
Our northern archers were not unknown to their southern countrymen: their excellence at the long-bow is often alluded to by our ancient poets. Shakespeare, in his comedy of Much adoe about nothing, act i., makes Benedick confirm his resolves of not yielding to love, by this protestation, "If I do, hang me in a[Pg 154] bottle like a cat,[682] and shoot at me, and he that hits me, let him be clapt on the shoulder, and called Adam:" meaning Adam Bell, as Theobald rightly observes, who refers to one or two other passages in our old poets wherein he is mentioned. The Oxford editor has also well conjectured, that "Abraham Cupid" in Romeo and Juliet, act ii. sc. 1, should be "Adam Cupid," in allusion to our archer. Ben Jonson has mentioned Clym o' the Clough in his Alchemist, act i. sc. 2. And Sir William Davenant, in a mock poem of his, called "The long vacation in London," describes the Attorneys and Proctors, as making matches to meet in Finsbury fields.
Where arrows stick with great pride; ...
Like ghosts of Adam Bell and Clymme.
The sun sets because it's afraid they’ll shoot at it.
Works, 1673, fol. p. 291.
Works, 1673, p. 291.
I have only to add further concerning the principal hero of this Ballad, that the Bells were noted rogues in the North so late as the time of Q. Elizabeth. See in Rymer's Fœdera, a letter from lord William Howard to some of the officers of state, wherein he mentions them.
I just want to add a bit more about the main character of this Ballad: the Bells were well-known troublemakers in the North as recently as the time of Queen Elizabeth. Check out Rymer's Fœdera for a letter from Lord William Howard to some state officials where he mentions them.
As for the following stanzas, which will be judged from the style, orthography, and numbers, to be of considerable antiquity, they were here given (corrected in some places by a MS. copy in the Editor's old folio) from a black-letter 4to. Imprinted at London in Lothburye by Wyllyam Copland (no date). That old quarto edition seems to be exactly followed in Pieces of Ancient Popular Poetry, &c. Lond. 1791,[684] 8vo., the variations from which that occur in the following copy, are selected from many others in the folio MS. above-mentioned, and when distinguished by the usual inverted 'comma,' have been assisted by conjecture.
As for the following stanzas, which will be judged from the style, orthography, and numbers, to be of considerable antiquity, they were here given (corrected in some places by a MS. copy in the Editor's old folio) from a black-letter 4to. Imprinted at London in Lothburye by Wyllyam Copland (no date). That old quarto edition seems to be exactly followed in Pieces of Ancient Popular Poetry, &c. Lond. 1791,[684] 8vo., the variations from which that occur in the following copy, are selected from many others in the folio MS. above-mentioned, and when distinguished by the usual inverted 'comma,' have been assisted by conjecture.
In the same MS. this Ballad is followed by another, intitled Younge Cloudeslee, being a continuation of the present story, and reciting the adventures of Willian of Cloudesly's son: but greatly inferior to this both in merit and antiquity.
In the same manuscript, this ballad is followed by another titled Younge Cloudeslee, which continues the current story and recounts the adventures of William of Cloudesly's son. However, it is significantly lesser in both quality and age.
[The version here printed differs but slightly from the one in the Folio MS. (ed. Hales and Furnivall, 1868, vol. iii. p. 76), and as the latter is of no critical value it has been thought unnecessary to point out the various readings. A fragment of an older edition than Copland's mentioned above has been recovered by Mr. Payne Collier, which is attributed to the press of Wynkyn de Worde by Mr. W. C. Hazlitt.
[The version printed here differs only slightly from the one in the Folio MS. (ed. Hales and Furnivall, 1868, vol. iii. p. 76), and since the latter doesn’t hold much critical value, it's been decided that it’s unnecessary to point out the different readings. A fragment of an older edition than Copland's mentioned above has been recovered by Mr. Payne Collier, which Mr. W. C. Hazlitt attributes to the press of Wynkyn de Worde.]
This spirited ballad is mentioned by Laneham in his Catalogue of Captain Cox's ballads, and the various editions it has passed through, and the frequent references to it in literature, prove its great and deserved popularity.
This lively ballad is mentioned by Laneham in his Catalogue of Captain Cox's ballads, and the various editions it has gone through, along with the frequent references to it in literature, demonstrate its significant and well-earned popularity.
The circumstances of the second Fit resemble closely the rescue of Robin Hood by Little John, as related in "Robin Hood and the Monk," and the incident of the shot at the apple in the third Fit bears a curious likeness to the very ancient myth which is associated with William Tell. "Allane Bell" is mentioned by Dunbar in company with Robin Hood, Guy of Gisborne, and others, which proves that in his time these names had become mere abstractions.]
The events of the second Fit are quite similar to how Little John rescued Robin Hood, as described in "Robin Hood and the Monk," and the scene where someone shoots at an apple in the third Fit is oddly
PART THE FIRST.

With bows and sharp arrows;
As by the three banners of the northern country,
By them, I mean. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
The other Clym of the Clough,[685]10
The third was William of Cloudesly,
A skilled archer. [Pg 156]
These have everyone; They made them brothers on a certain day,15
To go to the English woods.
The third had a married partner.[687]20
Much more than was his concern:
He said to his brothers one day,
To Carlisle he would go;[688]
"By my truth," said Adam Bel, Not by my advice:
And from this wild wood, go,[689]30
If you seek justice, Your life was coming to an end.
By pryme__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ to you again,
Trust that I am 'taken,'[691]35
Or else I will be slain.
And he is gone to Carlile: There he knocked at his own window. Shortly and anyone. [Pg 157]
William of Cloudsley.
And sighed wondrously sore,
This place has been prepared for you
This half a year and more.
I wish I were there.50
Now fetch us enough food and drink,
Let's have a good time.
Like a true married wife; And made him happy with what she had,55
Whom she loved as her life.
A little by the fire,
Which William had discovered about charity
More than seven years.
Evil may __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ she should hurry; For she had not set foot on the ground. Seven years ago.
As quickly as she could go: Tonight, she said, has come to town. William of Cloudesly.
And so was the sheriff as well.70
You shouldn't come here, lady, for nothing,
[Pg 158] You will receive your reward before you leave.
Of scarlet, 'and of grain':
She took the gift and went home.75
And laid her down again.
In all the rush they can; And came crowding to William's house, As quickly as they might have gone.
Wyllyam heard a loud noise from people, That way quickly went.
And looked all around,
She was aware of both the justice and the sheriff,
With a complete great route.[695]
Ever who you may be!90
"Go into my room, my husband," she said, Sweet William of Cloudeslee.
And he went into his strongest room,95
Where he was most confident he would be.
Took a pollaxe in her hand:
He will die if he comes in. This door, while I can stand. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Pg 159]
That was from a reliable tree,
He struck the justice on the chest,
That arrow broke into three pieces.
Today you put on your coat!
If it had been no better than mine,
It had gone near your bone.
And your bow and your arrows are gone.[696]110
"A" curse on his heart, said fair Alyce,
That my husband advises so.
It won't get any better, And Brenne__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ said to William, he said, His wife and three children.
The fire shot up high:
Alas! then cried fair Alice,
I see we are going to die here.120
That was in his high chamber,
And there he let down the sheets His wife and three kids.
My wife and my three children: For Christ's sake, do them no harm,
But you all ruin everything for me.
Tyll's arrows were all gone, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ And the fire fell on him so quickly,[Pg 160] That his bowstring burned in two.
Then he was a miserable man and said, 135
This is a coward's death to me.
With my sword on the way to run,[700]
Then here among my enemies wild[701]
Thus cruelly to burn.
And he ran among them all,
Where the people were most in prayer,[702]
He struck down many men.
So fiercely he ran on them: Then they threw windows and doors at him,
And so take that good yemàn.
Now Cloudesle, said the judge,[704]
You will be hanged quickly.
Now I shall make it for you; And the gates of Carleil will be shut: 155
No man shall enter there.
[Pg 161] Not all the devils in hell. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
As quickly as he could; There are a pair of new gallows he set up. Beside the pillory.
Called Wyllyam of Cloudeslè.
And kept fair Alyce's pigs; He had often seen William in the woods,175
And gave him there to dine.
And lightly to the woods did I go; There he met with these mighty__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ men[708]
Soon and later.
Cloudeslee has been captured and condemned__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ to death,
And ready to hang.[710]
That we ever saw this day!
He should have stayed with us, Whenever we prayed to him. [Pg 162]
Under the green shadows,[711]190
And have kept both him and us at rest,
Out of all trouble and worry.[712]
He quickly killed a great stag: "Take that, child," he said, "to your dinner," 195
And bring me my arrow back.
Let's not wait any longer; We will borrow __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ by God's grace, Although we purchase it at full price. 200
All on a morning in May.
Here is a FYT of Cloudeslye, And another is to say.
PART THE SECOND.

All in the morning time,
They found the gates closed until[715]
On every side.
These gates are shut so incredibly fast,
We might not go in there. [Pg 163]
With a little time, we will bring ourselves in; 10
Let's say we are messengers,
Directly come now from our king.
We'll say we have the king's seal;15
I don't have the porter as a clerk.
And he crowded to the gates.[716]20
Come right from our king.
We must bring it to justice; Let's include in our message to do,
That we were again with the king.
By Him who died on a tree,30
Tyll a false thief be hanged,
Called William of Cloudeslè.
And swore by Mary free,
And if we stand here for a long time,35
You will be hanged like a thief.
What, Lurden,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ are you mad?__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__[719]
The porter went__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ it had been like that,[Pg 164] And he quickly took off his hat.[721]40
He opened the gate quickly: An easy opportunity for him.
But Christ knows that he has conquered __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ hell, How we will come out again.
We should get moving then, Then we might turn out okay enough. When we see time and need.
And twisted his neck in two,
And cast them into a deep dungeon,55
And took his keys from him.
Hey brother, the keys are here,
The worst porter to merry Carlisle
That 'the' has been around for a hundred years.60
Into the town we will go,
To deliver our dear brother,
That lies in worry and sorrow.
[Pg 165]
And look, their strings were round,[724]
The marketplace in Merry Carlisle
They surrounded that moment.[725]
A pair of new shoes 'they' see,70
And the justice with a quest__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ of squires,
William was sentenced to hang.
And a strong rope around his neck, 75
All ready to hang.
To evaluate that yemàn,
Thereafter to make his grave.80
As between this and prime, Whoever digs a grave for me,
Himself may lie therein.
I will hang you with my hand. Fully, they heard this from his two brothers,
They still stood as they did.
Ready the justice for the slain.
[Pg 166]
Yet I hope to do well,
If I could do what I want with my hands Right little would I care.
Brother, if you see the justice clearly; Look! There you can see him:100
These seven years were not seen.
They had no fear of any man; The one hits the justice, the other the sheriff,
That both their sides began to bleed.[728]
When the justice fell to the ground, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ And the sheriff near him; Either had his death wound.
They could no longer stay:
They lightly lost Cloudeslee, Where he was tied up with ropes.
He thought he stayed too long.120
This day, let us live and die,
If you ever need help, like I do now,
[Pg 167] You will find the same with me.
Their strings were certainly made of silk,
That they controlled the streets on every side;
That battle lasted a long time.
Like strong and bold men, Many men they threw to the ground,
And many a heart grew cold.
Men go __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ full fast,
They quickly drew their swords then. And they threw their bows away.
With swords and shields around; By then it was midday, They caused many wounds.140
And the beautiful ladies rang backward,
Many a woman said, Alas! And many of them wrung their hands.
With him was a large crowd:[732]
These Yemen dreads hit them hard,
They stood in great doubt about their lives.[733][734]
[Pg 168]
There in that storm __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ to stand.
His shield he broke in two,
Many a yeoman with great evil, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Unfortunately! They shouted treason for woe.
Keep the gates closed tight, they said,
That these traitors do not go.
Until they all three, who fought so bravely, Were obtained without, abroad.[738]
And told them well to thrive,[739]
And everyone who lets any good man To come and comfort his wife.170
The lake and be happy in their mood,
Their enemies were far behind.
Under the reliable tree,
There they found plenty of good bows,
[Pg 169] And plenty of arrows.
I wish we were in merry Carlisle,
Before that fair maiden.[742]
And ate and drank really well.
A second FYT of the mighty yeomen:[743]185
I'll tell you another.
PART THE THIRD.

Under the greenwood tree,
They thought they heard a woman weeping,
But she might __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ not see.
For now, my dear husband is slain:
Alas! and well-a-way!
Or with either of them both,10
To show them what happened to him,
My heart was filled with pain.
He looked under the green wood linden,
He was aware of his wife and their three children,[Pg 170] Full of woe in heart and mind.
Under 'this' trusti tre: I went __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ yesterday, by sweet Saint John,
You should never let me see that.[746]20
"My heart is out of woe." Lady, he said, be happy and joyful,
And thank you, brothers two.
I know it is no joke: The meat that we must eat with,
It still runs quickly on foot.
These noble archares all three. Each of them killed a Greek deer,[748]
The best that they could see.
Sayde Wyllyam of Cloudeslye; Because you so boldly stood by me35
When I was completely drunk all night.
They were both happy and joyful.40
Cloudeslè said, We will go to our king,
To obtain a charter for peace.
[Pg 171]
And there they shall stay.
And he will bring you word back,
How are we doing?
As quickly as they might 'he,'[751]
Until they arrived at the king's palace,55
Where they would need to be.
But boldly went in there.60
The porter came after and called them. And with them, they started to complain.
Please tell me:
You might therefore create officers who are respectful:[753]
Good sirs, where are you from?
And whether we have come to the king,
To secure a charter for peace.
As it was the law of the land,
The knelt down without letting,[Pg 172] And he raised his hand.
That you will grant us grace;
For we have killed your fat fallow deer
In many different places.80
Anyone that you tell me? They said, Adam Bell, Clim of the Clough, And Wyllyam of Cloudesle.
That men have told me about? I vow here to God, You will all be hanged.
As I am king of this land.90
He commanded each of his officers,
Quickly approach them to take action.
And arrested them all three:
So may I thrive, said Adam Bell,95
I don't like this game.
That you grant us grace,
As long as we can come to you freely,
'As freely' we may pass by you,100
Until we leave your place;
If we live for this hundred years,
We won’t ask you for any favors.
If any grace might exist.
To be your married wife, 110
The first thing I would ask, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
You would grant it to me, I believe:[755]
That should have been worth them all three.120
Parks and plenty of forests.
None so pleasant to my pay,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ she said;
Nor none so dear to me.
Your request granted shall be;
But I would never have given you Good market towns here.
And said, Lord, thank you:[758][759]130
I dare to take this on for them,
That’s how true men should be.
Messengers arrived from the north. With letters to our king.140
They knelt down on their knees; And said, Lord, your officials greet you well,
Of Carlisle in the north country.
And my sheriff too?
Sir, they are slain without hesitation,
And many officers do.
And Wyllyam of Cloudeslè.
My heart is wondrously sore; I had more than a thousand pounds, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I had known about this before;
And that leads me to: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ me:
But if I had known all this before, They were all three hanged.160
He read it through, And discovered how these outlaws had killed Three hundred men and more:
And the mayor of Carlisle town; Of all the constables and catchpoles
[Pg 175] Alyve were 'scant' left one:[764]
And the sergeants of the law,170
And forty fosters of the fe,[765]
These outlaws had escaped:[766]
Did not walk east or west.
Take up the tables as he ordered, I can’t eat anymore.180
"I will see these fellows shoot," he said, In the north, this is what they have done.
And the queen's archers also; So did these three mighty men;
They planned to go with them.
That any thing __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ might stand.
I never think he’s any good as an archer,195
[Pg 176] That shoots at targets so wide.
Please tell me? At such a moment, sir, he said, As men do in my country.200
And 'with him' were his two brothers:[770]
There, they set up two hazel rods __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Twenty score steps between.[772]
"Here is none such," said the king, No one can do that. [773]
Cloudesly with a bearing arrow __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Split the wand in two.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
For sure I'll ever see. And yet for your love, said Wyllyam, I will master more.[775]
He is very dear to me; I will tie him to a stake;
Everyone here shall see; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
And go six score paces from him,[776]
And I myself with a broad arrow[Pg 177] I'll cut the apple in half.
By him who died on a tree,
But if you do not, as you have said, You will be hanged.
In the fight that people can see, 230
By all the saints that are in heaven,
I will hang you all three.
And there even before the king __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ He drove a stake into the ground:
And bad him to stand still there; And turned the child's face toward him, Because he shouldn't start.240
And then he drew his bow: Syxe score rates they were beaten,[777]
And thether Cloudeslè went.
His bow was big and long,
He set that arrow in his bow, That was both tough and strong.
That they would all still stand, 250
For the one who aims for such a bet,
Needs a steady hand.[778]
[Pg 178]
That his life might be saved,
And when he got ready to shoot,255
There were many people crying.
'He didn't need his son.'[779]
"God forbid," said the king, That you should shoot at me.260
And you shall carry my bow,
And throughout all the northern country I make the chief rider.[780]
By God, and by my word;[782]
Complete your payment whenever you want,
No one should say no.
Of clothing and of food: And your two brothers, servants of my chamber,
For they are so lovely to see.
And when he reaches adulthood,275
He will be better advanced.
To some bishop, we will go,[783]
Of all the sins that we have committed,
[Pg 179] To be assoiled __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ at his hand.
As quick as they might 'he__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__';
And then came and lived with the king, And dyed good men all three.
God grant them eternal bliss;290
And everyone who shoots with a hand bow: That of heaven may never miss. Amen.
FOOTNOTES:
[682] Bottles formerly were of leather; though perhaps a wooden bottle might be here meant. It is still a diversion in Scotland to hang up a cat in a small cask or firkin, half filled with soot: and then a parcel of clowns on horseback try to beat out the ends of it, in order to show their dexterity in escaping before the contents fall upon them.
[682] Bottles formerly were of leather; though perhaps a wooden bottle might be here meant. It is still a diversion in Scotland to hang up a cat in a small cask or firkin, half filled with soot: and then a parcel of clowns on horseback try to beat out the ends of it, in order to show their dexterity in escaping before the contents fall upon them.
[684] [Ritson's book.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Ritson's book.]
[686] [attend.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [attend.]
[687] [companion or wife.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [partner or spouse.]
[688] Ver. 24. Caerlel, in PC. passim.
[689] [from this wild wood depart.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [leave this wild wood.]
[690] [six o'clock in the morning.]
[six o'clock in the morning.]
[691] V. 35. take, PC. tane, MS.
[692] [might.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [might.]
[693] [glad.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [happy.]
[695] [company.]
[696] [from thee.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [from you.]
[697] [burn.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [burn.]
[698] [burnt.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [burned.]
[699] [sooner.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [sooner.]
[700] [in the crowd to run.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [in the crowd to run.]
[701] [wild.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [wild.]
[702] [in a crowd.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [in a crowd.]
[703] [fiercely.]
[706] [quickly.]
[707] [lusty.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [horny.]
[708] Ver. 179. yonge men, PC.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ver. 179. young men, PC.
[709] [condemned.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [canceled.]
[710] [hang.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [hang.]
[712] [vexation.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [annoyance.]
[714] [redeem.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [redeem.]
[715] [unto.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [to.]
[716] [hastened.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [rushed.]
[717] [sluggard or stupid fellow.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [lazy or foolish person.]
[718] [mad.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [mad.]
[719] Ver. 38. Lordeyne, PC.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ver. 38. Lordeyne, PC.
[720] i. e. weened, thought (which last is the reading of the folio MS.)——Calais, or Rouen was taken from the English by showing the governor, who could not read, a letter with the king's seal, which was all he looked at.
[720] i. e. weened, thought (which last is the reading of the folio MS.)——Calais, or Rouen was taken from the English by showing the governor, who could not read, a letter with the king's seal, which was all he looked at.
[721] [doffed his hood.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [took off his hood.]
[722] [glad.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [happy.]
[723] [despoiled.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [destroyed.]
[724] So Ascham in his Toxophilus gives a precept; "The Stringe must be rounde" (p. 149. Ed. 1761): otherwise, we may conclude from mechanical principles, the Arrow will not fly true.
[724] So Ascham in his Toxophilus gives a precept; "The Stringe must be rounde" (p. 149. Ed. 1761): otherwise, we may conclude from mechanical principles, the Arrow will not fly true.
[725] [hour.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [hour.]
[726] [inquest.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [inquest.]
[727] Ver. 105. lowsed thre, PC.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ver. 105. located there, PC.
[728] V. 108. can bled, MS.
[729] [went off.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [went off.]
[730] [pressed.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [pressed.]
[731] Outhorne, is an old term signifying the calling forth of subjects to arms by the sound of a horn. See Cole's Lat. Dict., Bailey, &c. [Perhaps "a nouthorne," or neat's horn, from nowt, cattle.]
[731] Outhorne, is an old term signifying the calling forth of subjects to arms by the sound of a horn. See Cole's Lat. Dict., Bailey, &c. [Perhaps "a nouthorne," or neat's horn, from nowt, cattle.]
[732] [company.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [company.]
[733] [fear.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fear.]
[734] Ver. 148. For of, MS.
[735] [fight.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fight.]
[736] [pike or halbert.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [polearm.]
[737] [burst.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [burst.]
[738] [abroad.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [abroad.]
[739] This is spoken ironically.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ This is said sarcastically.
[740] [lime tree.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [lime tree.]
[741] Ver. 175. merry green wood, MS.
[742] [company.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [company.]
[744] [might.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [might.]
[745] [thought.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [thought.]
[747] [clear space in a forest.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [cleared area in a forest.]
[748] [fat hart.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fat heart.]
[749] [without lying.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [no lies.]
[751] i.e. hie, hasten.
[752] [pressed quickly.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [pressed fast.]
[753] [blamed.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [held responsible.]
[755] [at once.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [right away.]
[756] [satisfaction.]
[757] [dear.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [dear.]
[758] [I thank you.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Thanks!]
[759] Ver. 130. God a mercye, MS.
[760] [lying.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [lying.]
[761] [pity.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [pity.]
[762] [rather.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [rather.]
[763] [vexeth.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [vexeth.]
[765] [foresters of the king's demesnes.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [king's estate foresters.]
[766] [slain.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [killed.]
[767] [get them ready instantly.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [get them ready now.]
[768] V. 185. blythe, MS.
[769] i.e. mark.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ (i.e., mark).
[770] Ver. 202, 203, 212. to, PC.
[771] [hazel rods.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [hazel rods.]
[772] V. 204. i.e. 400 yards.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ V. 204. 400 yards.
[774] [an arrow that carries well.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [a reliable arrow.]
[775] [trial of skill.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [skill challenge.]
[776] V. 222. i.e. 120 yards.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ V. 222. 120 yards.
[778] V. 252. steedye, MS.
[779] [nigh.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [almost.]
[780] [ranger.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [ranger.]
[782] [faith.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [faith.]
[784] [absolved.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [cleared.]
[785] he, i.e. hie, hasten.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ he, i.e. go quickly.
II.
THE AGED LOVER RENOUNCETH
LOVE.

The Grave-digger's song in Hamlet, act v. is taken from three stanzas of the following poem, though greatly altered and disguised, as the same were corrupted by the ballad-singers of Shakespeare's time; or perhaps so designed by the poet himself, the better to suit the character of an illiterate clown. The original is preserved among Surrey's Poems, and is attributed to Lord Vaux, by George Gascoigne, who tells us, it "was thought by some to be made upon his death-bed;" a popular error which he laughs at. (See his Epist. to Yong Gent. prefixed to his Posies, 1575, 4to.) It is also ascribed to Lord Vaux in a manuscript copy preserved in the British Museum.[786] This Lord [Pg 180]was remarkable for his skill in drawing feigned manners, &c. for so I understand an ancient writer. "The Lord Vaux his commendation lyeth chiefly in the facilitie of his meetre, and the aptnesse of his descriptions such as he taketh upon him to make, namely in sundry of his Songs, wherein he showeth the counterfait action very lively and pleasantly." Arte of Eng. Poesie, 1589, p. 51. See another Song by this Poet in vol. ii. No. viii.
The Grave-digger's song in Hamlet, act v. is taken from three stanzas of the following poem, though greatly altered and disguised, as the same were corrupted by the ballad-singers of Shakespeare's time; or perhaps so designed by the poet himself, the better to suit the character of an illiterate clown. The original is preserved among Surrey's Poems, and is attributed to Lord Vaux, by George Gascoigne, who tells us, it "was thought by some to be made upon his death-bed;" a popular error which he laughs at. (See his Epist. to Yong Gent. prefixed to his Posies, 1575, 4to.) It is also ascribed to Lord Vaux in a manuscript copy preserved in the British Museum.[786] This Lord [Pg 180]was remarkable for his skill in drawing feigned manners, &c. for so I understand an ancient writer. "The Lord Vaux his commendation lyeth chiefly in the facilitie of his meetre, and the aptnesse of his descriptions such as he taketh upon him to make, namely in sundry of his Songs, wherein he showeth the counterfait action very lively and pleasantly." Arte of Eng. Poesie, 1589, p. 51. See another Song by this Poet in vol. ii. No. viii.
[Thomas second Lord Vaux, the author of this poem, was born in the year 1510. He wrote several small pieces of the same character which evince taste and feeling, and his contributions to the Paradise of Dainty Devices exceed in number those of Richard Edwards himself, whose name appears upon the original title-page as the chief author. Lord Vaux was a courtier as well as a poet, and was one of the splendid retinue which attended Wolsey in his embassy, in the 19th Henry VIII., 1527, to the Court of France to negotiate a peace. He took his seat in the House of Lords in the 22nd Henry VIII., and two years afterwards, 1532, waited on the king to Calais and thence to Boulogne. He was rewarded with the Order of the Bath at the Coronation of Anne Boleyn, and was also appointed Captain of the Island of Jersey, which office he surrendered in the 28th Henry VIII.]
[Thomas, the second Lord Vaux and the author of this poem, was born in 1510. He wrote several small pieces with similar themes that show his taste and sensitivity, and his contributions to the Paradise of Dainty Devices outnumber those of Richard Edwards, who is credited as the main author on the original title page. Lord Vaux was both a courtier and a poet, and he was part of the grand entourage that accompanied Wolsey on his mission in the 19th year of Henry VIII’s reign, 1527, to the Court of France to negotiate peace. He joined the House of Lords in the 22nd year of Henry VIII’s reign, and two years later, in 1532, he traveled with the king to Calais and then to Boulogne. He was honored with the Order of the Bath during Anne Boleyn's coronation and was also appointed Captain of the Island of Jersey, a position he gave up in the 28th year of Henry VIII’s reign.]

I don't think they are suitable.[788]
My dreams are all gone;__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
And the passage of time starts to unfold
Gray hairs on my head.
And lively 'Youth' leaps away,[792]
[Pg 181] Since there hasn't been anything like that.
My hand and pen are not in trouble,15
As they have been in the past.
'All' youthful idle rhyme;[793]
And each day she cries to me,
Leave off these toys in time.20
The wrinkles on my face
Limping age will 'lodge' him now,[794]
Where young people must give way to him.
I see him riding, The cough, the cold, the struggling breath,
Asks me to provide
And also a covering sheet,[795]30
A house made of clay to be built. This is the perfect guest.
That tolls the careful bell;[796]
And asks me to leave my tired work,[797]35
Before nature compels me.
That young person laughs in mockery,[799]
Of me that 'shall be clean' forgotten,[800]
[Pg 182] As I had never been born.[801]40
Whose badge I wore for a long time:
I give them the indulgent cup, That’s better to endure.
By whose bold sign I know,
That lowering age will take away 'What' youthful years did sow.[803]
These twisted cares had caused,50
And sent me off to the land,
From where I first came.
So you will turn to dust.[804]
FOOTNOTES:
[786] Harl. MSS. num. 1703, § 25. [Called in that MS. "The Image of Death." There is another copy in the Ashmolean Library (MS. Ashm. No. 48.)] The readings gathered from that copy are distinguished here by inverted commas. The text is printed from the "Songs, &c. of the Earl of Surrey and others, 1557, 4to."
[786] Harl. MSS. num. 1703, § 25. [Called in that MS. "The Image of Death." There is another copy in the Ashmolean Library (MS. Ashm. No. 48.)] The readings gathered from that copy are distinguished here by inverted commas. The text is printed from the "Songs, &c. of the Earl of Surrey and others, 1557, 4to."
[787] [behoof.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [benefit.]
[788] [meet or fit.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [meet or fit.]
[790] [crutch.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [crutch.]
[792] Ver. 11. Life away she, PC.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ver. 11. She lives away, PC.
[793] V. 18. This, PC.
[795] V. 30. wyndynge-sheete, MS.
[796] V. 34. bell, MS.
[797] V. 35. wofull, PC.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ V. 35. wofull, PC.
[799] V. 38. did, PC.
[800] Ver. 39. clene shal be, PC.
[801] V. 40. not, PC.
[802] V. 45. bare-hedde, M. and some PCC.
[803] V. 48. Which, PC. That, MS. What is etc.
[804] V. 56. wast, PC.
III.
JEPHTHAH JUDGE OF ISRAEL.

In Shakespeare's Hamlet, act ii. the hero of the play takes occasion to banter Polonius with some scraps of an old Ballad, which has never appeared yet in any collection: for which reason, as it is but short, it will not perhaps be unacceptable to the reader; who will also be diverted with the pleasant absurdities of the composition. It was retrieved from [Pg 183]utter oblivion by a lady, who wrote it down from memory as she had formerly heard it sung by her father. I am indebted for it to the friendship of Mr. Steevens.
In Shakespeare's Hamlet, act ii, the main character playfully teases Polonius with lines from an old ballad that has never been included in any collection. Because it's short, I think the reader might enjoy it, especially the amusing absurdities it contains. It was rescued from complete obscurity by a woman who wrote it down from memory after hearing her father sing it. I owe this to the kindness of Mr. Steevens.
It has been said, that the original Ballad, in black-letter, is among Anthony à Wood's Collections in the Ashmolean Museum. But, upon application lately made, the volume which contained this Song was missing, so that it can only now be given as in the former Edition.
It has been said that the original Ballad, printed in black-letter, is part of Anthony à Wood's Collections at the Ashmolean Museum. However, a recent inquiry revealed that the volume containing this Song is missing, so it can only be provided as it was in the previous Edition.
The Banter of Hamlet is as follows:
The Banter of Hamlet is as follows:
"Hamlet. 'O Jeptha, Judge of Israel,' what a treasure hadst thou?
"Hamlet. 'Oh Jeptha, Judge of Israel,' what a treasure did you have?"
Polonius. What a treasure had he, my Lord?
Polonius. What a treasure did he have, my Lord?
Ham. Why, 'One faire daughter, and no more, the which he loved passing well.'
Ham. Why, 'One beautiful daughter, and no more, whom he loved very much.'
Polon. Still on my daughter.
Polon. Still focusing on my daughter.
Ham. Am not I i' th' right, old Jeptha?
Ham. Am I not in the right, old Jeptha?
Polon. If you call me Jeptha, my Lord, I have a daughter, that I love passing well.
Polon. If you call me Jeptha, my Lord, I have a daughter that I love very much.
Ham. Nay, that follows not.
Ham. No, that doesn’t follow.
Polon. What follows then, my Lord?
Polon. What's next, my Lord?
Ham. Why, 'As by lot, God wot:' and then you know, 'It came to passe, As most like it was.' The first row of the pious chanson will shew you more."—Act ii. sc. 2.
Ham. Well, 'As by lot, God knows:' and then you know, 'It happened, just as it probably did.' The first line of the holy song will show you more."—Act ii. sc. 2.
[A more perfect copy of this ballad was reprinted by Evans in his Collection of Old Ballads from a black-letter broadside, and is included by Child in his Collection of English and Scottish Ballads (vol. viii. p. 198).
[A more perfect copy of this ballad was reprinted by Evans in his Collection of Old Ballads from a black-letter broadside, and is included by Child in his Collection of English and Scottish Ballads (vol. viii. p. 198).]
The wording is rather different in the two versions, and Evans's has two additional stanzas. It does not appear that anything is left out at line 18 of Percy's version, but in place of the stars at line 41 Evans's copy reads—
The wording is quite different in the two versions, and Evans's has two extra stanzas. It doesn't seem like anything is missing at line 18 of Percy's version, but instead of the stars at line 41, Evans's copy says—
My promise must be fulfilled.

The one he loved very much:[Pg 184] And, as by chance, 5
God knows,
It happened that, As God wills, There should be great wars, And none should be chosen as chief except him
And leader of the company,
He made a serious promise to God; If he came back victorious,
At his return To ignite The first living thing, Below is a short piece of text (5 words or fewer). Modernize it into contemporary English if there's enough context, but do not add or omit any information. If context is insufficient, return it unchanged. Do not add commentary, and do not modify any placeholders. If you see placeholders of the form __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_x__, you must keep them exactly as-is so they can be replaced with links. * * * * *
That should work for him then,
From his house, when he should come back again.20
Came to meet her father first: And all the way She played On drums and flute,
Many a stripe, With a high note,
For the joy that her father has come so near.30
He twisted his hands and pulled at his hair, And cried out most piteously; Oh! it's you, said he,35
That brought me Low, And troubled me so, I don't know what to do. For I have made a vow, he said,
[Pg 185] The one that must be refilled: * * * * *
"What you have said
Do not rescind: What you said, Don't be afraid; Even though it's me;
Keep your promises to God above.
That I can go to the wilderness,
I spent three months there with my friends; There to mourn my virginity;
And let there be, She said, A couple of Young women with me. So he sent her off,
To mourn, to mourn, until her dying day.
IV.
A ROBYN JOLLY ROBYN.

In his Twelfth Night, Shakespeare introduces the clown singing part of the two first stanzas of the following Song; which has been recovered from an antient MS. of Dr. Harrington's at Bath, preserved among the many literary treasures transmitted to the ingenious and worthy possessor by a long line of most respectable ancestors. Of these only a small part hath been printed in the Nugæ Antiquæ, 3 vols. 12mo; a work which the publick impatiently wishes to see continued.
In his Twelfth Night, Shakespeare features the clown singing part of the first two stanzas of the following song, which has been found in an old manuscript by Dr. Harrington at Bath, kept among the many literary treasures passed down to the talented and deserving owner by a long line of respected ancestors. Only a small portion of these has been published in the Nugæ Antiquæ, 3 vols. 12mo; a work that the public eagerly wants to see continued.
The song is thus given by Shakespeare, act iv. sc. 2:—
The song is provided by Shakespeare, act iv. sc. 2:—
"Tell me how your lady is doing."
[Pg 186]
Dr. Farmer has conjectured that the song should begin thus:
Dr. Farmer has suggested that the song should start like this:
"Why is she like that?"
But this ingenious emendation is now superseded by the proper readings of the old song itself, which is here printed from what appears the most ancient of Dr. Harrington's poetical MSS. and which has, therefore, been marked No. I. (Scil. p. 68.) That volume seems to have been written in the reign of King Henry VIII. and, as it contains many of the Poems of Sir Thomas Wyat, hath had almost all the contents attributed to him by marginal directions written with an old but later hand, and not always rightly, as, I think, might be made appear by other good authorities. Among the rest this song is there attributed to Sir Thomas Wyat also; but the discerning reader will probably judge it to belong to a more obsolete writer.
But this clever correction is now replaced by the accurate versions of the old song itself, which is printed here from what seems to be the oldest of Dr. Harrington's poetic manuscripts and has therefore been labeled No. I. (Scil. p. 68.) That volume appears to have been written during the reign of King Henry VIII. and, since it includes many poems by Sir Thomas Wyatt, almost all its contents have been attributed to him through marginal notes written in an old but later hand, which are not always accurate, as I believe can be demonstrated by other reliable sources. Among other things, this song is also attributed to Sir Thomas Wyatt; however, a discerning reader will likely judge it to belong to a more obscure writer.
In the old MS. to the 3rd and 5th stanzas is prefixed this title, Responce, and to the 4th and 6th, Le Plaintif; but in the last instance so evidently wrong, that it was thought better to omit these titles, and to mark the changes of the Dialogue by inverted commas. In other respects the MS. is strictly followed, except where noted in the margin.—Yet the first stanza appears to be defective, and it should seem that a line is wanting, unless the four first words were lengthened in the tune.
In the old manuscript, the 3rd and 5th stanzas are labeled with the title, Response, and the 4th and 6th are labeled The Plaintiff; however, in the last case, it is clearly incorrect, so it was decided to leave out these titles and indicate changes in the dialogue with quotation marks. Otherwise, the manuscript is followed closely, except where noted in the margin. —Still, the first stanza seems to be missing something, and it appears that a line is needed unless the first four words were meant to be stretched in the tune.

Tell me how your lover__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ is doing,
And you will know about mine.[806]
Alas! Why is she like this? 'She loves someone else more than me;
[Pg 187] And yet she will say no.
And will not change for anything new.
But I say, as I find, A woman's love is just a fleeting moment,15
And torn with the wind.'
That can endure their torn.[808]
But unfortunately, I can’t prove it in any way. In love, but lake and morning.
At other fires, you warm yourself,
And let them warm with the.
FOOTNOTES:
[805] [mistress.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [partner.]
[806] Ver. 4. shall, MS.
[807] [verily.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [truly.]
[808] [turn.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [turn.]
V.
A SONG TO THE LUTE IN MUSICKE.

This sonnet (which is ascribed to Richard Edwards,[809] in the Paradise of Daintie Devises, fo. 31, b.) is by Shakespeare made the subject of some pleasant ridicule in his Romeo and Juliet, act iv. sc. 5, where he introduces Peter putting this question to the musicians.
This sonnet (which is ascribed to Richard Edwards,[809] in the Paradise of Daintie Devises, fo. 31, b.) is by Shakespeare made the subject of some pleasant ridicule in his Romeo and Juliet, act iv. sc. 5, where he introduces Peter putting this question to the musicians.
"Peter ... why 'Silver Sound?' why 'Musicke with her silver sound?' what say you, Simon Catling?
"Peter ... why 'Silver Sound?' why 'Music with her silver sound?' what do you think, Simon Catling?"
I. Mus. Marry, sir, because silver hath a sweet sound.
I. Mus. Well, sir, because silver has a nice ring to it.
Pet. Pretty! what say you, Hugh Rebecke?
Pet. Pretty! What do you think, Hugh Rebecke?
2. Mus. I say, silver sound, because musicians sound for silver.
2. Mus. I say, silver sound, because musicians play for money.
Pet. Pretty too! what say you, James Sound-post.
Pet. Looks good too! What do you think, James Sound-post?
3. Mus. Faith, I know not what to say.
3. Mus. Honestly, I don't know what to say.
Pet. ... I will say for you: It is 'Musicke with her silver sound,' because musicians have no gold for sounding."
Pet. ... I'll say this for you: It's 'Music with her silver sound,' because musicians don't have gold for making noise."
This ridicule is not so much levelled at the song itself (which for the time it was written is not inelegant) as at those forced and unnatural explanations often given by us painful editors and expositors of ancient authors.
This mockery isn’t really aimed at the song itself (which, for its time, isn’t bad) but at the awkward and unnatural explanations we often provide as tedious editors and interpreters of ancient writers.
This copy is printed from an old quarto MS. in the Cotton Library (Vesp. A. 25), intitled, "Divers things of Hen. viij's time:" with some corrections from The Paradise of Dainty Devises, 1596.
This copy is printed from an old quarto manuscript in the Cotton Library (Vesp. A. 25), titled "Various Things from Henry VIII's Time," with some corrections from The Paradise of Dainty Devises, 1596.
[Richard Edwards, one of the chief contributors to the Paradise of Dainty Devises, was a facile and elegant poet much appreciated by his contemporaries but unjustly neglected now. Meres in his Wits Treasury, 1598, praises him, as "one of the best for comedy," and Puttenham gives him the same commendation. Thomas Twyne and George Turberville, wrote epitaphs upon him, and the latter says in the terms of unmeasured eulogy then fashionable—
[Richard Edwards, one of the main contributors to the Paradise of Dainty Devises, was a skilled and graceful poet who was well-regarded by his peers but is unjustly overlooked today. In his Wits Treasury, 1598, Meres praises him as "one of the best for comedy," and Puttenham offers him the same praise. Thomas Twyne and George Turberville wrote epitaphs for him, with the latter expressing unrestrained admiration, as was common at the time—
Edwards was born in Somersetshire about 1523, was educated at Oxford, and, in 1561, was constituted by Queen Elizabeth a Gentleman of the Royal Chapel and Master of the Singing Boys there. He attended the Queen on her visit to Oxford in 1566, and was employed to compose a play called Palamon and Arcite, which was acted before her Majesty in Christ Church Hall.]
Edwards was born in Somersetshire around 1523, studied at Oxford, and in 1561, was appointed by Queen Elizabeth as a Gentleman of the Royal Chapel and Master of the Singing Boys there. He accompanied the Queen during her visit to Oxford in 1566 and was tasked with writing a play called Palamon and Arcite, which was performed for her Majesty in Christ Church Hall.

Of troubled minds, in every pain,5
Sweet music has a remedy in store.
[Pg 189]
In sorrow, our spirits are weighed down; Be-straighted__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ heads relief has been found,
By music's pleasant sweet delights:10
What more can I say about our senses? Are subject to music's wisdom.
For, as the Roman poet says,15
In the seas, which pirates would ruin,
A dolphin rescued from death most sharply Arion playing on his harp.
Oh music, to whom the gods have assigned To comfort a person, whom worries would bother!
Since both man and beast move,
What is he best at that __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ will disprove?
FOOTNOTES:
[810] [sorrowful gloom.]
[sad gloom.]
[811] [distracted.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [distracted.]
VI.
KING COPHETUA AND THE BEGGAR-MAID

Is a story often alluded to by our old Dramatic Writers. Shakespeare, in his Romeo and Juliet, act ii. sc. 1, makes Mercutio say,
Is a story often referenced by our classic playwrights. Shakespeare, in his Romeo and Juliet, act ii. sc. 1, has Mercutio say,
As the 13th line of the following ballad seems here particularly alluded to, it is not improbable but Shakespeare wrote it shot so trim, which the players or printers, not perceiving the allusion, might alter to true. The former, as being the more humorous expression, seems most likely to have come from the mouth of Mercutio.[814]
As the 13th line of the following ballad seems here particularly alluded to, it is not improbable but Shakespeare wrote it shot so trim, which the players or printers, not perceiving the allusion, might alter to true. The former, as being the more humorous expression, seems most likely to have come from the mouth of Mercutio.[814]
In the 2d Part of Hen. IV. A. 5, Sc. 3, Falstaff is introduced affectedly saying to Pistoll,
In the 2nd Part of Hen. IV. A. 5, Sc. 3, Falstaff is introduced saying to Pistoll in a pretentious manner,
These lines, Dr. Warburton thinks, were taken from an old bombast play of King Cophetua. No such play is, I believe, now to be found; but it does not therefore follow that it never existed. Many dramatic pieces are referred to by old writers,[815] which are not now extant, or even mentioned in any list. In the infancy of the stage, plays were often exhibited that were never printed.
These lines, Dr. Warburton thinks, were taken from an old bombast play of King Cophetua. No such play is, I believe, now to be found; but it does not therefore follow that it never existed. Many dramatic pieces are referred to by old writers,[815] which are not now extant, or even mentioned in any list. In the infancy of the stage, plays were often exhibited that were never printed.
It is probably in allusion to the same play that Ben Jonson says, in his Comedy of Every Man in his Humour, A. 3, Sc. 4:
It’s likely a reference to the same play that Ben Jonson mentions in his Comedy of Every Man in his Humour, A. 3, Sc. 4:
"I have not the heart to devour thee, an' I might be made as rich as King Cophetua."
"I can't bring myself to consume you, even if it might make me as rich as King Cophetua."
At least there is no mention of King Cophetua's riches in the present ballad, which is the oldest I have met with on the subject.
At least there’s no mention of King Cophetua's riches in this ballad, which is the oldest one I’ve come across on the topic.
It is printed from Rich. Johnson's Crown Garland of Goulden Roses, 1612,[816] 12mo. (where it is intitled simply A Song of a Beggar and a King:) corrected by another copy.
It is printed from Rich. Johnson's Crown Garland of Goulden Roses, 1612,[816] 12mo. (where it is intitled simply A Song of a Beggar and a King:) corrected by another copy.
[In the Collection of Old Ballads, 1723 (vol. i. p. 138) there is a ballad on the same subject as the following popular one. It is entitled "Cupid's Revenge, or an account of a king who slighted all women, and at length was constrained to marry a beggar, who proved a fair and virtuous queen."]
[In the Collection of Old Ballads, 1723 (vol. i. p. 138) there is a ballad on the same subject as the following popular one. It is titled "Cupid's Revenge, or a story about a king who ignored all women, and in the end had to marry a beggar, who turned out to be a beautiful and virtuous queen."]

A noble figure __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ruled, Who had to name Cophetua, As poets they did gladly: He strayed from the laws of nature.5
He definitely didn't think like me,
He didn't care for women, But they all looked down on them. But, note what happened one day,
As he lay out of his window, 10
He saw a beggar dressed in gray,
The reason for his pain.
Came down from heaven; He pulled out a dart and threw it at him,15
In the place where he lay:
Which soon did pierce him deeply,
And when he felt the arrow prick, Which stuck in his tender heart, He looks like he would die.20
"What unexpected turn of events is this, he said," That I must be subject to love,
Which would never agree to that,
But still did it defy?
And placed him on his bed,
A thousand heaps of worry did rush In his troubled mind:
Right now, he intends to ask for her love,
And now he looks for a way to prove How he might change his mind,
And not this homeless person wed.[Pg 192] But Cupid had him so trapped,
That this poor beggar must get ready
A remedy to heal him of his troubles,35
Or else he would be dead.
That really confused him.40
In you, he said, lies my life; For sure you will be my wife,
Or else this hand with a bloody knife
The gods will surely suffice.
Then he quickly got up from his bed, 45
He goes to the gate of his palace; Little does this beggar know When she sees the king.
This ridiculous woman was the last55
They hurried after them. The king called her back again,
And to her, he gave his chain;
And said, You will stay with us.
Until we die:60
And honored for my queen;
I intend to share my life with you,
As you will soon see:
Our wedding will be set,65
And everything in its place:
Come on, he said, and follow me,
[Pg 193] You should go change and get clean.
What is your name, fair maiden? he asked. Penelophon,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ O king, she said: With that, she made a low curtsey;
A neat one, as I believe.
The king spoke politely and charmingly. This beggar embraces:
The beggar blushes bright red,
And right away, as pale as lead,
But she didn't say a word at all,
She was so amazed. Finally, she spoke with a trembling voice, And said, Oh king, I do rejoice
That you will choose me for your selection,
And my degree is so basic.
The king ordered strict rules The noblemen, both all and some Waiting for the queen. And she acted properly that day,
As if she had never walked that path;[820]90
She had forgotten her gray gown,
Which she recently wore.
The old proverb has come true,
The priest, when he starts his mass, Forgets that he was ever a clerk; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ He does not know his estate. [Pg 194]
Though long time fancied, Driven by the blind boy The beggar wanting to marry:100
The one who scorns the looks of lovers, To do the same was happy and eager,
Otherwise, he would have killed himself,
In stories, as we read. Do not disdain at all, dear lady, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ But have pity on your servant here,
At least that it happens to you this year,
As for that king, it did.
During their royal reign; And in a tomb, both were buried,
As writers demonstrate clearly.[822]
The lords took it hard,
The women took it hard,
The common people cried pitifully, To them, their death was pain,
Their fame did sound so briefly,
That it broke through the starry sky,
And all around the world did fly To every prince's realm.[823]120
FOOTNOTES:
[817] [man.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [man.]
[818] [exact.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [exact.]
[819] Shakespeare (who alludes to this ballad in his Love's Labour's Lost, act iv. sc. 1.) gives the beggar's name Zenelophon, according to all the old editions: but this seems to be a corruption; for Penelophon, in the text, sounds more like the name of a woman.—The story of the King and the Beggar is also alluded to in K. Rich. II act v, sc. 3.
[819] Shakespeare (who alludes to this ballad in his Love's Labour's Lost, act iv. sc. 1.) gives the beggar's name Zenelophon, according to all the old editions: but this seems to be a corruption; for Penelophon, in the text, sounds more like the name of a woman.—The story of the King and the Beggar is also alluded to in K. Rich. II act v, sc. 3.
[820] Ver. 90. i.e. tramped the streets.

VII.
TAKE THY OLD CLOAK ABOUT THEE,

Is supposed to have been originally a Scotch ballad. The reader here has an ancient copy in the English idiom, with an additional stanza (the 2d.) never before printed. This curiosity is preserved in the Editor's folio MS. but not without corruptions, which are here removed by the assistance of the Scottish Edit. Shakespeare, in his Othello, act ii. has quoted one stanza, with some variations, which are here adopted: the old MS. readings of that stanza are however given in the margin.
Is originally thought to be a Scottish ballad. The reader here has an old version in English, with an extra stanza (the 2nd) that has never been printed before. This interesting find is kept in the Editor's folio manuscript, but not without errors, which have been corrected with help from the Scottish edition. Shakespeare quoted one stanza in his Othello, act ii, with some variations that are included here: however, the original readings of that stanza are provided in the margin.
[The Scottish version referred to above was printed in Ramsay's Tea Table Miscellany, and the king mentioned on line 49 is there named Robert instead of Stephen. He is King Harry in the folio MS.
[The Scottish version mentioned earlier was published in Ramsay's Tea Table Miscellany, and the king referred to in line 49 is named Robert instead of Stephen. He is King Harry in the folio MS.]
The "corruptions" to which Percy alludes are all noted at the foot of the page, and in one instance at least (line 15) the MS. gives an important new reading. Mr. Hales thinks that the MS. version is the oldest form of the ballad, because the definite mention of the court looks more original than the use of the general term of town, and he says, "the poem naturally grew vaguer as it grew generally popular."[824]
The "corruptions" to which Percy alludes are all noted at the foot of the page, and in one instance at least (line 15) the MS. gives an important new reading. Mr. Hales thinks that the MS. version is the oldest form of the ballad, because the definite mention of the court looks more original than the use of the general term of town, and he says, "the poem naturally grew vaguer as it grew generally popular."[824]
Besides the reference to this ballad in Othello mentioned by Percy above, Mr. Hales has pointed out to me another evident allusion in the Tempest, act iv. sc. 1, where Trinculo says,
Besides the reference to this ballad in Othello mentioned by Percy above, Mr. Hales has pointed out to me another clear allusion in Tempest, act iv. sc. 1, where Trinculo says,
"Check out this wardrobe I have for you."
(Folio 1623, Booth's ed. p. 15, col. 2.)
(Folio 1623, Booth's ed. p. 15, col. 2.)
The cloak that had been in wear for forty-four years was likely to be a sorry clout at the end of that time, but the clothes of all classes were then expected to last from year to year without renewal. Woollen cloths were of old the chief material of male and female attire. When new the nap was very long, and after being worn for some time, it was customary to have it shorn, a process which was repeated as often as the stuff would bear it. Thus we find the Countess of Leicester (Eleanor third daughter of King John, and wife of Simon de Montfort) in 1265, sending Hicque the tailor to London to get her robes re-shorn.[825]]
The cloak that had been in wear for forty-four years was likely to be a sorry clout at the end of that time, but the clothes of all classes were then expected to last from year to year without renewal. Woollen cloths were of old the chief material of male and female attire. When new the nap was very long, and after being worn for some time, it was customary to have it shorn, a process which was repeated as often as the stuff would bear it. Thus we find the Countess of Leicester (Eleanor third daughter of King John, and wife of Simon de Montfort) in 1265, sending Hicque the tailor to London to get her robes re-shorn.[825]]

And frost freezes on every hill,
And Boreas blows his strong winds so boldly,
All our cattle are likely to spill; [826]
Bell, my wife, who loves no conflict, 5
She said to me quietly, Rise up and save cow Crumbockes' life,
Man, wrap your old cloak around you.
He.
He.
It is so bare and worn out. A cricketer he cannot run: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Then I will no longer borrow or lend,
For once I’ll be in new clothes,[832]
Tomorrow I'll go to town and spend, 15
For I have a new cloak on me.
She.
She.
She has always been true to the pale,
She has helped us with butter and cheese, I think,
And other things she will not fail;20
I would hate to see her suffer, [833]
Good husband, please take care of me,[834]
It's not for us to get so fancy,[835]
Dude, put on your old cloak.
He.
He.
It has always been true to the wear,
But now it's not worth a cent;[836]
I have had it for forty-four years: Sometimes it was made of cloth in grain,[837]
It's now just a sigh clout__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ as you can see,30
It will neither withstand wind nor rain;
And I’ll have a new cloak with me.
She.
She.
And we have had between us two __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Of children who are nine or ten; We have raised them to be women and men;
I believe they are in the fear of God; And why would you misunderstand yourself?[839]
Dude, put your old cloak on. 40
He.
He.
Now is now, and then was then:
Search now across the entire world,
You don't know clowns from gentlemen.
They are dressed in black, green, yellow, or gray, [841]45
So far above their own level:
Once in my life, I'll do as they do,[842]
For I have a new cloak with me.
She.
She.
His pants only cost him a crown,[844]50
He charged them sixpence, which was way too much;[845]
So he called the tailor Lowne.[846][847]
He was a person of great fame,[848]
And those__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ but of a low degree:
It's pride that brings this country down,55
Man, put your old cloak around you.
He.
He.
Yet she'll guide me if she can;
And often, to live a peaceful life,
I have to give in, even though I'm a good person. It's not for a man to argue with a woman,[851]
Unless he first gives up the plea:
As we started, so shall we depart,[852]
And I'll take my old cloak with me.[853]
FOOTNOTES:
[826] [spoil or come to harm.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [get hurt or suffer.]
[827] [scold.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [yell.]
[830] [insect.]
[831] [run.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [run.]
[833] [starve.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [starve.]
[837] [scarlet.]
[839] [mistake.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [error.]
[840] V. 41. flyte, MS.
[841] [V. 45. yellow and blew.]
[846] [rascal.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [troublemaker.]
[847] V. 52. clowne, MS.
[849] [thou art.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [you are.]
[850] [V. 57-60:—
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [V. 57-60:]
[851] [argue.]
[853] [V. 64. Ile have.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [V. 64. I'll have.]
VIII.
WILLOW, WILLOW, WILLOW.

It is from the following stanzas that Shakespeare has taken his song of the Willow, in his Othello, act iv. sc. 3, though somewhat varied and applied by him to a female character. He makes Desdemona introduce it in this pathetic and affecting manner:
It is from the following stanzas that Shakespeare has taken his song of the Willow, in his Othello, act iv. sc. 3, though somewhat varied and applied by him to a female character. He makes Desdemona introduce it in this heartfelt and touching way:
She was in love; and the one she loved turned out to be crazy,
Sing, oh the green willow will be my garland! And she was abandoned. She had a song of—Willow.
It was an old thing, but it revealed her fortune,
And she died singing it.
This is given from a black-letter copy in the Pepys collection, thus intitled, A Lover's Complaint, being forsaken of his Love. To a pleasant tune.
This is taken from a black-letter copy in the Pepys collection, titled, A Lover's Complaint, being forsaken of his Love. To a pleasant tune.
["Willow, willow" was a favourite burden for songs in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and one of John Heywood's songs has the following—
["Willow, willow" was a popular theme for songs in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and one of John Heywood's songs includes the following—
"All a green willow is my garland."
In the Gorgeous Gallery of Gallant Inventions (1578) there is a slightly different burden—
In the Gorgeous Gallery of Gallant Inventions (1578), there is a slightly different focus—
"Sing all of green willow, that will be my garland."
There is another copy of the following song in the Roxburghe Collection (i. 54, 55) printed in Roxburghe Ballads (ed. W. Chappell, 1869, Part I. p. 171). Both these are of the first half of the seventeenth century, and an earlier copy than either is printed by Mr. Chappell in his Popular Music of the Olden Time, i. 206.
There’s another version of the following song in the Roxburghe Collection (i. 54, 55) printed in Roxburghe Ballads (ed. W. Chappell, 1869, Part I. p. 171). Both of these are from the first half of the seventeenth century, and an even earlier copy than either is printed by Mr. Chappell in his Popular Music of the Olden Time, i. 206.
O gingerbread O, gingerbread O!
With his hands in his pockets and his head against the wall,
O gingerbread O, gingerbread O!
You pye-wives of Smithfield, what are you doing!
Who talks about plum pudding? This is way better than that,
For here’s gingerbread O, gingerbread O!

O willow, willow, willow! O willow, willow, willow! Sing, oh the green willow will be my garland.
Sing, oh the green willow will be my garland.
O willow, etc. Sing, O the green willow, etc.
O willow, etc. Sing, oh, the green willow will be my garland.
O willow, etc. Sing, O the green willow, etc.
O willow, etc. I have to patiently endure her scorn and disdain.
O willow, etc. Sing, O the green willow, etc.
O willow, etc. He who complains about his untrue love is more untrue than she. O willow, etc. Sing, O the green willow, etc.
[Pg 202]
Part Two.

O willow, willow, willow!
I still complain about her being too cruel. O willow, willow, willow! O willow, willow, willow! Sing, oh, the green willow will be my garland!
O willow, etc. To endure the victory, and find happiness in my pain:
O willow, etc. Sing, O green willow, etc.
O willow, etc.
A sign of her dishonesty stands before me:
O willow, etc. Sing, O green willow, etc.
O willow, etc. Sing, oh, the green willow shall be my garland.
O willow, etc. Of all who know her, to expose her falsehoods. O willow, etc. Sing, O green willow, etc. [Pg 203]
O willow, etc. Sing, O the green willow, etc.
O willow, etc.45
Sing, oh the green willow will be my garland.
O willow, etc. Sing, O green willow, etc.
O willow, willow, willow!
You hate me, but I love you, even if it leads to my death.
O willow, willow, willow! O willow, willow, willow!
Sing, oh the green willow will be my garland.
IX.
SIR LANCELOT DU LAKE.

This ballad is quoted in Shakespeare's second Part of Henry IV. act ii. The subject of it is taken from the ancient romance of K. Arthur (commonly called Morte Arthur) being a poetical translation of chap. cviii. cix. cx. in Pt. 1st, as they stand in ed. 1634, 4to. In the older editions the chapters are differently numbered.—This song is given from a printed copy, corrected in part by a fragment in the Editor's folio MS.
This ballad is quoted in Shakespeare's second Part of Henry IV. act ii. The subject comes from the ancient tale of King Arthur (often referred to as Morte Arthur), specifically a poetic translation of chapters 108, 109, and 110 in Part 1, according to the 1634 edition, 4to. In earlier editions, the chapters are numbered differently. —This song is taken from a printed copy, with some corrections made based on a fragment from the Editor's folio manuscript.
In the same play of 2 Hen. IV. Silence hums a scrap of one of the old ballads of Robin Hood. It is taken from the following stanza of Robin Hood and the Pindar of Wakefield.
In the same play of 2 Hen. IV. Silence hums a piece of one of the old ballads about Robin Hood. It's taken from the following stanza of Robin Hood and the Pindar of Wakefield.
It was Robin Hood, Scarlet, and John:
With that, they spotted the cheerful Pindàr. As he sat under a thorn tree.
That ballad may be found on every stall, and therefore is not here reprinted.
That song can be found at every shop, so it’s not being printed here.
[This is a rhymed version of some chapters in Malory's Mort d'Arthur (Book vi. of Caxton's edition), said to have been written by Thomas Deloney towards the end of Elizabeth's reign. It first occurs in the Garland of Good Will, reprinted by the Percy Society (vol. xxx.)
[This is a rhymed version of some chapters in Malory's Mort d'Arthur (Book vi. of Caxton's edition), reportedly written by Thomas Deloney towards the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign. It first appears in the Garland of Good Will, reprinted by the Percy Society (vol. xxx.)]
The ballad appears to have been highly popular, and it is quoted by Marston in the Malcontent and by Beaumont and Fletcher in the Little French Lawyer, as well as by Shakspere.
The ballad seems to have been very popular, and it's referenced by Marston in the Malcontent and by Beaumont and Fletcher in the Little French Lawyer, as well as by Shakespeare.
The copy in the Percy MS. (ed. Hales and Furnivall, 1867, vol. i. p. 84) is imperfect in two places, and lines 30 to 60, 73 to 76, and 95 to 124 are not to be found there, but with these exceptions it is much the same as the ballad printed here.]
The version in the Percy MS. (edited by Hales and Furnivall, 1867, vol. i. p. 84) is incomplete in two spots, and lines 30 to 60, 73 to 76, and 95 to 124 are missing, but aside from those omissions, it’s very similar to the ballad printed here.

And was approved as king,
Through the power of arms, great victories were won,
And conquest brought home.
And were of his round table:
Where many were present,[857]10
Where some knights did far excel And also overcome the rest.
He for his actions and acts of bravery, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ All others did well.
In play, games, and sports,[858]
He said he would go prove himself. In a somewhat adventurous way.
And met a beautiful girl,
Who told him about grand adventures,
Where he paid great attention.
That's why I came here. "You seem like a truly good knight," she said. And I will take you there.
[Pg 206]
That is now well-known:30
So please tell me what weight you are,
And what is your name?
Here lives a knight who never was __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Yet matched with any man:
And of his round table.40
And also to a tree, Where a copper basin hung,
And many shields to view.
And soon he spotted Tarquin: Who rode a horse quickly in front of him, Where a knight was tied.
And lay him down, and let him rest:
We'll try our strength together:
Done well despite the shame unto __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Knights of the Round Table.
Said Tarquin quickly, Both you and all your friends
[Pg 207] I totally defy.
Defend you shortly. They set their spears__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ against their horses,
And each other fly.
As if there had been thunder
And struck each of them in the middle of their shields,
Wherewith they broke apart.
The knights were both amazed:[863]70
To avoid their horses, they hurried. And light on the ground.
They drew their swords then, With powerful strokes most eagerly Each ran at the other.
And resting on their swords for a bit, Quoth Tarquine, Hold your hand,80
So you are not he,
I'll take care of everything else,
And also agree with you.
[Pg 208]
Which knight do you hate like that? Please show me.
He killed my dear brother; I suspect him more than anyone else: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I wish I had him here.
Now a knight of King Arthur's Round Table; King Haud, son of Schuwake;[864]100
Ho, ho, said Tarquin though,
One of us will end our lives
Before we go.
Then you shall be welcome:
Therefore see you defend yourself,
For now, I defy you.
Like wild boars charging;[865]110
They charged with their swords and shields.[Pg 209] At each other slashing:
Tarquin started to give in;
For he returned due to exhaustion,115
And he did carry his shield.
And racing off his helmet,
And when he had done so,
From prison, sixty-four knights Delivered to everyone.
FOOTNOTES:
[857] [ready.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [ready.]
[858] Ver. 18. to sportt, MS.
[860] [then.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [then.]
[861] [then.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [then.]
[862] [spurs?]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [spurs?]
[863] [stunned.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [shocked.]
[865] Rashing seems to be the old hunting term to express the stroke made by the wild boar with his fangs. To rase has apparently a meaning something similar. See Mr. Steevens's Note on K. Lear, act iii. sc. 7, (ed. 1793, vol. xiv. p. 193) where the quartos read,
[865] Rashing seems to be the old hunting term to express the stroke made by the wild boar with his fangs. To rase has apparently a meaning something similar. See Mr. Steevens's Note on K. Lear, act iii. sc. 7, (ed. 1793, vol. xiv. p. 193) where the quartos read,
In his holy flesh rash boar fangs."
So in K. Richard III. act iii. sc. 2, (vol. x. p. 567, 583.)
So in K. Richard III. act iii. sc. 2, (vol. x. p. 567, 583.)
X.
CORYDON'S FAREWELL TO PHILLIS,

Is an attempt to paint a lover's irresolution, but so poorly executed, that it would not have been admitted into this collection, if it had not been quoted in Shakespeare's Twelfth-Night, act ii. sc. 3.—It is found in a little ancient miscellany, intituled, The Golden Garland of Princely Delights, 12mo. bl. let.
Is an attempt to capture a lover's uncertainty, but it's done so poorly that it wouldn't have been included in this collection if it hadn't been quoted in Shakespeare's Twelfth Night, act ii. sc. 3.—It can be found in a small old collection called The Golden Garland of Princely Delights, 12mo. bl. let.
In the same scene of the Twelfth-Night, Sir Toby sings a scrap of an old ballad, which is preserved in the Pepys Collection (vol. i. pp. 33, 496), but as it is not only a poor dull performance, but also very long, it will be sufficient here to give the first stanza:
In the same scene of the Twelfth Night, Sir Toby sings a bit of an old ballad, which is kept in the Pepys Collection (vol. i. pp. 33, 496), but since it's not only a boring performance but also quite lengthy, it’s enough to share just the first stanza:
The Ballad of Constant Susanna.
The Ballad of Constant Susanna.
Susanna was her name:
[Pg 210] A woman who is fair and virtuous; Lady, lady: Why shouldn't we learn from her this way? To live righteously?
If this song of Corydon, &c. has not more merit, it is at least an evil of less magnitude.
If this song of Corydon, etc. has no greater value, at least it's a lesser evil.
[Dr. Rimbault refers to an earlier copy of this song in a rare musical volume entitled The First Booke of Ayres, composed by Robert Jones, 1601, where it is accompanied by the original music for four voices. This tune appears to have been a very popular one, and several Scottish songs are to be sung to the "toon of sal I let her go." The air is also to be found in a Dutch collection of Songs published at Haarlem in 1626.
[Dr. Rimbault refers to an earlier version of this song in a rare musical volume called The First Booke of Ayres, composed by Robert Jones, 1601, where it's accompanied by the original music for four voices. This tune seems to have been quite popular, and several Scottish songs are meant to be sung to the "toon of sal I let her go." The melody is also found in a Dutch collection of Songs published in Haarlem in 1626.]
In Brome's comedy of The Jovial Crew, acted in 1641 at the Cockpit in Drury Lane, there is an allusion perhaps to this song:
In Brome's comedy of The Jovial Crew, performed in 1641 at the Cockpit in Drury Lane, there is a reference that might relate to this song:
I don't care whether I have her or not.

No, I will never die as long as I can see. There are many more, though she does go,
There are many more, I’m not afraid: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__5
Why should I let her go? I don't care.
I won't spend any more time trying to win you over:
But I will look elsewhere if I can find love there:
Should I ask her to go? What if I do? Should I tell her to go and not hold back? Oh no, no, no, I can't.
Sweet, kiss me once; sweet kisses enchant time. 14
[Pg 211] I can't seem to move. How is it that I'm in love? Do you really have to leave? If so, go ahead; it doesn’t matter. Do you really have to leave? Oh, hurry up!
Please stay and don't deny me any longer.
But since I have to lose your love, which I chose,
Go your way for me, since that can't be. Go your way for me. But where to? Go, oh, but where can I go there?
She is as beautiful as she is cold-hearted.
She couldn't be persuaded, even with repeated pleas,
If she doesn't come back, will I die because of it? If she doesn't come back, what do I care? Faith, let her go, come, or stay. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
XI.
GERNUTUS THE JEW OF VENICE.

In the "Life of Pope Sixtus V. translated from the Italian of Greg. Leti, by the Rev. Mr. Farneworth, folio," is a remarkable passage to the following effect:
In the "Life of Pope Sixtus V. translated from the Italian of Greg. Leti, by the Rev. Mr. Farneworth, folio," is a remarkable passage to the following effect:
"It was reported in Rome, that Drake had taken and plundered St. Domingo in Hispaniola, and carried off an immense booty. This account came in a private letter to Paul Secchi, a very considerable merchant in the city, who had large concerns in those parts, which he had insured. Upon receiving this news, he sent for the insurer Sampson Ceneda, a Jew, and acquainted him with it. The Jew, whose interest it was to have such a report thought false, gave many reasons why it could not possibly be true, and at last worked himself into such a passion, that he said, I'll lay you a pound of flesh it is a lye. Secchi, who was of a fiery hot temper,[Pg 212] replied, I'll lay you a thousand crowns against a pound of your flesh that it is true. The Jew accepted the wager, and articles were immediately executed betwixt them, That, if Secchi won, he should himself cut the flesh with a sharp knife from whatever part of the Jew's body he pleased. The truth of the account was soon confirmed; and the Jew was almost distracted, when he was informed, that Secchi had solemnly swore he would compel him to an exact performance of his contract. A report of this transaction was brought to the Pope, who sent for the parties, and, being informed of the whole affair, said, When contracts are made, it is but just they should be fulfilled, as this shall: Take a knife, therefore, Secchi, and cut a pound of flesh from any part you please of the Jew's body. We advise you, however, to be very careful; for, if you cut but a scruple more or less than your due, you shall certainly be hanged."
"It was reported in Rome that Drake had attacked and looted St. Domingo in Hispaniola, making off with a huge amount of treasure. This information came in a private letter to Paul Secchi, a prominent merchant in the city who had significant investments in that region, which he had insured. Upon receiving this news, he called for the insurer Sampson Ceneda, a Jew, and informed him about it. The Jew, who had a vested interest in proving the report false, gave many reasons why it couldn't possibly be true and eventually got so worked up that he said, 'I'll bet you a pound of flesh that it’s a lie.' Secchi, who had a very fiery temper, replied, 'I'll bet you a thousand crowns against a pound of your flesh that it’s true.' The Jew accepted the wager, and they quickly drafted a contract stating that if Secchi won, he would get to cut the flesh with a sharp knife from any part of the Jew's body he chose. The truth of the report was soon confirmed, and the Jew was nearly beside himself when he learned that Secchi had sworn he would make him fulfill the terms of their agreement. News of this incident reached the Pope, who summoned both parties and, upon learning the whole story, said, 'When contracts are made, it's only fair that they should be fulfilled, as this one shall: Take a knife, Secchi, and cut a pound of flesh from any part of the Jew's body you like. Just be careful, though; if you cut even a bit more or less than your due, you will certainly be hanged.'"
The editor of that book is of opinion that the scene between Shylock and Antonio in the Merchant of Venice is taken from this incident. But Mr. Warton, in his ingenious Observations on the Faerie Queen, vol. i. p. 128, has referred it to the following ballad. Mr. Warton thinks this ballad was written before Shakespeare's play, as being not so circumstantial, and having more of the nakedness of an original. Besides, it differs from the play in many circumstances, which a meer copyist, such as we may suppose the ballad-maker to be, would hardly have given himself the trouble to alter. Indeed he expressly informs us that he had his story from the Italian writers. See the Connoisseur, vol. i. No. 16.
The editor of that book believes that the scene between Shylock and Antonio in the Merchant of Venice is based on this incident. However, Mr. Warton, in his insightful Observations on the Faerie Queen, vol. i. p. 128, attributes it to the following ballad. Mr. Warton argues that this ballad was written before Shakespeare's play, as it is less detailed and has more of the simplicity of an original. Additionally, it differs from the play in many ways, which a mere copyist, like we might assume the ballad-maker to be, would probably not have bothered to change. In fact, he specifically tells us that he got his story from Italian writers. See the Connoisseur, vol. i. No. 16.
After all, one would be glad to know what authority Leti had for the foregoing fact, or at least for connecting it with the taking of St. Domingo by Drake; for this expedition did not happen till 1585, and it is very certain that a play of the Jewe, "representing the greedinesse of worldly chusers, and bloody minds of usurers," had been exhibited at the playhouse called the Bull before the year 1579, being mentioned in Steph. Gosson's Schoole of Abuse,[866] which was printed in that year.
After all, one would be glad to know what authority Leti had for the foregoing fact, or at least for connecting it with the taking of St. Domingo by Drake; for this expedition did not happen till 1585, and it is very certain that a play of the Jewe, "representing the greedinesse of worldly chusers, and bloody minds of usurers," had been exhibited at the playhouse called the Bull before the year 1579, being mentioned in Steph. Gosson's Schoole of Abuse,[866] which was printed in that year.
As for Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice, the earliest edition known of it is in quarto 1600; though it had been exhibited in the year 1598, being mentioned, together with eleven others of his plays, in Meres's Wits Treasury, &c. 1598, 12mo. fol. 282.
As for Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice, the earliest known edition is from quarto 1600; however, it was performed in 1598, as it was mentioned along with eleven other plays in Meres's Wits Treasury, &c. 1598, 12mo. fol. 282.
Since the first edition of this book was printed, the editor hath had reason to believe that both Shakespeare and the author of this ballad are indebted for their story of the Jew (however they came by it) to an Italian novel, which was first printed at Milan in the year 1558, in a book intitled, Il Pecorone, nel quale si contengono Cinquanta Novelle antiche, &c. republished at Florence about [Pg 213]the year 1748, or 9.[867] The author was Ser. Giovanni Fiorentino, who wrote in 1378; thirty years after the time in which the scene of Boccace's Decameron is laid. (Vid. Manni, Istoria del Decamerone di Giov. Boccac. 4to. Fior. 1744.)
Since the first edition of this book was printed, the editor hath had reason to believe that both Shakespeare and the author of this ballad are indebted for their story of the Jew (however they came by it) to an Italian novel, which was first printed at Milan in the year 1558, in a book intitled, Il Pecorone, nel quale si contengono Cinquanta Novelle antiche, &c. republished at Florence about [Pg 213]the year 1748, or 9.[867] The author was Ser. Giovanni Fiorentino, who wrote in 1378; thirty years after the time in which the scene of Boccace's Decameron is laid. (Vid. Manni, Istoria del Decamerone di Giov. Boccac. 4to. Fior. 1744.)
That Shakespeare had his plot from the novel itself, is evident from his having some incidents from it, which are not found in the ballad: and I think it will also be found that he borrowed from the ballad some hints that were not suggested by the novel. (See pt. ii. ver. 25, &c. where, instead of that spirited description of the whetted blade, &c. the prose narrative coldly says, "The Jew had prepared a razor, &c." See also some other passages in the same piece.) This however is spoken with diffidence, as I have at present before me only the abridgement of the novel which Mr. Johnson has given us at the end of his Commentary on Shakespeare's Play. The translation of the Italian story at large is not easy to be met with, having I believe never been published, though it was printed some years ago with this title,—"The Novel, from which the Merchant of Venice written by Shakespeare is taken, translated from the Italian. To which is added a translation of a novel from the Decamerone of Boccaccio. London, Printed for M. Cooper, 1755, 8vo."
It's clear that Shakespeare took his plot from the novel itself, as he included some events from it that aren't found in the ballad. I also think he borrowed some ideas from the ballad that the novel didn’t suggest. (See pt. ii. ver. 25, &c. where, instead of the vivid description of the whetted blade, the prose narrative blandly states, "The Jew had prepared a razor, &c." Also, check out some other parts in the same piece.) However, I'm saying this with some hesitation, as I currently only have the abridged version of the novel that Mr. Johnson provided at the end of his commentary on Shakespeare's play. It’s not easy to find a full translation of the Italian story, as I believe it has never been published, although it was printed a few years ago with the title—"The Novel, from which the Merchant of Venice written by Shakespeare is taken, translated from the Italian. To which is added a translation of a novel from the Decamerone of Boccaccio. London, Printed for M. Cooper, 1755, 8vo."
The following is printed from an ancient black-letter copy in the Pepys collection,[868] intitled, "A New Song, shewing the crueltie of Gernutus, a Jewe, who, lending to a merchant an hundred crowns, would have a pound of his fleshe, because he could not pay him at the time appointed. To the tune of Black and Yellow."
The following is printed from an ancient black-letter copy in the Pepys collection,[868] intitled, "A New Song, shewing the crueltie of Gernutus, a Jewe, who, lending to a merchant an hundred crowns, would have a pound of his fleshe, because he could not pay him at the time appointed. To the tune of Black and Yellow."
[This is the first of four ballads printed by Percy as probable sources for the plots of four of Shakspere's plays, but as we are unable to fix any satisfactory date for the first appearance of the ballads, it is well-nigh impossible to settle their claim to such distinction.
[This is the first of four ballads printed by Percy as likely sources for the plots of four of Shakespeare's plays, but since we can't determine a clear date for the first appearance of the ballads, it's nearly impossible to establish their claim to such distinction.]
The story of the Jew who bargained for a pound of a Christian's flesh in payment of his debt is so widely spread, that there is no necessity for us to believe that Shakspere used this rather poor ballad, more especially as it is probable from the extract from Gosson mentioned above that Shakspere found the two plots of the bond and the caskets already joined together. There is, however, something in Percy's note about the whetting of the knife in verses 25-26, and it would be quite in accordance with the poet's constant practice for him to take this one point from the ballad of Gernutus. The ballad was probably versified from one of the many stories extant, because, even if it be later than Shakspere's [Pg 214]play, it is impossible to believe that the ballad-writer could have written so bald a narration had he had the Merchant of Venice before him.
The tale of the Jew who negotiated for a pound of a Christian's flesh to settle his debt is so well-known that we don't need to assume that Shakespeare used this rather simplistic ballad, especially since it's likely, based on the earlier mention from Gosson, that Shakespeare found the plots of the bond and the caskets already combined. However, there’s something in Percy’s note about sharpening the knife in verses 25-26, and it would fit with the poet’s usual approach for him to take this single detail from the ballad of Gernutus. The ballad was probably adapted from one of the many existing stories, because, even if it was written after Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice play, it’s hard to believe that the ballad-writer could have produced such a plain retelling if he had the play in front of him.
Some forms of the story are to be found in Persian, and there is no doubt that the original tale is of Eastern origin. The oldest European forms are in the English Cursor Mundi and Gesta Romanorum, and the French romance of Dolopathos. See Miss Toulmin Smith's paper "On the Bond-story in the Merchant of Venice," "Transactions of the New Shakspere Society," 1875-6 p. 181. Professor Child prints a ballad entitled The Northern Lord and Cruel Jew (English and Scottish Ballads, vol. viii. p. 270), which contains the same incident of the "bloody minded Jew."
Some versions of the story can be found in Persian, and it's clear that the original tale comes from the East. The earliest European versions are in the English Cursor Mundi and Gesta Romanorum, as well as the French romance Dolopathos. Check out Miss Toulmin Smith's paper "On the Bond-story in the Merchant of Venice," "Transactions of the New Shakspere Society," 1875-6 p. 181. Professor Child includes a ballad called The Northern Lord and Cruel Jew (English and Scottish Ballads, vol. viii. p. 270), which features the same incident involving the "bloody-minded Jew."
Leti's character as an historian stands so low that his story may safely be dismissed as a fabrication.]
Leti's credibility as a historian is so lacking that his account can easily be dismissed as a fabrication.
Part One.

Which lived all on usury,
As Italian authors say.
Which never thought to color,
Nor has anyone done any good yet. To those in the streets that exist.
That lives many days, But never once does any good,
Until men kill him.
That lies in a hoard;[870]
Which can never do any good,15
Until it is spread widely.
He can't sleep peacefully,
Because he's afraid the thief will pursue him.[Pg 215] To take him out of his nest.20
His mouth is almost full of muck,
Yet he still craves more.
For every week a penny, Yet provide a promise that is worth twice as much,
If you have any.
Otherwise, you lose everything:30
This was the life of the wife,
She called her cow.[871]
To lend him a hundred crowns:
And he would pay for it40
And promises he should have.
No, (said the Jew with glaring__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ looks)
Sir, ask anything you want. [Pg 216]
For long discussions: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "Make me a bond," he said, That will be big and sturdy:
A pound of your own flesh.
If you agree, make the bond,55
And here are a hundred crowns.
And so the connection was established.
When twelve months and a day came around
That it should be paid, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
And money didn't come in; Which direction to go, or what to do
To think he starts:
Command it to your mind: In matters of greater importance than this75
You shall be ready to find. [Pg 217]
And sued his bond as well; And when the day of judgment arrived,
He called for judgment.
With many tearful eyes,
They couldn't find other ways,
But he must die that day.
Part Two.
"Of the Jews crueltie; setting foorth the mercifulnesse of the Judge towards the Marchant. To the tune of Blacke and Yellow."
"About the cruelty of the Jews; highlighting the mercy of the Judge towards the Merchant. To the tune of Black and Yellow."

Yet still he did deny.[873]
Gernutus said, I won't take any gold:
My forfeiture I will have.
And that will be my payment.10
Then the judge said, "Still, my good friend," Let me know if you want [Pg 218]
You still let him live:
Do this, and look! a hundred crowns.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I will give to you here.
For this, it shall be tried,
For I will take my pound of flesh From his right side.20
To spoil the blood of the innocent,
By forfeiting his bond.
"Stop your cruelty," the judge said; I urge you to do this.
Make sure you don't spill a drop of blood,35
Nor yet the man confound.[875]
You will be hanged here: Make sure to cut through the flesh as well. No more longes__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ to you:40
[Pg 219]
To the worth of a tiny coin,
You will be hanged soon,
As is both law and justice.
And votes__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ not what to say;
He finally said, "Ten thousand crowns," I want him to pay;
The judge does respond; You won't get a penny given to you;
Your forfeiture is now taken.
Your judgment will be shown.
He bids them farewell. Then all the people praised the Lord,
That anyone ever heard of this.
To be honest, I can confidently say,
That many a person is just as miserable as he is. Lives now in this day;
[Pg 220] Decide what they can.
And every Christian as well,
And send it to them like this sentence eke75
That means to do so.
FOOTNOTES:
[866] Warton, ubi supra.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Warton, see above.
[868] Compared with the Ashmole Copy.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Compared to the Ashmole Copy.
[869] [a castrated hog.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [a neutered pig.]
[870] [hoard or heap.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [stash or pile.]
[871] Ver. 32. Her Cow, &c. seems to have suggested to Shakespeare Shylock's argument for usury taken from Jacob's management of Laban's sheep, act i. to which Antonio replies,
[871] Ver. 32. Her Cow, &c. seems to have suggested to Shakespeare Shylock's argument for usury taken from Jacob's management of Laban's sheep, act i. to which Antonio replies,
Or are your gold and silver Ewes and rams? Shy. I can't tell; I make it breed as fast."
[872] [sneering.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [sneering.]
[873] [refuse.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [decline.]
[874] The passage in Shakespeare bears so strong a resemblance to this, as to render it probable that the one suggested the other. See act iv. sc. 2.
[874] The passage in Shakespeare bears so strong a resemblance to this, as to render it probable that the one suggested the other. See act iv. sc. 2.
[875] [destroy.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [destroy.]
[876] [belongs.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [belongs.]
[877] [knows.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [knows.]
[878] Ver. 61. griped, Ashmol. copy.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ver. 61. complained, Ashmol. copy.
XII.
THE PASSIONATE SHEPHERD TO HIS
LOVE.

This beautiful sonnet is quoted in the Merry Wives of Windsor, act iii. sc. 1, and hath been usually ascribed (together with the Reply) to Shakespeare himself by the modern editors of his smaller poems. A copy of this madrigal, containing only four stanzas (the 4th and 6th being wanting), accompanied with the first stanza of the answer, being printed in "The Passionate Pilgrime, and Sonnets to sundry notes of Musicke, by Mr. William Shakespeare, Lond. printed for W. Jaggard, 1599." Thus was this sonnet, &c. published as Shakespeare's in his lifetime.
This beautiful sonnet is quoted in the Merry Wives of Windsor, act iii, sc. 1, and has usually been attributed (along with the Reply) to Shakespeare himself by modern editors of his shorter poems. A copy of this madrigal, containing only four stanzas (the 4th and 6th are missing), along with the first stanza of the answer, was printed in "The Passionate Pilgrime and Sonnets to Sundry Notes of Musicke, by Mr. William Shakespeare, London, printed for W. Jaggard, 1599." This sonnet, etc., was thus published as Shakespeare's during his lifetime.
And yet there is good reason to believe that (not Shakespeare, but) Christopher Marlow wrote the song, and Sir Walter Raleigh the Nymph's Reply: For so we are positively assured by Isaac Walton, a writer of some credit, who has inserted them both in his Compleat Angler,[879] under the character of "that smooth song, which was made by Kit. Marlow, now at least fifty years ago; and ... an Answer to it, which was made by Sir Walter Raleigh in his younger days.... Old-fashioned poetry, but choicely good."—It also passed for Marlow's in the opinion of his contemporaries; for in the old poetical miscellany, intitled England's Helicon, it is printed with the name of Chr. Marlow subjoined to it; and the Reply is subscribed Ignoto, which is known to have been a signature of Sir Walter Raleigh. With the same signature Ignoto, in that collection, is an imitation of Marlow's beginning thus:
And yet there is good reason to believe that (not Shakespeare, but) Christopher Marlow wrote the song, and Sir Walter Raleigh the Nymph's Reply: For so we are positively assured by Isaac Walton, a writer of some credit, who has inserted them both in his Compleat Angler,[879] under the character of "that smooth song, which was made by Kit. Marlow, now at least fifty years ago; and ... an Answer to it, which was made by Sir Walter Raleigh in his younger days.... Old-fashioned poetry, but choicely good."—It also passed for Marlow's in the opinion of his contemporaries; for in the old poetical miscellany, intitled England's Helicon, it is printed with the name of Chr. Marlow subjoined to it; and the Reply is subscribed Ignoto, which is known to have been a signature of Sir Walter Raleigh. With the same signature Ignoto, in that collection, is an imitation of Marlow's beginning thus:
And we will celebrate all year long,
In fields and forests, etc.
Upon the whole I am inclined to attribute them to Marlow, and Raleigh; notwithstanding the authority of Shakespeare's Book of Sonnets. For it is well known that as he took no care of his own compositions, so was he utterly regardless what spurious things were fathered upon him. Sir John Oldcastle, The London Prodigal, and The Yorkshire Tragedy, were printed with his name at full length in the title-pages, while he was living, which yet were afterwards rejected by his first editors Heminge and Condell, who were his intimate friends (as he mentions both in his will), and therefore no doubt had good authority for setting them aside.[880]
Upon the whole I am inclined to attribute them to Marlow, and Raleigh; notwithstanding the authority of Shakespeare's Book of Sonnets. For it is well known that as he took no care of his own compositions, so was he utterly regardless what spurious things were fathered upon him. Sir John Oldcastle, The London Prodigal, and The Yorkshire Tragedy, were printed with his name at full length in the title-pages, while he was living, which yet were afterwards rejected by his first editors Heminge and Condell, who were his intimate friends (as he mentions both in his will), and therefore no doubt had good authority for setting them aside.[880]
The following sonnet appears to have been (as it deserved) a great favourite with our earlier poets: for, besides the imitation above-mentioned, another is to be found among Donne's Poems, intitled The Bait, beginning thus:
The following sonnet seems to have been, as it deserved, a favorite among our earlier poets: because, in addition to the mentioned imitation, there’s another one found in Donne's Poems, titled The Bait, which begins this way:
And we will experience some new pleasures. Of golden sands, etc.
As for Chr. Marlow, who was in high repute for his dramatic writings, he lost his life by a stab received in a brothel, before the year 1593. See A. Wood, i. 138.
As for Chr. Marlow, who was well-known for his plays, he was killed by a stab wound he received in a brothel before the year 1593. See A. Wood, i. 138.
[These exquisite poems by Christopher Marlowe and Sir Walter Raleigh at once became popular favourites, and were often reprinted. The earliest appearance of the first was in Marlowe's Jew of Malta. An imperfect copy was printed by W. Jaggard with the Passionate Pilgrim in 1599, and the first stanza of the Reply was then added to it. In the following year both poems were correctly printed in England's Helicon, the first being signed "Chr. Marlow" and the second "Ignoto." When Walton introduced the poems into his Angler he attributed the Reply to Raleigh, and printed an additional stanza to each as follows:—
[These beautiful poems by Christopher Marlowe and Sir Walter Raleigh quickly became popular favorites and were often reprinted. The first appearance of Marlowe's poem was in Jew of Malta. An imperfect copy was published by W. Jaggard with the Passionate Pilgrim in 1599, and the first stanza of the Reply was added to it. The following year, both poems were accurately printed in England's Helicon, with the first one signed "Chr. Marlow" and the second "Ignoto." When Walton included the poems in his Angler, he credited the Reply to Raleigh and added an additional stanza to each as follows:—]
Passionate Shepherd (after verse 20).
Passionate Shepherd (after verse 20).
As valuable as what the gods eat Will be on an ivory table "Prepared every day for you and me."
Nymph's Reply (after verse 20).
Nymph's Reply (after line 20).
Is there better food than what's suitable for humans? These are just empty things, that's all that's good. "Which God has blessed and provided for food."
In the Roxburghe Collection of Ballads (i. 205) is a street ballad in which these two songs are united and entitled A most excellent ditty of the Lover's promises to his beloved, with the Lady's prudent answer to her Love. The verses referred to above as added by Walton are here printed, but they take the place of verses 17 to 20 of each song respectively.
In the Roxburghe Collection of Ballads (i. 205), there’s a street ballad that combines these two songs and is titled A most excellent ditty of the Lover's promises to his beloved, along with the Lady's prudent answer to her Love. The verses mentioned earlier as added by Walton are included here, but they replace verses 17 to 20 of each song, respectively.
Mr. Chappell and Dr. Rimbault have both drawn attention to the proofs of the popularity of Marlowe's song to be found in out of the way places. In Choice, Chance, and Change, or Conceits in their Colours (1606), Tidero being invited to live with his friend, replies, "Why, how now? do you take me for a woman, that you come upon me with a ballad of Come live with me and be my love?" In The World's Folly, 1609, there is the following passage: "But there sat he, hanging his head, lifting up the eyes, and with a deep sigh singing the ballad of Come live with me and be my love, to the tune of Adew my deere." Nicholas Breton refers to it in 1637 as "the old song," but Walton considered it fresh enough to insert in his Angler in 1653, although Marlowe had then been dead sixty years.]
Mr. Chappell and Dr. Rimbault have both pointed out the evidence of the popularity of Marlowe's song found in unexpected places. In Choice, Chance, and Change, or Conceits in their Colours (1606), Tidero, when invited to stay with his friend, replies, "Why, what’s this? Do you think I'm a woman, bringing me a ballad of Come live with me and be my love?" In The World's Folly, 1609, there’s this line: "But there he sat, his head down, looking up with a deep sigh, singing the ballad of Come live with me and be my love, to the tune of Adew my deere." Nicholas Breton called it "the old song" in 1637, but Walton thought it was still fresh enough to include it in his Angler in 1653, even though Marlowe had been dead for sixty years.

And all the jagged mountains give way.
And watch the shepherds take care of their flocks,
By shallow rivers, to their waterfalls Singing birds create melodies.
A flower crown and a dress
Embroidered all with leaves of myrtle;
[Pg 223]
Which we take from our lovely lambs; Slippers lined perfectly for the cold;15
With buckles made of the finest gold;
With coral clasps and amber studs: And if these pleasures can inspire you,
Then live with me and be my love.20
If these pleasures can inspire your thoughts,
Then be with me, and be my love.
The Nymph's Response.

And truth in every shepherd's tongue,
These lovely pleasures might move me
To be with you and be your love.
When rivers are furious and rocks become cold,
And Philomel becomes silent,
And everyone worries about future troubles.
A smooth talker with a bitter heart,
Spring brings dreams, but fall brings sadness.
Your cap, your dress, and your flowers, Soon to break, soon to fade, soon to be forgotten,15
In foolishness ripe, in reason decayed.
Your coral clasps and amber studs;[Pg 224] None of these can move me at all. To come to you and be your love.20
If joys had no expiration and age had no requirement; Then those pleasures might inspire my thoughts. To live with you and be your love.
FOOTNOTES:
[880] Since the above was written, Mr. Malone, with his usual discernment, hath rejected the stanzas in question from the other sonnets, &c. of Shakespeare, in his correct edition of the Passionate Pilgrim, &c. See his Shakesp. vol. x. p. 340.
[880] Since the above was written, Mr. Malone, with his usual discernment, hath rejected the stanzas in question from the other sonnets, &c. of Shakespeare, in his correct edition of the Passionate Pilgrim, &c. See his Shakesp. vol. x. p. 340.
XIII.
TITUS ANDRONICUS'S COMPLAINT.

The reader has here an ancient ballad on the same subject as the play of Titus Andronicus, and it is probable that the one was borrowed from the other: but which of them was the original it is not easy to decide. And yet, if the argument offered above for the priority of the ballad of the Jew of Venice may be admitted, somewhat of the same kind may be urged here; for this ballad differs from the play in several particulars, which a simple ballad-writer would be less likely to alter than an inventive tragedian. Thus in the ballad is no mention of the contest for the empire between the two brothers, the composing of which makes the ungrateful treatment of Titus afterwards the more flagrant: neither is there any notice taken of his sacrificing one of Tamora's sons, which the tragic poet has assigned as the original cause of all her cruelties. In the play Titus loses twenty-one of his sons in war, and kills another for assisting Bassianus to carry off Lavinia: the reader will find it different in the ballad. In the latter she is betrothed to the emperor's son: in the play to his brother. In the tragedy only two of his sons fall into the pit, and the third being banished returns to Rome with a victorious army, to avenge the wrongs of his house: in the ballad all three are entrapped and suffer death. In the scene the emperor kills Titus, and is in return stabbed by Titus's surviving son. Here Titus kills the emperor, and afterwards himself.
The reader has here an old ballad on the same topic as the play Titus Andronicus, and it's likely that one was inspired by the other; however, it's hard to determine which came first. Still, if the reasoning given earlier for the ballad of the Jew of Venice holds, a similar argument can be made here. This ballad varies from the play in several ways, which a simple ballad writer would be less likely to change than a creative tragic playwright. For instance, the ballad doesn't mention the struggle for the empire between the two brothers, making Titus's later mistreatment all the more shocking. Also, it doesn’t note his sacrifice of one of Tamora’s sons, which the tragic poet points out as the main reason for all her vengeance. In the play, Titus loses twenty-one of his sons in battle and kills another for helping Bassianus abduct Lavinia; the ballad presents a different story. In it, she is engaged to the emperor's son; in the play, she is engaged to his brother. In the tragedy, only two of his sons fall into the pit, while the third, who is banished, returns to Rome with a victorious army to avenge their family's wrongs; in the ballad, all three are trapped and meet their deaths. In the scene, the emperor kills Titus, who is then in turn stabbed by Titus's surviving son. Here, Titus kills the emperor and then takes his own life.
Let the reader weigh these circumstances and some others wherein he will find them unlike, and then pronounce for himself. After all, there is reason to conclude that this play was rather improved by Shakespeare with a few fine touches of his pen, than originally written by him; for, not to mention that the style is less figurative[Pg 225] than his others generally are, this tragedy is mentioned with discredit in the Induction to Ben Jonson's Bartholomew Fair, in 1614, as one that had then been exhibited "five and twenty or thirty years:" which, if we take the lowest number, throws it back to the year 1589, at which time Shakespeare was but 25: an earlier date than can be found for any other of his pieces:[881] and if it does not clear him entirely of it, shews at least it was a first attempt.[882]
Let the reader weigh these circumstances and some others wherein he will find them unlike, and then pronounce for himself. After all, there is reason to conclude that this play was rather improved by Shakespeare with a few fine touches of his pen, than originally written by him; for, not to mention that the style is less figurative[Pg 225] than his others generally are, this tragedy is mentioned with discredit in the Induction to Ben Jonson's Bartholomew Fair, in 1614, as one that had then been exhibited "five and twenty or thirty years:" which, if we take the lowest number, throws it back to the year 1589, at which time Shakespeare was but 25: an earlier date than can be found for any other of his pieces:[881] and if it does not clear him entirely of it, shews at least it was a first attempt.[882]
The following is given from a copy in The Golden Garland intitled as above; compared with three others, two of them in black letter in the Pepys Collection, intitled, The Lamentable and Tragical History of Titus Andronicus, &c. To the tune of, Fortune. Printed for E. Wright. Unluckily none of these have any dates.
The following is taken from a copy in The Golden Garland titled as above; compared with three others, two of which are in black letter in the Pepys Collection, titled The Lamentable and Tragical History of Titus Andronicus, &c. To the tune of Fortune. Printed for E. Wright. Unfortunately, none of these have any dates.
[No original from which the plot of the play of Titus Andronicus could be taken has yet been discovered, and it is just possible that this ballad may have given the hint, but the Registers of the Stationers' Company go some way towards proving a negative to this supposition, for on the 6th of February, 1593-4, John Danter registered A noble Roman Historye of Tytus Andronicus, and also the ballad thereof.]
[No original source for the plot of the play Titus Andronicus has been found yet, and it's possible that this ballad might have inspired it. However, the records of the Stationers' Company somewhat disprove this idea, since on February 6, 1593-4, John Danter registered A noble Roman Historye of Tytus Andronicus, as well as the ballad thereof.]

That fights in defense of the homeland,
Listen to me, I fought for Rome for ten years,
Yet I faced disgrace upon returning home.
[Pg 226]
My name, dear, was known by all my peers; I had a total of twenty-five brave sons,
Whose positive qualities made their father happy.
Of twenty-five sons, I only brought three. Alive, to see the majestic towers of Rome.
And I presented my prisoners to the king,
The Queen of the Goths, her sons, and also a Moor,
Which committed such murders, as had never happened before.20
Which generated conflict and deadly arguments in Rome; The woman and her two sons became so arrogant. That none like them in Rome should be allowed.
That she agreed to him secretly. To cheat on her husband's marriage bed,
And eventually, she gave birth to a black child.
Agreed with the more violent mindset. Against myself, my family, and all my friends,
In a cruel way to bring them to their ends.
Both care and grief began to grow then: Among my sons, I had one bright daughter,35
Which delighted and pleased my old eyes; [Pg 227]
And her two sons lost their lives.40
They were unjustly imprisoned and shackled.
And forcibly took away her honor.
Worried that this sweetness will soon turn to bitterness,
They cut her tongue, so she couldn't tell How that dishonor happened to her.
Because of their wickedness, she was unable to write; Nor with her needle on her sampler sew The bloody workers of her dreadful suffering.60
Staining the grassy ground with purple blood,
That flowed from her stumps and bloodless arms:
She had no words at all to express her hurts.
With tears of blood, I wet my aging face: For my Lavinia, I mourned even more. Then for my two and twenty sons before. [Pg 228]
Where we found those bloody tyrants out.
She wrote these words on the flat sand:
"The lustful sons of the proud empress75
Are the people who commit this hateful wickedness.
I cursed the hour when I was first born,
I wish this hand, that fought for the country's honor,
In the cradle, it was first struck lame.80
I should give my right hand to the king, Then my three imprisoned sons should be set free.
I felt sad not to see it bleed,
But I would gladly share for my sons, And for their ransom, send my bleeding heart.
And with that, the heads of my three sons,
Which filled my dying heart with new laments.
And with my tears written in the dust, my sorrow:
I shot my arrows__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ towards the high heavens,95
And for revenge, it often cried to hell.
Like furies, she and both her sons were dressed, (She named Revenge, and Rape and Murder they)[Pg 229] To undermine and hear what I have to say.100
Until my friends discovered a hidden spot,
Where both her sons were tied to a post, And cruel revenge was discovered.
And made a paste for pies right there with it.
And at a banquet served in grand style: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Before the empress served this disgusting food;
So she ate well of her son's own flesh.
And stabbed the emperor immediately, And then I: that’s how Titus died.
They buried him halfway in the ground, He stood there until he starved. And may God ensure that all murderers receive their just punishment.120
FOOTNOTES:
[881] Mr. Malone thinks 1591 to be the æra when our author commenced a writer for the stage. See in his Shakesp. the ingenious Attempt to ascertain the order in which the plays of Shakespeare were written.
[881] Mr. Malone thinks 1591 to be the æra when our author commenced a writer for the stage. See in his Shakesp. the ingenious Attempt to ascertain the order in which the plays of Shakespeare were written.
[882] Since the above was written, Shakespeare's memory has been fully vindicated from the charge of writing the above play by the best criticks. See what has been urged by Steevens and Malone in their excellent editions of Shakespeare, &c. [The question of Shakspere's authorship is not by any means so completely settled in the negative as this note would imply. The external evidence for its authenticity is as strong as for most of the other plays. See New Shakspere Society's Transactions, Part i. p. 126, for a list of passages which seem to bear evidence of Shakspere's hand in their composition.]
[882] Since the above was written, Shakespeare's memory has been fully vindicated from the charge of writing the above play by the best criticks. See what has been urged by Steevens and Malone in their excellent editions of Shakespeare, &c. [The question of Shakspere's authorship is not by any means so completely settled in the negative as this note would imply. The external evidence for its authenticity is as strong as for most of the other plays. See New Shakspere Society's Transactions, Part i. p. 126, for a list of passages which seem to bear evidence of Shakspere's hand in their composition.]
[883] If the ballad was written before the play, I should suppose this to be only a metaphorical expression, taken from that in the Psalms, "They shoot out their arrows, even bitter words." Ps. 64. 3.
[883] If the ballad was written before the play, I should suppose this to be only a metaphorical expression, taken from that in the Psalms, "They shoot out their arrows, even bitter words." Ps. 64. 3.

XIV.
TAKE THOSE LIPS AWAY.

The first stanza of this little sonnet, which an eminent critic[885] justly admires for its extreme sweetness, is found in Shakespeare's Measure for Measure, act iv. sc. 1. Both the stanzas are preserved in Beaum. and Fletcher's Bloody Brother, act v. sc. 2. Sewel and Gildon have printed it among Shakespeare's smaller poems, but they have done the same by twenty other pieces that were never writ by him; their book being a wretched heap of inaccuracies and mistakes. It is not found in Jaggard's old edition of Shakespeare's Passionate Pilgrim,[886] &c.
The first stanza of this little sonnet, which an eminent critic[885] justly admires for its extreme sweetness, is found in Shakespeare's Measure for Measure, act iv. sc. 1. Both the stanzas are preserved in Beaum. and Fletcher's Bloody Brother, act v. sc. 2. Sewel and Gildon have printed it among Shakespeare's smaller poems, but they have done the same by twenty other pieces that were never writ by him; their book being a wretched heap of inaccuracies and mistakes. It is not found in Jaggard's old edition of Shakespeare's Passionate Pilgrim,[886] &c.
[The second stanza is an evident addition by another and inferior hand, so that Percy's expression above—"both the stanzas are preserved"—gives a false impression.]
[The second stanza is clearly added by someone else and is of lesser quality, making Percy's comment above—"both the stanzas are preserved"—misleading.]

That so sweetly were sworn; And those eyes, the break of day,
Lights that mislead the dawn:
But my kisses bring back, Seals of love, but sealed in vain
Which your frozen heart bears,
On whose tops the pinks that grow,
Are of those that April wears:10
But first, let my poor heart be free,
Bound in those cold chains by you.
FOOTNOTES:
[885] Dr. Warburton in his Shakesp.
[886] Mr. Malone, in his improved edition of Shakespeare's Sonnets, &c. hath substituted this instead of Marlow's Madrigal, printed above; for which he hath assigned reasons, which the reader may see in his vol. x. p. 340.
[886] Mr. Malone, in his improved edition of Shakespeare's Sonnets, &c. hath substituted this instead of Marlow's Madrigal, printed above; for which he hath assigned reasons, which the reader may see in his vol. x. p. 340.
XV.
KING LEIR AND HIS THREE
DAUGHTERS.

The reader has here an ancient ballad on the subject of King Lear, which (as a sensible female critic has well observed[887]) bears so exact an analogy to the argument of Shakespeare's play, that his having copied it could not be doubted, if it were certain that it was written before the tragedy. Here is found the hint of Lear's madness, which the old chronicles[888] do not mention, as also the extravagant cruelty exercised on him by his daughters. In the death of Lear they likewise very exactly coincide. The misfortune is, that there is nothing to assist us in ascertaining the date of the ballad but what little evidence arises from within; this the reader must weigh and judge for himself.
The reader has here an ancient ballad on the subject of King Lear, which (as a sensible female critic has well observed[887]) bears so exact an analogy to the argument of Shakespeare's play, that his having copied it could not be doubted, if it were certain that it was written before the tragedy. Here is found the hint of Lear's madness, which the old chronicles[888] do not mention, as also the extravagant cruelty exercised on him by his daughters. In the death of Lear they likewise very exactly coincide. The misfortune is, that there is nothing to assist us in ascertaining the date of the ballad but what little evidence arises from within; this the reader must weigh and judge for himself.
It may be proper to observe, that Shakespeare was not the first of our dramatic poets who fitted the story of Leir to the stage. His first 4to. edition is dated 1608: but three years before that had been printed a play intitled, The true Chronicle History of Leir and his three daughters Gonorill, Ragan, and Cordella, as it hath been divers and sundry times lately acted, 1605, 4to.—This is a very poor and dull performance, but happily excited Shakespeare to undertake the subject, which he has given with very different incidents. It is remarkable, that neither the circumstances of Leir's madness, nor his retinue of a select number of knights, nor the affecting deaths of Cordelia and Leir, are found in that first dramatic piece: in all which Shakespeare concurs with this ballad.
It’s worth noting that Shakespeare wasn’t the first playwright to adapt the story of Leir for the stage. His first quarto edition is from 1608, but three years earlier, a play titled The true Chronicle History of Leir and his three daughters Gonorill, Ragan, and Cordella, as it hath been divers and sundry times lately acted, 1605, 4to was published. This earlier work is quite weak and uninspired, but it fortunately motivated Shakespeare to take on the subject, which he approached with very different events. It’s notable that none of the elements related to Leir's madness, his group of select knights, or the tragic deaths of Cordelia and Leir are present in that first play; all of these are included in Shakespeare’s version as seen in the ballad.
But to form a true judgement of Shakespeare's merit, the curious reader should cast his eye over that previous sketch; which he will find printed at the end of The Twenty Plays of Shakespeare, republished from the quarto impressions by George Steevens, Esq.; with such elegance and exactness as led us to expect that fine edition of all the works of our great dramatic poet, which he hath since published.
But to truly assess Shakespeare's worth, the interested reader should take a look at that earlier overview, which is printed at the end of The Twenty Plays of Shakespeare, republished from the quarto versions by George Steevens, Esq.; with such style and precision that it made us anticipate the impressive edition of all the works of our great playwright that he has since published.
The following ballad is given from an ancient copy in the Golden [Pg 232]Garland, bl. let. intitled, A lamentable song of the Death of King Leir and his Three Daughters. To the tune of When flying Fame.
The following ballad is taken from an old copy in the Golden [Pg 232]Garland, black letter, titled, A Sad Song about the Death of King Leir and his Three Daughters. To the tune of When Flying Fame.
[The old play referred to above, although printed as late as the year 1605, was probably only a re-impression of a piece entered in the Stationers' Register in 1594, as it was a frequent practice of the publishers to take advantage of the popularity of Shakspere's plays on the stage, by publishing dramas having somewhat the same titles as his.
[The old play mentioned earlier, although published as recently as 1605, was likely just a reprint of a work that was recorded in the Stationers' Register in 1594. It was common for publishers to capitalize on the popularity of Shakespeare's plays by releasing dramas with similar titles.]
The Cordella of the play is softened in the ballad to Cordelia, the form used by Shakspere and Spenser, but the name Ragan is retained in place of Shakspere's Regan.]
The Cordella in the play is softened to Cordelia in the ballad, which is the version used by Shakespeare and Spenser, but the name Ragan is kept instead of Shakespeare's Regan.

That might increase his joys. Among the things that nature provided,
He had three beautiful daughters,
So regal and beautiful,
As fair as it could be.
For you provide satisfaction for my age,
He said, "Then let me hear," Which of you three in a pledged promise The kindest will show up.
And for you, my broken heart Shall it be split in two,
Before I see your respected age Endure the smallest grief. [Pg 233]
The worst of all extremes I'll take care of it: And serve your majesty day and night. With dedication and care; That sweet contentment and calmness Discomforts can be removed.
The old king replied; But what do you say, my youngest girl,35
How is your love connected? My love (said young Cordelia then)
To whom I owe my gratitude, It is the responsibility of a child, And that’s all I’ll show.40
When I can no longer find. From now on, I exile you from my court,45
You are not my child;
Nor any part of my kingdom
By favor shall be yours.
My pompous estate and all my possessions,
That I may lovingly Stay in touch with your sisters. Until my last day.
By these two sisters here; The third had unjust exile,
Yet her love was even more precious:60
[Pg 234] For poor Cordelia, patiently Wandered up and down,
Unhelped, unpitied, kind woman,
Through many English towns:
She found better fortunes; Though she was poor and had little, she was considered The fairest on the scene:
When the king heard about her virtues,
And this beautiful lady seen, With the complete agreement of his entire court
He made his wife the queen.
Soon the same decay happened; And living in Queen Ragan's court,
The eldest of the two,
She took from him his most important resources,
And most importantly, his train.80
And after almost three:
No, she thought he was a bit too much for her; So she took everything away,
Hoping that in her court, good king,
He won't stay anymore.
My second kid, I know,
Will be kinder and more compassionate,95
And will ease my pain.
[Pg 235]
But no way could satisfy his needs;
But if he would stay In her kitchen, he should have What kitchen helpers gave away.
He answered then; In what I did, let me be transformed. Example for all men.
"I will return again," he said, To my Ragan's court;110
I hope she won't use me like that. But in a nicer way.
Then back to Gonorell again,
The sad king hurried, That he might have in her kitchen What scullion boys set aside.
So between his daughters, for relief He wandered back and forth; Happy to eat food meant for beggars,
That recently wore a crown.
[Pg 236] But hesitating to go to her, Whom he had banished so, Grew frantically angry; for in his mind __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ He carried the wounds of sorrow:
And hair from his head,
And all with blood staining his cheeks,
With age and honor shared.140
To hills, woods, and watery springs,
He gave his hourly moan,
Until the hills and woods, and mindless things,
Did appear to sigh and groan.
He went over to France,
In hopes from fair Cordelia there,
To find a kinder opportunity; Most virtuous lady! When she heard Of her father's grief, Feeling obligated, she quickly sent
His comfort and relief:
In a brave and bold way,
She gave the order for him to be brought. To Aganippus' court; Whose royal king, with a noble mind Gave consent willingly,
To gather his knights at arms,
To fame and courage focused.
To reclaim King Leir,
And drive his daughters from their positions By his dear Cordelia.
Where she, genuine, noble queen,165
Was slain in battle: Yet he was a good king in his old age,
Reclaimed his crown. [Pg 237]
From where he never left:
But he left his life on her chest,175
That was so heartfelt.
The other sisters until death They were doomed by consent;180
And being dead, they left their crowns To the next of kin:
So you have witnessed the downfall of pride,
And rebellious sin.
FOOTNOTES:
XVI.
YOUTH AND AGE,

Is found in the little collection of Shakespeare's Sonnets, intitled the Passionate Pilgrime,[889] the greatest part of which seems to relate to the amours of Venus and Adonis, being little effusions of fancy, probably written while he was composing his larger poem on that subject. The following seems intended for the mouth of Venus, weighing the comparative merits of youthful Adonis and aged Vulcan. In the Garland of Good Will it is reprinted, with the addition of four more such stanzas, but evidently written by a meaner pen.
Is found in the little collection of Shakespeare's Sonnets, intitled the Passionate Pilgrime,[889] the greatest part of which seems to relate to the amours of Venus and Adonis, being little effusions of fancy, probably written while he was composing his larger poem on that subject. The following seems intended for the mouth of Venus, weighing the comparative merits of youthful Adonis and aged Vulcan. In the Garland of Good Will it is reprinted, with the addition of four more such stanzas, but evidently written by a meaner pen.

Youth is full of joy,
Life is full of worries:
Youth is like a summer morning, Age like winter vibes,
Youth like summer bold,
Age like winter bare: Youth is full of fun,
Ages breath is short; Youth is quick, Age is slow:
Youth is passionate and bold,
Age is frail and chill; Youth is adventurous, and Age is settled.
Age, I really hate you,15
Youth, I truly adore you; Oh, my love, my love is young:
Age, I defy you;
Oh sweet shepherd, hurry up,
I think you’re staying too long.20
XVII.
THE FROLICKSOME DUKE, OR THE
TINKER'S GOOD FORTUNE.

The following ballad is upon the same subject as the Induction to Shakespeare's Taming of the Shrew: whether it may be thought to have suggested the hint to the dramatic poet, or is not rather of later date, the reader must determine.
The following ballad is about the same topic as the Induction to Shakespeare's Taming of the Shrew: whether it might have inspired the playwright, or if it is from a later time, the reader must decide.
The story is told[890] of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy; and is thus related by an old English writer: "The said Duke, at the [Pg 239]marriage of Eleonora, sister to the king of Portugall, at Bruges in Flanders, which was solemnised in the deepe of winter; when as by reason of unseasonable weather he could neither hawke nor hunt, and was now tired with cards, dice, &c. and such other domestick sports, or to see ladies dance; with some of his courtiers, he would in the evening walke disguised all about the towne. It so fortuned, as he was walking late one night, he found a countrey fellow dead drunke, snorting on a bulke; he caused his followers to bring him to his palace, and there stripping him of his old clothes, and attyring him after the court fashion, when he wakened, he and they were all ready to attend upon his excellency, and persuade him that he was some great Duke. The poor fellow admiring how he came there, was served in state all day long: after supper he saw them dance, heard musicke, and all the rest of those court-like pleasures: but late at night, when he was well tipled, and again fast asleepe, they put on his old robes, and so conveyed him to the place, where they first found him. Now the fellow had not made them so good sport the day before, as he did now, when he returned to himself: all the jest was to see how he looked upon it. In conclusion, after some little admiration, the poore man told his friends he had seen a vision; constantly believed it; would not otherwise be persuaded, and so the jest ended." Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, pt. ii. sect. 2. Memb. 4, 2nd ed. 1624, fol.
The story is told[890] of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy; and is thus related by an old English writer: "The said Duke, at the [Pg 239]marriage of Eleonora, sister to the king of Portugall, at Bruges in Flanders, which was solemnised in the deepe of winter; when as by reason of unseasonable weather he could neither hawke nor hunt, and was now tired with cards, dice, &c. and such other domestick sports, or to see ladies dance; with some of his courtiers, he would in the evening walke disguised all about the towne. It so fortuned, as he was walking late one night, he found a countrey fellow dead drunke, snorting on a bulke; he caused his followers to bring him to his palace, and there stripping him of his old clothes, and attyring him after the court fashion, when he wakened, he and they were all ready to attend upon his excellency, and persuade him that he was some great Duke. The poor fellow admiring how he came there, was served in state all day long: after supper he saw them dance, heard musicke, and all the rest of those court-like pleasures: but late at night, when he was well tipled, and again fast asleepe, they put on his old robes, and so conveyed him to the place, where they first found him. Now the fellow had not made them so good sport the day before, as he did now, when he returned to himself: all the jest was to see how he looked upon it. In conclusion, after some little admiration, the poore man told his friends he had seen a vision; constantly believed it; would not otherwise be persuaded, and so the jest ended." Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, pt. ii. sect. 2. Memb. 4, 2nd ed. 1624, fol.
This ballad is given from a black-letter copy in the Pepys Collection, which is intitled as above. "To the tune of Fond Boy."
This ballad is taken from a black-letter copy in the Pepys Collection, titled as above. "To the tune of Fond Boy."
[The story of this ballad is of Eastern origin, and is the same as the tale of the Sleeper awakened in the Arabian Nights. The story crops up in many places, some of which are pointed out in Prof. Child's English and Scottish Ballads (vol. viii. p. 54). The question, however, of its origin is not of immediate interest in the discussion of Shakspere's plots, because the author of the old play, Taming of a Shrew, had already used the subject and named the tinker Slie, so that we have not far to seek for Shakspere's original.]
[The story of this ballad comes from the East and is the same as the tale of The Sleeper Awakened in the Arabian Nights. This story appears in many places, some of which are noted in Prof. Child's English and Scottish Ballads (vol. viii. p. 54). However, the question of its origin isn't immediately relevant to our discussion of Shakespeare's plots, because the author of the old play, Taming of a Shrew, had already used the subject and named the tinker Slie, so we don't have to look far to find Shakespeare's source.]

But among everything else, here's one I insist,
You'll smile when you hear the real joke:
[Pg 240] He found a poor tinker lying drunk on the ground,5
As secure in sleep as if in a deep faint.
Then they stripped off his clothes, including his shirt, shoes, and stockings.
And they put him to bed so he could rest.
On a soft featherbed, like a famous lord, 15
They put him to sleep, taking the drink out of his crown. In the morning when the day began, he lay there admiring. To see the luxurious room, both flashy and cheerful.
Finally, knights and squires waited on him; And the young member revealed, then also announced, He wanted to know what clothing he would wear:
The poor tinker, amazed, stared at the gentleman, And admired how he was raised to this honor.
He immediately put it on without any further debate; With a star by his side, which the tinker often looked at, And it seemed to fill him with a lot of pride; For he said to himself, "Where is Joan, my sweet wife?" I'm sure she never saw me looking so good in her life.30
Trumpets played in front of him: he thought, this is awesome:
[Pg 241] He enjoyed a couple of hours of nice walks, With commanders and squires in red and blue.
He was seated at the table above everyone else,
In a luxurious chair or bed lined with rich crimson red,
With a rich golden canopy above him:40
As he sat down to eat, the music played softly, With the finest singing to complete his joys.
Rich canary with sherry and very fine tent.
Like a truly honest person, he took off his bowl, Until finally, he started to tumble and roll. From his chair to the floor, where he was snoring in his sleep,
Being seven times more drunk than ever before.
It was almost the worst moment, yet they had to do it, And they took him right to where they initially found him;
Then he slept through the night, as he certainly could; But when he woke up, his joys vanished.
He believed it was just a simple golden dream; Finally, he was brought to the duke, where he sought For a pardon, as he feared he had been disregarded; But His Highness said, "You're a cheerful and brave person." I've never seen such a playful scene before.
Which he offered for the sake of this playful joke; No, and five hundred pounds, with ten acres of land, You should never, he said, travel the surrounding countries,
[Pg 242] Crying out to fix old brass, because I'll be your good friend,65
No, and your lovely wife Joan will be my duchess.
FOOTNOTES:
XVIII.
THE FRIAR OF ORDERS GRAY.

Dispersed thro' Shakespeare's plays are innumerable little fragments of ancient ballads, the entire copies of which could not be recovered. Many of these being of the most beautiful and pathetic simplicity, the Editor was tempted to select some of them, and with a few supplemental stanzas to connect them together, and form them into a little tale, which is here submitted to the reader's candour.
Spread out throughout Shakespeare's plays are countless small pieces of ancient ballads, many of which can’t be fully restored. Since many of these are beautifully and touchingly simple, the Editor was inspired to choose some of them and add a few extra stanzas to link them together, creating a brief story that is now presented for the reader's consideration.
One small fragment was taken from Beaumont and Fletcher.
One small piece was taken from Beaumont and Fletcher.
[Ritson exhibits a bit of grim humour in his Ancient Songs, vol. ii. ed. 1829, p. 64, where he prints a parody of Percy's Friar of Orders Gray, under the title of the Jovial Tinker, and prefixes to it the exact words that Percy uses above. The parody commences—
[Ritson shows a touch of dark humor in his Ancient Songs, vol. ii. ed. 1829, p. 64, where he features a parody of Percy's Friar of Orders Gray, titled the Jovial Tinker, and includes the exact words that Percy uses above it. The parody starts—
All of the northern country,
As he walked along the path, He sang joyfully.

Please tell me, If you ever visit that sacred shrine You saw my true love.
And eyes of lovely blue.
He’s dead and gone!
And at his head, a patch of green grass,
And a stone followed closely behind him.20
And 'playing of her pride.
Are you really dead and gone!30
And you dyed for love of me!
Break, cruel heart of stone! [Pg 244]
No tears wet your cheek.
My sadness now rebukes; For I have lost the sweetest young person,
That ever wan ladies love.
I'll always weep and sigh; I only wished to live for you,
For you, I want to dye.
Your sorrow is in vain:
For violets picked the sweetest showers Will never grow again.
Don't mourn for what has already happened.
It's right that my tears should fall.
Forever to remain.60
Oh no, I’m so upset! [Pg 245]
Men have always been deceitful:
One foot in the sea and one on land,
To one thing, constant never.
And left you feeling sad and burdened;70
Young men have always been known to be fickle. Since summer trees were green.
Please don't say that; My love had the most genuine heart:75
Oh, he was always true!
And did you die for me?
Then goodbye home; forevermore A pilgrim I will be.80
That wraps his breathless body
Can wash my sins away.
For look beneath this gray gown Your own true love appears.
[Pg 246]
These sacred weeds I searched for; And here among these lonely walls I thought about how I wanted to end my days.100
Has not passed away yet,
Can I still hope to win your love,
I won't stay anymore.
Once more to my heart; Since I have found you, beautiful young person,
We're never going to part.
⁂ As the foregoing song has been thought to have suggested to our late excellent Poet Dr. Goldsmith, the plan of his beautiful ballad of Edwin and Emma (first printed in his Vicar of Wakefield) it is but justice to his memory to declare, that his poem was written first, and that if there is any imitation in the case, they will be found both to be indebted to the beautiful old ballad Gentle Herdsman, &c. printed in the second volume of this Work, which the Doctor had much admired in manuscript, and has finely improved. See vol. ii. book i. song xiv. ver. 37.
⁂ It's believed that the earlier song inspired our late great Poet Dr. Goldsmith in creating his lovely ballad Edwin and Emma (first published in his Vicar of Wakefield). To honor his memory, it's important to state that his poem was written first, and if there’s any imitation involved, both poems draw inspiration from the beautiful old ballad Gentle Herdsman, etc., found in the second volume of this work, which the Doctor greatly admired in manuscript form and has beautifully refined. See vol. ii. book i. song xiv. ver. 37.
FOOTNOTES:
[891] These are the distinguishing marks of a pilgrim. The chief places of devotion being beyond sea, the pilgrims were wont to put cockle-shells in their hats to denote the intention or performance of their devotion. Warb. Shakesp. vol. viii., p. 224.
[891] These are the distinguishing marks of a pilgrim. The chief places of devotion being beyond sea, the pilgrims were wont to put cockle-shells in their hats to denote the intention or performance of their devotion. Warb. Shakesp. vol. viii., p. 224.
THE END OF THE SECOND BOOK
THE END OF THE SECOND BOOK

RELIQUES OF ANCIENT POETRY, ETC.
Remnants of Ancient Poetry, Etc.
SERIES THE FIRST.
Season One.
BOOK III.


I.
THE MORE MODERN BALLAD OF
CHEVY CHACE.

At the beginning of this volume we gave the old original Song of Chevy Chace. The reader has here the more improved edition of that fine heroic ballad. It will afford an agreeable entertainment to the curious to compare them together, and to see how far the latter bard has excelled his predecessor, and where he has fallen short of him. For tho' he has every where improved the versification, and generally the sentiment and diction; yet some few passages retain more dignity in the ancient copy; at least the obsoleteness of the style serves as a veil to hide whatever might appear too familiar or vulgar in them. Thus, for instance, the catastrophe of the gallant Witherington is in the modern copy exprest in terms which never fail at present to excite ridicule: whereas in the original it is related with a plain and pathetic simplicity, that is liable to no such unlucky effect: See the stanza in page 32, which, in modern orthography, &c. would run thus.
At the beginning of this volume we gave the old original Song of Chevy Chace. The reader has here the more improved edition of that fine heroic ballad. It will afford an agreeable entertainment to the curious to compare them together, and to see how far the latter bard has excelled his predecessor, and where he has fallen short of him. For tho' he has every where improved the versification, and generally the sentiment and diction; yet some few passages retain more dignity in the ancient copy; at least the obsoleteness of the style serves as a veil to hide whatever might appear too familiar or vulgar in them. Thus, for instance, the catastrophe of the gallant Witherington is in the modern copy exprest in terms which never fail at present to excite ridicule: whereas in the original it is related with a plain and pathetic simplicity, that is liable to no such unlucky effect: See the stanza in page 32, which, in modern orthography, &c. would run thus.
That he should have killed is:
For when his legs were cut in two,
He knelt down and fought on his knee.
So again the stanza which describes the fall of Montgomery is somewhat more elevated in the ancient copy:
So once again, the stanza that talks about Montgomery's fall is a bit more elevated in the old version:
p. 31.
p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
We might also add, that the circumstances of the battle are more clearly conceived and the several incidents more distinctly[Pg 250] marked in the old original, than in the improved copy. It is well known that the ancient English weapon was the long bow, and that this nation excelled all others in archery; while the Scottish warriours chiefly depended on the use of the spear: this characteristic difference never escapes our ancient bard, whose description of the first onset is to the following effect:
We should also mention that the details of the battle are clearer and the various events are marked more distinctly[Pg 250] in the original version than in the revised copy. It's well known that the traditional English weapon was the longbow, and that this nation was better at archery than anyone else, while Scottish warriors primarily relied on spears. This key difference is always noted by our ancient poet, whose depiction of the initial clash is as follows:
"The proposal of the two gallant earls to determine the dispute by single combat being over-ruled; the English, says he, who stood with their bows ready bent, gave a general discharge of their arrows, which slew seven score spearmen of the enemy: but, notwithstanding so severe a loss, Douglas like a brave captain kept his ground. He had divided his forces into three columns, who, as soon as the English had discharged the first volley, bore down upon them with their spears, and breaking through their ranks reduced them to close fighting. The archers upon this dropt their bows and had recourse to their swords, and there followed so sharp a conflict, that multitudes on both sides lost their lives." In the midst of this general engagement, at length, the two great earls meet, and after a spirited rencounter agree to breathe; upon which a parley ensues, that would do honour to Homer himself.
"The proposal by the two brave earls to settle the dispute through single combat was dismissed. The English, he says, who stood with their bows drawn, released a volley of arrows that killed 140 enemy spearmen. Despite this heavy loss, Douglas, like a true leader, held his ground. He had split his forces into three groups, which, as soon as the English finished their first attack, charged at them with their spears, breaking through their lines and forcing them into close combat. The archers then dropped their bows and grabbed their swords, leading to such a fierce battle that many on both sides lost their lives. In the midst of this large-scale conflict, eventually, the two great earls met, and after an intense exchange, agreed to take a break, leading to a discussion that would be worthy of Homer himself."
Nothing can be more pleasingly distinct and circumstantial than this: whereas, the modern copy, tho' in general it has great merit, is here unluckily both confused and obscure. Indeed the original words seem here to have been totally misunderstood. "Yet bydys the yerl Douglas upon the Bent," evidently signifies, "Yet the earl Douglas abides in the Field:" whereas the more modern bard seems to have understood by Bent, the inclination of his mind, and accordingly runs quite off from the subject[893]:
Nothing can be more pleasingly distinct and circumstantial than this: whereas, the modern copy, tho' in general it has great merit, is here unluckily both confused and obscure. Indeed the original words seem here to have been totally misunderstood. "Yet bydys the yerl Douglas upon the Bent," evidently signifies, "Yet the earl Douglas abides in the Field:" whereas the more modern bard seems to have understood by Bent, the inclination of his mind, and accordingly runs quite off from the subject[893]:
Earl Douglas was off.
v. 109.
v. 109.
One may also observe a generous impartiality in the old original bard, when in the conclusion of his tale he represents both nations as quitting the field without any reproachful reflection on either: though he gives to his own countrymen the credit of being the smaller number.
One can also see a fair impartiality in the old original bard, when at the end of his story he depicts both nations leaving the battlefield without any blame directed at either side: although he gives his own countrymen credit for being the smaller group.
Left but fifty-three; Of two thousand spearmen from Scotland,
But even five and fifty.
p. 32.
p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
He attributes Flight to neither party, as hath been done in the modern copies of this ballad, as well Scotch as English. For, to be even with our latter bard, who makes the Scots to flee, some reviser of North Britain has turned his own arms against him, and printed an edition at Glasgow, in which the lines are thus transposed:
He credits neither group with Flight, unlike the recent versions of this ballad, both Scottish and English. To balance things out with our more recent poet, who has the Scots flee, some editor from North Britain has turned his own tactics against him and published an edition in Glasgow, where the lines have been rearranged as follows:
Of two thousand Englishmen "Only fifty-five escaped."
And to countenance this change he has suppressed the two stanzas between ver. 240 and ver. 249.—From that Edition I have here reformed the Scottish names, which in the modern English ballad appeared to be corrupted.
And to support this change, he has removed the two stanzas between verse 240 and verse 249.—From that edition, I have corrected the Scottish names, which seemed to be altered in the modern English ballad.
When I call the present admired ballad modern, I only mean that it is comparatively so; for that it could not be writ much later than the time of Q. Elizabeth, I think may be made appear; nor yet does it seem to be older than the beginning of the last century.[894] Sir Philip Sidney, when he complains of the antiquated phrase of Chevy Chase, could never have seen this improved copy, the language of which is not more ancient than that he himself used. It is probable that the encomiums of so admired a writer excited some bard to revise the ballad, and to free it from those faults he had objected to it. That it could not be much later than that time, appears from the phrase doleful dumps: which in that age carried no ill sound with it, but to the next generation became ridiculous. We have seen it pass uncensured in a sonnet that was at that time in request, and where it could not fail to have been [Pg 252]taken notice of, had it been in the least exceptionable: see above, book ii. song v. ver. 2. Yet, in about half a century after, it was become burlesque. Vide Hudibras, Part I. c. 3, v. 95.
When I call the present admired ballad modern, I only mean that it is comparatively so; for that it could not be writ much later than the time of Q. Elizabeth, I think may be made appear; nor yet does it seem to be older than the beginning of the last century.[894] Sir Philip Sidney, when he complains of the antiquated phrase of Chevy Chase, could never have seen this improved copy, the language of which is not more ancient than that he himself used. It is probable that the encomiums of so admired a writer excited some bard to revise the ballad, and to free it from those faults he had objected to it. That it could not be much later than that time, appears from the phrase doleful dumps: which in that age carried no ill sound with it, but to the next generation became ridiculous. We have seen it pass uncensured in a sonnet that was at that time in request, and where it could not fail to have been [Pg 252]taken notice of, had it been in the least exceptionable: see above, book ii. song v. ver. 2. Yet, in about half a century after, it was become burlesque. Vide Hudibras, Part I. c. 3, v. 95.
This much premised, the reader that would see the general beauties of this ballad set in a just and striking light, may consult the excellent criticism of Mr. Addison.[895] With regard to its subject: it has already been considered in page 20. The conjectures there offered will receive confirmation from a passage in the Memoirs of Carey Earl of Monmouth, 8vo. 1759, p. 165; whence we learn that it was an ancient custom with the borderers of the two kingdoms, when they were at peace, to send to the Lord Wardens of the opposite Marches for leave to hunt within their districts. If leave was granted, then towards the end of summer they would come and hunt for several days together "with their greyhounds for deer:" but if they took this liberty unpermitted, then the Lord Warden of the border so invaded, would not fail to interrupt their sport and chastise their boldness. He mentions a remarkable instance that happened while he was Warden, when some Scotch gentlemen coming to hunt in defiance of him, there must have ensued such an action as this of Chevy Chace, if the intruders had been proportionably numerous and well-armed; for, upon their being attacked by his men at arms, he tells us, "some hurt was done, tho' he had given especiall order that they should shed as little blood as possible." They were in effect overpowered and taken prisoners, and only released on their promise to abstain from such licentious sporting for the future.
This much premised, the reader that would see the general beauties of this ballad set in a just and striking light, may consult the excellent criticism of Mr. Addison.[895] With regard to its subject: it has already been considered in page 20. The conjectures there offered will receive confirmation from a passage in the Memoirs of Carey Earl of Monmouth, 8vo. 1759, p. 165; whence we learn that it was an ancient custom with the borderers of the two kingdoms, when they were at peace, to send to the Lord Wardens of the opposite Marches for leave to hunt within their districts. If leave was granted, then towards the end of summer they would come and hunt for several days together "with their greyhounds for deer:" but if they took this liberty unpermitted, then the Lord Warden of the border so invaded, would not fail to interrupt their sport and chastise their boldness. He mentions a remarkable instance that happened while he was Warden, when some Scotch gentlemen coming to hunt in defiance of him, there must have ensued such an action as this of Chevy Chace, if the intruders had been proportionably numerous and well-armed; for, upon their being attacked by his men at arms, he tells us, "some hurt was done, tho' he had given especiall order that they should shed as little blood as possible." They were in effect overpowered and taken prisoners, and only released on their promise to abstain from such licentious sporting for the future.
Since the former impression of these volumes hath been published, a new edition of Collins's Peerage, 1779, &c., 9 Vols. 8vo. which contains, in volume ii. p. 334, an historical passage, which may be thought to throw considerable light on the subject of the preceding ballad: viz.
Since the previous edition of these volumes was published, a new version of Collins's Peerage, 1779, etc., 9 Vols. 8vo. has come out, which includes, in volume ii. p. 334, a historical section that may shed significant light on the topic of the earlier ballad: namely:
"In this ... year, 1436, according to Hector Boethius, was fought the Battle of Pepperden, not far from the Cheviot Hills, between the Earl of Northumberland (IId Earl, son of Hotspur,) and Earl William Douglas, of Angus, with a small army of about four thousand men each, in which the latter had the advantage. As this seems to have been a private conflict between these two great chieftains of the Borders, rather than a national war, it has been thought to have given rise to the celebrated old Ballad of Chevy-Chase; which, to render it more pathetic and interesting, has been heightened with tragical incidents wholly fictitious." See Ridpath's Border Hist. 4to, p. 401.
"In the year 1436, according to Hector Boethius, the Battle of Pepperden took place near the Cheviot Hills, between the Earl of Northumberland (2nd Earl, son of Hotspur) and Earl William Douglas of Angus, each commanding a small army of about four thousand men, with Douglas gaining the upper hand. Since this seems to have been a personal conflict between these two prominent leaders of the Borders rather than a national war, it is believed to have inspired the famous old ballad of Chevy-Chase, which, to make it more emotional and engaging, has been enhanced with tragic fictional events." See Ridpath's Border Hist. 4to, p. 401.
The following text is given from a copy in the Editor's folio MS. [Pg 253]compared with two or three others printed in black-letter.—In the second volume of Dryden's Miscellanies may be found a translation of Chevy-Chace into Latin rhymes. The translator, Mr. Henry Bold, of New College, undertook it at the command of Dr. Compton, bishop of London; who thought it no derogation to his episcopal character, to avow a fondness for this excellent old ballad. See the preface to Bold's Latin Songs, 1685, 8vo.
The following text is taken from a copy in the Editor's folio MS. [Pg 253] compared with two or three others printed in black-letter. In the second volume of Dryden's Miscellanies, you can find a translation of Chevy-Chace into Latin rhymes. The translator, Mr. Henry Bold, from New College, took it on at the request of Dr. Compton, the Bishop of London; who believed it wasn’t beneath his status as a bishop to openly enjoy this great old ballad. See the preface to Bold's Latin Songs, 1685, 8vo.
[The following version varies in certain particulars from the one in the MS. folio (ed. Hales and Furnivall, 1867, vol. ii. p. i), and the most important variations are noted at the foot of the page. Some of the alterations in the arrangement of the words are improvements, but others are the reverse, for instance verses 129-132. Percy follows the copy printed in the Collection of Old Ballads, 1723 (vol. i. p. 108), much more closely than the MS.]
[The following version differs in some details from the one in the MS. folio (ed. Hales and Furnivall, 1867, vol. ii. p. i), and the most significant changes are noted at the bottom of the page. Some of the changes in word arrangement are improvements, while others are not, like verses 129-132. Percy adheres to the version printed in the Collection of Old Ballads, 1723 (vol. i. p. 108), much more closely than the MS.]

A sad hunting once took place[896]
In Chevy Chase happen;
Erle Percy made his way;[897]
The child may regret that they were never born,
The hunt of that day.
His enjoyment in the Scottish woods
Three summer days to take;
These news were delivered to Earl Douglas,15
In Scotland where he lay: [Pg 254]
He would stop his fun. The English Earl, not worried about that, Went to the woods resort
To hunt the fallow deer:
On Monday, they started to hunt,
Before daylight appeared;
Well able to cope; Their backsides all, with special care,35
That day was definitely guarded.[898]
The quick deer to take,[899]
That with their cries the hills and valleys[Pg 255] A shrill echo was heard.
To see the slaughtered deer;[901]
He said, Earl Douglas promised This day to meet me here:
No longer would I stay.
With that, a brave young gentleman So the Earl said:
And take your bows quickly;
Have courage and move forward; For there has never been a champion yet,
In Scotland or France,
With him to break a spear.
Most like a bold baron,
Rode ahead of his team,
Whose armor shone like gold.
[Pg 256]
Nor show whose men we are:
Your greatest hearts to slay.
Then Douglas took a solemn oath,
In anger, he said, 80
One of us will die:
I know you well, you are an earl;
Lord Percy, so am I.
And it’s a huge offense to kill Any of these guiltless men,
For they have done no wrong.
Cursed be he, Earl Percy said, By whom this is denied.[903]
And I stood watching. [904]
"You be two earls," said Witherington, And I a Squier alone: [Pg 257]
While I have the power to wield my sword,
I will fight with all my heart and strength.
Their hearts were good and true;
At the first flight of arrows sent,
Full eighty Scots they killed.
As a strong and good leader. As brave Captain, all unmoved He stood firm in shock.
But still our brave Englishmen
All stood their ground:120
And now hard hits, a heavy downpour,
On shields and helmets light. [Pg 258]
No slackness was found; And many a brave gentleman Lying gasping on the ground.
And likewise for hearing,130
The screams of men lying in their blood,
And scattered all around.
And had a brutal fight:
With swords of tempered steel; Until the blood drips like raindrops,
They felt the trickling down.
Where you will be promoted high By James, our Scottish king:
And this report of you,
You are the bravest knight,
That I've ever seen. [Pg 259]
That has ever been born.
What hit Erle Douglas hard,[910]155
A deep and deadly blow:
Keep fighting, my cheerful friends; For that reason, my life is over; Lord Percy witnesses my fall.160
And said, Earl Douglas, for your life[912]
I wish I had lost my land.
Bad luck can never take.
Which saw Erle Douglas color, 170
Who, filled with anger, swore to get revenge Upon Lord Percy:
Who, with a spear most bright,
Well-mounted on a brave horse,175
Fought fiercely through the battle; [Pg 260]
Without all dread or fear; And through Earl Percy's body then He thrust his hateful spear;
Made of a reliable tree; A cloth-yard long arrow He drew up to the head:[914]
The gray goose wing that was there, 195
In his heart, blood was wet.
For when they rang the evening bell,[915]
The battle was barely over.200
Sir Robert Ratcliff and Sir John,[917]
[Pg 261] Sir James the bold baron:
Both honorable knights,
Good Sir Ralph Raby was slain,
Whose skill did surpass.
Feeling sad; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__210
For when his legs were cut off,
He fought on his stumps.
One foot would never flee.
His sister's son was he; Sir David Lamb, highly regarded,[921]
Yet saved cold not be.
Did with Erle Douglas color:
Of two thousand Scottish spears,
Scarce fifty-five did fly.
Under the greenwood tree. [Pg 262]
Their husbands to be; They washed their wounds in salty tears,
But all would not prevail.
They took them away: They kissed them dead a thousand times, 235
Before they were covered in clay.
Where Scotland's king reigned, That brave Erle Douglas suddenly Was slain by an arrow:240
I don't have any captain anymore. Of such importance as he.
That Percy from Northumberland Was slain in Chevy Chase:
Sith, it will now be better; I believe I have, within my realm,
Five hundred is as good as he is:
But I will take revenge:
I'll get my revenge on all of them,255
For the sake of brave Erle Percyes.
With famous lords: [Pg 263]
Did many thousands dye: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Thus concludes the hunting of Chevy-Chase,
Made by Erle Percy.
With plenty, joy, and peace;
And from now on, let there be no more ugly arguments. Between noblemen may cease.

The surnames in the foregoing Ballad are altered, either by accident or design, from the old original copy, and in common editions extremely corrupted. They are here rectified, as much as they could be. Thus,
The surnames in the previous Ballad have been changed, either by accident or intentionally, from the original version, and in common editions, they are greatly corrupted. They have been corrected here as much as possible. Thus,
[Ver. 202, Egerton.] This name is restored (instead of Ogerton, com. ed.) from the Editor's folio MS. The pieces in that MS. appear to have been collected, and many of them composed (among which might be this ballad) by an inhabitant of Cheshire; who was willing to pay a compliment here to one of his countrymen, of the eminent family De or Of Egerton (so the name was first written) ancestors of the present Duke of Bridgwater: and this he could do with the more propriety, as the Percies had formerly great interest in that county. At the fatal battle of Shrewsbury all the flower of the Cheshire gentlemen lost their lives fighting in the cause of Hotspur.
[Ver. 202, Egerton.] This name is restored (instead of Ogerton, com. ed.) from the Editor's folio MS. The pieces in that MS. seem to have been collected, and many of them created (including this ballad) by someone from Cheshire; who wanted to honor one of his fellow countrymen from the famous family De or Of Egerton (as the name was originally written), ancestors of the current Duke of Bridgwater: and he could do this more fittingly, since the Percies had previously held significant influence in that county. During the tragic battle of Shrewsbury, all the best Cheshire gentlemen lost their lives fighting for Hotspur.
[Ver. 203, Ratcliff.] This was a family much distinguished in Northumberland. Edw. Radcliffe, mil. was sheriff of that county in the 17 of Hen. VII. and others of the same surname afterwards. (See Fuller, p. 313.) Sir George Ratcliff, Knt. was one of the commissioners of inclosure in 1552. (See Nicholson, p. 330.) Of this family was the late Earl of Derwentwater, who was beheaded in 1715. The Editor's folio MS. however, reads here, Sir Robert Harcliffe and Sir William.
[Ver. 203, Ratcliff.] This was a family well-known in Northumberland. Edw. Radcliffe, mil. served as sheriff of that county in the 17th year of Henry VII, along with others of the same surname later on. (See Fuller, p. 313.) Sir George Ratcliff, Knt. was one of the commissioners for inclosure in 1552. (See Nicholson, p. 330.) This family included the late Earl of Derwentwater, who was executed in 1715. The Editor's folio manuscript, however, mentions Sir Robert Harcliffe and Sir William.
The Harcleys were an eminent family in Cumberland. (See Fuller, p. 224.) Whether this may be thought to be the same name, I do not determine.
The Harcleys were a prominent family in Cumberland. (See Fuller, p. 224.) I can't say for sure if this is the same name or not.
[Ver. 204. Baron.] This is apparently altered, (not to say corrupted) from Hearone, in p. 32, ver. 114.
[Ver. 204. Baron.] This seems to be changed, if not distorted, from Hearone, on p. 32, ver. 114.
[Ver. 207. Raby.] This might be intended to celebrate one of the ancient possessors of Raby Castle, in the county of Durham. Yet it is written Rebbye, in the fol. MS. and looks like a corruption of Rugby or Rokeby, an eminent family in Yorkshire, see pp. 32, 52. It will not be wondered that the Percies should be thought to bring followers out of that county, where they themselves were originally seated, and had always such extensive property and influence.[924]
[Ver. 207. Raby.] This might be intended to celebrate one of the ancient possessors of Raby Castle, in the county of Durham. Yet it is written Rebbye, in the fol. MS. and looks like a corruption of Rugby or Rokeby, an eminent family in Yorkshire, see pp. 32, 52. It will not be wondered that the Percies should be thought to bring followers out of that county, where they themselves were originally seated, and had always such extensive property and influence.[924]
[Ver. 215. Murray.] So the Scottish copy. In the com. edit. it is Carrel or Currel; and Morrell in the fol. MS.
[Ver. 215. Murray.] So the Scottish version. In the common edition, it is Carrel or Currel; and Morrell in the fol. manuscript.
[Ver. 217. Murray.] So the Scot. edit.—The common copies read Murrel. The fol. MS. gives the line in the following peculiar manner,
[Ver. 217. Murray.] So the Scot. edit.—The usual copies say Murrel. The fol. MS. presents the line in this unique way,
[Ver. 219. Lamb.] The folio MS. has
[Ver. 219. Lamb.] The folio manuscript has
This seems evidently corrupted from Lwdale or Liddell, in the old copy, see ver. 125. (pp. 32, 52).
This clearly appears to be corrupted from Lwdale or Liddell, in the old copy, see ver. 125. (pp. 32, 52).
FOOTNOTES:
[894] A late writer has started a notion that the more modern copy "was written to be sung by a party of English, headed by a Douglas in the year 1524; which is the true reason why, at the same time that it gives the advantage to the English soldiers above the Scotch, it gives yet so lovely and so manifestly superior a character to the Scotch commander above the English." See Say's Essay on the Numbers of Paradise Lost, 4to. 1745, p. 167.
[894] A late writer has started a notion that the more modern copy "was written to be sung by a party of English, headed by a Douglas in the year 1524; which is the true reason why, at the same time that it gives the advantage to the English soldiers above the Scotch, it gives yet so lovely and so manifestly superior a character to the Scotch commander above the English." See Say's Essay on the Numbers of Paradise Lost, 4to. 1745, p. 167.
This appears to me a groundless conjecture: the language seems too modern for the date above-mentioned; and, had it been printed even so early as Queen Elizabeth's reign, I think I should have met with some copy wherein the first line would have been,
This seems to me an unfounded guess: the language appears too modern for the date mentioned above; and if it had been printed even as early as Queen Elizabeth's reign, I think I would have come across a copy where the first line would have been,
as was the case with the Blind Beggar of Bednal Green; see vol. ii. book ii. No. x. ver. 23.
as was the case with the Blind Beggar of Bednal Green; see vol. ii. book ii. No. x. ver. 23.
[895] In the Spectator, Nos. 70, 74.
[899] The Chiviot Hills and circumjacent wastes are at present void of deer, and almost stript of their woods: but formerly they had enough of both to justify the description attempted here and in the Ancient Ballad of Chevy-Chase. Leland, in the reign of Hen. VIII. thus describes this county: "In Northumberland, as I heare say, be no Forests, except Chivet Hills; where is much Brushe-Wood, and some Okke; Grownde ovargrowne with Linge, and some with Mosse. I have harde say that Chivet Hilles stretchethe xx miles. There is greate Plenté of Redde-Dere, and Roo-Bukkes." Itin. vol. vii. page 56.—This passage, which did not occur when pages 40, 42 were printed off, confirms the accounts there given of the Stagge and the Roe.
[899] The Chiviot Hills and circumjacent wastes are at present void of deer, and almost stript of their woods: but formerly they had enough of both to justify the description attempted here and in the Ancient Ballad of Chevy-Chase. Leland, in the reign of Hen. VIII. thus describes this county: "In Northumberland, as I heare say, be no Forests, except Chivet Hills; where is much Brushe-Wood, and some Okke; Grownde ovargrowne with Linge, and some with Mosse. I have harde say that Chivet Hilles stretchethe xx miles. There is greate Plenté of Redde-Dere, and Roo-Bukkes." Itin. vol. vii. page 56.—This passage, which did not occur when pages 40, 42 were printed off, confirms the accounts there given of the Stagge and the Roe.
[900] [slaughtered game.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [killed game.]
[902] [fortune.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fortune.]
[906] The 4 stanzas here inclosed in brackets, which are borrowed chiefly from the ancient copy, are offered to the reader instead of the following lines, which occur in the Editor's folio MS.
[906] The 4 stanzas here inclosed in brackets, which are borrowed chiefly from the ancient copy, are offered to the reader instead of the following lines, which occur in the Editor's folio MS.
Douglas said on the bend; Two captains moved with great power Their spheres turned to shivers.
[907] [field.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [field.]
[908] [Ver. 129-132. This stanza in the MS. is far superior to the poor one in the text.
[908] [Ver. 129-132. This stanza in the MS. is far superior to the poor one in the text.
how each man chose his sphere
and how the blood flowed from their chests
Did gush like clear water.
[909] [furious.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [angry.]
II.
DEATH'S FINAL CONQUEST.

These fine moral stanzas were originally intended for a solemn funeral song, in a play of James Shirley's, intitled, "The Contention of Ajax and Ulysses:"[925] no date, 8vo.—Shirley flourished as a dramatic writer early in the reign of Charles I.: but he outlived the Restoration. His death happened October 29, 1666. Æt. 72.
These fine moral stanzas were originally intended for a solemn funeral song, in a play of James Shirley's, intitled, "The Contention of Ajax and Ulysses:"[925] no date, 8vo.—Shirley flourished as a dramatic writer early in the reign of Charles I.: but he outlived the Restoration. His death happened October 29, 1666. Æt. 72.
This little poem was written long after many of these that follow, but is inserted here as a kind of Dirge to the foregoing piece. It is said to have been a favourite song with K. Charles II. [to whom, according to Oldys, it was often sung by "old" Bowman.]
This short poem was written long after many of the ones that come next, but it’s included here as a sort of eulogy to the previous piece. It’s said to have been a favorite song of King Charles II, who, according to Oldys, often had “old” Bowman sing it to him.

Shadows aren't substantial things; There’s no protection against fate:
Death puts his cold hands on kings:
Scepter and crown Must fall down,
And in the dust be made equal With the worn-out, bent scythe and shovel.
And plant fresh laurels where they die:10
But their strong nerves must eventually give in; They tame each other still. Early or late They bow to fate,
And must stop their whispering breath,15
When the pale captives crawl towards death.
Then don't brag about your great accomplishments anymore; At death's purple altar now See where the winning victim bleeds:20
All heads must gather To the chilly grave,
Only the actions of the righteous Smell sweet and bloom in the dust.
FOOTNOTES:
III.
THE RISING IN THE NORTH.

The subject of this ballad is the great Northern Insurrection in the 12th year of Elizabeth, 1569; which proved so fatal to Thomas Percy, the seventh Earl of Northumberland.
The subject of this ballad is the major Northern Rebellion in the 12th year of Elizabeth, 1569; which ended up being so disastrous for Thomas Percy, the seventh Earl of Northumberland.
There had not long before been a secret negotiation entered into between some of the Scottish and English nobility, to bring about a marriage between Mary Q. of Scots, at that time a prisoner in England, and the Duke of Norfolk, a nobleman of excellent character, and firmly attached to the Protestant religion. This match was proposed to all the most considerable of the English nobility, and among the rest to the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, two noblemen very powerful in the North. As it seemed to promise a speedy and safe conclusion of the troubles in Scotland, with many advantages to the crown of England, they all consented to it, provided it should prove agreeable to Q. Elizabeth. The Earl of Leicester (Elizabeth's favourite) undertook to break the matter to her, but before he could find an opportunity, the affair had come to her ears by other hands, and she was thrown into a violent flame. The Duke of Norfolk, with several of his friends, was committed to the Tower, and summons were sent to the Northern Earls instantly to make their appearance at court. It is said that the Earl of Northumberland, who was a man of a mild and gentle nature, was deliberating with himself whether he should not obey the message, and rely upon the queen's candour and clemency, when he was forced into desperate measures by a sudden report at midnight, Nov. 14, that a party of his enemies were come to seize on his person.[926] The Earl was then at his house at Topcliffe in Yorkshire. When rising hastily out of bed, he withdrew to the Earl of Westmoreland, at Brancepeth, where the country came in to them, and pressed them to take arms in their own defence. They accordingly set up their standards, declaring their intent was to restore the ancient religion, to get the succession of the crown firmly settled, and to prevent the destruction of the ancient nobility, &c. Their common banner[927] (on [Pg 267]which was displayed the cross, together with the five wounds of Christ) was borne by an ancient gentleman, Richard Norton, Esq., of Norton-conyers; who, with his sons (among whom, Christopher, Marmaduke, and Thomas, are expressly named by Camden), distinguished himself on this occasion. Having entered Durham, they tore the Bible, &c., and caused mass to be said there: they then marched on to Clifford-moor near Wetherbye, where they mustered their men. Their intention was to have proceeded on to York, but, altering their minds, they fell upon Barnard's castle, which Sir George Bowes held out against them for eleven days. The two earls, who spent their large estates in hospitality, and were extremely beloved on that account, were masters of little ready money; the E. of Northumberland bringing with him only 8000 crowns, and the E. of Westmoreland nothing at all for the subsistence of their forces, they were not able to march to London, as they had at first intended. In these circumstances, Westmoreland began so visibly to despond, that many of his men slunk away, tho' Northumberland still kept up his resolution, and was master of the field till December 13, when the Earl of Sussex, accompanied with Lord Hunsden and others, having marched out of York at the head of a large body of forces, and being followed by a still larger army under the command of Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick, the insurgents retreated northward towards the borders, and there dismissing their followers, made their escape into Scotland. Tho' this insurrection had been suppressed with so little bloodshed, the Earl of Sussex and Sir George Bowes, marshal of the army, put vast numbers to death by martial law, without any regular trial. The former of these caused sixty-three constables to be hanged at once. And the latter made his boast, that, for sixty miles in length, and forty in breadth, betwixt Newcastle and Wetherby, there was hardly a town or village wherein he had not executed some of the inhabitants. This exceeds the cruelties practised in the West after Monmouth's rebellion: but that was not the age of tenderness and humanity.
There had not long before been a secret negotiation entered into between some of the Scottish and English nobility, to bring about a marriage between Mary Q. of Scots, at that time a prisoner in England, and the Duke of Norfolk, a nobleman of excellent character, and firmly attached to the Protestant religion. This match was proposed to all the most considerable of the English nobility, and among the rest to the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, two noblemen very powerful in the North. As it seemed to promise a speedy and safe conclusion of the troubles in Scotland, with many advantages to the crown of England, they all consented to it, provided it should prove agreeable to Q. Elizabeth. The Earl of Leicester (Elizabeth's favourite) undertook to break the matter to her, but before he could find an opportunity, the affair had come to her ears by other hands, and she was thrown into a violent flame. The Duke of Norfolk, with several of his friends, was committed to the Tower, and summons were sent to the Northern Earls instantly to make their appearance at court. It is said that the Earl of Northumberland, who was a man of a mild and gentle nature, was deliberating with himself whether he should not obey the message, and rely upon the queen's candour and clemency, when he was forced into desperate measures by a sudden report at midnight, Nov. 14, that a party of his enemies were come to seize on his person.[926] The Earl was then at his house at Topcliffe in Yorkshire. When rising hastily out of bed, he withdrew to the Earl of Westmoreland, at Brancepeth, where the country came in to them, and pressed them to take arms in their own defence. They accordingly set up their standards, declaring their intent was to restore the ancient religion, to get the succession of the crown firmly settled, and to prevent the destruction of the ancient nobility, &c. Their common banner[927] (on [Pg 267]which was displayed the cross, together with the five wounds of Christ) was borne by an ancient gentleman, Richard Norton, Esq., of Norton-conyers; who, with his sons (among whom, Christopher, Marmaduke, and Thomas, are expressly named by Camden), distinguished himself on this occasion. Having entered Durham, they tore the Bible, &c., and caused mass to be said there: they then marched on to Clifford-moor near Wetherbye, where they mustered their men. Their intention was to have proceeded on to York, but, altering their minds, they fell upon Barnard's castle, which Sir George Bowes held out against them for eleven days. The two earls, who spent their large estates in hospitality, and were extremely beloved on that account, were masters of little ready money; the E. of Northumberland bringing with him only 8000 crowns, and the E. of Westmoreland nothing at all for the subsistence of their forces, they were not able to march to London, as they had at first intended. In these circumstances, Westmoreland began so visibly to despond, that many of his men slunk away, tho' Northumberland still kept up his resolution, and was master of the field till December 13, when the Earl of Sussex, accompanied with Lord Hunsden and others, having marched out of York at the head of a large body of forces, and being followed by a still larger army under the command of Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick, the insurgents retreated northward towards the borders, and there dismissing their followers, made their escape into Scotland. Tho' this insurrection had been suppressed with so little bloodshed, the Earl of Sussex and Sir George Bowes, marshal of the army, put vast numbers to death by martial law, without any regular trial. The former of these caused sixty-three constables to be hanged at once. And the latter made his boast, that, for sixty miles in length, and forty in breadth, betwixt Newcastle and Wetherby, there was hardly a town or village wherein he had not executed some of the inhabitants. This exceeds the cruelties practised in the West after Monmouth's rebellion: but that was not the age of tenderness and humanity.
Such is the account collected from Stow, Speed, Camden, Guthrie, Carte, and Rapin; it agrees in most particulars with the following ballad, which was apparently the production of some northern minstrel, who was well affected to the two noblemen. It is here printed from two MS. copies, one of them in the Editor's folio collection. They contained considerable variations, out of which such readings were chosen as seemed most poetical and consonant to history.
Such is the account gathered from Stow, Speed, Camden, Guthrie, Carte, and Rapin; it matches in most details with the following ballad, which was apparently created by a northern minstrel who had a strong admiration for the two noblemen. It is printed here from two manuscript copies, one of which is in the Editor's folio collection. They had significant variations, from which the readings that appeared most poetic and true to history were selected.
[The Northern Rebellion of 1569 has been nobly commemorated in verse. Besides the two following ballads there is the one entitled the Earle of Westmorlande, in the folio MS. which was printed for[Pg 268] the first time in 1867, and also Wordsworth's matchless poem of the White Doe of Rylstone. Those readers who wish for further particulars respecting this ill-starred insurrection, should see Mr. Hales's interesting introduction to the Earl of Westmoreland (Folio MS., ed. Hales and Furnivall, vol. i. p. 292).
[The Northern Rebellion of 1569 has been honorably remembered in poetry. In addition to the two ballads that follow, there is the one called the Earle of Westmorlande, in the folio MS., which was published for[Pg 268] the first time in 1867, as well as Wordsworth's remarkable poem, the White Doe of Rylstone. Readers who want more details about this unfortunate uprising should check out Mr. Hales's engaging introduction to the Earl of Westmoreland (Folio MS., ed. Hales and Furnivall, vol. i. p. 292).]
Percy acknowledges above that he has not followed the folio MS. very closely, and his variations will be seen by comparing his version with the copy now printed at the end.]
Percy admits above that he hasn't closely followed the folio manuscript, and you can see his differences by comparing his version with the copy printed at the end.

And I will sing about a noble earl,
The noblest earl in the northern country.
And after him walks his beautiful lady: [928]
I heard a bird singing in my ear,
I have to either fight or run away.
That such harm should ever happen to you:10
But go to London to the court,
And may truth and honesty prevail.
Unfortunately, your advice doesn't work for me;
My enemies win so quickly,15
That I may not be at the court.
If anyone dares to wrong you, Then they may be your warrant.20
[Pg 269]
The court is full of subtlety;
And if I go to court, lady,
I may never see you again.
And I will ride with you: At court then for my beloved lord,
His faithful borrow __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I will be
I would much rather lose my life __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ than that. Than to stay among my cruel enemies. My love is in danger and turmoil.
Come here to me,
You must go to Master Norton. In all the rush that there may ever be.
And carry this letter for me; And say that sincerely I pray, He will ride with me.40
The little foot-page never faded.[931]
He knelt down on one knee; And took the letter between his hands,
And let the gentleman see it.
There were many teary eyes.
[Pg 270]
Is the good earl in danger now?
And whatever you promise him,
I wouldn't want you to break your promise.60
You will be well advanced.
I believe you are brave men:
How many of you, my dear children,
Will you support that good earl and me?
Oh Father, until the day we die We'll support that good earl and you.
You showed yourselves very bold and brave; And wherever I live or die,75
You shall have a father's blessing.
You are my oldest son and heir:
Something is quietly troubling you inside; Whatever it is, tell me. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Pg 271]
Your hair is white, your beard is gray;
It would be a shame at your age For you to rise in such a conflict.
You never learned this from me:
When you were young and vulnerable,
Why did I think so highly of you?
Unarmed and bare will I be; And whoever strikes against the crown,
May he die a miserable death.
And with him came a good group To team up with the brave Erle Percy,95
And all the flowers of Northumberland.
The Earl of Westmorland was he: At Wetherbye, they gathered their troops,
Thirteen thousand to see.100
And three dogs with golden collars
They were set out in a very royal manner.[934]
[Pg 272]
The Half-Moon shining so brightly:[935]
The Nortons once had the cross,
And the five wounds our Lord bore.
After them some spoils to make: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The noble earls turned back again,
And yeah, they promised to take it that night. [Pg 273]
The outer walls were easy to conquer, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The earls have won them right now.
For they were carved from stone. 120
And news is delivered to our royal queen. Of the uprising in the North country.
And like a royal queen, she swore,[938]
I'll prepare them a breakfast like this,
Like never before in the North.
With horse and harness __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ fair to see; She got thirty thousand men to be recruited,
To take the earls in the northern country.
The Earl of Sussex and Lord Hunsden; Until they arrived at York Castle __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I wish they never stop being so kind.[940]
We would love to see your dun bull:
And you, the Earl of Northumberland,
Now raise your half moon up high.140
[Pg 274]
And the half moon disappeared: The Erles, even though they were brave and daring,
Couldn’t stay against so many.
Your honorable locks could not save you,
Nor their fair and blooming youth.
And many a child became fatherless,
And left many a loving wife a widow.


[The following version of this ballad is from the Folio MS (ed. Hales and Furnivall, 1867, vol. ii. p. 210.)
[The following version of this ballad is from the Folio MS (ed. Hales and Furnivall, 1867, vol. ii. p. 210.)
If you will listen to my song,
I will explain how this genre started. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
a noble Earl was called hee;
and he committed treason against the crown;
Unfortunately, it was all the more tragic!8
he was another good noble earl,
they took both upon one part,
against their crown they would be.12
"That I must either fight or flee." [Pg 275]
that ever so that it shall be!
but go to London to the court,
and to speak the truth and be honest!"20
that it should always be so; My betrayal is well-known enough;
At the court, I must not be. 24
your warrant they may be.28
for some it must not be; If I go to the court, Lady,
"Death will come for me, and I must prepare." 32
your borrow I shall be."36
for some it must not be;
If I go to court, my lady,
you must never see me.
for you will send a message to Master Norton
in all the haste that ever may be:44
bring him this letter from me,
and say, 'I pray to him earnestly
"that he will ride in my company."
the footer page never planned;52
and took the letter in his hands,
and let the gentleman see it.56
[Pg 276]
Sure, if you want to know the truth,
there were many crying eyes.60
you seem to be a fine fellow; some good counsel, Kester Nortton,
"Give me this day."64
If you could consult with me,
that if you have spoken the word, father,
"that you do not run away again."
I say, God have mercy!
if I live and survive, you will be well advanced;72
In men's estate, I believe you are;
How many of you, my dear children,
on my part that will be?"76
and spoke very hastily,
says "we will be on your side, father,
"until the day that we die."80
And ever I say God have mercy!
and yet you shall have my blessing,
whether I live or die. 84
my eldest son and my heir truly? some good counsel, Francis Norton,
"give me this day." 88
If you will consult with me; If you would take my advice, father,
"You're not supposed to go against the crown." 92
I cast a curse on you!
when you were young and tender in age I appreciated you a lot. "96
[Pg 277]
"and your beard is wonderfully gray;
It would be a shame for your country. If you should get up and run away.100
you never took that from me!
when you were young and tender in age I put you on a pedestal too much.104
whoever lands the first blow against the crown,
"May he die a painful death!"108
and 3 dogs with golden collars
were set out royally.
as the Lord was crucified on the cross,
and set forth pleasantly.124
after them, a spoil to create; the Erles returned again,
Did you ever think that Knight would take __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__?
was made of lime and stone;
the outermost walls were easy to be breached; the Earls have won them right away;132
the innermost walls the cold could not conquer,
They were made of a piece of stone.136
[Pg 278]
and word reached our royal Queen
of all the rebels in the northern country.140
says, "I will arrange for them such a breakfast
as it hasn't been in the North for the past 1000 years!"144
to capture the rebels in the North country.148
so did many another man; until they arrived at York Castle,
I wish they never stopped or hesitated.152
"We would really like to see the half moon!"
but the half moon has disappeared and is gone,
and the Dun bull disappeared; 156
and Francis Norton and his 8 sons
are fled away most cowardly.
But hold your tongue! Why do you say that? Men will be men when money is gone.
ffins.]
ffins.]
FOOTNOTES:
[929] [surety.]
[930] [rather.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [rather.]
[931] [lingered.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [stayed.]
[932] ["The Act of Attainder 13th Elizabeth, only mentions Richard Norton, the father and seven sons, and in 'a list of the rebels in the late northern rebellion, that are fled beyond the seas,' the same seven sons are named. Richard Norton, the father, was living long after the rebellion in Spanish Flanders. See Sharp's Bishoprick Garland, p. 10."—Child's Eng. and Scot. Ballads, Vol. 7, p. 87 (note).]
[932] ["The Act of Attainder 13th Elizabeth, only mentions Richard Norton, the father and seven sons, and in 'a list of the rebels in the late northern rebellion, that are fled beyond the seas,' the same seven sons are named. Richard Norton, the father, was living long after the rebellion in Spanish Flanders. See Sharp's Bishoprick Garland, p. 10."—Child's Eng. and Scot. Ballads, Vol. 7, p. 87 (note).]
[933] [standard.]
[934] [Ver. 102. Dun Bull, &c.] The supporters of the Nevilles, Earls of Westmoreland, were Two Bulls Argent, ducally collar'd Gold, armed Or, &c. But I have not discovered the device mentioned in the ballad, among the badges, &c. given by that house. This, however, is certain, that among those of the Nevilles, Lords Abergavenny (who were of the same family) is a Dun Cow with a golden Collar: and the Nevilles of Chyte in Yorkshire (of the Westmoreland branch) gave for their crest, in 1513, a Dog's (Greyhound's) Head erased. So that it is not improbable but Charles Neville, the unhappy Earl of Westmoreland here mentioned, might on this occasion give the above device on his banner. After all our old minstrel's verses here may have undergone some corruption; for, in another Ballad in the same folio MS. and apparently written by the same hand, containing the sequel of this Lord Westmoreland's history, his banner is thus described, more conformable to his known bearings:
[934] [Ver. 102. Dun Bull, &c.] The supporters of the Nevilles, Earls of Westmoreland, were Two Bulls Argent, ducally collar'd Gold, armed Or, &c. But I have not discovered the device mentioned in the ballad, among the badges, &c. given by that house. This, however, is certain, that among those of the Nevilles, Lords Abergavenny (who were of the same family) is a Dun Cow with a golden Collar: and the Nevilles of Chyte in Yorkshire (of the Westmoreland branch) gave for their crest, in 1513, a Dog's (Greyhound's) Head erased. So that it is not improbable but Charles Neville, the unhappy Earl of Westmoreland here mentioned, might on this occasion give the above device on his banner. After all our old minstrel's verses here may have undergone some corruption; for, in another Ballad in the same folio MS. and apparently written by the same hand, containing the sequel of this Lord Westmoreland's history, his banner is thus described, more conformable to his known bearings:
With Gilden Hornes, he carries it all so high.
[935] [Ver. 106. The Half-Moone, &c.] The Silver Crescent is a well-known crest or badge of the Northumberland family. It was probably brought home from some of the Cruzades against the Sarazens. In an ancient Pedigree in verse, finely illuminated on a roll of vellum, and written in the reign of Henry VII. (in possession of the family) we have this fabulous account given of its original. The author begins with accounting for the name of Gernon or Algernon, often born by the Percies; who, he says, were
[935] [Ver. 106. The Half-Moone, &c.] The Silver Crescent is a well-known crest or badge of the Northumberland family. It was probably brought home from some of the Cruzades against the Sarazens. In an ancient Pedigree in verse, finely illuminated on a roll of vellum, and written in the reign of Henry VII. (in possession of the family) we have this fabulous account given of its original. The author begins with accounting for the name of Gernon or Algernon, often born by the Percies; who, he says, were
Which valiantly fought in the land of Persia __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ At the terrible point in the night, the wrongdoers... A heavenly mystery was revealed to him, as old books recount; In his shield shone a Moon confirming her light,
Which to all the East have a perfect sight,
To vanquish his enemies and pursue their death; And so the Persès [Percies] renews the Crescent.
In the dark ages no family was deemed considerable that did not derive its descent from the Trojan Brutus; or that was not distinguished by prodigies and miracles.
In the Dark Ages, no family was considered important unless they could trace their lineage back to the Trojan Brutus or were known for extraordinary events and miracles.
[936] [easy.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [simple.]
[937] [dear.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [dear.]
[939] [armour.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [armor.]
[940] [lingered.]

IV.
NORTHUMBERLAND BETRAYED BY
DOUGLAS.

This ballad may be considered as the sequel of the preceding. After the unfortunate Earl of Northumberland had seen himself forsaken of his followers, he endeavoured to withdraw into Scotland, but falling into the hands of the thievish borderers, was stript and otherwise ill-treated by them. At length he reached the house of Hector, of Harlaw, an Armstrong, with whom he hoped to lie concealed: for, Hector had engaged his honour to be true to him, and was under great obligations to this unhappy nobleman. But this faithless wretch betrayed his guest for a sum of money to Murray the Regent of Scotland, who sent him to the castle of Lough-leven, then belonging to William Douglas. All the writers of that time assure us that Hector, who was rich before, fell shortly after into poverty, and became so infamous, that to take Hector's cloak, grew into a proverb to express a man who betrays his friend. See Camden, Carleton, Holinshed, &c.
This ballad can be seen as the sequel to the one before it. After the unfortunate Earl of Northumberland found himself abandoned by his followers, he tried to escape into Scotland. However, he was captured by the thieving borderers, who stripped him and treated him poorly. Eventually, he reached the home of Hector of Harlaw, an Armstrong, with the hope of staying hidden there. Hector had promised to be loyal to him and owed this unhappy nobleman a great debt. But this treacherous man betrayed his guest for a sum of money to Murray, the Regent of Scotland, who sent him to the castle of Lough-leven, then owned by William Douglas. All the chroniclers of that time confirm that Hector, who had been wealthy before, soon fell into poverty and became so notorious that to take Hector's cloak became a saying to describe someone who betrays a friend. See Camden, Carleton, Holinshed, etc.
Lord Northumberland continued in the castle of Lough-leven till the year 1572; when James Douglas, Earl of Morton, being elected Regent, he was given up to the Lord Hunsden at Berwick, and being carried to York suffered death. As Morton's party depended on Elizabeth for protection, an elegant historian thinks "it was scarce possible for them to refuse putting into her hands a person who had taken up arms against her. But, as a sum of money was paid on that account, and shared between Morton and his kinsman Douglas, the former of whom, during his exile in England, had been much indebted to Northumberland's friendship, the abandoning this unhappy nobleman to inevitable destruction was deemed an ungrateful and mercenary act." Robertson's Hist.
Lord Northumberland stayed in Lough Leven Castle until 1572. When James Douglas, the Earl of Morton, was elected Regent, he was handed over to Lord Hunsden at Berwick and taken to York, where he was executed. Since Morton's faction relied on Elizabeth for protection, a noted historian suggests that "it was hardly possible for them to refuse to hand over someone who had taken up arms against her. However, as a sum of money was paid for this and split between Morton and his relative Douglas, with the former having benefited greatly from Northumberland's friendship during his exile in England, abandoning this unfortunate nobleman to certain doom was seen as an ungrateful and greedy act." Robertson's Hist.
So far history coincides with this ballad, which was apparently written by some Northern bard soon after the event. The interposal of the witch-lady (v. 53) is probably his own invention: yet, even this hath some countenance from history; for about 25 years before, the Lady Jane Douglas, Lady Glamis, sister of the earl of Angus, and nearly related to Douglas of Lough-leven, had suffered[Pg 280] death for the pretended crime of witchcraft; who, it is presumed, is the Witch-lady alluded to in verse 133.
So far, history lines up with this ballad, which was likely written by a Northern bard shortly after the event. The mention of the witch-lady (v. 53) is probably his own creation; however, even this has some support from history. About 25 years earlier, Lady Jane Douglas, Lady Glamis, sister of the Earl of Angus, and closely related to Douglas of Lough-leven, had died for the false charge of witchcraft. It is believed that she is the Witch-lady referred to in verse 133.
The following is selected (like the former) from two copies, which contained great variations; one of them in the Editor's folio MS. In the other copy some of the stanzas at the beginning of this Ballad are nearly the same with what in that MS. are made to begin another Ballad on the escape of the E. of Westmoreland, who got safe into Flanders, and is feigned in the ballad to have undergone a great variety of adventures.
The following is chosen (like the previous one) from two copies, which had significant differences; one of them is in the Editor's folio MS. In the other copy, some of the stanzas at the beginning of this ballad are almost the same as those in that MS, which start another ballad about the escape of the Earl of Westmoreland. He safely made it to Flanders and is imagined in the ballad to have gone through a wide range of adventures.
[Percy wrote the following note on the version of this ballad in his folio MS. "To correct this by my other copy which seems more modern. The other copy in many parts preferable to this." It will be seen by comparing the text with the folio MS. copy, now printed at the end, that the alterations are numerous. The first three stanzas are taken with certain changes from the ballad of "The Erle of Westmoreland" (Folio MS. vol. i. p. 300). The alterations made in them are not improvements, as, for instance, the old reading of verse 2 is—
[Percy wrote the following note on the version of this ballad in his folio manuscript: "To correct this with my other copy, which seems more modern. The other copy is better in many parts than this." By comparing the text with the folio manuscript copy, now printed at the end, it’s clear that there are many changes. The first three stanzas are taken with some changes from the ballad of "The Earl of Westmoreland" (Folio MS. vol. i. p. 300). The changes made in them aren’t improvements; for example, the old reading of verse 2 is—
which is preferable to the line below—
which is preferable to the line below—

And terrify__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ me with fear and anxiety? How long will I stay in sadness __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__? Am I meant to live in misery?
It was my painful and heavy burden:
And I have to leave my homeland,
And I have to live like a man who is forgotten.
I'll go right to him. [Pg 281]
When he, along with all his brave men, On Bramham Moor, the day had been lost.
And may they die a bad death. 20
Who sent him to Lough Leven,
With William Douglas to stay.
He treated __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ very politely:
Welcome, welcome, noble earl,
Here you will safely stay with me.
That banished earl for betraying.
And wrote a beautiful letter:
Saying, Good sir, please grant me my request, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ And give that banished man to me.
And so the flight __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ with him began: [Pg 282]
And in your mind, so sadly? Tomorrow, there will be a shooting event. Among the lords of the North.
And there will be great royalty:
And I have sworn to my bill,[947]
To bring my lord Percy there.
And here, by my true faith, he said,50
If you want to ride to the ends of the earth,
I will ride with you.
Mary à Douglas was her name:
You should stay here, good English lord,55
My brother is a treacherous man.
As I mentioned to you privately:
For he has taken the release__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ of the earl,[949]
Heading to England now to deliver you.60
The regent is a noble lord:
No for the gold in all England,
The Douglas wouldn't go back on his word
He gave me a warm welcome; And whether good or bad happens,
I will still find him to be genuine and caring.
[Pg 283]
And friends again they would never be,70
If they should deliver a banished earl
Was driven out of his own country.
Nowe mickle is their betrayal; Then let my brother ride his own path, 75
And tell those English lords from you,
Since you are on an island in the sea,[950]
Then before my brother comes back again To Edenborow castle __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I'll take you.
And he will lose both his land and his life,
Before he breaks his promise to you.
When I think about the heavy event[952]
My friends have suffered there for me.
Where many widows lost their partners,
And many children were fatherless.
Should I bring such evil upon myself,
To inspire my fair and noble friends __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ To be suspicious of betrayal:
[Pg 284]
And I would have dyed this day,
Then think a Douglas can be false,
Or he will betray his guest. 100
Don't give me any trust; Just step aside for a moment here,
I'll show you all your enemies in the field.
Never dealt in secret schemes; But always took the high road Of truth and honor, free from deceit
But send your chamberlain with me; Let me just say three words to him,
And he will come back to you.
She showed him through the weme__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ of her ring. How many English lords were there115
Waiting for his master and him.
So royal on that green? Over there is Lord Hunsdèn:[955]
Unfortunately, he'll cause you pain and suffering.[956]120
Who walks so proudly next to him? That’s Sir William Drury, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ she said,
He is a sharp and experienced captain. [Pg 285]
Between those English lords and me?
Surely, it's a total of fifty miles times three,
To sail to them across the sea.
I have never seen it with my own eyes,130
But as my book shows me,
And through my ring, I might see.
And from her skill, she taught me __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__; She would let me see out of Lough-leven135
What they did in London city.
Who has such a stern-looking face? __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Over there is Sir John Foster,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ she said,
Unfortunately, he'll bring you great shame.140
And he has gone to his noble Lord,
Those sad news made him reveal.
I might not believe in that witch lady:
The Douglasses were always loyal,
And they can never prove false to me.
Yet I have never had any outrage,[961]
There are no good games that I could see.
[Pg 286]
Whether good or bad comes my way,155
He will never find my promise untrustworthy.
Sayes, it was all that I could save,
In Harley Woods where I might be. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Then goodbye truth and honesty;
And goodbye, heart, and goodbye, hand; I will never see you again.
Then William Douglas got into his boat,
And that noble lord went with him.
Says, Gentle lady, goodbye!170
The lady let out a sigh so deep,
And she fell into a deep faint.
A sickness has taken that fair lady;
If anything happens to that lady, let it be only good.175
Then I'll be blamed forever.
There are plenty of ladies in Lough-leven To cheer that lovely lady.180
[Pg 287]
Let me go with my chamberlain; We will just comfort that fair lady,
And we will come back to you again.
My sister is crafty and would deceive A thousand people like you and me.
He sent his man to ask the Douglas, When they saw that shooting.
And that is seen by you and your lord:
You might happen to think that soon enough, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Before you reach that shot, I think.
He believed that his lord had been betrayed; And he is to Earl Percy again,
To inform him about what the Douglases said.200
He did it to prove your heart,
To see if he could make it quail.
Lord Percy called out to Douglas himself, Sayd, what are you going to do with me now? [Pg 288]
And your horse goes as fast as a ship at sea:210
Make sure your spurs are bright and sharp,
That you can poke her while she leaves.
Who treated me so deceitfully:
A fake Armstrong has my spurs,
And all the gear belongs to me.220
Another fifty miles across the sea; They landed near the side of Berwicke, A designated 'laird' arrived, Lord Percye.[971]
It was, unfortunately, a sad sight:
So they betrayed that noble earl,
Whoever was a brave person.


[The following version of the Betrayal of Northumberland is from the Folio MS. (ed. Hales and Furnivall, vol. ii. p. 218.)
[The following version of the Betrayal of Northumberland is from the Folio MS. (ed. Hales and Furnivall, vol. ii. p. 218.)
and I'll tell you the truth,
how they have treated a banished man,
driven out of his country.4
full much was there treachery the work of the Earl of Northumberland.8
the fell a floating and mocking both,
and said to the Earl of Northumberland,12
and in your mind so sadly? Tomorrow in the north of Scotland, there's a shooting. And there you go, my Lord Percye.16
and there is likely to be great royalty,
and I am sworn to my duty
"there to bring my Lord Pearcy."20
If you want to ride to the ends of the earth,
I will ride in your company.
Marry a Douglas was her name,—
"You should stay here, good English Lord;
my brother is a treacherous man;28
As I tell you the truth,
for he has taken leave of the Earl,
and he will provide for you in England."32
and let all this talking be; for all the gold that's in Lough Leven,
william would not listen to me!36
[Pg 290]
and friends again they would never be if he should live a banished Earl was driven out of his own country.40
when you're dead, then they're done,
Soon they will reunite as friends again.44
I'll tell you how you can be your best; just let my brother ride his ways,
and let those English Lords know the truth
because you are on an island in the sea,
Then, before my brother comes again,
I will take you to Edenborrow Castle, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
and you know a true Scottish Lord is he, for he has lost both property and possessions
in support of your good health.56
"that any friend is worse off because of me;
for when someone says 'it's a true story,'
then two will say it's a lie.60
among my tenants all truly,
In my time of loss, when I was in need, they came to aid me honestly; 64
and many a widow to look pale;
and therefore blame nothing, Lady,
but the awful wars that I started."68
nor any trust you will place in me,
and you'll come here to my right side,
Sure, my Lord, I'll let you see.
nor never dealt with treachery, but always took the high road; "Unfortunately, I can see that!"76
[Pg 291]
You let your chamberlain come with me,
three words that I might say to him,
"and soon he will come back to you."80
"Who walks so royally over there on the green?"
"Over there is Lord Hunsden, Jamye," she says; "Unfortunately! He'll do you both good and bad!"88
"Who walks so royally beside him?"
"Beyond is Sir William Drurye, Jamy," she said,
"and he is a sharp captain, and he tried."
"between that English Lord and me?"
"Marry, three fifty miles, Jamie," she said, "and even to seal and by the sea:96
nor ever see it with my eye,
but as my wit and wisdom allow, and as the book tells me.100
and part of it she taught me;
she would let me see out of Lough Leven
what they did in London city.104
"Who is that coming over there with an Eastern face?" "over there, Sir John Forster, Jamie," she said; "I think you should know him better than I do." 108
"Even so I do, my lovely lady,
"and oh dear, how unfortunate I am!"
and, Lord, he wept so tenderly!
he has gone to his Master again,
and even to tell him the truth.
[Pg 292]
but if you trust in any woman's words,
you must avoid good company.
how many English Lords there are
is waiting there for you and me;
and he and you are of the third degree;124
a greater enemy, indeed, my Lord,
"none have you in England,"
for most of these three years:128
yet I had never known an out-rake,
nor good games that I could see;
by William Douglas all truly;132
Therefore, never say a word. "That you think will hinder me."
says, "that was a legacy left to me
in Harley woods where I could be cold.
and farewell all good company!140
that woman will never give birth to a son
"will know so much of your involvement."
"and don't make all this sadness for me,144
For I might drink, but I never eat,
"until again in Lough Liewen I am."
and he has thrown up a silver wand,
says "farewell, my good lady!"
the lady looked over her left shoulder; She collapsed in a dead faint.152
[Pg 293]
Due to the sudden illness, that lady has taken, and forever, oh no, she will just die!156
because I am a banished man,
and driven out of my own country."160
"and to cheer that beautiful lady over there."
You will let my chamberlain go with me; We will now take our boat again,
"And soon we will catch up to you."168
for my sister is clever enough to deceive thousands like you and me."172
now fifty miles upon the sea,
He had forgotten a message that he should do in Lough Leuen truly:176
He asked, "How far is it to that shooting?" that William Douglas promised me.
and that can be seen by you and your Master, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__180
for you might think it soon enough "whenever you see that shooting."
and he is back to his Master,
and to tell him the truth
and that can be seen by you and me,188
for we might think it soon enough "whenever we see that shooting." [Pg 294]
he did it but to prove you with,
"and see how you would truly deal with death."
another fifty miles on the sea,196
Lord Peercy called to him, himself, and said, "Douglas, what will you do with me?"
that you may go like a ship at sea;200
make sure your spurs are bright and sharp,
"that you might provoke her while she slips away."
for I was considered a good horseman before I ever met you.
and may he die a terrible death!208
and Willye Armestronge has my spurs
"and all the gear belongs to me."
another fifty miles out to sea,212
the landed low by Barwicke side;
a designated land Lord Percye.
ffin[s]]
ffin[s]
FOOTNOTES:
[941] [harass.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [harass.]
[942] [evil.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [evil.]
[943] [saluted.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [saluted.]
[946] [contend.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [argue.]
[947] [sworn in writing.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [written testimony.]
[948] [money for delivering you up.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [money for handing you over.]
[952] [fortune.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fortune.]
[953] [rends.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [rends.]
[954] [hollow.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [hollow.]
[956] [ill and injury.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [sickness and injury.]
[957] Governor of Berwick.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Governor of Berwick.
[958] [taught.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [taught.]
[959] [austere.]
[960] Warden of the Middle-march.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Warden of the Middle-march.
[961] [an outride or expedition.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [a ride or trip.]
[962] [promised.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [promised.]
[963] [twisted.]
[965] [fetched.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [fetched.]
[967] [glad.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [happy.]
[968] [chance.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [opportunity.]
[969] [strong.]
[970] [contend.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [argue.]
V.
MY MIND TO ME A KINGDOM IS.

This excellent philosophical song appears to have been famous in the sixteenth century. It is quoted by Ben Jonson in his play of Every Man out of his Humour, first acted in 1599, act i. sc. 1, where an impatient person says—
This excellent philosophical song seems to have been well-known in the sixteenth century. Ben Jonson quotes it in his play Every Man out of his Humour, first performed in 1599, act i. sc. 1, where an impatient character says—
That poverty is the only happiness,
Or, with several of these patient fools,
To sing, 'My mind is a kingdom to me,'
When the hungry belly growls for food.
It is here chiefly printed from a thin quarto Music book, intitled, "Psalmes, Sonets, and Songs of sadnes and pietie, made into Musicke of five parts: &c. By William Byrd, one of the Gent. of the Queenes Majesties honorable Chappell.—Printed by Thomas East, &c." 4to. no date: but Ames in his Typog. has mentioned another edit. of the same book, dated 1588, which I take to have been later than this.
It is mainly printed here from a small quarto music book titled, "Psalms, Sonnets, and Songs of Sadness and Piety, Set to Music for Five Parts: etc. By William Byrd, one of the Gentlemen of the Queen’s Majesty's honorable Chapel.—Printed by Thomas East, etc." 4to. No date: but Ames in his Typog. mentioned another edition of the same book, dated 1588, which I believe to be later than this.
Some improvements and an additional stanza (sc. the 5th), were had from two other ancient copies; one of them in black letter in the Pepys Collection, thus inscribed, "A sweet and pleasant sonet, intitled, 'My Minde to me a Kingdom is.' To the tune of, In Crete, &c."
Some improvements and an extra stanza (the 5th) were taken from two other old copies; one of them is in black letter from the Pepys Collection, inscribed as follows: "A sweet and pleasant sonnet, titled, 'My Mind to Me a Kingdom Is.' To the tune of, In Crete, etc."
Some of the stanzas in this poem were printed by Byrd separate from the rest: they are here given in what seemed the most natural order.
Some of the stanzas in this poem were printed by Byrd separately from the rest: they are presented here in what seemed like the most natural order.
[The longest and apparently earliest version of this favourite poem is signed "E. Dier," in MS. Rawl. Poet. 85, fol. 17 in the Bodleian Library, and Dr. Hannah[972] attributes it to Sir Edward Dyer, the friend of Spenser and Sidney, whose little pieces were chiefly printed in England's Helicon. Sir Edward Dyer, of Sharpham Park, Somersetshire, was born about the year 1540. He was educated at Oxford, and afterwards was employed in several embassies. On the death of Sir John Wolley he was made Chancellor of the Order of the Garter, and at the same time knighted. He was an alchemist and dupe of Dr. Dee and Edward Kelly. Sir Egerton Brydges quotes from Aubrey the statement that he had four thousand pounds a year, and had four-score thousand pounds left to him, which he wasted almost all, but Sir Egerton considers the sums almost incredible for the time.
[The longest and apparently earliest version of this favourite poem is signed "E. Dier," in MS. Rawl. Poet. 85, fol. 17 in the Bodleian Library, and Dr. Hannah[972] attributes it to Sir Edward Dyer, the friend of Spenser and Sidney, whose little pieces were chiefly printed in England's Helicon. Sir Edward Dyer, of Sharpham Park, Somersetshire, was born about the year 1540. He was educated at Oxford, and afterwards was employed in several embassies. On the death of Sir John Wolley he was made Chancellor of the Order of the Garter, and at the same time knighted. He was an alchemist and dupe of Dr. Dee and Edward Kelly. Sir Egerton Brydges quotes from Aubrey the statement that he had four thousand pounds a year, and had four-score thousand pounds left to him, which he wasted almost all, but Sir Egerton considers the sums almost incredible for the time.
In "Posthumi or Sylvesters Remains, revived out of the ashes of that silver-tongued translatour and divine Poet Laureat," at the end of the translation of the Divine Weekes of Du Bartas, 1641, there is the following parody of this favourite poem:
In "Posthumi or Sylvesters Remains, revived out of the ashes of that silver-tongued translator and divine Poet Laureate," at the end of the translation of the Divine Weekes of Du Bartas, 1641, there is the following parody of this favorite poem:
"A Contented Minde.
A Contented Mind.
I don't really find happiness in earthly pleasures,
I don’t seek power, I don’t care about status,
I'm not a fan of fancy toys:
I feel so content with what I have,
I desire nothing more, nothing more do I want.
[Pg 296]
I don't shake at the sound of war,
I wouldn't faint at the news of a shipwreck,
I don't shrink back at a blazing star; I don't fear loss, I don't hope for gain; I envy no one, and I disdain no one.
I see some Tantalus figures starving in the pantry,
I rarely see someone who has gold freed from their troubles. I see even Midas staring in astonishment for more:
I neither want nor have too much, Enough is enough, and being satisfied is the ultimate reward.
Neither too high nor too low:
This is all my choice, my cheer,
A content mind, a clear conscience.

That God or Nature has assigned:
Even though I desire a lot, that most people would like, 5
Yet my mind still refuses to desire.
I ask for nothing more than what is enough:
I strive to not be arrogant; Look at what I don't have; my mind provides it.10
Look! I triumph like a king, Content that my mind brings.
[Pg 297] They get involved with deceit and stay in fear: Such concerns my mind could never bear.
No power to achieve victory, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ No clever joke to ease the pain,
No form to capture a lover's attention; I submit to none of these as a servant,
For why my mind rejects everything.
I have little, but I'm not looking for more:
They are still poor, even though they have a lot; And I have plenty without much to offer:
They are poor, I am rich; they beg, I give; They lack, I give; they suffer, I thrive.30
I don't resent someone else's gain; No worldly wave can toss my mind,
I tolerate what harms others:
I fear no enemy, nor do I flatter a friend; I don't hate life, nor do I fear my end.
My mind is one that cannot be changed. For bright beauty or the power of love.
I like the flat land, I don't climb any hills; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ In the biggest storms, I sit on the shore, And laugh at those who toil in vain. To regain what must be lost again.
[Pg 298]
I lose no sleep to get what I want;
I won't wait at the mighty gate;
I don't look down on the poor, and I don't fear the rich; I feel no need and have just enough.
The golden mean between them both,
Does surely sit, and fears no fall:
This is my choice, because I find,
There’s no wealth like having a calm mind.60
I never try to please by bribing, Nor should we give offense by being distant:
This is how I live, and this is how I will die;65
I wish everyone would do the same as I do!
FOOTNOTES:
VI.
THE PATIENT COUNTESS.

The subject of this tale is taken from that entertaining Colloquy of Erasmus, intitled, "Uxor Μεμψίγαμος, sive Conjugium:" which has been agreeably modernized by the late Mr. Spence, in his little Miscellaneous Publication, intitled, "Moralities, &c. by Sir Harry Beaumont," 1753, 8vo. pag. 42.
The subject of this story comes from the entertaining Colloquy of Erasmus called "Uxor Μεμψίγαμος, sive Conjugium," which has been nicely modernized by the late Mr. Spence in his small Miscellaneous Publication titled "Moralities, & c. by Sir Harry Beaumont," 1753, 8vo. pag. 42.
The following stanzas are extracted from an ancient poem intitled Albion's England, written by W. Warner, a celebrated poet in the reign of Q. Elizabeth, though his name and works are now equally forgotten. The reader will find some account of him in vol. ii. book ii. song 24.
The following stanzas are taken from an old poem called Albion's England, written by W. Warner, a famous poet during the reign of Queen Elizabeth. However, his name and works are now largely forgotten. The reader can find some information about him in vol. ii. book ii. song 24.
The following stanzas are printed from the author's improved edition of his work, printed in 1602, 4to.; the third impression of which appeared so early as 1592, in bl. let. 4to. The edition in 1602 is in thirteen books; and so it is reprinted in 1612, 4to.; yet, in 1606, was published "A Continuance of Albion's England, by the first author, W. W. Lond. 4to.:" this contains Books xiv. xv. xvi. There is also extant, under the name of Warner, "Syrinx, or a seven-fold Historie, pleasant, and profitable, comical, and tragical," 4to.
The following stanzas are taken from the author's revised edition of his work, published in 1602, 4to.; the third edition came out as early as 1592, in bl. let. 4to. The 1602 edition consists of thirteen books, and it was reprinted in 1612, 4to.; however, in 1606, "A Continuance of Albion's England, by the original author, W. W. Lond. 4to." was published: this includes Books xiv, xv, and xvi. Additionally, there is a work attributed to Warner titled "Syrinx, or a seven-fold Historie, pleasant, and profitable, comical, and tragical," 4to.
[The title of this poem challenges comparison with Patient Griselda, but it is in fact a totally different story, and as Mr. Hales says, "represents rather tact and management than patience in the wife of an unfaithful (not a tempting and essaying) husband." The first edition of Warner's poem was published in 1586, and the numerous impressions of it prove its popularity. The full title is as follows: "Albion's England, a continued History of the same Kingdome from the Originals of the first inhabitants thereof, unto the raigne of Queen Elizabeth."]
[The title of this poem invites comparison with Patient Griselda, but it's actually a completely different story. As Mr. Hales points out, it "shows more tact and management than patience in the wife of an unfaithful (not a tempting and testing) husband." The first edition of Warner's poem was published in 1586, and its many reprints demonstrate its popularity. The full title is as follows: "Albion's England, a continued History of the same Kingdom from the Origins of the first inhabitants thereof, to the reign of Queen Elizabeth."]

Once he was hunted until the chase, enduring long periods of fasting and the heat.
He was housed in a shabby cabin __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ deep in a large forest. Where known and welcomed (as the place and people might allow) Brown bread, a whig,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ bacon, curds, and milk were placed on the table for him. A cushion made of lists, a stool half-backed with a hoop10
[Pg 300] They brought him, and he sat down next to a shabby car.[975]
The poor old couple wished their bread was made of wheat and their drink was perry.
Their bacon, beef, milk, and cream were all fine to make him happy. Meanwhile (dressed neatly in russet, with linen as white as a swan,
She was whiter, except for the rosy areas where the red color ran: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Whom naked nature, not the aids of art, is made to excel. The good man's daughter stirs to see that everyone is safe and well;
The earl noticed her and admired the beauty that was present there. Yet he fell for their simple meal and joined them for a feast: But as his hunger was satisfied, a passionate desire grew stronger. Once this meal was finished, along with the thanks and greetings, he said __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. To his host and hostess, in the hearing of the maid:
You know, he said, that I am the lord of this and many towns; I also know that you are poor, and I can help you out.[977]
I will, if you agree, that girl over there and I I might bargain for her love; at the very least, let me have a chance to try. Who needs to know this? And who would dare to pry into my affairs? At first, they disapprove, but in the end, they were misled by greed; And then the playful earl wooed __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the lady for his bed. He took her in his arms, still too shy to be kissed,30
[Pg 301] As maidens who know they are loved, and willingly resist. In short, his offers were so significant that she eventually agreed; He stayed with someone that night, and in the morning, he went home. He often took the opportunity to hunt. When his lady often missed him, contrary to what he was used to, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ And finally learned about his romantic escapades elsewhere;
It troubled her quite a bit, even though she acted like it didn't bother her. And so she thinks to herself, maybe there's something wrong with me;
Something has been done, and that's what he does: oh no! What could it be? How can I win him over to me? He's a man, and men Embrace your flaws; I should forgive nature for that. To make him check himself,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ even though he is now pure: A man controlled by his wife hurries less for her, If obligation or flirting can change him; I will be diligent and get myself ready for some fun. She was just as devoted, and she entertained her lord with so much love, None could be fairer or more flawless for bed or board. Yet he still loves his layman,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, and continued to chase that game,
He suspected nothing less than that his lady knew the same:
To let him know that she knew, she came up with this plan: After a long time of being wronged, she searched for the aforementioned means in vain,
[Pg 302] She rides to the simple grange, but with a slender train.
She lights up, enters, greets them warmly, and then looks around her: The guilty household, knowing her, wished they could be rid of her. Yet, because she looked cheerful, the less they doubted __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ her. When she saw the beautiful girl (then blushing beauty even more lovely) Such beauty made the countess excuse both of them even more. Who wouldn't take such an offer? she wondered; and who (even though hesitant) Such a poor girl, but gold could persuade her? Sweet mistakes draw them both in. Only one in twenty who had boasted about offered gold actually refused. Or of such yielding beauty balked, but, ten to one, had lied.
So she thought: and this is how she explains her reasons for coming there; My lord, often hunting in these areas, due to travel, night, or weather, Has often stayed in your house; I appreciate it for that; Why? Because it makes him feel good to be so close to his target.65
But, you don’t have furniture suitable for such a guest,
I bring his own things and come myself to see his room set up. With that, two pack animals were unloaded, carrying fine decorations, Silk covers, curtains, carpets, plates, and all such items should be included.
[Pg 303] Once everything was nicely arranged, she asks them to be careful. That nothing happens in their default,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ that could harm his health:
And, Damsel, she said, it seems this household has only three, And for your parents' age, this will mainly depend on you; Do me that favor, or I swear to God he should never come here again. So she took her horse, and before she left, she packed a good amount of gold.75
Little did the count know that his countess had done this; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Who just came back from distant travels went to see his sweetheart. As soon as he stepped foot inside the recently ruined cottage,[984]
But his amazed eyes observed the formal change of things. But when he realized those goods were rightfully his, even though it was late, Barely taking a break, he returns home to discuss the matter. The countess was in bed, and he took his lodging with her; “Sir, welcome home,” she said. “I didn’t expect you tonight.” He then asked her about the things he had given. "Truly, she said, because I knew of your love and where you stayed;" Your desire to be a proper woman, your living situation nothing less; I maintained it for your health, to keep the house looking nicer.[Pg 304] Well, what I say is that, despite her, your lordship loves me; And a greater hope to keep you calm rather than in fights, you see. Then for my duty, your pleasure, and to keep your favor,90
I've finished everything and am patiently waiting for your usual behavior.
Her patience, wisdom, and responses made him weep gently. When I kiss you a hundred times to make up, my sweet wife, I will: He said it and did it; 'so each wife may remember her husband.'
FOOTNOTES:
[973] [rude and lone country house.]
__[rude and lone country house.]__
[974] [buttermilk or sour whey.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [buttermilk or sour whey.]
[975] [pen for poultry.]
[pen for poultry.]
[976] [nice or neat.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [cool.]
[977] [pounds.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [bucks.]
[978] [woo.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [woo.]
[979] To check is a term in falconry, applied when a hawk stops and turns away from his proper pursuit: to check also signifies to reprove or chide. It is in this verse used in both senses.
[979] To check is a term in falconry, applied when a hawk stops and turns away from his proper pursuit: to check also signifies to reprove or chide. It is in this verse used in both senses.
[980] [mistress.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [girlfriend.]
[981] [suspect.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [suspect.]
[982] [happen from their neglect.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [happen from their neglect.]
[983] [earl.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [earl.]
[984] [cottage.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [cottage.]
VII
DOWSABELL.

The following stanzas were written by Michael Drayton, a poet of some eminence in the reigns of Q. Elizabeth, James I. and Charles I.[985] They are inserted in one of his Pastorals, the first edition of which bears this whimsical title, "Idea. The Shepheards Garland fashioned in nine Eglogs. Rowlands sacrifice to the nine muses. Lond. 1593." 4to. They are inscribed with the author's name at length "To the noble and valerous gentleman master Robert Dudley, &c." It is very remarkable that when Drayton reprinted them in the first folio edit. of his works, 1619, he had given those Eclogues so thorough a revisal, that there is hardly a line to be found the same as in the old edition. This poem had received the fewest [Pg 305]corrections, and therefore is chiefly given from the ancient copy, where it is thus introduced by one of his Shepherds:
The following stanzas were written by Michael Drayton, a poet of some eminence in the reigns of Q. Elizabeth, James I. and Charles I.[985] They are inserted in one of his Pastorals, the first edition of which bears this whimsical title, "Idea. The Shepheards Garland fashioned in nine Eglogs. Rowlands sacrifice to the nine muses. Lond. 1593." 4to. They are inscribed with the author's name at length "To the noble and valerous gentleman master Robert Dudley, &c." It is very remarkable that when Drayton reprinted them in the first folio edit. of his works, 1619, he had given those Eclogues so thorough a revisal, that there is hardly a line to be found the same as in the old edition. This poem had received the fewest [Pg 305]corrections, and therefore is chiefly given from the ancient copy, where it is thus introduced by one of his Shepherds:
And you will hear, with joy and great happiness,
A pretty tale that I heard when I was a boy,
"My toothless grandmother often told me."
The author has professedly imitated the style and metre of some of the old metrical romances, particularly that of Sir Isenbras[986] (alluded to in v. 3), as the reader may judge from the following specimen:
The author has professedly imitated the style and metre of some of the old metrical romances, particularly that of Sir Isenbras[986] (alluded to in v. 3), as the reader may judge from the following specimen:
* * * * *
You will hear about a knight,
That was in war full force,
And brave of his deed: His name was Sir Isenbras,
Man nobler than he was Lived without bread.
He was lively, big, and tall,
With broad shoulders and strong arms,
That mighty was to see: He was a hardy man and high, All the men loved him when they saw him,
He was a gentle knight: Harpers loved him in the hall,
With other musicians all,
For he gave them gold and money," &c.
This ancient legend was printed in black-letter, 4to. by Wyllyam Copland; no date.[987] In the Cotton Library (Calig. A 2) is a MS. copy of the same romance containing the greatest variations. They are probably two different translations of some French original.
This ancient legend was printed in black-letter, 4to. by Wyllyam Copland; no date.[987] In the Cotton Library (Calig. A 2) is a MS. copy of the same romance containing the greatest variations. They are probably two different translations of some French original.

There was a knight named Cassemen, As bold as Isenbras:
He was fierce and eager, In battle and in tournament, As was the good Sir Topas.
A daughter named Dowsabel, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ A fair and free maiden:
And since she was her father's heir,10
She was fully aware of the law __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Of great courtesy.
And with the needle work:15
And she could help the priest to say His morning on a holy day,
And sing a psalm in church.
It might suit a maiden queen well,20
Which seemed to be seen; A hood that's so neat and fine,
In color like the columbine,
Y-wrought full featously.[993]
As is the grass that grows by Dove; And lyth__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ as lass of Kent.
Her skin is as soft as Lemster wool,[995]
[Pg 307] As white as snow on Peakish Hull,[996]
Or swan that swims in the Trent.30
To get sweet city wall,[997]
The honeysuckle, the harlocke,[998]
The lily and the lady's smock,35
To decorate her summer hall.
She happened to see A shepherd sitting on a bench,40
Like Chantecler, he crowed cranky, [999]
And piped full merrily.
To feed about him round; While he sang many a carol, Until the fields and meadows rang,
And all the woods were filled with sound.
Which kept proud kings in awe:
But he was as meek as a lamb;[Pg 308] An innocent of wrongdoing as he[1002]
Whom his immoral brother slayed.
Which was of the finest look,[1003]
That could be cut with sheer:
His mittens were made of bauzens__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ skinne,
His cocker spaniels were of cordiwin, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ His hood of meniveere.[1007]60
His hair was fully crisp and curled, His brows are as white as the rocks of Albion: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__65
So like a true lover,
So happy as the parrot; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Which liked Dowsabel: That’s what she should do, or would she do nothing, This guy would never leave her mind;
She fell in love longing.
She drew the shepherd near; But then the shepherd played a good tune,
That all his sheep gave up their food,
To hear his melody. [Pg 309]
The one that can sing so well:
Yeah, but he says their shepherd may, If he continues to suffer in this way, he will waste away. In love with Dowsabel.
She said, "Make sure you watch over your sheep," In case they wander off. He said, I would have done that very well, If I hadn't seen fair Dowsabell
Come forward to gather maye.90
But not a word she said:
With that, the shepherd began to frown,
He tossed his pretty pipes down, 95
And he lay on the ground.
And leave my summer-hall untouched,[1012]
And all for the sake of you.
My coat, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ he says, nor yet my fold Neither sheep nor shepherd should hold,
Unless you support me.
And all for the love of men.105
He says, "But you are still too unkind." If in your heart you cannot find To love us from time to time.
[Pg 310]
Down by the shepherd knelt she,
And she sweetly kissed him:
With that, the shepherd shouted with joy,
He said, there's never a shepherd's boy That was so blissful.
FOOTNOTES:
[988] [dwelt.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [lived.]
[989] [keen.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [eager.]
[990] [named.]
[991] [she was taught the learning.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [she was taught the learning.]
[992] [march-pane, a kind of biscuit.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [march-pane, a type of cookie.]
[993] [dexterously.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [skillfully.]
[994] [gentle or tender.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [gentle or tender.]
[997] herb valerian, or mountain spikenard.
valerian herb, or mountain spikenard.
[998] perhaps charlock, or wild rape.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ maybe charlock or wild rapeseed.
[999] exultingly.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ joyfully.
[1000] pastured.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ grazed.
[1002] Sc. Abel.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Sc. Abel.
[1003] [fleece of wool.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [wool fleece.]
[1005] [short boots.]
short boots
[1006] [leather.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [leather.]
[1007] [mixed fur.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [blended fur.]
[1008] [rosined thread.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [rosined thread.]
[1009] [Coventry.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Coventry.]
[1010] [parrot.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [parrot.]
[1011] [heed.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [pay attention.]
[1012] [undecked.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [not decorated.]
[1013] [cot.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [cot.]
VIII.
THE FAREWELL TO LOVE.
From Beaumont and Fletcher's play, intitled The Lover's Progress. act iii. sc. 1.
From Beaumont and Fletcher's play, titled The Lover's Progress. act iii. sc. 1.

Enchanting pain,
Fly away, fools, who waste their time: 5
My higher love reaches up to heaven,
And there, beauty remains youthful,
That time can never spoil, nor death erase,
Immortal sweetness sung by fair angels,
And celebrated by time and happiness:10
There is my love, and that’s where my hopes go. Fond love fades, while this divine love ascends.
IX.
ULYSSES AND THE SYREN,

Affords a pretty poetical contest between Pleasure and Honour. It is found at the end of Hymen's Triumph: a pastoral tragicomedie, written by Daniel, and printed among his works, 4to. 1623.[1014] Daniel, who was a contemporary of Drayton's, and is said to have been poet laureat to Queen Elizabeth, was born in 1562, and died in 1619. Anne, Countess of Dorset, Pembroke, and Montgomery (to whom Daniel had been tutor), has inserted a small portrait of him in a full-length picture of herself, preserved at Appleby Castle, in Cumberland.
Gives a pretty poetical contest between Pleasure and Honour. It is found at the end of Hymen's Triumph: a pastoral tragicomedie, written by Daniel, and printed among his works, 4to. 1623.[1014] Daniel, who was a contemporary of Drayton's, and is said to have been poet laureat to Queen Elizabeth, was born in 1562, and died in 1619. Anne, Countess of Dorset, Pembroke, and Montgomery (to whom Daniel had been tutor), has inserted a small portrait of him in a full-length picture of herself, preserved at Appleby Castle, in Cumberland.
This little poem is the rather selected for a specimen of Daniel's poetic powers, as it is omitted in the later edition of his works, 2 vols. 12mo. 1718.
This short poem is chosen as an example of Daniel's poetic abilities, as it is left out in the later edition of his works, 2 vols. 12mo. 1718.
[Samuel Daniel was born in Somersetshire, and educated at Magdalen Hall, Oxford. He left college without a degree, "his geny being," according to Ant. à Wood, "more prone to easier and smoother subjects than in pecking and hewing at logic." He was tutor to Lady Anne Clifford, subsequently Countess of Pembroke, and afterwards groom of the privy chamber to Anne, queen of James I. Browne calls him in Britannia's Pastorals, "Wel-languaged Daniel," and the union of power of thought with sweetness and grace of expression exhibited by him is highly praised by Southey and Coleridge. He was free from indelicacy in his writings, and Fuller says of him that "he carried in his Christian and surname two holy prophets, his monitors, so to qualify his raptures that he abhorred all profaneness."]
[Samuel Daniel was born in Somerset and educated at Magdalen Hall, Oxford. He left college without a degree, "his talent being," according to Ant. à Wood, "more suited to easier and smoother subjects than in struggling with logic." He was a tutor to Lady Anne Clifford, later Countess of Pembroke, and subsequently served as a groom of the privy chamber to Anne, queen of James I. Browne refers to him in Britannia's Pastorals as "Well-languaged Daniel," and the combination of his powerful thinking with sweet and graceful expression is highly praised by Southey and Coleridge. His writings were free from indecency, and Fuller notes that "he carried in his Christian and surname two holy prophets, his guides, ensuring his raptures were such that he detested all profaneness."]
Syren.
Siren.

The winds and seas are troubling,
And here we can be free.
Here we can sit and watch their work, 5
That journey in the deep,
Enjoy the day with joy while, And spend the night sleeping.
Ulysses.
Ulysses.
Then I would come and rest with you. And leave tasks like these:
But here it resides, and here I must Seek danger ahead; To indulge in leisure time No longer men of worth.
Syren.
Siren.
This honor is something conceived,
And relies on others' fame.20
Born only to harass Our peace, and to charm (The best thing of our life) our rest,
And give us up to date!
Ulysses.
Ulysses.
Yet manliness would scorn to wear Time spent in idle sport:
For play provides a better experience
To help us feel our joy;30
And ease finds tedium, as much As work brings frustration.
Syren.
Syren.
Where is all your effort going; Which you give up to enhance it more,35
And often perish in the meantime. Who may entertain them differently,
Find a day that's never boring;
And comfort can have variety,
As well as action can.
Ulysses.
Ulysses.
And with the thought of past actions __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Are still recreated:
When pleasure finally leaves a mark To show that it was bad.
Syren.
Siren.
That's from custom breeding; 50
Which leads us to many other laws,
Than ever nature has.[Pg 314] No widows cry for our pleasures,
Our sports are non-violent;
The world we see through warlike beings55 Receives more pain than benefit.
Ulysses.
Ulysses.
And these powerful spirits of strong ambition Seem destined to handle them best:60
To eliminate the troubles that grow
And all good order disrupted:
For often we see a false peace,
To be well prepared for war.
Syren.
Siren.
And take my fortune there. I must be won by someone I cannot win over, Yet I was not lost: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__70
For beauty has created a bin To undo or be undone.
FOOTNOTES:
X.
CUPID'S PASTIME.

This beautiful poem, which possesses a classical elegance hardly to be expected in the age of James I. is printed from the 4th edition of Davison's Poems,[1015] &c. 1621. It is also found in a later miscellany, intitled, "Le Prince d'Amour," 1660, 8vo. Francis Davison, editor of the poems [Pg 315]above referred to, was son of that unfortunate secretary of state who suffered so much from the affair of Mary Q. of Scots. These poems, he tells us in his preface, were written by himself, by his brother [Walter], who was a soldier in the wars of the Low Countries, and by some dear friends "anonymoi." Among them are found some pieces by Sir J. Davis, the Countess of Pembroke, Sir Philip Sidney, Spenser, and other wits of those times.
This beautiful poem, which possesses a classical elegance hardly to be expected in the age of James I. is printed from the 4th edition of Davison's Poems,[1015] &c. 1621. It is also found in a later miscellany, intitled, "Le Prince d'Amour," 1660, 8vo. Francis Davison, editor of the poems [Pg 315]above referred to, was son of that unfortunate secretary of state who suffered so much from the affair of Mary Q. of Scots. These poems, he tells us in his preface, were written by himself, by his brother [Walter], who was a soldier in the wars of the Low Countries, and by some dear friends "anonymoi." Among them are found some pieces by Sir J. Davis, the Countess of Pembroke, Sir Philip Sidney, Spenser, and other wits of those times.
In the fourth vol. of Dryden's Miscellanies, this poem is attributed to Sydney Godolphin, Esq.; but erroneously, being probably written before he was born. One edit. of Davison's book was published in 1608. Godolphin was born in 1610, and died in 1642-3. Ath. Ox. ii. 23.
In the fourth volume of Dryden's Miscellanies, this poem is credited to Sydney Godolphin, Esq.; but that's a mistake, as it was likely written before he was born. One edition of Davison's book was published in 1608. Godolphin was born in 1610 and died in 1642-43. Ath. Ox. ii. 23.

In a dense area of shrubs on a flat land Saw a cute nymph asleep.
Whoever she woke, he wouldn’t dare to see; Behind her, someone tries to sneak up.15
Before her nap should have ended, bee.
And puts his own in their place; He no longer has the courage to stay, But, before she wakes, he quickly leaves. [Pg 316]
She quickly takes her bent bow, And the simple farmer lets it go.
He fell to the ground in pain: Yet he got up again immediately, And he ran quickly to the nymph.
She fired her shots over and over, but it was all pointless;30
The more his wounds, the greater his strength. Love brought strength despite his pain.
She blames her hand, she blames her skill; She fears the sharpness of her arrows,35
And she will try them on herself.
Every little touch will strike your heart:
Unfortunately, you don't know Cupid's tricks; Revenge brings happiness; the outcome is clever.40
Wow! How this gentle nymph startled!
She thinks the shepherds are moving too slowly.
[Pg 317]
What other lovers do, they did:
The god of love sat on a tree,55
And laughed at that nice sight to see.
FOOTNOTES:
XI.
THE CHARACTER OF A HAPPY LIFE.

This little moral poem was writ by Sir Henry Wotton, who died Provost of Eton in 1639. Æt. 72. It is printed from a little collection of his pieces, intitled. Reliquiæ Wottonianæ, 1651, 12mo.; compared with one or two other copies. [Ben Jonson is said to have greatly admired these verses, and to have known them by heart.]
This short moral poem was written by Sir Henry Wotton, who passed away as Provost of Eton in 1639 at the age of 72. It is published from a small collection of his works called Reliquiæ Wottonianæ, 1651, 12mo.; compared with a couple of other versions. [Ben Jonson is said to have really admired these verses and to have memorized them.]

That doesn’t serve someone else's will; Whose armor is his honest thought,
His greatest talent is absolute honesty:
Of noble ears or common talk:
Whose condition can't be sustained by flatterers, Don't let ruin make oppressors great:
Or vice: Who never got it How the deepest wounds are inflicted with praise;15
Not rules of the state, but rules of goodness:
[Pg 318]
With a carefully selected book or friend.20
XII.
GILDEROY

Was a famous robber, who lived about the middle of the last century, if we may credit the histories and storybooks of highwaymen, which relate many improbable feats of him, as his robbing Cardinal Richelieu, Oliver Cromwell, &c. But these stories have probably no other authority than the records of Grub-street. At least the Gilderoy, who is the hero of Scottish songsters, seems to have lived in an earlier age; for, in Thompson's Orpheus Caledonius, vol. ii. 1733, 8vo. is a copy of this ballad, which, tho' corrupt and interpolated, contains some lines that appear to be of genuine antiquity: in these he is represented as contemporary with Mary Q. of Scots: ex. gr.
Was a famous robber who lived around the middle of the last century, according to the histories and storybooks about highwaymen, which tell many unlikely stories about him, like robbing Cardinal Richelieu, Oliver Cromwell, etc. But these tales probably have no other source than the records of Grub-street. At least the Gilderoy, who is the hero of Scottish singers, seems to have lived in an earlier time; because in Thompson's Orpheus Caledonius, vol. ii. 1733, 8vo., there is a version of this ballad, which, though corrupted and altered, contains some lines that seem to be genuinely old: in these, he is depicted as being a contemporary of Mary, Queen of Scots: ex. gr.
That my love makes me desire:
He brought me a cow and a ewe,
And even when they were scarce.
All these truly possessed He never annoyed, Who never failed to pay their taxes To my love, Gilderoy.
These lines perhaps might safely have been inserted among the following stanzas, which are given from a written copy, that appears to have received some modern corrections. Indeed, the common popular ballad contained some indecent luxuriances that required the pruning-hook.
These lines could probably have been added to the following stanzas, which are taken from a written version that seems to have undergone some recent edits. In fact, the well-known ballad had some inappropriate elements that needed to be trimmed.
[The subject of this ballad was a ruffian totally unworthy of the poetic honours given to him, and the poem itself can in no way be looked upon as historic. To mention but one instance of its departure from truth—the song is said to have been written by a young woman of a superior station in society who had been induced to live with the freebooter, but the fact was that one thousand marks having been offered for his apprehension, he was betrayed by his mistress Peg Cunningham, and captured after killing eight of the men sent against him, and stabbing the woman.
[The subject of this ballad is a scoundrel completely unworthy of the poetic honors given to him, and the poem itself shouldn't be considered historical at all. To highlight just one example of its inaccuracies—the song claims it was written by a young woman from a higher social class who was persuaded to live with the outlaw, but the truth is that a reward of one thousand marks was offered for his capture. He was betrayed by his mistress, Peg Cunningham, and was captured after killing eight men sent to get him and stabbing the woman.]
He was one of the proscribed clan Gregor, and a notorious lifter of cattle in the Highlands of Perthshire for some time before 1636. In February of that year seven of his accomplices were taken, tried, condemned, and executed at Edinburgh. These men were apprehended chiefly through the exertions of the Stewarts of Athol, and in revenge Gilderoy burned several of the houses belonging to the Stewarts. In a few months, however, he was captured, as before mentioned, and in July, 1636, was hanged with five accomplices at the Gallowlee, between Leith and Edinburgh. As a mark of unenviable distinction, Gilderoy was hanged on a gallows higher than the rest. It is curious that this wretched miscreant, who robbed the poor and outraged all women who came in his way, should have become popular in the south of Britain. His adventures, with the various details noticed above by Percy, are related in Captain Alexander Smith's History of Highwaymen, &c., 1719, and in Johnson's Lives and Exploits of Highwaymen, 1734.
He was part of the outlawed clan Gregor and a well-known cattle rustler in the Highlands of Perthshire for some time before 1636. In February of that year, seven of his accomplices were caught, tried, condemned, and executed in Edinburgh. These men were captured mainly due to the efforts of the Stewarts of Athol, and in retaliation, Gilderoy burned several of their houses. However, a few months later, he was captured, as mentioned earlier, and in July 1636, he was hanged along with five accomplices at Gallowlee, between Leith and Edinburgh. As a mark of unfortunate distinction, Gilderoy was hanged on a gallows that was taller than the others. It's interesting that this miserable criminal, who robbed the poor and assaulted any women he encountered, became popular in southern Britain. His exploits, along with the various details mentioned above by Percy, are recounted in Captain Alexander Smith's History of Highwaymen, & c., 1719, and in Johnson's Lives and Exploits of Highwaymen, 1734.
The earliest known version of this song was printed in London in 1650, and another is included in Westminster Drollery, 1671. The latter consists of five stanzas, the first being:
The earliest known version of this song was printed in London in 1650, and another is included in Westminster Drollery, 1671. The latter consists of five stanzas, the first being:
Then speak, dear friend, I beg you, I must leave my Gilderoy now, Oh, my blessing go with you.
"Safe travels to you, Sir," she said. For all my joy is gone:
And he whom I love the most is gone,
My handsome Gilderoy.
The second stanza is Percy's fifth, with some of the "luxuriances" he refers to. The third stanza is a variation of Percy's first.
The second stanza is Percy's fifth, with some of the "luxuriances" he mentions. The third stanza is a variation of Percy's first.
And the roses on his shoes.
[Pg 320] But he should have stayed home. With me his only happiness,
For they hung on a gallows tree
My attractive Gilderoy.
The fourth stanza is a variety of Percy's eleventh, and the fifth of his ninth.
The fourth stanza is a version of Percy's eleventh, and the fifth of his ninth.
There is another version of this song in the Collection of Old Ballads, 1723 (vol. i.), entitled "The Scotch Lover's Lamentation, or Gilderoy's last farewell," which contains some few "luxuriances," but is on the whole superior to the "improved" one here printed. This was altered by Lady Wardlaw, who added the stanzas between brackets, besides the one quoted above by Percy.
There is another version of this song in the Collection of Old Ballads, 1723 (vol. i.), called "The Scotch Lover's Lamentation, or Gilderoy's last farewell," which has a few "luxuriances," but is overall better than the "improved" version printed here. This was modified by Lady Wardlaw, who added the stanzas in brackets, along with the one quoted above by Percy.
Gilderoy is now, perhaps, better known by Campbell's song than by this ballad. The name is a corruption of the Gaelic gille roy, red-haired boy.]
Gilderoy is now probably more famous because of Campbell's song than because of this ballad. The name comes from the Gaelic gille roy, which means red-haired boy.

Had roses on his shoes,
His stockings were made of silky soy,[1017]
With garters hanging down:
It was, I think, a beautiful sight,5
To see a boy trim a sail; He was my joy __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and the delight of my heart, My charming Gilderoy.
He never wore a Highland plaid,
But expensive silk clothes; He gained the love of charming ladies,
Nane ever told him that she was shy:
Ah! Woe is me! I grieve for the day15
For my beloved Gilderoy.
[Pg 321]
Both in one town together,
We were barely seven years before, We started to love each other;20
Our dads and our moms they,
Were filled with great joy,
To think about the wedding day,
Between me and Gilderoy.
Good faith, I freely bought A wedding dress of fine holland, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ With silk flowers made: And he gave me a wedding ring,
Which I received with joy, No boy or girl could sing,
Like me and Gilderoy.
Until we were both sixteen,
And after we passed the long time,35
Among the green leaves; We would sit on the banks there. And gently kiss and play,
With colorful garlands, I would adorn my hair. My attractive Gilderoy.40
With me to guide his life; But, ah! his strong heart was set, To spark acts of conflict:
And he in many daring adventures, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, His boldness would try; And now this guy__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ makes my heart bleed,
For my dear Gilderoy. [Pg 322]
I gave him a final look,
"Blessing be with you;
God bless you well, my own dear heart,
For gaming is all my joy;
My heart is broken since we have to part,55
My handsome Gilderoy.
Was feared in every town,
And boldly take away the gear,[1021]
Of many a lawland guy:60
No one dared to face him one-on-one,
He was such a brave boy; Eventually, he was caught with numbers, My charming __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Gilderoy.
To hang a man for his belongings,
To take away the life of an ox or donkey,
For a sheep, horse, or mare:
If their laws hadn't been so strict,
I never lost my joy,70
With sorrow never had water touched my cheek,
For my dear Gilderoy.
He might have been banished; Ah! What beautiful cruelty is this, 75
To attract handsome men:
To display the flower of Scotland, Such a sweet and handsome boy; No lady had such a white hand,
As you, my Gilderoy. [Pg 323]
They took Tull Edenburrow there,
And on a gallows hung: They hanged him high above the others,85
He was such a neat boy; They dyed the youth whom I loved most,
My attractive Gilderoy.
I laid the dear-loved boy,
And now for every reason, I weep, 95
My charming Gilderoy.
⁂
⁂
FOOTNOTES:
[1016] [for till to.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [for until to.]
[1017] [silk.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [silk.]
[1018] [sweetheart.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [darling.]
[1019] [shift.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [shift.]
[1020] [makes.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [makes.]
[1021] [property.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [property.]
[1022] [winning.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [winning.]
[1023] [woe betide.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [good luck with that.]
[1024] [secure.]
XIII.
WINIFREDA.

This beautiful address to conjugal love, a subject too much neglected by the libertine Muses, was, I believe, first printed in a volume of Miscellaneous Poems, by several hands, published by D. [David] Lewis, 1726, 8vo.
This beautiful piece about marital love, a topic often overlooked by the carefree Muses, was, I believe, first published in a collection of Miscellaneous Poems, by several authors, released by D. [David] Lewis in 1726, 8vo.
It is there said, how truly I know not, to be "a translation from the ancient British language."
It is said there, though I don't know how true it is, to be "a translation from the ancient British language."

My Winifreda, show your love;
Don't let anything hold back the heavenly blessing,
Neither squeamish pride nor gloomy fear.
To be noble, we must be good.
Will sound sweetly wherever it is spoken:10
And all the great ones will be amazed
How they respect such small people.
And be happy without excess.
And that's the only life worth living.20
And babies, sweet-smiling babies, our bed.
While they affectionately clung around my knees; To see them resemble their mothers' features,
To hear them lisp in their mother's language.
[Pg 325]
They will try to steal our happiness,30
You’ll be pursued by your girls again,
And I'll go dating with my boys.
XIV.
THE WITCH OF WOKEY

Was published in a small collection of poems, intitled Euthemia, or the Power of Harmony, &c. 1756, written in 1748, by the ingenious Dr. Harrington, of Bath, who never allowed them to be published, and withheld his name till it could no longer be concealed. The following copy was furnished by the late Mr. Shenstone, with some variations and corrections of his own, which he had taken the liberty to propose, and for which the author's indulgence was intreated. In this edition it was intended to reprint the author's own original copy; but, as that may be seen correctly given in Pearch's Collection, vol. i. 1783, p. 161, it was thought the reader of taste would wish to have the variations preserved, they are, therefore, still retained here, which it is hoped the worthy author will excuse with his wonted liberality.
Was published in a small collection of poems called Euthemia, or the Power of Harmony, etc., in 1756, written in 1748 by the talented Dr. Harrington from Bath, who never allowed them to be published and kept his name hidden until it was no longer possible. The following version was provided by the late Mr. Shenstone, with some of his own changes and corrections, which he felt free to suggest, and for which the author's understanding was requested. In this edition, there was a plan to reprint the author's original copy; however, since that can be found accurately reproduced in Pearch's Collection, vol. i. 1783, p. 161, it was believed that readers of taste would appreciate having the variations preserved, so they are still included here, which is hoped the generous author will forgive as per his usual kindness.
Wokey-hole is a noted cavern in Somersetshire, which has given birth to as many wild fanciful stories as the Sybils Cave, in Italy. Thro' a very narrow entrance, it opens into a very large vault, the roof whereof, either on account of its height, or the thickness of the gloom, cannot be discovered by the light of torches. It goes winding a great way underground, is crossed by a stream of very cold water, and is all horrid with broken pieces of rock: many of these are evident petrifactions; which, on account of their singular forms, have given rise to the fables alluded to in this poem.
Wokey Hole is a famous cave in Somerset that has inspired just as many wild and imaginative stories as the Sybil's Cave in Italy. Through a very narrow entrance, it opens up into a large chamber, the ceiling of which, either due to its height or the thickness of the darkness, can't be seen by torchlight. It winds deep underground, crossed by a stream of very cold water, and is filled with jagged pieces of rock: many of these are clearly fossils, which, because of their unusual shapes, have led to the legends mentioned in this poem.

The Wokey Witch: I've often heard the scary story From Sue and Roger of the valley,5
On a long winter night.
Which seemed to be, and was called, hell,
This bleary-eyed old woman hid: Nine wicked elves, as the legends say, 10
She decided to create her guardian train,
And kennel next to her.
While wolves occupied its rugged sides, Night howling through the rock: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ No healthy herbs could be found here;
She blasted every nearby plant,
And blistered every flock.
No flashy young person, brave and youthful,
Ever blessed her longing arms; And so, her anger grew to annoy, And let’s criticize the young people of both genders,
Through hellish charms. [Pg 327]
Fully determined to ruin her fierce anger, And he certainly did, I think: Such mischief had never been seen,
And, since his great knowledge showed, 35
There's never been any mischief.
Then—after the Lord's Prayer,—
The horrifying old woman he scattered around; Suddenly, there stood a witch before, Now stood a creepy stone.
Though the story is truly strange, And may seem doubtful,45
I'm brave enough to say, there's never a one,
That hasn't seen the witch in stone,
With all her home essentials.
She left this curse behind: That Wokey-nymphs are totally forgotten,
Though sense and beauty are both united, Should find no lover kind.
The sex has found it to this day,
Men are incredibly rare:
Here’s a mix of beauty, intelligence, and common sense,
With everything good and virtuous combined,
Yet hardly a brave one.
As such abandoned, dwell.[Pg 328] Since Glaston now has no clerks; Come down from Oxenford, you guys,65
And, oh! lift the spell.
We just wait to find such men,
As best fits your choice.
XV.
BRYAN AND PEREENE,
A West Indian Ballad,
A West Indian Ballad

Is founded on a real fact, that happened in the island of St. Christophers about the beginning of the present reign. The Editor owes the following stanzas to the friendship of Dr. James Grainger[1025] who was an eminent physician in that island when this tragical incident happened, and died there much honoured and lamented in 1767. To this ingenious gentleman the public are indebted for the fine Ode on Solitude, printed in the fourth vol. of Dodsley's Miscel. p. 229, in which are assembled some of the sublimest images in nature. The reader will pardon the insertion of the first stanza here, for the sake of rectifying the two last lines, which were thus given by the author:
Is founded on a real fact, that happened in the island of St. Christophers about the beginning of the present reign. The Editor owes the following stanzas to the friendship of Dr. James Grainger[1025] who was an eminent physician in that island when this tragical incident happened, and died there much honoured and lamented in 1767. To this ingenious gentleman the public are indebted for the fine Ode on Solitude, printed in the fourth vol. of Dodsley's Miscel. p. 229, in which are assembled some of the sublimest images in nature. The reader will pardon the insertion of the first stanza here, for the sake of rectifying the two last lines, which were thus given by the author:
Whether you walk by towering nods,
Or wander through the endless darkness of the desert,
Or hover over the open tomb,
Or climb the steep cliffs of the Andes, Or stay by the Nile's shy source,
Or beginning from your six-month sleep
[Pg 329] From Hecla, see the melting depths,
Or at the purple dawn of day Tadmor's marble resources survey," &c.
alluding to the account of Palmyra published by some late ingenious travellers, and the manner in which they were struck at the first sight of those magnificent ruins by break of day.[1026]
alluding to the account of Palmyra published by some late ingenious travellers, and the manner in which they were struck at the first sight of those magnificent ruins by break of day.[1026]

And then jumped overboard.
His heart was captivated for a long time; And whoever blames his impatience, I know I never loved at all.
He lived on English land,10
Never once in thought or action would stray,
Though ladies sought his hand.
Right cheerful rolled his eyes, His voice was sweet whenever he sang,15
He barely saw twenty.
That adorned his true mistress; Such charms were rarely seen in the old world,
I often doubt the new. 20
[Pg 330]
Her eyes shine like diamonds.
She tossed her weeds aside,
She hurried to the sunny shore,
All in her best outfit.
And stronger conquered the wave.
To hold her handsome guy;
When, oh! a shark bit through his waist: His blood stained the sea!
Streaming with purple goop,
And soon it found a grave that was alive,
And ah! was no longer seen.
She collapses, she faints, she passes out,
And soon they ring her bell. [Pg 331]
May your lovers escape their fate,55
Her unlucky fate escapes you.
FOOTNOTES:
XVI.
GENTLE RIVER, GENTLE RIVER,
Translated from the Spanish.
Translated from Spanish.

Although the English are remarkable for the number and variety of their ancient ballads, and retain perhaps a greater fondness for these old simple rhapsodies of their ancestors, than most other nations; they are not the only people who have distinguished themselves by compositions of this kind. The Spaniards have great multitudes of them, many of which are of the highest merit. They call them in their language Romances, and have collected them into volumes under the titles of El Romancero, El Cancionero,[1027] &c. Most of them relate to their conflicts with the Moors, and display a spirit of gallantry peculiar to that romantic people. But of all the Spanish ballads none exceed in poetical merit those inserted in a little Spanish History of the civil wars of Granada, describing the dissensions which raged in that last seat of Moorish empire before it was conquered in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, in 1491. In this history (or perhaps romance) a great number of heroic songs are inserted and appealed to as authentic vouchers for the truth of facts. In reality the prose narrative seems to be drawn up for no other end, but to introduce and illustrate those beautiful pieces.
Although the English are remarkable for the number and variety of their ancient ballads, and retain perhaps a greater fondness for these old simple rhapsodies of their ancestors, than most other nations; they are not the only people who have distinguished themselves by compositions of this kind. The Spaniards have great multitudes of them, many of which are of the highest merit. They call them in their language Romances, and have collected them into volumes under the titles of El Romancero, El Cancionero,[1027] &c. Most of them relate to their conflicts with the Moors, and display a spirit of gallantry peculiar to that romantic people. But of all the Spanish ballads none exceed in poetical merit those inserted in a little Spanish History of the civil wars of Granada, describing the dissensions which raged in that last seat of Moorish empire before it was conquered in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, in 1491. In this history (or perhaps romance) a great number of heroic songs are inserted and appealed to as authentic vouchers for the truth of facts. In reality the prose narrative seems to be drawn up for no other end, but to introduce and illustrate those beautiful pieces.
The Spanish editor pretends (how truly I know not) that they are translations from the Arabic or Morisco language. Indeed, from the plain unadorned nature of the verse, and the native simplicity of the language and sentiment, which runs through these poems, one would judge them to have been composed soon after the conquest of Granada[1028] above mentioned; as the prose narrative [Pg 332]in which they are inserted was published about a century after. It should seem, at least, that they were written before the Castillians had formed themselves so generally, as they have done since, on the model of the Tuscan poets, or had imported from Italy that fondness for conceit and refinement, which has for near two centuries past so much infected the Spanish poetry, and rendered it so frequently affected and obscure.
The Spanish editor pretends (how truly I know not) that they are translations from the Arabic or Morisco language. Indeed, from the plain unadorned nature of the verse, and the native simplicity of the language and sentiment, which runs through these poems, one would judge them to have been composed soon after the conquest of Granada[1028] above mentioned; as the prose narrative [Pg 332]in which they are inserted was published about a century after. It should seem, at least, that they were written before the Castillians had formed themselves so generally, as they have done since, on the model of the Tuscan poets, or had imported from Italy that fondness for conceit and refinement, which has for near two centuries past so much infected the Spanish poetry, and rendered it so frequently affected and obscure.
As a specimen of the ancient Spanish manner, which very much resembles that of our English bards and minstrels, the reader is desired candidly to accept the two following poems. They are given from a small collection of pieces of this kind, which the Editor some years ago translated for his amusement when he was studying the Spanish language. As the first is a pretty close translation, to gratify the curious it is accompanied with the original. The metre is the same in all these old Spanish ballads: it is of the most simple construction, and is still used by the common people in their extemporaneous songs, as we learn from Baretti's Travels. It runs in short stanzas of four lines, of which the second and fourth alone correspond in their terminations; and in these it is only required that the vowels should be alike, the consonants may be altogether different, as
As an example of the ancient Spanish style, which is quite similar to our English poets and musicians, the reader is asked to openly accept the two following poems. They come from a small collection of pieces that the Editor translated for fun a few years ago while studying Spanish. Since the first poem is a fairly close translation, it’s accompanied by the original for those who are curious. The meter is the same in all these old Spanish ballads: it has a very simple structure and is still used by everyday people in their impromptu songs, as noted in Baretti's Travels. It consists of short stanzas of four lines, where only the second and fourth lines rhyme; and in these, only the vowels need to match; the consonants can be completely different.
pone | casa | meten | arcos |
noble | cañas | muere | gamo |
Yet has this kind of verse a sort of simple harmonious flow, which atones for the imperfect nature of the rhyme, and renders it not unpleasing to the ear. The same flow of numbers has been studied in the following versions. The first of them is given from two different originals, both of which are printed in the Hist. de las civiles guerras de Granada, Mad. 1694. One of them hath the rhymes ending in aa, the other in ia. It is the former of these that is here reprinted. They both of them begin with the same line:
Yet this type of verse has a simple, harmonious flow that makes up for the imperfect rhyme, making it quite pleasing to the ear. The same rhythm can be found in the following versions. The first one is taken from two different originals, both printed in the Hist. de las civiles guerras de Granada, Mad. 1694. One has rhymes ending in aa, and the other in ia. It’s the first one that is reprinted here. Both versions start with the same line:
which could not be translated faithfully:
which could not be translated accurately:
would have given an affected stiffness to the verse; the great merit [Pg 333]of which is easy simplicity; and therefore a more simple epithet was adopted, though less poetical or expressive.
would have given an artificial rigidity to the verse; the great merit [Pg 333]of which is its effortless simplicity; and so a simpler term was chosen, even if it's less poetic or expressive.
[The two following Spanish ballads are peculiarly out of place in a collection of English ballads, and they are not very good specimens of the class from which they are taken. Those who wish for information on Spanish ballads must refer to Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature; T. Rodd's Ancient Spanish Ballads, relating to the Twelve Peers of France mentioned in Don Quixote, 2 vols. London, 1821; and J. G. Lockhart's Ancient Spanish Ballads, historical and romantic, 1823.]
[The two Spanish ballads that follow don’t really fit in with this collection of English ballads, and they aren't great examples of their genre. If you want to learn more about Spanish ballads, you should check out Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature; T. Rodd's Ancient Spanish Ballads, relating to the Twelve Peers of France mentioned in Don Quixote, 2 vols. London, 1821; and J. G. Lockhart's Ancient Spanish Ballads, historical and romantic, 1823.]


People of valor died From the nobility of Spain.
Called Que de Aguilar; The brave Urdiales,15
Con don Alonso was ending.
From the biggest people.
Así le habla;
Date, date, Sayavedra, Don't run from the battle.
And in the Plaza de Sevilla
Good to see you play!

Look, your streams are stained with blood,
Many brave and noble captains Floats along your willow shore.
Moorish Leaders and Christian Fighters Joined in fierce and deadly battle.
Deadly banks that led to destruction
All the pride and beauty of Spain.
There the fearless Urdiales Fell victim by his side.
Proud Seville admires his worth.
Are you fleeing from the battle?
I lived under your roof for a long time; Many times I've been in the lists of glory
I saw you win the proof prize. [Pg 336]
Here’s your text in modern English: And your wife, Mrs. Clara; Seven years I was your captive, You treated me badly.
If Muhammad could help me; Y también te trataré, How you treated me.
Al Moro turned his face; Tirole el Moro a shot,
But he never got it right.40
The Renegade fell dead Unable to say a word.
And in the end, he fell there dead. From a really bad thrown.
And he’s seen as a wall.
Don Alonso is dead,
Eternal fame will be earned.
I know your lovely bride; For seven years, I was your captive, Seven years of suffering and sadness.
Arrogant leader, you will be mine:
You will drink that cup of sorrow,35
Which I drank when I was yours.
He shoots back an angry glare: Whizzing came the Moorish spear, Vainly zooming through the air.40
Inflicted a serious and fatal injury:
Instant sank the Renegado,
Silent and motionless on the ground.
Brave Saavedra holds his ground: Weary but never discouraged,
At last, the warrior lay cold.
Dismounted from his slain horse A strong group stands behind him.
Angrily, he deflects their fury:
Blood loss eventually weakens you:55
Who can fight a war with thousands!
Fainting defeated the bleeding hero,
And without a sound, expired.60
⁂ In the Spanish original of the foregoing ballad follow a few more stanzas, but being of inferior merit were not translated.
⁂ In the original Spanish version of the previous ballad, there are a few more stanzas, but they were not translated due to their lower quality.
Renegado properly signifies an Apostate; but it is sometimes used to express an Infidel in general; as it seems to do above in ver. 21, &c.
Renegade properly signifies an apostate; however, it is sometimes used to refer to an infidel in general, as it seems to do above in ver. 21, &c.
The image of the Lion, &c. in ver. 37, is taken from the other Spanish copy, the rhymes of which end in ia, viz.
The image of the Lion, &c. in ver. 37, is taken from the other Spanish copy, the rhymes of which end in ia, viz.
"Like a roaring lion."
FOOTNOTES:
[1027] i.e. The ballad-singer.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ i.e. The ballad singer.
[1028] See vol. iii. Appendix.
[1029] Literally, Green river, green river. [Percy found out, after writing this, that Rio Verde is the name of a river in Spain, a fact, which he writes, "ought to have been attended to by the translator, had he known it."]
[1029] Literally, Green river, green river. [Percy found out, after writing this, that Rio Verde is the name of a river in Spain, a fact, which he writes, "ought to have been attended to by the translator, had he known it."]
XVII.
ALCANZOR AND ZAYDA,
A MOORISH TALE,
A Moorish Story,
Imitated from the Spanish.
Copied from the Spanish.

The foregoing version was rendered as literal as the nature of the two languages would admit. In the following a wider compass hath been taken. The Spanish poem that was chiefly had in view is preserved in the same history of the Civil Wars of Granada, f. 22, and begins with these lines:
The previous version was made as literal as the differences between the two languages would allow. In the following, a broader approach has been taken. The Spanish poem that was primarily considered is found in the same account of the Civil Wars of Granada, f. 22, and starts with these lines:

Softly fall the night dews; Alcanzor walks over there,
Avoiding every glare of light.
Whom he loves with such a pure flame:[Pg 339] She is the fairest of Moorish ladies; He is a young and noble Moor.
He often walks back and forth; Stopping now, moving forward,
Sometimes fast, and sometimes slow.
He often sighs with heartfelt concern.——
Look, dear young one, at that window. Quietly walks the shy girl.
When she rises, all silvery and bright,
Gilding mountains, woods, and fields.
When a terrible storm passes Across the waves, his light travels.
Let out a soft sigh:30
Keep you, lovely lady; Tell me, am I destined to die?
Which your girl tells my servant,
That seduced by filthy wealth Will you sell your youth to old age?
[Pg 340]
So does my love agree to be wronged? __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Which the world clearly knows.
As the pearly tears fall:
Ah! my lord, the story is indeed true; Here our sweet loves must come to an end.
Our mutual promises are well known: All my friends are really angry; Storms of passion shake the home.
My rigid father breaks my heart:
Alla knows how much it costs me, 55
Generous youth, it's hard to say goodbye to you.
Though I feared my proud father I will never let you make me your bride.
Everyone, to push me into action; And tomorrow to your rival I have to let go of this frail body.
Take this scarf as a farewell gift;
When you wear it, think of me.80
No! A thousand times I would rather die!——
My cursed rival will fall too.
This loving heart will ache to save you,95
These loving arms will protect you.
[Pg 342]
Spies surround me, bars locked:
I barely take this last precious moment,
While my lady watches the door.100
Listen, I hear my mom scolding!
I have to leave: goodbye forever!
Thank you, God, for your guidance!
THE END OF THE THIRD BOOK.
THE END OF THE THIRD BOOK.

APPENDIX I.
AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT
MINSTRELS IN ENGLAND.


APPENDIX I.
APPENDIX 1.
AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS IN ENGLAND.
I.
I.

The Minstrels[A][1031] were an order of men in the middle ages, who subsisted by the arts of poetry and music, and sang to the harp verses composed by themselves, or others.[1032] They also appear to have accompanied their songs with mimicry and action; and to have practised such various means of diverting as were much admired in those rude times, and [Pg 346]supplied the want of more refined entertainment.[B] These arts rendered them extremely popular and acceptable in this and all the neighbouring countries; where no high scene of festivity was esteemed complete, that was not set off with the exercise of their talents; and where, so long as the spirit of chivalry subsisted, they were protected and caressed, because their songs tended to do honour to the ruling passion of the times, and to encourage and foment a martial spirit.
The Minstrels[A][1031] were an order of men in the middle ages, who subsisted by the arts of poetry and music, and sang to the harp verses composed by themselves, or others.[1032] They also appear to have accompanied their songs with mimicry and action; and to have practised such various means of diverting as were much admired in those rude times, and [Pg 346]supplied the want of more refined entertainment.[B] These arts rendered them extremely popular and acceptable in this and all the neighbouring countries; where no high scene of festivity was esteemed complete, that was not set off with the exercise of their talents; and where, so long as the spirit of chivalry subsisted, they were protected and caressed, because their songs tended to do honour to the ruling passion of the times, and to encourage and foment a martial spirit.
The Minstrels seem to have been the genuine successors of the ancient Bards,[C] who under different names were admired and revered, from the earliest ages, among the people of Gaul, Britain, Ireland, and the North; and indeed by almost all the first inhabitants of Europe, whether of Celtic or Gothic race;[1033] but by none more than by our own Teutonic ancestors,[1034] particularly by all the Danish tribes.[1035] Among these they were distinguished by the name of Scalds, a word which denotes "Smoothers and Polishers of language."[1036] The origin of their art was attributed to Odin or Woden, the father of their gods; and the professors of it were held in the highest estimation. Their skill was considered as something divine; their persons were deemed sacred; their attendance was solicited by kings; and they were everywhere loaded with honours and rewards. In short, Poets and their art were held among them [Pg 347]in that rude admiration, which is ever shewn by an ignorant people to such as excel them in intellectual accomplishments.
The Minstrels seem to have been the genuine successors of the ancient Bards,[C] who under different names were admired and revered, from the earliest ages, among the people of Gaul, Britain, Ireland, and the North; and indeed by almost all the first inhabitants of Europe, whether of Celtic or Gothic race;[1033] but by none more than by our own Teutonic ancestors,[1034] particularly by all the Danish tribes.[1035] Among these they were distinguished by the name of Scalds, a word which denotes "Smoothers and Polishers of language."[1036] The origin of their art was attributed to Odin or Woden, the father of their gods; and the professors of it were held in the highest estimation. Their skill was considered as something divine; their persons were deemed sacred; their attendance was solicited by kings; and they were everywhere loaded with honours and rewards. In short, Poets and their art were held among them [Pg 347]in that rude admiration, which is ever shewn by an ignorant people to such as excel them in intellectual accomplishments.
As these honours were paid to Poetry and Song, from the earliest times, in those countries which our Anglo-Saxon ancestors inhabited before their removal into Britain, we may reasonably conclude that they would not lay aside all their regard for men of this sort immediately on quitting their German forests. At least so long as they retained their ancient manners and opinions, they would still hold them in high estimation. But as the Saxons, soon after their establishment in this island, were converted to Christianity; in proportion as literature prevailed among them, this rude admiration would begin to abate, and Poetry would be no longer a peculiar profession. Thus the Poet and the Minstrel early with us became two persons.[D] Poetry was cultivated by men of letters indiscriminately, and many of the most popular rhymes were composed amidst the leisure and retirement of monasteries. But the Minstrels continued a distinct order of men for many ages after the Norman Conquest, and got their livelihood by singing verses to the harp at the houses of the great.[E] There they were still hospitably and respectfully received, and retained many of the honours shewn to their predecessors, the Bards and Scalds.[F] And though, as their art declined, many of them only recited the compositions of others, some of them still composed songs themselves, and all of them could probably invent a few stanzas on occasion. I have no doubt but most of the old heroic ballads in this collection were composed by this order of men; for although some of the larger metrical romances might come from the pen of the monks or others, yet the smaller narratives were probably composed by the minstrels who sang them. From the amazing varia[Pg 348]tions which occur in different copies of the old pieces, it is evident they made no scruple to alter each other's productions; and the reciter added or omitted whole stanzas according to his own fancy or convenience.
As these honours were paid to Poetry and Song, from the earliest times, in those countries which our Anglo-Saxon ancestors inhabited before their removal into Britain, we may reasonably conclude that they would not lay aside all their regard for men of this sort immediately on quitting their German forests. At least so long as they retained their ancient manners and opinions, they would still hold them in high estimation. But as the Saxons, soon after their establishment in this island, were converted to Christianity; in proportion as literature prevailed among them, this rude admiration would begin to abate, and Poetry would be no longer a peculiar profession. Thus the Poet and the Minstrel early with us became two persons.[D] Poetry was cultivated by men of letters indiscriminately, and many of the most popular rhymes were composed amidst the leisure and retirement of monasteries. But the Minstrels continued a distinct order of men for many ages after the Norman Conquest, and got their livelihood by singing verses to the harp at the houses of the great.[E] There they were still hospitably and respectfully received, and retained many of the honours shewn to their predecessors, the Bards and Scalds.[F] And though, as their art declined, many of them only recited the compositions of others, some of them still composed songs themselves, and all of them could probably invent a few stanzas on occasion. I have no doubt but most of the old heroic ballads in this collection were composed by this order of men; for although some of the larger metrical romances might come from the pen of the monks or others, yet the smaller narratives were probably composed by the minstrels who sang them. From the amazing varia[Pg 348]tions which occur in different copies of the old pieces, it is evident they made no scruple to alter each other's productions; and the reciter added or omitted whole stanzas according to his own fancy or convenience.
In the early ages, as was hinted above, the profession of oral itinerant poet was held in the utmost reverence among all the Danish tribes; and therefore we might have concluded that it was not unknown or unrespected among their Saxon brethren in Britain, even if history had been altogether silent on this subject. The original country of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors is well known to have lien chiefly in the Cimbric Chersonese, in the tracts of land since distinguished by the name of Jutland, Angelen, and Holstein.[1037] The Jutes and Angles in particular, who composed two-thirds of the conquerors of Britain, were a Danish people, and their country at this day belongs to the crown of Denmark;[1038] so that when the Danes again infested England, three or four hundred years after, they made war on the descendants of their own ancestors.[1039] From this near affinity we might expect to discover a strong resemblance between both nations in their customs, manners, and even language; and, in fact, we find them to differ no more than would naturally happen between a parent country and its own colonies, that had been severed in a rude, uncivilized state, and had dropt all [Pg 349]intercourse for three or four centuries, especially if we reflect that the colony here settled had adopted a new religion, extremely opposite in all respects to the ancient paganism of the mother country; and that even at first, along with the original Angli, had been incorporated a large mixture of Saxons from the neighbouring parts of Germany; and afterwards, among the Danish invaders, had come vast multitudes of adventurers from the more northern parts of Scandinavia. But all these were only different tribes of the same common Teutonic stock, and spoke only different dialects of the same Gothic language.[1040]
In the early ages, as was hinted above, the profession of oral itinerant poet was held in the utmost reverence among all the Danish tribes; and therefore we might have concluded that it was not unknown or unrespected among their Saxon brethren in Britain, even if history had been altogether silent on this subject. The original country of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors is well known to have lien chiefly in the Cimbric Chersonese, in the tracts of land since distinguished by the name of Jutland, Angelen, and Holstein.[1037] The Jutes and Angles in particular, who composed two-thirds of the conquerors of Britain, were a Danish people, and their country at this day belongs to the crown of Denmark;[1038] so that when the Danes again infested England, three or four hundred years after, they made war on the descendants of their own ancestors.[1039] From this near affinity we might expect to discover a strong resemblance between both nations in their customs, manners, and even language; and, in fact, we find them to differ no more than would naturally happen between a parent country and its own colonies, that had been severed in a rude, uncivilized state, and had dropt all [Pg 349]intercourse for three or four centuries, especially if we reflect that the colony here settled had adopted a new religion, extremely opposite in all respects to the ancient paganism of the mother country; and that even at first, along with the original Angli, had been incorporated a large mixture of Saxons from the neighbouring parts of Germany; and afterwards, among the Danish invaders, had come vast multitudes of adventurers from the more northern parts of Scandinavia. But all these were only different tribes of the same common Teutonic stock, and spoke only different dialects of the same Gothic language.[1040]
From this sameness of original and similarity of manners we might justly have wondered if a character so dignified and distinguished among the ancient Danes as the Scald or Bard, had been totally unknown or unregarded in this sister nation. And, indeed, this argument is so strong, and, at the same time, the early annals of the Anglo-Saxons are so scanty and defective,[G] that no objections from their silence could be sufficient to overthrow it. For if these popular bards were confessedly revered and admired in those very countries which the Anglo-Saxons inhabited before their removal into Britain, and if they were afterwards common and numerous among the other descendants of the same Teutonic ancestors, can we do otherwise than conclude that men of this order accompanied such tribes as migrated hither, that they afterwards subsisted here, though perhaps with less splendor than in the North, and that there never was wanting a succession of them to hand down the art, though some particular conjunctures may have rendered it more respectable at one time than another? And this was evidently the case; for though much greater honours [Pg 350]seem to have been heaped upon the northern Scalds, in whom the characters of historian, genealogist, poet, and musician were all united, than appear to have been paid to the minstrels and harpers[H] of the Anglo-Saxons, whose talents were chiefly calculated to entertain and divert, while the Scalds professed to inform and instruct, and were at once the moralists and theologues of their pagan countrymen. Yet the Anglo-Saxon minstrels continued to possess no small portion of public favour, and the arts they professed were so extremely acceptable to our ancestors that the word "Glee," which particularly denoted their art, continues still in our own language to be of all others the most expressive of that popular mirth and jollity, that strong sensation of delight, which is felt by unpolished and simple minds.[I]
From this sameness of original and similarity of manners we might justly have wondered if a character so dignified and distinguished among the ancient Danes as the Scald or Bard, had been totally unknown or unregarded in this sister nation. And, indeed, this argument is so strong, and, at the same time, the early annals of the Anglo-Saxons are so scanty and defective,[G] that no objections from their silence could be sufficient to overthrow it. For if these popular bards were confessedly revered and admired in those very countries which the Anglo-Saxons inhabited before their removal into Britain, and if they were afterwards common and numerous among the other descendants of the same Teutonic ancestors, can we do otherwise than conclude that men of this order accompanied such tribes as migrated hither, that they afterwards subsisted here, though perhaps with less splendor than in the North, and that there never was wanting a succession of them to hand down the art, though some particular conjunctures may have rendered it more respectable at one time than another? And this was evidently the case; for though much greater honours [Pg 350]seem to have been heaped upon the northern Scalds, in whom the characters of historian, genealogist, poet, and musician were all united, than appear to have been paid to the minstrels and harpers[H] of the Anglo-Saxons, whose talents were chiefly calculated to entertain and divert, while the Scalds professed to inform and instruct, and were at once the moralists and theologues of their pagan countrymen. Yet the Anglo-Saxon minstrels continued to possess no small portion of public favour, and the arts they professed were so extremely acceptable to our ancestors that the word "Glee," which particularly denoted their art, continues still in our own language to be of all others the most expressive of that popular mirth and jollity, that strong sensation of delight, which is felt by unpolished and simple minds.[I]
II. Having premised these general considerations, I shall now proceed to collect from history such particular incidents as occur on this subject; and, whether the facts themselves are true or not, they are related by authors who lived too near the Saxon times, and had before them too many recent monuments of the Anglo-Saxon nation, not to know what was conformable to the genius and manners of that people; and therefore we may presume that their relations prove at least the existence of the customs and habits they attribute to our forefathers before the Conquest, whatever becomes of the particular incidents and events themselves. If this be admitted, we shall not want sufficient proofs to show that minstrelsy and song were not extinct among the Anglo-Saxons, and that the professor of them here, if not quite so respectable a personage as the Danish Scald, was yet highly favoured and protected, and continued still to enjoy considerable privileges.
II. Having laid out these general thoughts, I will now gather specific incidents from history related to this topic; and, whether the facts themselves are true or not, they are recounted by authors who lived close to the Saxon era and had access to many recent records of the Anglo-Saxon people, making it likely they understood what was in line with the character and customs of that society. Therefore, we can assume that their accounts at least show the existence of the traditions and practices they attribute to our ancestors before the Conquest, regardless of what happens with the individual incidents and events. If we accept this, we will find enough evidence to demonstrate that music and poetry were not dead among the Anglo-Saxons, and that the performers of these arts, while perhaps not as esteemed as the Danish Scald, were still well-regarded and supported, enjoying significant privileges.
Even so early as the first invasion of Britain by[Pg 351] the Saxons an incident is recorded to have happened, which, if true, shews that the minstrel or bard was not unknown among this people, and that their princes themselves could, upon occasion, assume that character. Colgrin, son of that Ella who was elected king or leader of the Saxons in the room of Hengist,[1041] was shut up in York, and closely besieged by Arthur and his Britons. Baldulph, brother of Colgrin, wanted to gain access to him, and to apprize him of a reinforcement which was coming from Germany. He had no other way to accomplish his design but to assume the character of a minstrel. He therefore shaved his head and beard, and dressing himself in the habit of that profession, took his harp in his hand. In this disguise he walked up and down the trenches without suspicion, playing all the while upon his instrument as an harper. By little and little he advanced near to the walls of the city, and, making himself known to the sentinels, was in the night drawn up by a rope.
Even so early as the first invasion of Britain by[Pg 351] the Saxons an incident is recorded to have happened, which, if true, shews that the minstrel or bard was not unknown among this people, and that their princes themselves could, upon occasion, assume that character. Colgrin, son of that Ella who was elected king or leader of the Saxons in the room of Hengist,[1041] was shut up in York, and closely besieged by Arthur and his Britons. Baldulph, brother of Colgrin, wanted to gain access to him, and to apprize him of a reinforcement which was coming from Germany. He had no other way to accomplish his design but to assume the character of a minstrel. He therefore shaved his head and beard, and dressing himself in the habit of that profession, took his harp in his hand. In this disguise he walked up and down the trenches without suspicion, playing all the while upon his instrument as an harper. By little and little he advanced near to the walls of the city, and, making himself known to the sentinels, was in the night drawn up by a rope.
Although the above fact comes only from the suspicious pen of Geoffry of Monmouth,[K] the judicious reader will not too hastily reject it, because, if such a fact really happened, it could only be known to us through the medium of the British writers: for the first Saxons, a martial but unlettered people, had no historians of their own; and Geoffry, with all his fables, is allowed to have recorded many true events that have escaped other annalists.
Although the above fact comes only from the suspicious pen of Geoffry of Monmouth,[K] the judicious reader will not too hastily reject it, because, if such a fact really happened, it could only be known to us through the medium of the British writers: for the first Saxons, a martial but unlettered people, had no historians of their own; and Geoffry, with all his fables, is allowed to have recorded many true events that have escaped other annalists.
We do not, however, want instances of a less fabulous æra, and more indubitable authority: for later history affords us two remarkable facts,[L] which I think clearly shew that the same arts of poetry and song, which were so much admired among the Danes, [Pg 352]were by no means unknown or neglected in this sister nation, and that the privileges and honours which were so lavishly bestowed upon the northern Scalds, were not wholly withheld from the Anglo-Saxon minstrels.
We do not, however, want instances of a less fabulous æra, and more indubitable authority: for later history affords us two remarkable facts,[L] which I think clearly shew that the same arts of poetry and song, which were so much admired among the Danes, [Pg 352]were by no means unknown or neglected in this sister nation, and that the privileges and honours which were so lavishly bestowed upon the northern Scalds, were not wholly withheld from the Anglo-Saxon minstrels.
Our great King Alfred, who is expressly said to have excelled in music,[1042] being desirous to learn the true situation of the Danish army, which had invaded his realm, assumed the dress and character of a minstrel,[M] when, taking his harp, and one of the most trusty of his friends disguised as a servant[1043] (for in the early times it was not unusual for a minstrel to have a servant to carry his harp), he went with the utmost security into the Danish camp; and, though he could not but be known to be a Saxon by his dialect, the character he had assumed procured him a hospitable reception. He was admitted to entertain the king at table, and staid among them long enough to contrive that assault which afterwards destroyed them. This was in the year 878.
Our great King Alfred, who is expressly said to have excelled in music,[1042] being desirous to learn the true situation of the Danish army, which had invaded his realm, assumed the dress and character of a minstrel,[M] when, taking his harp, and one of the most trusty of his friends disguised as a servant[1043] (for in the early times it was not unusual for a minstrel to have a servant to carry his harp), he went with the utmost security into the Danish camp; and, though he could not but be known to be a Saxon by his dialect, the character he had assumed procured him a hospitable reception. He was admitted to entertain the king at table, and staid among them long enough to contrive that assault which afterwards destroyed them. This was in the year 878.
About fifty years after,[1044] a Danish king made use of the same disguise to explore the camp of our king Athelstan. With his harp in his hand, and dressed like a minstrel,[N] Aulaff,[1045] king of the Danes, went among the Saxon tents; and, taking his stand near the king's pavilion, began to play, and was immediately admitted. There he entertained Athelstan and his lords with his singing and his music, and was [Pg 353]at length dismissed with an honourable reward, though his songs must have discovered him to have been a Dane.[O] Athelstan was saved from the consequences of this stratagem by a soldier, who had observed Aulaff bury the money which had been given him, either from some scruple of honour or motive of superstition. This occasioned a discovery.
About fifty years after,[1044] a Danish king made use of the same disguise to explore the camp of our king Athelstan. With his harp in his hand, and dressed like a minstrel,[N] Aulaff,[1045] king of the Danes, went among the Saxon tents; and, taking his stand near the king's pavilion, began to play, and was immediately admitted. There he entertained Athelstan and his lords with his singing and his music, and was [Pg 353]at length dismissed with an honourable reward, though his songs must have discovered him to have been a Dane.[O] Athelstan was saved from the consequences of this stratagem by a soldier, who had observed Aulaff bury the money which had been given him, either from some scruple of honour or motive of superstition. This occasioned a discovery.
Now, if the Saxons had not been accustomed to have minstrels of their own, Alfred's assuming so new and unusual a character would have excited suspicions among the Danes. On the other hand, if it had not been customary with the Saxons to shew favour and respect to the Danish Scalds, Aulaff would not have ventured himself among them, especially on the eve of a battle.[P] From the uniform procedure, then, of both these kings, we may fairly conclude that the same mode of entertainment prevailed among both people, and that the minstrel was a privileged character with each.
Now, if the Saxons had not been accustomed to have minstrels of their own, Alfred's assuming so new and unusual a character would have excited suspicions among the Danes. On the other hand, if it had not been customary with the Saxons to shew favour and respect to the Danish Scalds, Aulaff would not have ventured himself among them, especially on the eve of a battle.[P] From the uniform procedure, then, of both these kings, we may fairly conclude that the same mode of entertainment prevailed among both people, and that the minstrel was a privileged character with each.
But if these facts had never existed, it can be proved from undoubted records that the minstrel was a regular and stated officer in the court of our Anglo-Saxon kings: for in Doomesday book, "Joculator Regis," the king's minstrel, is expressly mentioned in Gloucestershire, in which county it should seem that he had lands assigned him for his maintenance.[Q]
But if these facts had never existed, it can be proved from undoubted records that the minstrel was a regular and stated officer in the court of our Anglo-Saxon kings: for in Doomesday book, "Joculator Regis," the king's minstrel, is expressly mentioned in Gloucestershire, in which county it should seem that he had lands assigned him for his maintenance.[Q]
III. We have now brought the inquiry down to the Norman Conquest; and as the Normans had been a late colony from Norway and Denmark, where the Scalds had arrived to the highest pitch of credit before Rollo's expedition into France, we cannot doubt but this adventurer, like the other northern princes, had many of these men in his train, who settled with him in his new duchy of Normandy, and left behind them successors in their art; so that when his descendant, William the Bastard, invaded[Pg 354] this kingdom in the following century,[1046] that mode of entertainment could not but be still familiar with the Normans. And that this is not mere conjecture will appear from a remarkable fact, which shews that the arts of poetry and song were still as reputable among the Normans in France as they had been among their ancestors in the north; and that the profession of Minstrel, like that of Scald, was still aspired to by the most gallant soldiers. In William's army was a valiant warrior, named Taillefer, who was distinguished no less for the minstrel-arts,[R] than for his courage and intrepidity. This man asked leave of his commander to begin the onset, and obtained it. He accordingly advanced before the army, and with a loud voice animated his countrymen with songs in praise of Charlemagne and Roland, and other heroes of France; then rushing among the thickest of the English, and valiantly fighting, lost his life.
III. We have now brought the inquiry down to the Norman Conquest; and as the Normans had been a late colony from Norway and Denmark, where the Scalds had arrived to the highest pitch of credit before Rollo's expedition into France, we cannot doubt but this adventurer, like the other northern princes, had many of these men in his train, who settled with him in his new duchy of Normandy, and left behind them successors in their art; so that when his descendant, William the Bastard, invaded[Pg 354] this kingdom in the following century,[1046] that mode of entertainment could not but be still familiar with the Normans. And that this is not mere conjecture will appear from a remarkable fact, which shews that the arts of poetry and song were still as reputable among the Normans in France as they had been among their ancestors in the north; and that the profession of Minstrel, like that of Scald, was still aspired to by the most gallant soldiers. In William's army was a valiant warrior, named Taillefer, who was distinguished no less for the minstrel-arts,[R] than for his courage and intrepidity. This man asked leave of his commander to begin the onset, and obtained it. He accordingly advanced before the army, and with a loud voice animated his countrymen with songs in praise of Charlemagne and Roland, and other heroes of France; then rushing among the thickest of the English, and valiantly fighting, lost his life.
Indeed, the Normans were so early distinguished for their minstrel-talents, that an eminent French writer[S] makes no scruple to refer to them the origin of all modern poetry, and shews that they were celebrated for their songs near a century before the troubadours of Provence, who are supposed to have led the way to the poets of Italy, France, and Spain.[1047]
Indeed, the Normans were so early distinguished for their minstrel-talents, that an eminent French writer[S] makes no scruple to refer to them the origin of all modern poetry, and shews that they were celebrated for their songs near a century before the troubadours of Provence, who are supposed to have led the way to the poets of Italy, France, and Spain.[1047]
We see then that the Norman Conquest was rather likely to favour the establishment of the minstrel profession in this kingdom, than to suppress it: and although the favour of the Norman conquerors would be probably confined to such of their own[Pg 355] countrymen as excelled in the minstrel arts—and in the first ages after the Conquest, no other songs would be listened to by the great nobility but such as were composed in their own Norman French—yet as the great mass of the original inhabitants were not extirpated, these could only understand their own native gleemen or minstrels; who must still be allowed to exist, unless it can be proved that they were all proscribed and massacred, as, it is said, the Welsh Bards were afterwards by the severe policy of King Edward I. But this we know was not the case; and even the cruel attempts of that monarch, as we shall see below, proved ineffectual.[S2]
We see then that the Norman Conquest was rather likely to favour the establishment of the minstrel profession in this kingdom, than to suppress it: and although the favour of the Norman conquerors would be probably confined to such of their own[Pg 355] countrymen as excelled in the minstrel arts—and in the first ages after the Conquest, no other songs would be listened to by the great nobility but such as were composed in their own Norman French—yet as the great mass of the original inhabitants were not extirpated, these could only understand their own native gleemen or minstrels; who must still be allowed to exist, unless it can be proved that they were all proscribed and massacred, as, it is said, the Welsh Bards were afterwards by the severe policy of King Edward I. But this we know was not the case; and even the cruel attempts of that monarch, as we shall see below, proved ineffectual.[S2]
The honours shewn to the Norman or French minstrels by our princes and great barons, would naturally have been imitated by their English vassals and tenants, even if no favour or distinction had ever been shewn here to the same order of men, in the Anglo-Saxon and Danish reigns. So that we cannot doubt but the English harper and songster would, at least in a subordinate degree, enjoy the same kind of honours, and be received with similar respect among the inferior English gentry and populace. I must be allowed, therefore, to consider them as belonging to the same community, as subordinate members at least of the same college; and therefore, in gleaning the scanty materials for this slight history, I shall collect whatever incidents I can find relating to minstrels and their art, and arrange them, as they occur in our own annals, without distinction, as it will not always be easy to ascertain, from the slight mention of them by our regular historians, whether the artists were Norman or English; for it need not be remarked that subjects of this trivial nature are but incidentally mentioned by our ancient annalists, and were fastidiously rejected by other grave and serious[Pg 356] writers; so that, unless they were accidentally connected with such events as became recorded in history, they would pass unnoticed through the lapse of ages, and be as unknown to posterity as other topics relating to the private life and amusements of the greatest nations.
The honors shown to the Norman or French minstrels by our princes and high-ranking barons would naturally have been copied by their English vassals and tenants, even if there had been no special treatment or recognition given to these artists during the Anglo-Saxon and Danish periods. So, we can't doubt that the English harper and singer would, at least to some extent, enjoy similar honors and be received with comparable respect among the lower English gentry and common people. Therefore, I must consider them part of the same community, at least as subordinate members of the same group. In gathering the scarce materials for this brief history, I will collect any incidents I can find related to minstrels and their art, organizing them as they appear in our own records, without distinction. It won't always be easy to determine, based on the brief mentions by our regular historians, whether the artists were Norman or English. It's worth noting that subjects of this minor nature are only mentioned incidentally by our ancient chroniclers and were often disregarded by other serious writers. As a result, unless they were accidentally linked to events that made it into the historical record, they would have gone unnoticed over the ages, remaining as unknown to future generations as other topics related to the private lives and entertainment of great nations.
On this account it can hardly be expected that we should be able to produce regular and unbroken annals of the minstrel art and its professors, or have sufficient information whether every minstrel or harper composed himself, or only repeated, the songs he chanted. Some probably did the one, and some the other: and it would have been wonderful indeed if men whose peculiar profession it was, and who devoted their time and talents to entertain their hearers with poetical compositions, were peculiarly deprived of all poetical genius themselves, and had been under a physical incapacity of composing those common popular rhymes which were the usual subjects of their recitation. Whoever examines any considerable quantity of these, finds them in style and colouring as different from the elaborate production of the sedentary composer at his desk or in his cell, as the rambling harper or minstrel was remote in his modes of life and habits of thinking from the retired scholar, or the solitary monk.[T]
On this account it can hardly be expected that we should be able to produce regular and unbroken annals of the minstrel art and its professors, or have sufficient information whether every minstrel or harper composed himself, or only repeated, the songs he chanted. Some probably did the one, and some the other: and it would have been wonderful indeed if men whose peculiar profession it was, and who devoted their time and talents to entertain their hearers with poetical compositions, were peculiarly deprived of all poetical genius themselves, and had been under a physical incapacity of composing those common popular rhymes which were the usual subjects of their recitation. Whoever examines any considerable quantity of these, finds them in style and colouring as different from the elaborate production of the sedentary composer at his desk or in his cell, as the rambling harper or minstrel was remote in his modes of life and habits of thinking from the retired scholar, or the solitary monk.[T]
It is well known that on the Continent, whence our Norman nobles came, the bard who composed, the harper who played and sang, and even the dancer and the mimic, were all considered as of one community, and were even all included under the common name of Minstrels.[1048] I must therefore be allowed the same application of the term here without being expected to prove that every singer [Pg 357]composed, or every composer chanted, his own song; much less that every one excelled in all the arts, which were occasionally exercised by some or other of this fraternity.
It is well known that on the Continent, whence our Norman nobles came, the bard who composed, the harper who played and sang, and even the dancer and the mimic, were all considered as of one community, and were even all included under the common name of Minstrels.[1048] I must therefore be allowed the same application of the term here without being expected to prove that every singer [Pg 357]composed, or every composer chanted, his own song; much less that every one excelled in all the arts, which were occasionally exercised by some or other of this fraternity.
IV. After the Norman Conquest, the first occurrence which I have met with relating to this order of men is the founding of a priory and hospital by one of them: scil. the Priory and Hospital of St. Bartholomew, in Smithfield, London, by Royer or Raherus, the King's Minstrel, in the third year of King Henry I. A.D. 1102. He was the first prior of his own establishment, and presided over it to the time of his death.[T2]
IV. After the Norman Conquest, the first occurrence which I have met with relating to this order of men is the founding of a priory and hospital by one of them: scil. the Priory and Hospital of St. Bartholomew, in Smithfield, London, by Royer or Raherus, the King's Minstrel, in the third year of King Henry I. CE 1102. He was the first prior of his own establishment, and presided over it to the time of his death.[T2]
In the reign of K. Henry II. we have upon record the name of Galfrid or Jeffrey, a harper, who in 1180 received a corrody or annuity from the Abbey of Hide, near Winchester: and, as in the early times every harper was expected to sing, we cannot doubt but this reward was given to him for his music and his songs; which, if they were for the solace of the monks there, we may conclude would be in the English language.[U]
In the reign of K. Henry II. we have upon record the name of Galfrid or Jeffrey, a harper, who in 1180 received a corrody or annuity from the Abbey of Hide, near Winchester: and, as in the early times every harper was expected to sing, we cannot doubt but this reward was given to him for his music and his songs; which, if they were for the solace of the monks there, we may conclude would be in the English language.[U]
Under his romantic son, K. Richard I., the minstrel profession seems to have acquired additional splendor. Richard, who was the great hero of chivalry, was also the distinguished patron of poets and minstrels. He was himself of their number, and some of his poems are still extant.[1049] They were no less patronized by his favourites and chief officers. His Chancellor, William Bishop of Ely, is expressly [Pg 358]mentioned to have invited singers and minstrels from France, whom he loaded with rewards; and they in return celebrated him as the most accomplished person in the world.[U2] This high distinction and regard, although confined, perhaps, in the first instance to poets and songsters of the French nation, must have had a tendency to do honour to poetry and song among all his subjects, and to encourage the cultivation of these arts among the natives, as the indulgent favour shewn by the monarch or his great courtiers to the Provençal Troubadour, or Norman Rymour, would naturally be imitated by their inferior vassals to the English gleeman or minstrel. At more than a century after the Conquest, the national distinctions must have begun to decline, and both the Norman and English languages would be heard in the houses of the great[U3]; so that probably about this æra, or soon after, we are to date that remarkable intercommunity and exchange of each other's compositions which we discover to have taken place at some early period between the French and English minstrels: the same set of phrases, the same species of characters, incidents, and adventures, and often the same identical stories being found in the old metrical romances of both nations.[V]
Under his romantic son, K. Richard I., the minstrel profession seems to have acquired additional splendor. Richard, who was the great hero of chivalry, was also the distinguished patron of poets and minstrels. He was himself of their number, and some of his poems are still extant.[1049] They were no less patronized by his favourites and chief officers. His Chancellor, William Bishop of Ely, is expressly [Pg 358]mentioned to have invited singers and minstrels from France, whom he loaded with rewards; and they in return celebrated him as the most accomplished person in the world.[U2] This high distinction and regard, although confined, perhaps, in the first instance to poets and songsters of the French nation, must have had a tendency to do honour to poetry and song among all his subjects, and to encourage the cultivation of these arts among the natives, as the indulgent favour shewn by the monarch or his great courtiers to the Provençal Troubadour, or Norman Rymour, would naturally be imitated by their inferior vassals to the English gleeman or minstrel. At more than a century after the Conquest, the national distinctions must have begun to decline, and both the Norman and English languages would be heard in the houses of the great[U3]; so that probably about this æra, or soon after, we are to date that remarkable intercommunity and exchange of each other's compositions which we discover to have taken place at some early period between the French and English minstrels: the same set of phrases, the same species of characters, incidents, and adventures, and often the same identical stories being found in the old metrical romances of both nations.[V]
The distinguished service which Richard received from one of his own minstrels, in rescuing him from his cruel and tedious captivity, is a remarkable fact, which ought to be recorded for the honour of poets and their art. This fact I shall relate in the following words of an ancient writer.[1050]
The distinguished service which Richard received from one of his own minstrels, in rescuing him from his cruel and tedious captivity, is a remarkable fact, which ought to be recorded for the honour of poets and their art. This fact I shall relate in the following words of an ancient writer.[1050]
"The Englishmen were more then a whole yeare, without hearing any tydings of their king, or in what place he was kept prisoner. He had trained up in his court a Rimer or Minstrill,[1051] called Blondell de Nesle: who (so saith the Manuscript of old Poesies,[1052] and an auncient manuscript French Chronicle) being so long without the sight of his lord, his life seemed wearisome to him, and he became confounded with melancholly. Knowne it was, that he came backe from the Holy Land: but none could tell in what countrey he arrived. Whereupon this Blondel, resolving to make search for him in many countries, but he would heare some newes of him; after expence of divers dayes in travaile, he came to a towne[1053] (by good hap) neere to the castell where his maister king Richard was kept. Of his host he demanded to whom the castell appertained, and the host told him, that it belonged to the duke of Austria. Then he enquired whether there were [Pg 360]any prisoners therein detained or no: for alwayes he made such secret questionings wheresoever he came. And the hoste gave answer, there was one onely prisoner, but he knew not what he was, and yet he had bin detained there more then the space of a yeare. When Blondel heard this, he wrought such meanes, that he became acquainted with them of the castell, as Minstrels doe easily win acquaintance any where:[1054] but see the king he could not, neither understand that it was he. One day he sat directly before a window of the castell, where king Richard was kept prisoner, and began to sing a song in French, which king Richard and Blondel had sometime composed together. When king Richard heard the song, he knew it was Blondel that sung it: and when Blondel paused at halfe of the song, the king 'began the other half and completed it.'[1055] Thus Blondel won knowledge of the king his maister, and returning home into England, made the barons of the countrie acquainted where the king was." This happened about the year 1193.
"The Englishmen were more then a whole yeare, without hearing any tydings of their king, or in what place he was kept prisoner. He had trained up in his court a Rimer or Minstrill,[1051] called Blondell de Nesle: who (so saith the Manuscript of old Poesies,[1052] and an auncient manuscript French Chronicle) being so long without the sight of his lord, his life seemed wearisome to him, and he became confounded with melancholly. Knowne it was, that he came backe from the Holy Land: but none could tell in what countrey he arrived. Whereupon this Blondel, resolving to make search for him in many countries, but he would heare some newes of him; after expence of divers dayes in travaile, he came to a towne[1053] (by good hap) neere to the castell where his maister king Richard was kept. Of his host he demanded to whom the castell appertained, and the host told him, that it belonged to the duke of Austria. Then he enquired whether there were [Pg 360]any prisoners therein detained or no: for alwayes he made such secret questionings wheresoever he came. And the hoste gave answer, there was one onely prisoner, but he knew not what he was, and yet he had bin detained there more then the space of a yeare. When Blondel heard this, he wrought such meanes, that he became acquainted with them of the castell, as Minstrels doe easily win acquaintance any where:[1054] but see the king he could not, neither understand that it was he. One day he sat directly before a window of the castell, where king Richard was kept prisoner, and began to sing a song in French, which king Richard and Blondel had sometime composed together. When king Richard heard the song, he knew it was Blondel that sung it: and when Blondel paused at halfe of the song, the king 'began the other half and completed it.'[1055] Thus Blondel won knowledge of the king his maister, and returning home into England, made the barons of the countrie acquainted where the king was." This happened about the year 1193.
BLONDEL.
BLONDEL.
Domna vostra beutas | Your beauty, lady fair, |
Elas bellas faissos | None views without delight; |
Els bels oils amoros | But still so cold an air |
Els gens cors ben taillats | No passion can excite: |
Don sieu empresenats | Yet this I patient see |
De vostra amor que mi lia. | While all are shun'd like me. |
RICHARD.
RICHARD.
Si bel trop affansia | No nymph my heart can wound |
Ja de vos non portrai | If favour she divide, |
Que major honorai | And smiles on all around |
Sol en votre deman | Unwilling to decide: |
Que sautra des beisan | I'd rather hatred bear |
Tot can de vos volria. | Than love with others share. |
The access which Blondel so readily obtained in the privileged character of a minstrel, is not the only instance upon record of the same nature.[V2] In this very reign of K. Richard I. the young heiress of D'Evreux, Earl of Salisbury, had been carried abroad and secreted by her French relations in Normandy. To discover the place of her concealment, a knight of the Talbot family spent two years in exploring that province: at first under the disguise of a pilgrim, till having found where she was confined, in order to gain admittance he assumed the dress and character of a harper, and being a jocose person exceedingly skilled in "the Gests of the ancients"[1057]—so they called the romances and stories which were the delight of that age—he was gladly received into the family, whence [Pg 362]he took an opportunity to carry off the young lady, whom he presented to the king; and he bestowed her on his natural brother William Longespee (son of fair Rosamond), who became in her right Earl of Salisbury. [V3]
The access which Blondel so readily obtained in the privileged character of a minstrel, is not the only instance upon record of the same nature.[V2] In this very reign of K. Richard I. the young heiress of D'Evreux, Earl of Salisbury, had been carried abroad and secreted by her French relations in Normandy. To discover the place of her concealment, a knight of the Talbot family spent two years in exploring that province: at first under the disguise of a pilgrim, till having found where she was confined, in order to gain admittance he assumed the dress and character of a harper, and being a jocose person exceedingly skilled in "the Gests of the ancients"[1057]—so they called the romances and stories which were the delight of that age—he was gladly received into the family, whence [Pg 362]he took an opportunity to carry off the young lady, whom he presented to the king; and he bestowed her on his natural brother William Longespee (son of fair Rosamond), who became in her right Earl of Salisbury. [V3]
The next memorable event which I find in history, reflects credit on the English minstrels; and this was their contributing to the rescue of one of the great Earls of Chester when besieged by the Welsh. This happened in the reign of K. John, and is related to this effect:[1058]—
The next memorable event which I find in history, reflects credit on the English minstrels; and this was their contributing to the rescue of one of the great Earls of Chester when besieged by the Welsh. This happened in the reign of K. John, and is related to this effect:[1058]—
Hugh the first Earl of Chester, in his charter of foundation of St. Werburg's Abbey in that city, had granted such a privilege to those, who should come to Chester fair, that they should not be then apprehended for theft or any other misdemeanor, except the crime were committed during the fair. This special protection, occasioning a multitude of loose people to resort to that fair, was afterwards of signal benefit to one of his successors. For Ranulph the last Earl of Chester, marching into Wales with a slender attendance, was constrained to retire to his castle of Rothelan (or Rhuydland) to which the Welsh forthwith laid siege. In this distress he sent for help to the Lord De Lacy, Constable of Chester: "Who, making use of the minstrells of all sorts, then met at Chester fair, by the allurement of their musick, got together a vast number of such loose people, as, by reason of the before specified priviledge, were then in that city; whom he forthwith sent under the conduct of Dutton (his steward)," a gallant youth, who was also his son in law. The Welsh, alarmed at the approach of this rabble, [Pg 363]supposing them to be a regular body of armed and disciplined veterans, instantly raised the siege and retired.
Hugh, the first Earl of Chester, in his founding charter of St. Werburg's Abbey in that city, granted a privilege to those who came to the Chester fair, stating they could not be arrested for theft or any other minor offenses unless those crimes occurred during the fair. This special protection attracted a lot of unruly people to the fair, which later proved to be very beneficial for one of his successors. Ranulph, the last Earl of Chester, marched into Wales with a small group and had to retreat to his castle of Rothelan (or Rhuydland), which the Welsh army quickly besieged. During this crisis, he called for help from Lord De Lacy, the Constable of Chester. "Using the musicians of all kinds that were gathered at Chester fair, he lured a huge crowd of the aforementioned unruly people who were in the city because of the privilege. He sent them out under the leadership of Dutton (his steward)," a brave young man who was also his son-in-law. The Welsh, noticing this unruly group approaching and thinking they were a proper force of trained soldiers, immediately lifted the siege and retreated.
For this good service Ranulph is said to have granted to De Lacy by charter the patronage and authority over the minstrels and the loose and inferior people; who, retaining to himself that of the lower artificers, conferred on Dutton the jurisdiction of the minstrels and harlots:[1059] and under the descendants of this family the minstrels enjoyed certain privileges, and protection for many ages. For even so late as the reign of Elizabeth, when this profession had fallen into such discredit that it was considered in law as a nuisance, the minstrels under the jurisdiction of the family of Dutton are expressly excepted out of all acts of parliament made for their suppression; and have continued to be so excepted ever since.[W]
For this good service Ranulph is said to have granted to De Lacy by charter the patronage and authority over the minstrels and the loose and inferior people; who, retaining to himself that of the lower artificers, conferred on Dutton the jurisdiction of the minstrels and harlots:[1059] and under the descendants of this family the minstrels enjoyed certain privileges, and protection for many ages. For even so late as the reign of Elizabeth, when this profession had fallen into such discredit that it was considered in law as a nuisance, the minstrels under the jurisdiction of the family of Dutton are expressly excepted out of all acts of parliament made for their suppression; and have continued to be so excepted ever since.[W]
The ceremonies attending the exercise of this jurisdiction are thus described by Dugdale[1060] as handed down to his time, viz. "That at midsummer fair there, all the minstrels of that countrey resorting to Chester, do attend the heir of Dutton, from his lodging to St. John's church (he being then accompanied by many gentlemen of the countrey) one of 'the minstrels' walking before him in a surcoat of his arms depicted on taffata; the rest of his fellows proceeding (two and two) and playing on their several sorts of musical instruments. And after divine service ended, give the like attendance on him back to his lodging; where a court being kept by his (Mr. Dutton's) Steward, and all the minstrels formally called, certain orders and laws are usually made for the better government of that Society, with penalties on those who transgress."
The ceremonies attending the exercise of this jurisdiction are thus described by Dugdale[1060] as handed down to his time, viz. "That at midsummer fair there, all the minstrels of that countrey resorting to Chester, do attend the heir of Dutton, from his lodging to St. John's church (he being then accompanied by many gentlemen of the countrey) one of 'the minstrels' walking before him in a surcoat of his arms depicted on taffata; the rest of his fellows proceeding (two and two) and playing on their several sorts of musical instruments. And after divine service ended, give the like attendance on him back to his lodging; where a court being kept by his (Mr. Dutton's) Steward, and all the minstrels formally called, certain orders and laws are usually made for the better government of that Society, with penalties on those who transgress."
In the same reign of K. John we have a remarkable instance of a minstrel, who to his other talents superadded the character of Soothsayer, and by his skill in drugs and medicated potions was able to rescue a knight from imprisonment. This occurs in Leland's Narrative of the Gestes of Guarine (or Warren) and his sons, which he "excerptid owte of an old Englisch boke yn ryme,"[1061] and is as follows:
In the same reign of K. John we have a remarkable instance of a minstrel, who to his other talents superadded the character of Soothsayer, and by his skill in drugs and medicated potions was able to rescue a knight from imprisonment. This occurs in Leland's Narrative of the Gestes of Guarine (or Warren) and his sons, which he "excerptid owte of an old Englisch boke yn ryme,"[1061] and is as follows:
Whitington Castle, in Shropshire, which together with the coheiress of the original proprietor had been won in a solemn turnament by the ancestor of the Guarines,[1062] had in the reign of K. John been seized by the Prince of Wales, and was afterwards possessed by Morice, a retainer of that Prince, to whom the king out of hatred to the true heir Fulco Guarine (with whom he had formerly had a quarrel at Chess)[1063] not only confirmed the possession, but also made him governor of the marches, of which Fulco himself had the custody in the time of K. Richard. The Guarines demanded justice of the king, but obtaining no gracious answer, renounced their allegiance and fled into Bretagne. Returning into England, after various conflicts, "Fulco resortid to one John of Raumpayne, a Sothsayer and Jocular and Minstrelle, [Pg 365]and made hym his spy to Morice at Whitington." The privileges of this character we have already seen, and John so well availed himself of them, that in consequence of the intelligence which he doubtless procured, "Fulco, and his brethrene laide waite for Morice, as he went toward Salesbyri, and Fulco ther woundid hym: and Bracy" (a knight, who was their friend and assistant), "cut of Moriceś hedde." This sir Bracy being in a subsequent rencounter sore wounded, was taken and brought to K. John; from whose vengeance he was however rescued by this notable minstrel; for "John Rampayne founde the meanes to cast them, that kepte Bracy, into a deadely slepe; and so he and Bracy cam to Fulco to Whitington," which on the death of Morice had been restored to him by the Prince of Wales. As no further mention occurs of the minstrel, I might here conclude this narrative; but I shall just add, that Fulco was obliged to flee into France, where assuming the name of Sir Amice, he distinguished himself in justs and turnaments; and, after various romantic adventures by sea and land (having in the true stile of chivalry rescued "certayne ladies owt of prison"), he finally obtained the king's pardon, and the quiet possession of Whitington Castle.
Whitington Castle, in Shropshire, which together with the coheiress of the original proprietor had been won in a solemn turnament by the ancestor of the Guarines,[1062] had in the reign of K. John been seized by the Prince of Wales, and was afterwards possessed by Morice, a retainer of that Prince, to whom the king out of hatred to the true heir Fulco Guarine (with whom he had formerly had a quarrel at Chess)[1063] not only confirmed the possession, but also made him governor of the marches, of which Fulco himself had the custody in the time of K. Richard. The Guarines demanded justice of the king, but obtaining no gracious answer, renounced their allegiance and fled into Bretagne. Returning into England, after various conflicts, "Fulco resortid to one John of Raumpayne, a Sothsayer and Jocular and Minstrelle, [Pg 365]and made hym his spy to Morice at Whitington." The privileges of this character we have already seen, and John so well availed himself of them, that in consequence of the intelligence which he doubtless procured, "Fulco, and his brethrene laide waite for Morice, as he went toward Salesbyri, and Fulco ther woundid hym: and Bracy" (a knight, who was their friend and assistant), "cut of Moriceś hedde." This sir Bracy being in a subsequent rencounter sore wounded, was taken and brought to K. John; from whose vengeance he was however rescued by this notable minstrel; for "John Rampayne founde the meanes to cast them, that kepte Bracy, into a deadely slepe; and so he and Bracy cam to Fulco to Whitington," which on the death of Morice had been restored to him by the Prince of Wales. As no further mention occurs of the minstrel, I might here conclude this narrative; but I shall just add, that Fulco was obliged to flee into France, where assuming the name of Sir Amice, he distinguished himself in justs and turnaments; and, after various romantic adventures by sea and land (having in the true stile of chivalry rescued "certayne ladies owt of prison"), he finally obtained the king's pardon, and the quiet possession of Whitington Castle.
In the reign of K. Henry III. we have mention of Master Richard the King's harper, to whom in his 36th year (1252) that monarch gave not only forty shillings, and a pipe of wine, but also a pipe of wine to Beatrice his wife.[1064] The title of magister, or master, given to this minstrel deserves notice, and shews his respectable situation.
In the reign of K. Henry III. we have mention of Master Richard the King's harper, to whom in his 36th year (1252) that monarch gave not only forty shillings, and a pipe of wine, but also a pipe of wine to Beatrice his wife.[1064] The title of magister, or master, given to this minstrel deserves notice, and shews his respectable situation.
V. The harper, or minstrel, was so necessary an attendant on a royal personage, that Prince Edward (afterwards K. Edward I.) in his Crusade to the Holy Land, in 1271, was not without his harper, who must have been officially very near his person, as we are told by a contemporary historian[1065] that, in the attempt to assassinate that heroic prince, when he had wrested the poisoned knife out of the Sarazen's hand and killed him with his own weapon, the attendants, who had stood apart while he was whispering to their master, hearing the struggle, ran to his assistance, and one of them, to wit his harper, seizing a tripod or trestle, struck the assassin on the head and beat out his brains.[1066] And though the Prince blamed him for striking the man after he was dead, yet his near access shews the respectable situation of this officer; and his affectionate zeal should have induced Edward to entreat his brethren the Welsh Bards afterwards with more lenity.
V. The harper, or minstrel, was so necessary an attendant on a royal personage, that Prince Edward (afterwards K. Edward I.) in his Crusade to the Holy Land, in 1271, was not without his harper, who must have been officially very near his person, as we are told by a contemporary historian[1065] that, in the attempt to assassinate that heroic prince, when he had wrested the poisoned knife out of the Sarazen's hand and killed him with his own weapon, the attendants, who had stood apart while he was whispering to their master, hearing the struggle, ran to his assistance, and one of them, to wit his harper, seizing a tripod or trestle, struck the assassin on the head and beat out his brains.[1066] And though the Prince blamed him for striking the man after he was dead, yet his near access shews the respectable situation of this officer; and his affectionate zeal should have induced Edward to entreat his brethren the Welsh Bards afterwards with more lenity.
Whatever was the extent of this great monarch's severity towards the professors of music and of song in Wales; whether the executing by martial law such of them as fell into his hands was only during the heat of conflict, or was continued afterwards with more systematic rigor;[1067] yet in his own court the minstrels [Pg 367]appear to have been highly favoured; for when, in 1306, he conferred the order of knighthood on his son, and many others of the young nobility, a multitude of minstrels were introduced to invite and induce the new knights to make some military vow.[X] And
Whatever was the extent of this great monarch's severity towards the professors of music and of song in Wales; whether the executing by martial law such of them as fell into his hands was only during the heat of conflict, or was continued afterwards with more systematic rigor;[1067] yet in his own court the minstrels [Pg 367]appear to have been highly favoured; for when, in 1306, he conferred the order of knighthood on his son, and many others of the young nobility, a multitude of minstrels were introduced to invite and induce the new knights to make some military vow.[X] And
Under the succeeding reign of K. Edward II. such extensive privileges were claimed by these men, and by dissolute persons assuming their character, that it became a matter of public grievance, and was obliged to be reformed by an express regulation in A.D. 1315.[Y] Notwithstanding which, an incident is recorded in the ensuing year, which shews that minstrels still retained the liberty of entering at will into the royal presence, and had something peculiarly splendid in their dress. It is thus related by Stow.[Z]
Under the succeeding reign of K. Edward II. such extensive privileges were claimed by these men, and by dissolute persons assuming their character, that it became a matter of public grievance, and was obliged to be reformed by an express regulation in A.D. 1315.[Y] Notwithstanding which, an incident is recorded in the ensuing year, which shews that minstrels still retained the liberty of entering at will into the royal presence, and had something peculiarly splendid in their dress. It is thus related by Stow.[Z]
"In the year 1316, Edward the second did solemnize his feast of Pentecost at Westminster, in the great hall: where sitting royally at the table with his peers about him, there entered a woman adorned like a minstrel, sitting on a great horse trapped, as minstrels then used; who rode round about the tables, shewing pastime; and at length came up to the king's table, and laid before him a letter, and forthwith turning her horse saluted every one and departed."——The subject of this letter was a remonstrance to the king on the favours heaped by him on his minions, to the neglect of his knights and faithful servants.
"In the year 1316, Edward the Second held his Pentecost feast at Westminster in the grand hall. While sitting royally at the table with his peers, a woman dressed like a minstrel entered, riding a large horse adorned as minstrels typically did. She rode around the tables, entertaining everyone, and eventually approached the king's table, placing a letter in front of him. After that, she turned her horse, greeted everyone, and left." The letter was a complaint to the king about the favors he was giving to his favorites while neglecting his knights and loyal servants.
The privileged character of a minstrel was employed on this occasion, as sure of gaining an easy admittance; and a female the rather deputed to assume it, that in case of detection, her sex might disarm the [Pg 368]king's resentment. This is offered on a supposition, that she was not a real minstrel; for there should seem to have been women of this profession,[Aa] as well as of the other sex; and no accomplishment is so constantly attributed to females, by our ancient bards, as their singing to and playing on the harp.[Aa2]
The privileged character of a minstrel was employed on this occasion, as sure of gaining an easy admittance; and a female the rather deputed to assume it, that in case of detection, her sex might disarm the [Pg 368]king's resentment. This is offered on a supposition, that she was not a real minstrel; for there should seem to have been women of this profession,[Aa] as well as of the other sex; and no accomplishment is so constantly attributed to females, by our ancient bards, as their singing to and playing on the harp.[Aa2]
In the fourth year of K. Richard II. John of Gaunt erected at Tutbury in Staffordshire, a court of minstrels, similar to that annually kept at Chester (p. 363), and which, like a Court-Leet or Court-Baron, had a legal jurisdiction, with full power to receive suit and service from the men of this profession within five neighbouring countries, to enact laws, and determine their controversies; and to apprehend and arrest such of them as should refuse to appear at the said court, annually held on the 16th of August. For this they had a charter by which they were empowered to appoint a king of the minstrels, with four officers to preside over them.[Bb] These were every year elected with great ceremony; the whole form of which as observed in 1680, is described by Dr. Plott:[1068] in whose time however they appear to have lost their singing talents, and to have confined all their skill to "wind and string music."[1069]
In the fourth year of K. Richard II. John of Gaunt erected at Tutbury in Staffordshire, a court of minstrels, similar to that annually kept at Chester (p. 363), and which, like a Court-Leet or Court-Baron, had a legal jurisdiction, with full power to receive suit and service from the men of this profession within five neighbouring countries, to enact laws, and determine their controversies; and to apprehend and arrest such of them as should refuse to appear at the said court, annually held on the 16th of August. For this they had a charter by which they were empowered to appoint a king of the minstrels, with four officers to preside over them.[Bb] These were every year elected with great ceremony; the whole form of which as observed in 1680, is described by Dr. Plott:[1068] in whose time however they appear to have lost their singing talents, and to have confined all their skill to "wind and string music."[1069]
The minstrels seem to have been in many respects upon the same footing as the heralds; and the king of the minstrels, like the king at arms, was both here [Pg 369]and on the Continent an usual officer in the courts of princes. Thus we have in the reign of K. Edward I. mention of a King Robert, and others. And in 16 Edw. II. is a grant to William de Morlee "the king's Minstrel, stiled Roy de North,"[1070] of houses which had belonged to another king, John le Boteler.[Bb2] Rymer hath also printed a licence granted by K. Richard II. in 1387, to John Caumz, the king of his minstrels, to pass the seas, recommending him to the protection and kind treatment of all his subjects and allies.[1071]
The minstrels seem to have been in many respects upon the same footing as the heralds; and the king of the minstrels, like the king at arms, was both here [Pg 369]and on the Continent an usual officer in the courts of princes. Thus we have in the reign of K. Edward I. mention of a King Robert, and others. And in 16 Edw. II. is a grant to William de Morlee "the king's Minstrel, stiled Roy de North,"[1070] of houses which had belonged to another king, John le Boteler.[Bb2] Rymer hath also printed a licence granted by K. Richard II. in 1387, to John Caumz, the king of his minstrels, to pass the seas, recommending him to the protection and kind treatment of all his subjects and allies.[1071]
In the subsequent reign of K. Henry IV. we meet with no particulars relating to the minstrels in England, but we find in the Statute Book a severe law passed against their brethren the Welsh bards; whom our ancestors could not distinguish from their own Rimours, Ministralx; for by these names they describe them.[Bb3] This act plainly shews that far from being extirpated by the rigorous policy of K. Edward I., this order of men were still able to alarm the English government, which attributed to them "many diseases and mischiefs in Wales," and prohibited their meetings and contributions.
In the subsequent reign of K. Henry IV. we meet with no particulars relating to the minstrels in England, but we find in the Statute Book a severe law passed against their brethren the Welsh bards; whom our ancestors could not distinguish from their own Rimours, Ministralx; for by these names they describe them.[Bb3] This act plainly shews that far from being extirpated by the rigorous policy of K. Edward I., this order of men were still able to alarm the English government, which attributed to them "many diseases and mischiefs in Wales," and prohibited their meetings and contributions.
When his heroic son K. Henry V. was preparing his great voyage for France in 1415, an express order was given for his minstrels, fifteen in number, to attend him:[1072] and eighteen are afterwards mentioned, to each of whom he allowed xiid. a day, when that sum must have been of more than ten times the value it is at present.[1073] Yet when he entered London in triumph after the battle of Agincourt, he, from a[Pg 370] principle of humility, slighted the pageants and verses which were prepared to hail his return; and, as we are told by Holinshed,[1074] would not suffer "any Dities to be made and song by minstrels, of his glorious victorie; for that he would whollie have the praise and thankes altogether given to God."[Bb4] But this did not proceed from any disregard for the professors of music or of song; for at the feast of Pentecost which he celebrated in 1416, having the Emperor and the Duke of Holland for his guests, he ordered rich gowns for sixteen of his minstrels, of which the particulars are preserved by Rymer.[1075] And having before his death orally granted an annuity of 100 shillings to each of his minstrels, the grant was confirmed in the first year of his son K. Henry VI., A.D. 1423, and payment ordered out of the Exchequer.[1076]
When his heroic son K. Henry V. was preparing his great voyage for France in 1415, an express order was given for his minstrels, fifteen in number, to attend him:[1072] and eighteen are afterwards mentioned, to each of whom he allowed xiid. a day, when that sum must have been of more than ten times the value it is at present.[1073] Yet when he entered London in triumph after the battle of Agincourt, he, from a[Pg 370] principle of humility, slighted the pageants and verses which were prepared to hail his return; and, as we are told by Holinshed,[1074] would not suffer "any Dities to be made and song by minstrels, of his glorious victorie; for that he would whollie have the praise and thankes altogether given to God."[Bb4] But this did not proceed from any disregard for the professors of music or of song; for at the feast of Pentecost which he celebrated in 1416, having the Emperor and the Duke of Holland for his guests, he ordered rich gowns for sixteen of his minstrels, of which the particulars are preserved by Rymer.[1075] And having before his death orally granted an annuity of 100 shillings to each of his minstrels, the grant was confirmed in the first year of his son K. Henry VI., CE 1423, and payment ordered out of the Exchequer.[1076]
The unfortunate reign of K. Henry VI. affords no occurrences respecting our subject; but in his 34th year, A.D. 1456, we have in Rymer[1077] a commission for impressing boys or youths, to supply vacancies by death among the king's minstrels; in which it is expressly directed that they shall be elegant in their [Pg 371]limbs, as well as instructed in the minstrel art, wherever they can be found, for the solace of his Majesty.
The unfortunate reign of K. Henry VI. affords no occurrences respecting our subject; but in his 34th year, A.D. 1456, we have in Rymer[1077] a commission for impressing boys or youths, to supply vacancies by death among the king's minstrels; in which it is expressly directed that they shall be elegant in their [Pg 371]limbs, as well as instructed in the minstrel art, wherever they can be found, for the solace of his Majesty.
In the following reign, K. Edward IV. (in his 9th year, 1469) upon a complaint that certain rude husbandmen and artificers of various trades had assumed the title and livery of the king's minstrels, and under that colour and pretence had collected money in diverse parts of the kingdom and committed other disorders, the king grants to Walter Haliday, Marshal, and to seven others his own minstrels whom he names, a charter,[1078] by which he creates, or rather restores a fraternity or perpetual Gild (such, as he understands, the brothers and sisters of the fraternity of minstrels had in times past) to be governed by a Marshal appointed for life and by two wardens to be chosen annually; who are impowered to admit brothers and sisters into the said Gild, and are authorized to examine the pretensions of all such as affected to exercise the minstrel profession; and to regulate, govern, and punish them throughout the realm (those of Chester excepted).—This seems to have some resemblance to the Earl Marshal's Court among the heralds, and is another proof of the great affinity and resemblance which the minstrels bore to the members of the College of Arms.
In the following reign, K. Edward IV. (in his 9th year, 1469) upon a complaint that certain rude husbandmen and artificers of various trades had assumed the title and livery of the king's minstrels, and under that colour and pretence had collected money in diverse parts of the kingdom and committed other disorders, the king grants to Walter Haliday, Marshal, and to seven others his own minstrels whom he names, a charter,[1078] by which he creates, or rather restores a fraternity or perpetual Gild (such, as he understands, the brothers and sisters of the fraternity of minstrels had in times past) to be governed by a Marshal appointed for life and by two wardens to be chosen annually; who are impowered to admit brothers and sisters into the said Gild, and are authorized to examine the pretensions of all such as affected to exercise the minstrel profession; and to regulate, govern, and punish them throughout the realm (those of Chester excepted).—This seems to have some resemblance to the Earl Marshal's Court among the heralds, and is another proof of the great affinity and resemblance which the minstrels bore to the members of the College of Arms.
It is remarkable that Walter Haliday, whose name occurs as marshal in the foregoing charter, had been retained in the service of the two preceding monarchs, K. Henry V.[1079] and VI.;[1080] nor is this the first time he is mentioned as marshal of the king's minstrels, for in the third year of this reign, 1464, he had a grant [Pg 372]from K. Edward of ten marks per annum during life directed to him with that title.[1081]
It is remarkable that Walter Haliday, whose name occurs as marshal in the foregoing charter, had been retained in the service of the two preceding monarchs, K. Henry V.[1079] and VI.;[1080] nor is this the first time he is mentioned as marshal of the king's minstrels, for in the third year of this reign, 1464, he had a grant [Pg 372]from K. Edward of ten marks per annum during life directed to him with that title.[1081]
But besides their marshal, we have also in this reign mention of a Sergeant of the minstrels, who upon a particular occasion was able to do his royal master a singular service, wherein his confidential situation and ready access to the king at all hours is very apparent; for "as he [K. Edward IV.] was in the north contray in the monneth of Septembre, as he lay in his bedde, one namid Alexander Carlile, that was Sariaunt of the Mynstrellis, cam to him in grete hast, and badde hym aryse for he hadde enemyes cummyng for to take him, the which were within vi. or vii. mylis, of the which tydinges the king gretely marveylid, &c."[1082] This happened in the same year, 1469, wherein the king granted or confirmed the charter for the fraternity or Gild above-mentioned; yet this Alexander Carlisle is not one of the eight minstrels to whom that charter is directed.[1083]
But besides their marshal, we have also in this reign mention of a Sergeant of the minstrels, who upon a particular occasion was able to do his royal master a singular service, wherein his confidential situation and ready access to the king at all hours is very apparent; for "as he [K. Edward IV.] was in the north contray in the monneth of Septembre, as he lay in his bedde, one namid Alexander Carlile, that was Sariaunt of the Mynstrellis, cam to him in grete hast, and badde hym aryse for he hadde enemyes cummyng for to take him, the which were within vi. or vii. mylis, of the which tydinges the king gretely marveylid, &c."[1082] This happened in the same year, 1469, wherein the king granted or confirmed the charter for the fraternity or Gild above-mentioned; yet this Alexander Carlisle is not one of the eight minstrels to whom that charter is directed.[1083]
The same charter was renewed by K. Henry VIII. in 1520, to John Gilman his then marshal, and to seven others his minstrels;[1084] and on the death of Gilman he granted in 1529 this office of Marshal of his minstrels to Hugh Wodehouse,[1085] whom I take to have borne the office of his serjeant over them.[1086]
The same charter was renewed by K. Henry VIII. in 1520, to John Gilman his then marshal, and to seven others his minstrels;[1084] and on the death of Gilman he granted in 1529 this office of Marshal of his minstrels to Hugh Wodehouse,[1085] whom I take to have borne the office of his serjeant over them.[1086]
VI. In all the establishments of royal and noble households, we find an ample provision made for the minstrels; and their situation to have been both honourable and lucrative. In proof of this it is sufficient to refer to the Household Book of the Earl of Northumberland, A.D. 1512.[Cc] And the rewards they received so frequently recur in ancient writers that it is unnecessary to crowd the page with them here.[Cc2]
VI. In all the establishments of royal and noble households, we find an ample provision made for the minstrels; and their situation to have been both honourable and lucrative. In proof of this it is sufficient to refer to the Household Book of the Earl of Northumberland, CE 1512.[Cc] And the rewards they received so frequently recur in ancient writers that it is unnecessary to crowd the page with them here.[Cc2]
The name of minstrel seems however to have been gradually appropriated to the musician only, especially in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; yet we occasionally meet with applications of the term in its more enlarged meaning as including the singer, if not the composer of heroic or popular rhymes.[1087]
The name of minstrel seems however to have been gradually appropriated to the musician only, especially in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; yet we occasionally meet with applications of the term in its more enlarged meaning as including the singer, if not the composer of heroic or popular rhymes.[1087]
In the time of K. Henry VIII. we find it to have been a common entertainment to hear verses recited, or moral speeches learned for that purpose, by a set of men who got their livelihood by repeating them, and who intruded without ceremony into all companies; not only in taverns, but in the houses of the nobility themselves. This we learn from Erasmus, whose argument led him only to describe a species of these men who did not sing their compositions; but the others that did, enjoyed without doubt the same privileges.[Dd]
In the time of K. Henry VIII. we find it to have been a common entertainment to hear verses recited, or moral speeches learned for that purpose, by a set of men who got their livelihood by repeating them, and who intruded without ceremony into all companies; not only in taverns, but in the houses of the nobility themselves. This we learn from Erasmus, whose argument led him only to describe a species of these men who did not sing their compositions; but the others that did, enjoyed without doubt the same privileges.[Dd]
For even long after, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was usual "in places of assembly" for the company to be "desirous to heare of old adventures and valiaunces of noble knights in times past, as those of king Arthur, and his knights of the round table, Sir Bevys of Southampton, Guy of Warwicke and others like" in "short and long meetres, and by breaches or divisions (sc. Fits)[1088] to be more[Pg 374] commodiously sung to the harpe," as the reader may be informed by a courtly writer in 1589.[1089] Who himself had "written for pleasure a litle brief romance or historicall ditty ... of the Isle of Great Britaine" in order to contribute to such entertainment. And he subjoins this caution: "Such as have not premonition hereof" (viz. that his poem was written in short metre, &c. to be sung to the harpe in such places of assembly), "and consideration of the causes alledged, would peradventure reprove and disgrace every romance, or short historicall ditty for that they be not written in long meeters or verses Alexandrins," which constituted the prevailing versification among the poets or that age, and which no one now can endure to read.
For even long after, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was usual "in places of assembly" for the company to be "desirous to heare of old adventures and valiaunces of noble knights in times past, as those of king Arthur, and his knights of the round table, Sir Bevys of Southampton, Guy of Warwicke and others like" in "short and long meetres, and by breaches or divisions (sc. Fits)[1088] to be more[Pg 374] commodiously sung to the harpe," as the reader may be informed by a courtly writer in 1589.[1089] Who himself had "written for pleasure a litle brief romance or historicall ditty ... of the Isle of Great Britaine" in order to contribute to such entertainment. And he subjoins this caution: "Such as have not premonition hereof" (viz. that his poem was written in short metre, &c. to be sung to the harpe in such places of assembly), "and consideration of the causes alledged, would peradventure reprove and disgrace every romance, or short historicall ditty for that they be not written in long meeters or verses Alexandrins," which constituted the prevailing versification among the poets or that age, and which no one now can endure to read.
And that the recital of such romances sung to the harp was at that time the delight of the common people, we are told by the same writer,[1090] who mentions that "common rimers" were fond of using rimes at short distances, "in small and popular musickes song by these Cantabanqui" (the said common rimers) "upon benches and barrels heads," &c. "or else by blind harpers or such like Taverne minstrels that give a fit of mirth for a groat; and their matter being for the most part stories of old time, as the Tale of Sir Topas, the reportes of Bevis of Southampton, Guy of Warwicke, Adam Bell, and Clymme of the Clough, and such other old romances, or historicall rimes," &c. "also they be used in carols and rounds, and such light or lascivious poemes, which are commonly more commodiously uttered by these buffons, or vices in playes, then by any other person. Such were the rimes of Skelton (usurping the name of a poet[Pg 375] laureat) being in deede but a rude railing rimer, and all his doings ridiculous."[1091]
And that the recital of such romances sung to the harp was at that time the delight of the common people, we are told by the same writer,[1090] who mentions that "common rimers" were fond of using rimes at short distances, "in small and popular musickes song by these Cantabanqui" (the said common rimers) "upon benches and barrels heads," &c. "or else by blind harpers or such like Taverne minstrels that give a fit of mirth for a groat; and their matter being for the most part stories of old time, as the Tale of Sir Topas, the reportes of Bevis of Southampton, Guy of Warwicke, Adam Bell, and Clymme of the Clough, and such other old romances, or historicall rimes," &c. "also they be used in carols and rounds, and such light or lascivious poemes, which are commonly more commodiously uttered by these buffons, or vices in playes, then by any other person. Such were the rimes of Skelton (usurping the name of a poet[Pg 375] laureat) being in deede but a rude railing rimer, and all his doings ridiculous."[1091]
But although we find here that the minstrels had lost much of their dignity, and were sinking into contempt and neglect: yet that they still sustained a character far superior to anything we can conceive at present of the singers of old ballads, I think, may be inferred from the following representation.
But even though we see that the minstrels had lost much of their dignity and were falling into contempt and neglect, it suggests that they still held a status far beyond what we can imagine today regarding the singers of old ballads. I think this can be inferred from the following representation.
When Queen Elizabeth was entertained at Killingworth Castle by the Earl of Leicester in 1575, among the many devices and pageants which were contrived for her entertainment, one of the personages introduced was to have been that of an ancient minstrel: whose appearance and dress are so minutely described by a writer there present,[1092] and give us so distinct an idea of the character, that I shall quote the passage at large.[Ee]
When Queen Elizabeth was entertained at Killingworth Castle by the Earl of Leicester in 1575, among the many devices and pageants which were contrived for her entertainment, one of the personages introduced was to have been that of an ancient minstrel: whose appearance and dress are so minutely described by a writer there present,[1092] and give us so distinct an idea of the character, that I shall quote the passage at large.[Ee]
"A person very meet seemed he for the purpose, of a xlv years old, apparelled partly as he would himself. His cap off; his head seemly rounded Tonsler wise:[1093] fair kembed, that with a sponge daintily dipt in a little capon's greace was finely smoothed, to make it shine like a mallard's wing. His beard smugly shaven: and yet his shirt after the new trink, with ruffs fair starched, sleeked and glistering like a pair of new shoes, marshalled in good order with a setting stick, and strut, that every ruff stood up like a wafer. A side (i.e. long) gown of Kendal green, [Pg 376]after the freshness of the year now, gathered at the neck with a narrow gorget, fastened afore with a white clasp and a keeper close up to the chin; but easily, for heat to undo when he list. Seemly begirt in a red caddis girdle: from that a pair of capped Sheffield knives hanging a' two sides. Out of his bosom drawn forth a lappet of his napkin[1094] edged with a blue lace, and marked with a true love, a heart, and a D for Damian, for he was but a batchelor yet.
"A person very meet seemed he for the purpose, of a xlv years old, apparelled partly as he would himself. His cap off; his head seemly rounded Tonsler wise:[1093] fair kembed, that with a sponge daintily dipt in a little capon's greace was finely smoothed, to make it shine like a mallard's wing. His beard smugly shaven: and yet his shirt after the new trink, with ruffs fair starched, sleeked and glistering like a pair of new shoes, marshalled in good order with a setting stick, and strut, that every ruff stood up like a wafer. A side (i.e. long) gown of Kendal green, [Pg 376]after the freshness of the year now, gathered at the neck with a narrow gorget, fastened afore with a white clasp and a keeper close up to the chin; but easily, for heat to undo when he list. Seemly begirt in a red caddis girdle: from that a pair of capped Sheffield knives hanging a' two sides. Out of his bosom drawn forth a lappet of his napkin[1094] edged with a blue lace, and marked with a true love, a heart, and a D for Damian, for he was but a batchelor yet.
"His gown had side (i.e. long) sleeves down to mid-leg, slit from the shoulder to the hand, and lined with white cotton. His doublet-sleeves of black worsted: upon them a pair of poynets[1095] of tawny chamlet laced along the wrist with blue threaden points, a wealt towards the hand of fustian-a-napes. A pair of red neather stocks. A pair of pumps on his feet, with a cross cut at the toes for corns: not new indeed, yet cleanly blackt with soot, and shining as a shoing horn.
"His gown had side (i.e. long) sleeves down to mid-leg, slit from the shoulder to the hand, and lined with white cotton. His doublet-sleeves of black worsted: upon them a pair of poynets[1095] of tawny chamlet laced along the wrist with blue threaden points, a wealt towards the hand of fustian-a-napes. A pair of red neather stocks. A pair of pumps on his feet, with a cross cut at the toes for corns: not new indeed, yet cleanly blackt with soot, and shining as a shoing horn.
"About his neck a red ribband suitable to his girdle. His harp in good grace dependent before him. His wrest[1096] tyed to a green lace and hanging by. Under the gorget of his gown a fair flaggon chain (pewter,[1097] for) silver, as a squire minstrel of Middlesex, that travelled the country this summer season, unto fairs and worshipful mens houses. From his chain hung a scutcheon, with metal and colour, resplendant upon his breast, of the ancient arms of Islington."
"About his neck a red ribband suitable to his girdle. His harp in good grace dependent before him. His wrest[1096] tyed to a green lace and hanging by. Under the gorget of his gown a fair flaggon chain (pewter,[1097] for) silver, as a squire minstrel of Middlesex, that travelled the country this summer season, unto fairs and worshipful mens houses. From his chain hung a scutcheon, with metal and colour, resplendant upon his breast, of the ancient arms of Islington."
This minstrel is described as belonging to that [Pg 377]village. I suppose such as were retained by noble families wore the arms of their patrons hanging down by a silver chain as a kind of badge.[1098] From the expression of squire minstrel above, we may conclude there were other inferior orders, as yeomen minstrels or the like.
This minstrel is described as belonging to that [Pg 377]village. I suppose such as were retained by noble families wore the arms of their patrons hanging down by a silver chain as a kind of badge.[1098] From the expression of squire minstrel above, we may conclude there were other inferior orders, as yeomen minstrels or the like.
This minstrel, the author tells us a little below, "after three lowly courtsies, cleared his voice with a hem ... and ... wiped his lips with the hollow of his hand for 'filing his napkin, tempered a string or two with his wrest, and after a little warbling on his harp for a prelude, came forth with a solemn song, warranted for story out of King Arthur's acts, &c." This song the reader will find printed in this work, vol. iii. book i. No. 3.
This minstrel, as the author mentions a bit later, "after three humble bows, cleared his throat with a cough ... and ... wiped his lips with his hand instead of a napkin, tuned a string or two with his tuning peg, and after a brief warm-up on his harp for an introduction, performed a serious song, guaranteed to be a story from King Arthur's tales, etc." This song can be found printed in this work, vol. iii. book i. No. 3.
Towards the end of the sixteenth century this class of men had lost all credit, and were sunk so low in the public opinion, that in the 39th year of Elizabeth,[1099] a statute was passed by which "minstrels, wandering abroad," were included among "rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars," and were adjudged to be punished as such. This act seems to have put an end to the profession.[Ee2]
Towards the end of the sixteenth century this class of men had lost all credit, and were sunk so low in the public opinion, that in the 39th year of Elizabeth,[1099] a statute was passed by which "minstrels, wandering abroad," were included among "rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars," and were adjudged to be punished as such. This act seems to have put an end to the profession.[Ee2]
VII. I cannot conclude this account of the ancient English minstrels, without remarking that they are most of them represented to have been of the North of England. There is scarce an old historical song or ballad [Ff] wherein a minstrel or harper appears, but he is characterized by way of eminence to have been "of the North countreye:"[1100] and, indeed, the prevalence of the Northern dialect in such compositions shews that this representation is real.[1101] On the other hand, the scene of the finest Scottish ballads is laid in the south of Scotland; which should seem to have been peculiarly the nursery of Scottish minstrels. In the old song of Maggy Lawder, a piper is asked, by way of distinction, "Come ye frae [Pg 379]the Border?"[1102] The martial spirit constantly kept up and exercised near the frontier of the two kingdoms, as it furnished continual subjects for their songs, so it inspired the inhabitants of the adjacent counties on both sides with the powers of poetry. Besides, as our southern metropolis must have been ever the scene of novelty and refinement, the northern countries, as being most distant, would preserve their ancient manners longest, and, of course, the old poetry, in which those manners are peculiarly described.
VII. I cannot conclude this account of the ancient English minstrels, without remarking that they are most of them represented to have been of the North of England. There is scarce an old historical song or ballad [Ff] wherein a minstrel or harper appears, but he is characterized by way of eminence to have been "of the North countreye:"[1100] and, indeed, the prevalence of the Northern dialect in such compositions shews that this representation is real.[1101] On the other hand, the scene of the finest Scottish ballads is laid in the south of Scotland; which should seem to have been peculiarly the nursery of Scottish minstrels. In the old song of Maggy Lawder, a piper is asked, by way of distinction, "Come ye frae [Pg 379]the Border?"[1102] The martial spirit constantly kept up and exercised near the frontier of the two kingdoms, as it furnished continual subjects for their songs, so it inspired the inhabitants of the adjacent counties on both sides with the powers of poetry. Besides, as our southern metropolis must have been ever the scene of novelty and refinement, the northern countries, as being most distant, would preserve their ancient manners longest, and, of course, the old poetry, in which those manners are peculiarly described.
The reader will observe in the more ancient ballads of this collection, a cast of style and measure very different from that of contemporary poets of a higher class; many phrases and idioms, which the minstrels seem to have appropriated to themselves, and a very remarkable licence of varying the accent [Pg 380]of words at pleasure, in order to humour the flow of the verse, particularly in the rhimes; as
The reader will notice in the older ballads of this collection a style and rhythm that are quite different from those of modern poets of a higher caliber; many phrases and expressions that the minstrels seem to have made their own, along with a notable freedom to alter the stress of words as they see fit to match the flow of the verse, especially in the rhymes; as
Countrìe | harpèr | battèl | mornìng |
Ladìe | singèr | damsèl | lovìng, |
instead of coùntry, làdy, hàrper, sìnger, &c. This liberty is but sparingly assumed by the classical poets of the same age; or even by the latter composers of heroical ballads, I mean by such as professedly wrote for the press. For it is to be observed, that so long as the minstrels subsisted, they seem never to have designed their rhymes for literary publication, and probably never committed them to writing themselves; what copies are preserved of them were doubtless taken down from their mouths. But as the old minstrels gradually wore out, a new race of ballad-writers succeeded, an inferior sort of minor poets, who wrote narrative songs merely for the press. Instances of both may be found in the reign of Elizabeth. The two latest pieces in the genuine strain of the old minstrelsy that I can discover are No. 3 and 4 of book iii. in this volume. Lower than these I cannot trace the old mode of writing.
instead of country, lady, harper, singer, etc. This freedom is only rarely taken on by the classical poets of the same period; or even by the later writers of heroic ballads, particularly those who specifically wrote for publication. It’s worth noting that as long as the minstrels existed, they didn’t seem to intend their rhymes for literary publishing and likely never wrote them down themselves; any copies that exist today were probably transcribed from their performances. But as the old minstrels gradually faded away, a new generation of ballad-writers emerged, a lesser group of minor poets who wrote narrative songs purely for print. Examples of both can be found during the reign of Elizabeth. The two most recent pieces in the true style of the old minstrelsy that I can find are No. 3 and 4 of book iii. in this volume. I cannot trace the old way of writing beyond these.
The old minstrel ballads are in the northern dialect, abound with antique words and phrases, are extremely incorrect, and run into the utmost licence of metre; they have also a romantic wildness, and are in the true spirit of chivalry. The other sort are written in exacter measure, have a low or subordinate correctness, sometimes bordering on the insipid, yet often well adapted to the pathetic; these are generally in the southern dialect, exhibit a more modern phraseology, and are commonly descriptive of more modern manners. To be sensible of the difference between them, let the reader compare[Pg 381] in this volume No. 3 of book iii. with No. 11 of book ii.
The old minstrel ballads are in the northern dialect, filled with outdated words and phrases, are very inaccurate, and have a very free style of meter; they also possess a romantic wildness and capture the true spirit of chivalry. The other type is written in more precise measure, has a low or secondary level of correctness, sometimes bordering on dullness, yet often well-suited to evoke emotion; these are usually in the southern dialect, display a more contemporary language, and typically reflect more modern manners. To notice the difference between them, the reader should compare[Pg 381] in this volume No. 3 of book iii. with No. 11 of book ii.
Towards the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign (as is mentioned above), the genuine old minstrelsy seems to have been extinct, and henceforth the ballads that were produced were wholly of the latter kind, and these came forth in such abundance that in the reign of James I. they began to be collected into little miscellanies, under the name of Garlands, and at length to be written purposely for such collections. [Ff2]
Towards the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign (as is mentioned above), the genuine old minstrelsy seems to have been extinct, and henceforth the ballads that were produced were wholly of the latter kind, and these came forth in such abundance that in the reign of James I. they began to be collected into little miscellanies, under the name of Garlands, and at length to be written purposely for such collections. [Ff2]
P.S. By way of postscript should follow here the discussion of the question whether the term Minstrels was applied in English to singers and composers of songs, &c. or confined to musicians only. But it is reserved for the concluding note.[Gg]
P.S. By way of postscript should follow here the discussion of the question whether the term Minstrels was applied in English to singers and composers of songs, &c. or confined to musicians only. But it is reserved for the concluding note.[Gg]
THE END OF THE ESSAY.
THE END OF THE ESSAY.
FOOTNOTES:
[1032] Wedded to no hypothesis, the author hath readily corrected any mistakes which have been proved to be in this essay; and considering the novelty of the subject, and the time and place when and where he first took it up, many such had been excusable.—That the term Minstrel was not confined, as some contend, to a meer musician in this country, any more than on the Continent, will be considered more fully in the last note [Gg] at the end of this essay.
[1032] Wedded to no hypothesis, the author hath readily corrected any mistakes which have been proved to be in this essay; and considering the novelty of the subject, and the time and place when and where he first took it up, many such had been excusable.—That the term Minstrel was not confined, as some contend, to a meer musician in this country, any more than on the Continent, will be considered more fully in the last note [Gg] at the end of this essay.
[1034] Tacit. de Mor. Germ. cap. 2.
[1035] Vid. Bartholin. de Causis contemptæ a Danis mortis, lib. 1. cap. 10.—Wormij Literatura Runic. ad finem.—See also Northern Antiquities, or, A Description of the Manners, Customs, &c. of the ancient Danes and other northern nations: from the French of M. Mallet. London, printed for T. Carnan, 1770, 2 vols. 8vo.
[1035] Vid. Bartholin. de Causis contemptæ a Danis mortis, lib. 1. cap. 10.—Wormij Literatura Runic. ad finem.—See also Northern Antiquities, or, A Description of the Manners, Customs, &c. of the ancient Danes and other northern nations: from the French of M. Mallet. London, printed for T. Carnan, 1770, 2 vols. 8vo.
[1037] Vid. Chronic. Saxon. à Gibson. pp. 12, 13, 4to.—Bed. Hist. Eccles. à Smith, lib. 1, c. 15.—"Ealdsexe [Regio antiq. Saxonum] in cervice Cimbricæ Chersonesi, Holsatiam proprie dictam, Dithmarsiam, Stormariam, et Wagriam, complectens."—Annot. in Bed. à Smith, p. 52. Et vid. Camdeni Britan.
[1037] Vid. Chronic. Saxon. à Gibson. pp. 12, 13, 4to.—Bed. Hist. Eccles. à Smith, lib. 1, c. 15.—"Ealdsexe [Regio antiq. Saxonum] in cervice Cimbricæ Chersonesi, Holsatiam proprie dictam, Dithmarsiam, Stormariam, et Wagriam, complectens."—Annot. in Bed. à Smith, p. 52. Et vid. Camdeni Britan.
[1040] See Northern Antiquities, Preface, p. xxvi.
[1043] Ibid.
[1044] Anno 938. Vid. Rapin, &c.
[1045] So I think the name should be printed, rather then Anlaff, the more usual form (the same traces of the letters express both names in MS.), Aulaff being evidently the genuine northern name Olaff, or Olave. Lat. Olaus. In the old Romance of Horn-Childe (see vol. iii. Appendix), the name of the king his father is Allof, which is evidently Ollaf, with the vowels only transposed.
[1045] So I think the name should be printed, rather then Anlaff, the more usual form (the same traces of the letters express both names in MS.), Aulaff being evidently the genuine northern name Olaff, or Olave. Lat. Olaus. In the old Romance of Horn-Childe (see vol. iii. Appendix), the name of the king his father is Allof, which is evidently Ollaf, with the vowels only transposed.
[1047] Vid. Hist. des Troubadours, 3 tom. passim, & vid. Fableaux ou Contes du XII. & du XIII. Siécle, traduits, &c. avec des Notes historiques & critiques, &c. par M. le Grand. Paris, 1781, 5 tom. 12mo.
[1047] Vid. Hist. des Troubadours, 3 tom. passim, & vid. Fableaux ou Contes du XII. & du XIII. Siécle, traduits, &c. avec des Notes historiques & critiques, &c. par M. le Grand. Paris, 1781, 5 tom. 12mo.
[1049] See a pathetic song of his in Mr. Walpole's Catalogue of Royal Authors, vol. i. p. 5. The reader will find a translation of it into modern French, in Hist. littéraire des Troubadours, 1774, 3 tom. 12mo. See vol. i. (p. 58) where some more of Richard's poetry is translated. In Dr. Burney's Hist. of Music, vol. ii. p. 238, is a poetical version of it in English.
[1049] See a pathetic song of his in Mr. Walpole's Catalogue of Royal Authors, vol. i. p. 5. The reader will find a translation of it into modern French, in Hist. littéraire des Troubadours, 1774, 3 tom. 12mo. See vol. i. (p. 58) where some more of Richard's poetry is translated. In Dr. Burney's Hist. of Music, vol. ii. p. 238, is a poetical version of it in English.
[1050] Mons. Favine's Theatre of Honour and Knighthood, translated from the French. London, 1623, fol. tom. ii. p. 49. An elegant relation of the same event (from the French of Presid. Fauchet's Recueil, &c.) may be seen in Miscellanies in prose and verse: by Anna Williams, London, 1766, 4to. p. 46. It will excite the reader's admiration to be informed that most of the pieces of that collection were composed under the disadvantage of a total deprivation of sight.
[1050] Mons. Favine's Theatre of Honour and Knighthood, translated from the French. London, 1623, fol. tom. ii. p. 49. An elegant relation of the same event (from the French of Presid. Fauchet's Recueil, &c.) may be seen in Miscellanies in prose and verse: by Anna Williams, London, 1766, 4to. p. 46. It will excite the reader's admiration to be informed that most of the pieces of that collection were composed under the disadvantage of a total deprivation of sight.
[1051] Favine's words are, "Jongleur appellé Blondiaux de Nesle," Paris, 1620, _4to_. p. 1106. But Fauchet, who has given the same story, thus expresses it, "Or ce roy ayant nourri un Menestrel appellé Blondel, &c." liv. 2, p. 92. Des anciens Poëtes François. He is however said to have been another Blondel, not Blondel (or Blondiaux) de Nesle: but this no way affects the circumstances of the story.
[1051] Favine's words are, "Jongleur appellé Blondiaux de Nesle," Paris, 1620, _4to_. p. 1106. But Fauchet, who has given the same story, thus expresses it, "Or ce roy ayant nourri un Menestrel appellé Blondel, &c." liv. 2, p. 92. Des anciens Poëtes François. He is however said to have been another Blondel, not Blondel (or Blondiaux) de Nesle: but this no way affects the circumstances of the story.
[1052] This the author calls in another place, An ancient MS. of old Poesies, written about those very times. From this MS. Favine gives a good account of the taking of Richard by the duke of Austria, who sold him to the emperor. As for the MS. chronicle, it is evidently the same that supplied Fauchet with this story. See his Recueil de l'Origine de la Langue & Poesie Françoise, Ryme, & Romans, &c. Par. 1581.
[1052] This the author calls in another place, An ancient MS. of old Poesies, written about those very times. From this MS. Favine gives a good account of the taking of Richard by the duke of Austria, who sold him to the emperor. As for the MS. chronicle, it is evidently the same that supplied Fauchet with this story. See his Recueil de l'Origine de la Langue & Poesie Françoise, Ryme, & Romans, &c. Par. 1581.
[1055] I give this passage corrected, as the English translator of Favine's book appeared here to have mistaken the original:—Scil. "Et quant Blondel eut dit la moitie de la Chanson, le Roy Richart se prist a dire l'autre moitie et l'acheva."—Favine, p. 1106. Fauchet has also expressed it in nearly the same words. Recueil, p. 93.
[1055] I give this passage corrected, as the English translator of Favine's book appeared here to have mistaken the original:—Scil. "Et quant Blondel eut dit la moitie de la Chanson, le Roy Richart se prist a dire l'autre moitie et l'acheva."—Favine, p. 1106. Fauchet has also expressed it in nearly the same words. Recueil, p. 93.
[1056] In a little romance or novel, intitled, La Tour Tenebreuse, et les Jours lumineux, Contes Angloises, accompagnez d'Historiettes, & tirez a'une ancienne Chronique composee par Richard, surnomme Coeur de Lion, Roy d'Angleterre, &c. Paris, 1705, 12mo. In the Preface to this Romance the editor has given another song of Blondel de Nesle, as also a copy of the song written by K. Richard, and published by Mr. Walpole, mentioned above (in Note [1049], p. 357), yet the two last are not in Provençal like the sonnet printed here; but in the old French, called Langage Roman.
[1056] In a little romance or novel, intitled, La Tour Tenebreuse, et les Jours lumineux, Contes Angloises, accompagnez d'Historiettes, & tirez a'une ancienne Chronique composee par Richard, surnomme Coeur de Lion, Roy d'Angleterre, &c. Paris, 1705, 12mo. In the Preface to this Romance the editor has given another song of Blondel de Nesle, as also a copy of the song written by K. Richard, and published by Mr. Walpole, mentioned above (in Note [1049], p. 357), yet the two last are not in Provençal like the sonnet printed here; but in the old French, called Langage Roman.
[1062] This old feudal custom of marrying an heiress to the knight who should vanquish all his opponents in solemn contest, &c. appears to be burlesqued in the Turnament of Totenham (see vol. ii. book i. No. 4), as is well observed by the learned author of Remarks, &c. in Gent. Mag. for July, 1794, p. 613.
[1062] This old feudal custom of marrying an heiress to the knight who should vanquish all his opponents in solemn contest, &c. appears to be burlesqued in the Turnament of Totenham (see vol. ii. book i. No. 4), as is well observed by the learned author of Remarks, &c. in Gent. Mag. for July, 1794, p. 613.
[1063] "John, sun to K. Henry, and Fulco felle at variance at Chestes [r. Chesse]; and John brake Fulco[s] hed with the Chest borde: and then Fulco gave him such a blow, that he had almost killid hym."—Lel. Coll. 1, p. 264. A curious picture of courtly manners in that age! Notwithstanding this fray, we read in the next paragraph, that "K. Henry dubbid Fulco & 3 of his bretherne knightes at Winchester."—Ibid.
[1063] "John, sun to K. Henry, and Fulco felle at variance at Chestes [r. Chesse]; and John brake Fulco[s] hed with the Chest borde: and then Fulco gave him such a blow, that he had almost killid hym."—Lel. Coll. 1, p. 264. A curious picture of courtly manners in that age! Notwithstanding this fray, we read in the next paragraph, that "K. Henry dubbid Fulco & 3 of his bretherne knightes at Winchester."—Ibid.
[1064] Burney's Hist. ii. p. 355. Rot. Pip. An. 36, H. 3. "Et in uno dolio vini empto & dato Magistro Ricardo Citharistæ Regis, xl sol. per br. Reg. Et in uno dolio empto & dato Beatrici uxori ejusdem Ricardi."
[1064] Burney's Hist. ii. p. 355. Rot. Pip. An. 36, H. 3. "Et in uno dolio vini empto & dato Magistro Ricardo Citharistæ Regis, xl sol. per br. Reg. Et in uno dolio empto & dato Beatrici uxori ejusdem Ricardi."
[1066] "Accurrentes ad hæc Ministri ejus, qui a longe steterunt, invenerunt eum (scil. Nuntium) in terra mortuum, et apprehendit unus eorum tripodem, scilicet Cithareda suus & percussit eum in capite, et effundit cerebrum ejus. Increpavitque eum Edwardus quod hominem mortuum percussisset."—Ibid. These ministri must have been upon a very confidential footing, as it appears above in the same chapter that they had been made acquainted with the contents of the letters, which the assassin had delivered to the prince from his master.
[1066] "Accurrentes ad hæc Ministri ejus, qui a longe steterunt, invenerunt eum (scil. Nuntium) in terra mortuum, et apprehendit unus eorum tripodem, scilicet Cithareda suus & percussit eum in capite, et effundit cerebrum ejus. Increpavitque eum Edwardus quod hominem mortuum percussisset."—Ibid. These ministri must have been upon a very confidential footing, as it appears above in the same chapter that they had been made acquainted with the contents of the letters, which the assassin had delivered to the prince from his master.
[1067] See Gray's Ode: and the Hist. of the Gwedir Family in Miscellanies by the Hon. Daines Barrington, 1781, 4to. p. 386; who in the laws, &c. of this monarch could find no instances of severity against the Welsh. See his Observations on the Statutes, 4to. 4th edit. p. 358.
[1067] See Gray's Ode: and the Hist. of the Gwedir Family in Miscellanies by the Hon. Daines Barrington, 1781, 4to. p. 386; who in the laws, &c. of this monarch could find no instances of severity against the Welsh. See his Observations on the Statutes, 4to. 4th edit. p. 358.
[1068] Hist. of Staffordshire, Ch. 10, Section 69-76, p. 433, & seqq. of which see extracts in Sir J. Hawkins's Hist. of Music, vol. ii. p. 64, and Dr. Burney's Hist. vol. ii. p. 360 & seqq.
[1068] Hist. of Staffordshire, Ch. 10, Section 69-76, p. 433, & seqq. of which see extracts in Sir J. Hawkins's Hist. of Music, vol. ii. p. 64, and Dr. Burney's Hist. vol. ii. p. 360 & seqq.
N.B. The barbarous diversion of Bull-running was no part of the original institution, &c. as is fully proved by the Rev. Dr. Pegge in Archæologia, vol. ii. No. xiii. p. 86.
N.B. The cruel practice of Bull-running was not part of the original setup, etc., as fully demonstrated by Rev. Dr. Pegge in Archæologia, vol. ii. No. xiii. p. 86.
[1070] So among the heralds Norrey was anciently stiled Roy d'Armes de North (Anstis, ii. 300). And the kings at armes in general were originally called Reges Heraldorum (Ibid. 302), as these were Reges Minstrallorum.
[1070] So among the heralds Norrey was anciently stiled Roy d'Armes de North (Anstis, ii. 300). And the kings at armes in general were originally called Reges Heraldorum (Ibid. 302), as these were Reges Minstrallorum.
[1071] Rymer's, Fædera, tom. vii. p. 555.
[1072] Rymer, ix. 255.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Rymer, p. 255.
[1074] See his Chronicle, sub anno 1415 (p. 1170). He also gives this other instance of the king's great modesty, "that he would not suffer his helmet to be carried with him, and shewed to the people, that they might behold the dintes and cuttes, whiche appeared in the same, of such blowes and stripes, as hee received the daye of the battell."—Ibid. Vid. T. de Elmham, c. 29, p. 72.
[1074] See his Chronicle, sub anno 1415 (p. 1170). He also gives this other instance of the king's great modesty, "that he would not suffer his helmet to be carried with him, and shewed to the people, that they might behold the dintes and cuttes, whiche appeared in the same, of such blowes and stripes, as hee received the daye of the battell."—Ibid. Vid. T. de Elmham, c. 29, p. 72.
The prohibition against vain and secular songs would probably not include that inserted in our 2nd vol. No. v. which would be considered as a hymn. The original notes may be seen reduced and set to score in Mr. Stafford Smith's Collection of English Songs for 3 and 4 voices, and in Dr. Burney's Hist. of Music, ii. p. 384.
The ban on frivolous and secular songs likely wouldn't apply to the one included in our 2nd vol. No. v., which would be viewed as a hymn. The original notes can be found simplified and arranged in Mr. Stafford Smith's Collection of English Songs for 3 and 4 voices, and in Dr. Burney's Hist. of Music, ii. p. 384.
[1075] T. ix. 336.
[1077] Tom. xi. 375.
[1078] See it in Rymer, t. xi. 642, and in Sir J. Hawkins, vol. iv. p. 366, note. The above charter is recited in letters patent of K. Charles I. 15 July (11 Anno Regni) for a corporation of musicians, &c. in Westminster, which may be seen, ibid.
[1078] See it in Rymer, t. xi. 642, and in Sir J. Hawkins, vol. iv. p. 366, note. The above charter is recited in letters patent of K. Charles I. 15 July (11 Anno Regni) for a corporation of musicians, &c. in Westminster, which may be seen, ibid.
[1079] Rymer, ix. 255.
[1080] Ibid. xi. 375.
[1081] Rymer, xi. 512.
[1083] Rymer, xi. 642.
[1084] Ibid. xiii. 705.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ibid. 13. 705.
[1085] Ibid. xiv. 2. 93.
[1086] So I am inclined to understand the term Serviens noster Hugo Wodehous, in the original Grant (see Rymer, ubi supra). It is needless to observe that Serviens expressed a serjeant as well as a servant. If this interpretation of Serviens be allowed, it will account for his placing Wodehouse at the head of his Gild, although he had not been one of the eight minstrels who had had the general direction. The serjeant of his minstrells, we may presume, was next in dignity to the marshal, although he had no share in the government of the Gild.
[1086] So I am inclined to understand the term Serviens noster Hugo Wodehous, in the original Grant (see Rymer, ubi supra). It is needless to observe that Serviens expressed a serjeant as well as a servant. If this interpretation of Serviens be allowed, it will account for his placing Wodehouse at the head of his Gild, although he had not been one of the eight minstrels who had had the general direction. The serjeant of his minstrells, we may presume, was next in dignity to the marshal, although he had no share in the government of the Gild.
[1091] Puttenham, &c. p. 69.
[1092] See a very curious "Letter: whearin, part of the entertainment untoo the Queenz Maiesty, at Killingwoorth Castl, in Warwick Sheer, in this soomerz Progress 1575, iz signified," &c. bl. l. 4to. vid. p. 46, & seqq. (Printed in Nichols's Collection of Queen Elizabeth's Progresses, &c. in 2 vols. 4to.) We have not followed above the peculiar and affected orthography of this writer, who was named Ro. Laneham, or rather Langham.
[1092] See a very curious "Letter: whearin, part of the entertainment untoo the Queenz Maiesty, at Killingwoorth Castl, in Warwick Sheer, in this soomerz Progress 1575, iz signified," &c. bl. l. 4to. vid. p. 46, & seqq. (Printed in Nichols's Collection of Queen Elizabeth's Progresses, &c. in 2 vols. 4to.) We have not followed above the peculiar and affected orthography of this writer, who was named Ro. Laneham, or rather Langham.
[1094] i.e. handkerchief. So in Shakspear's Othello, passim.
[1095] Perhaps, points.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Maybe, points.
[1097] The reader will remember that this was not a real minstrel, but only one personating that character; his ornaments therefore were only such as outwardly represented those of a real minstrel.
[1097] The reader will remember that this was not a real minstrel, but only one personating that character; his ornaments therefore were only such as outwardly represented those of a real minstrel.
[1098] As the house of Northumberland had anciently three minstrels attending on them in their castles in Yorkshire, so they still retain three in their service in Northumberland, who wear the badge of the family (a silver crescent on the right arm), and are thus distributed; viz. one for the barony of Prudhoe, and two for the barony of Rothbury. These attend the court leets and fairs held for the Lord, and pay their annual suit and service at Alnwick castle; their instrument being the ancient Northumberland bagpipe (very different in form and execution from that of the Scots, being smaller; and blown, not with the breath, but with a small pair of bellows).
[1098] As the house of Northumberland had anciently three minstrels attending on them in their castles in Yorkshire, so they still retain three in their service in Northumberland, who wear the badge of the family (a silver crescent on the right arm), and are thus distributed; viz. one for the barony of Prudhoe, and two for the barony of Rothbury. These attend the court leets and fairs held for the Lord, and pay their annual suit and service at Alnwick castle; their instrument being the ancient Northumberland bagpipe (very different in form and execution from that of the Scots, being smaller; and blown, not with the breath, but with a small pair of bellows).
This, with many other venerable customs of the ancient Lord Percys, was revived by their illustrious representatives the late Duke and Dutchess of Northumberland.
This, along with many other respected traditions of the ancient Lord Percys, was brought back to life by their notable descendants, the late Duke and Duchess of Northumberland.
[1101] Giraldus Cambrensis, writing in the reign of K. Henry II. mentions a very extraordinary habit or propensity, which then prevailed in the north of England, beyond the Humber, for "symphonious harmony," or singing "in two parts, the one murmuring in the base, and the other warbling in the acute or treble." (I use Dr. Burney's version, vol. ii. p. 108.) This he describes as practised by their very children from the cradle; and he derives it from the Danes (so Daci signifies in our old writers) and Norwegians, who long over-ran and in effect new-peopled the northern parts of England, where alone this manner of singing prevailed. (Vide Cambriae Descriptio, cap. 13, and in Burney, ubi supra.) Giraldus is probably right as to the origin or derivation of this practise, for the Danish and Icelandic scalds had carried the arts of poetry and singing to great perfection at the time the Danish settlements were made in the north. And it will also help to account for the superior skill and fame of our northern minstrels and harpers afterwards: who had preserved and transmitted the arts of their scaldic ancestors. See Northern Antiquities, vol. i. c. 13, p. 386, and Five pieces of Runic poetry, 1763, 8vo. Compare the original passage in Giraldus, as given by Sir John Hawkins, i. 408, and by Dr. Burney, ii. 108, who are both at a loss to account for this peculiarity, and therefore doubt the fact. The credit of Giraldus, which hath been attacked by some partial and bigotted antiquaries, the reader will find defended in that learned and curious work, Antiquities of Ireland, by Edward Ledwich, LL.D. &c. Dublin, 1790, 4to. p. 207, & seqq.
[1101] Giraldus Cambrensis, writing in the reign of K. Henry II. mentions a very extraordinary habit or propensity, which then prevailed in the north of England, beyond the Humber, for "symphonious harmony," or singing "in two parts, the one murmuring in the base, and the other warbling in the acute or treble." (I use Dr. Burney's version, vol. ii. p. 108.) This he describes as practised by their very children from the cradle; and he derives it from the Danes (so Daci signifies in our old writers) and Norwegians, who long over-ran and in effect new-peopled the northern parts of England, where alone this manner of singing prevailed. (Vide Cambriae Descriptio, cap. 13, and in Burney, ubi supra.) Giraldus is probably right as to the origin or derivation of this practise, for the Danish and Icelandic scalds had carried the arts of poetry and singing to great perfection at the time the Danish settlements were made in the north. And it will also help to account for the superior skill and fame of our northern minstrels and harpers afterwards: who had preserved and transmitted the arts of their scaldic ancestors. See Northern Antiquities, vol. i. c. 13, p. 386, and Five pieces of Runic poetry, 1763, 8vo. Compare the original passage in Giraldus, as given by Sir John Hawkins, i. 408, and by Dr. Burney, ii. 108, who are both at a loss to account for this peculiarity, and therefore doubt the fact. The credit of Giraldus, which hath been attacked by some partial and bigotted antiquaries, the reader will find defended in that learned and curious work, Antiquities of Ireland, by Edward Ledwich, LL.D. &c. Dublin, 1790, 4to. p. 207, & seqq.
[1102] This line being quoted from memory, and given as old Scottish poetry, would have been readily corrected by the copy published in Scottish Songs, 1794, 2 vols. 12mo. i. p. 267, thus (though apparently corrupted from the Scottish idiom):
[1102] This line being quoted from memory, and given as old Scottish poetry, would have been readily corrected by the copy published in Scottish Songs, 1794, 2 vols. 12mo. i. p. 267, thus (though apparently corrupted from the Scottish idiom):
had not all confidence been destroyed by its being altered in the Historical Essay, prefixed to that publication (p. cx.) to
had not all confidence been destroyed by its being changed in the Historical Essay, prefixed to that publication (p. cx.) to
the better to favour a position, that many of the pipers "might live upon the border, for the conveniency of attending fairs, &c. in both kingdoms." But whoever is acquainted with that part of England knows that on the English frontier rude mountains and barren wastes reach almost across the island, scarcely inhabited by any but solitary shepherds; many of whom durst not venture into the opposite border on account of the ancient feuds and subsequent disputes concerning the Debatable Lands, which separated the boundaries of the two kingdoms, as well as the estates of the two great families of Percy and Douglas; till these disputes were settled, not many years since, by arbitration between the present Lord Douglas, and the late Duke and Dutchess of Northumberland.
the better to support a position, that many of the pipers "might live on the border, for the convenience of attending fairs, etc. in both kingdoms." But anyone familiar with that part of England knows that on the English frontier, rough mountains and barren lands stretch almost across the island, barely inhabited except by solitary shepherds; many of whom wouldn't dare venture into the opposite border due to the long-standing feuds and ongoing disputes regarding the Debatable Lands, which marked the boundaries of the two kingdoms, as well as the estates of the two major families of Percy and Douglas; until these disputes were resolved, not many years ago, by arbitration between the current Lord Douglas and the late Duke and Duchess of Northumberland.

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS
REFERRED TO IN THE FOREGOING ESSAY.
[A] [The Minstrels, &c.]

The word minstrel does not appear to have been in use here before the Norman Conquest: whereas it had long before that time been adopted in France.[1103] Menestrel, so early as the eighth century, was a title given to the Maestro di Capella of K. Pepin, the father of Charlemagne; and afterwards to the Coryphæus, or leader of any band of musicians (v. Burney's Hist. of Music, ii. 268). This term menestrel, menestrier was thus expressed in Latin, ministellus, ministrellus, ministrallus, menesterellus, &c. (Vid. Gloss. Du Cange, and Supplement.)
The word minstrel does not appear to have been in use here before the Norman Conquest: whereas it had long before that time been adopted in France.[1103] Menestrel, so early as the eighth century, was a title given to the Maestro di Capella of K. Pepin, the father of Charlemagne; and afterwards to the Coryphæus, or leader of any band of musicians (v. Burney's Hist. of Music, ii. 268). This term menestrel, menestrier was thus expressed in Latin, ministellus, ministrellus, ministrallus, menesterellus, &c. (Vid. Gloss. Du Cange, and Supplement.)
Menage derives the French words above mentioned from ministerialis or ministeriarius, barbarous Latin terms, used in the middle ages to express a workman or artificer (still called in Languedoc ministral), as if these men were styled artificers or performers by way of excellence (vid. Diction. Etym.) But the origin of the name is given perhaps more truly by Du Cange, "Ministelli ... quos vulgo menestreux vel menestriers appellamus, quod minoribus aulæ ministris accenserentur." (Gloss. iv. p. 769.) Accordingly, we are told, the word "minister" is sometimes used "pro ministellus" (Ibid.), and an instance is produced which I shall insert at large in the next paragraph.
Menage traces the French words mentioned above back to ministerialis or ministeriarius, which are Latin terms from the Middle Ages used to refer to a worker or craftsman (still called ministral in Languedoc), as if these individuals were regarded as artisans or performers in an exceptional way (see Diction. Etym.). However, Du Cange may provide a more accurate origin of the name, stating, "Ministelli ... whom we commonly call menestreux or menestriers, because they were counted among the lesser servants of the court." (Gloss. iv. p. 769.) Thus, we are informed that the word "minister" is sometimes used interchangeably with "pro ministellus" (Ibid.), and an example will be included in detail in the next paragraph.
Minstrels sometimes assisted at divine service, as appears from the record of the ninth of Edw. IV. quoted above in p. 371 by which [Pg 383]Haliday and others are erected into a perpetual Gild, &c. See the original in Rymer, xi. 642. By part of this record it is recited to be their duty to pray (exorare: which it is presumed they did by assisting in the chant, and musical accompaniment, &c.) The same also appears from the passage in the Supplem. to Du Cange, alluded to above. "Minister ... pro Ministellus Joculator[1104]—Vetus ceremoniale MS. B. M. deauratæ Tolos. Item, etiam congregabuntur Piscatores, qui debent interesse isto die in processione cum Ministris seu Joculatoribus: quia ipsi Piscatores tenentur habere isto die Joculatores, seu Mimos ob honorem Crucis—et vadunt primi ante processionem cum Ministris seu Joculatoribus semper pulsantibus usque ad ecclesiam S. Stephani" (Gloss. 773). This may perhaps account for the clerical appearance of the minstrels, who seem to have been distinguished by the tonsure, which was one of the inferior marks of the clerical character.[1105] Thus Jeffery of Monmouth, speaking of one who acted the part of a minstrel, says, Rasit capillos suos & barbam (see note [K]). Again, a writer in the reign of Elizabeth, describing the habit of an ancient minstrel, speaks of his head as "rounded tonster-wise" (which I venture to read tonsure-wise), "his beard smugly shaven." See above, p. 375.
Minstrels sometimes assisted at divine service, as appears from the record of the ninth of Edw. IV. quoted above in p. 371 by which [Pg 383]Haliday and others are erected into a perpetual Gild, &c. See the original in Rymer, xi. 642. By part of this record it is recited to be their duty to pray (exorare: which it is presumed they did by assisting in the chant, and musical accompaniment, &c.) The same also appears from the passage in the Supplem. to Du Cange, alluded to above. "Minister ... pro Ministellus Joculator[1104]—Vetus ceremoniale MS. B. M. deauratæ Tolos. Item, etiam congregabuntur Piscatores, qui debent interesse isto die in processione cum Ministris seu Joculatoribus: quia ipsi Piscatores tenentur habere isto die Joculatores, seu Mimos ob honorem Crucis—et vadunt primi ante processionem cum Ministris seu Joculatoribus semper pulsantibus usque ad ecclesiam S. Stephani" (Gloss. 773). This may perhaps account for the clerical appearance of the minstrels, who seem to have been distinguished by the tonsure, which was one of the inferior marks of the clerical character.[1105] Thus Jeffery of Monmouth, speaking of one who acted the part of a minstrel, says, Rasit capillos suos & barbam (see note [K]). Again, a writer in the reign of Elizabeth, describing the habit of an ancient minstrel, speaks of his head as "rounded tonster-wise" (which I venture to read tonsure-wise), "his beard smugly shaven." See above, p. 375.
It must, however, be observed, that notwithstanding such clerical appearance of the minstrels, and though they might be sometimes countenanced by such of the clergy as were of more relaxed morals, their sportive talents rendered them generally obnoxious to the more rigid ecclesiastics, and to such of the religious orders as were of more severe discipline; whose writings commonly [Pg 384]abound with heavy complaints of the great encouragement shewn to those men by the princes and nobles, and who can seldom afford them a better name than that of scurræ, famelici, nebulones, &c. of which innumerable instances may be seen in Du Cange. It was even an established order in some of the monasteries, that no minstrel should ever be suffered to enter their gates.[1106]
It must, however, be observed, that notwithstanding such clerical appearance of the minstrels, and though they might be sometimes countenanced by such of the clergy as were of more relaxed morals, their sportive talents rendered them generally obnoxious to the more rigid ecclesiastics, and to such of the religious orders as were of more severe discipline; whose writings commonly [Pg 384]abound with heavy complaints of the great encouragement shewn to those men by the princes and nobles, and who can seldom afford them a better name than that of scurræ, famelici, nebulones, &c. of which innumerable instances may be seen in Du Cange. It was even an established order in some of the monasteries, that no minstrel should ever be suffered to enter their gates.[1106]
We have, however, innumerable particulars of the good cheer and great rewards given to the minstrels in many of the convents, which are collected by T. Warton (i. 91, &c.) and others. But one instance, quoted from Wood's Hist. Antiq. Univ. Ox. i. 67. (Sub. An. 1224) deserves particular mention. Two itinerant priests, on a supposition of their being mimi or minstrels, gained admittance. But the cellarer, sacrist, and others of the brethren, who had hoped to have been entertained with their diverting arts, &c. when they found them to be only two indigent ecclesiastics, who could only administer spiritual consolation, and were consequently disappointed of their mirth, beat them and turned them out of the monastery. (Ibid. p. 92.) This passage furnishes an additional proof that a minstrel might by his dress or appearance be mistaken for an ecclesiastic.
We have, however, innumerable particulars of the good cheer and great rewards given to the minstrels in many of the convents, which are collected by T. Warton (i. 91, &c.) and others. But one instance, quoted from Wood's Hist. Antiq. Univ. Ox. i. 67. (Sub. An. 1224) deserves particular mention. Two itinerant priests, on a supposition of their being mimi or minstrels, gained admittance. But the cellarer, sacrist, and others of the brethren, who had hoped to have been entertained with their diverting arts, &c. when they found them to be only two indigent ecclesiastics, who could only administer spiritual consolation, and were consequently disappointed of their mirth, beat them and turned them out of the monastery. (Ibid. p. 92.) This passage furnishes an additional proof that a minstrel might by his dress or appearance be mistaken for an ecclesiastic.
[B] [The minstrels use mimicry and action, and other means of diverting, &c.] It is observable that our old monkish historians do not use the words cantator, citharædus, musicus, or the like, to express a minstrel in Latin, so frequently as mimus, histrio, joculator, or some other word that implies gesture. Hence it might be inferred that the minstrels set off their songs with all the arts of gesticulation, &c. or according to the ingenious hypothesis of Dr. Brown, united the powers of melody, poem, and dance. (See his History of the Rise of Poetry, &c.)
[B] [The minstrels use mimicry and action, and other means of diverting, &c.] It is observable that our old monkish historians do not use the words cantator, citharædus, musicus, or the like, to express a minstrel in Latin, so frequently as mimus, histrio, joculator, or some other word that implies gesture. Hence it might be inferred that the minstrels set off their songs with all the arts of gesticulation, &c. or according to the ingenious hypothesis of Dr. Brown, united the powers of melody, poem, and dance. (See his History of the Rise of Poetry, &c.)
But indeed all the old writers describe them as exercising various arts of this kind. Joinville, in his Life of S. Lewis, speaks of some Armenian minstrels, who were very dextrous tumblers and posture masters. "Avec le Prince vinrent trois Menestriers de la Grande Hyermenie (Armenia) ... et avoient trois cors—Quand ils encommenceoient a corner, vous dissiez que ce sont les voix de cygnes, ... et fesoient les plus douces melodies.—Ils fesoient trois merveilleus saus, car on leur metoit une touaille desous les piez, et tournoient tout debout ... Les deux tournoients [Pg 385]les testes arieres," &c. (See the extract at large, in the Hon. D. Barrington's Observations on the Anc. Statutes, 4to. 2nd edit. p. 273, omitted in the last impression.)
But indeed, all the old writers talk about them using various skills like these. Joinville, in his Life of S. Lewis, mentions some Armenian minstrels who were very skilled at tumbling and performing tricks. "With the Prince came three minstrels from Great Armenia ... and they had three horns—When they started to play, you would think it was the sound of swans ... and they made the sweetest melodies.—They performed three marvelous saus, as they placed a cloth under their feet and spun around while standing ... The two spun [Pg 385]around with their heads back," etc. (See the full excerpt in the Hon. D. Barrington's Observations on the Anc. Statutes, 4to. 2nd ed. p. 273, which was omitted in the last edition.)
This may also account for that remarkable clause in the press warrant of Henry VI. "De Ministrallis propter solatium regis providendis," by which it is required, that the boys, to be provided in arte Ministrallatûs instructos, should also be membris naturalibus elegantes. See above, p. 370. (Observ. on the Anc. Stat. 4th edit. p. 337.)
This may also account for that remarkable clause in the press warrant of Henry VI. "De Ministrallis propter solatium regis providendis," by which it is required, that the boys, to be provided in arte Ministrallatûs instructos, should also be membris naturalibus elegantes. See above, p. 370. (Observ. on the Anc. Stat. 4th edit. p. 337.)
Although by minstrel was properly understood, in English, one who sang to the harp, or some other instrument of music, verses composed by himself or others; yet the term was also applied by our old writers to such as professed either music or singing separately, and perhaps to such as practised any of the sportive arts connected with these.[1107] Music, however, being the leading idea, was at length peculiarly called minstrelsy, and the name of minstrel at last confined to the musician only.
Although by minstrel was properly understood, in English, one who sang to the harp, or some other instrument of music, verses composed by himself or others; yet the term was also applied by our old writers to such as professed either music or singing separately, and perhaps to such as practised any of the sportive arts connected with these.[1107] Music, however, being the leading idea, was at length peculiarly called minstrelsy, and the name of minstrel at last confined to the musician only.
In the French language all these arts were included under the general name of menestraudie, menestraudise, jonglerie, &c. (Med. Lat. menestellorum ars, ars joculatoria, &c.) "On peut comprendre sous le nom de jonglerie tout ce qui appartient aux anciens chansonniers Provençaux, Normands, Picards, &c. Le corps de la jonglerie etoit formé des trouveres, ou troubadours, qui composoient les chansons, et parmi lesquels il y avoit des improvisateurs, comme on en trouve en Italie; des chanteurs ou chanteres qui executoient ou chantoient ces compositions; des conteurs qui faisoient en vers ou en prose les contes, les recits, les histoires; des jongleurs ou menestrels qui accompagnoient de leurs instrumens,—L'art de ces chantres ou chansonniers, etoit nommé la Science Gaie, Gay Saber." (Pref. Anthologie Franç. 1765, 8vo. p. 17.) See also the curious Fauchet (De l'Orig. de la Lang. Fr. p. 72, &c.) "Bien tost après la division de ce grand empire François en tant de petits royaumes, duchez, & comtez, au lieu des Poetes commencerent a se faire cognoistre les trouverres, et chanterres, contëours, et juglëours: qui sont trouveurs, chantres, conteurs, jongleurs, ou jugleurs, c'est à dire, menestriers chantans avec la viole."
In the French language, all these arts were grouped together under the general name of menestraudie, menestraudise, jonglerie, etc. (Med. Lat. menestellorum ars, ars joculatoria, etc.) "We can understand under the term jonglerie everything related to the ancient Provençal, Norman, Picard singers, etc. The core of jonglerie was formed by the trouveres or troubadours, who composed songs, among which there were improvisers, like those found in Italy; singing or chanters who performed or sang these compositions; storytellers who created tales, stories, and accounts in verse or prose; and jongleurs or menestrels who accompanied them with their instruments. The art of these singers or chansonniers was called the Gay Science, Gay Saber." (Pref. Anthologie Franç. 1765, 8vo. p. 17.) See also the interesting Fauchet (De l'Orig. de la Lang. Fr. p. 72, etc.) "Shortly after the division of this great French empire into so many small kingdoms, duchies, and counties, the poets were replaced by the trouverres, chanterres, contëours, and juglëours: which are finders, singers, storytellers, jongleurs, or jugglers, meaning, minstrels singing with the viola."
We see then that jongleur, jugleur, (Lat. joculator, juglator) was a peculiar name appropriated to the minstrels. "Les jongleurs ne faisoient que chanter les poesies sur leurs instrumens. On les appelloit aussi Menestrels," says Fontenelle, in his Hist. du Theat. Franc. prefixed to his Life of Corneille.
We see then that jongleur, jugleur, (Lat. joculator, juglator) was a unique name used for minstrels. "The jongleurs only sang poems with their instruments. They were also called Minstrels," says Fontenelle in his Hist. du Theat. Franc. prefixed to his Life of Corneille.
[C] [Successors of the ancient bards.] That the minstrels in many respects bore a strong resemblance both to the British bards [Pg 386]and to the Danish scalds, appears from this, that the old monkish writers express them all without distinction by the same names in Latin. Thus Geoffrey of Monmouth, himself a Welshman, speaking of an old pagan British King, who excelled in singing and music so far as to be esteemed by his countrymen the patron deity of the bards, uses the phrase Deus Joculatorum; which is the peculiar name given to the English and French minstrels.[1108] In like manner, William Malmesbury, speaking of a Danish king's assuming the profession of a scald, expresses it by professus mimum; which was another name given to the minstrels in middle latinity.[1109] Indeed, Du Cange, in his Glossary, quotes a writer who positively asserts that the minstrels of the middle ages were the same with the ancient bards. I shall give a large extract from this learned glossographer, as he relates many curious particulars concerning the profession and arts of the minstrels; whom, after the monks, he stigmatizes by the name of scurræ; though he acknowledges their songs often tended to inspire virtue.
[C] [Successors of the ancient bards.] That the minstrels in many respects bore a strong resemblance both to the British bards [Pg 386]and to the Danish scalds, appears from this, that the old monkish writers express them all without distinction by the same names in Latin. Thus Geoffrey of Monmouth, himself a Welshman, speaking of an old pagan British King, who excelled in singing and music so far as to be esteemed by his countrymen the patron deity of the bards, uses the phrase Deus Joculatorum; which is the peculiar name given to the English and French minstrels.[1108] In like manner, William Malmesbury, speaking of a Danish king's assuming the profession of a scald, expresses it by professus mimum; which was another name given to the minstrels in middle latinity.[1109] Indeed, Du Cange, in his Glossary, quotes a writer who positively asserts that the minstrels of the middle ages were the same with the ancient bards. I shall give a large extract from this learned glossographer, as he relates many curious particulars concerning the profession and arts of the minstrels; whom, after the monks, he stigmatizes by the name of scurræ; though he acknowledges their songs often tended to inspire virtue.
"Ministelli, dicti præsertim scurræ, Mimi, joculatores." ... "Ejusmodi scurrarum munus erat principes non suis duntaxat ludicris oblectare, sed et eorum aures variis avorum, adeoque ipsorum principum laudibus, non sine assentatione, cum cantilenis & musicis instrumentis demulcere ...
"Ministelli, known mainly as clowns, Mimes, entertainers." ... "The role of these clowns was not just to amuse the rulers with their performances but also to soothe their ears with various praises of their ancestors and even of the rulers themselves, often with flattery, accompanied by songs & musical instruments..."
"Interdum etiam virorum insignium & heroum gesta, aut explicata & jocunda narratione commemorabant, aut suavi vocis inflexione, fidibusque decantabant, quo sic dominorum, cæterorumque qui his intererant ludicris, nobilium animos ad virtutem capessendam, et summorum virorum imitationem accenderent: quod fuit olim apud Gallos bardorum ministerium, ut auctor est Tacitus. Neque enim alios à ministellis, veterum Gallorum bardos fuisse pluribus probat Henricus Valesius ad 15 Ammiani.... Chronicon Bertrandi Guesclini.
"Sometimes they would tell stories of notable men and heroes either through elaborate and entertaining narration, or with the smooth inflection of their voices, and they would sing with instruments, so that the noble souls of the lords and others present at the games would be inspired to pursue virtue and imitate the greatest men. This was once the role of the bards among the Gauls, as Tacitus stated. Moreover, Henry Valesius proves that there were no others than the ministellis, the bards of ancient Gaul, in various texts including 15 Ammiani.... Chronicon Bertrandi Guesclini."
He must often warn about the rain and the fields. And to be in battle, just like Roland did, The Four Sons of Haimon, & Charlon, the greatest of them all,
The Lions of Bourges and the Guions of Connans Perceval the Gallant, Lancelot, and Tristan,
Alixandres, Artus, Godfroi the Sacks, De quoi ces menestriers font les nobles Romains.
"Nicolaus de Braia describens solenne convivium, quo post inaugurationem suam proceres excepit Lud. VIII. rex Francorum, [Pg 387]ait inter ipsius convivii apparatum, in medium prodiisse mimum, qui regis laudes ad cytharam decantavit."
"Nicolaus de Braia describing the formal banquet after his inauguration, where King Louis VIII of France hosted the nobles, [Pg 387] states that during the banquet's setup, a mime stepped forward and sang the praises of the king to the lyre."
Our author then gives the lines at length, which begin thus,
Our author then provides the full lines, which start like this,
Nectar mixed with wine removes cares From the beginning, the most renowned in the art of the lyre. The performer rises, adorned by the art of music.
Here, the string reverberates beneath this:
Inclyte king of kings, flourishing from the lineage of virtue, "Who raises strength and virtue to the heights of fame," etc.
The rest may be seen in Du Cange, who thus proceeds, "Mitto reliqua similia, ex quibus omnino patet ejusmodi mimorum & ministellorum cantilenas ad virtutem principes excitasse.... Id præsertim in pugnæ præcinctu, dominis suis occinebant, ut martium ardorem in eorum animis concitarent: cujusmodi cantum Cantilenam Rollandi appellat Will. Malmesb. lib. 3. Aimoinus, lib. 4. de Mirac. S. Bened. c. 37. Tanta vero illis securitas ... ut scurram se precedere facerent, qui musico instrumento res fortiter gestas et priorum bella præcineret, quatenus his acrius incitarentur, &c." As the writer was a monk, we shall not wonder at his calling the minstrel, scurram.
The rest can be found in Du Cange, who goes on to say, "I leave out similar things, from which it is clear that these kinds of minstrels and entertainers would sing songs to inspire the princes towards virtue.... Especially during the preparation for battle, they would sing to their lords to stir up martial fervor in their hearts: Will. Malmesb. refers to such a song as the Cantilenam Rollandi in book 3. Aimoinus mentions it in book 4 of the Miracles of St. Benedict, chapter 37. Indeed, they had such safety ... that they would have a fool go ahead of them, who would boldly recite deeds of valor and battles of the past accompanied by musical instruments, so that they would be stirred up even more, etc." Since the writer was a monk, we shouldn't be surprised he refers to the minstrel as scurram.
This word scurra, or some one similar, is represented in the Glossaries as the proper meaning of leccator (Fr. leccour) the ancient term by which the minstrel appears to be expressed in the Grant to Dutton, quoted above in page 363. On this head I shall produce a very curious passage, which is twice quoted in Du Cange's Glossary. (Sc. ad verb. Menestellus & ad verb. Lecator.) "Philippus Mouskes in Philip. Aug. fingit Carolum M. Provincie comitatum scurris & mimis suis olim donasse, indeque postea tantum in hac regione poetarum numerum excrevisse.
This word scurra, or some one similar, is represented in the Glossaries as the proper meaning of leccator (Fr. leccour) the ancient term by which the minstrel appears to be expressed in the Grant to Dutton, quoted above in page 363. On this head I shall produce a very curious passage, which is twice quoted in Du Cange's Glossary. (Sc. ad verb. Menestellus & ad verb. Lecator.) "Philippus Mouskes in Philip. Aug. fingit Carolum M. Provincie comitatum scurris & mimis suis olim donasse, indeque postea tantum in hac regione poetarum numerum excrevisse.
As light as a feather Qui sont trop luxueux Gave everything and left.
[D] The poet and the minstrel early with us became two persons. The word scald comprehended both characters among the Danes, nor do I know that they had any peculiar name for either of them separate. But it was not so with the Anglo-Saxons. They called a poet Sceop. and Leoðþẏꞃꞇa: the last of these comes from[Pg 388] Leoð, a song; and the former answers to our old word make (Gr. Ποιητής), being derived from Scιppan or Sceopan, formare, facere, fingere, creare (Ang. to shape). As for the minstrel, they distinguished him by the peculiar appellation of Glιᵹman, and perhaps by the more simple title of Ðeaꞃpeꞃe, harper: (See below, notes [H], [I].) This last title, at least, is often given to a minstrel by our most ancient English rhymists. See in this work vol. i. book i. No. 6, vol. iii. book i. No. 7.
[D] The poet and the minstrel early with us became two persons. The word scald comprehended both characters among the Danes, nor do I know that they had any peculiar name for either of them separate. But it was not so with the Anglo-Saxons. They called a poet Sceop. and Leoðþẏꞃꞇa: the last of these comes from[Pg 388] Leoð, a song; and the former answers to our old word make (Gr. Ποιητής), being derived from Scιppan or Sceopan, formare, facere, fingere, creare (Ang. to shape). As for the minstrel, they distinguished him by the peculiar appellation of Glιᵹman, and perhaps by the more simple title of Ðeaꞃpeꞃe, harper: (See below, notes [H], [I].) This last title, at least, is often given to a minstrel by our most ancient English rhymists. See in this work vol. i. book i. No. 6, vol. iii. book i. No. 7.
[E] [Minstrels ... at the houses of the great, &c.] Du Cange affirms, that in the middle ages the courts of princes swarmed so much with this kind of men, and such large sums were expended in maintaining and rewarding them, that they often drained the royal treasures: especially, he adds, of such as were delighted with their flatteries (præsertim qui ejusmodi ministellorum assentationibus delectabantur). He then confirms his assertion by several passages out of monastic writers, who sharply inveigh against this extravagance. Of these I shall here select only one or two, which show what kind of rewards were bestowed on these old songsters.
[E] [Minstrels ... at the houses of the great, &c.] Du Cange affirms, that in the middle ages the courts of princes swarmed so much with this kind of men, and such large sums were expended in maintaining and rewarding them, that they often drained the royal treasures: especially, he adds, of such as were delighted with their flatteries (præsertim qui ejusmodi ministellorum assentationibus delectabantur). He then confirms his assertion by several passages out of monastic writers, who sharply inveigh against this extravagance. Of these I shall here select only one or two, which show what kind of rewards were bestowed on these old songsters.
"Rigordus de Gestis Philippi Aug. an. 1185. 'Cum in curiis regum seu aliorum principum, frequens turba histrionum convenire soleat, ut ab eis aurum, argentum, equos, seu vestes,[1110] quos persæpe mutare consueverunt principes, ab eis extorqueant, verba joculatoria variis adulationibus plena proferre nituntur. Et ut magis placeant, quicquid de ipsis principibus probabiliter fingi potest, videlicet omnes delitias et lepores, et visu dignas urbanitates et cæteras ineptias, trutinantibus buccis in medium eructare non erubescunt. Vidimus quondam quosdam principes, qui vestes diu excogitatas, et variis florum picturationibus artificiosè elaboratas, pro quibus forsan 20 vel. 30 marcas argenti consumpserant, vix revolutis septem diebus, histrionibus, ministris diaboli, ad primam vocem dedisse, &c."
"Rigordus de Gestis Philippi Aug. an. 1185. 'Cum in curiis regum seu aliorum principum, frequens turba histrionum convenire soleat, ut ab eis aurum, argentum, equos, seu vestes,[1110] quos persæpe mutare consueverunt principes, ab eis extorqueant, verba joculatoria variis adulationibus plena proferre nituntur. Et ut magis placeant, quicquid de ipsis principibus probabiliter fingi potest, videlicet omnes delitias et lepores, et visu dignas urbanitates et cæteras ineptias, trutinantibus buccis in medium eructare non erubescunt. Vidimus quondam quosdam principes, qui vestes diu excogitatas, et variis florum picturationibus artificiosè elaboratas, pro quibus forsan 20 vel. 30 marcas argenti consumpserant, vix revolutis septem diebus, histrionibus, ministris diaboli, ad primam vocem dedisse, &c."
The curious reader may find a similar, though at the same time a more candid account, in that most excellent writer, Presid. Fauchet (Recueil de la Lang. Fr. p. 73), who says, that, like the [Pg 389]ancient Greek Αοιδοι, "Nos trouverres, ainsi que ceux la, prenans leur subject sur les faits des vaillans (qu'ils appelloyent geste, venant de gesta Latin) alloyent ... par les cours rejouir les princes ... Remportans des grandes recompences des seigneurs, qui bien souvent leur donnoyent jusques aux robes qu'ils avoyent vestues: & lesquelles ces juglëours ne failloyent de porter aux autres cours, à fin d'inviter les seigneurs a pareille liberalité. Ce qui a duré si longuement, qu'il me souvient avoir veu Martin Baraton (ja viel menestrier d'Orleans) lequel aux festes et nopces batoit un tabourin d'argent, semé des plaques aussi d'argent gravees des armoiries de ceux a qui il avoit appris a danser." Here we see that a minstrel sometimes performed the function of a dancing-master.
The curious reader may find a similar, but also more straightforward account, in the impressive writing of President Fauchet (Recueil de la Lang. Fr. p. 73), who states that, like the ancient Greek Αοιδοι, "Our trouvères, just like those there, took their subjects from the deeds of brave men (which they called gestes, coming from the Latin gesta) and went around the courts entertaining the princes... Winning great rewards from the lords, who often gave them even the robes they wore: and these jongleurs would not fail to wear them in other courts, to encourage the lords to show similar generosity. This tradition lasted so long that I remember seeing Martin Baraton (the old minstrel from Orleans), who at feasts and weddings would play a silver drum, adorned with silver plaques engraved with the coats of arms of those he had taught to dance." Here we see that a minstrel sometimes also acted as a dance teacher.
Fontenelle even gives us to understand, that these men were often rewarded with favours of a still higher kind. "Les princesses & les plus grandes dames y joignoient souvent leurs faveurs. Elles etoient fort foibles contre les beaux esprits." (Hist. du Théat.) We are not to wonder then that this profession should be followed by men of the first quality, particularly the younger sons and brothers of great houses. "Tel qui par les partages de sa famille n'avoit que la moitié ou le quart d'une vieux chateaux bien seigneurial, alloit quelque temps courir le monde en rimant, et revenoit acquerir le reste de Chateau." (Fontenelle, Hist. du Théat.) We see then, that there was no improbable fiction in those ancient songs and romances, which are founded on the story of minstrels being beloved by kings' daughters, &c., and discovering themselves to be the sons of some sovereign prince, &c.
Fontenelle also suggests that these men often received even greater rewards. "Princesses and the most prominent ladies frequently bestowed their favors upon them. They were particularly vulnerable to charming minds." (Hist. du Théat.) So, it’s no surprise that this profession attracted high-quality individuals, especially the younger sons and brothers of noble families. "Someone who, due to family inheritance, had only half or a quarter of an old, stately castle would travel the world for a while, writing poetry, and then come back to claim the rest of the castle." (Fontenelle, Hist. du Théat.) Thus, it’s clear that there was no far-fetched fantasy in those ancient songs and stories about minstrels being loved by princesses and revealing themselves to be the sons of some royal prince.
[F] The honours and rewards lavished upon the minstrels were not confined to the continent. Our own countryman Johannes Sarisburiensis (in the time of Henry II.) declaims no less than the monks abroad, against the extravagant favour shown to these men. Non enim more nugatorum ejus seculi in histriones & mimos, et hujusmodi monstra hominum, ob famæ redemptionem & dilatationem nominis effunditis opes vestras, &c. (Epist. 247.[1111])
[F] The honours and rewards lavished upon the minstrels were not confined to the continent. Our own countryman Johannes Sarisburiensis (in the time of Henry II.) declaims no less than the monks abroad, against the extravagant favour shown to these men. Non enim more nugatorum ejus seculi in histriones & mimos, et hujusmodi monstra hominum, ob famæ redemptionem & dilatationem nominis effunditis opes vestras, &c. (Epist. 247.[1111])
The monks seem to grudge every act of munificence that was not applied to the benefit of themselves and their convents. They therefore bestow great applauses upon the Emperor Henry, who, at his marriage with Agnes of Poictou, in 1044, disappointed the poor minstrels, and sent them away empty. "Infinitam histrionum & joculatorum multitudinem sine cibo & muneribus vacuam & mœrentem abire permisit." (Chronic. Virtziburg.) For which I doubt not but he was sufficiently stigmatized in the songs and [Pg 390]ballads of those times. Vid. Du Cange, Gloss. tom. iv. p 771, &c.
The monks seem to resent every act of generosity that didn't benefit them and their monasteries. They therefore praise Emperor Henry, who, at his wedding to Agnes of Poitou in 1044, let the poor musicians leave empty-handed. "He allowed an endless crowd of performers and jesters to depart without food and gifts, sad and empty." (Chronic. Virtziburg.) I have no doubt he was criticized enough in the songs and [Pg 390]ballads of that time. See Du Cange, Gloss. vol. iv. p. 771, &c.
[G] [The annals of the Anglo-Saxons are scanty and defective.] Of the few histories now remaining that were written before the Norman Conquest, almost all are such short and naked sketches and abridgements, giving only a concise and general relation of the more remarkable events, that scarce any of the minute circumstantial particulars are to be found in them: nor do they hardly ever descend to a description of the customs, manners, or domestic economy of their countrymen. The Saxon Chronicle, for instance, which is the best of them, and upon some accounts extremely valuable, is almost such an epitome as Lucius Florus and Eutropius have left us of the Roman history. As for Ethelward, his book is judged to be an imperfect translation of the Saxon Chronicle;[1112] and the Pseudo Asser, or Chronicle of St. Neot, is a poor defective performance. How absurd would it be then to argue against the existence of customs or facts, from the silence of such scanty records as these! Whoever would carry his researches deep into that period of history, might safely plead the excuse of a learned writer, who had particularly studied the Ante-Norman historians. "Conjecturis (licet nusquam sine verisimili fundamento) aliquoties indulgemus ... utpote ab historicis jejune nimis & indiligenter res nostras tractantibus coacti ... Nostri ... nudâ factorum commemoratione plerumque contenti, reliqua omnia, sive ob ipsarum rerum, sive meliorum literarum, sive historicorum officii ignorantiam, fere intacta prætereunt." Vide plura in Præfat. ad Ælfr. Vitam a Spelman. Ox. 1678, fol.
[G] [The annals of the Anglo-Saxons are scanty and defective.] Of the few histories now remaining that were written before the Norman Conquest, almost all are such short and naked sketches and abridgements, giving only a concise and general relation of the more remarkable events, that scarce any of the minute circumstantial particulars are to be found in them: nor do they hardly ever descend to a description of the customs, manners, or domestic economy of their countrymen. The Saxon Chronicle, for instance, which is the best of them, and upon some accounts extremely valuable, is almost such an epitome as Lucius Florus and Eutropius have left us of the Roman history. As for Ethelward, his book is judged to be an imperfect translation of the Saxon Chronicle;[1112] and the Pseudo Asser, or Chronicle of St. Neot, is a poor defective performance. How absurd would it be then to argue against the existence of customs or facts, from the silence of such scanty records as these! Whoever would carry his researches deep into that period of history, might safely plead the excuse of a learned writer, who had particularly studied the Ante-Norman historians. "Conjecturis (licet nusquam sine verisimili fundamento) aliquoties indulgemus ... utpote ab historicis jejune nimis & indiligenter res nostras tractantibus coacti ... Nostri ... nudâ factorum commemoratione plerumque contenti, reliqua omnia, sive ob ipsarum rerum, sive meliorum literarum, sive historicorum officii ignorantiam, fere intacta prætereunt." Vide plura in Præfat. ad Ælfr. Vitam a Spelman. Ox. 1678, fol.
[H] [Minstrels and harpers.] That the harp (cithara) was the common musical instrument of the Anglo-Saxons, might be inferred from the very word itself, which is not derived from the British, or any other Celtic language, but of genuine Gothic original, and current among every branch of that people: viz. Ang.-Sax. Ðeaꞃpe, Ðeaꞃpa; Iceland. harpa, haurpa; Dan. and Belg. harpe; Germ, harpffe, harpffa; Gal. harpe; Span. harpa; Ital. arpa. (Vid. Jun. Etym., Menage Etym. &c.) As also from this, that the word Ðeaꞃpe is constantly used, in the Anglo-Saxon versions, to express the Latin words cithara, lyra, and even cymbalum: the word psalmus itself being sometimes translated Ðeaꞃp ꞅanᵹ, harp song (Gloss, Jun. R. apud Lye Anglo-Sax. Lexic.)
[H] [Minstrels and harpers.] That the harp (cithara) was the common musical instrument of the Anglo-Saxons, might be inferred from the very word itself, which is not derived from the British, or any other Celtic language, but of genuine Gothic original, and current among every branch of that people: viz. Ang.-Sax. Ðeaꞃpe, Ðeaꞃpa; Iceland. harpa, haurpa; Dan. and Belg. harpe; Germ, harpffe, harpffa; Gal. harpe; Span. harpa; Ital. arpa. (Vid. Jun. Etym., Menage Etym. &c.) As also from this, that the word Ðeaꞃpe is constantly used, in the Anglo-Saxon versions, to express the Latin words cithara, lyra, and even cymbalum: the word psalmus itself being sometimes translated Ðeaꞃp ꞅanᵹ, harp song (Gloss, Jun. R. apud Lye Anglo-Sax. Lexic.)
But the fact itself is positively proved by the express testimony of Bede, who tells us that it was usual at festival meetings for this [Pg 391]instrument to be handed round, and each of the company to sing to it in his turn. See his Hist. Eccles. Anglor. lib. iv. c. 24, where speaking of their sacred poet Cædmon, who lived in the times of the Heptarchy (ob. circ. 680) he says:
But the fact is clearly supported by Bede's direct account, who tells us that it was common during festival gatherings for this [Pg 391] instrument to be passed around, and for each person to take turns singing along with it. Refer to his Hist. Eccles. Anglor. lib. iv. c. 24, where, discussing their sacred poet Cædmon, who lived during the Heptarchy (ob. circ. 680), he says:
"Nihil unquam frivoli & supervacui poematis facere potuit; sed ea tantummodo, quæ ad religionem pertinent, religiosam ejus linguam decebant. Siquidem in habitu sæculari, usque ad tempora provectioris ætatis constitutus, nil carminum aliquando didicerat. Unde nonnunquam in convivio, cum esset lætitia causa ut omnes per ordinem cantare deberent, ille ubi appropinquare sibi citharam cernebat, surgebat a mediâ cœnâ, et egressus ad suam domum repedabat."
"Nihil unquam frivoli & supervacui poematis facere potuit; sed ea tantummodo, quæ ad religionem pertinent, religiosam ejus linguam decebant. Siquidem in habitu sæculari, usque ad tempora provectioris ætatis constitutus, nil carminum aliquando didicerat. Unde nonnunquam in convivio, cum esset lætitia causa ut omnes per ordinem cantare deberent, ille ubi appropinquare sibi citharam cernebat, surgebat a mediâ cœnâ, et egressus ad suam domum repedabat."
I shall now subjoin King Alfred's own Anglo-Saxon translation of this passage, with a literal interlineary English version.
I will now add King Alfred's own Anglo-Saxon translation of this passage, along with a literal English version.
Ðe.. næꝼꞃe nohꞇ leaꞅunᵹa. ne ιꝺeleꞅ leoðeꞅ pẏꞃcean ne mιhꞇe;
He ... never no leasings, nor idle songs compose ne might;
ac eꝼne ða an ða ðe ꞇo æꝼeꞅꞇneꞅꞅe belumpon. ⁊
but lo! only those things which to religion [piety] belong, and
hiꞅ ða æꝼeꞅꞇan ꞇunᵹan ᵹeꝺaꝼenoꝺe ꞅιnᵹan: ꜧæꞅ he ꞅe man
his then pious tongue became to sing: He was the [a] man
ιn peoꞃolꞇ-haꝺe ᵹeꞅeꞇeꝺ oð ða ꞇιꝺe ðe he pæꞅ oꝼ
in worldly [secular] state set to the time in which he was of an
ᵹelẏꝼeꝺꞃe ẏlꝺe. ⁊ he næꝼꞃe ænιᵹ leoþ ᵹeleoꞃnoꝺe. ⁊ he
advanced age; and he never any song learned. And he
ꝼoꞃþon oꝼꞇ ιn ᵹebeoꞃꞅcιpe ðonne ðæꞃ pæꞅ blιꞅꞅe ιnꞇιnᵹa
therefore OFT in an entertainment when there was for merriment
ᵹeꝺemeꝺ. ꝥ hι ealle ꞅceolꝺan ðuph enᵹebẏ
sake adjudged [or decreed], that they ALL should through their
ꞃꝺneꞅꞅe be heaꞃpan ꞅinᵹan. ðonne he ᵹeꞅeah ða heaꞃpan
turns by [to the] HARP SING; when he saw the HARP
hιm nealæcan. ðonne aꞃaꞅ he ꝼoꞃ ꞅceome ꝼꞃam ðam ꞅẏmle
him approach, then arose he FOR SHAME from the supper
⁊ ham eoꝺe ꞇo hιꞅ huꞅe.
and home yode [went] to his house.
He never wrote any poems or composed any idle songs;
He ... never composed any verses, nor did he create;
but only those things that belong to faith and devotion.
but lo! only the things that relate to religion, and
his then pious tongue began to sing: He was a man
his pious tongue began to sing: He was the man
in the worldly state set in the time when he was of an
in a secular state, set in the time that he was of an
advanced age; and he never learned any song. And he
advanced age; and he never learned any song. And he
often in an entertainment when there was for merriment
therefore OFTEN in a gathering when there was for enjoyment
gathered. That all should through their
decreed, that they ALL should through their
talent be encouraged to sing. Then he saw the
be encouraged to sing. Then he saw the Harp
approach him. Then he arose in SHAME from the supper
and went home to his house.
and went home to his house.
Bed. Hist. Eccl. a Smith. Cantab. 1722, fol. p. 597.
Bed. Hist. Eccl. a Smith. Cantab. 1722, fol. p. 597.
In this version of Alfred's it is observable, (1) that he has expressed the Latin word cantare, by the Anglo-Saxon words "be heaꞃpan ꞅιnᵹan," sing to the harp; as if they were synonymous, or[Pg 392] as if his countrymen had no idea of singing unaccompanied with the harp: (2) That when Bede simply says, surgebat a mediâ cœnâ, he assigns a motive, "aꞃaꞅ ꝼoꞃ ꞅceome," arose for shame: that is, either from an austerity of manners, or from his being deficient in an accomplishment which so generally prevailed among his countrymen.
In this version of Alfred's, it's noticeable that (1) he translated the Latin word cantare with the Anglo-Saxon phrase "be heaꞃpan ꞅιnᵹan," meaning "sing to the harp," as if they were the same or as if his fellow countrymen had no concept of singing without the harp; (2) When Bede simply says, surgebat a mediâ cœnâ, he provides a reason, "aꞃaꞅ ꝼoꞃ ꞅceome," stating it was out of shame. This means either due to a strict lifestyle or because he lacked a skill that was so commonly found among his peers.
[I] [The word glee which peculiarly denoted their art, &c.] This word glee is derived from the Anglo-Saxon Glιᵹᵹ, (Gligg) musica, music, minstrelsy (Somn). This is the common radix, whence arises such a variety of terms and phrases relating to the minstrel art, as affords the strongest internal proof, that this profession was extremely common and popular here before the Norman Conquest. Thus we have
[I] [The word glee which peculiarly denoted their art, &c.] This word glee is derived from the Anglo-Saxon Glιᵹᵹ, (Gligg) musica, music, minstrelsy (Somn). This is the common radix, whence arises such a variety of terms and phrases relating to the minstrel art, as affords the strongest internal proof, that this profession was extremely common and popular here before the Norman Conquest. Thus we have
I.
I.
(1) Glιp (Gliw.), mimus, a minstrel. Glιᵹman, ᵹlιᵹmon, ᵹlιman, (gleeman[1113]) histrio, mimus, pantomimus; all common names in middle latinity for a minstrel; and Somner accordingly renders the original by a minstrel—a player on a timbrel or taber. He adds, a fidler; but although the fythel or fiddle, was an ancient instrument, by which the jogelar or[Pg 393] minstrel sometimes accompanied his song (see Warton, i. 17), it is probable that Somner annexes here only a modern sense to the word, not having at all investigated the subject.
(1) Glιp (Gliw.), mimus, a minstrel. Glιᵹman, ᵹlιᵹmon, ᵹlιman, (gleeman[1113]) histrio, mimus, pantomimus; all common names in middle latinity for a minstrel; and Somner accordingly renders the original by a minstrel—a player on a timbrel or taber. He adds, a fidler; but although the fythel or fiddle, was an ancient instrument, by which the jogelar or[Pg 393] minstrel sometimes accompanied his song (see Warton, i. 17), it is probable that Somner annexes here only a modern sense to the word, not having at all investigated the subject.
Glιιmen, ᵹlιιᵹmen, (Gleemen), histriones, minstrels. Hence,
Gleemen, actors, minstrels. Hence,
Gliᵹmanna-ẏppe. Orchestra, vel pulpitus. The place where the minstrels exhibited their performances.
Gliᵹmanna-ẏppe. Orchestra, or stage. The place where the musicians showcased their performances.
(2) But their most proper and expressive name was
(2) But their most fitting and expressive name was
Glιphleoþꞃιenꝺ, musicus, a minstrel; and
Gliphleoþꞃιenꝺ, musicus, a musician; and
Glιphleoþꞃιenꝺlιca, musicus, musical.
Glιphleoþꞃιenꝺlιca, musicus, music.
These two words include the full idea of the minstrel character, expressing at once their music and singing, being compounded of Glιp, musicus, mimus, a musician, minstrel; and Leoð, carmen, a song.
These two words fully capture the concept of the minstrel character, conveying both their music and singing, made up of Glιp, musicus, mimus, meaning a musician or minstrel; and Leoð, carmen, meaning a song.
(3) From the above word Glιᵹᵹ, the profession itself was called.
(3) From the word Glιᵹᵹ, the profession was named.
Glιᵹcꞃæꝼꞇ (glig or glee-craft), musica, histrionia, mimica gesticulatio: which Somner rightly gives in English, ministrelsy, mimical gesticulation, mummery. He also adds stage-playing: but here again I think he substitutes an idea too modern, induced by the word histrionia, which in middle latinity only signifies the minstrel-art.
Glígræc (glig or glee-craft), music, acting, miming gesturing: which Somner accurately translates into English as minstrel arts, miming gestures, and performance. He also includes stage acting: but here I believe he introduces a concept that is too modern, influenced by the word histrionia, which in medieval Latin only means the minstrel art.
However, it should seem that both mimical gesticulation and a kind of rude exhibition of characters were sometimes attempted by the old minstrels: but
However, it seems that both exaggerated gestures and somewhat crude displays of characters were sometimes tried by the old minstrels: but
(4) As musical performance was the leading idea, so
(4) Since musical performance was the main concept, so
Glιopιan, is Cantus musicos edere; and
Glιopιan is Cantus musicos edere; and
Glιᵹbeam, ᵹlιpbeam (glig or glee-beam), tympanum; a timbrel or taber. (So Somn.) Hence
Glιᵹbeam, ᵹlιpbeam (glig or glee-beam), tympanum; a drum or tambourine. (So Somn.) Hence
Glẏpan. Tympanum pulsare; and
Glẏpan. Beat the drum; and
Glιp-meᵹen; ᵹlιẏpιenꝺe-maꝺen; (glee-maiden), tympanistria: which Somner renders a she-minstrel; for it should seem that they had females of this profession; one name for which was also Glẏpbẏꝺeneꞅꞇꞃa.
Glip-megen; glypien-de-maen; (glee-maiden), tympanistria: which Somner translates as a female performer; it appears they had women in this role; one name for which was also Glypbidene.
(5) Of congenial derivation to the foregoing is
(5) Related to the previous point is
Glẏpc. (Glywc), Tibia, a pipe or flute.
Glẏpc. (Glywc), Tibia, a pipe or flute.
Both this and the common radix Glιᵹᵹ are with great appearance of truth derived by Junius from the Icelandic Gliggur, flatus; as supposing that the first attempts at music among our Gothic ancestors were with wind-instruments. Vid. Jun. Etym. Ang. v. Glee.
Both this and the common root Glιᵹᵹ appear to be truthfully derived by Junius from the Icelandic Gliggur, flatus; as it is believed that the first attempts at music among our Gothic ancestors involved wind instruments. See Jun. Etym. Ang. v. Glee.
II.
II.
But the minstrels, as is hinted above, did not confine themselves to the mere exercise of their primary arts of music and song, but[Pg 394] occasionally used many other modes of diverting. Hence, from the above root was derived, in a secondary sense:
But the minstrels, as hinted earlier, didn’t just stick to their main talents of music and song, but[Pg 394] sometimes employed various other ways to entertain. Thus, from this root came a secondary meaning:
(1) Gleo, and pιnꞅum glιp, facetiæ.
Gleo, and pιnꞅum glιp, jokes.
Gleopιan, jocari; to jest, or, be merry (Somn.), and
Gleopian, jocari; that is, to jest, or to be merry (Somn.), and
Gleopιenꝺ, jocans; jesting, speaking merrily. (Somn.)
Gleopιονꝺ, jocans; joking, speaking cheerfully. (Somn.)
Glιᵹman, also signified jocista, a jester.
Glίgman, also known as jester.
Glιᵹ-ᵹamen, (glee-games), joci. Which Somner renders, merriments, or merry jests, or tricks, or sports, gamboles.
Glιᵹ-ᵹamen, (glee-games), joci. Somner translates this as merriments, or merry jests, or tricks, or sports, gamboles.
(2) Hence, again, by a common metonymy of the cause for the effect:
(2) So, once more, by a common use of the cause to represent the effect:
Glιe, gaudium, alacritas, lætitia, facetiæ; joy, mirth, gladness, cheerfulness, glee. (Somner.) Which last application of the word still continues, though rather in a low debasing sense.
Glιe, gaudium, alacritas, lætitia, facetiæ; joy, mirth, gladness, cheerfulness, glee. (Somner.) This last use of the word still exists, although it's more commonly used in a negative or trivial way.
III.
III.
But however agreeable and delightful the various arts of the minstrels might be to the Anglo-Saxon laity, there is reason to believe, that before the Norman Conquest, at least, they were not much favoured by the clergy; particularly by those of monastic profession. For, not to mention that the sportive talents of these men would be considered by those austere ecclesiastics, as tending to levity and licentiousness, the pagan origin of their art would excite in the monks an insuperable prejudice against it. The Anglo-Saxon harpers and gleemen were the immediate successors and imitators of the Scandinavian scalds, who were the great promoters of Pagan superstition, and fomented that spirit of cruelty and outrage in their countrymen the Danes, which fell with such peculiar severity on the religious and their convents. Hence arose a third application of words derived from Glιᵹᵹ, minstrelsy, in a very unfavourable sense, and this chiefly prevails in books of religion and ecclesiastic discipline. Thus:
But no matter how enjoyable and charming the various arts of the minstrels were to the Anglo-Saxon common people, there’s evidence to suggest that, at least before the Norman Conquest, they weren’t very well-liked by the clergy, especially by the monks. Not to mention that the playful skills of these performers would have been seen by those stern religious figures as promoting lightheartedness and immorality, the pagan roots of their art would lead the monks to have a strong bias against it. The Anglo-Saxon harpers and gleemen were direct successors and imitators of the Scandinavian scalds, who were significant instigators of pagan superstition and stirred up the spirit of cruelty and violence in their fellow Danes, which was especially harsh towards religious figures and their monasteries. This gave rise to a third meaning of words derived from Glιᵹᵹ, minstrelsy, in a very negative sense, which mainly appears in religious texts and church guidelines. Thus:
(1) Glιg is ludibrium, laughing to scorn.[1114] So in S. Basil. Regul. II. Dι hæꝼꝺon hιm ꞇo ᵹlιᵹe halpenꝺe mιneᵹunᵹe. ludibrio habebant salutarem ejus admonitionm. (10.) This sense of the word was perhaps not ill-founded, for as the sport of rude uncultivated minds often arises from ridicule, it is not improbable but the old minstrels often indulged a vein of this sort, and that of no very delicate kind. So again,
(1) Glιg is ludibrium, laughing to scorn.[1114] So in S. Basil. Regul. II. Dι hæꝼꝺon hιm ꞇo ᵹlιᵹe halpenꝺe mιneᵹunᵹe. ludibrio habebant salutarem ejus admonitionm. (10.) This sense of the word was perhaps not ill-founded, for as the sport of rude uncultivated minds often arises from ridicule, it is not improbable but the old minstrels often indulged a vein of this sort, and that of no very delicate kind. So again,
Glιᵹ-man was also used to signify scurra, a saucy jester (Somn.)
Glιᵹ-man was also used to mean scurra, a cheeky jester (Somn.)
Glιᵹ-ᵹeoꞃn, dicax, scurriles jocos supra quàm par est amans. Officium Episcopale, 3.
Glιᵹ-ᵹeoꞃn, saying, those silly jokes are more than what a lover should tolerate. Officium Episcopale, 3.
Glιpιan. Scurrilibus oblectamentis indulgere; scurram agere. Canon. Edgar. 58.
Glίpιan. Indulge in crude amusements; act like a fool. Canon. Edgar. 58.
(2) Again, as the various attempts to please, practised by an order of men who owed their support to the public favour, might be considered by those grave censors, as mean and debasing: Hence came from the same root,
(2) Once more, the different efforts to win approval, made by a group of people who relied on public support, could be seen by those serious critics as lowly and degrading: This originated from the same source,
Glιpeꞃ. Parasitus, assentator; a fawner, a togger, a parasite, a flatterer.[1115] (Somn.)
Glιpeꞃ. Parasitus, assentator; a fawner, a togger, a parasite, a flatterer.[1115] (Somn.)
IV.
IV.
To return to the Anglo-Saxon word Glιᵹᵹ: notwithstanding the various secondary senses in which this word (as we have seen above) was so early applied; yet
To return to the Anglo-Saxon word Glιᵹᵹ: despite the different secondary meanings this word (as we've seen above) was applied to so early; yet
The derivative glee (though now chiefly used to express merriment and joy) long retained its first simple meaning, and is even applied by Chaucer to signify music and minstrelsy. (Vid. Jun. Etym.) E.g.
The derivative glee (though now mainly used to express happiness and joy) long kept its original simple meaning and is even used by Chaucer to refer to music and minstrelsy. (See Jun. Etym.) E.g.
Troyl. L. ii.
Troyl. L. ii.
Junius interprets glees by musica instrumenta, in the following passages of Chaucer's third boke of Fame:—
Junius interprets glees as musica instrumenta in the following passages from Chaucer's third book of Fame:—
And of all that belongs to fame:
There I heard someone playing a harp. That sounded both pleasant and sharp. Orpheus's full craft; And on this side nearby Satisfy the harper Orion; And Eacides Chirion; And many other harpers, And the British Glaskyrion."
After mentioning these, the great masters of the art, he proceeds:—
After mentioning these, the great masters of the art, he continues:—
"Sat beneath them in various seas." * * * * *
Again, a little below, the poet having enumerated the performers on all the different sorts of instruments, adds:—
Again, a little further down, the poet lists the performers on all the different kinds of instruments and adds:—
Playing on other various glees,
Which I cannot even __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "More than stars are in heaven," &c.
Upon the above lines I shall only make a few observations:
Based on the above points, I’ll just make a few comments:
(1) That by jestours, I suppose we are to understand gestours; scil. the relaters of gests (Lat. gesta) or stories of adventures both comic and tragical; whether true or feigned; I am inclined to add, whether in prose or verse. (Compare the record below, in marginal note, subjoined to v. 2.) Of the stories in prose, I conceive we have specimens in that singular book the Gesta Romanorum, and this will account for its seemingly improper title. These were evidently what the French called conteours, or story-tellers, and to them we are probably indebted for the first prose romances of chivalry, which may be considered as specimens of their manner.
(1) I believe that by "jestours," we mean "gestours"; that is, the narrators of stories (Lat. gesta) or tales of adventures, both funny and tragic, whether they are true or made up; and I think it’s also worth considering whether they are in prose or verse. (See the record below in the marginal note attached to v. 2.) For prose stories, I think we have examples in the unique book Gesta Romanorum, which explains its seemingly odd title. These were clearly what the French referred to as conteours, or story-tellers, and we likely owe them the first prose romances of chivalry, which can be seen as examples of their style.
(2) That the "Briton Glaskeryon," whoever he was, is apparently the same person with our famous harper Glasgerion, of whom the [Pg 397]reader will find a tragical ballad, in vol. iii. book 1, No. 7. In that song may be seen an instance of what was advanced above in note [E] of the dignity of the minstrel profession, or at least of the artifice with which the minstrels endeavoured to set off its importance.
(2) That the "Briton Glaskeryon," whoever he was, is apparently the same person with our famous harper Glasgerion, of whom the [Pg 397]reader will find a tragical ballad, in vol. iii. book 1, No. 7. In that song may be seen an instance of what was advanced above in note [E] of the dignity of the minstrel profession, or at least of the artifice with which the minstrels endeavoured to set off its importance.
Thus "a king's son is represented as appearing in the character of a harper or minstrel in the court of another king. He wears a collar (or gold chain) as a person of illustrious rank; rides on horseback, and is admitted to the embraces of a king's daughter."
Thus "a king's son is shown as appearing as a musician or minstrel in the court of another king. He wears a collar (or gold chain) as someone of noble status; rides a horse, and is welcomed into the arms of a king's daughter."
The minstrels lost no opportunity of doing honour to their art.
The minstrels seized every chance to celebrate their craft.
(3) As for the word glees, it is to this day used in a musical sense, and applied to a peculiar piece of composition. Who has not seen the advertisements, proposing a reward to him who should produce the best catch, canon, or glee?
(3) The word glees is still used today in a musical sense, referring to a specific type of composition. Who hasn't seen ads offering a reward to anyone who can create the best catch, canon, or glee?
[K] [Comes from the pen of Geoffrey of Monmouth.] Geoffrey's own words are: "Cum ergo alterius modi aditum [Baldulphus] non haberet, rasit capillos suos et barbam,[1117] cultumque joculatoris cum cythara fecit. Deinde intra castra deambulans, modulis quos in lyra componebat, sese cytharistam exhibebat." Galf. Monum. Hist. 4to. 1508, lib. vii. c. 1.—That joculator signifies precisely a minstrel, appears not only from this passage, where it is used as a word of like import to citharista or harper (which was the old English word for minstrel), but also from another passage of the same author, where it is applied as equivalent to cantor. See lib. i. cap. 22, where, speaking of an ancient (perhaps fabulous) [Pg 398]British king, he says: "Hic omnes cantores quos præcedens ætas habuerat & in modulis & in omnibus musicisinstrumentis excedebat; ita ut Deus Joculatorum videretur." Whatever credit is due to Geoffrey as a relater of facts, he is certainly as good authority as any for the signification of words.
[K] [Comes from the pen of Geoffrey of Monmouth.] Geoffrey's own words are: "Cum ergo alterius modi aditum [Baldulphus] non haberet, rasit capillos suos et barbam,[1117] cultumque joculatoris cum cythara fecit. Deinde intra castra deambulans, modulis quos in lyra componebat, sese cytharistam exhibebat." Galf. Monum. Hist. 4to. 1508, lib. vii. c. 1.—That joculator signifies precisely a minstrel, appears not only from this passage, where it is used as a word of like import to citharista or harper (which was the old English word for minstrel), but also from another passage of the same author, where it is applied as equivalent to cantor. See lib. i. cap. 22, where, speaking of an ancient (perhaps fabulous) [Pg 398]British king, he says: "Hic omnes cantores quos præcedens ætas habuerat & in modulis & in omnibus musicisinstrumentis excedebat; ita ut Deus Joculatorum videretur." Whatever credit is due to Geoffrey as a relater of facts, he is certainly as good authority as any for the signification of words.
[L] [Two remarkable facts.] Both these facts are recorded by William of Malmesbury; and the first of them, relating to Alfred, by Ingulphus also. Now Ingulphus (afterwards abbot of Croyland) was near forty years of age at the time of the Conquest,[1118] and consequently was as proper a judge of the Saxon manners, as if he had actually written his history before that event: he is therefore to be considered as an Anti-Norman writer; so that whether the fact concerning Alfred be true or not, we are assured from his testimony, that the joculator or minstrel was a common character among the Anglo-Saxons. The same also may be inferred from the relation of William of Malmesbury, who outlived Ingulphus but thirty-three years.[1119] Both these writers had doubtless recourse to innumerable records and authentic memorials of the Anglo-Saxon times, which never descended down to us; their testimony therefore is too positive and full to be overturned by the mere silence of the two or three slight Anglo-Saxon epitomes, that are now remaining (vid. note [G]).
[L] [Two remarkable facts.] Both these facts are recorded by William of Malmesbury; and the first of them, relating to Alfred, by Ingulphus also. Now Ingulphus (afterwards abbot of Croyland) was near forty years of age at the time of the Conquest,[1118] and consequently was as proper a judge of the Saxon manners, as if he had actually written his history before that event: he is therefore to be considered as an Anti-Norman writer; so that whether the fact concerning Alfred be true or not, we are assured from his testimony, that the joculator or minstrel was a common character among the Anglo-Saxons. The same also may be inferred from the relation of William of Malmesbury, who outlived Ingulphus but thirty-three years.[1119] Both these writers had doubtless recourse to innumerable records and authentic memorials of the Anglo-Saxon times, which never descended down to us; their testimony therefore is too positive and full to be overturned by the mere silence of the two or three slight Anglo-Saxon epitomes, that are now remaining (vid. note [G]).
As for Asser Menevensis, who has given a somewhat more particular detail of Alfred's actions, and yet takes no notice of the following story; it will not be difficult to account for his silence, if we consider that he was a rigid monk, and that the minstrels, however acceptable to the laity, were never much respected by men of the more strict monastic profession, especially before the Norman Conquest, when they would be considered as brethren of the Pagan scalds.[1120] Asser therefore might not regard Alfred's skill in minstrelsy in a very favourable light; and might be induced to drop the circumstance related below, as reflecting in his opinion no great honour on his patron.
As for Asser Menevensis, who has given a somewhat more particular detail of Alfred's actions, and yet takes no notice of the following story; it will not be difficult to account for his silence, if we consider that he was a rigid monk, and that the minstrels, however acceptable to the laity, were never much respected by men of the more strict monastic profession, especially before the Norman Conquest, when they would be considered as brethren of the Pagan scalds.[1120] Asser therefore might not regard Alfred's skill in minstrelsy in a very favourable light; and might be induced to drop the circumstance related below, as reflecting in his opinion no great honour on his patron.
The learned editor of Alfred's life in Latin, after having examined the scene of action in person, and weighed all the circumstances of the event, determines from the whole collective evidence, that Alfred could never have gained the victory he did, if he had [Pg 399]not with his own eyes previously seen the disposition of the enemy by such a stratagem as is here described. Vid. Annot. in Ælfr. Mag. Vitam, p. 33, Oxon. 1678. fol.
The knowledgeable editor of Alfred's life in Latin, after personally visiting the location and considering all the details of the event, concludes from all the evidence that Alfred could never have achieved the victory he did, if he had [Pg 399]not seen the enemy's setup with his own eyes using the strategy described here. See Annot. in Ælfr. Mag. Vitam, p. 33, Oxon. 1678. fol.
[M] [Alfred ... assumed the dress and character of a minstrel]. Fingens se joculatorem, assumpta cithara, &c. Ingulphi Hist. p. 869.—Sub specie mimi ... ut joculatoriæ professor artis. Gul. Malmesb. l. 2, c. 4, p. 43. That both joculator and mimus signify literally a minstrel, see proved in notes [B], [K], [N], [Q], &c. See also note [Gg].
[M] [Alfred ... assumed the dress and character of a minstrel]. Fingens se joculatorem, assumpta cithara, &c. Ingulphi Hist. p. 869.—Sub specie mimi ... ut joculatoriæ professor artis. Gul. Malmesb. l. 2, c. 4, p. 43. That both joculator and mimus signify literally a minstrel, see proved in notes [B], [K], [N], [Q], &c. See also note [Gg].
Malmesbury adds, Unius tantum fidelissimi fruebatur conscietitiâ. As this confidant does not appear to have assumed the disguise of a minstrel himself, I conclude that he only appeared as the minstrel's attendant. Now that the minstrel had sometimes his servant or attendant to carry his harp, and even to sing to his music, we have many instances in the old metrical romances, and even some in this present collection. See vol. i. song vi., vol. iii. song vii., &c. Among the French and Provençal bards, the trouverre, or inventor, was generally attended with his singer, who sometimes also played on the harp, or other musical instrument. "Quelque fois durant le repas d'un prince on voyoit arriver un trouverre inconnu avec ses menestrels ou jongleours, et il leur faisoit chanter sur leurs harpes ou vielles les vers qu'il avoit composés. Ceux qui faisoient les sons aussi bien qui les mots etoient les plus estimés." Fontenelle, Hist, du Theatr.
Malmesbury adds, He only enjoyed the trust of one faithful confidant. Since this confidant doesn't seem to have disguised himself as a minstrel, I assume he just served as the minstrel's assistant. Minstrels often had servants or attendants to carry their harps and even to sing along to their music, as seen in many old metrical romances and even in this collection. See vol. i. song vi., vol. iii. song vii., &c. Among the French and Provençal bards, the trouverre, or inventor, usually had a singer who sometimes played the harp or other musical instruments. "Sometimes during a prince's meal, an unknown trouverre would arrive with his minstrels or jongleurs, and he would have them sing the verses he had composed on their harps or vielles. Those who made the sounds as well as the words were the most valued." Fontenelle, Hist, du Theatr.
That Alfred excelled in music is positively asserted by Bale, who doubtless had it from some ancient MS. many of which subsisted in his time, that are now lost; as also by Sir J. Spelman, who we may conclude had good authority for this anecdote, as he is known to have compiled his life of Alfred from authentic materials collected by his learned father; this writer informs us that Alfred "provided himself of musitians, not common, or such as knew but the practick part, but men skilful in the art itself, whose skill and service he yet further improved with his own instruction." p. 199. This proves Alfred at least to have understood the theory of music; and how could this have been acquired without practising on some instrument? Which, we have seen above, note [H], was so extremely common with the Anglo-Saxons, even in much ruder times, that Alfred himself plainly tells us, it was shameful to be ignorant of it. And this commonness might be one reason, why Asser did not think it of consequence enough to be particularly mentioned in his short life of that great monarch. This rigid monk may also have esteemed it a slight and frivolous accomplishment savouring only of worldly vanity. He has however particularly recorded Alfred's fondness for the oral Anglo-Saxon poems and songs. ([Pg 400]Saxonica poemata die nocteque ... audiens ... memoriter retinebat, p. 16. Carmina Saxonica memoriter discere, &c. p. 43, and ib.) Now the poems learnt by rote, among all ancient unpolished nations, are ever songs chanted by the reciter, and accompanied with instrumental melody.[1121]
That Alfred excelled in music is positively asserted by Bale, who doubtless had it from some ancient MS. many of which subsisted in his time, that are now lost; as also by Sir J. Spelman, who we may conclude had good authority for this anecdote, as he is known to have compiled his life of Alfred from authentic materials collected by his learned father; this writer informs us that Alfred "provided himself of musitians, not common, or such as knew but the practick part, but men skilful in the art itself, whose skill and service he yet further improved with his own instruction." p. 199. This proves Alfred at least to have understood the theory of music; and how could this have been acquired without practising on some instrument? Which, we have seen above, note [H], was so extremely common with the Anglo-Saxons, even in much ruder times, that Alfred himself plainly tells us, it was shameful to be ignorant of it. And this commonness might be one reason, why Asser did not think it of consequence enough to be particularly mentioned in his short life of that great monarch. This rigid monk may also have esteemed it a slight and frivolous accomplishment savouring only of worldly vanity. He has however particularly recorded Alfred's fondness for the oral Anglo-Saxon poems and songs. ([Pg 400]Saxonica poemata die nocteque ... audiens ... memoriter retinebat, p. 16. Carmina Saxonica memoriter discere, &c. p. 43, and ib.) Now the poems learnt by rote, among all ancient unpolished nations, are ever songs chanted by the reciter, and accompanied with instrumental melody.[1121]
[N] With his harp in his hand, and dressed like a minstrel. Assumptâ manu citharâ ... professus mimum, qui hujusmodi arte stipem quotidianam mercaretur ... Jussus abire pretium cantus accepit. Malmesb. l. 2, c. 6. We see here that which was rewarded was (not any mimicry or tricks, but) his singing (cantus); this proves beyond dispute, what was the nature of the entertainment Aulaff afforded them. Perhaps it is needless by this time to prove to the reader, that mimus in middle latinity signifies a minstrel, and mimia, minstrelsy, or the minstrel-art. Should he doubt it, let him cast his eye over the two following extracts from Du Cange.
[N] With his harp in his hand, and dressed like a minstrel. Assumptâ manu citharâ ... professus mimum, qui hujusmodi arte stipem quotidianam mercaretur ... Jussus abire pretium cantus accepit. Malmesb. l. 2, c. 6. We see here that which was rewarded was (not any mimicry or tricks, but) his singing (cantus); this proves beyond dispute, what was the nature of the entertainment Aulaff afforded them. Perhaps it is needless by this time to prove to the reader, that mimus in middle latinity signifies a minstrel, and mimia, minstrelsy, or the minstrel-art. Should he doubt it, let him cast his eye over the two following extracts from Du Cange.
"Mimus: Musicus qui instrumentis musicis canit. Leges Palatinæ Jacobi II. Reg. Majoric. In domibus principum, ut tradit antiquitas mimi seu joculatores licitè possunt esse. Nam illorum officiam tribuit lutitiam ... Quapropter volumus et ordinamus, quod in nostra curia mimi debeant esse quinque, quorum duo sint tubicinatores, et tertius sit tabelerius (i. e. a player on the tabor.)[1122] [Pg 401]Lit. remiss. ann. 1374. Ad mimos cornicitantes, seu bucinantes accesserunt."
"Mimus: Musicus qui instrumentis musicis canit. Leges Palatinæ Jacobi II. Reg. Majoric. In domibus principum, ut tradit antiquitas mimi seu joculatores licitè possunt esse. Nam illorum officiam tribuit lutitiam ... Quapropter volumus et ordinamus, quod in nostra curia mimi debeant esse quinque, quorum duo sint tubicinatores, et tertius sit tabelerius (i. e. a player on the tabor.)[1122] [Pg 401]Lit. remiss. ann. 1374. Ad mimos cornicitantes, seu bucinantes accesserunt."
Mimia, Ludus Mimicus, Instrumentum (potius, Ars Joculatoria). Ann. 1482.... "Mimia & cantu victum acquiro."
Mimia, Ludus Mimicus, Instrumentum (better known as Ars Joculatoria). Ann. 1482.... "I earn my living through Mimia and song."
Du Cange, Gloss. tom. iv. 1762. Supp. c. 1225.
Du Cange, Gloss. vol. iv. 1762. Suppl. ch. 1225.
[O] [To have been a Dane.] The northern historians produce such instances of the great respect shewn to the Danish scalds in the courts of our Anglo-Saxon kings, on account of their musical and poetic talents (notwithstanding they were of so hateful a nation), that, if a similar order of men had not existed here before, we cannot doubt but the profession would have been taken up by such of the natives as had a genius for poetry and music.
[O] [To have been a Dane.] The northern historians produce such instances of the great respect shewn to the Danish scalds in the courts of our Anglo-Saxon kings, on account of their musical and poetic talents (notwithstanding they were of so hateful a nation), that, if a similar order of men had not existed here before, we cannot doubt but the profession would have been taken up by such of the natives as had a genius for poetry and music.
"Extant Rhythmi hoc ipso (Islandico) idiomate Angliæ, Hyberniæque Regibus oblati & liberaliter compensati, &c. Itaque hinc colligi potest linguam Danicam in aulis vicinorum regum, principumque familiarem fuisse, non secus ac hodie in aulis principum peregrina idiomata in deliciis haberi cernimus. Imprimis Vita Egilli Skallagrimii id invicto argumento adstruit. Quippe qui interrogatus ab Adalsteino, Angliæ rege, quomodo manus Eirici Blodoxii, Northumbriæ regis, postquam in ejus potestatem venerat, evasisset, cujus filium propinquosque occiderat, ... rei statim ordinem metro, nunc satis obscuro, exposuit, nequaquam ita narraturus non intelligenti."—Vid. plura apud Torfæi Præfat. ad Orcad. Hist. fol.
"Existing Rhythms in this very (Icelandic) dialect were presented to the Kings of England and Ireland and generously rewarded, etc. Therefore, it can be gathered that the Danish language was familiar in the courts of neighboring kings and princes, just as we observe today that foreign languages are cherished in the courts of princes. The Life of Egill Skallagrimsson strongly supports this point. When asked by Aethelstan, the king of England, how the hands of Eric Bloodaxe, the king of Northumbria, had escaped after he had fallen into his control, and who had killed his son and relatives, ... he immediately explained the sequence of events in a meter that may now appear rather obscure, not intending to tell a story that wouldn’t be understood." —See more in Torfæi's Preface to Orkney History. fol.
This same Egill was no less distinguished for his valour and skill as a soldier, than for his poetic and singing talents as a scald; and he was such a favourite with our king Athelstan that he at one time presented him with "duobus annulis & scriniis duobus bene magnis argento repletis.... Quinetiam hoc addidit, ut Egillus quidvis præterea a se petens, obtineret; bona mobilia, sive immobilia, præbendam vel præfecturas. Egillus porro regiam munificentiam gratus excipiens, Carmen Encomiasticon, à se, linguâ Norvegicâ, (quæ tum his regnis communis), compostum, regi dicat; ac pro eo, duas Marcas auri puri (pondus Marcæ ... 8 uncias æquabat) honorarii loco retulit."—Arngr. Jon. Rer. Islandic. lib. 2, p. 129.
This same Egill was just as renowned for his bravery and skill as a soldier as he was for his poetic and singing abilities as a scald. He was such a favorite of our king Athelstan that at one point he gifted him "two rings and two large boxes filled with silver.... He also added that Egill could request anything else from him; whether movable or immovable property, benefices, or appointments. Gratefully receiving the king's generosity, Egill composed a Hymn of Praise in the Norwegian language (which was common in these kingdoms at the time) and dedicated it to the king; in return, he received two marks of pure gold (weighing the mark at ... 8 ounces)."—Arngr. Jon. Rer. Islandic. lib. 2, p. 129.
See more of Egill, in The Five Pieces of Runic Poetry, p. 45, whose poem, there translated, is the most ancient piece all in rhime, that is, I conceive, now to be found in any European language, except Latin. See Egill's Islandic original, printed at the end of the English version in the said Five Pieces, &c.
See more about Egill in The Five Pieces of Runic Poetry, p. 45, whose poem, translated here, is the oldest known piece entirely in rhyme that I believe can be found in any European language, except Latin. You can also find Egill's Icelandic original printed at the end of the English version in the mentioned Five Pieces, etc.
[P] [If the Saxons had not been accustomed to have minstrels of their own ... and to shew favour and respect to the Danish scalds.] If this had not been the case, we may be assured, at least, that the stories given in the text could never have been recorded[Pg 402] by writers who lived so near the Anglo-Saxon times as Malmesbury and Ingulphus, who, though they might be deceived as to particular facts, could not be so as to the general manners and customs, which prevailed so near their own times among their ancestors.
[P] [If the Saxons had not been accustomed to have minstrels of their own ... and to shew favour and respect to the Danish scalds.] If this had not been the case, we may be assured, at least, that the stories given in the text could never have been recorded[Pg 402] by writers who lived so near the Anglo-Saxon times as Malmesbury and Ingulphus, who, though they might be deceived as to particular facts, could not be so as to the general manners and customs, which prevailed so near their own times among their ancestors.
[Q] ["In Doomesday Book" &c.] Extract. ex Libro Domesday: et vid. Anstis, Ord. Gart. ii. 304.
[Q] ["In Doomesday Book" &c.] Extract. ex Libro Domesday: et vid. Anstis, Ord. Gart. ii. 304.
"Glowecesterscire.
Glowecestershire.
Fol. 162. col. 1. Berdic Joculator Regis habet iii. villas, et ibi v. car. nil redd."
Fol. 162. col. 1. Berdic, the King's Jester, has three villages, and there five car. nothing paid."
That joculator is properly a minstrel might be inferred from the two foregoing passages of Geoffery of Monmouth (v. Note [K]), where the word is used as equivalent to citharista in one place, and to cantor in the other: this union forms the precise idea of the character.
That joculator is properly a minstrel might be inferred from the two foregoing passages of Geoffery of Monmouth (v. Note [K]), where the word is used as equivalent to citharista in one place, and to cantor in the other: this union forms the precise idea of the character.
As the minstrel was termed in French jongleur and jugleur; so he was called in Spanish jutglar and juglar. "Tenemos canciones y versos para recitar muy antiguos y memorias ciertas de los Juglares, que assistian en los banquetes, como los que pinta Homero."—Prolog. a las Comed. de Cervantes, 1749, 4to.
As the minstrel was called in French jongleur and jugleur; he was referred to in Spanish as jutglar and juglar. "We have ancient songs and verses to recite, as well as true memories of the Juglares, who attended the banquets, like those depicted by Homer."—Prolog. a las Comed. de Cervantes, 1749, 4to.
"El anno 1328, en las siestas de la Coronacion del Rey, Don Alonso el IV. de Aragon, ...[1123] el Juglar Ramaset cantò una Villanesca de la Composicion del ... infante (Don Pedro): y otro Juglar, llamado Novellet, recitò y representò en voz y sin cantar mas de 600 versos, que hizo el Infante en el metro, que llamaban Rima vulgar."—Ibid.
"El anno 1328, en las siestas de la Coronacion del Rey, Don Alonso el IV. de Aragon, ...[1123] el Juglar Ramaset cantò una Villanesca de la Composicion del ... infante (Don Pedro): y otro Juglar, llamado Novellet, recitò y representò en voz y sin cantar mas de 600 versos, que hizo el Infante en el metro, que llamaban Rima vulgar."—Ibid.
"Los Trobadores inventaron la Gaya Ciencia ... estos Trobadores, eran casi todos de la primera Nobleza. Es verdad, que ya entonces se havian entrometido entre las diversiones Cortesanos, los Contadores, los Cantores, los Juglares, los Truanes, y los Bufones."—Ibid.
"Los Trobadores inventaron la Gaya Ciencia ... estos Trobadores, eran casi todos de la primera Nobleza. Es verdad, que ya entonces se havian entrometido entre las diversiones Cortesanos, los Contadores, los Cantores, los Juglares, los Truanes, y los Bufones."—Ibid.
In England the king's juglar continued to have an establishment in the royal household down to the reign of Henry VIII. (vid. Note [Cc]). But in what sense the title was there applied does not [Pg 403]appear. In Barklay's Egloges, written circ. 1514, jugglers and pipers are mentioned together. Egl. iv. (vid. T. Warton's Hist. ii. 254).
In England the king's juglar continued to have an establishment in the royal household down to the reign of Henry VIII. (vid. Note [Cc]). But in what sense the title was there applied does not [Pg 403]appear. In Barklay's Egloges, written circ. 1514, jugglers and pipers are mentioned together. Egl. iv. (vid. T. Warton's Hist. ii. 254).
[R] [A valliant warrior, named Taillefer, &c.] See Du Cange, who produces this as an instance, "Quod Ministellorum munus interdum præstabant milites probatissimi. Le Roman De Vacce, MS.
[R] [A valliant warrior, named Taillefer, &c.] See Du Cange, who produces this as an instance, "Quod Ministellorum munus interdum præstabant milites probatissimi. Le Roman De Vacce, MS.
Mout pourriez entendre l'anglais...
Taillefer who sang well, On a horse, that quickly went, Devant eux, elle chantait De Kallemaigne & de Roullant, Et d'Olivier de Vassaux, Qui mourruent en Rainschevaux.
"Qui quidem Taillefer a Gulielmo obtinuit ut primus in hostes irrueret, inter quos fortiter dimicando occubuit."—Gloss. tom. iv. 769, 770, 771.
"Indeed, Taillefer obtained from William that he would be the first to charge into the enemy, among whom he fell bravely fighting."—Gloss. tom. iv. 769, 770, 771.
"Les anciennes chroniques nous apprennent, qu'en premier rang de l' Armée Normande, un ecuyer nommé Taillefer, monté sur un cheval armé, chanta la Chanson De Roland, qui fut si long tems dans les bouches des François, sans qu'il soit resté le moindre fragment. Le Taillefer après avoir entonné le chanson que les soldats repetoient, se jetta le premier parmi les Anglois, et fut tué."—Voltaire, Add. Hist. Univ. p. 69.
"Old chronicles tell us that at the forefront of the Norman Army, a squire named Taillefer, mounted on an armored horse, sang the Song of Roland, which was so long in the mouths of the French, yet not a single fragment remains. After starting the song that the soldiers echoed, Taillefer was the first to charge into the English ranks and was killed."—Voltaire, Add. Hist. Univ. p. 69.
The reader will see an attempt to restore the Chanson de Roland, with musical notes, in Dr. Burney's Hist. ii. p. 276. See more concerning the Song of Roland, vol. iii. appendix, sect. ii. note M.
The reader will see an effort to restore the Chanson de Roland, with musical notes, in Dr. Burney's Hist. ii. p. 276. For more about the Song of Roland, see vol. iii. appendix, sect. ii. note M.
[S] [An eminent French writer, &c.] "M. l'Eveque de la Ravaliere, qui avoit fait beaucoup de recherches sur nos anciennes Chansons, pretend que c'est à la Normandie que nous devons nos premiers Chansonniers, non à la Provence, et qu'il y avoit parmi nous des Chansons en langue vulgaire avant celles des Provençaus, mais posterieurement au Regne de Philippe I. ou à l'an 1100."—v. Revolutions de la Langue Françoise, à la suite des Poesies du Roi de Navarre. "Ce seroit une antériorité de plus d'un demi siécle à l'époque des premiers Troubadours, que leur historien Jean de Nostredame fixe à l'an 1162, &c."—Pref. a l'Anthologie Franç. 8vo. 1765.
[S] [An eminent French writer, &c.] "M. l'Eveque de la Ravaliere, qui avoit fait beaucoup de recherches sur nos anciennes Chansons, pretend que c'est à la Normandie que nous devons nos premiers Chansonniers, non à la Provence, et qu'il y avoit parmi nous des Chansons en langue vulgaire avant celles des Provençaus, mais posterieurement au Regne de Philippe I. ou à l'an 1100."—v. Revolutions de la Langue Françoise, à la suite des Poesies du Roi de Navarre. "Ce seroit une antériorité de plus d'un demi siécle à l'époque des premiers Troubadours, que leur historien Jean de Nostredame fixe à l'an 1162, &c."—Pref. a l'Anthologie Franç. 8vo. 1765.
This subject hath been since taken up and prosecuted at length in the Prefaces, &c. to M. Le Grand's Fabliaux ou Contes du XII. & du XIII. Siécle, Paris, 1788, 5 tom. 12mo. who seems pretty clearly to have established the priority and superior excellence of[Pg 404] the old rimeurs of the north of France, over the troubadours of Provence, &c.
This topic has been extensively covered in the Prefaces, etc. to M. Le Grand's Fabliaux ou Contes du XII. & du XIII. Siécle, Paris, 1788, 5 tom. 12mo. He seems to have clearly established the priority and superior quality of[Pg 404] the old poets from northern France compared to the troubadours of Provence, etc.
[S2] [Their own native gleemen or minstrels must be allowed to exist.] Of this we have proof positive in the old metrical romance of Horn-Child, (vol. iii. appendix), which, although from the mention of Sarazens, &c. it must have been written at least after the first Crusade in 1096, yet from its Anglo-Saxon language or idiom, can scarce be dated later than within a century after the Conquest. This, as appears from its very exordium, was intended to be sung to a popular audience, whether it was composed by, or for, a gleeman, or minstrel. But it carries all the internal marks of being the production of such a composer. It appears of genuine English growth, for after a careful examination, I cannot discover any allusion to French or Norman customs, manners, composition or phraseology: no quotation "As the Romance sayth:" not a name or local reference which was likely to occur to a French rimeur. The proper names are all of northern extraction. Child Horn is the son of Allof (i.e. Olaf or Olave), king of Sudenne (I suppose Sweden), by his queen Godylde, or Godylt. Athulf and Fykenyld are the names of subjects. Eylmer or Aylmere is king of Westnesse (a part of Ireland), Rymenyld is his daughter; as Erminyld is of another king Thurstan; whose sons are Athyld and Beryld. Athelbrus is steward of K. Aylmer, &c. &c. All these savour only of a northern origin, and the whole piece is exactly such a performance as one would expect from a gleeman or minstrel of the north of England, who had derived his art and his ideas from his scaldic predecessors there. So that this probably is the original, from which was translated the old French fragment of Dan Horn, in the Harleyan MS. 527, mentioned by Tyrwhitt (Chaucer iv. 68), and by T. Warton (Hist. i. 38), whose extract from Horn-Child is extremely incorrect.
[S2] [Their own native gleemen or minstrels must be allowed to exist.] Of this we have proof positive in the old metrical romance of Horn-Child, (vol. iii. appendix), which, although from the mention of Sarazens, &c. it must have been written at least after the first Crusade in 1096, yet from its Anglo-Saxon language or idiom, can scarce be dated later than within a century after the Conquest. This, as appears from its very exordium, was intended to be sung to a popular audience, whether it was composed by, or for, a gleeman, or minstrel. But it carries all the internal marks of being the production of such a composer. It appears of genuine English growth, for after a careful examination, I cannot discover any allusion to French or Norman customs, manners, composition or phraseology: no quotation "As the Romance sayth:" not a name or local reference which was likely to occur to a French rimeur. The proper names are all of northern extraction. Child Horn is the son of Allof (i.e. Olaf or Olave), king of Sudenne (I suppose Sweden), by his queen Godylde, or Godylt. Athulf and Fykenyld are the names of subjects. Eylmer or Aylmere is king of Westnesse (a part of Ireland), Rymenyld is his daughter; as Erminyld is of another king Thurstan; whose sons are Athyld and Beryld. Athelbrus is steward of K. Aylmer, &c. &c. All these savour only of a northern origin, and the whole piece is exactly such a performance as one would expect from a gleeman or minstrel of the north of England, who had derived his art and his ideas from his scaldic predecessors there. So that this probably is the original, from which was translated the old French fragment of Dan Horn, in the Harleyan MS. 527, mentioned by Tyrwhitt (Chaucer iv. 68), and by T. Warton (Hist. i. 38), whose extract from Horn-Child is extremely incorrect.
Compare the stile of Child-Horn with the Anglo-Saxon specimens in short verses and rhime, which are assigned to the century succeeding the Conquest, in Hickes's Thesaurus, tom. i. cap. 24, pp. 224 and 231.
Compare the style of Child-Horn with the Anglo-Saxon examples in short verses and rhyme, which are dated to the century after the Conquest, in Hickes's Thesaurus, vol. i, ch. 24, pp. 224 and 231.
[T] [The different production of the sedentary composer and the rambling minstrel.] Among the old metrical romances, a very few are addressed to readers, or mention reading: these appear to have been composed by writers at their desk, and exhibit marks of more elaborate structure and invention. Such is Eglamour of Artas (No. 20, vol. iii. appendix), of which I find in a MS. copy in the Cotton Library, A. 2, folio 3, the II. Fitte thus concludes:
[T] [The different production of the sedentary composer and the rambling minstrel.] Among the old metrical romances, a very few are addressed to readers, or mention reading: these appear to have been composed by writers at their desk, and exhibit marks of more elaborate structure and invention. Such is Eglamour of Artas (No. 20, vol. iii. appendix), of which I find in a MS. copy in the Cotton Library, A. 2, folio 3, the II. Fitte thus concludes:
Such is Ipomydon (No. 23, iii. appendix), of which one of the divisions (Sign. E. ii. b. in pr. copy) ends thus:
Such is Ipomydon (No. 23, iii. appendix), of which one of the divisions (Sign. E. ii. b. in pr. copy) ends like this:
"After some time, we read from him"
So in Amys and Amylion[1124] (No. 31. iii. appendix) in sta. 3d. we have
So in Amys and Amylion[1124] (No. 31. iii. appendix) in sta. 3d. we have
and similar phrases occur in stanzas 34, 125, 140, 196, &c.
and similar phrases occur in stanzas 34, 125, 140, 196, etc.
These are all studied compositions, in which the story is invented with more skill and ingenuity, and the style and colouring are of superior cast, to such as can with sufficient probability be attributed to the minstrels themselves.
These are all carefully crafted works, where the story is created with greater skill and creativity, and the style and tone are of a higher quality than what could realistically be expected from the minstrels themselves.
Of this class I conceive the romance of Horn Child (mentioned in the last note, [S2], and in No. 1, vol. iii. appendix), which, from the naked unadorned simplicity of the story, I would attribute to such an origin.
Of this class I conceive the romance of Horn Child (mentioned in the last note, [S2], and in No. 1, vol. iii. appendix), which, from the naked unadorned simplicity of the story, I would attribute to such an origin.
But more evidently is such the Squire of Lowe Degree (No. 24, iii. appendix), in which is no reference to any French original, nothing like the phrase which so frequently occurs in others, "As the Romance sayth,"[1125] or the like. And it is just such a[Pg 406] rambling performance, as one would expect from an itinerant bard. And
But more evidently is such the Squire of Lowe Degree (No. 24, iii. appendix), in which is no reference to any French original, nothing like the phrase which so frequently occurs in others, "As the Romance sayth,"[1125] or the like. And it is just such a[Pg 406] rambling performance, as one would expect from an itinerant bard. And
Such also is A lytell Geste of Robyn Hode, &c. in eight fyttes, of which are extant two editions, 4to. in black letter, described more fully in this volume, book i. No. 8. This is not only of undoubted English growth, but, from the constant satire aimed at abbots and their convents, &c. could not possibly have been composed by any monk in his cell.
Such is also A Little Geste of Robin Hood, &c.
Other instances might be produced; but especially of the former kind is Syr Launfal (No. 11, iii. appendix), the 121st st. of which has
Other examples could be given; but particularly of the former type is Syr Launfal (No. 11, iii. appendix), the 121st stanza of which has
This is one of the best invented stories of that kind, and I believe the only one in which is inserted the name of the author.
This is one of the best stories of its kind, and I believe it's the only one that includes the author's name.
[T2] Royer or Raherus, the king's minstrel. He is recorded by Leland under both these names, in his Collectanea, scil. vol. i. p. 61.
[T2] Royer or Raherus, the king's minstrel. He is recorded by Leland under both these names, in his Collectanea, scil. vol. i. p. 61.
"Hospitale S. Bartholomæi in West-Smithfelde in London." Royer Mimus Regis fundator."
"Hospital of St. Bartholomew in West Smithfield, London." Royer, the Fool of the King, founder."
"Hosp. Sti. Barthol. Londini. Raherus Mimus Regis H. 1. primus fundator, an. 1102, 3. H. 1. qui fundavit etiam Priorat. Sti. Barthol."—Ibid. p. 99.
"Hosp. Sti. Barthol. Londini. Raherus Mimus Regis H. 1. primus fundator, an. 1102, 3. H. 1. qui fundavit etiam Priorat. Sti. Barthol."—Ibid. p. 99.
That mimus is properly a minstrel in the sense affixed to the word in this essay, one extract from the accounts (Lat. computis) of the priory of Maxtock near Coventry, in 1441, will sufficiently show, scil.: "Dat. Sex. Mimis Dni. Clynton cantantibus, citharisantibus, ludentibus, &c. iiii. s." (T. Warton, ii. 106, note q.) The same year the prior gave to a doctor prædicans for a sermon preached to them only 6d.
That mimus is essentially a minstrel in the way defined in this essay, and one excerpt from the records (Lat. computis) of the priory of Maxtock near Coventry, from 1441, will clearly illustrate this: "Dat. Sex. Mimis Dni. Clynton cantantibus, citharisantibus, ludentibus, &c. iiii. s." (T. Warton, ii. 106, note q.) The same year, the prior gave a doctor prædicans for a sermon he preached to them only 6d.
In the Monasticon, tom. ii. p. 166, 167, is a curious history of the founder of this priory, and the cause of its erection: which seems exactly such a composition as one of those which were manufactured by Dr. Stone, the famous legend-maker, in 1380; (see T. Warton's curious account of him, in vol. ii. p. 190, note), who required no materials to assist him in composing his narra[Pg 407]tives, &c. For in this legend are no particulars given of the founder, but a recital of miraculous visions exciting him to this pious work, of its having been before revealed to K. Edward the Confessor, and predicted by three Grecians, &c. Even his minstrel profession is not mentioned, whether from ignorance or design, as the profession was perhaps falling into discredit when this legend was written. There is only a general indistinct account that he frequented royal and noble houses, where he ingratiated himself suavitate joculari. (This last is the only word that seems to have any appropriated meaning.) This will account for the indistinct, incoherent account given by Stow: "Rahere, a pleasant-witted gentleman, and therefore in his time called the King's Minstrel."—Survey of Lond. ed. 1598, p. 308.
In the Monasticon, vol. ii, pp. 166-167, there's an intriguing story about the founder of this priory and the reason it was built. It seems to be exactly the kind of narrative created by Dr. Stone, the famous legend-maker, in 1380; (see T. Warton's interesting account of him in vol. ii, p. 190, note), who relied on no materials to help him craft his stories, etc. This legend doesn't provide any specific details about the founder but recounts miraculous visions that inspired him to undertake this pious work, mentioning that it was previously revealed to King Edward the Confessor and predicted by three Greeks, etc. Even his profession as a minstrel isn’t mentioned, whether due to ignorance or intention, since that profession may have been losing its respectability by the time this legend was written. There's only a vague account that he visited royal and noble households, where he charmed them with his suavitate joculari. (This last phrase is the only one that seems to have a specific meaning.) This explains the unclear, disjointed story given by Stow: "Rahere, a pleasant-witted gentleman, and therefore in his time called the King's Minstrel." — Survey of Lond. ed. 1598, p. 308.
So in Horn-Child, K. Allof orders his steward Athelbrus to
So in Horn-Child, K. Allof tells his steward Athelbrus to
In the Squire of Lowe Degree the king offers to his daughter,
In the Squire of Lowe Degree, the king offers his daughter,
And Chaucer, in his description of the limitour or mendicant friar, speaks of harping as inseparable from singing (i. p. 11, ver. 268):—
And Chaucer, in his description of the limitour or mendicant friar, talks about how harping is closely linked to singing (i. p. 11, ver. 268):—
[U2] [At the most accomplished, &c.] See Hoveden, p. 103, in the following passage, which had erroneously been applied to K. Richard himself, till Mr. Tyrwhitt ("Chaucer," iv. p. 62) shewed it to belong to his Chancellor: "Hic ad augmentum et famam sui nominis, emendicata carmina, et rhythmos adulatorios comparabat; et de regno Francorum Cantores et Joculatores muneribus allexerat, ut de illo canerent in plateis: et jam dicebatur ubique, quod non erat talis in orbe." For other particulars relating to this chancellor, see T. Warton's Hist. vol. ii. addit. to p. 113 of vol. i.
[U2] [At the most accomplished, &c.] See Hoveden, p. 103, in the following passage, which had erroneously been applied to K. Richard himself, till Mr. Tyrwhitt ("Chaucer," iv. p. 62) shewed it to belong to his Chancellor: "Hic ad augmentum et famam sui nominis, emendicata carmina, et rhythmos adulatorios comparabat; et de regno Francorum Cantores et Joculatores muneribus allexerat, ut de illo canerent in plateis: et jam dicebatur ubique, quod non erat talis in orbe." For other particulars relating to this chancellor, see T. Warton's Hist. vol. ii. addit. to p. 113 of vol. i.
[U3] [Both the Norman and English languages would be heard at the houses of the great.] A remarkable proof of this is that the most diligent inquirers after ancient English rhimes find the earliest they can discover in the mouths of the Norman nobles, such as that of Robert, Earl of Leicester, and his Flemings in 1173, temp. Hen. II. (little more than a century after the Conquest), recorded by Lambarde in his Dictionary of England, p. 36:
[U3] [Both the Norman and English languages would be heard at the houses of the great.] A remarkable proof of this is that the most diligent inquirers after ancient English rhimes find the earliest they can discover in the mouths of the Norman nobles, such as that of Robert, Earl of Leicester, and his Flemings in 1173, temp. Hen. II. (little more than a century after the Conquest), recorded by Lambarde in his Dictionary of England, p. 36:
and that noted boast of Hugh Bigot, Earl of Norfolk, in the same reign of K. Henry II. vid. Camdeni Britannia (art. Suffolk), 1607, folio
and that famous claim of Hugh Bigot, Earl of Norfolk, during the reign of King Henry II. see Camdeni Britannia (art. Suffolk), 1607, folio
On the River Waueney I would take care of the king of Cockney.
Indeed, many of our old metrical romances, whether originally English, or translated from the French to be sung to an English audience, are addressed to persons of high rank, as appears from their beginning thus: "Listen, Lordings," and the like. These were prior to the time of Chaucer, as appears from vol. iii. appendix (sect. ii.). And yet to his time our Norman nobles are supposed to have adhered to their French language.
Indeed, many of our old rhythmic stories, whether originally in English or translated from French for an English audience, are aimed at people of high status, as shown by their openings like: "Listen, Lords," and similar phrases. These were from before Chaucer's time, as indicated in vol. iii. appendix (sect. ii.). Still, by his time, our Norman nobles are thought to have stuck to their French language.
[V] [That intercommunity, &c. between the French and English Minstrels, &c.] This might, perhaps, in a great measure be re-referred even to the Norman Conquest, when the victors brought with them all their original opinions and fables; which could not fail to be adopted by the English minstrels and others who solicited their favour. This interchange, &c. between the minstrels of the two nations would be afterwards promoted by the great intercourse produced among all the nations of Christendom in the general crusades, and by that spirit of chivalry which led knights, and their attendants the heralds, and minstrels, &c. to ramble about continually from one court to another in order to be present at solemn turnaments, and other feats of arms.
[V] [That intercommunity, &c. between the French and English Minstrels, &c.] This might, perhaps, in a great measure be re-referred even to the Norman Conquest, when the victors brought with them all their original opinions and fables; which could not fail to be adopted by the English minstrels and others who solicited their favour. This interchange, &c. between the minstrels of the two nations would be afterwards promoted by the great intercourse produced among all the nations of Christendom in the general crusades, and by that spirit of chivalry which led knights, and their attendants the heralds, and minstrels, &c. to ramble about continually from one court to another in order to be present at solemn turnaments, and other feats of arms.
[V2] [Is not the only instance, &c.] The constant admission granted to minstrels was so established a privilege, that it became a ready expedient to writers of fiction. Thus, in the old romance of Horn-Child, the Princess Rymenyld being confined in an inaccessible castle, the prince, her lover, and some assistant knights with concealed arms assume the minstrel character, and approaching the castle with their "gleyinge" or minstrelsy, are[Pg 409] heard by the lord of it, who being informed they were "harpeirs, jogelers, and fythelers,"[1127] has them admitted, when
[V2] [Is not the only instance, &c.] The constant admission granted to minstrels was so established a privilege, that it became a ready expedient to writers of fiction. Thus, in the old romance of Horn-Child, the Princess Rymenyld being confined in an inaccessible castle, the prince, her lover, and some assistant knights with concealed arms assume the minstrel character, and approaching the castle with their "gleyinge" or minstrelsy, are[Pg 409] heard by the lord of it, who being informed they were "harpeirs, jogelers, and fythelers,"[1127] has them admitted, when
He began to grasp his harp. He made Rymenild a song.
This sets the princess a weeping and leads to the catastrophe, for he immediately advances to "the Borde" or table, kills the ravisher, and releases the lady.
This causes the princess to start crying and leads to disaster, because he quickly goes to "the Borde" or table, kills the kidnapper, and saves the lady.
[V3] [... Assumed the dress and character of a harper, &c.] We have this curious historiette in the records of Lacock Nunnery in Wiltshire, which had been founded by this Countess of Salisbury. See Vincent's Discovery of Errors in Brookes Catalogue of Nobility, &c. folio, pp. 445-6, &c. Take the following extract, and see Dugdale's Baron, i. p. 175.
[V3] [... Assumed the dress and character of a harper, &c.] We have this curious historiette in the records of Lacock Nunnery in Wiltshire, which had been founded by this Countess of Salisbury. See Vincent's Discovery of Errors in Brookes Catalogue of Nobility, &c. folio, pp. 445-6, &c. Take the following extract, and see Dugdale's Baron, i. p. 175.
"Ela uxor Gullielmi Longespee primi, nata fuit apud Ambresbiriam, patre et matre Normannis.
"She was the wife of William Longespee the First, born in Amesbury, to parents from Normandy."
"Pater itaque ejus defectus senio migravit ad Christum, A.D. 1196. Mater ejus ante biennium obiit.... Interea Domina charissima clam per cognatos adducta fuit in Normanniam, & ibidem sub tutâ et arctâ custodiâ nutrita. Eodem tempore in Anglia fuit quidam miles nomine Gulielmus Talbot, qui induit se habitum Peregrini (Anglicè, a Pilgrim) in Normanniam transfretavit & moratus per duos annos, huc atque illuc vagans, ad explorandam dominam Elam Sarum. Et illâ inventâ, exuit habitum Peregrini, & induit se quasi Cytharisator & curiam ubi morabatur intravit. Et ut erat homo Jocosus, in Gestis Antiquorum valde peritus, ibidem [Pg 410]gratanter fuit acceptus quasi familiaris. Et quando tempus aptum invenit, in Angliam repatriavit, habens secum istam venerabilem dominam Elam & hæredem Comitatus Sarum; & eam Regi Richardo præsentavit. Ac ille lætissime eam suscepit, & Fratri suo Guillelmo Longespee maritavit....
His father passed away due to old age and went to Christ in A.D. 1196. His mother died two years earlier. In the meantime, his beloved lady was secretly taken by her relatives to Normandy, where she was raised under safe and strict custody. At the same time, there was a knight in England named William Talbot, who disguised himself as a pilgrim and crossed over to Normandy. After staying for two years, wandering here and there to seek out Lady Elam of Sarum, he found her, took off the pilgrim's garb, and dressed as a minstrel, entering the court where he stayed. Being a jovial man and very skilled in the deeds of the ancients, he was gladly welcomed there as a friend. When he found the right time, he returned to England, bringing with him the esteemed Lady Elam and the heir of the County of Sarum; he presented her to King Richard, who received her with great joy and married her to his brother William Longespee.
A.D. 1226 Dominus Guill. Longespee primus nonas Martii obiit. Ela vero uxor ejus et 7 annis supervixit.... Una die Duo monasteria fundavit primo mane xvi Kal. Maii. A.D. 1232. apud Lacock, in quo sanctæ degunt Canonissæ.... Et Henton post nonam, anno vero ætatis suæ, xlv. &c."
CE 1226 Lord William Longespee died on the 1st of March. His wife, Ela, lived for 7 more years.... One day she founded two monasteries, early in the morning on the 16th of April. CE 1232, at Lacock, where holy Canons live.... And Henton after the ninth hour, in the 45th year of her life, etc.
[W] For the preceding account Dugdale refers to Monast. Angl. i. (r. ii.) p. 185, but gives it as enlarged by D. Powel, in his Hist. of Cambria, p. 196, who is known to have followed ancient Welsh MSS. The words in the Monasticon are: "Qui accersitis Sutoribus Cestriæ et Histrionibus, festinanter cum exercitu suo venit domino suo facere succursum. Walenses vero videntes multitudinem magnam venientem, relictâ obsidione fugerunt.... Et propter hoc dedit comes antedictus.... Constabulario dominationem Sutorum et Histrionum. Constabularius vero retinuit sibi et hæredibus suis dominationem Sutorum: et Histrionum dedit vero Seneschallo." So the passage should apparently be pointed; but either et or vero seems redundant.
[W] For the preceding account Dugdale refers to Monast. Angl. i. (r. ii.) p. 185, but gives it as enlarged by D. Powel, in his Hist. of Cambria, p. 196, who is known to have followed ancient Welsh MSS. The words in the Monasticon are: "Qui accersitis Sutoribus Cestriæ et Histrionibus, festinanter cum exercitu suo venit domino suo facere succursum. Walenses vero videntes multitudinem magnam venientem, relictâ obsidione fugerunt.... Et propter hoc dedit comes antedictus.... Constabulario dominationem Sutorum et Histrionum. Constabularius vero retinuit sibi et hæredibus suis dominationem Sutorum: et Histrionum dedit vero Seneschallo." So the passage should apparently be pointed; but either et or vero seems redundant.
We shall see below in note [Z] the proper import of the word histriones; but it is very remarkable that this is not the word used in the grant of the constable De Lacy to Dutton, but "magisterium omnium leccatorum et meretricium totius Cestreshire, sicut liberius illum (sic) magisterium teneo de comite" (vid. Blount's Ancient Tenures, p. 156). Now, as under this grant the heirs of Dutton confessedly held for many ages a magisterial jurisdiction over all the minstrels and musicians of that county, and as it could not be conveyed by the word meretrices, the natural inference is, that the minstrels were expressed by the term leccatores. It is true, Du Cange compiling his Glossary could only find in the writers he consulted this word used in the abusive sense, often applied to every synonyme of the sportive and dissolute minstrel, viz. Scurra, vaniloquus, parasitus, epulo, &c. (This I conceive to be the proper arrangement of these explanations, which only express the character given to the minstrel elsewhere: see Du Cange, passim, and notes, [C], [E], [F], [I], iii. 2, &c.) But he quotes an ancient MS. in French metre, wherein the leccour (Lat. leccator) and the minstrel are joined together, as receiving from Charlemagne a grant of the territory of Provence, and from whom the Provençal troubadours were derived, &c. See the passage above in note [C] p. 387.
We shall see below in note [Z] the proper import of the word histriones; but it is very remarkable that this is not the word used in the grant of the constable De Lacy to Dutton, but "magisterium omnium leccatorum et meretricium totius Cestreshire, sicut liberius illum (sic) magisterium teneo de comite" (vid. Blount's Ancient Tenures, p. 156). Now, as under this grant the heirs of Dutton confessedly held for many ages a magisterial jurisdiction over all the minstrels and musicians of that county, and as it could not be conveyed by the word meretrices, the natural inference is, that the minstrels were expressed by the term leccatores. It is true, Du Cange compiling his Glossary could only find in the writers he consulted this word used in the abusive sense, often applied to every synonyme of the sportive and dissolute minstrel, viz. Scurra, vaniloquus, parasitus, epulo, &c. (This I conceive to be the proper arrangement of these explanations, which only express the character given to the minstrel elsewhere: see Du Cange, passim, and notes, [C], [E], [F], [I], iii. 2, &c.) But he quotes an ancient MS. in French metre, wherein the leccour (Lat. leccator) and the minstrel are joined together, as receiving from Charlemagne a grant of the territory of Provence, and from whom the Provençal troubadours were derived, &c. See the passage above in note [C] p. 387.
The exception in favour of the family of Dutton is thus ex[Pg 411]pressed in the statute, Anno 39, Eliz. chap. iv. entitled, "An Act for punishment of Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy Beggars."
The exception in favor of the Dutton family is thus expressed in the statute, Anno 39, Eliz. chap. iv. entitled, "An Act for Punishment of Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy Beggars."
"§ II.... All fencers, bearwards, common players of enterludes, and minstrels, wandering abroad (other than players of enterludes belonging to any baron of this realm, or any other honourable personage of greater degree, to be authorised to play under the hand and seal of arms of such baron or personage): all juglers, tinkers, pedlers, &c.... shall be adjudged and deemed rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars, &c.
"§ II.... All fencers, bear handlers, common performers of entertainments, and musicians wandering around (except for entertainers who belong to any baron of this realm or any other respectable person of higher status, who are authorized to perform under the signature and seal of such baron or person): all jugglers, tinkers, peddlers, etc.... shall be considered and labeled as rogues, vagabonds, and stubborn beggars, etc."
"§ X. Provided always that this act, or any thing therein contained, or any authority thereby given, shall not in any wise extend to disinherit, prejudice, or hinder John Dutton of Dutton, in the county of Chester, Esquire, his heirs or assigns, for, touching or concerning any liberty, preheminence, authority, jurisdiction, or inheritance, which the said John Dutton now lawfully useth, or hath, or lawfully may or ought to use within the county-palatine of Chester, and the county of the city of Chester, or either of them, by reason of any ancient charters of any kings of this land, or by reason of any prescription, usage, or title whatsoever."
"§ X. However, this act, or anything it contains, or any authority granted by it, will not in any way disinherit, harm, or obstruct John Dutton of Dutton, in Chester County, Esquire, or his heirs or assigns, regarding any rights, privileges, authority, jurisdiction, or inheritance that John Dutton currently lawfully uses, has, or lawfully can or should use within the county-palatine of Chester and the county of the city of Chester, or either, due to any ancient charters from any kings of this land, or any prescription, usage, or title whatsoever."
The same clauses are renewed in the last act on this subject, passed in the present reign of George III.
The same clauses are reintroduced in the final act on this topic, enacted during the current reign of George III.
[X] [Edward I ... at the knighting of his son, &c.] See Nic. Triveti Annales, Oxon. 1719, 8vo. p. 342.
[X] [Edward I ... at the knighting of his son, &c.] See Nic. Triveti Annales, Oxon. 1719, 8vo. p. 342.
"In festo Pentecostes Rex filium suum armis militaribus cinxit, & cum eo Comites Warenniæ & Arundeliæ, aliosque, quorum numerus ducentos & quadraginta dicitur excessisse. Eodem die cum sedisset Rex in mensa, novis militibus circumdatus, ingressa Ministrellorum Multitudo, portantium multiplici ornatu amictum, ut milites præcipue novos invitarent, & inducerent, ad vovendum factum armorum aliquod coram signo."
"In the feast of Pentecost, the King adorned his son with military arms, along with the Counts of Warenni and Arundel, and others, whose number is said to have exceeded two hundred and forty. On the same day, as the King sat at the table, surrounded by new knights, a large crowd of Ministers entered, wearing a variety of impressive garments, to especially invite and encourage the newly knighted to pledge some deed of arms before a standard."
[Y] [By an express regulation, &c.] See in Hearne's Append. ad Lelandi Collectan. vol. vi. p. 36. "A Dietarie, Writtes published after the Ordinance of Earles and Barons, Anno Dom. 1315."
[Y] [By an express regulation, &c.] See in Hearne's Append. ad Lelandi Collectan. vol. vi. p. 36. "A Dietarie, Writtes published after the Ordinance of Earles and Barons, Anno Dom. 1315."
"Edward by the grace of God, &c. to sheriffes, &c., greetyng. Forasmuch as ... many idle persons, under colour of mynstrelsie, and going in messages, and other faigned busines, have ben and yet be receaved in other mens houses to meate and drynke, and be not therwith contented yf they be not largely consydered with gyftes of the Lordes of the houses, &c.... We wyllyng to restrayne such outrageous enterprises and idlenes, &c. have ordeyned ... that to the houses of prelates, earles, and barons, none resort to meate and drynke, unless he be a mynstrel, and of these minstrels that there come none except it be three or four minstrels of honour at the most in one day, unlesse he be desired of the Lorde of the[Pg 412] house. And to the houses of meaner men that none come unlesse he be desired, and that such as shall come so, holde themselves contented with meate and drynke, and with such curtesie as the maister of the house wyl shewe unto them of his owne good wyll, without their askyng of any thyng. And yf any one do agaynst this ordinaunce, at the firste tyme he to lose his minstrelsie, and at the second tyme to forsweare his craft, and never to be receaved for a minstrell in any house.... Yeven at Langley the vi. day of August, in the ix yere of our reigne."
"Edward, by the grace of God, etc., to sheriffs, etc., greetings. Since many idle people, under the guise of being minstrels and running errands, have been and continue to be received in others' homes for food and drink, and they are not satisfied unless they receive generous gifts from the Lords of the houses, etc.... We, wanting to curb such outrageous behavior and idleness, have ordered that in the houses of prelates, earls, and barons, no one should come for food and drink unless they are a minstrel, and among these minstrels, only three or four of honorable status may come in one day, unless invited by the Lord of the house. And in the houses of lesser individuals, no one should come unless invited, and those who do come must be content with the food and drink provided and with the courtesy that the master of the house chooses to extend to them willingly, without them asking for anything. And if anyone violates this rule, on the first offense, he will lose his status as a minstrel, and on the second offense, he must forsake his craft and never again be welcomed as a minstrel in any house.... Given at Langley on the 6th day of August, in the 9th year of our reign."
These abuses arose again to as great a height as ever in little more than a century after; in consequence, I suppose, of the licentiousness that crept in during the civil wars of York and Lancaster. This appears from the charter, 9 E. IV. referred to in p. xlv. "Ex querulosâ insinuatione ... Ministrallorum nostrorum accepimus qualiter nonnulli rudes agricolæ & artifices diversarum misterarum regni nostri Angliæ, finxerunt se fore ministrallos, quorum aliqui liberatam nostram eis minime datam portarent, seipsos etiam fingentes esse minstrallos nostros proprios, cujus quidem liberatæ ac dictæ artis sive occupationis ministrallorum colore, in diversis partibus regni nostri prædicti grandes pecuniarum exactiones de ligeis nostris deceptive colligunt, &c."
These abuses reemerged to the same extent as before in just over a century later, probably due to the disorder that came about during the civil wars of York and Lancaster. This is evident from the charter, 9 E. IV., mentioned in p. xlv. "From the complaining report... We have received information from our ministers that some uneducated farmers and workers of various trades in our kingdom of England have claimed to be ministers, some of whom falsely presented themselves as holding our liberties, even pretending to be our own ministers. Under the guise of these liberties and the title of their trade or occupation as ministers, they are deceitfully collecting large sums of money in various parts of our aforementioned kingdom from our subjects..."
Abuses of this kind prevailed much later in Wales, as appears from the famous commission issued out in 9 Eliz. (1567) for bestowing the silver harp on the best minstrel, rythmer, or bard, in the principality of North Wales: of which a fuller account will be given below in note [Bb3].
Abuses of this kind prevailed much later in Wales, as appears from the famous commission issued out in 9 Eliz. (1567) for bestowing the silver harp on the best minstrel, rythmer, or bard, in the principality of North Wales: of which a fuller account will be given below in note [Bb3].
[Z] [It is thus related by Stow.] See his Survey of London, &c. fol. 1633, p. 521 (Acc. of Westm. Hall). Stow had this passage from Walsingham's Hist. Ang. ... "Intravit quædam mulier ornata histrionali habitu, equum bonum insidens histrionaliter phaleratum, quæ mensas more histrionum circuivit; & tandem ad Regis mensam per gradus ascendit, & quandam literam coram rege posuit, & retracto fræno (salutatis ubique discumbentibus) prout venerat ita recessit," &c. Anglic. Norm. Script. &c. Franc. 1603, fol. p. 109.
[Z] [It is thus related by Stow.] See his Survey of London, &c. fol. 1633, p. 521 (Acc. of Westm. Hall). Stow had this passage from Walsingham's Hist. Ang. ... "Intravit quædam mulier ornata histrionali habitu, equum bonum insidens histrionaliter phaleratum, quæ mensas more histrionum circuivit; & tandem ad Regis mensam per gradus ascendit, & quandam literam coram rege posuit, & retracto fræno (salutatis ubique discumbentibus) prout venerat ita recessit," &c. Anglic. Norm. Script. &c. Franc. 1603, fol. p. 109.
It may be observed here, that minstrels and others often rode on horseback up to the royal table, when the kings were feasting in their great halls. See in this vol. book I, No. 6.
It can be noted that minstrels and others often rode on horseback up to the king's table when the kings were having banquets in their large halls. See in this vol. book I, No. 6.
The answer of the porters (when they were afterwards blamed for admitting her) also deserves attention. "Non esse moris domus regiæ histriones ab ingressu quomodolibet prohibere, &c." Walsingh.
The response of the porters (when they were later blamed for letting her in) is also worth noting. "It is not the custom of the royal house to prohibit actors from entering in any way, etc." Walsingh.
That Stow rightly translated the Latin word histrio here by minstrel, meaning a musician that sung, and whose subjects were stories of chivalry, admits of easy proof; for in the Gesta Romanorum,[Pg 413] chap. cxi. Mercury is represented as coming to Argus in the character of a minstrel; when he "incepit, more histrionico fabulas dicere, et plerumque cantare." (T. Warton, iii. p. li.) And Muratori cites a passage, in an old Italian chronicle, wherein mention is made of a stage erected at Milan: "Super quo histriones cantibant, sicut modo cantatur de Rolando et Oliverio." Antich. Ital. ii. p. 6. (Observ. on the Statutes, 4th edit. p. 362.)
That Stow correctly translated the Latin word histrio here as minstrel, meaning a musician who sang and whose topics were tales of chivalry, is easy to prove; for in the Gesta Romanorum,[Pg 413] chap. cxi, Mercury is depicted as approaching Argus in the form of a minstrel; when he "began, in a theatrical style, to tell stories, and mostly to sing." (T. Warton, iii. p. li.) And Muratori refers to a passage in an old Italian chronicle that mentions a stage set up in Milan: "Where the histriones sang, just like they sing now about Rolando and Oliverio." Antich. Ital. ii. p. 6. (Observ. on the Statutes, 4th edit. p. 362.)
See also __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__ p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.
[Aa] [There should seem to have been women of this profession.] This may be inferred from the variety of names appropriated to them in the Middle Ages, viz. Anglo-Sax. Glιp-meꝺen (Glee-maiden), &c. ᵹlẏpιenꝺemaꝺen, ᵹlẏpbẏꝺeneꞅꞇꞃa. (vid. supra, p. 393.) Fr. jengleresse, Med. Lat. joculatrix, ministralissa, fœmina ministerialis, &c. (vid. Du Cange, Gloss. & Suppl.)
[Aa] [There should seem to have been women of this profession.] This may be inferred from the variety of names appropriated to them in the Middle Ages, viz. Anglo-Sax. Glιp-meꝺen (Glee-maiden), &c. ᵹlẏpιenꝺemaꝺen, ᵹlẏpbẏꝺeneꞅꞇꞃa. (vid. supra, p. 393.) Fr. jengleresse, Med. Lat. joculatrix, ministralissa, fœmina ministerialis, &c. (vid. Du Cange, Gloss. & Suppl.)
See what is said in p. 371 concerning the "sisters of the fraternity of minstrels;" see also a passage quoted by Dr. Burney (ii. 315) from Muratori, of the chorus of women singing thro' the streets accompanied with musical instruments in 1268.
See what is said in p. 371 concerning the "sisters of the fraternity of minstrels;" see also a passage quoted by Dr. Burney (ii. 315) from Muratori, of the chorus of women singing thro' the streets accompanied with musical instruments in 1268.
Had the female described by Walsingham been a tombestere, or dancing-woman (see Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, iv. 307, and v. Gloss.) that historian would probably have used the word saltatrix (see T. Warton, i. 240, note M.)
Had the woman described by Walsingham been a tombestere, or dancing woman (see Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, iv. 307, and v. Gloss.), that historian would probably have used the word saltatrix (see T. Warton, i. 240, note M.)
These saltatrices were prohibited from exhibiting in churches and church-yards along with joculatores, histriones, with whom they were sometimes classed, especially by the rigid ecclesiastics, who censured, in the severest terms, all these sportive characters (vid. T. Warton in loco citato, and vide supra not. E, F, &c.).
These saltatrices were banned from performing in churches and churchyards, just like the joculatores and histriones, with whom they were often grouped together, especially by strict church leaders who condemned all these playful characters in the harshest terms (see T. Warton in loco citato, and see supra note E, F, & c.).
And here I would observe, that although Fauchet and other subsequent writers affect to arrange the several members of the minstrel profession under the different classes of troverres (or troubadours), chanterres, conteours, and jugleurs, &c. (vid. p. 385) as if they were distinct and separate orders of men, clearly distinguished from each other by these appropriate terms, we find no sufficient grounds for this in the oldest writers; but the general names in Latin, histrio, mimus, joculator, ministrallus, &c. in French, menestrier, menestrel, jongleur, jugleur, &c. and in English, jogeleur, jugler, minstrels, and the like, seem to be given them indiscriminately. And one or other of these names seem to have been sometimes applied to every species of men, whose business it was to entertain or divert (joculari) whether with poesy, singing, music, or gesticulation, singly, or with a mixture of all these. Yet as all men of this sort were considered as belonging to one class, order or community (many of the above arts being sometimes exercised by the same person), they had all of them doubtless the same privileges, and it equally throws light upon the general history of[Pg 414] the profession to shew what favour or encouragement was given, at any particular period of time, to any one branch of it. I have not therefore thought it needful to inquire whether, in the various passages quoted in these pages, the word minstrel, &c. is always to be understood in its exact and proper meaning of a singer to the harp, &c.
And here I would observe, that although Fauchet and other subsequent writers affect to arrange the several members of the minstrel profession under the different classes of troverres (or troubadours), chanterres, conteours, and jugleurs, &c. (vid. p. 385) as if they were distinct and separate orders of men, clearly distinguished from each other by these appropriate terms, we find no sufficient grounds for this in the oldest writers; but the general names in Latin, histrio, mimus, joculator, ministrallus, &c. in French, menestrier, menestrel, jongleur, jugleur, &c. and in English, jogeleur, jugler, minstrels, and the like, seem to be given them indiscriminately. And one or other of these names seem to have been sometimes applied to every species of men, whose business it was to entertain or divert (joculari) whether with poesy, singing, music, or gesticulation, singly, or with a mixture of all these. Yet as all men of this sort were considered as belonging to one class, order or community (many of the above arts being sometimes exercised by the same person), they had all of them doubtless the same privileges, and it equally throws light upon the general history of[Pg 414] the profession to shew what favour or encouragement was given, at any particular period of time, to any one branch of it. I have not therefore thought it needful to inquire whether, in the various passages quoted in these pages, the word minstrel, &c. is always to be understood in its exact and proper meaning of a singer to the harp, &c.
That men of very different arts and talents were included under the common name of minstrels, &c. appears from a variety of authorities. Thus we have menestrels de trompes and menestrels de bouche in the suppl. to Du Cange, c. 1227, and it appears still more evident from an old French rhymer, whom I shall quote at large:
That men with a wide range of skills and talents were grouped together under the common name of minstrels is evident from various sources. For example, we find menestrels de trompes and menestrels de bouche in the supplements to Du Cange, c. 1227, and it seems even clearer from an old French poet, whom I will quote in detail:
And if it has made __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ cry among them, Qui la meilleure truffe__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ saurait Dire, ne faire, qu'il aurait Her scarlet dress is new. L'uns Menestrels à l'autre reuve To make a living, just as he knows how, Let me read the book, the other one is foolish; He sings one tune, he notes another; And the others say the riot;
Et les autres la jonglerie;[1131]
Someone who knows juggling Vielent in front of the Count; None who story tell Il i ot dit mainte risée," &c.
Fabliaux et Contes, 12mo. tom. ii. p. 161.
Fabliaux et Contes, 12mo. vol. ii. p. 161.
And what species of entertainment was afforded by the ancient juggleurs we learn from the following citation from an old romance, written in 1230:
And what kind of entertainment was provided by the ancient juggleurs we learn from the following quote from an old romance, written in 1230:
Sir J. Hawkins, ii. 44, from Andr. du Chene. See also Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, iv. p. 299.
Sir J. Hawkins, ii. 44, from Andr. du Chene. See also Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, iv. p. 299.
All the before mentioned sports went by the general name of [Pg 415]ministralcia ministellorum ludicra, &c.—Charta an. 1377, apud Rymer, vii. p. 160. "Peracto autem prandio, ascendebat D. Rex in cameram suam cum Prælatis Magnatibus & Proceribus prædictis: & deinceps Magnates, Milites & Domini, aliique Generosi diem illum, usque ad tempus cœnæ, in tripudiis, coreis & solempnibus Ministralciis, præ gaudio solempnitatis illius continuarunt." (Du Cange, Gloss. 773.) This was at the coronation of K. Richard II.
All the aforementioned sports were called [Pg 415]ministralcia ministellorum ludicra, etc.—Charta an. 1377, apud Rymer, vii. p. 160. "After finishing lunch, the King would go to his chamber with the aforementioned Prelates, Nobles, and Lords: and then the Nobles, Knights, and Lords, along with other Gentry, continued to celebrate that day, until dinner time, with dances, songs, and grand festivities, out of joy for that solemn occasion." (Du Cange, Gloss. 773.) This was during the coronation of King Richard II.
It was common for the minstrels to dance, as well as to harp and sing (see above, note [E], p. 389); thus in the old Romance of Tirante el Blanco, Val. 1511, the 14th cap. lib. 2, begins thus: "Despues qui las Mesas fueron alçadas vinieron los Ministriles; y delante del rey, y de la Reyna dançaron un rato: y despues truxeron colacion."
It was common for the minstrels to dance, as well as to harp and sing (see above, note [E], p. 389); thus in the old Romance of Tirante el Blanco, Val. 1511, the 14th cap. lib. 2, begins thus: "Despues qui las Mesas fueron alçadas vinieron los Ministriles; y delante del rey, y de la Reyna dançaron un rato: y despues truxeron colacion."
They also probably, among their other feats, played tricks of slight of hand, hence the word jugler came to signify a performer of legerdemain; and it was sometimes used in this sense (to which it is now appropriated) even so early as the time of Chaucer, who in his Squire's Tale, (ii. 108) speaks of the horse of brass, as:
They probably also, among their other skills, performed sleight-of-hand tricks; that's how the word "juggler" came to mean a performer of magic tricks. This term was sometimes used in this way (which is its current meaning) even as early as Chaucer's time, who in his Squire's Tale, (ii. 108) refers to the brass horse as:
As Jogelours played at these great festivals.
See also the Frere's Tale, i. p. 279, v. 7049.
See also the Frere's Tale, i. p. 279, v. 7049.
[Aa2] [Females playing on the harp.] Thus in the old romance of "Syr Degore (or Degree," No. 22, iii. appendix) we have (Sign. D. i.):
[Aa2] [Females playing on the harp.] Thus in the old romance of "Syr Degore (or Degree," No. 22, iii. appendix) we have (Sign. D. i.):
She sat down right on her bed; She played sweet and beautiful notes. (Her maids filled a glass of wine.)
And Sir Degore, sat down, To hear the sound of the harps.
The 4th line being omitted in the pr. copy, is supplied from the folio MS.
The 4th line missing in the printed copy is included from the folio manuscript.
In the Squyr of lowe Degree (No. 24, iii. appendix) the king says to his daughter (Sign. D. i.):
In the Squyr of lowe Degree (No. 24, iii. appendix) the king says to his daughter (Sign. D. i.):
"And be the merriest in the room coming."
In the Carle of Carlisle, (No. 10. iii. appendix) we have the following passage (folio MS. p. 451, v. 217).
In the Carle of Carlisle, (No. 10. iii. appendix) we have the following passage (folio MS. p. 451, v. 217).
And placed her on the Carles' knee:
Sometimes she played the harp, and other times she sang, Both of lovers and companionship.
And in the Romance of Eger and Grime (No. 12, iii. appendix), we have (ibid. p. 127, col. 2) in part i. v. 263:
And in the Romance of Eger and Grime (No. 12, iii. appendix), we have (ibid. p. 127, col. 2) in part i. v. 263:
She sat down by the bedside. She placed a psaltery on her knee. Theron she played fully beautifully.
... And her 2 maidens sang sweetly.
A similar passage occurs in part iv, v. 129 (p. 136.)—But these instances are sufficient.
A similar passage appears in part iv, v. 129 (p. 136.)—But these examples are enough.
[Bb] [A charter ... to appoint a king of the minstrels.] Intitled Carta Le Roy de ministraulx (in Latin histriones vid. Plott. p. 437.) A copy of this charter is printed in Monast. Anglic. i. 355, and in Blount's Law Diction. 1717 (art. king).
[Bb] [A charter ... to appoint a king of the minstrels.] Intitled Carta Le Roy de ministraulx (in Latin histriones vid. Plott. p. 437.) A copy of this charter is printed in Monast. Anglic. i. 355, and in Blount's Law Diction. 1717 (art. king).
That this was a most respectable officer, both here and on the continent, will appear from the passages quoted below, and therefore it could only have been in modern times, when the proper meaning of the original terms ministraulz, and histriones was forgot, that he was called king of the fidlers; on which subject see below, note [Ee2].
That this was a most respectable officer, both here and on the continent, will appear from the passages quoted below, and therefore it could only have been in modern times, when the proper meaning of the original terms ministraulz, and histriones was forgot, that he was called king of the fidlers; on which subject see below, note [Ee2].
Concerning the king of the minstrels we have the following curious passages collected by Du Cange, Gloss. iv. 773:
Concerning the king of the minstrels, we have the following interesting passages gathered by Du Cange, Gloss. iv. 773:
"Rex Ministellorum; supremus inter ministellos: de cujus munere, potestate in cæteros ministellos agit Charta Henrici IV. Regis Angliæ in Monast. Anglicano, tom. i. p. 355. Charta originalis an. 1338. Je Robert Caveron Roy des Menestreuls du Royaume de France. Aliæ ann. 1357. & 1362. Copin de Brequin Roy des Menestres du Royaume de France. Computum de auxiliis pro redemptione Regis Johannis, ann. 1367. Pour une couronne d'argent qu'il donna le jour de la Tiphaine au roy des menestrels.
"Rex Ministellorum; the highest among the ministellos: concerning whose role, authority over the other ministellos is detailed in the Charter of Henry IV, King of England, in Monast. Anglicano, vol. i, p. 355. Original charter from 1338. By Robert Caveron Roy des Menestreuls du Royaume de France. Other documents from 1357 and 1362. Copin de Brequin Roy des Menestres du Royaume de France. Accounting for assistance for the redemption of King John, from 1367. For a silver crown that he gave on the day of Epiphany to the king of the minstrels."
"Regestum Magnorum Dierum Trecensium an. 1296. Super quod Joannes dictus Charmillons Juglator, cui dominus Rex per suas literas tanquam Regem Juglatorum in civitate Trecensi Magisterium Juglatorum, quemadmodum suæ placeret voluntati, concesserat." Gloss. c. 1587.
"Record of the Great Days of Troyes in the year 1296. Regarding Joannes, known as Charmillons Juglator, to whom the king granted, through his letters, the title of King of Jugulators in the city of Troyes, the Mastery of Jugulators, as it pleased his will." Gloss. c. 1587.
There is a very curious passage in Pasquier's Recherches de la France, Paris, 1633, folio, liv. 7. ch. 5, p. 611, wherein he appears to be at a loss how to account for the title of Le Roy assumed by the old composers of metrical romances; in one of which the author expressly declares himself to have been a minstrel. The solution of the difficulty, that he had been Le Roy des Menestrels, will be esteemed more probable than what Pasquier here advances; for I have never seen the title of prince given to a minstrel, &c. scil.—"A nos vieux Poetes ... comme ... fust qu'ils eussent certain jeux de prix en leurs Poesies, ils ... honoroient du nome, tantot de[Pg 417] roy, tantot de prince, celuy qui avoit le mieux faict comme nous voyons entre les archers, arbalestiers, & harquebusiers estre fait le semblable. Ainsi l'autheur du Roman d'Oger le Danois, s'appelle Roy.
There’s a very interesting section in Pasquier's Recherches de la France, Paris, 1633, folio, liv. 7. ch. 5, p. 611, where he seems unsure how to explain the title of Le Roy used by the old composers of metrical romances; in one of these works, the author specifically states that he was a minstrel. The explanation that he might have been Le Roy des Menestrels seems more likely than what Pasquier suggests here; I have never come across the title of prince being given to a minstrel, etc.—"To our old Poets ... as if they had certain prize games in their Poetry, they ... honored with the name, sometimes of[Pg 417] roy, sometimes of prince, the one who performed the best, just as we see among archers, crossbowmen, and harquebusiers where a similar practice exists. Thus, the author of the Romance of Oger the Dane, calls himself Roy.
Who among Oger's children is called Or may God will that it be completed. In such a way that he cannot be blamed. Le Roy Adams (r. Adenes) is rhymed.
"Et en celuy de Cleomades,
"Dans celui de Cleomades,"
Rimé-je le Roy Adenes Menestrel to the good Duke Henry.
"Mot de Roy, qui seroit tres-mal approprié à un menestrier, si d'ailleurs on ne le rapportoit a un jeu du priz: Et de faict il semble que de nostre temps, il y en eust encores quelque remarques, en ce que le mot de jouingleur s'estant par succession de temps tourné en batelage nous avons veu en nostre jeunesse les Jouingleurs se trouver à certain jour tous les ans en la ville de Chauny en Picardie, pour faire monstre de leur mestrier devant le monde, à qui mieux. Et ce que j'en dis icy n'est pas pour vilipender ces anciens Rimeurs, ainsi pour monstrer qu'il n'y a chose si belle qui ne s'aneantisse avec le temps."
"Royal word, which would be very poorly suited for a tradesman, unless it was related to a game of chance: In fact, it seems that even in our time, there are still some notable points, since the term ‘jongleur’ has over time evolved into ‘battler.’ We witnessed in our youth the Jongleurs gathering every year on a specific day in the town of Chauny in Picardy, to showcase their craft to the public, competing with each other. And what I'm saying here isn't to belittle these ancient poets, but rather to show that nothing so beautiful can escape destruction over time."
We see here that in the time of Pasquier the poor minstrel was sunk into as low estimation in France, as he was then or afterwards in England: but by his apology for comparing the jouingleurs, who assembled to exercise their faculty, in his youth, to the ancient rimeurs, it is plain they exerted their skill in rhyme.
We can see that during Pasquier's time, the poor minstrel was held in low regard in France, just as he was at that time or later in England. However, his defense of comparing the jouingleurs, who gathered to practice their craft in his youth, to the ancient rimeurs shows that they demonstrated their talent in rhyme.
As for king Adenes, or Adenez (whose name in the first passage above is corruptly printed Adams), he is recorded in the Bibliothèque des Romans, Amst. 1734, 12mo. vol. i. p. 232, to have composed the two romances in verse above-mentioned, and a third intitled Le Roman de Bertin: all three being preserved in a MS. written about 1270. His Bon Duc Henry I conceive to have been Henry Duke of Brabant.
As for King Adenes, or Adenez (whose name in the first passage above is mistakenly written as Adams), he is noted in the Bibliothèque des Romans, Amst. 1734, 12mo. vol. i. p. 232, for having written the two romances in verse mentioned above, along with a third called Le Roman de Bertin: all three of which are preserved in a manuscript dated around 1270. I believe his Bon Duc Henry refers to Henry, Duke of Brabant.
[Bb2] [King of the minstrels, &c.] See Anstis's Register of the Order of the Garter, ii. p. 303, who tells us: "The President or Governour of the minstrels had the like denomination of roy in France and Burgundy: and in England, John of Gaunt constituted such an officer by a patent; and long before his time payments were made by the crown, to [a] king of the minstrels by Edw. I. 'Regi Roberto Ministrallo scutifero ad arma commoranti ad vadia Regis anno 5to.' (Bibl. Cotton. Vespas. c. 16, f. 3), as likewise[Pg 418] (Libro Garderob. 25, E. 1): 'Ministrallis in die nuptiarum comitissæ Holland filiæ Regis, Regi Pago, Johanni Vidulatori &c. Morello Regi, &c. Druetto Monthaut, and Jacketto de Scot. Regibus, cuilibet eorum xls.' Regi Pagio de Hollandia, &c. under Ed II. We likewise find other entries, 'Regi Roberto et aliis ministrallis facientibus menistrallias (ministralcias, qu.) suas coram Rege. (Bibl. Cotton. Nero. c. 8, p. 84 b. Comp. Garderob.) That king granted, 'Willielmo de Morlee dicto Roy de North, Ministrallo Regis, domos quæ fuerunt' Johannis le Boteler dicti Roy Brunhaud (Pat. de terr. forisfact. 16. E. 3)." He adds below, (p. 304) a similar instance of a rex juglatorum, and that the "king of the minstrels" at length was styled in France roy des violons, (Furitiere, Diction. Univers.) as with us "king of the fidlers," on which subject see below, note [Ee2].
[Bb2] [King of the minstrels, &c.] See Anstis's Register of the Order of the Garter, ii. p. 303, who tells us: "The President or Governour of the minstrels had the like denomination of roy in France and Burgundy: and in England, John of Gaunt constituted such an officer by a patent; and long before his time payments were made by the crown, to [a] king of the minstrels by Edw. I. 'Regi Roberto Ministrallo scutifero ad arma commoranti ad vadia Regis anno 5to.' (Bibl. Cotton. Vespas. c. 16, f. 3), as likewise[Pg 418] (Libro Garderob. 25, E. 1): 'Ministrallis in die nuptiarum comitissæ Holland filiæ Regis, Regi Pago, Johanni Vidulatori &c. Morello Regi, &c. Druetto Monthaut, and Jacketto de Scot. Regibus, cuilibet eorum xls.' Regi Pagio de Hollandia, &c. under Ed II. We likewise find other entries, 'Regi Roberto et aliis ministrallis facientibus menistrallias (ministralcias, qu.) suas coram Rege. (Bibl. Cotton. Nero. c. 8, p. 84 b. Comp. Garderob.) That king granted, 'Willielmo de Morlee dicto Roy de North, Ministrallo Regis, domos quæ fuerunt' Johannis le Boteler dicti Roy Brunhaud (Pat. de terr. forisfact. 16. E. 3)." He adds below, (p. 304) a similar instance of a rex juglatorum, and that the "king of the minstrels" at length was styled in France roy des violons, (Furitiere, Diction. Univers.) as with us "king of the fidlers," on which subject see below, note [Ee2].
[Bb3] The statute 4 Hen. IV. (1402) c. 27, runs in these terms: "Item, pur eschuir plusieurs diseases et mischiefs qont advenuz devaunt ces heures en la terre de Gales par plusieurs westours rymours, minstralx et autres vacabondes, ordeignez est et establiz qe nul westour, rymour ministral ne vacabond soit aucunement sustenuz en la terre de Gales pur faire kymorthas ou coillage sur la commune poeple illoeques." This is among the severe laws against the Welsh, passed during the resentment occasioned by the outrages committed under Owen Glendour; and as the Welsh bards had excited their countrymen to rebellion against the English government, it is not to be wondered that the act is conceived in terms of the utmost indignation and contempt against this class of men, who are described as rymours, ministralx, which are apparently here used as only synonymous terms to express the Welsh bards with the usual exuberance of our acts of parliament; for if their ministralx had been mere musicians, they would not have required the vigilance of the English legislature to suppress them. It was their songs exciting their countrymen to insurrection which produced "les diseases & mischiefs en la terre de Gales."
[Bb3] The statute 4 Hen. IV. (1402) c. 27, runs in these terms: "Item, pur eschuir plusieurs diseases et mischiefs qont advenuz devaunt ces heures en la terre de Gales par plusieurs westours rymours, minstralx et autres vacabondes, ordeignez est et establiz qe nul westour, rymour ministral ne vacabond soit aucunement sustenuz en la terre de Gales pur faire kymorthas ou coillage sur la commune poeple illoeques." This is among the severe laws against the Welsh, passed during the resentment occasioned by the outrages committed under Owen Glendour; and as the Welsh bards had excited their countrymen to rebellion against the English government, it is not to be wondered that the act is conceived in terms of the utmost indignation and contempt against this class of men, who are described as rymours, ministralx, which are apparently here used as only synonymous terms to express the Welsh bards with the usual exuberance of our acts of parliament; for if their ministralx had been mere musicians, they would not have required the vigilance of the English legislature to suppress them. It was their songs exciting their countrymen to insurrection which produced "les diseases & mischiefs en la terre de Gales."
It is also submitted to the reader, whether the same application of the terms does not still more clearly appear in the commission issued in 1567, and printed in Evan Evans's Specimens of Welsh Poetry, 1764, 4to. p. v. for bestowing the silver harp on "the chief of that faculty." For after setting forth "that vagrant and idle persons, naming themselves minstrels, rythmers, and bards, had lately grown into such intolerable multitude within the Principality in North Wales, that not only gentlemen and others by their shameless disorders are oftentimes disquieted in their habitations, but also expert minstrels and musicians in tongue and cunynge thereby much discouraged, &c." and "hindred [of] livings and preferment," &c. it appoints a time and place, wherein all "persons that[Pg 419] intend to maintain their living by name or colour of minstrels, rythmers, or bards within five shires of North Wales, shall appear to show their learnings accordingly," &c. And the commissioners are required to admit such as shall be found worthy, into and under the degrees heretofore in use, so that they may "use, exercise, and follow the sciences and faculties of their professions in such decent order as shall appertain to each of their degrees." And the rest are to return to some honest labour, &c. upon pain to be taken as sturdy and idle vagabonds, &c.
It’s also presented to the reader whether the same application of the terms is even clearer in the commission issued in 1567, printed in Evan Evans's Specimens of Welsh Poetry, 1764, 4to. p. v., which awarded the silver harp to "the chief of that faculty." After explaining that "vagrant and idle people, calling themselves minstrels, rythmers, and bards, have recently increased to such an intolerable number within the Principality in North Wales that not only are gentlemen and others often disturbed in their homes by their shameless behavior, but also skilled minstrels and musicians in tongue and craft are greatly discouraged, etc." and "hindered [from] livelihoods and advancement," etc., it appoints a time and place where all "persons who intend to earn a living by the title or appearance of minstrels, rythmers, or bards within five counties of North Wales, shall appear to demonstrate their skills accordingly," etc. The commissioners are required to admit those who are found worthy into and under the ranks previously in use, so that they may "use, exercise, and follow the arts and skills of their professions in a manner appropriate to each of their ranks." Those who do not qualify are to return to honest work, etc., on pain of being regarded as troublesome and idle vagabonds, etc.
[Bb4] Holinshed translated this passage from Tho. de Elmham's Vita et Gesta Henrici V. scil.: "Soli Omnipotenti Deo se velle victoriam imputari ... in tantum, quod cantus de suo triumpho fieri, seu per Citharistas vel alios quoscunque cantari penitus prohibebat." (Edit. Hearnii, 1727, p. 72). As in his version Holinshed attributes the making, as well as singing ditties to minstrels, it is plain he knew that men of this profession had been accustomed to do both.
[Bb4] Holinshed translated this passage from Tho. de Elmham's Vita et Gesta Henrici V. scil.: "Soli Omnipotenti Deo se velle victoriam imputari ... in tantum, quod cantus de suo triumpho fieri, seu per Citharistas vel alios quoscunque cantari penitus prohibebat." (Edit. Hearnii, 1727, p. 72). As in his version Holinshed attributes the making, as well as singing ditties to minstrels, it is plain he knew that men of this profession had been accustomed to do both.
"Of the noumbre of all my lords servaunts."
"Of the number of all my lords' servants."
"Item, Mynstrals in Houshold iii. viz. a taberet, a luyte, and a Rebecc." (The rebeck was a kind of fiddle with three strings).
"Item, Minstrels in Household iii. namely, a tambourine, a lute, and a rebec." (The rebec was a type of fiddle with three strings).
"Sect. XLIV. 3.
Sect. 44. 3.
"Rewardes to his lordship's Servaunts, &c.
Rewarded to his lordship's servants, etc.
"Item, My lord usith ande accustomith to gyf yerly, when his lordschipp is at home, to his minstrallis that be daily in his houshold, as his tabret, lute, ande Rebeke, upon New Yeresday in the mornynge when they do play at my lordis chamber dour for his lordschip and my lady, xxs. viz. xiiis. ivd. for my lord; and vis. viiid. for my lady, if sche be at my lords fyndynge, and not at hir owen; And for playing at my lordis sone and heire's chamber doure, the lord Percy, iis. And for playinge at the chamber doures of my lords yonger sonnes, my yonge masters, after viiid. the pece for every of them.—xxiiis. iiiid.
"Item, my lord typically gives yearly gifts to his musicians who are always in his household, like his drummer, lute player, and Rebecca, on New Year's Day in the morning when they play at my lord's chamber door for his lordship and my lady, 20s. namely 13s. 4d. for my lord; and 6s. 8d. for my lady, if she is being supported by my lord and not by her own means; and for playing at my lord's son and heir's chamber door, Lord Percy, 2s. And for playing at the chamber doors of my lord's younger sons, my young masters, 8d. each for every one of them.—23s. 4d."
"Sect. XLIV. 2.
Sect. XLIV. 2.
"Rewards to be geven to strangers, as Players, Mynstralls, or any other, &c.
"Rewards to be given to strangers, like Players, Musicians, or anyone else, etc.
"Furst, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gif to the kings jugler; ... when they custome to come unto hym yerly, vis. viiid.
"First, my lord is used to giving to the king's juggler; ... when they usually come to him yearly, 6s. 8d."
"Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gif yerely to the[Pg 420] kings or queenes Bearwarde, if they have one, when they custom to come unto hym yerly, vis. viiid.
"Item, my lord uses and is accustomed to give yearly to the[Pg 420] kings or queens' bearward, if they have one, when they come to him yearly, 6s. 8d."
"Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gyfe yerly to every erles mynstrellis, when they custome to come to hym yerely, iiis. iiiid. And if they come to my lorde seldome, ones in ii or iii yeres, than vis. viiid.
"Item, my lord uses and customarily gives yearly to every earl's minstrel, when they usually come to him each year, 3s. 4d. And if they come to my lord seldom, once every 2 or 3 years, then 6s. 8d."
"Item, my lorde usith and accustomedeth to gife yerely to an erls mynstralls, if he be his speciall lorde, friende, or kynsman, if they come yerely to his lordschip.... And, if they come to my 'lord' seldome, ones in ii or iii years...."
"Item, my lord usually gives a yearly gift to the earls' musicians, if they are his special lord, friend, or relative, whenever they come to his lordship.... And, if they come to my 'lord' infrequently, once every two or three years...."
* * * * *
* * * * *
"Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely a dookes or erlis trumpetts, if they come vi together to his lordschipp, viz. if they come yerly, vis. viiid. And, if they come but in ii or iii yeres, than xs."
"Item, my lord uses and is accustomed to give yearly a duke's or earl's trumpets, if they come together six times to his lordship, namely, if they come yearly, six shillings and eight pence. And, if they come only in two or three years, then ten shillings."
"Item, my lorde usith and accustometh to gife yerly, when his lordschip is at home, to gyf to the kyngs shawmes, when they com to my lorde yerely, xs."
"Item, my lord uses and usually gives yearly, when he is at home, to give to the king's shammes, when they come to my lord annually, 10 shillings."
* * * * *
* * * * *
I cannot conclude this note without observing that in this enumeration the family minstrels seem to have been musicians only, and yet both the earl's trumpets and the king's shawmes are evidently distinguished from the earl's minstrels, and the king's jugler. Now we find jugglers still coupled with pipers in Barklay's Egloges, circ. 1514. (Warton, ii. 254.)
I can't finish this note without pointing out that in this list, the family musicians appear to be just that—musicians. However, both the earl's trumpets and the king's shawmes are clearly separate from the earl's minstrels and the king's juggler. We still see jugglers paired with pipers in Barklay's Egloges, circ. 1514. (Warton, ii. 254.)
[Cc2] The honours and rewards conferred on minstrels, &c. in the middle ages were excessive, as will be seen by many instances in these volumes; v. note [E], [F] &c. But more particularly with regard to English minstrels, &c. See T. Warton's Hist. of Eng. Poetry, i. p. 89-92, 116, &c., ii. 105, 106, 254, &c. Dr. Burney's Hist. of Music, ii. p. 316-319, 397-399, 427-428.
[Cc2] The honours and rewards conferred on minstrels, &c. in the middle ages were excessive, as will be seen by many instances in these volumes; v. note [E], [F] &c. But more particularly with regard to English minstrels, &c. See T. Warton's Hist. of Eng. Poetry, i. p. 89-92, 116, &c., ii. 105, 106, 254, &c. Dr. Burney's Hist. of Music, ii. p. 316-319, 397-399, 427-428.
On this head, it may be sufficient to add the following passage from the Fleta, lib. ii. c. 23: "Officium Elemosinarij est ... Equos relictos, Robas, Pecuniam, et alia ad Elemosinam largiter recipere et fidelitur distribuere; debet etiam Regem super Elemosinæ largitione crebris summonitionibus stimulare & præcipue diebus sanctorum, et rogare ne Robas suas quæ magni sunt precij histrionibus, blanditoribus, adulatoribus, accusatoribus, vel menestrallis, sed ad Elemosinæ suæ incrementum jubeat largiri." Et in c. 72: "ministralli, vel adulatoris."
On this topic, it might be enough to add the following excerpt from the Fleta, lib. ii. c. 23: "The duty of the Almoner is to ... generously receive abandoned horses, clothes, money, and other items for charity, and to distribute them faithfully; they should also regularly urge the King regarding the distribution of alms, especially on feast days, and request that he not give away his valuable garments to actors, flatterers, sycophants, accusers, or entertainers, but instead command their contribution to increase his charity." And in c. 72: "entertainers or flatterers."
[Dd] [A species of men who did not sing, &c.] It appears from the passage of Erasmus here referred to, that there still existed in England of that species of jongleurs or minstrels, whom the[Pg 421] French called by the peculiar name of conteours, or reciters in prose. It is in his Ecclesiastes, where he is speaking of such preachers as imitated the tone of beggars or mountebanks: "Apud Anglos est simile genus hominum, quales apud Italos sunt circulatores [mountebanks] de quibus modo dictum est; qui irrumpunt in convivia magnatum, aut in Cauponas Vinarias; et argumentum aliquod, quod edidicerunt, recitant; puta mortem omnibus dominari, aut laudem matrimonii. Sed quoniam ea linguâ monosyllabis fere constat, quemadmodum Germanica; atque illi (sc. this peculiar species of reciters) studio vitant cantum, nobis (sc. Erasmus, who did not understand a word of English) latrare videntur verius quàm loqui."—Opera, tom. v. c. 958 (Jortin, vol. ii. p. 193). As Erasmus was correcting the vice of preachers, it was more to his point to bring an instance from the moral reciters of prose, than from chanters of rhime; though the latter would probably be more popular, and therefore more common.
[Dd] [A species of men who did not sing, &c.] It appears from the passage of Erasmus here referred to, that there still existed in England of that species of jongleurs or minstrels, whom the[Pg 421] French called by the peculiar name of conteours, or reciters in prose. It is in his Ecclesiastes, where he is speaking of such preachers as imitated the tone of beggars or mountebanks: "Apud Anglos est simile genus hominum, quales apud Italos sunt circulatores [mountebanks] de quibus modo dictum est; qui irrumpunt in convivia magnatum, aut in Cauponas Vinarias; et argumentum aliquod, quod edidicerunt, recitant; puta mortem omnibus dominari, aut laudem matrimonii. Sed quoniam ea linguâ monosyllabis fere constat, quemadmodum Germanica; atque illi (sc. this peculiar species of reciters) studio vitant cantum, nobis (sc. Erasmus, who did not understand a word of English) latrare videntur verius quàm loqui."—Opera, tom. v. c. 958 (Jortin, vol. ii. p. 193). As Erasmus was correcting the vice of preachers, it was more to his point to bring an instance from the moral reciters of prose, than from chanters of rhime; though the latter would probably be more popular, and therefore more common.
[Ee] This character is supposed to have been suggested by descriptions of minstrels in the romance of Morte Arthur; but none, it seems, have been found which come nearer to it than the following, which I shall produce, not only that the reader may judge of the resemblance, but to shew how nearly the idea of the minstrel character given in this essay corresponds with that of our old writers.
[Ee] This character is supposed to have been suggested by descriptions of minstrels in the romance of Morte Arthur; but none, it seems, have been found which come nearer to it than the following, which I shall produce, not only that the reader may judge of the resemblance, but to shew how nearly the idea of the minstrel character given in this essay corresponds with that of our old writers.
Sir Lancelot, having been affronted by a threatening abusive letter which Mark, king of Cornwal, had sent to Queen Guenever, wherein he "spake shame by her and Sir Lancelot," is comforted by a knight, named Sir Dinadan, who tells him "I will make a lay for him, and when it is made, I shall make an harper to sing it before him. So anon he went and made it, and taught it an harper, that hyght Elyot; and when hee could it, hee taught it to many harpers. And so ... the harpers went straight unto Wales and Cornwaile to sing the lay ... which was the worst lay that ever harper sung with harpe, or with any other instrument. And [at a] great feast that king Marke made for joy of [a] victorie which hee had ... came Eliot the harper; ... and because he was a curious harper, men heard him sing the same lay that Sir Dinadan had made, the which spake the most vilanie by king Marke of his treason, that ever man heard. When the harper had sung his song to the end, king Marke was wonderous wroth with him, and said, Thou harper, how durst thou be so bold to sing this song before me? Sir, said Eliot, wit you wel I am a minstrell, and I must doe as I am commanded of these lords that I bear the armes of. And Sir king, wit you well that Sir Dinadan a knight of the Round Table made this song, and he made me to sing it before you. Thou saiest well, said king Marke, I charge thee that[Pg 422] thou hie thee fast out of my sight. So the harper departed, &c." (Part ii. c. 113, ed. 1634. See also part iii. c. 5.)
Sir Lancelot, upset by a threatening and insulting letter that Mark, the king of Cornwall, had sent to Queen Guinevere, which insulted both her and Sir Lancelot, is consoled by a knight named Sir Dinadan. He tells Lancelot, "I’ll write a song about him, and once it’s done, I’ll get a minstrel to sing it for him." So, he went and created the song, teaching it to a minstrel named Elyot; and once Elyot learned it, he taught it to many other minstrels. Then, the minstrels went straight to Wales and Cornwall to perform the song, which was the worst song ever sung by a minstrel with a harp or any other instrument. At a big feast that King Mark held to celebrate a victory he had... Elyot the minstrel arrived;... and since he was a talented performer, people listened to him sing the very song that Sir Dinadan had created, which slandered King Mark for his treachery more than anyone had ever heard. When the minstrel finished his song, King Mark was furious and said, "You minstrel, how dare you be so bold as to sing this song in front of me?" Elyot replied, "Sir, know that I am a minstrel, and I must do as I’m commanded by these lords who I serve. And Sir King, know that this song was created by Sir Dinadan, a knight of the Round Table, and he made me sing it before you." "You speak well," said King Mark, "I command you to get out of my sight immediately." So, the minstrel left, etc. (Part ii. c. 113, ed. 1634. See also part iii. c. 5.)
[Ee2] [This art seems to have put an end to the profession, &c.] Although I conceive that the character ceased to exist, yet the appellation might be continued, and applied to fidlers, or other common musicians: which will account for the mistakes of Sir Peter Leicester, or other modern writers. (See his Historical Antiquities of Cheshire, 1673, p. 141.)
[Ee2] [This art seems to have put an end to the profession, &c.] Although I conceive that the character ceased to exist, yet the appellation might be continued, and applied to fidlers, or other common musicians: which will account for the mistakes of Sir Peter Leicester, or other modern writers. (See his Historical Antiquities of Cheshire, 1673, p. 141.)
In this sense it is used in an ordinance in the times of Cromwell (1656), wherein it is enacted that if any of the "persons commonly called fidlers or minstrels shall at any time be taken playing, fidling, and making music in any inn, ale-house, or tavern, or shall be taken proffering themselves, or desiring, or intreating any ... to hear them play or make music in any of the places aforesaid" they are to be "adjudged and declared to be rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars."
In this context, it's referenced in a law from the time of Cromwell (1656), which states that if any "people commonly known as fiddlers or minstrels are caught playing music in any inn, ale-house, or tavern, or if they are found offering, requesting, or begging anyone to listen to them play in those places," they will be "considered and labeled as rogues, vagabonds, and stubborn beggars."
This will also account why John of Gaunt's king of the minstrels at length came to be called, like le roy des violons in France (v. note [Bb2]), king of the fidlers. See the common ballad intitled The Pedigree, Education, and Marriage of Robin-hood with Clorinda, queen of Tutbury Feast: which, though prefixed to the modern collection on that subject,[1132] seems of much later date than most of the others; for the writer appears to be totally ignorant of all the old traditions concerning this celebrated outlaw, and has given him a very elegant bride instead of his old noted Lemman, "Maid Marian:" who together with his chaplain "Frier Tuck," were his favourite companions, and probably on that account figured in the old morice dance, as may be seen by the engraving in Mr Steevens's and Mr. Malone's edition of Shakespeare: by whom she is mentioned, 1 Hen. IV. act iii. sc. 3. (See also Warton, i. 245, ii. 237.) Whereas from this ballad's concluding with an exhortation to "pray for the king," and "that he may get children," [Pg 423]&c. it is evidently posterior to the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and can scarce be older than the reign of K. Charles I. for K. James I. had no issue after his accession to the throne of England. It may even have been written since the Restoration, and only express the wishes of the nation for issue on the marriage of their favourite K. Charles II., on his marriage with the Infanta of Portugal. I think it is not found in the Pepys collection.
This will also account why John of Gaunt's king of the minstrels at length came to be called, like le roy des violons in France (v. note [Bb2]), king of the fidlers. See the common ballad intitled The Pedigree, Education, and Marriage of Robin-hood with Clorinda, queen of Tutbury Feast: which, though prefixed to the modern collection on that subject,[1132] seems of much later date than most of the others; for the writer appears to be totally ignorant of all the old traditions concerning this celebrated outlaw, and has given him a very elegant bride instead of his old noted Lemman, "Maid Marian:" who together with his chaplain "Frier Tuck," were his favourite companions, and probably on that account figured in the old morice dance, as may be seen by the engraving in Mr Steevens's and Mr. Malone's edition of Shakespeare: by whom she is mentioned, 1 Hen. IV. act iii. sc. 3. (See also Warton, i. 245, ii. 237.) Whereas from this ballad's concluding with an exhortation to "pray for the king," and "that he may get children," [Pg 423]&c. it is evidently posterior to the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and can scarce be older than the reign of K. Charles I. for K. James I. had no issue after his accession to the throne of England. It may even have been written since the Restoration, and only express the wishes of the nation for issue on the marriage of their favourite K. Charles II., on his marriage with the Infanta of Portugal. I think it is not found in the Pepys collection.
[Ff] [Historical song or ballad.] The English word ballad is evidently from the French balade, as the latter is from the Italian ballata; which the Crusca Dictionary defines, canzone che si canta ballando: "a song which is sung during a dance." So Dr. Burney (ii. 342,) who refers to a collection of ballette, published by Gastaldi, and printed at Antwerp in 1596 (iii. 226.)
[Ff] [Historical song or ballad.] The English word ballad is evidently from the French balade, as the latter is from the Italian ballata; which the Crusca Dictionary defines, canzone che si canta ballando: "a song which is sung during a dance." So Dr. Burney (ii. 342,) who refers to a collection of ballette, published by Gastaldi, and printed at Antwerp in 1596 (iii. 226.)
But the word appears to have had an earlier origin: for in the decline of the Roman empire, these trivial songs were called ballistea and saltatiunculæ. Ballisteum, Salmasius says, is properly ballistium, Gr. Βαλλιστεῖον. "ἀπὸ τοῦ Βαλλίζω ... Βαλλιστία saltatio ... Ballistium igitur est quod vulgo vocamus ballet; nam inde deducta vox nostra." Salmas. Not. in Hist. Ang. Scriptores, iv. p. 349.
But the word seems to have come from earlier origins: during the decline of the Roman Empire, these simple songs were called ballistea and saltatiunculæ. Ballisteum, according to Salmasius, is actually ballistium, Gr. Βαλλιστεῖον. "From Βαλλίζω ... Βαλλιστία saltatio ... Ballistium is what we commonly call ballet; for our term is derived from that." Salmas. Not. in Hist. Ang. Scriptores, iv. p. 349.
In the life of the Emperor Aurelian by Fl. Vopiscus may be seen two of these ballistea, as sung by the boys skipping and dancing, on account of a great slaughter made by the emperor with his own hand in the Sarmatic war. The first is:
In the life of Emperor Aurelian by Fl. Vopiscus, you can see two of these ballistea, as sung by the boys jumping and dancing, celebrating a major victory achieved by the emperor himself during the Sarmatic war. The first is:
One man, we beheaded a thousand,
Live a thousand, who kills a thousand. No one has so much wine Quantum blood donation.
The other was:
The other was:
Once and for all. Mille Persas we seek.
Salmasius (in loc.) shows that the trivial poets of that time were wont to form their metre of trochaic tetrametre catalectics, divided into distichs. (Ibid. p. 350.) This becoming the metre of the hymns in the church service, to which the monks at length superadded rhyming terminations, was the origin of the common trochaic metre in the modern languages. This observation I owe to the learned author of Irish Antiquities, 4to.
Salmasius (in loc.) shows that the trivial poets of that time were wont to form their metre of trochaic tetrametre catalectics, divided into distichs. (Ibid. p. 350.) This becoming the metre of the hymns in the church service, to which the monks at length superadded rhyming terminations, was the origin of the common trochaic metre in the modern languages. This observation I owe to the learned author of Irish Antiquities, 4to.
1. A Crowne Garland of Goulden Roses gathered out of England's Royal Garden, &c., by Richard Johnson, 1612. [In the Bodleyan Library.] 2. The Golden Garland of Princely Delight. 3. The Garland of Good-will, by T. D., 1631. 4. The Royal Garland of Love and Delight, by T. D. 5. The Garland of Delight, &c., by Tho. Delone. 6. The Garland of Love and Mirth, by Thomas Lanfier. 7. Cupid's Garland set round with Guilded Roses. 8. The Garland of Withered Roses, by Martin Parker, 1656. 9. The Shepherd's Garland of Love, Loyalty, &c. 10. The Country Garland. 11. The Golden Garland of Mirth and Merriment. 12. The Lover's Garland. 13. Neptune's fair Garland. 14. England's fair Garland. 15. Robin Hood's Garland. 16. The Maiden's Garland. 17. A Loyal Garland of Mirth and Pastime. 18. A Royal Garland of New Songs. 19. The Jovial Garland, 8th edit. 1691, &c. &c. &c.
1. A Crown Garland of Golden Roses gathered from England's Royal Garden, etc., by Richard Johnson, 1612. [In the Bodleian Library.] 2. The Golden Garland of Princely Delight. 3. The Garland of Goodwill, by T. D., 1631. 4. The Royal Garland of Love and Delight, by T. D. 5. The Garland of Delight, etc., by Tho. Delone. 6. The Garland of Love and Joy, by Thomas Lanfier. 7. Cupid's Garland surrounded with Gilded Roses. 8. The Garland of Withered Roses, by Martin Parker, 1656. 9. The Shepherd's Garland of Love, Loyalty, etc. 10. The Country Garland. 11. The Golden Garland of Fun and Merriment. 12. The Lover's Garland. 13. Neptune's beautiful Garland. 14. England's beautiful Garland. 15. Robin Hood's Garland. 16. The Maiden's Garland. 17. A Loyal Garland of Fun and Pastimes. 18. A Royal Garland of New Songs. 19. The Jovial Garland, 8th edition, 1691, etc. etc. etc.
This sort of petty publications had anciently the name of Penny Merriments: as little religious tracts of the same size were called Penny Godlinesses. In the Pepysian Library are multitudes of both kinds.
This kind of cheap publication used to be called Penny Merriments, and similar small religious booklets were referred to as Penny Godlinesses. The Pepysian Library has a lot of both types.
[Gg] [The term minstrel was not confined to a meer musician in this country any more than on the Continent.] The discussion of the question, whether the term minstrel was applied in England to singers and composers of songs, &c. or confined to the performers on musical instruments, was properly reserved for this place, because much light hath already been thrown upon the subject in the preceding notes, to which it will be sufficient to refer the reader.
[Gg] [The term minstrel was not confined to a meer musician in this country any more than on the Continent.] The discussion of the question, whether the term minstrel was applied in England to singers and composers of songs, &c. or confined to the performers on musical instruments, was properly reserved for this place, because much light hath already been thrown upon the subject in the preceding notes, to which it will be sufficient to refer the reader.
That on the Continent the minstrel was understood not to be a meer musician but a singer of verses, hath been shown in notes [B], [C], [R], [Aa], &c.[1133] And that he was also a maker of them is evident from the passage in [C] p. 386, where the most noted romances are said to be of the composition of these men. And in [Bb] p. 417, we have the titles of some of which a minstrel was the author, who has himself left his name upon record.
That on the Continent the minstrel was understood not to be a meer musician but a singer of verses, hath been shown in notes [B], [C], [R], [Aa], &c.[1133] And that he was also a maker of them is evident from the passage in [C] p. 386, where the most noted romances are said to be of the composition of these men. And in [Bb] p. 417, we have the titles of some of which a minstrel was the author, who has himself left his name upon record.
The old English names for one of this profession were gleeman,[1134] jogeler,[1135] and latterly minstrel; not to mention harper, &c. In French he was called jongleur or jugleur, menestrel or menestrier.[1136] The writers of the middle ages expressed the character in Latin by the words joculator, mimus, histrio, ministrellus, &c. These terms, however modern critics may endeavour to distinguish and apply them to different classes, and although they may be sometimes mentioned as if they were distinct, I cannot find after a very strict research to have had any settled appropriate difference, but they appear to have been used indiscriminately by the oldest writers, especially in England, where the most general and comprehensive name was latterly minstrel, Lat. ministrellus, &c.
The old English names for one of this profession were gleeman,[1134] jogeler,[1135] and latterly minstrel; not to mention harper, &c. In French he was called jongleur or jugleur, menestrel or menestrier.[1136] The writers of the middle ages expressed the character in Latin by the words joculator, mimus, histrio, ministrellus, &c. These terms, however modern critics may endeavour to distinguish and apply them to different classes, and although they may be sometimes mentioned as if they were distinct, I cannot find after a very strict research to have had any settled appropriate difference, but they appear to have been used indiscriminately by the oldest writers, especially in England, where the most general and comprehensive name was latterly minstrel, Lat. ministrellus, &c.
The fact therefore is sufficiently established that this order of men were in England, as well as on the Continent, singers: so that it only becomes a dispute about words, whether here under the more general name of minstrels, they are described as having sung.
The fact is clearly established that this group of people were in England, as well as on the Continent, singers: so it only becomes a matter of wording, whether here under the broader name of minstrels, they are described as having sung.
But in proof of this we have only to turn to so common a book as T. Warton's History of Eng. Poetry: where we shall find extracted from records the following instances:—
But to prove this, we just need to look at a common book like T. Warton's History of Eng. Poetry: where we will find the following examples extracted from records:—
"Ex Registr. Priorat. S. Swithin Winton (sub anno 1374). In festo Alwyni Epi.... Et durante pietancia in Aula Conventus sex ministralli, cum quatuor citharisatoribus, faciebant ministralcias suas. Et post cenam, in magna camera arcuata dom. prioris cantabant idem Gestum in qua Camera suspendebatur, ut moris est, magnum dorsale Prioris habens picturas trium Regum Colein. Veniebant autem dicti joculatores a Castello domini Regis & ex familia Epi." (vol. ii. p. 174). Here the minstrels and harpers are expressly called joculatores, and as the harpers had musical instruments, the singing must have been by the minstrels, or by both conjointly.
"From the Records of the Priory of St. Swithin in Winchester (in the year 1374). On the feast of St. Alwyn... During the feast in the Hall of the Convent, six minstrels, along with four harpists, performed their music. After dinner, in the large arched chamber of the prior’s house, they sang the same song in that hall where a grand backrest of the Prior, featuring paintings of the three Kings of Cologne, was displayed. The mentioned performers came from the King's Castle and from the family of the Bishop." (vol. ii. p. 174). Here, the minstrels and harpists are explicitly referred to as joculatores, and since the harpists had musical instruments, the singing must have been by the minstrels, or by both together.
For that minstrels sang we have undeniable proof in the following [Pg 426]entry in the Accompt Roll of the Priory of Bicester, in Oxfordshire (under the year 1432). "Dat. Sex ministrallis de Bokyngham cantantibus in refectorio Martyrium Septem Domientium in festo Epiphanie, ivs." (vol. ii. p. 175).
For that, we have undeniable proof that minstrels sang in the following [Pg 426] entry in the Accompt Roll of the Priory of Bicester, in Oxfordshire (for the year 1432). "Paid six minstrels from Buckingham singing in the refectory of the Martyr of the Seven Sleepers on the feast of Epiphany, etc." (vol. ii. p. 175).
In like manner our old English writers abound with passages wherein the minstrel is represented as singing. To mention only a few:
In the same way, our old English writers have plenty of examples where the minstrel is shown singing. To name just a few:
In the old romance of Emaré (No. 15, vol. iii. appendix), which from the obsoleteness of the style, the nakedness of the story, the barrenness of incidents, and some other particulars, I should judge to be next in point of time to Hornchild, we have:
In the old romance of Emaré (No. 15, vol. iii. appendix), which I think is probably the next in timeline to Hornchild due to its outdated style, simplicity of the story, lack of events, and a few other details, we have:
In a poem of Adam Davie (who flourished about 1312) we have this distich:—
In a poem by Adam Davie (who was active around 1312), we have this couplet:—
The minstrels sing, the jugglers perform.
T. Warton, i. p. 225.
T. Warton, vol. 1, p. 225.
So William of Nassyngton (circ. 1480) as quoted by Mr. Tyrwhitt (Chaucer, iv. 319):—
So William of Nassyngton (around 1480) as quoted by Mr. Tyrwhitt (Chaucer, iv. 319):—
"And specifically when they come to celebrations."[1137]
See also the description of the minstrel in note [Ee] from Morte Arthur, which appears to have been compiled about the time of this last writer. (See T. Warton, ii. 235).
See also the description of the minstrel in note [Ee] from Morte Arthur, which appears to have been compiled about the time of this last writer. (See T. Warton, ii. 235).
By proving that minstrels were singers of the old romantic songs and gestes, &c. we have in effect proved them to have been the makers at least of some of them. For the names of their authors being not preserved, to whom can we so probably ascribe the composition of many of these old popular rhimes, as to the men who [Pg 427]devoted all their time and talents to the recitation of them: especially as in the rhimes themselves minstrels are often represented as the makers or composers.
By showing that minstrels were the singers of the old romantic songs and tales, we have effectively proven that they must have created at least some of them. Since the names of the authors have not been preserved, who better to attribute the composition of many of these old popular rhymes to than the men who devoted all their time and talent to performing them? Especially since the rhymes themselves often depict minstrels as the creators or composers.
Thus in the oldest of all, Hornchild having assumed the character of a harper or jogeler, is in consequence said (fo. 92). to have
Thus in the oldest of all, Hornchild, having taken on the role of a harper or juggler, is consequently said (fo. 92) to have
In the old romance of Emaré, we have this exhortation to minstrels, as composers, otherwise they could not have been at liberty to chuse their subjects (st. 2):—
In the old romance of Emaré, we have this encouragement for minstrels, as composers, otherwise they wouldn’t have been free to choose their subjects (st. 2):—
Here and there on every side In many diverse lands Should start here Talk about that righteous king That made both see and understand," &c.
And in the old song or geste of Guy and Colbronde (No. 4, vol. iii. appendix), the minstrel thus speaks of himself in the first person:
And in the old song or story of Guy and Colbronde (No. 4, vol. iii. appendix), the minstrel talks about himself in the first person:
Of keen knights and great champions Such nitpicking to show.
And that the Provençal troubadour of our King Richard, who is called by M. Favine jongleur, and by M. Fauchet menestrel, is by the old English translator termed a rimer or minstrel, when he is mentioning the fact of his composing some verses (p. 359).
And the Provençal troubadour of our King Richard, referred to by M. Favine as a jongleur, and by M. Fauchet as a menestrel, is called a rimer or minstrel by the old English translator when mentioning the fact that he composed some verses (p. 359).
And lastly, that Holinshed, translating the prohibition of K. Henry V., forbidding any songs to be composed on his victory, or to be sung by harpers or others, roundly gives it, he would not permit "any ditties to be made and sung by minstrels on his glorious victory," &c. (vid. p. 370 and note [Bb4]).
And lastly, that Holinshed, translating the prohibition of K. Henry V., forbidding any songs to be composed on his victory, or to be sung by harpers or others, roundly gives it, he would not permit "any ditties to be made and sung by minstrels on his glorious victory," &c. (vid. p. 370 and note [Bb4]).
Now that this order of men, at first called gleemen, then juglers, and afterwards more generally minstrels, existed here from the Conquest, who entertained their hearers with chanting to the harp or other instruments, songs and tales of chivalry, or as they were[Pg 428] called, gests[1138] and romances in verse in the English language, is proved by the existence of the very compositions they so chanted, which are still preserved in great abundance, and exhibit a regular series from the time our language was almost Saxon, till after its improvements in the age of Chaucer, who enumerates many of them. And as the Norman French was in the time of this bard still the courtly language, it shows that the English was not thereby excluded from affording entertainment to our nobility, who are so often addressed therein by the title of lordings: and sometimes more positively "lords and ladies" (p. 427).
Now that this order of men, at first called gleemen, then juglers, and afterwards more generally minstrels, existed here from the Conquest, who entertained their hearers with chanting to the harp or other instruments, songs and tales of chivalry, or as they were[Pg 428] called, gests[1138] and romances in verse in the English language, is proved by the existence of the very compositions they so chanted, which are still preserved in great abundance, and exhibit a regular series from the time our language was almost Saxon, till after its improvements in the age of Chaucer, who enumerates many of them. And as the Norman French was in the time of this bard still the courtly language, it shows that the English was not thereby excluded from affording entertainment to our nobility, who are so often addressed therein by the title of lordings: and sometimes more positively "lords and ladies" (p. 427).
And tho' many of these were translated from the French, others are evidently of English origin[1139] which appear in their turns to have afforded versions into that language; a sufficient proof of that intercommunity between the French and English minstrels, which hath been mentioned in a preceding page. Even the abundance of such translations into English being all adapted for popular recitation, sufficiently establishes the fact that the English minstrels had a great demand for such compositions, which they were glad to supply, whether from their own native stores or from other languages.
And tho' many of these were translated from the French, others are evidently of English origin[1139] which appear in their turns to have afforded versions into that language; a sufficient proof of that intercommunity between the French and English minstrels, which hath been mentioned in a preceding page. Even the abundance of such translations into English being all adapted for popular recitation, sufficiently establishes the fact that the English minstrels had a great demand for such compositions, which they were glad to supply, whether from their own native stores or from other languages.
We have seen above that the joculator, mimus, histrio, whether these characters were the same, or had any real difference, were all called minstrels; as was also the harper,[1140] when the term implied a singer, if not a composer of songs, &c. By degrees the name of minstrel was extended to vocal and instrumental musicians of every kind: and as in the establishment of royal and noble houses, the latter would necessarily be most numerous, so we are not to wonder that the band of music (entered under the general name of minstrels) should consist of instrumental performers chiefly, if not[Pg 429] altogether; for as the composer or singer of heroic tales to the harp would necessarily be a solitary performer, we must not expect to find him in the band along with the trumpeters, fluters, &c.
We have seen above that the joculator, mimus, histrio, whether these characters were the same, or had any real difference, were all called minstrels; as was also the harper,[1140] when the term implied a singer, if not a composer of songs, &c. By degrees the name of minstrel was extended to vocal and instrumental musicians of every kind: and as in the establishment of royal and noble houses, the latter would necessarily be most numerous, so we are not to wonder that the band of music (entered under the general name of minstrels) should consist of instrumental performers chiefly, if not[Pg 429] altogether; for as the composer or singer of heroic tales to the harp would necessarily be a solitary performer, we must not expect to find him in the band along with the trumpeters, fluters, &c.
However, as we sometimes find mention of "Minstrels of Music:"[1141] so at other times we hear of "expert minstrels and musicians of tongue and cunning" (B b. iii. p. 418)[1142], meaning doubtless by the former singers, and probably by the latter phrase composers of songs. Even "minstrels music" seems to be applied to the species of verse used by minstrels in the passage quoted below.[1143]
However, as we sometimes find mention of "Minstrels of Music:"[1141] so at other times we hear of "expert minstrels and musicians of tongue and cunning" (B b. iii. p. 418)[1142], meaning doubtless by the former singers, and probably by the latter phrase composers of songs. Even "minstrels music" seems to be applied to the species of verse used by minstrels in the passage quoted below.[1143]
But although from the predominancy of instrumental music minstrelsy was at length chiefly to be understood in this sense, yet it was still applied to the poetry of minstrels so late as the time of Queen Elizabeth, as appears in the following extract from Puttenham's Arte of Eng. Poesie, p. 9, who, speaking of the first composers of Latin verses in ryme, says, "all that they wrote to the favour or prayse of princes, they did it in such manner of minstralsie; and thought themselves no small fooles, when they could make their verses go all in ryme."
But even though instrumental music eventually dominated, the term minstrelsy was still used to refer to the poetry of minstrels up until the time of Queen Elizabeth. This is evident in the following excerpt from Puttenham's Arte of Eng. Poesie, p. 9, where he talks about the first composers of Latin rhymed verses, saying, "everything they wrote to flatter or praise princes was done in the style of minstrelsy; and they considered themselves quite clever whenever they could make their verses rhyme."
I shall conclude this subject with the following description of minstrelcy given by John Lidgate at the beginning of the fifteenth century, as it shows what a variety of entertainments were then [Pg 430]comprehended under this term, together with every kind of instrumental music then in use.
I will wrap up this topic with the description of minstrelcy provided by John Lidgate at the start of the fifteenth century, as it highlights the wide range of entertainment included under this term, along with all types of instrumental music that were in use at the time. [Pg 430]
That any man can specify. For there were roots of Germany,
And also of Aragon and Spain:
Songs, Stamps, and also Dances;
Diverse loads of pleasures:
And many uncouth notes new
Of such people who loved loyalty.[1144]
And instruments that did excel,
Many more than I can tell.
Harpies, Fythales, and also Rotys
According to her [i.e. their] notes,
Lutys, Ribibles, and Geternes,
More for estates than taverns:
Organs, Cytolis, Monacordys.—
There were Trumpers and Trumpettes,
Lowde Shallmys and Doucettes.
T. Warton, ii. 225, note [1144].
T. Warton, vol. 2, 225, note __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
☛ The foregoing essay on the ancient minstrels has been very much enlarged and improved since the first edition, with respect to the Anglo-Saxon minstrels, in consequence of some objections proposed by the reverend and learned Mr. Pegge, which the reader may find in the second volume of the Archæologia, printed by the Antiquarian Society: but which that gentleman has since retracted in the most liberal and candid manner in the third volume of the Archæologia, No. xxxiv. p. 310.
☛ The previous essay on the ancient minstrels has been significantly expanded and enhanced since the first edition, particularly regarding the Anglo-Saxon minstrels, due to some objections raised by the respected and knowledgeable Mr. Pegge. You can find those objections in the second volume of the Archæologia, published by the Antiquarian Society. However, that gentleman has since retracted his objections in a very generous and honest way in the third volume of the Archæologia, No. xxxiv. p. 310.
And in consequence of similar objections respecting the English minstrels after the Conquest, the subsequent part hath been much enlarged, and additional light thrown upon the subject; which, to prevent cavil, hath been extended to minstrelsy in all its branches, as it was established in England, whether by natives or foreigners.
And as a result of similar issues concerning the English minstrels after the Conquest, the following section has been greatly expanded and more information has been provided on the topic; to avoid any criticism, it has been broadened to include minstrelsy in all its forms, as it was practiced in England, whether by locals or outsiders.
[Ritson made a searching examination of this essay, and dissented from many of the propositions contained in it. His essay "On the Ancient English Minstrels" will be found in his collection of Ancient Songs and Ballads.]
[Ritson closely examined this essay and disagreed with many of the points it made. His essay "On the Ancient English Minstrels" can be found in his collection of Ancient Songs and Ballads.]
FOOTNOTES:
[1103] The Anglo-Saxon and primary English name for this character was Gleeman (see below, note [I], sect. 1), so that wherever the term minstrel is in these pages applied to it before the Conquest, it must be understood to be only by anticipation. Another early name for this profession in English was jogeler, or jocular, Lat. joculator. (See p. 353, as also note [V2] and note [Q].) To prevent confusion, we have chiefly used the more general word minstrel, which (as the author of the Observ. on the Statutes hath suggested to the editor) might have been originally derived from a diminutive of the Lat. minister, scil. ministerellus, ministrellus.]
[1103] The Anglo-Saxon and primary English name for this character was Gleeman (see below, note [I], sect. 1), so that wherever the term minstrel is in these pages applied to it before the Conquest, it must be understood to be only by anticipation. Another early name for this profession in English was jogeler, or jocular, Lat. joculator. (See p. 353, as also note [V2] and note [Q].) To prevent confusion, we have chiefly used the more general word minstrel, which (as the author of the Observ. on the Statutes hath suggested to the editor) might have been originally derived from a diminutive of the Lat. minister, scil. ministerellus, ministrellus.]
[1104] Ministers seems to be used for minstrels in the account of the Inthronization of Abp. Neville (An. 6, Edw. IV.). "Then all the Chaplyns must say grace, and the ministers do sing." Vid. Lelandi Collectanea, by Hearne, vol. vi. p. 13.
[1104] Ministers seems to be used for minstrels in the account of the Inthronization of Abp. Neville (An. 6, Edw. IV.). "Then all the Chaplyns must say grace, and the ministers do sing." Vid. Lelandi Collectanea, by Hearne, vol. vi. p. 13.
[1105] It has, however, been suggested to the editor by the learned and ingenious author of Irish Antiquities, 4to. that the ancient mimi among the Romans had their heads and beards shaven, as is shown by Salmasius in Notis ad Hist. August. Scriptores VI. Paris, 1622, fol. p. 385. So that this peculiarity had a classical origin, though it afterwards might make the minstrels sometimes pass for ecclesiastics, as appears from the instance given below. Dr. Burney tells us that histriones and mimi abounded in France in the time of Charlemagne (ii. 221), so that their profession was handed down in regular succession from the time of the Romans, and therewith some leading distinctions of their habit or appearance; yet with a change in their arts of pleasing, which latterly were most confined to singing and music.
[1105] It has, however, been suggested to the editor by the learned and ingenious author of Irish Antiquities, 4to. that the ancient mimi among the Romans had their heads and beards shaven, as is shown by Salmasius in Notis ad Hist. August. Scriptores VI. Paris, 1622, fol. p. 385. So that this peculiarity had a classical origin, though it afterwards might make the minstrels sometimes pass for ecclesiastics, as appears from the instance given below. Dr. Burney tells us that histriones and mimi abounded in France in the time of Charlemagne (ii. 221), so that their profession was handed down in regular succession from the time of the Romans, and therewith some leading distinctions of their habit or appearance; yet with a change in their arts of pleasing, which latterly were most confined to singing and music.
[1106] Yet in St. Mary's church at Beverley, one of the columns hath this inscription: "Thys Pillar made the Mynstrylls;" having its capital decorated with figures of five men in short coats; one of whom holds an instrument resembling a lute. See Sir J. Hawkins' Hist. ii. 298.
[1106] Yet in St. Mary's church at Beverley, one of the columns hath this inscription: "Thys Pillar made the Mynstrylls;" having its capital decorated with figures of five men in short coats; one of whom holds an instrument resembling a lute. See Sir J. Hawkins' Hist. ii. 298.
[1110] The minstrels in France were received with great magnificence in the fourteenth century. Froissart describing a Christmas entertainment given by the Comte de Foix, tells us, that "there were many mynstrels, as well of hys own, as of straungers, and eache of them dyd their devoyre in their faculties. The same day the Erle of Foix gave to haraulds and minstrelles the som of fyve hundred frankes: and gave to the Duke of Tourayns mynstreles gownes of clothe of gold, furred with ermyne, valued at two hundred frankes." B. iii. c. 31. Eng. Trans. Lond. 1525. (Mr. C.)
[1110] The minstrels in France were received with great magnificence in the fourteenth century. Froissart describing a Christmas entertainment given by the Comte de Foix, tells us, that "there were many mynstrels, as well of hys own, as of straungers, and eache of them dyd their devoyre in their faculties. The same day the Erle of Foix gave to haraulds and minstrelles the som of fyve hundred frankes: and gave to the Duke of Tourayns mynstreles gownes of clothe of gold, furred with ermyne, valued at two hundred frankes." B. iii. c. 31. Eng. Trans. Lond. 1525. (Mr. C.)
[1112] Vid. Nicolson's Eng. Hist. Lib. &c.
[1113] Gleeman continued to be the name given to a minstrel both in England and Scotland almost as long as this order of men continued.
[1113] Gleeman continued to be the name given to a minstrel both in England and Scotland almost as long as this order of men continued.
In De Brunne's metrical version of Bishop Grosthead's Manuel de Peche, A.D. 1303 (see Warton, i. 61), we have this,
In De Brunne's poetic version of Bishop Grosthead's Manuel de Peche, CE 1303 (see Warton, i. 61), we have this,
"When you see any gleman here."
Dunbar, who lived in the same century, describing in one of his poems, intitled, The Daunce what passed in the infernal regions "amangis the Feyndis," says:
Dunbar, who lived in the same century, describes in one of his poems, titled The Daunce, what happened in the infernal regions "among the Fiends," saying:
For the men who were holding out, "By day and also by night."
See Poems from Bannatyne's MS. Edinb. 1770, 12mo. p. 30. Maitland's MS. at Cambridge reads here glewe-men.
See Poems from Bannatyne's MS. Edinb. 1770, 12mo. p. 30. Maitland's MS. at Cambridge reads here glewe-men.
[1115] The preceding list of Anglo-Saxon words, so full and copious beyond any thing that ever yet appeared in print on this subject, was extracted from Mr. Lye's curious Anglo-Saxon Lexicon, in MS. but the arrangement here is the Editor's own. It had however received the sanction of Mr. Lye's approbation, and would doubtless have been received into his printed copy, had he lived to publish it himself.
[1115] The preceding list of Anglo-Saxon words, so full and copious beyond any thing that ever yet appeared in print on this subject, was extracted from Mr. Lye's curious Anglo-Saxon Lexicon, in MS. but the arrangement here is the Editor's own. It had however received the sanction of Mr. Lye's approbation, and would doubtless have been received into his printed copy, had he lived to publish it himself.
It should also be observed, for the sake of future researches, that without the assistance of the old English interpretations given by Somner, in his Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, the Editor of the book never could have discovered that glee signified minstrelsy, or gligman a minstrel.
It should also be noted, for future research purposes, that without the help of the old English definitions provided by Somner in his Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, the book's editor would never have been able to find out that glee meant minstrelsy, or gligman referred to a minstrel.
[1116] Neven, i.e. name.
[1117] Geoffrey of Monmouth is probably here describing the appearance of the joculatores or minstrels, as it was in his own time. For they apparently derived this part of their dress, &c. from the mimi of the ancient Romans, who had their heads and beards shaven (see above p. 383 note [1105]), as they likewise did the mimickry, and other arts of diverting, which they superadded to the composing and singing to the harp heroic songs, &c. which they inherited from their own progenitors the bards and scalds of the ancient Celtic and Gothic nations. The Longobardi had, like other northern people, brought these with them into Italy. For "in the year 774, when Charlemagne entered Italy and found his passage impeded, he was met by a minstrel of Lombardy, whose song promised him success and victory. Contigit joculatorem ex Longobardorum gente ad Carolum venire, et cantiunculam a se compositam, rotando in conspectu suorum, cantare." Tom. ii. p. 2. Chron. Monast. Noval. lib. iii. cap. x. p. 717. (T. Warton's Hist. vol. ii. Emend. of vol. i. p. 113.)
[1117] Geoffrey of Monmouth is probably here describing the appearance of the joculatores or minstrels, as it was in his own time. For they apparently derived this part of their dress, &c. from the mimi of the ancient Romans, who had their heads and beards shaven (see above p. 383 note [1105]), as they likewise did the mimickry, and other arts of diverting, which they superadded to the composing and singing to the harp heroic songs, &c. which they inherited from their own progenitors the bards and scalds of the ancient Celtic and Gothic nations. The Longobardi had, like other northern people, brought these with them into Italy. For "in the year 774, when Charlemagne entered Italy and found his passage impeded, he was met by a minstrel of Lombardy, whose song promised him success and victory. Contigit joculatorem ex Longobardorum gente ad Carolum venire, et cantiunculam a se compositam, rotando in conspectu suorum, cantare." Tom. ii. p. 2. Chron. Monast. Noval. lib. iii. cap. x. p. 717. (T. Warton's Hist. vol. ii. Emend. of vol. i. p. 113.)
[1118] Natus, 1030; scripsit, 1091; obit, 1109. Tanner.
[1119] Obit, Anno 1142. Tanner.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Obit, Year 1142. Tanner.
[1121] Thus Leoꝺ, the Saxon word for a poem, is properly a song, and its derivative lied signifies a ballad to this day in the German tongue. And cantare we have seen above is by Alfred himself rendered, Be heaꞃpan ꞅιnᵹan.
[1121] Thus Leoꝺ, the Saxon word for a poem, is properly a song, and its derivative lied signifies a ballad to this day in the German tongue. And cantare we have seen above is by Alfred himself rendered, Be heaꞃpan ꞅιnᵹan.
[1122] The tabour or tabourin was a common instrument with the French minstrels, as it had also been with the Anglo-Saxon (vid. p. 393): thus in an ancient Fr. MS. in the Harl. collection (2253, 75), a minstrel is described as riding on horseback, and bearing his tabour.
[1122] The tabour or tabourin was a common instrument with the French minstrels, as it had also been with the Anglo-Saxon (vid. p. 393): thus in an ancient Fr. MS. in the Harl. collection (2253, 75), a minstrel is described as riding on horseback, and bearing his tabour.
"Painted in gold, and rich blue."
See also a passage in Menage's Diction. Etym. (v. menestriers,) where tabours is used as synonymous to menestriers.
See also a passage in Menage's Diction. Etym. (v. menestriers,) where tabours is used as synonymous with menestriers.
Another frequent instrument with them was the viele. This, I am told, is the name of an instrument at this day, which differs from a guitar, in that the player turns round a handle at the top of the instrument, and with his other hand, plays on some keys, that touch the chords, and produce the sound.
Another common instrument they used was the vielle. I’ve heard that this is the name of an instrument today that’s different from a guitar because the player turns a handle at the top of it while using their other hand to play some keys that strike the strings and produce sound.
See Dr. Burney's account of the vielle, vol. ii. p. 263, who thinks it the same with the rote or wheel. See p. 270 in the note.
See Dr. Burney's account of the vielle, vol. ii. p. 263, who thinks it the same with the rote or wheel. See p. 270 in the note.
Who didn’t often wear a full robe; "Sovent this was without his wife."—Fabliaux & Cont. ii. 184, 5.
[1124] It ought to have been observed in its proper place in No. 31, vol. iii. appendix, that Amys and Amylion were no otherwise "Brothers" than as being fast friends: as was suggested by the learned Dr. Samuel Pegge, who was so obliging as to favour the essayist formerly with a curious transcript of this poem accompanied with valuable illustrations, &c: and that it was his opinion that both the fragment of the Lady Bellesent mentioned in the same No. 31, and also the mutilated tale No. 37, were only imperfect copies of the above romance of Amys and Amylion, which contains the two lines quoted in No. 37.
[1124] It ought to have been observed in its proper place in No. 31, vol. iii. appendix, that Amys and Amylion were no otherwise "Brothers" than as being fast friends: as was suggested by the learned Dr. Samuel Pegge, who was so obliging as to favour the essayist formerly with a curious transcript of this poem accompanied with valuable illustrations, &c: and that it was his opinion that both the fragment of the Lady Bellesent mentioned in the same No. 31, and also the mutilated tale No. 37, were only imperfect copies of the above romance of Amys and Amylion, which contains the two lines quoted in No. 37.
[1125] Whenever the word Romance occurs in these metrical narratives, it hath been thought to afford decisive proof of a translation from the Romance, or French language. Accordingly it is so urged by T. Warton (i. 146, note), from two passages in the pr. copy of Sir Eglamour, viz., Sign. E. i.
[1125] Whenever the word Romance occurs in these metrical narratives, it hath been thought to afford decisive proof of a translation from the Romance, or French language. Accordingly it is so urged by T. Warton (i. 146, note), from two passages in the pr. copy of Sir Eglamour, viz., Sign. E. i.
Again in fol. ult.
Again in last folio.
But in the Cotton MS. of the original the first passage is:
But in the Cotton MS. of the original, the first passage is:
And the other thus:
And the other one like this:
So that I believe references to "the Romaunce," or the like, were often meer expletive phrases inserted by the oral reciters; one of whom, I conceive, had altered or corrupted the old Syr Eglamour in the manner that the copy was printed.
So I think mentions of "the Romaunce," or something similar, were just empty phrases added by the storytellers; one of them, I believe, changed or messed up the old Syr Eglamour in the way that the printed version shows.
[1126] The harp (Lat. cithara) differed from the sautry, or psaltry (Lat. psalterium) in that the former was a stringed instrument, and the latter was mounted with wire: there was also some difference in the construction of the bellies, &c. See Bartholomæus de proprietatibus rerum, as Englished by Trevisa and Batman, ed. 1584, in Sir J. Hawkins's Hist. vol ii. p. 285.
[1126] The harp (Lat. cithara) differed from the sautry, or psaltry (Lat. psalterium) in that the former was a stringed instrument, and the latter was mounted with wire: there was also some difference in the construction of the bellies, &c. See Bartholomæus de proprietatibus rerum, as Englished by Trevisa and Batman, ed. 1584, in Sir J. Hawkins's Hist. vol ii. p. 285.
[1127] Jogeler (Lat. joculator) was a very ancient name for a minstrel. Of what nature the performance of the joculator was, we may learn from the register of St. Swithin's Priory at Winchester (T. Warton, i. 69): "Et cantabat Joculator quidam nomine Herebertus Canticum Colbrondi, necnon Gestum Emme regine a judicio ignis liberate, in aula Prioris." His instrument was sometimes the fythele, or fiddle, Lat. fidicula: which occurs in the Anglo-Saxon lexicon. On this subject we have a curious passage from a MS. of the Lives of the Saints in metre, supposed to be earlier than the year 1200 (T. Warton's Hist. i. p. 17), viz.:
[1127] Jogeler (Lat. joculator) was a very ancient name for a minstrel. Of what nature the performance of the joculator was, we may learn from the register of St. Swithin's Priory at Winchester (T. Warton, i. 69): "Et cantabat Joculator quidam nomine Herebertus Canticum Colbrondi, necnon Gestum Emme regine a judicio ignis liberate, in aula Prioris." His instrument was sometimes the fythele, or fiddle, Lat. fidicula: which occurs in the Anglo-Saxon lexicon. On this subject we have a curious passage from a MS. of the Lives of the Saints in metre, supposed to be earlier than the year 1200 (T. Warton's Hist. i. p. 17), viz.:
So that his Jogeler, on a day before him, was going to play fast, "And at one point, he mentioned the devil in his song."
[1128] Le Compte.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Account.
[1129] fait.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ done.
[1131] Janglerie, babillage, raillerie.
[1132] Of the 24 songs in what is now called Robin Hood's Garland, many are so modern as not to be found in Pepys's collection completed only in 1700. In the folio MS. are ancient fragments of the following, viz.: Robin Hood and the Beggar, Robin Hood and the Butcher, Robin Hood and Fryer Tucke, Robin Hood and the Pindar, Robin Hood and Queen Catharine, in two parts, Little John and the four Beggars, and Robine Hoode his Death. This last, which is very curious, has no resemblance to any that have been published; and the others are extremely different from the printed copies; but they unfortunately are in the beginning of the MS. where half of every leaf hath been torn away.
[1132] Of the 24 songs in what is now called Robin Hood's Garland, many are so modern as not to be found in Pepys's collection completed only in 1700. In the folio MS. are ancient fragments of the following, viz.: Robin Hood and the Beggar, Robin Hood and the Butcher, Robin Hood and Fryer Tucke, Robin Hood and the Pindar, Robin Hood and Queen Catharine, in two parts, Little John and the four Beggars, and Robine Hoode his Death. This last, which is very curious, has no resemblance to any that have been published; and the others are extremely different from the printed copies; but they unfortunately are in the beginning of the MS. where half of every leaf hath been torn away.
[1133] That the French minstrel was a singer and composer; &c. appears from many passages translated by M. Le Grand, in Fabliaux ou Contes, &c. see tom. i. p. 37, 47, ii. 306, 313, & seqq. iii. 266, &c. Yet this writer, like other French critics, endeavours to reduce to distinct and separate classes the men of this profession under the precise names of fablier, conteur, menetrier, menestrel, and jongleur (tom. i. pref. p. xcviii.) whereas his own tales confute all these nice distinctions, or prove at least that the title of menetrier or minstrel was applied to them all.
[1133] That the French minstrel was a singer and composer; &c. appears from many passages translated by M. Le Grand, in Fabliaux ou Contes, &c. see tom. i. p. 37, 47, ii. 306, 313, & seqq. iii. 266, &c. Yet this writer, like other French critics, endeavours to reduce to distinct and separate classes the men of this profession under the precise names of fablier, conteur, menetrier, menestrel, and jongleur (tom. i. pref. p. xcviii.) whereas his own tales confute all these nice distinctions, or prove at least that the title of menetrier or minstrel was applied to them all.
[1137] The fondness of the English (even the most illiterate) to hear tales and rimes, is much dwelt on by Rob. de Brunne, in 1330 (Warton, i. p. 59, 65, 75). All rimes were then sung to the harp: even Troilus and Cresseide, though almost as long as the Æneid, was to be "redde ... or else songe." l. ult. (Warton, i. 388).
[1137] The fondness of the English (even the most illiterate) to hear tales and rimes, is much dwelt on by Rob. de Brunne, in 1330 (Warton, i. p. 59, 65, 75). All rimes were then sung to the harp: even Troilus and Cresseide, though almost as long as the Æneid, was to be "redde ... or else songe." l. ult. (Warton, i. 388).
[1138] Gests at length came to signify adventures or incidents in general. So in a narrative of the journey into Scotland of Queen Margaret and her attendants, on her marriage with K. James IV. in 1503 (in appendix to Leland. Collect. iv. p. 265), we are promised an account "of their gestys and manners during the said voyage."
[1138] Gests at length came to signify adventures or incidents in general. So in a narrative of the journey into Scotland of Queen Margaret and her attendants, on her marriage with K. James IV. in 1503 (in appendix to Leland. Collect. iv. p. 265), we are promised an account "of their gestys and manners during the said voyage."
[1139] The romance of Richard Cœur de Lion (No. 25) I should judge to be of English origin, from the names Wardrewe and Eldrede, &c. iii. appendix (sect. ii.). As is also Eger and Grim (No. 12), wherein a knight is named Sir Gray Steel, and a lady who excells in surgery is called Loosepaine or Losepain; these surely are not derived from France.
[1139] The romance of Richard Cœur de Lion (No. 25) I should judge to be of English origin, from the names Wardrewe and Eldrede, &c. iii. appendix (sect. ii.). As is also Eger and Grim (No. 12), wherein a knight is named Sir Gray Steel, and a lady who excells in surgery is called Loosepaine or Losepain; these surely are not derived from France.
[1140] See the romance of Sir Isenbras (No. 14) sign. a.
[1140] See the romance of Sir Isenbras (No. 14) sign. a.
[1142] The curious author of the Tour in Wales, 1773, 4to. p. 435, I find to have read these words, "in toune and contrey;" which I can scarce imagine to have been applicable to Wales at that time. Nor can I agree with him in the representation he has given (p. 367) concerning the Cymmorth or meeting, wherein the bards exerted their powers to excite their countrymen to war; as if it were by a deduction of the particulars he enumerates, and, as it should seem, in the way of harangue, &c. After which, "the band of minstrels ... struck up; the harp, the crwth, and the pipe filled the measures of enthusiasm, which the others had begun to inspire." Whereas it is well known that the bard chanted his enthusiastic effusions to the harp; and as for the term minstrel, it was not, I conceive, at all used by the Welsh; and in English it comprehended both the bard and the musician.
[1142] The curious author of the Tour in Wales, 1773, 4to. p. 435, I find to have read these words, "in toune and contrey;" which I can scarce imagine to have been applicable to Wales at that time. Nor can I agree with him in the representation he has given (p. 367) concerning the Cymmorth or meeting, wherein the bards exerted their powers to excite their countrymen to war; as if it were by a deduction of the particulars he enumerates, and, as it should seem, in the way of harangue, &c. After which, "the band of minstrels ... struck up; the harp, the crwth, and the pipe filled the measures of enthusiasm, which the others had begun to inspire." Whereas it is well known that the bard chanted his enthusiastic effusions to the harp; and as for the term minstrel, it was not, I conceive, at all used by the Welsh; and in English it comprehended both the bard and the musician.
[1143] "Your ordinarie rimers use very much their measures in the odde, as nine and eleven, and the sharpe accent upon the last sillable, which therefore makes him go ill favouredly and like a minstrels musicke." (Puttenham's Arte of Eng. Poesie, 1589, p. 59.) This must mean his vocal music, otherwise it appears not applicable to the subject.
[1143] "Your ordinarie rimers use very much their measures in the odde, as nine and eleven, and the sharpe accent upon the last sillable, which therefore makes him go ill favouredly and like a minstrels musicke." (Puttenham's Arte of Eng. Poesie, 1589, p. 59.) This must mean his vocal music, otherwise it appears not applicable to the subject.
APPENDIX II.
ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE, &c.
I.
I.

It is well known that dramatic poetry in this and most other nations of Europe owes its origin, or at least its revival, to those religious shows which in the dark ages were usually exhibited on the more solemn festivals. At those times they were wont to represent in the churches the lives and miracles of the saints, or some of the more important stories of scripture. And as the most mysterious subjects were frequently chosen, such as the Incarnation, Passion, and Resurrection of Christ, &c., these exhibitions acquired the general name of mysteries. At first they were probably a kind of dumb shews, intermingled, it may be, with a few short speeches; at length they grew into a regular series of connected dialogues, formally divided into acts and scenes. Specimens of these in their most improved state (being at best but poor artless compositions) may be seen among Dodsley's Old Plays and in Osborne's Harleyan Miscel. How they were exhibited in their most simple form we may learn from an ancient novel, often quoted by our old dramatic poets[1145] intitled ... "a merye jest of a man that was called[Pg 432] Howleglas"[1146], &c., being a translation from the Dutch language, in which he is named Ulenspiegle. Howleglass, whose waggish tricks are the subject of this book, after many adventures comes to live with a priest, who makes him his parish clerk. This priest is described as keeping a leman or concubine, who had but one eye, to whom Howleglass owed a grudge for revealing his rogueries to his master. The story thus proceeds: ... "And than in the meane season, while Howleglas was parysh clarke, at Easter they should play the Resurrection of our Lorde: and for because than the men wer not learned, nor could not read, the priest toke his leman, and put her in the grave for an Aungell: and this seing Howleglas, toke to hym iij of the symplest persons that were in the towne, that played the iij Maries; and the Person [i.e. Parson or Rector] played Christe, with a baner in his hand. Than saide Howleglas to the symple persons. Whan the Aungel asketh you, whome you seke, you may saye, The parsons leman with one iye. Than it fortuned that the tyme was come that they must playe, and the Aungel asked them whom they sought, and than sayd they, as Howleglas had shewed and lerned them afore, and than answered they, We seke the priests leman with one iye. And than the prieste might heare that he was mocked. And whan the priestes leman herd that, she arose out of the grave, and would have smyten with her fist Howleglas upon the cheke, but she missed him and smote one of the simple persons that played one of the thre Maries; and he gave her another; and than toke she him by the heare [hair]; and that seing his wyfe, came running hastely to smite the priestes leaman; and than the priest[Pg 433] seeing this, caste down hys baner and went to helpe his woman, so that the one gave the other sore strokes, and made great noyse in the churche. And than Howleglas seyng them lyinge together by the eares in the bodi of the churche, went his way out of the village, and came no more there."[1147]
It is well known that dramatic poetry in this and most other nations of Europe owes its origin, or at least its revival, to those religious shows which in the dark ages were usually exhibited on the more solemn festivals. At those times they were wont to represent in the churches the lives and miracles of the saints, or some of the more important stories of scripture. And as the most mysterious subjects were frequently chosen, such as the Incarnation, Passion, and Resurrection of Christ, &c., these exhibitions acquired the general name of mysteries. At first they were probably a kind of dumb shews, intermingled, it may be, with a few short speeches; at length they grew into a regular series of connected dialogues, formally divided into acts and scenes. Specimens of these in their most improved state (being at best but poor artless compositions) may be seen among Dodsley's Old Plays and in Osborne's Harleyan Miscel. How they were exhibited in their most simple form we may learn from an ancient novel, often quoted by our old dramatic poets[1145] intitled ... "a merye jest of a man that was called[Pg 432] Howleglas"[1146], &c., being a translation from the Dutch language, in which he is named Ulenspiegle. Howleglass, whose waggish tricks are the subject of this book, after many adventures comes to live with a priest, who makes him his parish clerk. This priest is described as keeping a leman or concubine, who had but one eye, to whom Howleglass owed a grudge for revealing his rogueries to his master. The story thus proceeds: ... "And than in the meane season, while Howleglas was parysh clarke, at Easter they should play the Resurrection of our Lorde: and for because than the men wer not learned, nor could not read, the priest toke his leman, and put her in the grave for an Aungell: and this seing Howleglas, toke to hym iij of the symplest persons that were in the towne, that played the iij Maries; and the Person [i.e. Parson or Rector] played Christe, with a baner in his hand. Than saide Howleglas to the symple persons. Whan the Aungel asketh you, whome you seke, you may saye, The parsons leman with one iye. Than it fortuned that the tyme was come that they must playe, and the Aungel asked them whom they sought, and than sayd they, as Howleglas had shewed and lerned them afore, and than answered they, We seke the priests leman with one iye. And than the prieste might heare that he was mocked. And whan the priestes leman herd that, she arose out of the grave, and would have smyten with her fist Howleglas upon the cheke, but she missed him and smote one of the simple persons that played one of the thre Maries; and he gave her another; and than toke she him by the heare [hair]; and that seing his wyfe, came running hastely to smite the priestes leaman; and than the priest[Pg 433] seeing this, caste down hys baner and went to helpe his woman, so that the one gave the other sore strokes, and made great noyse in the churche. And than Howleglas seyng them lyinge together by the eares in the bodi of the churche, went his way out of the village, and came no more there."[1147]
As the old mysteries frequently required the representation of some allegorical personage, such as Death, Sin, Charity, Faith, and the like, by degrees the rude poets of those unlettered ages began to form compleat dramatic pieces consisting entirely of such personifications. These they intitled moral plays, or moralities. The mysteries were very inartificial, representing the scripture stories simply according to the letter. But the moralities are not devoid of invention: they exhibit outlines of the dramatic art; they contain something of a fable or plot, and even attempt to delineate characters and manners. I have now before me two that were printed early in the reign of Henry VIII., in which, I think, one may plainly discover the seeds of tragedy and comedy, for which reason I shall give a short analysis of them both.
As old mysteries often needed to depict allegorical figures like Death, Sin, Charity, and Faith, the rough poets of those uneducated times gradually began to create complete dramatic works made up entirely of such personifications. They called these moral plays or moralities. The mysteries were quite simple, representing biblical stories just as they were written. However, the moralities show some creativity: they feature elements of dramatic art, include some kind of fable or plot, and even try to portray characters and behaviors. I have two that were printed early in the reign of Henry VIII. In these, I think one can clearly see the beginnings of tragedy and comedy, which is why I will provide a brief analysis of both.
One of them is intitled Every Man.[1148] The subject of this piece is the summoning of man out of the world by death; and its moral, that nothing will then avail him but a well-spent life and the comforts of religion. This subject and moral are opened in a monologue spoken by the Messenger (for that was the name generally given by our ancestors to the prologue on their rude stage); then God[1149] [Pg 434]is represented, who, after some general complaints on the degeneracy of mankind, calls for Deth, and orders him to bring before his tribunal Every-man, for so is called the personage who represents the human race. Every-man appears, and receives the summons with all the marks of confusion and terror. When Death is withdrawn Every-man applies for relief in this distress to Fellowship, Kindred, Goods, or Riches, but they successively renounce and forsake him. In this disconsolate state he betakes himself to Good-dedes, who, after upbraiding him with his long neglect of her,[1150] introduces him to her sister Knowledge, and she leads him to the "holy man Confession," who appoints him penance; this he inflicts upon himself on the stage, and then withdraws to receive the sacraments of the priest. On his return he begins to wax faint, and after Strength, Beauty, Discretion, and Five Wits[1151] have all taken their final leave of him, gradually expires on the stage, Good-dedes still accompanying him to the last. Then an Aungell descends to sing his requiem, and the epilogue is spoken by a person called Doctour, who recapitulates the whole and delivers the moral:—
One of them is intitled Every Man.[1148] The subject of this piece is the summoning of man out of the world by death; and its moral, that nothing will then avail him but a well-spent life and the comforts of religion. This subject and moral are opened in a monologue spoken by the Messenger (for that was the name generally given by our ancestors to the prologue on their rude stage); then God[1149] [Pg 434]is represented, who, after some general complaints on the degeneracy of mankind, calls for Deth, and orders him to bring before his tribunal Every-man, for so is called the personage who represents the human race. Every-man appears, and receives the summons with all the marks of confusion and terror. When Death is withdrawn Every-man applies for relief in this distress to Fellowship, Kindred, Goods, or Riches, but they successively renounce and forsake him. In this disconsolate state he betakes himself to Good-dedes, who, after upbraiding him with his long neglect of her,[1150] introduces him to her sister Knowledge, and she leads him to the "holy man Confession," who appoints him penance; this he inflicts upon himself on the stage, and then withdraws to receive the sacraments of the priest. On his return he begins to wax faint, and after Strength, Beauty, Discretion, and Five Wits[1151] have all taken their final leave of him, gradually expires on the stage, Good-dedes still accompanying him to the last. Then an Aungell descends to sing his requiem, and the epilogue is spoken by a person called Doctour, who recapitulates the whole and delivers the moral:—
You hearers, take it from both old and young, And abandon Pryde, because he deceives you in the end,
And remember Beauty, Five Wits, Strength, and Discretion,
They all eventually abandon Everyman; He saves his good deeds there. But be careful, because they are small,
"Before God, he has no help at all," etc.
From this short analysis it may be observed that Every Man is a grave, solemn piece, not without some rude attempts to excite terror and pity, and therefore may not improperly be referred to the class of tragedy. It is remarkable that in this old simple drama the fable is conducted upon the strictest model of the Greek tragedy. The action is simply one, the time of action is that of the performance, the scene is never changed, nor the stage ever empty. Every-man, the hero of the piece, after his first appearance never withdraws, except when he goes out to receive the sacraments, which could not well be exhibited in public, and during his absence Knowledge descants on the excellence and power of the priesthood, somewhat after the manner of the Greek chorus. And, indeed, except in the circumstance of Every-man's expiring on the stage, the Sampson Agonistes of Milton is hardly formed on a severer plan.[1152]
From this short analysis it may be observed that Every Man is a grave, solemn piece, not without some rude attempts to excite terror and pity, and therefore may not improperly be referred to the class of tragedy. It is remarkable that in this old simple drama the fable is conducted upon the strictest model of the Greek tragedy. The action is simply one, the time of action is that of the performance, the scene is never changed, nor the stage ever empty. Every-man, the hero of the piece, after his first appearance never withdraws, except when he goes out to receive the sacraments, which could not well be exhibited in public, and during his absence Knowledge descants on the excellence and power of the priesthood, somewhat after the manner of the Greek chorus. And, indeed, except in the circumstance of Every-man's expiring on the stage, the Sampson Agonistes of Milton is hardly formed on a severer plan.[1152]
The other play is intitled Hick Scorner,[1153] and bears no distant resemblance to comedy; its chief aim seems to be to exhibit characters and manners, its plot being much less regular than the foregoing. The prologue is spoken by Pity, represented under the character of an aged pilgrim; he is joined by Contemplacyon and Perseverance, two holy men, who, after lamenting the degeneracy of the age, declare their resolution of stemming the torrent. Pity then is left upon the stage, and presently found by Frewyll, representing a lewd debauchee, who, with his dissolute companion Imaginacion, relate their manner of life, and not without humour[Pg 436] describe the stews and other places of base resort. They are presently joined by Hick-Scorner, who is drawn as a libertine returned from travel, and, agreeably to his name, scoffs at religion. These three are described as extremely vicious, who glory in every act of wickedness; at length two of them quarrel, and Pity endeavours to part the fray; on this they fall upon him, put him in the stocks, and there leave him. Pity, thus imprisoned, descants in a kind of lyric measure on the profligacy of the age, and in this situation is found by Perseverance and Contemplacion, who set him at liberty, and advise him to go in search of the delinquents. As soon as he is gone Frewill appears again, and, after relating in a very comic manner some of his rogueries and escapes from justice, is rebuked by the two holy men, who, after a long altercation, at length convert him and his libertine companion Imaginacioun from their vicious course of life, and then the play ends with a few verses from Perseverance by way of epilogue. This and every morality I have seen conclude with a solemn prayer. They are all of them in rhyme, in a kind of loose stanza, intermixed with distichs.
The other play is intitled Hick Scorner,[1153] and bears no distant resemblance to comedy; its chief aim seems to be to exhibit characters and manners, its plot being much less regular than the foregoing. The prologue is spoken by Pity, represented under the character of an aged pilgrim; he is joined by Contemplacyon and Perseverance, two holy men, who, after lamenting the degeneracy of the age, declare their resolution of stemming the torrent. Pity then is left upon the stage, and presently found by Frewyll, representing a lewd debauchee, who, with his dissolute companion Imaginacion, relate their manner of life, and not without humour[Pg 436] describe the stews and other places of base resort. They are presently joined by Hick-Scorner, who is drawn as a libertine returned from travel, and, agreeably to his name, scoffs at religion. These three are described as extremely vicious, who glory in every act of wickedness; at length two of them quarrel, and Pity endeavours to part the fray; on this they fall upon him, put him in the stocks, and there leave him. Pity, thus imprisoned, descants in a kind of lyric measure on the profligacy of the age, and in this situation is found by Perseverance and Contemplacion, who set him at liberty, and advise him to go in search of the delinquents. As soon as he is gone Frewill appears again, and, after relating in a very comic manner some of his rogueries and escapes from justice, is rebuked by the two holy men, who, after a long altercation, at length convert him and his libertine companion Imaginacioun from their vicious course of life, and then the play ends with a few verses from Perseverance by way of epilogue. This and every morality I have seen conclude with a solemn prayer. They are all of them in rhyme, in a kind of loose stanza, intermixed with distichs.
It would be needless to point out the absurdities in the plan and conduct of the foregoing play; they are evidently great. It is sufficient to observe that bating the moral and religious reflection of Pity, etc., the piece is of a comic cast, and contains a humorous display of some of the vices of the age. Indeed, the author has generally been so little attentive to the allegory, that we need only substitute other names to his personages, and we have real characters and living manners.
It would be pointless to highlight the ridiculousness in the plan and execution of the previous play; they're clearly significant. It's enough to note that aside from the moral and religious theme of Pity, etc., the piece is comedic and features a humorous representation of some vices of the time. In fact, the author has often been so inattentive to the allegory that if we just replace the names of his characters, we end up with real people and contemporary behaviors.
We see then that the writers of these moralities were upon the very threshold of real tragedy and comedy, and therefore we are not to wonder that tragedies and comedies in form soon after took place,[Pg 437] especially as the revival of learning about this time brought them acquainted with the Roman and Grecian models.
We see that the writers of these moral plays were on the verge of creating real tragedy and comedy, so it’s no surprise that true tragedies and comedies soon followed, especially since the revival of learning during this time introduced them to Roman and Greek models.[Pg 437]
II. At what period of time the moralities had their rise here it is difficult to discover, but plays of miracles appear to have been exhibited in England soon after the Conquest. Matthew Paris tells us that Geoffrey, afterwards Abbot of St. Albans, a Norman, who had been sent for over by Abbot Richard to take upon him the direction of the school of that monastery, coming too late, went to Dunstable and taught in the Abby there, where he caused to be acted (probably by his scholars) a miracle-play of St. Catharine, composed by himself.[1154] This was long before the year 1119, and probably within the eleventh century. The above play of St. Catharine was, for aught that appears, the first spectacle of this sort that was exhibited in these kingdoms, and an eminent French writer thinks it was even the first attempt towards the revival of dramatic entertainments in all Europe, being long before the representations of mysteries in France, for these did not begin till the year 1398.[1155]
II. At what period of time the moralities had their rise here it is difficult to discover, but plays of miracles appear to have been exhibited in England soon after the Conquest. Matthew Paris tells us that Geoffrey, afterwards Abbot of St. Albans, a Norman, who had been sent for over by Abbot Richard to take upon him the direction of the school of that monastery, coming too late, went to Dunstable and taught in the Abby there, where he caused to be acted (probably by his scholars) a miracle-play of St. Catharine, composed by himself.[1154] This was long before the year 1119, and probably within the eleventh century. The above play of St. Catharine was, for aught that appears, the first spectacle of this sort that was exhibited in these kingdoms, and an eminent French writer thinks it was even the first attempt towards the revival of dramatic entertainments in all Europe, being long before the representations of mysteries in France, for these did not begin till the year 1398.[1155]
But whether they derived their origin from the above exhibition or not, it is certain that holy plays, representing the miracles and sufferings of the [Pg 438]saints, were become common in the reign of Henry II., and a lighter sort of interludes appear not to have been then unknown.[1156] In the subsequent age of Chaucer, "Plays of Miracles" in Lent were the common resort of idle gossips.[1157]
But whether they derived their origin from the above exhibition or not, it is certain that holy plays, representing the miracles and sufferings of the [Pg 438]saints, were become common in the reign of Henry II., and a lighter sort of interludes appear not to have been then unknown.[1156] In the subsequent age of Chaucer, "Plays of Miracles" in Lent were the common resort of idle gossips.[1157]
They do not appear to have been so prevalent on the Continent, for the learned historian of the Council of Constance[1158] ascribes to the English the introduction of plays into Germany. He tells us that the Emperor, having been absent from the Council for some time, was at his return received with great rejoicings, and that the English fathers in particular did upon that occasion cause a sacred comedy to be acted before him on Sunday, Jan. 31, 1417, the subjects of which were:—"The Nativity of our Saviour;" "The Arrival of the Eastern Magi;" and "The Massacre by Herod." Thence it appears, says this writer, that the Germans are obliged to the English for the invention of this sort of spectacles, unknown to them before that period.
They do not appear to have been so prevalent on the Continent, for the learned historian of the Council of Constance[1158] ascribes to the English the introduction of plays into Germany. He tells us that the Emperor, having been absent from the Council for some time, was at his return received with great rejoicings, and that the English fathers in particular did upon that occasion cause a sacred comedy to be acted before him on Sunday, Jan. 31, 1417, the subjects of which were:—"The Nativity of our Saviour;" "The Arrival of the Eastern Magi;" and "The Massacre by Herod." Thence it appears, says this writer, that the Germans are obliged to the English for the invention of this sort of spectacles, unknown to them before that period.
The fondness of our ancestors for dramatic exhibitions of this kind, and some curious particulars [Pg 439]relating to this subject, will appear from the Houshold Book of the fifth Earl of Northumberland, A.D. 1512,[1159] whence I shall select a few extracts which show that the exhibiting Scripture dramas on the great festivals entered into the regular establishment, and formed part of the domestic regulations of our ancient nobility, and, what is more remarkable, that it was as much the business of the chaplain in those days to compose plays for the family as it is now for him to make sermons.
The fondness of our ancestors for dramatic exhibitions of this kind, and some curious particulars [Pg 439]relating to this subject, will appear from the Houshold Book of the fifth Earl of Northumberland, CE 1512,[1159] whence I shall select a few extracts which show that the exhibiting Scripture dramas on the great festivals entered into the regular establishment, and formed part of the domestic regulations of our ancient nobility, and, what is more remarkable, that it was as much the business of the chaplain in those days to compose plays for the family as it is now for him to make sermons.
"My Lordes Chapleyns in Household vj. viz. The Almonar, and if he be a maker of Interludys, than he to have a servaunt to the intent for writynge of the parts; and ells to have non. The maister of gramer, &c."
"My Lord's Chaplains in the Household: 6 total, namely, The Almoner, and if he is a playwright, then he should have an assistant for writing the scripts; otherwise, he shouldn't have one. The master of grammar, etc."
Sect. v. p. 44.
Sect. v. p. 44.
"Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely if his lordship kepe a chapell and be at home, them of his lordschipes chapell, if they doo play the Play of the Nativite uppon cristynmes day in the mornnynge in my lords chapell befor his lordship—xxs."
"Item, my lord uses and is accustomed to give yearly if his lordship keeps a chapel and is at home, to those of his lordship's chapel, if they perform the Play of the Nativity on Christmas Day in the morning in my lord's chapel before his lordship—£20."
Sect. xliv. p. 343.
Sect. 44, p. 343.
"Item, ... to them of his lordship chappell and other his lordshipis servaunts that doith play the Play befor his lordship uppon Shrof-Tewsday at night yerely in reward—xs."
"Item, ... to his lordship's chapel and other servants of his lordship who perform the play before him on Shrove Tuesday night every year as a reward—10 shillings."
Ibid. p. 345.
Ibid. p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
"Item, ... to them ... that playth the Play of Resurrection upon estur day in the mornnynge in my lordis 'chapell' befor his lordshipe—xxs."
"Item, ... to those ... who perform the Play of Resurrection on Easter Sunday morning in my lord's 'chapel' before his lordship—20s."
Ibid.
Same source.
"Item, My lorde useth and accustomyth yerly to gyf hym which is ordynede to be the Master of the Revells yerly in my lordis hous in cristmas for the overseyinge and orderinge of his lordschips Playes, Interludes and Dresinge that is plaid befor his lordship in his hous in the xijth dayes of Cristenmas and they to have in rewarde for that caus yerly—xxs."
"Item, my lord uses and regularly appoints someone each year to be the Master of the Revels in my lord's house during Christmas, responsible for overseeing and organizing his lordship's plays, interludes, and decorations that are performed before him in his house during the twelve days of Christmas, and they are to receive a reward for that—£20."
Ibid. p. 346.
Ibid. p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
"Item, My lorde useth and accustomyth to gyf every of the iiij Parsones that his lordschip admyted as his Players to com to his lordship yerly at Cristynmes ande at all other such tymes as his lordship shall comande them for playing of Playe and Interludes affor his lordship in his lordshipis hous for every of their fees for an hole yere...."
"Item, my lord gives and is accustomed to give each of the four clergy members he admitted as his performers a yearly visit at Christmas and at any other times his lordship commands them to perform plays and interludes in his house for each of their fees for a whole year...."
Ibid. p. 351.
Ibid. p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Sect. i. p. 22.
Sect. 1, p. 22.
"Item, My Lorde usith, and accustometh to gif yerely when his Lordshipp is at home, to every erlis Players that comes to his Lordshipe betwixt Cristynmas ande Candelmas, if he be his special Lorde & Frende & Kynsman—xxs."
"Item, My Lord uses and usually gives yearly when he is at home, to every earl's players that come to him between Christmas and Candlemas, if they are his special lord, friend, and relative—20s."
Sect. xliiii. p. 340.
Sect. 43, p. 340.
"Item, My Lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely, when his Lordship is at home to every Lordis Players, that comyth to his Lordshipe betwixt Crystynmas and Candilmas—xs."
"Item, my Lord uses and is in the habit of giving yearly, when his Lordship is at home, to every Lord's Players that come to his Lordship between Christmas and Candlemas—10 shillings."
Ibid.
Same source.
The reader will observe the great difference in the [Pg 441]rewards here given to such players as were retainers of noble personages and such as are stiled strangers, or, as we may suppose, only strolers.
The reader will notice the significant difference in the [Pg 441]rewards given here to players who were servants of noble individuals and those referred to as strangers, or what we might think of as mere passersby.
The profession of a common player was about this time held by some in low estimation. In an old satire intitled Cock Lorreles Bote[1162] the author, enumerating the most common trades or callings, as "carpenters, coopers, joyners," &c., mentions—
The profession of a common player was about this time held by some in low estimation. In an old satire intitled Cock Lorreles Bote[1162] the author, enumerating the most common trades or callings, as "carpenters, coopers, joyners," &c., mentions—
Gold washers, tumblers, jugglers, Pardoners, etc.
Sign. B. vj.
Sign. B. vj.
III. It hath been observed already that plays of miracles, or mysteries, as they were called, led to the introduction of moral plays, or moralities, which prevailed so early and became so common that towards the latter end of K. Henry VII.'s reign John Rastel, brother-in-law to Sir Thomas More, conceived a design of making them the vehicle of science and natural philosophy. With this view he published. A new interlude and a mery of the nature of the iiii. elements declarynge many proper points of philosophy naturall, and of dyvers straunge landys[1163], [Pg 442]&c. It is observable that the poet speaks of the discovery of America as then recent:
III. It hath been observed already that plays of miracles, or mysteries, as they were called, led to the introduction of moral plays, or moralities, which prevailed so early and became so common that towards the latter end of K. Henry VII.'s reign John Rastel, brother-in-law to Sir Thomas More, conceived a design of making them the vehicle of science and natural philosophy. With this view he published. A new interlude and a mery of the nature of the iiii. elements declarynge many proper points of philosophy naturall, and of dyvers straunge landys[1163], [Pg 442]&c. It is observable that the poet speaks of the discovery of America as then recent:
Westward, new lands found "That we've never heard about before this," &c.
The West Indies were discovered by Columbus in 1492, which fixes the writing of this play to about 1510 (two years before the date of the above Houshold Book). The play of Hick-Scorner was probably somewhat more ancient, as he still more imperfectly alludes to the American discoveries, under the name of "the Newe founde Ilonde." [Sign. A. vij.]
The West Indies were discovered by Columbus in 1492, which places the writing of this play around 1510 (two years before the date of the above Houshold Book). The play Hick-Scorner was likely a bit older, as it references the American discoveries even less clearly, calling them "the Newe founde Ilonde." [Sign. A. vij.]
It is observable that in the older moralities, as in that last mentioned, Every-man, &c., is printed no kind of stage direction for the exits and entrances of the personages, no division of acts and scenes. But in the moral interlude of Lusty Juventus,[1164] written under Edward VI. the exits and entrances begin to be noted in the margin.[1165] At length in Q. Elizabeth's reign moralities appeared formally divided into acts and scenes with a regular prologue, &c. One of these is reprinted by Dodsley.
It is observable that in the older moralities, as in that last mentioned, Every-man, &c., is printed no kind of stage direction for the exits and entrances of the personages, no division of acts and scenes. But in the moral interlude of Lusty Juventus,[1164] written under Edward VI. the exits and entrances begin to be noted in the margin.[1165] At length in Q. Elizabeth's reign moralities appeared formally divided into acts and scenes with a regular prologue, &c. One of these is reprinted by Dodsley.
Before we quit this subject of the very early printed plays, it may just be observed that although so few are now extant it should seem many were printed before the reign of Q. Elizabeth, as at the beginning of her reign her injunctions in 1559 are particularly directed to the suppressing of "many [Pg 443]Pamphlets, Playes, and Ballads; that no manner of person shall enterprize to print any such, &c." but under certain restrictions. Vid. Sect. V.
Before we move on from the topic of the very early printed plays, it's worth noting that although so few still exist today, it seems many were printed before Queen Elizabeth's reign. At the start of her reign, her injunctions in 1559 specifically aimed to suppress "many [Pg 443]Pamphlets, Plays, and Ballads; that no one shall attempt to print any of these, etc." but only under certain restrictions. See Sect. V.
In the time of Hen. VIII. one or two dramatic pieces had been published under the classical names of comedy and tragedy,[1166] but they appear not to have been intended for popular use. It was not till the religious ferments had subsided that the public had leisure to attend to dramatic poetry. In the reign of Elizabeth tragedies and comedies began to appear in form, and could the poets have persevered the first models were good. Gorboduc, a regular tragedy, was acted in 1561;[1167] and Gascoigne, in 1566, exhibited Jocasta, a translation from Euripides, as also The Supposes, a regular comedy from Ariosto, near thirty years before any of Shakespeare's were printed.
In the time of Hen. VIII. one or two dramatic pieces had been published under the classical names of comedy and tragedy,[1166] but they appear not to have been intended for popular use. It was not till the religious ferments had subsided that the public had leisure to attend to dramatic poetry. In the reign of Elizabeth tragedies and comedies began to appear in form, and could the poets have persevered the first models were good. Gorboduc, a regular tragedy, was acted in 1561;[1167] and Gascoigne, in 1566, exhibited Jocasta, a translation from Euripides, as also The Supposes, a regular comedy from Ariosto, near thirty years before any of Shakespeare's were printed.
The people, however, still retained a relish for their old mysteries and moralities,[1168] and the popular dramatic poets seem to have made them their models. From the graver sort of moralities our modern tragedy appears to have derived its origin, as our comedy evidently took its rise from the [Pg 444]lighter interludes of that kind. And as most of these pieces contain an absurd mixture of religion and buffoonery, an eminent critic[1169] has well deduced from thence the origin of our unnatural tragi-comedies. Even after the people had been accustomed to tragedies and comedies moralities still kept their ground. One of them, intitled The New Custom,[1170] was printed so late as 1573. At length they assumed the name of masques,[1171] and with some classical improvements, became in the two following reigns the favourite entertainments of the Court.
The people, however, still retained a relish for their old mysteries and moralities,[1168] and the popular dramatic poets seem to have made them their models. From the graver sort of moralities our modern tragedy appears to have derived its origin, as our comedy evidently took its rise from the [Pg 444]lighter interludes of that kind. And as most of these pieces contain an absurd mixture of religion and buffoonery, an eminent critic[1169] has well deduced from thence the origin of our unnatural tragi-comedies. Even after the people had been accustomed to tragedies and comedies moralities still kept their ground. One of them, intitled The New Custom,[1170] was printed so late as 1573. At length they assumed the name of masques,[1171] and with some classical improvements, became in the two following reigns the favourite entertainments of the Court.
IV. The old mysteries, which ceased to be acted after the Reformation, appear to have given birth to a third species of stage exhibition, which, though now confounded with tragedy and comedy, were by our first dramatic writers considered as quite distinct from them both. These were historical plays or histories, a species of dramatic writing which resembled the old mysteries in representing a series of historical events simply in the order of time in which they happened, without any regard to the three great unities. These pieces seem to differ from tragedies just as much as historical poems do from epic: as the Pharsalia does from the Æneid.
IV. The old mysteries, which stopped being performed after the Reformation, seem to have led to a third type of stage performance. Although these are now mixed in with tragedy and comedy, our earliest playwrights viewed them as quite different from both. These were historical plays or histories, a form of dramatic writing that mirrored the old mysteries by depicting a sequence of historical events in the order they occurred, without paying attention to the three major unities. These works seem to differ from tragedies as much as historical poems differ from epics: like the Pharsalia differs from the Æneid.
What might contribute to make dramatic poetry take this form was, that soon after the mysteries ceased to be exhibited, was published a large collection of poetical narratives, called The Mirrour for Magistrates,[1172] wherein a great number of the [Pg 445]most eminent characters in English history are drawn relating their own misfortunes. This book was popular, and of a dramatic cast; and therefore, as an elegant writer[1173] has well observed, might have its influence in producing historical plays. These narratives probably furnished the subjects, and the ancient mysteries suggested the plan.
What might contribute to make dramatic poetry take this form was, that soon after the mysteries ceased to be exhibited, was published a large collection of poetical narratives, called The Mirrour for Magistrates,[1172] wherein a great number of the [Pg 445]most eminent characters in English history are drawn relating their own misfortunes. This book was popular, and of a dramatic cast; and therefore, as an elegant writer[1173] has well observed, might have its influence in producing historical plays. These narratives probably furnished the subjects, and the ancient mysteries suggested the plan.
There appears indeed to have been one instance of an attempt at an historical play itself, which was perhaps as early as any mystery on a religious subject, for such, I think, we may pronounce the representation of a memorable event in English history, that was expressed in actions and rhimes. This was the old Coventry play of Hock-Tuesday,[1174] founded on the story of the massacre of the Danes, as it happened on St. Brice's night, November 13, 1002.[1175] The play in question was performed by certain men of Coventry, among the other shews and entertainments at Kenelworth Castle, in July, 1575, prepared for Queen Elizabeth, and this the rather "because the matter mentioneth how valiantly our English women, for the love of their country, behaved themselves."
There appears indeed to have been one instance of an attempt at an historical play itself, which was perhaps as early as any mystery on a religious subject, for such, I think, we may pronounce the representation of a memorable event in English history, that was expressed in actions and rhimes. This was the old Coventry play of Hock-Tuesday,[1174] founded on the story of the massacre of the Danes, as it happened on St. Brice's night, November 13, 1002.[1175] The play in question was performed by certain men of Coventry, among the other shews and entertainments at Kenelworth Castle, in July, 1575, prepared for Queen Elizabeth, and this the rather "because the matter mentioneth how valiantly our English women, for the love of their country, behaved themselves."
The writer, whose words are here quoted,[1176] hath given a short description of the performance, which seems on that occasion to have been without[Pg 446] recitation or rhimes, and reduced to meer dumb-show; consisting of violent skirmishes and encounters, first between Danish and English "lance-knights on horseback," armed with spear and shield, and afterwards between "hosts" of footmen, which at length ended in the Danes being "beaten down, overcome, and many led captive by our English women."[1177]
The writer, whose words are here quoted,[1176] hath given a short description of the performance, which seems on that occasion to have been without[Pg 446] recitation or rhimes, and reduced to meer dumb-show; consisting of violent skirmishes and encounters, first between Danish and English "lance-knights on horseback," armed with spear and shield, and afterwards between "hosts" of footmen, which at length ended in the Danes being "beaten down, overcome, and many led captive by our English women."[1177]
This play, it seems, which was wont to be exhibited in their city yearly, and which had been of great antiquity and long continuance there,[1178] had of late been suppressed at the instance of some well-meaning but precise preachers, of whose "sourness" herein the townsmen complain, urging that their play was "without example of ill-manners, papistry, or any superstition;"[1179] which shews it to have been entirely distinct from a religious mystery.[1180] But having been discontinued, and, as appears from the narrative, taken up of a sudden after the sports were begun, the players apparently had not been able to recover the old rhimes, or to procure new ones to accompany the action: which, if it originally represented "the outrage and importable insolency of the Danes, the grievous complaint of Huna, king Ethelred's chieftain in wars,"[1181] [Pg 447]his counselling and contriving the plot to dispatch them, concluding with the conflicts above mentioned, and their final suppression—"expressed in actions and rhimes after their manner,"[1182] one can hardly conceive a more regular model of a compleat drama; and, if taken up soon after the event, it must have been the earliest of the kind in Europe.[1183]
This play, it seems, which was wont to be exhibited in their city yearly, and which had been of great antiquity and long continuance there,[1178] had of late been suppressed at the instance of some well-meaning but precise preachers, of whose "sourness" herein the townsmen complain, urging that their play was "without example of ill-manners, papistry, or any superstition;"[1179] which shews it to have been entirely distinct from a religious mystery.[1180] But having been discontinued, and, as appears from the narrative, taken up of a sudden after the sports were begun, the players apparently had not been able to recover the old rhimes, or to procure new ones to accompany the action: which, if it originally represented "the outrage and importable insolency of the Danes, the grievous complaint of Huna, king Ethelred's chieftain in wars,"[1181] [Pg 447]his counselling and contriving the plot to dispatch them, concluding with the conflicts above mentioned, and their final suppression—"expressed in actions and rhimes after their manner,"[1182] one can hardly conceive a more regular model of a compleat drama; and, if taken up soon after the event, it must have been the earliest of the kind in Europe.[1183]
Whatever this old play, or "storial show,"[1184] was at the time it was exhibited to Q. Elizabeth, it had probably our young Shakespeare for a spectator, who was then in his twelfth year, and doubtless attended with all the inhabitants of the surrounding country at these "princely pleasures of Kenelworth,"[1185] whence Stratford is only a few miles distant. And as the Queen was much diverted with the Coventry play, "whereat her Majestic laught well," and rewarded the performers with two bucks, and five marks in money, who, "what rejoicing upon their ample reward, and what triumphing upon the good acceptance, vaunted their play was never so dignified, nor ever any players before so beatified;" but especially if our young bard afterwards gained admittance into the castle to see a play, which the same evening, after supper, was there "presented of a very good theme, but so set forth by the actors' well handling, that pleasure and mirth made it seem very short, though it lasted two good hours and more,"[1186] we may imagine what an impression was made on his infant mind. Indeed the dramatic cast of many parts of that superb entertainment which continued nineteen [Pg 448]days, and was the most splendid of the kind ever attempted in this kingdom; the addresses to the Queen in the personated characters of a sybille, a savage man, and Sylvanus, as she approached or departed from the castle, and on the water by Arion, a Triton, or the Lady of the Lake, must have had a very great effect on a young imagination whose dramatic powers were hereafter to astonish the world.
Whatever this old play, or "storial show,"[1184] was at the time it was exhibited to Q. Elizabeth, it had probably our young Shakespeare for a spectator, who was then in his twelfth year, and doubtless attended with all the inhabitants of the surrounding country at these "princely pleasures of Kenelworth,"[1185] whence Stratford is only a few miles distant. And as the Queen was much diverted with the Coventry play, "whereat her Majestic laught well," and rewarded the performers with two bucks, and five marks in money, who, "what rejoicing upon their ample reward, and what triumphing upon the good acceptance, vaunted their play was never so dignified, nor ever any players before so beatified;" but especially if our young bard afterwards gained admittance into the castle to see a play, which the same evening, after supper, was there "presented of a very good theme, but so set forth by the actors' well handling, that pleasure and mirth made it seem very short, though it lasted two good hours and more,"[1186] we may imagine what an impression was made on his infant mind. Indeed the dramatic cast of many parts of that superb entertainment which continued nineteen [Pg 448]days, and was the most splendid of the kind ever attempted in this kingdom; the addresses to the Queen in the personated characters of a sybille, a savage man, and Sylvanus, as she approached or departed from the castle, and on the water by Arion, a Triton, or the Lady of the Lake, must have had a very great effect on a young imagination whose dramatic powers were hereafter to astonish the world.
But that the historical play was considered by our old writers, and by Shakespeare himself, as distinct from tragedy and comedy, will sufficiently appear from various passages in their works. "Of late days," says Stow, "in place of those stage-playes[1187] hath been used comedies, tragedies, enterludes, and histories both true and fayned."[1188] Beaumont and Fletcher, in the prologue to The Captain, say:
But that the historical play was considered by our old writers, and by Shakespeare himself, as distinct from tragedy and comedy, will sufficiently appear from various passages in their works. "Of late days," says Stow, "in place of those stage-playes[1187] hath been used comedies, tragedies, enterludes, and histories both true and fayned."[1188] Beaumont and Fletcher, in the prologue to The Captain, say:
Nor History."——
Polonius in Hamlet commends the actors as the best in the world, "either for tragedie, comedie, historie, pastorall," &c. And Shakespeare's friends, Heminge and Condell, in the first folio edit. of his plays, in 1623,[1189] have not only intitled their book "Mr. William Shakespeare's Comedies, Histories, and Tragedies," but in their table of contents have arranged them under those three several heads; placing in the class of histories "K. John, Richard II. Henry IV. 2 pts. Henry V. Henry [Pg 449]VI. 3 pts. Rich. III. and Henry VIII.", to which they might have added such of his other plays as have their subjects taken from the old chronicles, or Plutarch's Lives.
Polonius in Hamlet commends the actors as the best in the world, "either for tragedie, comedie, historie, pastorall," &c. And Shakespeare's friends, Heminge and Condell, in the first folio edit. of his plays, in 1623,[1189] have not only intitled their book "Mr. William Shakespeare's Comedies, Histories, and Tragedies," but in their table of contents have arranged them under those three several heads; placing in the class of histories "K. John, Richard II. Henry IV. 2 pts. Henry V. Henry [Pg 449]VI. 3 pts. Rich. III. and Henry VIII.", to which they might have added such of his other plays as have their subjects taken from the old chronicles, or Plutarch's Lives.
Although Shakespeare is found not to have been the first who invented this species of drama,[1190] yet he cultivated it with such superior success, and threw upon this simple inartificial tissue of scenes such a blaze of genius, that his histories maintain their ground in defiance of Aristotle and all the critics of the classic school, and will ever continue to interest and instruct an English audience. Before Shakespeare wrote, historical plays do not appear to have attained this distinction, being not mentioned in Q. Elizabeth's licence in 1574[1191] to James Burbage and others, who are only impowered "to use, exercyse, and occupie the arte and facultye of playenge Commedies, Tragedies, Enterludes, Stage-Playes, and such other like." But when Shakespeare's histories had become the ornaments of the stage, they were considered by the publick, and by himself, as a formal and necessary species, and are thenceforth so distinguished in public instruments. They are particularly inserted in the licence granted by K. James I. in 1603,[1192] to W. Shakespeare himself, and the players his fellows; who are authorized "to use and exercise the arte and faculty of playing Comedies, Tragedies, Histories, Interludes, Morals, Pastorals, Stage-Plaies, and such like."
Although Shakespeare is found not to have been the first who invented this species of drama,[1190] yet he cultivated it with such superior success, and threw upon this simple inartificial tissue of scenes such a blaze of genius, that his histories maintain their ground in defiance of Aristotle and all the critics of the classic school, and will ever continue to interest and instruct an English audience. Before Shakespeare wrote, historical plays do not appear to have attained this distinction, being not mentioned in Q. Elizabeth's licence in 1574[1191] to James Burbage and others, who are only impowered "to use, exercyse, and occupie the arte and facultye of playenge Commedies, Tragedies, Enterludes, Stage-Playes, and such other like." But when Shakespeare's histories had become the ornaments of the stage, they were considered by the publick, and by himself, as a formal and necessary species, and are thenceforth so distinguished in public instruments. They are particularly inserted in the licence granted by K. James I. in 1603,[1192] to W. Shakespeare himself, and the players his fellows; who are authorized "to use and exercise the arte and faculty of playing Comedies, Tragedies, Histories, Interludes, Morals, Pastorals, Stage-Plaies, and such like."
The same merited distinction they continued to maintain after his death, till the theatre itself was extinguished: for they are expressly mentioned in a warrant in 1622, for licensing certain "late[Pg 450] Comedians of Q. Anne deceased, to bring up children in the qualitie and exercise of playing Comedies, Histories, Interludes, Morals, Pastorals, Stage-Plaies, and such like."[1193] The same appears in an admonition issued in 1637[1194] by Philip, Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, then Lord Chamberlain, to the master and wardens of the Company of Printers and Stationers, wherein is set forth the complaint of his Majesty's servants the players, that "diverse of their books of Comedyes and Tragedyes, Chronicle-Historyes, and the like," had been printed and published to their prejudice, &c.
The same merited distinction they continued to maintain after his death, till the theatre itself was extinguished: for they are expressly mentioned in a warrant in 1622, for licensing certain "late[Pg 450] Comedians of Q. Anne deceased, to bring up children in the qualitie and exercise of playing Comedies, Histories, Interludes, Morals, Pastorals, Stage-Plaies, and such like."[1193] The same appears in an admonition issued in 1637[1194] by Philip, Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, then Lord Chamberlain, to the master and wardens of the Company of Printers and Stationers, wherein is set forth the complaint of his Majesty's servants the players, that "diverse of their books of Comedyes and Tragedyes, Chronicle-Historyes, and the like," had been printed and published to their prejudice, &c.
This distinction, we see, prevailed for near half a century; but after the Restoration, when the stage revived for the entertainment of a new race of auditors, many of whom had been exiled in France, and formed their taste from the French theatre, Shakespeare's histories appear to have been no longer relished; at least the distinction respecting them is dropt in the patents that were immediately granted after the king's return. This appears not only from the allowance to Mr. William Beeston in June, 1660,[1195] to use the house in Salisbury-court "for a Play-house, wherein Comedies, Tragedies, Tragi-comedies, Pastoralls, and Interludes, may be acted," but also from the fuller grant (dated August 21, 1760),[1196] to [Pg 451]Thomas Killigrew, Esq., and Sir William Davenant, Knt., by which they have authority to erect two companies of players, and to fit up two theatres "for the representation of Tragydies, Comedyes, Playes, Operas, and all other entertainments of that nature."
This distinction, we see, prevailed for near half a century; but after the Restoration, when the stage revived for the entertainment of a new race of auditors, many of whom had been exiled in France, and formed their taste from the French theatre, Shakespeare's histories appear to have been no longer relished; at least the distinction respecting them is dropt in the patents that were immediately granted after the king's return. This appears not only from the allowance to Mr. William Beeston in June, 1660,[1195] to use the house in Salisbury-court "for a Play-house, wherein Comedies, Tragedies, Tragi-comedies, Pastoralls, and Interludes, may be acted," but also from the fuller grant (dated August 21, 1760),[1196] to [Pg 451]Thomas Killigrew, Esq., and Sir William Davenant, Knt., by which they have authority to erect two companies of players, and to fit up two theatres "for the representation of Tragydies, Comedyes, Playes, Operas, and all other entertainments of that nature."
But while Shakespeare was the favourite dramatic poet, his histories had such superior merit that he might well claim to be the chief, if not the only historic dramatist that kept possession of the English stage; which gives a strong support to the tradition mentioned by Gildon,[1197] that, in a conversation with Ben Jonson, our bard vindicated his historical plays by urging, that as he had found "the nation in general very ignorant of history, he wrote them in order to instruct the people in this particular." This is assigning not only a good motive, but a very probable reason for his preference of this species of composition; since we cannot doubt but his illiterate countrymen would not only want such instruction when he first began to write, notwithstanding the obscure dramatic chroniclers who preceded him, but also that they would highly profit by his admirable lectures on English history so long as he continued to deliver them to his audience. And as it implies no claim to his being the first who introduced our chronicles on the stage, I see not why the tradition should be rejected.
But while Shakespeare was the favourite dramatic poet, his histories had such superior merit that he might well claim to be the chief, if not the only historic dramatist that kept possession of the English stage; which gives a strong support to the tradition mentioned by Gildon,[1197] that, in a conversation with Ben Jonson, our bard vindicated his historical plays by urging, that as he had found "the nation in general very ignorant of history, he wrote them in order to instruct the people in this particular." This is assigning not only a good motive, but a very probable reason for his preference of this species of composition; since we cannot doubt but his illiterate countrymen would not only want such instruction when he first began to write, notwithstanding the obscure dramatic chroniclers who preceded him, but also that they would highly profit by his admirable lectures on English history so long as he continued to deliver them to his audience. And as it implies no claim to his being the first who introduced our chronicles on the stage, I see not why the tradition should be rejected.
Upon the whole we have had abundant proof that both Shakespeare and his contemporaries considered his histories, or historical plays, as of a legitimate distinct species, sufficiently separate from tragedy and comedy, a distinction which deserves the particular attention of his critics and commentators; [Pg 452]who, by not adverting to it, deprive him of his proper defence and best vindication for his neglect of the unities, and departure from the classical dramatic forms. For, if it be the first canon of sound criticism to examine any work by whatever rule the author prescribed for his own observance, then we ought not to try Shakespeare's histories by the general laws of tragedy or comedy. Whether the rule itself be vicious or not is another inquiry: but certainly we ought to examine a work only by those principles according to which it was composed. This would save a deal of impertinent criticism.
Overall, we've had plenty of evidence that both Shakespeare and his contemporaries viewed his historical plays as a legitimate and distinct genre, clearly separate from tragedy and comedy. This distinction deserves particular attention from his critics and commentators; [Pg 452] who, by overlooking it, rob him of the proper defense and best justification for ignoring the unities and straying from classical dramatic conventions. If the first rule of sound criticism is to evaluate any work based on the guidelines the author set for themselves, then we shouldn’t hold Shakespeare's histories to the general standards of tragedy or comedy. Whether the rule itself is flawed is a separate issue: but we should definitely analyze a work only by the principles it was created under. This would eliminate a lot of irrelevant criticism.
V. We have now brought the inquiry as low as was intended, but cannot quit it without entering into a short description of what may be called the œconomy of the ancient English stage.
V. We have now brought the inquiry down as low as we intended, but we can't leave it without briefly describing what could be called the economy of the ancient English stage.
Such was the fondness of our forefathers for dramatic entertainments, that not fewer than nineteen playhouses had been opened before the year 1633, when Prynne published his Histriomastix.[1198] From this writer it should seem that "tobacco, wine, and beer,"[1199] were in those days the usual[Pg 453] accommodations in the theatre, as within our memory at Sadler's Wells.
Such was the fondness of our forefathers for dramatic entertainments, that not fewer than nineteen playhouses had been opened before the year 1633, when Prynne published his Histriomastix.[1198] From this writer it should seem that "tobacco, wine, and beer,"[1199] were in those days the usual[Pg 453] accommodations in the theatre, as within our memory at Sadler's Wells.
With regard to the players themselves, the several companies were (as hath been already shewn),[1200] retainers or menial servants to particular noblemen,[1201] who protected them in the exercise of their profession: and many of them were occasionally strollers, that travelled from one gentleman's house to another. Yet so much were they encouraged, that, notwithstanding their multitude, some of them acquired large fortunes. Edward Allen, who founded Dulwich College, is a known instance. And an old writer speaks of the very inferior actors, whom he calls the hirelings, as living in a degree of[Pg 454] splendour which was thought enormous in that frugal age.[1202]
With regard to the players themselves, the several companies were (as hath been already shewn),[1200] retainers or menial servants to particular noblemen,[1201] who protected them in the exercise of their profession: and many of them were occasionally strollers, that travelled from one gentleman's house to another. Yet so much were they encouraged, that, notwithstanding their multitude, some of them acquired large fortunes. Edward Allen, who founded Dulwich College, is a known instance. And an old writer speaks of the very inferior actors, whom he calls the hirelings, as living in a degree of[Pg 454] splendour which was thought enormous in that frugal age.[1202]
At the same time the ancient prices of admission were often very low. Some houses had penny benches.[1203] The "two-penny gallery" is mentioned in the prologue to Beaumont and Fletcher's Woman Hater;[1204] and seats of three-pence and [Pg 455]a groat seem to be intended in the passage of Prynne above referred to. Yet different houses varied in their prices: that playhouse called the "Hope" had seats of five several rates, from sixpence to half-a-crown.[1205] But a shilling seems to have been the usual price[1206] of what is now called the pit, which probably had its name from one of the playhouses having been a cock-pit.[1207]
At the same time the ancient prices of admission were often very low. Some houses had penny benches.[1203] The "two-penny gallery" is mentioned in the prologue to Beaumont and Fletcher's Woman Hater;[1204] and seats of three-pence and [Pg 455]a groat seem to be intended in the passage of Prynne above referred to. Yet different houses varied in their prices: that playhouse called the "Hope" had seats of five several rates, from sixpence to half-a-crown.[1205] But a shilling seems to have been the usual price[1206] of what is now called the pit, which probably had its name from one of the playhouses having been a cock-pit.[1207]
The day originally set apart for theatrical exhibition appears to have been Sunday, probably because the first dramatic pieces were of a religious cast. During a great part of Queen Elizabeth's reign, the playhouses were only licensed to be opened on that day:[1208] but before the end of her reign, or soon after, this abuse was probably removed.
The day originally set apart for theatrical exhibition appears to have been Sunday, probably because the first dramatic pieces were of a religious cast. During a great part of Queen Elizabeth's reign, the playhouses were only licensed to be opened on that day:[1208] but before the end of her reign, or soon after, this abuse was probably removed.
Lastly, with regard to the playhouse furniture and ornaments, a writer of King Charles II.'s time,[1212] who well remembered the preceding age, assures us that in general "they had no other scenes nor decorations of the stage, but only old tapestry, and the stage strewed with rushes, with habits accordingly."[1213]
Lastly, with regard to the playhouse furniture and ornaments, a writer of King Charles II.'s time,[1212] who well remembered the preceding age, assures us that in general "they had no other scenes nor decorations of the stage, but only old tapestry, and the stage strewed with rushes, with habits accordingly."[1213]
Yet Coryate thought our theatrical exhibitions, &c., splendid when compared with what he saw abroad. Speaking of the Theatre for Comedies at Venice, he says: "The house is very beggarly and base in comparison of our stately playhouses in England, neyther can their actors compare with ours for apparrell, shewes, and musicke. Here I observed certaine things that I never saw before: For I saw women act, a thing that I never saw before, though I have heard that it hath been sometimes used in London; and they performed it with as good a grace, action, gesture, and whatsoever convenient for a player, as ever I saw any masculine actor."[1214]
Yet Coryate thought our theatrical exhibitions, &c., splendid when compared with what he saw abroad. Speaking of the Theatre for Comedies at Venice, he says: "The house is very beggarly and base in comparison of our stately playhouses in England, neyther can their actors compare with ours for apparrell, shewes, and musicke. Here I observed certaine things that I never saw before: For I saw women act, a thing that I never saw before, though I have heard that it hath been sometimes used in London; and they performed it with as good a grace, action, gesture, and whatsoever convenient for a player, as ever I saw any masculine actor."[1214]
It ought, however, to be observed, that amid such a multitude of playhouses as subsisted in the[Pg 458] metropolis before the Civil Wars, there must have been a great difference between their several accommodations, ornaments, and prices; and that some would be much more shewy than others, though probably all were much inferior in splendor to the two great theatres after the Restoration.
It should be noted that with so many theaters existing in the[Pg 458] city before the Civil Wars, there must have been significant differences in their facilities, decorations, and ticket prices; and some would have looked much flashier than others, even though likely all were far less impressive compared to the two major theaters after the Restoration.
☞ The preceding Essay, although some of the materials are new arranged, hath received no alteration deserving notice, from what it was in the second edition, 1767, except in section IV, which in the present impression hath been much enlarged.
☞ The previous essay, although some of the materials are newly arranged, hasn't undergone any significant changes from what it was in the second edition, 1767, except in section IV, which has been greatly expanded in this edition.
This is mentioned, because, since it was first published, the history of the English stage hath been copiously handled by Mr. Tho. Warton in his History of English Poetry, 1774, &c., 3 vols. 4to. (wherein is inserted whatever in these volumes fell in with his subject); and by Edmond Malone, Esq., who, in his Historical Account of the English Stage (Shakesp. vol. i. part ii. 1790), hath added greatly to our knowledge of the œconomy and usages of our ancient theatres.
This is mentioned because, since it was first published, the history of the English stage has been extensively covered by Mr. Tho. Warton in his History of English Poetry, 1774, &c., 3 vols. 4to. (where he includes everything in these volumes that relates to his topic); and by Edmond Malone, Esq., who, in his Historical Account of the English Stage (Shakesp. vol. i. part ii. 1790), has greatly added to our understanding of the structure and practices of our ancient theaters.
[This Essay is now entirely out of date, on account of the mass of new material for a complete history of the English stage, which has been printed since it was written. Information on the subject must be sought in the prefaces of the various editions of the dramatists and of the collections of mysteries and miracle plays, or in Collier's History of English Dramatic Poetry, and Halliwell's New Materials for the Life of Shakespeare.]
[This essay is now completely outdated due to the wealth of new material for a comprehensive history of the English stage that has been published since it was written. You should look for information on the topic in the prefaces of the various editions of the dramatists and the collections of mysteries and miracle plays, or in Collier's History of English Dramatic Poetry, and Halliwell's New Materials for the Life of Shakespeare.]
FOOTNOTES:
[1148] This play has been reprinted by Mr. Hawkins in his three vols. of old plays, intitled, The Origin of the English Drama, 12mo. Oxford, 1773. See vol. i. p. 27.
[1148] This play has been reprinted by Mr. Hawkins in his three vols. of old plays, intitled, The Origin of the English Drama, 12mo. Oxford, 1773. See vol. i. p. 27.
[1150] The before-mentioned are male characters.
[1151] i. e. The five senses. These are frequently exhibited as five distinct personages upon the Spanish stage (see Riccoboni, p. 98), but our moralist has represented them all by one character.
[1151] i. e. The five senses. These are frequently exhibited as five distinct personages upon the Spanish stage (see Riccoboni, p. 98), but our moralist has represented them all by one character.
[1153] "Imprynted by me Wynkyn de Worde," no date; in 4to. bl. let. This play has also been reprinted by Mr. Hawkins in his Origin of the English Drama. vol. i. p. 69.
[1153] "Imprynted by me Wynkyn de Worde," no date; in 4to. bl. let. This play has also been reprinted by Mr. Hawkins in his Origin of the English Drama. vol. i. p. 69.
[1154] "Apud Dunestapliam ... quendam ludum de sancta Katerina (quem miracula vulgariter appellamus) fecit. Ad quæ decoranda, petiit a sacrista sancti Albani, ut sibi Capæ Chorales accommodarentur, et obtinuit. Et fuit ludus ille de sancta Katerina." Vitæ Abbat. ad fin. Hist. Mat. Paris, fol. 1639, p. 56. We see here that plays of miracles were become common enough in the time of Mat. Paris, who flourished about 1240. But that indeed appears from the more early writings of Fitz-Stephens: quoted below.
[1154] "Apud Dunestapliam ... quendam ludum de sancta Katerina (quem miracula vulgariter appellamus) fecit. Ad quæ decoranda, petiit a sacrista sancti Albani, ut sibi Capæ Chorales accommodarentur, et obtinuit. Et fuit ludus ille de sancta Katerina." Vitæ Abbat. ad fin. Hist. Mat. Paris, fol. 1639, p. 56. We see here that plays of miracles were become common enough in the time of Mat. Paris, who flourished about 1240. But that indeed appears from the more early writings of Fitz-Stephens: quoted below.
[1156] See Fitz-Stephens's description of London, preserved by Stow (and reprinted with notes, &c., by the Rev. Mr. Pegge, in 1774, 4to.): "Londonia pro spectaculis theatralibus, pro ludis scenicis, ludos habet sanctiores, representationes miraculorum," &c. He is thought to have written in the reign of Henry II. and to have died in that of Richard I. It is true at the end of this book we find mentioned Henricum regem tertium; but this is doubtless Henry II.'s son, who was crowned during the life of his father, in 1170, and is generally distinguished as Rex juvenis, Rex filius, and sometimes they were jointly named Reges Angliæ. From a passage in his chap. De Religione, it should seem that the body of St. Thomas Becket was just then a new acquisition to the church of Canterbury.
[1156] See Fitz-Stephens's description of London, preserved by Stow (and reprinted with notes, &c., by the Rev. Mr. Pegge, in 1774, 4to.): "Londonia pro spectaculis theatralibus, pro ludis scenicis, ludos habet sanctiores, representationes miraculorum," &c. He is thought to have written in the reign of Henry II. and to have died in that of Richard I. It is true at the end of this book we find mentioned Henricum regem tertium; but this is doubtless Henry II.'s son, who was crowned during the life of his father, in 1170, and is generally distinguished as Rex juvenis, Rex filius, and sometimes they were jointly named Reges Angliæ. From a passage in his chap. De Religione, it should seem that the body of St. Thomas Becket was just then a new acquisition to the church of Canterbury.
[1159] The Regulations and Establishments of the Houshold of Hen. Alg. Percy, 5th Earl of Northumb. Lond. 1770, 8vo. whereof a small impression was printed by order of the late Duke and Duchess of Northumberland to bestow in presents to their friends. Although begun in 1512, some of the regulations were composed so late as 1525.
[1159] The Regulations and Establishments of the Houshold of Hen. Alg. Percy, 5th Earl of Northumb. Lond. 1770, 8vo. whereof a small impression was printed by order of the late Duke and Duchess of Northumberland to bestow in presents to their friends. Although begun in 1512, some of the regulations were composed so late as 1525.
[1160] This was not so small a sum then as it may now appear; for, in another part of this MS. the price ordered to be given for a fat ox is but 13s. 4d. and for a lean one 8s.
[1160] This was not so small a sum then as it may now appear; for, in another part of this MS. the price ordered to be given for a fat ox is but 13s. 4d. and for a lean one 8s.
[1163] Mr. Garrick has an imperfect copy (Old Plays, i. vol. iii.). Thtu Dramatis Personæ are: "The Messenger [or Prologue]. Nae re naturate. Humanytè. Studyous Desire. Sensuall Appetyte. The Taverner. Experyence. Ygnoraunce. (Also yf ye lyste ye may brynge in a dysgysynge.)" Afterwards follows a table of the matters handled in the interlude; among which are: "Of certeyn conclusions prouvynge the yerthe must nedes be rounde, and that yt is in circumference above xxi. M. myle."——"Of certeyne points of cosmographye—and of dyvers straunge regyons,—and of the new founde landys and the maner of the people." This part is extremely curious, as it shews what notions were entertained of the new American discoveries by our own countrymen.
[1163] Mr. Garrick has an imperfect copy (Old Plays, i. vol. iii.). Thtu Dramatis Personæ are: "The Messenger [or Prologue]. Nae re naturate. Humanytè. Studyous Desire. Sensuall Appetyte. The Taverner. Experyence. Ygnoraunce. (Also yf ye lyste ye may brynge in a dysgysynge.)" Afterwards follows a table of the matters handled in the interlude; among which are: "Of certeyn conclusions prouvynge the yerthe must nedes be rounde, and that yt is in circumference above xxi. M. myle."——"Of certeyne points of cosmographye—and of dyvers straunge regyons,—and of the new founde landys and the maner of the people." This part is extremely curious, as it shews what notions were entertained of the new American discoveries by our own countrymen.
[1164] Described in vol. ii. preface to book ii. The Dramatis Personæ of this piece are: "Messenger, Lusty Juventus, Good Counsail, Knowledge, Sathan the devyll, Hypocrisie, Fellowship, Abominable-lyving [an Harlot], God's-merciful-promises."
[1164] Described in vol. ii. preface to book ii. The Dramatis Personæ of this piece are: "Messenger, Lusty Juventus, Good Counsail, Knowledge, Sathan the devyll, Hypocrisie, Fellowship, Abominable-lyving [an Harlot], God's-merciful-promises."
[1166] Bp. Bale had applied the name of tragedy to his mystery of Gods Promises, in 1538. In 1540 John Palsgrave, B.D., had republished a Latin comedy, called Acolastus, with an English version. Holinshed tells us (vol. iii. p. 850), that so early as 1520, the king had "a good comedie of Plautus plaied" before him at Greenwich; but this was in Latin, as Mr. Farmer informs us in his curious Essay on the Learning of Shakespeare, 8vo. p. 31.
[1166] Bp. Bale had applied the name of tragedy to his mystery of Gods Promises, in 1538. In 1540 John Palsgrave, B.D., had republished a Latin comedy, called Acolastus, with an English version. Holinshed tells us (vol. iii. p. 850), that so early as 1520, the king had "a good comedie of Plautus plaied" before him at Greenwich; but this was in Latin, as Mr. Farmer informs us in his curious Essay on the Learning of Shakespeare, 8vo. p. 31.
[1167] See Ames, p. 316. This play appears to have been first printed under the name of Gorboduc, then under that of Ferrex and Porrex, in 1569; and again under Gorboduc, 1590. Ames calls the first edition quarto; Langbaine, octavo; and Tanner, 12mo.
[1167] See Ames, p. 316. This play appears to have been first printed under the name of Gorboduc, then under that of Ferrex and Porrex, in 1569; and again under Gorboduc, 1590. Ames calls the first edition quarto; Langbaine, octavo; and Tanner, 12mo.
[1168] The general reception the old moralities had upon the stage will account for the fondness of all our first poets for allegory. Subjects of this kind were familiar with every one.
[1168] The general reception the old moralities had upon the stage will account for the fondness of all our first poets for allegory. Subjects of this kind were familiar with every one.
[1169] Bp. Warburt. Shakesp. vol. v.
[1170] Reprinted among Dodsley's Old Plays, vol.i.
[1171] In some of these appeared characters full as extraordinary as in any of the old moralities. In Ben Jonson's masque of Christmas, 1616, one of the personages is Minced Pye.
[1171] In some of these appeared characters full as extraordinary as in any of the old moralities. In Ben Jonson's masque of Christmas, 1616, one of the personages is Minced Pye.
[1174] This must not be confounded with the mysteries acted on Corpus Christi Day by the Franciscans at Coventry, which were also called Coventry Plays, and of which an account is given from T. Warton's Hist. of Eng. Poetry, &c., in Malone's Shakesp. vol. ii. part ii. p. 13-14.
[1174] This must not be confounded with the mysteries acted on Corpus Christi Day by the Franciscans at Coventry, which were also called Coventry Plays, and of which an account is given from T. Warton's Hist. of Eng. Poetry, &c., in Malone's Shakesp. vol. ii. part ii. p. 13-14.
[1176] Ro. Laneham, whose letter, containing a full description of the shows, &c., is reprinted at large in Nichols's Progresses of Q. Elizabeth, &c., vol. i. 4to. 1788. That writer's orthography being peculiar and affected, is not here followed.
[1176] Ro. Laneham, whose letter, containing a full description of the shows, &c., is reprinted at large in Nichols's Progresses of Q. Elizabeth, &c., vol. i. 4to. 1788. That writer's orthography being peculiar and affected, is not here followed.
[1177] Laneham, p. 37.
[1179] Ibid.
[1180] Laneham describes this play of Hock Tuesday, which was "presented in an historical cue by certain good-hearted men of Coventry" (p. 32), and which was "wont to be play'd in their citie yearly" (p. 33), as if it were peculiar to them, terming it "their old storial show" (p. 32). And so it might be as represented and expressed by them "after their manner" (p. 33): although we are also told by Bevil Higgons, that St. Brice's Eve was still celebrated by the northern English in commemoration of this massacre of the Danes, the women beating brass instruments, and singing old rhimes, in praise of their cruel ancestors. See his Short View of Eng. History, 8vo. p. 17. (The preface is dated 1734.)
[1180] Laneham describes this play of Hock Tuesday, which was "presented in an historical cue by certain good-hearted men of Coventry" (p. 32), and which was "wont to be play'd in their citie yearly" (p. 33), as if it were peculiar to them, terming it "their old storial show" (p. 32). And so it might be as represented and expressed by them "after their manner" (p. 33): although we are also told by Bevil Higgons, that St. Brice's Eve was still celebrated by the northern English in commemoration of this massacre of the Danes, the women beating brass instruments, and singing old rhimes, in praise of their cruel ancestors. See his Short View of Eng. History, 8vo. p. 17. (The preface is dated 1734.)
[1182] Laneham, p. 33.
Laneham, p. 33.
[1183] The Rhimes, &c., prove this play to have been in English: whereas Mr. Tho. Warton thinks the mysteries composed before 1328 were in Latin. Malone's Shakesp. vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 9.
[1183] The Rhimes, &c., prove this play to have been in English: whereas Mr. Tho. Warton thinks the mysteries composed before 1328 were in Latin. Malone's Shakesp. vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 9.
[1184] Laneham, p. 32.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Laneham, p. 32.
[1188] See Stow's Survey of London, 1603, 4to. p. 94 (said in the title-page to be "written in the year 1598"). See also Warton's Observations on Spenser, vol. ii. p. 109.
[1188] See Stow's Survey of London, 1603, 4to. p. 94 (said in the title-page to be "written in the year 1598"). See also Warton's Observations on Spenser, vol. ii. p. 109.
[1193] See Malone's Shakesp. vol. i. part ii. p. 49. Here histories, or historical plays, are found totally to have excluded the mention of tragedies; a proof of their superior popularity. In an order for the King's comedians to attend King Charles I. in his summer's progress, 1636 (ibid. p. 144), histories are not particularly mentioned; but so neither are tragedies: they being briefly directed to "act playes, comedyes, and interludes, without any lett," &c.
[1193] See Malone's Shakesp. vol. i. part ii. p. 49. Here histories, or historical plays, are found totally to have excluded the mention of tragedies; a proof of their superior popularity. In an order for the King's comedians to attend King Charles I. in his summer's progress, 1636 (ibid. p. 144), histories are not particularly mentioned; but so neither are tragedies: they being briefly directed to "act playes, comedyes, and interludes, without any lett," &c.
[1197] See Malone's Shakesp. vol. vi. p. 427. This ingenious writer will, with his known liberality, excuse the difference of opinion here entertained concerning the above tradition.
[1197] See Malone's Shakesp. vol. vi. p. 427. This ingenious writer will, with his known liberality, excuse the difference of opinion here entertained concerning the above tradition.
[1198] He speaks in p. 492 of the playhouses in Bishopsgate-street and on Ludgate-hill, which are not among the seventeen enumerated in the preface to Dodsley's Old Plays. Nay, it appears from Rymer's MSS. that twenty-three playhouses had been at different periods open in London; and even six of them at one time. See Malone's Shakesp. vol. i. pt. ii. p. 48.
[1198] He speaks in p. 492 of the playhouses in Bishopsgate-street and on Ludgate-hill, which are not among the seventeen enumerated in the preface to Dodsley's Old Plays. Nay, it appears from Rymer's MSS. that twenty-three playhouses had been at different periods open in London; and even six of them at one time. See Malone's Shakesp. vol. i. pt. ii. p. 48.
[1199] So, I think, we may infer from the following passage, viz.: "How many are there, who, according to their several qualities, spend 2d. 3d. 4d. 6d. 12d. 18d. 2s. and sometimes 4s. or 5s. at a playhouse, day by day, if coach-hire, boat-hire, tobacco, wine, beere, and such like vaine expences, which playes doe usually occasion, be cast into the reckoning?" Prynne's Histriom. p. 322.
[1199] So, I think, we may infer from the following passage, viz.: "How many are there, who, according to their several qualities, spend 2d. 3d. 4d. 6d. 12d. 18d. 2s. and sometimes 4s. or 5s. at a playhouse, day by day, if coach-hire, boat-hire, tobacco, wine, beere, and such like vaine expences, which playes doe usually occasion, be cast into the reckoning?" Prynne's Histriom. p. 322.
But that tobacco was smoaked in the playhouses appears from Taylor the Water-poet, in his Proclamation for Tobacco's Propagation: "Let play-houses, drinking-schools, taverns, &c. be continually haunted with the contaminous vapours of it; nay (if it be possible) bring it into the churches, and there choak up their preachers." (Works, p. 253.) And this was really the case at Cambridge: James I. sent a letter in 1607 against "taking Tobacco" in St. Mary's. So I learn from my friend Dr. Farmer.
But the fact that tobacco was smoked in theaters is evident from Taylor the Water-poet, in his Proclamation for Tobacco's Propagation: "Let theaters, drinking establishments, taverns, etc., be continually filled with its toxic fumes; in fact (if it’s possible), let it into the churches, and suffocate their preachers there." (Works, p. 253.) This was indeed true at Cambridge: James I. sent a letter in 1607 against "taking Tobacco" in St. Mary's. So I've learned from my friend Dr. Farmer.
A gentleman has informed me that once, going into a church in Holland, he saw the male part of the audience sitting with their hats on, smoking tobacco, while the preacher was holding forth in his morning-gown.
A guy told me that once, when he went into a church in Holland, he saw the men in the audience sitting with their hats on, smoking tobacco, while the preacher was speaking in his robe.
[1201] See the Preface to Dodsley's Old Plays. The author of an old invective against the stage, called A third Blast of Retrait from Plaies, &c., 1580, 12mo., says: "Alas! that private affection should so raigne in the nobilitie, that to pleasure their servants, and to upholde them in their vanitye, they should restraine the magistrates from executing their office!... They [the nobility] are thought to be covetous by permitting their servants ... to live at the devotion or almes of other men, passing from countrie to countrie, from one gentleman's house to another, offering their service, which is a kind of beggerie. Who indeede, to speake more trulie, are become beggers for their servants. For comonlie the good-wil, men beare to their Lordes, makes them draw the strings of their purses to extend their liberalitie." Vid. p. 75, 76, &c.
[1201] See the Preface to Dodsley's Old Plays. The author of an old invective against the stage, called A third Blast of Retrait from Plaies, &c., 1580, 12mo., says: "Alas! that private affection should so raigne in the nobilitie, that to pleasure their servants, and to upholde them in their vanitye, they should restraine the magistrates from executing their office!... They [the nobility] are thought to be covetous by permitting their servants ... to live at the devotion or almes of other men, passing from countrie to countrie, from one gentleman's house to another, offering their service, which is a kind of beggerie. Who indeede, to speake more trulie, are become beggers for their servants. For comonlie the good-wil, men beare to their Lordes, makes them draw the strings of their purses to extend their liberalitie." Vid. p. 75, 76, &c.
[1202] Stephen Gosson, in his Schoole of Abuse, 1579, 12mo., fol. 23, says thus of what he terms in his margin Players-men: "Over lashing in apparel is so common a fault, that the very hyerlings of some of our Players, which stand at revirsion of vis. by the week, jet under gentlemens noses in sutis of silke, exercising themselves to prating on the stage, and common scoffing when they come abrode, where they look askance over the shoulder at every man, of whom the Sunday before they begged an almes. I speake not this, as though everye one that professeth the qualitie so abused himselfe, for it is well knowen, that some of them are sober, discreete, properly learned, honest housholders and citizens, well-thought on among their neighbours at home." [he seems to mean Edw. Allen above mentioned] "though the pryde of their shadowes (I mean those hangbyes, whom they succour with stipend) cause them to be somewhat il-talked of abroad."
[1202] Stephen Gosson, in his Schoole of Abuse, 1579, 12mo., fol. 23, says thus of what he terms in his margin Players-men: "Over lashing in apparel is so common a fault, that the very hyerlings of some of our Players, which stand at revirsion of vis. by the week, jet under gentlemens noses in sutis of silke, exercising themselves to prating on the stage, and common scoffing when they come abrode, where they look askance over the shoulder at every man, of whom the Sunday before they begged an almes. I speake not this, as though everye one that professeth the qualitie so abused himselfe, for it is well knowen, that some of them are sober, discreete, properly learned, honest housholders and citizens, well-thought on among their neighbours at home." [he seems to mean Edw. Allen above mentioned] "though the pryde of their shadowes (I mean those hangbyes, whom they succour with stipend) cause them to be somewhat il-talked of abroad."
In a subsequent period we have the following satirical fling at the shewy exterior and supposed profits of the actors of that time. Vid. Greene's Groatsworth of Wit, 1625, 4to.: "What is your profession?"—"Truly, Sir, ... I am a Player." "A Player?... I took you rather for a Gentleman of great living; for, if by outward Habit men should be censured, I tell you, you would be taken for a substantial man." "So I am where I dwell.... What, though the world once went hard with me, when I was fayne to carry my playing-fardle a foot-backe: Tempora mutantur ... for my very share in playing apparrell will not be sold for two hundred pounds.... Nay more, I can serve to make a pretty speech, for I was a country Author, passing at a Moral," &c. See Roberto's Tale, sign. D. 3. b.
In a later time, we have this satirical take on the flashy appearance and supposed wealth of the actors back then. See Greene's Groatsworth of Wit, 1625, 4to: "What’s your profession?"—"Honestly, Sir, ... I’m an actor." "An actor? ... I thought you were a gentleman of means; because if people judged by outward appearance, I’d say you looked like a solid man." "I am where I live ... What if the world used to treat me poorly, and I had to carry my acting gear on my back: Tempora mutantur ... because my share in acting clothes won’t sell for less than two hundred pounds ... Moreover, I can deliver a nice speech, since I was a country author, known for my moral works," etc. See Roberto's Tale, sign. D. 3. b.
[1203] So a MS. of Oldys, from Tom Nash, an old pamphlet-writer. And this is confirmed by Taylor the Water-poet, in his Praise of Beggerie, p. 99:
[1203] So a MS. of Oldys, from Tom Nash, an old pamphlet-writer. And this is confirmed by Taylor the Water-poet, in his Praise of Beggerie, p. 99:
"Come to the theater, all for just one penny."
[1205] Induct. to Ben Jonson's Bartholomew-fair. An ancient satirical piece called The Blacke Book, Lond. 1604, 4to., talks of "The six-penny roomes in play-houses;" and leaves a legacy to one whom he calls "Arch-tobacco-taker of England, in ordinaries, upon stages both common and private."
[1205] Induct. to Ben Jonson's Bartholomew-fair. An ancient satirical piece called The Blacke Book, Lond. 1604, 4to., talks of "The six-penny roomes in play-houses;" and leaves a legacy to one whom he calls "Arch-tobacco-taker of England, in ordinaries, upon stages both common and private."
[1207] This etymology hath been objected to by a very ingenious writer (see Malone's Shakesp. vol. i. part ii. p. 59), who thinks it questionable, because, in St. Mary's church at Cambridge, the area that is under the pulpit, and surrounded by the galleries, is (now) called the pit; which, he says, no one can suspect to have been a Cockpit, or that a playhouse phrase could be applied to a church. But whoever is acquainted with the licentiousness of boys, will not think it impossible that they should thus apply a name so peculiarly expressive of its situation: which from frequent use might at length prevail among the senior members of the University; especially when those young men became seniors themselves. The name of Pit, so applied at Cambridge, must be deemed to have been a cant phrase, until it can be shewn that the area in other churches was usually so called.
[1207] This etymology hath been objected to by a very ingenious writer (see Malone's Shakesp. vol. i. part ii. p. 59), who thinks it questionable, because, in St. Mary's church at Cambridge, the area that is under the pulpit, and surrounded by the galleries, is (now) called the pit; which, he says, no one can suspect to have been a Cockpit, or that a playhouse phrase could be applied to a church. But whoever is acquainted with the licentiousness of boys, will not think it impossible that they should thus apply a name so peculiarly expressive of its situation: which from frequent use might at length prevail among the senior members of the University; especially when those young men became seniors themselves. The name of Pit, so applied at Cambridge, must be deemed to have been a cant phrase, until it can be shewn that the area in other churches was usually so called.
[1208] So Ste. Gosson, in his Schoole of Abuse, 1579, 12mo., speaking of the players, says, "These, because they are allowed to play every Sunday, make iiii. or v. Sundayes at least every week," fol. 24. So the author of A Second and Third Blast of Retrait from Plaies, 1580, 12mo. "Let the magistrate but repel them from the libertie of plaeing on the Sabboth-daie.... To plaie on the Sabboth is but a priviledge of sufferance, and might with ease be repelled, were it thoroughly followed." P. 61-62. So again: "Is not the Sabboth of al other daies the most abused?.... Wherefore abuse not so the Sabboth-daie, my brethren; leave not the temple of the Lord." ... "Those unsaverie morsels of unseemelie sentences passing out of the mouth of a ruffenlie plaier, doth more content the hungrie humors of the rude multitude, and carrieth better rellish in their mouthes, than the bread of the worde, &c." Vid. p. 63, 65, 69, &c. I do not recollect that exclamations of this kind occur in Prynne, whence I conclude that this enormity no longer subsisted in this time.
[1208] So Ste. Gosson, in his Schoole of Abuse, 1579, 12mo., speaking of the players, says, "These, because they are allowed to play every Sunday, make iiii. or v. Sundayes at least every week," fol. 24. So the author of A Second and Third Blast of Retrait from Plaies, 1580, 12mo. "Let the magistrate but repel them from the libertie of plaeing on the Sabboth-daie.... To plaie on the Sabboth is but a priviledge of sufferance, and might with ease be repelled, were it thoroughly followed." P. 61-62. So again: "Is not the Sabboth of al other daies the most abused?.... Wherefore abuse not so the Sabboth-daie, my brethren; leave not the temple of the Lord." ... "Those unsaverie morsels of unseemelie sentences passing out of the mouth of a ruffenlie plaier, doth more content the hungrie humors of the rude multitude, and carrieth better rellish in their mouthes, than the bread of the worde, &c." Vid. p. 63, 65, 69, &c. I do not recollect that exclamations of this kind occur in Prynne, whence I conclude that this enormity no longer subsisted in this time.
It should also seem, from the author of the Third Blast above quoted, that the churches still continued to be used occasionally for theatres. Thus, in p. 77, he says, that the players (who, as hath been observed, were servants of the nobility), "under the title of their maisters, or as reteiners, are priviledged to roave abroad, and permitted to publish their mametree in everie temple of God, and that throughout England, unto the horrible contempt of praier."
It should also seem, from the author of the Third Blast above quoted, that the churches still continued to be used occasionally for theatres. Thus, in p. 77, he says, that the players (who, as hath been observed, were servants of the nobility), "under the title of their maisters, or as reteiners, are priviledged to roave abroad, and permitted to publish their mametree in everie temple of God, and that throughout England, unto the horrible contempt of praier."
[1209] "He entertaines us" (says Overbury in his Character of an Actor) "in the best leasure of our life, that is, betweene meales; the most unfit time either for study or bodily exercise." Even so late as in the reign of Charles II. plays generally began at three in the afternoon.
[1209] "He entertaines us" (says Overbury in his Character of an Actor) "in the best leasure of our life, that is, betweene meales; the most unfit time either for study or bodily exercise." Even so late as in the reign of Charles II. plays generally began at three in the afternoon.
[1210] See Biogr. Brit. i. 117, n. D.
[1211] I say "no English actress ... on the public stage," because Prynne speaks of it as an unusual enormity, that "they had Frenchwomen actors in a play not long since personated in Blackfriars playhouse." This was in 1629, vid. p. 215. And tho' female parts were performed by men or boys on the public stage, yet in masques at Court, the Queen and her ladies made no scruple to perform the principal parts, especially in the reigns of James I. and Charles I.
[1211] I say "no English actress ... on the public stage," because Prynne speaks of it as an unusual enormity, that "they had Frenchwomen actors in a play not long since personated in Blackfriars playhouse." This was in 1629, vid. p. 215. And tho' female parts were performed by men or boys on the public stage, yet in masques at Court, the Queen and her ladies made no scruple to perform the principal parts, especially in the reigns of James I. and Charles I.
Sir William Davenant, after the restoration, introduced women, scenery, and higher prices. See Cibber's Apology for his own Life.
Sir William Davenant, after the restoration, brought in women, better scenery, and raised ticket prices. See Cibber's Apology for his own Life.
[1213] It appears from an epigram of Taylor the Water-poet, that one of the principal theatres in his time, viz. the Globe on the Bankside, Southwark (which Ben Jonson calls the "Glory of the Bank, and Fort of the whole Parish"), had been covered with thatch till it was burnt down in 1613. (See Taylor's Sculler, Epig. 22, p. 31. Jonson's Execration on Vulcan.)
[1213] It appears from an epigram of Taylor the Water-poet, that one of the principal theatres in his time, viz. the Globe on the Bankside, Southwark (which Ben Jonson calls the "Glory of the Bank, and Fort of the whole Parish"), had been covered with thatch till it was burnt down in 1613. (See Taylor's Sculler, Epig. 22, p. 31. Jonson's Execration on Vulcan.)
Puttenham tells us they used vizards in his time, "partly to supply the want of players, when there were more parts than there were persons, or that it was not thought meet to trouble ... princes chambers with too many folkes." [Art of Eng. Poes. 1589, p. 26.] From the last clause, it should seem that they were chiefly used in the masques at Court.
Puttenham tells us they used masks in his time, "partly to cover the lack of actors, when there were more roles than people, or because it wasn’t considered appropriate to crowd... princes' chambers with too many folks." [Art of Eng. Poes. 1589, p. 26.] From the last part, it seems they were mainly used in the masques at Court.
[1214] Coryate's Crudities, 4to. 1611, p. 247.


INDEX OF BALLADS AND POEMS IN THE FIRST VOLUME.

Adam Bell, Clym of the Clough, and William of Cloudesley, 153.
Aged Lover renounceth Love, 179.
Alcanzor and Zayda, 338.
Bryan and Pereene, 328.
Carre, Captain, 148.
Cauline, Sir, 61.
Character of a Happy Life, 317.
Chevy Chase, Ancient Ballad of, 19.
Chevy Chace, Modern Ballad of, 249.
Child of Elle, 131.
Cophetua, King, and the Beggar Maid, 189.
Corydon's Farewell to Phillis, 209.
Cupid's Pastime, 314.
Death's Final Conquest, 264.
Dowsabell, 304.
Edom o' Gordon, 140.
Edward, Edward, 82.
Estmere, King, 85.
Farewell to Love, 310.
Friar of Orders Gray, 242.
Frolicksome Duke, or the Tinker's Good Fortune, 238.
Gentle River, Gentle River, 331.
Gernutus, the Jew of Venice, 211.
[Pg 460]Gilderoy, 318.
Jephthah, Judge of Israel, 182.
Jew's Daughter, 54.
Lancelot du Lake, Sir, 204.
Leir, King, and his Three Daughters, 231.
My Mind to me a Kingdom is, 294.
Northumberland (Henry, 4th Earl of), Elegy on, 117.
Northumberland betrayed by Douglas, 279.
Otterbourne, Battle of, 35.
Passionate Shepherd to his Love, 220.
Patient Countess, 298.
Rising in the North, 266.
Robin Hood and Guy of Gisborne, 102.
Robyn, Jolly Robyn, 185.
Song to the Lute in Musicke, 187.
Spence, Sir Patrick, 98.
Take those Lips away, 230.
Take thy old Cloak about thee, 195.
Titus Andronicus's Complaint, 224.
Tower of Doctrine, 127.
Ulysses and the Syren, 311.
Willow, Willow, Willow, 199.
Winifreda, 323.
Witch of Wokey, 325.
Youth and Age, 237.
Adam Bell, Clym of the Clough, and William of Cloudesley, 153.
Aged Lover renounceth Love, 179.
Alcanzor and Zayda, 338.
Bryan and Pereene, 328.
Carre, Captain, 148.
Cauline, Sir, 61.
Character of a Happy Life, 317.
Chevy Chase, Ancient Ballad of, 19.
Chevy Chace, Modern Ballad of, 249.
Child of Elle, 131.
Cophetua, King, and the Beggar Maid, 189.
Corydon's Farewell to Phillis, 209.
Cupid's Pastime, 314.
Death's Final Conquest, 264.
Dowsabell, 304.
Edom o' Gordon, 140.
Edward, Edward, 82.
Estmere, King, 85.
Farewell to Love, 310.
Friar of Orders Gray, 242.
Frolicksome Duke, or the Tinker's Good Fortune, 238.
Gentle River, Gentle River, 331.
Gernutus, the Jew of Venice, 211.
[Pg 460]Gilderoy, 318.
Jephthah, Judge of Israel, 182.
Jew's Daughter, 54.
Lancelot du Lake, Sir, 204.
Leir, King, and his Three Daughters, 231.
My Mind to me a Kingdom is, 294.
Northumberland (Henry, 4th Earl of), Elegy on, 117.
Northumberland betrayed by Douglas, 279.
Otterbourne, Battle of, 35.
Passionate Shepherd to his Love, 220.
Patient Countess, 298.
Rising in the North, 266.
Robin Hood and Guy of Gisborne, 102.
Robyn, Jolly Robyn, 185.
Song to the Lute in Musicke, 187.
Spence, Sir Patrick, 98.
Take those Lips away, 230.
Take thy old Cloak about thee, 195.
Titus Andronicus's Complaint, 224.
Tower of Doctrine, 127.
Ulysses and the Syren, 311.
Willow, Willow, Willow, 199.
Winifreda, 323.
Witch of Wokey, 325.
Youth and Age, 237.
END OF VOLUME THE FIRST
END OF VOLUME ONE
Transcriber's Notes:
Transcriber’s Notes:
Simple spelling, grammar, and typographical errors were corrected.
Simple spelling, grammar, and typographical mistakes were fixed.
Punctuation normalized.
Punctuation normalized.
Anachronistic and non-standard spellings retained as printed.
Anachronistic and non-standard spellings kept as printed.
Page vii ERRATA were applied where indicated
Page vii ERRATA have been applied where indicated
Proper drop caps were not possible with poetry as the poem would not wrap properly around the image. The drop cap images were included in the left margin adjacent to where they should have been.
Proper drop caps couldn't be used with poetry because the text wouldn't wrap correctly around the image. The drop cap images were placed in the left margin next to where they should have been.
This e-text includes characters that will only display in UTF-8 (Unicode) file encoding, such as:
This e-text includes characters that will only display in UTF-8 (Unicode) file encoding, such as:
- Eἰkων Βασιλιkή
- Ðe.. næꝼꞃe nohꞇ leaꞅunᵹa. ne ιꝺeleꞅ leoðeꞅ pẏꞃcean ne mιhꞇe;
- Œ, œ ("oe" ligature)
If any of these characters do not display properly, you may have an incompatible browser or unavailable fonts. First, make sure that the browser's "character set" or "file encoding" is set to Unicode (UTF-8). You may also need to change your browser's default font. The free Junicode font works well.
If any of these characters do not display properly, you may have an incompatible browser or unavailable fonts. First, make sure that the browser's "character set" or "file encoding" is set to Unicode (UTF-8). You may also need to change your browser's default font. The free Junicode font works well.
The following Anglo-Saxon Uncial characters have no Unicode equivalent. Ordinary Latin 1 characters were substituted instead.
The following Anglo-Saxon Uncial characters don't have a Unicode equivalent. Regular Latin 1 characters were used as substitutes.
Uncial | ![]() |
C |
![]() |
e | |
![]() |
G | |
![]() |
M | |
![]() |
S |
Download ePUB
If you like this ebook, consider a donation!