This is a modern-English version of Some Notes on Shipbuilding and Shipping in Colonial Virginia, originally written by Evans, Cerinda W..
It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling,
and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If
you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.
Scroll to the bottom of this page and you will find a free ePUB download link for this book.
Some Notes On Shipbuilding and
Shipping In Colonial Virginia
By
By
Cerinda W. Evans
Cerinda W. Evans
Librarian Emeritus, The Mariners Museum Newport News, Virginia
Librarian Emeritus, The Mariners Museum Newport News, Virginia
Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation
Williamsburg, Virginia
1957
Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation
Williamsburg, Virginia
1957
COPYRIGHT©, 1957 BY
THE MARINERS MUSEUM,
NEWPORT NEWS, VIRGINIA
COPYRIGHT©, 1957 BY
THE MARINERS MUSEUM,
NEWPORT NEWS, VIRGINIA
Jamestown 350th Anniversary
Historical Booklet, Number 22
Jamestown 350th Anniversary
Historical Booklet, Number 22
AS CONCERNING SHIPS
ABOUT SHIPS
It is that which everyone knoweth and can say
It is that which everyone knows and can say
(From The Trades Increase, London, 1615)
(From The Trades Increase, London, 1615)
SHIPBUILDING AND SHIPPING
Shipbuilding and shipping
The Canoe
Various types of watercraft used in Colonial Virginia have been mentioned in the records. The dugout canoe of the Indians was found by the settlers upon arrival, and was one of the chief means of transportation until the colony was firmly established. It is of great importance in the history of transportation from its use in pre-history to its use in the world today. From the dugout have come the piragua, Rose's tobacco boat, and the Chesapeake Bay canoe and bugeye as we see them today.
Various types of boats used in Colonial Virginia are mentioned in the records. The dugout canoe of the Native Americans was discovered by the settlers on their arrival and was one of the main forms of transportation until the colony became well established. It holds significant importance in the history of transportation, from its pre-historic use to its role today. The dugout has led to the creation of the piragua, Rose's tobacco boat, and the Chesapeake Bay canoe and bugeye as we know them now.
The first boats in use by the colony in addition to the Indian canoe were ships' boats—barges, long-boats, and others. A shallop brought over in sections was fitted together and used in the first explorations. As the years went by, however, "almost every planter, great and small, had a boat of one kind or another. Canoes, bateaux, punts, piraguas, shallops, flats, pinnaces, sloops, appear with monotonous regularity in the seventeenth and eighteenth century records of Virginia and Maryland."
The first boats used by the colony, alongside the Indian canoe, were ships' boats—barges, longboats, and others. A shallop that was brought over in pieces was assembled and used for the first explorations. However, as time passed, "almost every planter, big or small, had a boat of some kind. Canoes, bateaux, punts, piraguas, shallops, flats, and sloops frequently appear in the records of Virginia and Maryland from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries."
Little is known about the construction of boats in the colony except the log canoe. A long and thick tree was chosen according to the size of the boat desired, and a fire made on the ground around its base. The fire was kept burning until the tree had fallen. Then burning off the top and boughs, the trunk was raised upon poles laid over crosswise on forked posts so as to work at a comfortable height. The bark was removed with shells; gum and rosin spread on the upper side to the length desired and set on fire. By alternately burning and scraping, the log was hollowed out to the desired depth and width. The ends were scraped off and rounded for smooth navigating.
Little is known about how boats were built in the colony, except for the log canoe. A large, thick tree was selected based on the size of the boat desired, and a fire was set at the base of the tree. The fire was kept burning until the tree fell. After that, the top and branches were burned off, and the trunk was lifted onto poles laid across forked posts to make it easier to work at a comfortable height. The bark was removed using shells; then gum and rosin were applied to the upper side to the desired length and set on fire. By alternately burning and scraping, the log was hollowed out to the desired depth and width. The ends were scraped and rounded for smooth navigation.
Captain John Smith, who had a number of occasions to use the canoe, wrote that some were an elne deep (forty-five inches), and forty or fifty feet in length; some would bear forty men, but the most ordinary were smaller and carried ten, twenty, or thirty men. "Instead of oars, they use paddles or sticks with which they will row faster than our barges." Additional space and graceful lines in the canoes were secured by spreading the sides. To do this, the hollowed log was filled with water and heated by dropping in hot stones until the wood became soft enough to bend into the desired shape by forcing the sides apart with sticks of different lengths and allowed to harden.
Captain John Smith, who had several chances to use the canoe, noted that some were an elne deep (about forty-five inches) and forty or fifty feet long; some could hold up to forty men, but the most common ones were smaller and carried ten, twenty, or thirty men. "Instead of oars, they use paddles or sticks, which allow them to row faster than our barges." They created more space and elegant shapes in the canoes by spreading the sides. To do this, they filled the hollowed log with water and heated it by dropping in hot stones until the wood was soft enough to bend into the desired shape by pushing the sides apart with sticks of various lengths and letting it harden.
The tools with which the Indians built their boats and used for other purposes, were tomahawks of stone sharpened at one end or both, or one end was rounded off for use as a hammer. A circular indentation was made in the center to secure the tomahawk to the handle. Another method of fitting the stone tomahawk to a handle was to cut off the head of a young tree, and as if to graft it, a notch was made into which the head of the hatchet was inserted. After some time, the tree by growing together kept the hatchet so fixed that it could not come out. Then the tree was cut to such a length as to make a good handle. Another method in use was that of binding the stones to the ends of sticks and gluing them there with rosin.
The tools that the Native Americans used to build their boats and for other tasks included stone tomahawks that were sharpened at one or both ends, or one end was rounded off to function as a hammer. A circular indentation was made in the center to attach the tomahawk to the handle. Another way to fit the stone tomahawk to a handle involved cutting off the head of a young tree, and like grafting, a notch was created where the head of the hatchet was inserted. Over time, the tree would grow together, securing the hatchet so tightly that it couldn't come out. Then the tree was trimmed to a suitable length to create a good handle. Another method used involved binding stones to the ends of sticks and securing them with rosin.
Some colonists did not hesitate to take the canoes from the Indians, which they may or may not have returned. On one occasion the King of Rappahanna demanded the return of a canoe, which was restored. Among the first laws of the General Assembly was that for the protection of the Indians, enacted in August, 1619: "He that shall take away by violence or stealth any canoe or other things from the Indians, shall make valuable restitution to the said Indians, and shall forfeit, if he be a freeholder, five pounds; if a servant, forty shillings or endure a whipping."
Some colonists didn’t hesitate to take canoes from the Native Americans, which they might or might not have returned. One time, the King of Rappahanna asked for a canoe back, and it was given back. Among the first laws passed by the General Assembly, enacted in August 1619, was one for the protection of the Native Americans: "Anyone who takes a canoe or other items from the Indians by force or stealth must provide valuable restitution to the Indians and will forfeit five pounds if they own property, or forty shillings if they are a servant, or face a whipping."
A story of an Indian and his canoe was told by John Pory, Secretary of Virginia, after he had visited the Eastern Shore. "Wamanato, a friendly Indian, presented me with twelve bever skins and a canow which I requited with such things to his content, that he promised to keep them whilst he lived, and berie them with him being dead."
A story about an Indian and his canoe was shared by John Pory, Secretary of Virginia, after he visited the Eastern Shore. "Wamanato, a friendly Indian, gave me twelve beaver skins and a canoe, which I repaid with items he found satisfactory, and he promised to keep them for life and be buried with them after he died."
Several writers of boatbuilding have expressed the thought that the evolution of the Chesapeake Bay canoe and the Chesapeake Bay bugeye from the Indian dugout canoe was one of the most interesting developments in the history of shipbuilding. M. V. Brewington, in his Chesapeake Bay: A Pictorial Maritime History, says of this development: "The white man's superior knowledge of small craft soon indicated changes which would improve the canoe: sharp ends would make her easier to propel and more seaworthy; broader beam and a keel would increase stability; sail would lessen the work of getting from place to place. Sharpening the bow and stern was a simple matter; the increased beam was difficult because no single tree could provide the needed width. In time, the settler learned to join two or more trees together to give the beam desired. He learned how to add topsides, first of hewn logs, later of sawed plank. A keel was added and a sailing rig. After the centerboard was invented, it took the place of a keel…."
Several boatbuilding writers have pointed out that the evolution of the Chesapeake Bay canoe and the Chesapeake Bay bugeye from the Native American dugout canoe is one of the most fascinating developments in shipbuilding history. M. V. Brewington, in his Chesapeake Bay: A Pictorial Maritime History, discusses this evolution: "The white man's superior knowledge of small craft soon led to changes that would enhance the canoe: sharper ends made it easier to propel and more seaworthy; a broader beam and a keel increased stability; sails reduced the effort needed to travel from place to place. Sharpening the bow and stern was straightforward; increasing the beam was tricky because no single tree was wide enough. Eventually, settlers learned to join two or more trees to achieve the desired width. They figured out how to add sides, first using hewn logs, later using sawed planks. A keel was added along with a sailing rig. After the centerboard was invented, it replaced the keel…."
"But the culmination of the simple, single log, trough-shaped Indian dugout was the bugeye, a complex vessel as much as eighty-five feet in length. There was an intermediate step between the canoe and the bugeye, the brogan, a large canoe, partially decked, with a cuddy forward in which a couple of men could sleep and cook…. The earliest known use of the name "bugeye" was in 1868, but doubtless the word was not coined upon the first appearance of the vessel itself…. In essence the bugeye was a large canoe, fully decked, with a fixed rig following that of the brogan. There were full accommodations for the crew which, because the vessel was built for oyster dredging, needed to be comparatively large…. Throughout the course of development from canoe to bugeye, the original dugout log bottom was always apparent in this most truly American craft."
"But the final evolution of the simple, single log, trough-shaped Indian dugout was the bugeye, a complex vessel that could be as much as eighty-five feet long. There was a middle step between the canoe and the bugeye, the brogan, which was a large, partially decked canoe with a small enclosed space at the front where a couple of men could sleep and cook. The earliest known use of the name "bugeye" was in 1868, but it's likely the term was in use before the vessel appeared. Essentially, the bugeye was a large canoe, fully decked, with a fixed rig similar to that of the brogan. It had complete accommodations for the crew, which needed to be relatively large since the vessel was designed for oyster dredging. Throughout the development from canoe to bugeye, the original dugout log bottom was always evident in this truly American craft."
Virginia-Built Boats
The smallest of the three vessels that reached Virginia in April, 1607, was the little pinnace Discovery, a favorite type of small vessel in that period. The first English vessel known to have been built in the New World was a pinnace. A colonizing expedition to Raleigh's colony on Roanoke Island left Plymouth, England, on April 9, 1585, with a fleet of five vessels and two pinnaces attached as tenders. A storm sank the tender to the Tiger, Sir Richard Grenville's flagship. On the 15th of May, the fleet came to anchor in the Bay of Mosquetal (Mosquito), and a landing was made at St. John on the Island of Puerto Rico. Here an encampment was made to give the men time to refresh themselves and to build a new pinnace for the Tiger. A forge was set up to make the nails, and trees were cut and hauled to camp on a low four-wheeled truck for the boat's timber. The ship's carpenters made speedy headway, launching and rigging the pinnace in ten days. They set sail from St. John on the 29th of May, the new pinnace carrying twenty men and, on the 27th of July, anchored at Hatoraske on the way to Roanoke.
The smallest of the three ships that arrived in Virginia in April 1607 was the little pinnace Discovery, a popular type of small boat at that time. The first English ship known to have been built in the New World was a pinnace. A colonizing expedition to Raleigh's colony on Roanoke Island left Plymouth, England, on April 9, 1585, with a fleet of five ships and two pinnaces as tenders. A storm sank the tender to the Tiger, which was Sir Richard Grenville's flagship. On May 15, the fleet anchored in the Bay of Mosquetal (Mosquito), and they landed at St. John on the Island of Puerto Rico. Here, they set up camp to allow the men to rest and to build a new pinnace for the Tiger. A forge was established to make nails, and trees were cut and transported to the camp on a low four-wheeled cart for the boat's timber. The ship's carpenters worked quickly, launching and rigging the pinnace in ten days. They set sail from St. John on May 29, with the new pinnace carrying twenty men, and on July 27, they anchored at Hatoraske on their way to Roanoke.
The second English vessel known to have been built in North America was also a pinnace. The members of the second colony of Virginia left Plymouth, England, on the last day of May, 1607, under command of Captain George Popham, and located at "Sagadahoc in Virginia" at the mouth of the Kennebec River. There they set up fortifications which they called Fort St. George. After finishing the fort, "the carpenter framed a pretty pinnace of about thirty tons which they called Virginia, the shipwright being one Digby of London." This little vessel is known to have made two voyages across the Atlantic.
The second English ship built in North America was also a pinnace. The members of the second Virginia colony left Plymouth, England, on the last day of May, 1607, under the command of Captain George Popham, and settled at "Sagadahoc in Virginia" at the mouth of the Kennebec River. There, they constructed fortifications they named Fort St. George. After completing the fort, "the carpenter built a nice pinnace weighing about thirty tons that they named Virginia, with a shipwright named Digby from London." This small vessel is known to have made two trips across the Atlantic.
On June 7, 1609, a fleet of seven ships and two pinnaces left Plymouth, England, for Jamestown. After a few days out, one of the pinnaces returned to England, but the other, the little Virginia, remained with the fleet as the tender to the flagship Sea Venture. Sir Thomas Gates, Lieutenant Governor under Lord De La Warr, and Sir George Somers, Admiral of the fleet, embarked on the Sea Venture, commanded by Captain Christopher Newport, Vice Admiral. These three men were leaders of the expedition and in order to avoid any dispute as to precedence, they agreed—very unwisely, it was disclosed—to sail on the same ship "with several commissions sealed, successively to take place one after another, considering the uncertainty of human life."
On June 7, 1609, a fleet of seven ships and two small boats set off from Plymouth, England, heading for Jamestown. A few days into the journey, one of the small boats returned to England, but the other, the little Virginia, stayed with the fleet as support for the flagship Sea Venture. Sir Thomas Gates, the Lieutenant Governor under Lord De La Warr, and Sir George Somers, Admiral of the fleet, boarded the Sea Venture, which was captained by Christopher Newport, the Vice Admiral. These three men were the leaders of the expedition and, trying to avoid any arguments about who was in charge, they foolishly decided to sail on the same ship "with several commissions sealed, successively to take place one after another, considering the uncertainty of human life."
Shipwreck of the Sea Venture
On July 28, a violent storm arose which separated the Sea Venture from the rest of the fleet. This "dreadful tempest" was the tail of a West Indies hurricane and lasted four days and nights. An account of it written in 1610, by William Strachey, secretary to Lord De La Warr, and a passenger on the ship, is said to be one of the finest descriptions of a storm in all literature, and led to the writing of The Tempest by Shakespeare. The letter was written to a person unknown, addressed as "Excellent Lady." Some excerpts are given herewith.
On July 28, a fierce storm hit that separated the Sea Venture from the rest of the fleet. This "terrible tempest" was the tail end of a hurricane from the West Indies and lasted four days and nights. An account of it written in 1610 by William Strachey, secretary to Lord De La Warr and a passenger on the ship, is considered one of the best descriptions of a storm in all literature and inspired Shakespeare's The Tempest. The letter was addressed to an unknown recipient referred to as "Excellent Lady." Here are some excerpts.
When on S. James his day, July 24, being Monday … the clouds gathering thicke upon us and the wind singing and whistling most unusually, which made us to cast off our pinnace towing the same until then asterne, a dreadful storm and hideous, began to blow from out the north-east, which swelling, and roaring, as it were by fitts, some hours with more violence than others, at length beat all light from heaven, which like a hell of darkness turned black upon us, so much the more fuller of horror, as in such cases horror and fear use to overrunne the troubled, and overmastered sences of all, which, taken up with amazement, the eares lay so sensible to the terrible cries, and murmurs of the winds, and distractions of our company…. For foure and twenty houres the storme in a restless tumult, had blown so exceedingly, as we could not apprehend in our imaginations any possibility of greater violence, yet did wee still find it, not only more terrible, but more constant, fury added to fury, and one storm urging a second more outrageous than the former; whether it so wrought upon our feares … as made us look one upon the other with troubled hearts and panting bosoms; our clamours drowned in the windes, and the windes in thunder. Prayers might well be in the heart and lips, but drowned in the outcries of the officers, nothing heard that could give comfort, nothing seen that might encourage hope…. The sea swelled above the clouds, and gave battell unto Heaven. It could not be said to raine, the waters like whole rivers did flood in the ayre…. The winds spake more loud and grew more tumultuous and malignant. What shall I say? Winds and seas were as mad as fury and rage could make them…. There was not a moment in which the sudden splitting or instant oversetting of the ship was not expected. Howbeit this was not all; it pleased God to bring a greater affliction yet upon us; for in the beginning of the storm, we had received likewise a mighty leake. And the ship in every joint almost, having spued out her okam, before we were aware … was growne five foote suddenly deep with water above her ballast, and we almost drowned within, whilst we sat looking when to perish from above. This imparting no less terror than danger ran through the whole ship with much fright and amazement, startled and turned the blood and took down the braves of the most hardy mariner of them all…. The leake which drunk in our greatest seas, and took in our destruction fastest could not then be found nor ever was by any labour, counsell or search…. Every man came duely upon his watch … working with tyred bodies and wasted spirits three days and foure nights destitute of outward comfort, and desperate of any deliverance…. During all this time the Heavens looked so black upon us that it was not possible the elevation of the pole might be observed; nor a starre by night, not a sun beame by day was to be seene. Onely upon Thursday night, Sir George Somers being upon the watch, had an apparition of a little round light like a faint starre, trembling and streaming along with a sparkeling blaze, halfe the height upon the main mast, and shooting sometimes from shroud to shroud, tempting to settle as it were, upon any of the foure shroudes … half the night it kept with us; running sometimes along the main yard to the very end, and then returning. At which, Sir George Somers called divers about him, and showed them the same…. It did not light us any whit the more to our known way, who ran now as hoodwinked men, at all adventures, sometimes north and north-east, then north and by west, and in an instant varying two or three points, and sometimes half the compass…. It being now Friday, the fourth morning, it wanted little, but that there had been a general determination to have shut up hatches, and commending our sinfull soules to God, committed the ship to the mercy of the sea. Surely, that night we must have done it, and that night had we then perished: but see the goodnesse and sweet introduction of better hope, by our merciful God given unto us. Sir George Somers, when no man dreamed of such happiness, had discovered and cried land!
When it was St. James' day, July 24, a Monday... dark clouds were gathering around us, and the wind was unusually loud and whistling, which made us untie our small boat that we had been towing until then. A terrifying and horrible storm began to blow from the northeast, swelling and roaring in fits, sometimes more violently than others. Eventually, it drove all light from the sky, plunging us into a pitch-black darkness filled with terror, as is common in such situations when fear overwhelms the troubled and distressed minds of all. Captivated by amazement, our ears were painfully attuned to the terrible cries and murmurs of the winds and the chaos among our crew… For twenty-four hours, the storm raged in an unending turmoil, blowing with such intensity that we couldn’t even imagine anything more violent; yet it somehow continued to grow, becoming even more terrifying and constant, with one fury piling on top of another, and one storm driving a second, even wilder storm. It worked on our fears… making us look at each other with anxious hearts and panting chests; our cries were drowned out by the wind, and the wind was drowned out by the thunder. While prayers may have been in our hearts and on our lips, they were swallowed up by the shouts of the officers, and nothing could be heard to offer comfort or seen to inspire hope… The sea rose higher than the clouds and battled against Heaven. It wasn’t just raining; it was like whole rivers flooding through the air… The winds grew louder and more tumultuous and evil. What can I say? Winds and seas were as wild as fury and rage could make them… Not a moment passed without the fear of the ship suddenly splitting or capsizing. And there was more; God chose to impose an even greater affliction upon us, for at the start of the storm, we had also taken on a massive leak. The ship, almost at every joint, had expelled her ballast before we even realized it… was suddenly five feet deep in water above her ballast, and we were almost drowning inside while we waited for our doom from above. This caused just as much terror as danger, spreading through the whole ship with panic and shock, startling the blood and breaking the spirits of even the toughest sailors… The leak, which swallowed our worst seas and sped up our destruction, couldn’t be found despite any effort, counsel, or search… Every man took his turn at watch… working with exhausted bodies and drained spirits for three days and four nights, lacking external comfort and desperate for any chance of escape… Throughout this time, the sky looked so black at us that it was impossible to observe the height of the pole; not a star was visible at night, nor was a sunbeam seen during the day. Only on Thursday night, Sir George Somers, while on watch, saw a small round light like a faint star, trembling and sparking along halfway up the main mast, and occasionally shooting from shroud to shroud, seeming to try to settle on any of the four shrouds... It stayed with us for half the night, sometimes running along the main yard to its very end and then returning. Sir George Somers called several people over to show them... It did not provide us any clearer direction, and we moved as if blindfolded, taking all sorts of risks, sometimes heading north and northeast, then north and by west, and instantly changing direction by two or three points, and occasionally half the compass... By Friday, the fourth morning, we were close to a general decision to shut the hatches, commend our sinful souls to God, and surrender the ship to the mercy of the sea. Surely, that night we would have done it, and that night we would have perished: but behold, the kindness and sweet introduction of better hope, given to us by our merciful God. When no one expected such happiness, Sir George Somers discovered and shouted, "Land!"
The storm drove the ship toward the dangerous and dreaded islands of Bermuda. Nearing the shore, the ship was caught between rocks as in a vise and held there while all the one hundred and fifty persons reached the shore in safety. As soon as they were conveniently settled, after the landing, the long boat was fitted up in the fashion of a pinnace with a little deck made of the hatches of the wrecked ship, so close that no water could enter, and with a crew of six sailors, using sails and oars, Thomas Whittingham, the cape merchant, and Henry Ravens, the master's mate, as pilot, the boat sailed for Virginia. It was hoped, when news reached Jamestown of the safe landing of the passengers from the wrecked Sea Venture on Bermuda, that a ship or pinnace from the fleet in Virginia would be sent to take them home, but the long boat was never heard from again.
The storm drove the ship towards the dangerous and feared islands of Bermuda. As they got closer to the shore, the ship got stuck between rocks, as if in a vise, while all one hundred and fifty people managed to reach the shore safely. Once they were settled after landing, the longboat was converted into a kind of pinnace with a small deck made from the hatches of the wrecked ship, sealed tightly so no water could get in. With a crew of six sailors, using both sails and oars, Thomas Whittingham, the cape merchant, and Henry Ravens, the master's mate, as the pilot, the boat set sail for Virginia. There was hope that when news reached Jamestown about the safe landing of the passengers from the wrecked Sea Venture on Bermuda, a ship or pinnace from the fleet in Virginia would come to take them home, but the longboat was never heard from again.
Building the Deliverance and the Patience
While waiting for help from Virginia, Sir George Somers and Sir Thomas Gates decided to build a pinnace, in case of need. The work was put in charge of Richard Frobisher, an experienced shipwright. The only wood on the island that could be used for timber was cedar and that was rather poor, being too brittle for making good planks. The pinnace's beams were all of oak from the wrecked ship, as were some planks in her bow, all the rest was of cedar. The keel was laid on the 28th of August, 1609, and on the 26th of February, calking had begun. Old cables that had been preserved furnished the oakum. One barrel of pitch and another of tar had been saved. Lime was made of wilk shells and a hard white stone, which were burned in a kiln, slaked with fresh water, and tempered with tortoise oil. She was forty feet long at the keel, nineteen feet broad at the beam, had a six-foot floor, her rake forward being fourteen feet, her rake aft from the top of her post (which was twelve feet long) was three feet; she was eight feet deep under her beam, four feet and a half between decks, with a rising of half a foot more under her forecastle, the purpose being to scour the deck with small shot if an enemy should come aboard. She had a fall of eighteen inches aft to make her steerage and her great cabin larger; her steerage was five feet long and six feet high with a closed gallery right aft, having a window on each side, and two right aft. She was of some eighty tons burden.
While waiting for help from Virginia, Sir George Somers and Sir Thomas Gates decided to build a small ship, just in case. Richard Frobisher, an experienced shipbuilder, was put in charge of the project. The only wood available on the island suitable for timber was cedar, which was not very good since it was too brittle to make decent planks. The beams of the small ship were made from oak salvaged from a wrecked vessel, as were some of the planks in the bow; the rest were made from cedar. The keel was laid down on August 28, 1609, and calking started on February 26. Old cables that were kept provided the oakum. They had saved one barrel of pitch and another of tar. Lime was made from wilk shells and a hard white stone, which were burned in a kiln, mixed with fresh water, and combined with tortoise oil. The small ship was forty feet long at the keel, nineteen feet wide at the beam, had a six-foot deep floor, a fourteen-foot rake forward, and a three-foot rake aft from the top of her twelve-foot long post; she was eight feet deep under her beam and four and a half feet between decks, with an extra half-foot rise under the forecastle to allow for firing small shot if an enemy boarded. There was an eighteen-inch fall at the back to make the steering and the main cabin larger; the steering area was five feet long and six feet high with a closed gallery at the back, featuring a window on each side and two at the rear. She was about eighty tons in weight.
On the 30th of March, the pinnace was launched, unrigged, and towed to "a little round island" nearer the ponds and wells of fresh water, with easier access to the sea, the channel there being deep enough to float her when masts, sails and all her trim had been placed on her. "When she began to swim (upon her launching) our Governor called her The Deliverance."
On March 30th, the small boat was launched without its rigging and towed to "a little round island" closer to the ponds and fresh water wells, where it had easier access to the sea. The channel there was deep enough to float it once the masts, sails, and all its equipment were added. "When she started to float upon her launch, our Governor named her The Deliverance."
Late in November, and still with no word from Virginia, Sir George Somers became convinced that the pinnace which Frobisher was building would not be sufficient to transport all the men, women, and children from Bermuda to Virginia. He consulted with Sir Thomas Gates, the Governor, who approved his plan of building another pinnace. He would take two carpenters and twenty men with him to the main island where with instruction from Frobisher, "he would quickly frame up another little bark, for the better sitting and convenience of our people." The Governor granted him all the things he desired, all such tools and instruments, and twenty of the ablest and stoutest men of the company to hew planks and square timber. The keel laid was twenty-nine feet in length, the beam fifteen feet and a half; she was eight feet deep and drew six feet of water, and was of thirty tons capacity. Sir George Somers launched her on the last day of April, giving her the name of Patience, and brought her from the building bay in the main island, into the channel where the Deliverance was moored.
Late in November, still without any news from Virginia, Sir George Somers became convinced that the small boat Frobisher was building wouldn't be enough to carry all the men, women, and children from Bermuda to Virginia. He talked with Sir Thomas Gates, the Governor, who agreed with his plan to build another small boat. Somers would take two carpenters and twenty men with him to the main island where, following Frobisher's guidance, "he would quickly assemble another little vessel for the better accommodation of our people." The Governor granted him everything he needed, including all the tools and instruments, and twenty of the strongest and most capable men from the crew to cut planks and prepare timber. The keel was twenty-nine feet long, with a beam of fifteen and a half feet; she was eight feet deep and drew six feet of water, with a capacity of thirty tons. Sir George Somers launched her on the last day of April, naming her Patience, and brought her from the building area on the main island into the channel where the Deliverance was anchored.
After nine months on the islands, these fearless and undaunted men, with a stout determination to finish the voyage they had begun nine months before, set sail in the two pinnaces on May 10, 1610, and after eleven days, arrived at Point Comfort. "On the three and twentieth day of May, we cast our anchor before Jamestown."
After nine months on the islands, these brave and determined men, committed to completing the journey they had started nine months earlier, set sail in the two small boats on May 10, 1610, and after eleven days, reached Point Comfort. "On May 23, we dropped anchor in front of Jamestown."
Boatbuilding Prior to 1612
The few available records of early boatbuilding in the Virginia colony differ so materially that one cannot make a statement as to number or kind of vessels with any degree of accuracy. That the first vessel constructed in Virginia was built earlier than the year 1611, and was of twelve or thirteen tons capacity, seems to be an accepted fact as given in the Spaniard Molina's Report of a Voyage to Virginia in 1611. The report also referred to a galley of twenty-five benches being built there.
The limited records of early boatbuilding in the Virginia colony vary so much that it’s impossible to state the number or type of vessels accurately. It appears to be a widely accepted fact that the first vessel built in Virginia was completed before 1611 and had a capacity of twelve or thirteen tons, as mentioned in the Spaniard Molina's Report of a Voyage to Virginia from 1611. The report also noted that a galley with twenty-five benches was being constructed there.
In his Short Relation to the Council of the Virginia Company in June, 1611, Lord De La Warr spoke regretfully of the fact that the three forts he had erected near Point Comfort were not properly manned because of a lack of boats, there being but two, and one barge in all the colony. The fishing, too, had been hindered because of this shortage. No mention was made of the galley that was said to have been in the process of construction.
In his Short Relation to the Council of the Virginia Company in June 1611, Lord De La Warr expressed disappointment that the three forts he had built near Point Comfort were not adequately staffed due to a shortage of boats, as there were only two and one barge in the entire colony. Fishing had also been affected because of this lack. There was no mention of the galley that was reportedly being built.
Argall's Shipyard in Point Comfort
In a letter to Nicholas Hawes, written in June, 1613, Samuel Argall (later Sir Samuel Argall) tells of a voyage to Virginia in 1612, and some of his activities there. On the 17th of September, he arrived at Point Comfort with sixty-two men on the ship Treasurer, his course being fifty leagues northward of the Azores. From the day of his arrival until the first of November, he spent the time in helping to repair such ships and boats as he found there "decayed for lack of pitch and tarre." About the first of November, he carried Sir Thomas Dale in the Deliverance to Sir Thomas Smith's Island to have his opinion about inhabiting it. They found an abundance of fish there, "very great cod" which they caught in water five fathom deep. They planned to get a great quantity in the summer of 1613, and hoped to find safe passage there for boats and barges by "a cut out of the bottom of our bay into De La Warr Bay." This is an early mention of the need for a canal connecting these two bays. That the Sir Thomas Smith's Island referred to was not the island known by that name lying near Cape Charles is evident from the reference to large cod fish caught there, and the desire for a passage between the bays for a shorter route.
In a letter to Nicholas Hawes, written in June 1613, Samuel Argall (later Sir Samuel Argall) talks about a voyage to Virginia in 1612 and some of his activities there. On September 17th, he arrived at Point Comfort with sixty-two men on the ship Treasurer, having traveled fifty leagues north of the Azores. From the day he arrived until November 1st, he spent his time helping to fix up the ships and boats he found there that were "damaged from lack of pitch and tar." Around the beginning of November, he took Sir Thomas Dale in the Deliverance to Sir Thomas Smith's Island to get his opinion about settling it. They found an abundance of fish there, particularly "very large cod," which they caught in waters five fathoms deep. They planned to catch a large quantity in the summer of 1613 and hoped to find a safe passage for boats and barges by "a cut out of the bottom of our bay into De La Warr Bay." This is an early mention of the need for a canal connecting these two bays. It is clear that the Sir Thomas Smith's Island referred to was not the one by that name near Cape Charles, as indicated by the mention of large cod caught there and the intention for a passage between the bays for a quicker route.
Argall sailed from Point Comfort on the first of December and entered Pembroke, now Rappahannock, River where he met the king of Pastancie, who told him the Indians were his very great friends and had a good store of corn for him, as they had provided the year before. He carried his ship to the king's town and there built a stout shallop to take the corn aboard. After concluding a peace with other divers Indian lords, and giving and taking hostages, Argall hastened to Jamestown with 1100 bushels of corn, which he delivered to the storehouses there, besides the 300 bushels he retained for the use of his own company. As soon as he had unloaded the corn, Argall set his men to work felling timber and hewing boards with which to build a "frigat." He left this vessel half finished in the hands of his carpenters at Point Comfort in order to make another voyage to Pembroke River, and so discovered the head of it. Upon learning that Pocahontas was with the King of Patowomack, he devised a stratagem by which she was captured. Pocahontas was taken to Jamestown and delivered to the protection of Sir Thomas Gates, who hastened to conclude with Powhatan, her father, a peace based upon the terms demanded by Argall. Argall returned to Point Comfort and "went forward with his frigat and finished her." He sent a "ginge" of men with her to Cape Charles, to get fish and transport them to "Henries Town" (Henrico). Another gang was employed to fell timber and cleave planks to build a fishing boat. Argall himself, with a third gang, left in the shallop on the first day of May to explore the east side of the Bay. Having explored along the shore for some forty leagues northward, he returned on the 12th of May, fitted his ship and built a fishing boat, and made ready to take the first opportunity for a fishing voyage.
Argall set sail from Point Comfort on December 1st and entered the Pembroke River, now called the Rappahannock, where he met the king of Pastancie. The king informed him that the Indians were his great friends and had a good supply of corn for him, just as they had the previous year. He took his ship to the king's town and built a sturdy shallop to load the corn. After making peace with various Indian leaders and exchanging hostages, Argall rushed back to Jamestown with 1,100 bushels of corn, which he stored there, in addition to keeping 300 bushels for his own crew. Once he unloaded the corn, Argall had his men start cutting timber and shaping boards to construct a "frigat." He left this ship half-finished with his carpenters at Point Comfort to make another trip to Pembroke River and discovered its head. Upon learning that Pocahontas was with the King of Patowomack, he came up with a plan to capture her. Pocahontas was brought to Jamestown and placed under the protection of Sir Thomas Gates, who hurried to negotiate a peace with Powhatan, her father, based on the terms set by Argall. Argall returned to Point Comfort and "continued with his frigat and completed her." He sent a "ginge" of men with her to Cape Charles to catch fish and bring them to "Henries Town" (Henrico). Another group was tasked with cutting timber and splitting planks to build a fishing boat. Argall himself, with a third group, departed in the shallop on May 1st to explore the eastern side of the Bay. After exploring about forty leagues north along the shore, he returned on May 12th, prepared his ship, built a fishing boat, and got ready to take the first chance to go on a fishing trip.
Other Voyages of Argall
Samuel Argall is said to have achieved lasting fame as one of England's maritime pioneers by establishing a shorter route to Virginia from England in 1609, although Batholomew Gosnold took that route in 1602, and Martin Pring did so in 1603. The usual course led by way of the Canaries to the Island of Puerto Rico in the West Indies, the route of Columbus, a long, circuitous pathway exposed to pirates and interference from Spain. Argall made the round trip by the shorter route in five months. However, the shorter route did not supplant entirely the longer southern route for several decades.
Samuel Argall is known as one of England's maritime pioneers for finding a shorter route to Virginia from England in 1609, even though Bartholomew Gosnold took that route in 1602, and Martin Pring did it in 1603. The typical path went through the Canaries to the Island of Puerto Rico in the West Indies, following Columbus's route, which was long, winding, and prone to pirate attacks and interference from Spain. Argall completed the round trip using the shorter route in five months. However, the shorter route didn't completely replace the longer southern route for several decades.
Argall accompanied Lord De La Warr to Virginia in 1610, to point out the northern route. While in Virginia, he was sent with Sir George Somers to Bermuda with two pinnaces to get a supply of hogs and other provisions for the colony. In a storm, Argall lost sight of Sir George's pinnace and failed to locate Bermuda; so he changed his course toward the north and went to Sagadahoc and Cape Cod where he procured a large cargo of fish, which he brought to Jamestown. Sir George Somers reached Bermuda, but died there on November 9, 1610. Argall was then sent by Lord De La Warr to the river Patawomeke to trade with the Indians for corn, where he rescued the English boy, Henry Spelman, who had been living with the Indians. Through Spelman's influence, the Indians "fraughted his ship with corn."
Argall traveled with Lord De La Warr to Virginia in 1610 to show him the northern route. While in Virginia, he was sent with Sir George Somers to Bermuda with two small ships to gather hogs and other supplies for the colony. During a storm, Argall lost sight of Sir George's ship and couldn't find Bermuda, so he changed his route north to Sagadahoc and Cape Cod, where he collected a large load of fish to bring back to Jamestown. Sir George Somers made it to Bermuda but died there on November 9, 1610. After that, Lord De La Warr sent Argall to the Patawomeke River to trade with the Native Americans for corn, where he rescued an English boy, Henry Spelman, who had been living with them. Thanks to Spelman's contacts, the Native Americans loaded his ship with corn.
Soon after June 28, 1613, Argall sailed from Virginia on his "fishing voyage" in a well-armoured English man-of-war. His object was the French colony of Jesuits at Mt. Desert, now in Maine, but at that time within the bounds of Virginia. He attacked the buildings and returned with the priests late in July. He was sent back by Gates to destroy the buildings and fortifications there and at St. Croix and Port Royal. This was done and he arrived back at Jamestown, about the first of December. On this voyage, he stopped at New Netherlands, on the Hudson, and forced the colonists there to submit to the crown of England.
Soon after June 28, 1613, Argall set sail from Virginia on his "fishing voyage" aboard a heavily armed English warship. His goal was the French Jesuit colony at Mt. Desert, which is now in Maine but was then within the boundaries of Virginia. He attacked the buildings and returned with the priests in late July. Gates sent him back to destroy the structures and fortifications at both St. Croix and Port Royal. This was accomplished, and he returned to Jamestown around the beginning of December. During this voyage, he stopped at New Netherlands on the Hudson River and forced the colonists there to pledge loyalty to the crown of England.
Shipbuilding on Plantations
The tracts of land or plantations occupied by individual settlers of the colony were very few until after the "starving time" in 1610. When the colony had been reorganized by Lord De La Warr and Sir Thomas Gates, and something like peace existed with the Indians, more land patents were issued year after year. A list of land owners, in 1625, in the records of the Company, shows nearly two hundred persons owning plots of land varying in size from forty acres to the thirty-seven hundred acres of Sir George Yeardley's plantation at Hungar's river on the Eastern Shore.
The plots of land or farms that individual settlers in the colony occupied were very few until after the "starving time" in 1610. After the colony was reorganized by Lord De La Warr and Sir Thomas Gates, and when a sense of peace was established with the Indians, more land patents were issued each year. A list of landowners from 1625 in the Company records shows nearly two hundred people owning land ranging in size from forty acres to the thirty-seven hundred acres of Sir George Yeardley's plantation at Hungar's River on the Eastern Shore.
In A Perfect Description of Virginia by an unnamed writer in 1648, it is stated that there were in the colony "pinnaces, barks, great and small boats many hundreds, for most of their plantations stand upon the rivers' sides and up little creeks and but a small way into the land." Every planter must have had a boat of some kind. Neighborly communication had to be maintained, religious services attended, fishing and oystering to be done, crops of tobacco transferred to the ships anchored out in the channel, and cargoes of goods taken from the ships to the warehouses. The planter navigated the boat himself unless he could provide a slave or an indentured servant.
In A Perfect Description of Virginia by an unnamed writer in 1648, it mentions that there were "pinnaces, barks, and many hundreds of boats, both large and small, since most of their plantations are located by the riverside and up little creeks, not far inland." Every planter needed to have some kind of boat. They had to keep in touch with their neighbors, attend religious services, go fishing and oystering, transport tobacco crops to the ships anchored in the channel, and carry goods from the ships to the warehouses. The planter typically navigated the boat himself unless he could hire a slave or an indentured servant.
Most of the shipbuilding done on the plantations was done by ship carpenters or men trained by them. The shipyards were very simple affairs, the essentials being a plot of ground on the bank of a stream with water deep enough to float the vessel and near a supply of suitable timber. Later would be added, perhaps, a small pier to which the boat could be attached, and a small building or shed for the protection of tools.
Most of the shipbuilding on the plantations was done by ship carpenters or men they trained. The shipyards were pretty basic, usually just a piece of land by a stream with enough water to float the vessel and close to a supply of good timber. Later on, they might add a small pier to tie up the boat and a small building or shed to protect the tools.
A visiting ship in need of repair would seek some convenient place on the river and the hospitality of the neighboring planter. An instance is that of Captain Thomas Dermer from Monhegan, North Virginia, now in Maine, who arrived at the colony in September, 1619, in an open pinnace of five tons. He had met Captain Ward several weeks earlier at a place called "St. James his Isles," and there had put most of his provisions on board the Sampson, Captain Ward's boat. Of his arrival in Virginia, he wrote to Samuel Purchas as follows: "After a little refreshing, we recovered up the river to James Citie and from thence to Captain Ward his plantation, where immediately we fell to hewing boards for a close deck." He and his men soon fell sick with malaria and "were sore shaken with burning fever." As their recovery was slow and winter had overtaken them, Dermer decided to wait until spring before sailing north. Captain John Ward had arrived in Virginia during the previous April and was already a member of the House of Burgesses.
A visiting ship that needed repairs would look for a suitable spot on the river and rely on the hospitality of the nearby planter. One example is Captain Thomas Dermer from Monhegan, North Virginia, now in Maine, who reached the colony in September 1619 on a small open boat of five tons. He had met Captain Ward a few weeks earlier at a place called "St. James his Isles," where he loaded most of his supplies onto the Sampson, Captain Ward's vessel. When he arrived in Virginia, he wrote to Samuel Purchas saying: "After a bit of rest, we sailed up the river to James Citie and then to Captain Ward's plantation, where we immediately started cutting boards for a proper deck." He and his crew soon fell ill with malaria and "were badly affected by a high fever." Since their recovery was slow and winter had come, Dermer decided to wait until spring before heading north. Captain John Ward had arrived in Virginia the previous April and was already part of the House of Burgesses.
Some of the visitors did their shipbuilding more quickly. A Captain Thomas Young arrived in the colony with two ships on July 3, 1634, and by July 14, was reported by Governor Harvey to have built two pinnaces, and that he would be gone in two more days.
Some of the visitors built their ships more quickly. Captain Thomas Young arrived in the colony with two ships on July 3, 1634, and by July 14, Governor Harvey reported that he had built two pinnaces and would be leaving in two more days.
Some planters on the larger plantations continued to build their own ships even after public shipyards had been established in seaport towns. Flowerdieu Hundred on the James River was a prosperous plantation, where many vessels were built. It had its own wharf where large ships could be moored for loading.
Some plantation owners on the bigger farms kept building their own ships even after public shipyards were set up in port towns. Flowerdieu Hundred on the James River was a successful plantation where many boats were constructed. It had its own dock where large ships could be anchored for loading.
Some shipbuilding at Westover on the James River is recorded in the diary of William Byrd II, who, after the death of his father in 1704, became owner of the plantation.
Some shipbuilding at Westover on the James River is documented in the diary of William Byrd II, who, after his father passed away in 1704, became the owner of the plantation.
In July 1709, Byrd wrote: "I sent the boatmaker to Falling Creek to build me a little boat for my sea sloop." Two days later he wrote: "I sent Tom to Williamsburg for John B-r-d to work on my sloop." Later in the month, he noted that John B-r-d had come in the night to work on his sloop. In November, he wrote: "In the afternoon we paid a visit to Mr. Hamilton who lives across the creek. We walked about his plantation and saw a pretty shallop he was building." In August, 1710, he wrote that he had taken a walk to see the boatbuilder at work. On August 9, he wrote that he had paid the builder of his sloop sixty pounds, which was twenty pounds more than he had agreed for. Later in the year, he noted that his sloop had gone down to the shipyard at Swinyards.
In July 1709, Byrd wrote: "I sent the boatmaker to Falling Creek to build me a small boat for my sea sloop." Two days later he wrote: "I sent Tom to Williamsburg for John B-r-d to work on my sloop." Later in the month, he noted that John B-r-d had come at night to work on his sloop. In November, he wrote: "In the afternoon we visited Mr. Hamilton who lives across the creek. We walked around his plantation and saw a nice shallop he was building." In August 1710, he wrote that he had taken a walk to see the boatbuilder at work. On August 9, he wrote that he had paid the builder of his sloop sixty pounds, which was twenty pounds more than they had agreed on. Later in the year, he noted that his sloop had gone down to the shipyard at Swinyards.
Byrd acquired a new shipwright who came from England on the ship Betty in 1711. In March, he wrote that the new shipwright was offended because he had been given corn pone instead of English bread for breakfast. He had taken his horse and ridden away without a word. However, he reported later that the shipwright had returned. On May 15, 1712, Byrd reported that he had engaged Mr. T-r-t-n to build him a sloop next year. Several years later, he recorded the loss of his great flat boat, but it was found by a man at Swinyards. Swinyards was a place for public warehouses and a shipyard, located on the north bank of the James River, a short distance below Westover, opposite Windmill Point.
Byrd got a new shipbuilder who arrived from England on the ship Betty in 1711. In March, he wrote that the new shipbuilder was upset because he was served corn bread instead of English bread for breakfast. He took his horse and rode off without saying anything. However, he later reported that the shipbuilder had come back. On May 15, 1712, Byrd mentioned that he had hired Mr. T-r-t-n to build him a sloop the following year. A few years later, he noted the loss of his large flatboat, but it was found by a man at Swinyards. Swinyards was a place for public warehouses and a shipyard, located on the north bank of the James River, just below Westover, across from Windmill Point.
At Berkeley, a neighboring plantation on the James River, owned by Benjamin Harrison, there were extensive merchant mills and a large shipyard where vessels were built for the plantation. On October 20, 1768, there appeared a for-sale advertisement in the Virginia Gazette: "A double decked vessel of 110 tons on the stocks at Berkeley Shipyard, built to carry a great burden, and esteemed a very fine vessel." Two years later, John Hatley Norton and a Mr. Coutts were negotiating with Colonel Harrison for the purchase of the ship Botetourt built there for which they offered 1100 pounds sterling. "She is as stout a ship as was ever built in America, and we expect will carry 380 hogsheads of tobacco," wrote Mr. Norton.
At Berkeley, a nearby plantation on the James River owned by Benjamin Harrison, there were large merchant mills and a significant shipyard where ships were constructed for the plantation. On October 20, 1768, a for-sale ad appeared in the Virginia Gazette: "A double-decked vessel of 110 tons on the stocks at Berkeley Shipyard, built to carry a substantial load, and regarded as a very fine vessel." Two years later, John Hatley Norton and a Mr. Coutts were negotiating with Colonel Harrison to buy the ship Botetourt built there, for which they offered 1,100 pounds sterling. "She is as sturdy a ship as was ever built in America, and we expect she will carry 380 hogsheads of tobacco," wrote Mr. Norton.
The Virginia Company's Interest in Boatbuilding
When Sir Thomas Smith ended his term as Treasurer of the Company in 1619, among many other charges brought against him by the opposing faction, it was declared there was left only one old frigate belonging to Somers' Isles, one shallop, one ship's boat, and two small boats belonging to private persons. In his defense, Smith referred to the 150 men he had sent to Virginia to set up iron works; the making of cordage, pitch, tar, pot and soap-ashes from material at hand; the cutting of timber and masts; and how he had sent men to erect sawmills for cutting planks for building houses and ships. In justification of Smith and himself, Robert Johnson, alderman, a leader during Smith's administration, drew up an account in which he stated among other evidences of prosperity that barks, pinnaces, shallops, barges, and other boats had been built in the colony; but this statement was not accepted as fact.
When Sir Thomas Smith finished his term as Treasurer of the Company in 1619, the opposing faction raised several allegations against him, claiming that only one old frigate belonging to Somers' Isles, one shallop, one ship's boat, and two small boats owned by private individuals were left. In his defense, Smith pointed to the 150 men he had sent to Virginia to establish ironworks; the production of cordage, pitch, tar, pot, and soap ashes from local materials; the cutting of timber and masts; and how he had dispatched men to build sawmills for cutting planks for constructing houses and ships. To support Smith and himself, Robert Johnson, an alderman and leader during Smith's time, compiled a report stating, among other signs of growth, that barks, pinnaces, shallops, barges, and other boats had been built in the colony; however, this claim was not accepted as truth.
Sir Edwin Sandys succeeded Smith as Treasurer; and in the Earl of Southampton's administration in 1621, a list of improvements was drawn up, among which it was claimed that the number of boats was ten times multiplied and that there were four ships owned by the colony. A reply to this may be taken from An Answer to a Declaration of the Present State of Virginia in May, 1623, in which it was declared that the new administration was many degrees behind the old government, for in those times there were built boats of all sorts, barges, pinnaces, frigates, hoyes, shallops and the like.
Sir Edwin Sandys took over from Smith as Treasurer; and during the Earl of Southampton's administration in 1621, a list of improvements was created, claiming that the number of boats had increased tenfold and that the colony owned four ships. A response to this can be found in An Answer to a Declaration of the Present State of Virginia in May, 1623, which stated that the new administration was far behind the old government, because back then, boats of all kinds were being built, including barges, pinnaces, frigates, hoyes, shallops, and similar vessels.
The great massacre in March, 1622, put an immediate check on any progress in boatbuilding in the colony. For a time the settlers were panic stricken, and there was much talk of assembling all the remaining settlers on the Eastern Shore, but happily, wiser counsel prevailed. That the few boatwrights then in the colony perished is considered probable from the fact that none could be found to repair a boat that had drifted ashore at Elizabeth City after the massacre. When writing about the Indian massacre, Captain John Smith, in his General History of Virginia, in a bitter outburst, said: "Yea, they borrowed our boats to transport themselves over the river to consult on the develish murder that insued and of our utter extirpation." In Sir Francis Wyatt's commission to Sir George Yeardley on September 10, 1622, to attack the Indians in punishment for the massacre, he ordered the use of "such ships, barks, and boats as are now riding in this river as transports." The ships and barks may well have been English vessels.
The massive massacre in March 1622 halted any progress in boatbuilding in the colony. For a while, the settlers were in a state of panic, and there was a lot of discussion about gathering all the remaining settlers on the Eastern Shore, but fortunately, wiser heads prevailed. It's likely that the few boatwrights who were in the colony at the time died since no one could be found to repair a boat that had washed ashore at Elizabeth City after the massacre. When discussing the Indian massacre, Captain John Smith, in his General History of Virginia, expressed his anger, stating: "Yeah, they borrowed our boats to get across the river to plan the devilish murder that followed and our complete destruction." In Sir Francis Wyatt's commission to Sir George Yeardley on September 10, 1622, to retaliate against the Indians for the massacre, he instructed the use of "such ships, barks, and boats as are now riding in this river as transports." The ships and barks were likely English vessels.
When Virginia became a Crown Colony in 1624, the reports on the state of the colony named thirty-eight boats, two shallops, one bark, one skiff, and one canoe, but this was considered inaccurate as many plantations did not report their vessels.
When Virginia became a Crown Colony in 1624, reports on the colony’s status mentioned thirty-eight boats, two shallops, one bark, one skiff, and one canoe, but this was deemed inaccurate since many plantations didn’t report their vessels.
Boat builders and carpenters
Every colonizing expedition to the New World had been deeply impressed by the wealth of shipbuilding materials to be found. The English were particularly enthusiastic, since the scarcity of timber in England was very serious. Here, in Virginia, were to be found all that was needed for building ships: "oakes there are as faire, straight and tall and as good timber as any can be found, a great store, in some places very great. Walnut trees very many, excellent faire timber above four-score foot, straight without a bough." The report went on in praise of the tall pine trees fit for the tallest masts, and the kinds of woods for making small boats: mulberry, sassafras, and cedar. Other materials were not wanting: iron ore, pitch, tar, rosin, and flax for making rope. The colonists saw in this wealth of materials a new source of supply at one-half of the previous cost. Both England and Holland had been purchasing their shipbuilding materials from Poland and Prussia at a cost of a million pounds sterling annually. One enthusiastic Englishman, when he heard these reports, wrote: "We shall fell our timber, saw our planks, and quickly make good shipping there, and shall return thence with good employment, an hundred sayle of ships yearly."
Every colonizing expedition to the New World was struck by the abundance of shipbuilding materials available. The English were especially excited because timber was very scarce in England. Here in Virginia, everything needed for building ships was found: "there are oaks as fine, straight, and tall, and as good timber as anyone can find, a great supply, in some places very large. There are many walnut trees, excellent timber over sixty feet long, straight without a branch." The report continued to praise the tall pine trees suitable for the tallest masts and the types of woods for making small boats: mulberry, sassafras, and cedar. Other materials were also plentiful: iron ore, pitch, tar, rosin, and flax for making rope. The colonists viewed this wealth of materials as a new source of supply at half the previous cost. Both England and Holland had been buying their shipbuilding materials from Poland and Prussia at an annual cost of a million pounds sterling. One excited Englishman, upon hearing these reports, wrote: "We will cut down our timber, saw our planks, and quickly build good ships there, and will return with plenty of work, a hundred ships each year."
When Captain Newport returned to England in June, 1607, he carried with him a request, from the colonists to the company, for carpenters to build houses, and shipwrights to build boats. Upon Newport's return in 1608, he brought with him a number of Poles and Dutchmen to erect sawmills for the production of boards for houses and boats. This did not prove to be a successful venture. Further attempts were made in 1619, and later, to establish sawmills in the colony. Instructions sent to Governor Wyatt, in 1621, bade him "to take care of the Dutch sent to build sawmills, and seat them at the Falls, that they may bring their timber by the current of the water." Repeated appeals had been made to the Company for ship-carpenters without success. In January, 1621, the Governor and Council joined in an appeal for workmen to build vessels, of various kinds, for the use of the people in making discoveries, in trading with their neighbors, and in transporting themselves and goods from one place to another. In reply, a letter from the Company, in August, gave the encouraging news, that in the spring, the Company would send an excellent shipwright with thirty or forty carpenters. In preparation, they were advised to fell a large number of black oak trees, and bark as many others. The Company expected the sawmill to provide the planks and suggested a place near the sawmill and ironworks for the shipyard. A thousand pounds had been underwritten by private persons for sending the shipwrights and carpenters who were promised by the end of April at the latest.
When Captain Newport returned to England in June 1607, he brought back a request from the colonists to the company for carpenters to build houses and shipwrights to construct boats. When Newport returned in 1608, he brought several Poles and Dutchmen to set up sawmills for producing boards for houses and boats. This attempt didn't succeed. More efforts were made in 1619 and later to establish sawmills in the colony. Instructions sent to Governor Wyatt in 1621 told him to "take care of the Dutch sent to build sawmills and settle them at the Falls, so they can bring their timber down by the river’s current." There had been repeated requests to the Company for ship carpenters, but with no success. In January 1621, the Governor and Council made a joint appeal for workers to build various types of vessels for the people, to aid in exploration, trade with neighbors, and for transportation of people and goods. In response, a letter from the Company in August provided the good news that in the spring, they would send a skilled shipwright along with thirty or forty carpenters. To prepare, they were advised to cut down a large number of black oak trees and strip the bark off as many others. The Company anticipated that the sawmill would supply the necessary planks and suggested a location near the sawmill and ironworks for the shipyard. A thousand pounds had been pledged by private individuals to fund the shipwrights and carpenters, who were expected to arrive by the end of April at the latest.
The next spring, in May, the Council received notice that sailing on the ship Abigail were Captain Thomas Barwick and twenty-five other persons for building boats, ships and pinnaces. They were to be established together in an area of at least twelve hundred acres, and were to be employed only in the trade for which they were sent. Four of the Company's oxen were to be assigned to them for use in hauling the timber.
The following spring, in May, the Council got word that Captain Thomas Barwick and twenty-five others were sailing on the ship Abigail to build boats, ships, and pinnaces. They were set to establish themselves in a space of at least twelve hundred acres and would only work in the trade for which they were sent. Four of the Company's oxen would be assigned to them for hauling the timber.
Captain Barwick and his men settled in Jamestown. At first they were employed in building houses for themselves and afterward began to build shallops, the most convenient and satisfactory vessels, for transporting tobacco to the large ships. Soon several of the men were ill, from malaria it was thought, and by the end of the year many of them had died. A letter from George Sandys, in March, to Deputy Treasurer Ferrar, sent by the ship Hopewell, told the discouraging news. He deplored the failure of the shipbuilding project caused by the death of Captain Barwick and many of his shipbuilders, "wherein if you blame us, you must blame the hand of God." He attributed the pestilent fever that raged in the colony to the infected people that came over in the Abigail, "who were poisened with stinking beer, all falling sick and many dying, everywhere dispersing the contagion." Not only the shipbuilders, but almost all the passengers of the Abigail, died immediately, upon their landing. The contagion even spread to the cattle and other domestic animals, it was said.
Captain Barwick and his crew settled in Jamestown. Initially, they focused on building houses for themselves, and later they started constructing shallops, which were the most practical and effective vessels for transporting tobacco to the larger ships. Soon, several of the men became ill, likely from malaria, and by the end of the year, many had died. A letter from George Sandys in March to Deputy Treasurer Ferrar, sent by the ship Hopewell, reported the grim news. He lamented the failure of the shipbuilding project, which was caused by the death of Captain Barwick and many of his shipbuilders, stating, "if you criticize us, you must also blame the hand of God." He connected the deadly fever that was spreading in the colony to the infected individuals who arrived on the Abigail, "who were poisoned with rancid beer, all falling ill and many dying, spreading the contagion everywhere." Not only the shipbuilders but almost all the passengers of the Abigail died soon after their arrival. It was said that the contagion even reached the cattle and other domestic animals.
On March 31, 1626, Thomas Munn (?) came before the Council and the General Court of Virginia and swore that he was at the making of a small shallop, by direction of Captain Barwick, and that afterward this boat was sold to Captain William Eppes, for two hundred pounds of tobacco, and "as yet the debt is not satisfied unto any man." Upon the death of Captain Barwick, Munn had delivered to George Sandys, Treasurer, a list of debts owing, and this debt had never been paid.
On March 31, 1626, Thomas Munn came before the Council and the General Court of Virginia and stated that he was involved in the construction of a small boat, as directed by Captain Barwick. He also mentioned that this boat was later sold to Captain William Eppes for two hundred pounds of tobacco, and "the debt has still not been settled with anyone." After Captain Barwick passed away, Munn provided a list of outstanding debts to George Sandys, the Treasurer, and this debt has still not been paid.
Adam Dixon, who came over in the Margaret and John, was sent by the Company as a master calker of ships and boats. He was living at Pashbehays, near Jamestown, in 1624. As the years went by, a number of shipwrights came to the colony from time to time, and were engaged in private shipyards on plantations, or set up shipyards of their own. Orphan boys were sometimes apprenticed to these shipbuilders until they reached the age of twenty-one. They were expected to be taught to read, write and cipher in addition to learning the trade of ship-carpenter.
Adam Dixon, who arrived on the Margaret and John, was sent by the Company as a master ship caulker. He was living at Pashbehays, near Jamestown, in 1624. As time went on, several shipwrights came to the colony occasionally, working in private shipyards on plantations or starting their own shipyards. Orphan boys were sometimes apprenticed to these shipbuilders until they turned twenty-one. They were expected to learn how to read, write, and do math, along with mastering the trade of ship carpentry.
Many of the shipwrights who came to Virginia in the seventeenth century, became land owners, some of them owning large tracts of land, as shown by county records, especially in the Tidewater area. In Lancaster on the Rappahannock River, John Meredith, a shipwright, obtained, by patent, a tract of fifty acres. His sale of 600 acres is recorded, also a contract to build a sloop and a small boat, in payment of a debt of 47,300 pounds of tobacco.
Many of the shipbuilders who arrived in Virginia in the seventeenth century became landowners, with some acquiring large parcels of land, as indicated by county records, especially in the Tidewater region. In Lancaster on the Rappahannock River, John Meredith, a shipbuilder, received a patent for a fifty-acre tract. His sale of 600 acres is recorded, along with a contract to build a sloop and a small boat as payment for a debt of 47,300 pounds of tobacco.
In Rappahannock County records, we find shipwright Simon Miller, a noted shipbuilder, who owned a tract of 125 acres; and John Griffin, a shipwright, who, in 1684, recorded a deed to Colonel Cadwalader Jones for a bark of fifty odd tons, for the consideration of fifty pounds sterling.
In the Rappahannock County records, we find shipwright Simon Miller, a well-known shipbuilder, who owned a 125-acre plot; and John Griffin, also a shipwright, who, in 1684, recorded a deed to Colonel Cadwalader Jones for a bark weighing over fifty tons, for the price of fifty pounds sterling.
The first John Madison of Virginia, great-great-grandfather of President James Madison, acquired considerable land in Virginia by the importation of immigrants; in a land patent dated 1682, he called himself a ship-carpenter. At this time, good ships of three hundred tons and over were being built in Virginia, and probably John Madison aided in the construction of one or more of these. It is evident that many of the shipwrights, who came to Virginia from England, found the life of a planter more desirable than that of a shipbuilder, while some of them combined the two occupations.
The first John Madison of Virginia, the great-great-grandfather of President James Madison, acquired a large amount of land in Virginia by bringing in immigrants. In a land patent dated 1682, he referred to himself as a ship carpenter. At this time, good ships of three hundred tons and more were being built in Virginia, and it’s likely that John Madison helped construct one or more of these. It’s clear that many of the shipwrights who came to Virginia from England found the life of a planter more appealing than that of a shipbuilder, while some of them combined both jobs.
Boat Controversies
The Council and General Court of Virginia were called upon occasionally to settle controversies over vessels of various kinds and to hear reports concerning others. The following reports are from the records of the Court for 1622 to 1632.
The Council and General Court of Virginia were occasionally asked to resolve disputes involving different types of vessels and to review reports about others. The following reports are from the Court's records from 1622 to 1632.
At an early date, Robert Poole reported a trading voyage with the Indians for Mr. "Treasurer," in the pinnace Elizabeth, during which he gave ten arms length of blue beads for one tub of corn and over, and thirteen arms length for another tub. Anne Cooper complained that her late husband, Thomas Harrison, loaned a shallop to Lieutenant George Harrison, late deceased. It was ordered by the Court that she should receive one hundred pounds of merchantable tobacco from George Harrison's estate.
At an early date, Robert Poole reported a trading voyage with the Indians for Mr. "Treasurer," in the small boat Elizabeth, during which he traded ten arm's lengths of blue beads for one tub of corn and over, and thirteen arm's lengths for another tub. Anne Cooper complained that her late husband, Thomas Harrison, loaned a small boat to Lieutenant George Harrison, who has since passed away. The Court ordered that she should receive one hundred pounds of marketable tobacco from George Harrison's estate.
An argument between John Utie and Bryan Caught resulted in the order that the latter should build Utie a shallop eighteen feet, six inches keel; six feet, six inches breadth; with masts, oars, yard and rudder, and to find the 1100 nails and six score "ruff and clench" desired. Utie was to pay Bryan for building the shallop six score pound weight of tobacco, and to furnish the help of a boy and the boy's diet. Also, he was to pay Bryan six score pounds of tobacco for a boat previously built for him.
An argument between John Utie and Bryan Caught led to the decision that Bryan would build Utie a shallop with an eighteen-foot, six-inch keel; six feet, six inches wide; complete with masts, oars, a yard, and a rudder, and he would provide the 1,100 nails and 120 "ruff and clench" nails needed. Utie was to pay Bryan for building the shallop with 120 pounds of tobacco and provide the help of a boy along with the boy's meals. Additionally, he was to pay Bryan another 120 pounds of tobacco for a boat that had already been built for him.
Captain Francis West, a member of the Council, desired that he be given the use of the Spanish frigate with all her tackle, apparel, munitions, masts, sails, yards, etc., that had been captured by John Powell, with a shallop built for that purpose, on an expedition to the West Indies in the man-of-war, Black Bess. He was required to pay 1200 pounds of tobacco to the captain and men.
Captain Francis West, a Council member, wanted to use the Spanish frigate along with all her gear, equipment, weapons, masts, sails, yards, etc., which had been captured by John Powell on an expedition to the West Indies aboard the warship, Black Bess. He was required to pay 1,200 pounds of tobacco to the captain and the crew.
In trading for corn for Southampton Hundred, John Powntis was allowed a barrel of the corn for the use of his pinnace.
In trading corn for Southampton Hundred, John Powntis was granted a barrel of corn for the use of his boat.
Mr. Proctor had to pay Mr. Perry fifty pounds of tobacco for splitting Perry's shallop. Later, a shallop, which Edmund Barker sold to Mr. Rastall's men, was ordered returned to Mr. Perry, and Edmund Barker to be paid fifty pounds of tobacco for mending the shallop. To settle a charge against Thomas Westone by several men, he was ordered to appear before the Governor with his pinnace. At a later meeting, Thomas Ramshee swore that Westone was owner of the ship Sparrow and "did set her out of his own charge, from London to Virginia." This was an early seagoing vessel of a colonist, but whether built in Virginia, or purchased, is not stated.
Mr. Proctor had to pay Mr. Perry fifty pounds of tobacco for damaging Perry's shallop. Later, a shallop that Edmund Barker sold to Mr. Rastall's men was ordered to be returned to Mr. Perry, and Edmund Barker was to be paid fifty pounds of tobacco for fixing the shallop. To resolve a charge against Thomas Westone from several men, he was ordered to appear before the Governor with his pinnace. At a later meeting, Thomas Ramshee swore that Westone owned the ship Sparrow and "had sent her out on his own from London to Virginia." This was one of the early seagoing vessels of a colonist, but it’s not clear if it was built in Virginia or purchased.
Nicholas Weasell received the most severe penalty, in cases concerning boats, when he was ordered to serve Henry Geny the rest of the year from February, for taking away Geny's boat without leave, "whereupon it was bilged and spoiled."
Nicholas Weasell received the harshest penalty in cases involving boats when he was ordered to serve Henry Geny for the rest of the year starting in February, for taking Geny's boat without permission, "which caused it to be damaged and ruined."
Captain Claiborne purchased a shallop with appurtenances from Captain John Wilcox who had been "at the plantation called Accomack" since 1621. He paid Wilcox 400 pounds of tobacco for the shallop, and sold it to Thomas Harwood. Captain Wilcox failed to make delivery, and the court ordered the attorney of Captain Wilcox to make satisfaction to Thomas Harwood.
Captain Claiborne bought a small boat with equipment from Captain John Wilcox, who had been "at the plantation called Accomack" since 1621. He paid Wilcox 400 pounds of tobacco for the boat and sold it to Thomas Harwood. Captain Wilcox didn't deliver it, so the court ordered his attorney to compensate Thomas Harwood.
The court was called upon to settle a controversy between Captain William Tucker and Mr. Roland Graine about a boat. A Mrs. Hurte was named as the owner of another ship in the colony, the Truelove, formerly owned by John Cross, deceased in England. A much discussed case was that of William Bentley, on trial for the killing of Thomas Godby, which resulted when Mr. Conge's boat ran ashore at Merry Point, near William Parker's house. While there, Bentley, who had arrived in the boat, got into a quarrel and fight with Godby, and was accused of killing him.
The court was asked to resolve a dispute between Captain William Tucker and Mr. Roland Graine regarding a boat. Mrs. Hurte was identified as the owner of another ship in the colony, the Truelove, which was previously owned by John Cross, who passed away in England. A widely talked-about case was that of William Bentley, who was on trial for the murder of Thomas Godby. This incident occurred when Mr. Conge's boat ran aground at Merry Point, near William Parker's house. While there, Bentley, who had arrived in the boat, got into an argument and fight with Godby and was accused of killing him.
These Court records show that most of the cases concerned vessels built in the colony: boats, pinnaces, and shallops. The ships mentioned were evidently of English make. The shallop was the most popular boat for use in the colony. It was a small boat from sixteen to twenty feet in length, fitted with one or two masts and oars, and suitable for exploring the creeks and rivers, collecting corn from the Indians, and transporting tobacco to waiting ships.
These court records show that most of the cases involved boats built in the colony: smaller vessels like boats, pinnaces, and shallops. The ships mentioned were clearly made in England. The shallop was the most commonly used boat in the colony. It was a small boat, ranging from sixteen to twenty feet long, equipped with one or two masts and oars, ideal for exploring creeks and rivers, gathering corn from the Native Americans, and transporting tobacco to ships waiting nearby.
Shipbuilding on the East Coast
The Eastern Shore records are among the earliest in Virginia. Shipbuilding in the early days has been ably discussed by Dr. Susie M. Ames in Studies of the Virginia Eastern Shore in the Seventeenth Century. In 1630, John Toulson, or Poulson, built a pinnace at Nassawadox in which he had one-half interest. Richard Newport, one of Captain Christopher Newport's sons, while living in Northampton County, bought a shallop from the carpenter, Thomas Savage, for the use of the merchant, Henry Brookes, for which Savage was paid twenty pounds sterling. William Berry, another Eastern Shore carpenter, made an agreement with Philip Taylor, one of William Claiborne's men, during the Kent Island controversy, to make him a boat, twenty by ten feet, provided Taylor furnished the boards for the deck between the forecastle and the cabin. For this, Berry was to receive two cows with calf and four hundred pounds of tobacco. During the dispute over Kent Island, a pinnace, belonging to Captain Claiborne, was taken by the Marylanders.
The Eastern Shore records are among the earliest in Virginia. Shipbuilding in the early days has been effectively discussed by Dr. Susie M. Ames in Studies of the Virginia Eastern Shore in the Seventeenth Century. In 1630, John Toulson, or Poulson, built a small boat at Nassawadox in which he had a fifty percent stake. Richard Newport, one of Captain Christopher Newport's sons, living in Northampton County, bought a shallop from the carpenter, Thomas Savage, for merchant Henry Brookes, for which Savage was paid twenty pounds sterling. William Berry, another Eastern Shore carpenter, made a deal with Philip Taylor, one of William Claiborne's men, during the Kent Island dispute, to build him a boat, twenty by ten feet, as long as Taylor provided the boards for the deck between the forecastle and the cabin. For this, Berry was to receive two cows with a calf and four hundred pounds of tobacco. During the conflict over Kent Island, a pinnace belonging to Captain Claiborne was taken by the Marylanders.
Obedience Robins, a well-known citizen of the Eastern Shore, acquired from the boatwright, William Stevens, a shallop, twenty-six feet in length, with masts, yards, and oars. He owned a pinnace also, which he had named Accomack. A number of lawsuits on the Eastern Shore in the 1640's, involved boats and ship materials. Philip Taylor was indebted to William Stevens for one house, four days on a shallop, valued at one pound sterling, six gallons of tar, and 1250 nails of various sizes. Payment was ordered made to the overseers of the estate of Daniel Cugley of one small boat, twenty-four yards of canvas, twenty gallons of tar, and ninety ten-grote nails, supplies for making a boat. Another court order concerned the delivery of a boat, and 3500 six-penny nails lent by John Neale. Ambrose Nixon testified that he and his mate had built a boat for Randall Revell. In 1638, two planters of Accomack, Nicholas White and one Barnaby, made voyages to New England in their own vessels. The names of Walter Price and Christopher Stribling shipwrights are listed in the early records of Northampton County.
Obedience Robins, a notable resident of the Eastern Shore, bought a shallop measuring twenty-six feet in length from the boatwright, William Stevens. The shallop came with masts, yards, and oars. He also owned a pinnace that he named Accomack. Numerous lawsuits concerning boats and ship materials arose on the Eastern Shore in the 1640s. Philip Taylor owed William Stevens for one house, four days of using a shallop valued at one pound sterling, six gallons of tar, and 1250 nails of different sizes. Payment was ordered to be made to the overseers of Daniel Cugley’s estate for one small boat, twenty-four yards of canvas, twenty gallons of tar, and ninety ten-grote nails, supplies for building a boat. Another court order dealt with the delivery of a boat and 3500 six-penny nails that John Neale had lent. Ambrose Nixon testified that he and his mate had built a boat for Randall Revell. In 1638, two planters from Accomack, Nicholas White and a man named Barnaby, made trips to New England in their own vessels. The names of shipwrights Walter Price and Christopher Stribling are recorded in the early documents of Northampton County.
Encouragement for Shipbuilding
The General Assembly of Virginia encouraged shipbuilding by such laws as those enacted during 1662: "Be it enacted that every one that shall build a small vessel with a deck be allowed, if above twenty and under fifty tons, fifty pounds of tobacco per ton; if above fifty and under one hundred tons, one hundred pounds of tobacco per ton; if above one hundred tons, two hundred pounds per ton. Provided the vessel is not sold except to an inhabitant of this country in three years."
The General Assembly of Virginia promoted shipbuilding with laws passed in 1662: "It is enacted that anyone who builds a small decked vessel will receive a reward of fifty pounds of tobacco per ton if the vessel is over twenty and under fifty tons; one hundred pounds of tobacco per ton if it’s over fifty and under one hundred tons; and two hundred pounds per ton if it exceeds one hundred tons. However, the vessel cannot be sold to anyone other than a resident of this country within three years."
Other encouragement by Virginia to owners of vessels, built by them, was the exemption of the two shillings export duties per hogshead of tobacco; the exemption from castle duties; the reduction to two pence per gallon on imported liquor from the four pence required of foreign vessels; and the exemption from duties imposed on shipmasters on entering and clearing, and for licenses and bond where necessary.
Other encouragement from Virginia to ship owners who built their own vessels included exempting them from the two shillings export duty per hogshead of tobacco, exemption from castle duties, lowering the import liquor duty to two pence per gallon instead of the four pence required for foreign vessels, and exempting shipmasters from duties when entering and clearing, as well as for licenses and bonds when needed.
The English government discouraged manufacture in the colonies that would compete with home manufactures, but the building of ships was an exception. England needed ships and granted the colonies the right to build as many as they could. Throughout the whole period of royal government, there were enacted various laws remitting the duties on imports brought in on native ships and remission of tonnage duties. This aroused the resentment of the English shipbuilders, who had endeavored to put a stop to the building of ships of any size in the colonies. They were alarmed, too, at the laws passed in the colonies to encourage shipbuilding and complained that they had been discriminated against. Resolutions were passed by Parliament to investigate such laws framed in the colonies, and a bill, based upon these resolutions was proposed, but never introduced.
The English government discouraged manufacturing in the colonies that would compete with products made in England, but shipbuilding was an exception. England needed ships and allowed the colonies to build as many as they wanted. Throughout the time of royal governance, various laws were enacted to waive import duties on goods brought in by local ships and to eliminate tonnage taxes. This sparked anger among English shipbuilders, who had been trying to stop any shipbuilding in the colonies. They were also worried about the laws passed in the colonies to promote shipbuilding and complained that they were being treated unfairly. Parliament passed resolutions to investigate these colony-made laws, and a bill based on these resolutions was proposed but never brought to a vote.
However, in 1680, Governor Culpeper was ordered to annul the laws exempting Virginia owners of vessels constructed in the colony from duties on exported tobacco and castle duties. The grounds upon which this order was based were (1) the injustice of granting privileges to Virginia ship owners, not enjoyed by the owners of English vessels, trading in Virginia waters; (2) the success of the navigation laws would be impaired by creating a Virginia fleet, able to transport tobacco, without the assistance of English vessels; and (3) owners of English ships might be tempted to order them as belonging to Virginians. Since the Virginia fleet in 1681, was composed of two ships, as mentioned by John Page, in a petition to Lord Culpeper, the English were thought to be unnecessarily alarmed.
However, in 1680, Governor Culpeper was instructed to cancel the laws that exempted Virginia owners of ships built in the colony from taxes on exported tobacco and port duties. The reasons for this order were (1) the unfairness of giving privileges to Virginia ship owners that were not available to English vessel owners trading in Virginia waters; (2) the success of the navigation laws would be threatened by creating a Virginia fleet capable of transporting tobacco without the help of English ships; and (3) owners of English ships might be tempted to claim them as belonging to Virginians. Since the Virginia fleet in 1681 consisted of only two ships, as noted by John Page in a petition to Lord Culpeper, the English were considered to be unnecessarily concerned.
During the 1660's, following the laws of the General Assembly, a number of Virginia built ships were recorded. There was much shipbuilding activity on the Eastern Shore. The mate of the Royal Oake, when caught trading illegally, stated that the owner had another boat in the house of a Mr. Waters, and also had a sloop being built there. About this time, a shipwright agreed to build between May and October, for William Whittington, a sloop of twenty-six feet keel, and breadth in proportion, receiving for his work 4,400 pounds of tobacco. In 1666, John Goddon entered a claim for a vessel of twenty-five tons built for him in Accomack. John Bowdoin built a brigantine which he named Northampton.
During the 1660s, following the laws of the General Assembly, several ships built in Virginia were documented. There was a lot of shipbuilding activity on the Eastern Shore. The mate of the Royal Oake, when caught trading illegally, claimed that the owner had another boat at Mr. Waters' place and was also having a sloop built there. Around this time, a shipwright agreed to build a twenty-six-foot keel sloop for William Whittington between May and October, receiving 4,400 pounds of tobacco for his work. In 1666, John Goddon filed a claim for a vessel of twenty-five tons that was built for him in Accomack. John Bowdoin built a brigantine that he named Northampton.
The size of the vessels built in Virginia had been increasing steadily. Thomas Ludwell, Secretary of the Colony, reported, in 1655, that there had been built recently, several small vessels which could make voyages along the coast, presumably sloops. Again, in a letter to Lord Arlington, Secretary Ludwell made the following statement: "We have built several vessels to trade with our neighbors, and do hope ere long to build bigger ships and such as may trade with England."
The size of the ships built in Virginia had been steadily growing. Thomas Ludwell, the Secretary of the Colony, reported in 1655 that several small ships had recently been constructed that could travel along the coast, likely sloops. In another letter to Lord Arlington, Secretary Ludwell stated, "We have built several ships to trade with our neighbors, and we hope to soon build larger vessels that can trade with England."
Colonel Cuthbert Potter of Lancaster County, who was sent on a mission to ascertain the truth of the reported Indian depredations in Massachusetts and New York, was an early settler in the colony, and had acquired large land holdings in Middlesex County. About 1660, he removed to Barbadoes in his own sloop, the Hopewell.
Colonel Cuthbert Potter of Lancaster County, who was sent on a mission to find out the truth about the reported Indian attacks in Massachusetts and New York, was an early settler in the colony and had acquired a lot of land in Middlesex County. Around 1660, he moved to Barbados in his own sloop, the Hopewell.
In 1665, James Fookes agreed to build for the widow, Mrs. Ann Hack, a sloop that would carry thirty-five hogsheads of tobacco, if Mrs. Hack would supply the plank and a barrel of tar; Fookes agreed to finish the job by the 25th of December. The following summer, at the plantation of Mrs. Hack, Fookes made a formal contract with the brother of Mrs. Hack, Augustine Herrman of Bohemia Manor in Maryland, to build a sloop and have it ready by the following October. Herrman is well-known for his 1673 map of Maryland and Virginia. Twenty years later, the dimensions of the Phenix, another vessel built by Fookes, were given: length of keel, forty feet; breadth, fourteen feet, nine inches inside; depth, eight feet, ten inches.
In 1665, James Fookes agreed to build a sloop for the widow, Mrs. Ann Hack, that would carry thirty-five hogsheads of tobacco, provided Mrs. Hack supplied the planks and a barrel of tar. Fookes committed to finishing the job by December 25th. The following summer, at Mrs. Hack's plantation, Fookes entered into a formal contract with Mrs. Hack's brother, Augustine Herrman of Bohemia Manor in Maryland, to build another sloop and have it ready by the next October. Herrman is well-known for his 1673 map of Maryland and Virginia. Twenty years later, the dimensions of the Phenix, another vessel built by Fookes, were recorded: length of keel, forty feet; width, fourteen feet, nine inches inside; depth, eight feet, ten inches.
In the English News Letter of March 12, 1666, was carried an encouraging news item: "A frigate of between thirty and forty [tuns?], built in Virginia, looks so fair, it is believed that in a short time, they will get the art of building as good frigates as there are in England." At that time, a new fort was being erected at Point Comfort, and it was ordered that every ship riding in the James River should send one carpenter with provisions and tools to work on this fort.
In the English News Letter from March 12, 1666, there was an encouraging news item: "A frigate of about thirty to forty [tuns?], built in Virginia, looks so good that it’s believed they will soon master the art of building frigates as well as those in England." At that time, a new fort was being built at Point Comfort, and it was ordered that every ship in the James River should send one carpenter with supplies and tools to work on this fort.
In 1667, Mrs. Sarah Whitby, widow of John Whitby, petitioned the King in Council as follows: "The petitioner with other planters in Virginia are owners of the ship America, built in Virginia by Captain Whitby, and pray for a license, for the said vessel with six mariners, to proceed to Virginia." The workmanship of the America and her fine appearance had aroused the interest of the English, and expectations arose that Virginia might soon become skillful in building large vessels.
In 1667, Mrs. Sarah Whitby, widow of John Whitby, petitioned the King in Council as follows: "The petitioner, along with other planters in Virginia, owns the ship America, which was built in Virginia by Captain Whitby, and requests a license for the vessel and six crew members to go to Virginia." The craftsmanship of the America and her impressive appearance sparked interest among the English, and there were hopes that Virginia might soon become skilled in building large ships.
In a reply by Sir William Berkeley, Governor of Virginia, to an inquiry by the Lords Commissioners of Foreign Plantations, in 1671, as to the number of ships that trade yearly with the colony, he answered that there were a number of ships from England and Ireland and a few ketches from New England, but never at one time more than two Virginia-owned vessels, and they not more than twenty tons burden. He stated further that the severe Act of Parliament which excluded the colony from commerce with any other nation, was the reason why "no small or great vessels are built here." But other records of the time contradict Berkeley's statement as to the number and size of vessels built in the colony. In addition to those mentioned above, there is found in the records of York County, an itemized cost of building a sloop, the total amount being 4,467 pounds of tobacco. The various materials were furnished by the owners: Richard Meakins, 950 feet of plank; Mr. Newell, the rigging; Captain Sheppard, the sail; and Mr. Williams, the rudder iron. About four months were required to complete the vessel, charges for food running that length of time, during which a cask of cider was consumed. Some sloops were made large enough to hold as many as fifty hogsheads of tobacco, and could sail outside the coast. The sloop Amy, with fourteen hogsheads of tobacco, sailed from Virginia to London in 1690.
In a response from Sir William Berkeley, Governor of Virginia, to a question from the Lords Commissioners of Foreign Plantations in 1671 about how many ships traded with the colony each year, he stated that there were several ships from England and Ireland, along with a few ketches from New England, but never more than two Virginia-owned vessels at one time, and those were no more than twenty tons. He also explained that the harsh Act of Parliament that banned the colony from trading with any other nation was the reason why "no small or large vessels are built here." However, other records from that time contradict Berkeley's claims about the number and size of vessels constructed in the colony. Besides those already mentioned, records from York County show a detailed cost of building a sloop, amounting to 4,467 pounds of tobacco. The various materials were supplied by the owners: Richard Meakins provided 950 feet of plank; Mr. Newell supplied the rigging; Captain Sheppard provided the sail; and Mr. Williams supplied the rudder iron. It took about four months to complete the vessel, with food expenses accumulating during that time, during which a cask of cider was consumed. Some sloops were built large enough to carry as many as fifty hogsheads of tobacco and could sail beyond the coast. The sloop Amy, carrying fourteen hogsheads of tobacco, sailed from Virginia to London in 1690.
Dr. Lyon G. Tyler in The Cradle of the Republic wrote that as early as 1690, ships of 300 tons were built in Virginia, and trade in the West Indies was conducted in small sloops. Lieutenant John West of the Eastern Shore, stating that he had built a vessel of forty-five tons, decked and fitted for sea, petitioned the court for a certificate to the Assembly as encouragement for so doing. Two other shipwrights, Thomas Fookes and Robert Norton, testified as to the weight of the vessel. West was evidently seeking the subsidy of fifty pounds of tobacco for building a vessel "above twenty and under fifty tons," under the law of 1662.
Dr. Lyon G. Tyler in The Cradle of the Republic noted that as early as 1690, ships weighing 300 tons were built in Virginia, and trade in the West Indies was done using small sloops. Lieutenant John West from the Eastern Shore, who claimed he built a forty-five-ton vessel that was decked and ready for sea, asked the court for a certificate to present to the Assembly as a form of encouragement for his efforts. Two other shipbuilders, Thomas Fookes and Robert Norton, confirmed the weight of the vessel. West was clearly trying to receive the subsidy of fifty pounds of tobacco for constructing a vessel "over twenty and under fifty tons," according to the law from 1662.
John West was evidently considered an excellent boatwright and carpenter, for in an indenture of the year 1697, made between him and Robert Glendall, late of Elizabeth City County, West is enjoined by the court to do his utmost to instruct Glendall in sloop and boat building, and in such other carpenter's work as he was "knowing in."
John West was clearly regarded as a skilled boatwright and carpenter. In a contract from 1697 between him and Robert Glendall, formerly of Elizabeth City County, the court ordered West to do his best to teach Glendall how to build sloops and boats, as well as any other carpentry skills he was knowledgeable about.
In his testimony before the Board of Trade on September 1, 1697, as to the manufactures in Virginia, Major Wilson stated that very good ships were built in Virginia of 300 tons and upwards; but cordage, iron, and smith's work were "brought thither." During that year, a group of merchants in Bristol, England, had a number of ships constructed in Virginia. They were influenced by the fine quality of timber and the small cost of the work, as compared with the cost of similar work in England. Also, a matter of no small importance, a cargo of tobacco was ready for each completed ship.
In his testimony before the Board of Trade on September 1, 1697, regarding the industries in Virginia, Major Wilson stated that very good ships of 300 tons and more were built in Virginia; however, cordage, iron, and blacksmithing were "brought there." During that year, a group of merchants in Bristol, England, had several ships built in Virginia. They were drawn to the high-quality timber and the low cost of labor compared to similar work in England. Additionally, an important factor was that a cargo of tobacco was ready for each finished ship.
The wills of deceased persons sometimes revealed ownership of vessels. Of particular interest is the will of Nathaniel Bacon, Senior, in which he left to his wife and his nephew, Lewis Burwell, "all ships or parts of ships … to me belonging in any part of the world." These were to be disposed of by Abigail, his wife, and the nephew as they saw fit. An inventory of the estate of one Thomas Lloyd of Richmond County, on October 27, 1699, lists one decked sloop on the stocks, unfinished, of about thirty tons; one small open sloop newly launched, not finished, of twenty-five tons; one new flat, one old ditto; one old barge; one parcel of handsaws, etc.
The wills of deceased individuals sometimes showed who owned ships. Of particular interest is the will of Nathaniel Bacon, Senior, where he left to his wife and his nephew, Lewis Burwell, "all ships or parts of ships … belonging to me anywhere in the world." These were to be managed by Abigail, his wife, and his nephew as they saw fit. An inventory of the estate of Thomas Lloyd from Richmond County, dated October 27, 1699, lists one decked sloop on the stocks, unfinished, weighing about thirty tons; one small open sloop that was newly launched and not finished, weighing twenty-five tons; one new flatboat, one old flatboat; one old barge; and a collection of handsaws, etc.
Sir Edmund Andros, Governor of Virginia, in answering the inquiries of the Council of Trade and Plantations, the clearing house for colonial affairs, in the year 1698, stated that there were 70,000 inhabitants in Virginia, and the number of vessels reported by the owners were four ships, two barks, four brigantines, and seventeen sloops. His report for the previous year had named eight ships, eleven brigantines, and fifteen sloops that had been built for which carpenters, iron work, rigging, and sails had been brought from England.
Sir Edmund Andros, Governor of Virginia, in response to the inquiries from the Council of Trade and Plantations, which handled colonial affairs, in 1698, stated that there were 70,000 people living in Virginia. He also reported a total of four ships, two barks, four brigantines, and seventeen sloops owned by local shipowners. In his report from the previous year, he had noted eight ships, eleven brigantines, and fifteen sloops that were built, for which carpenters, iron works, rigging, and sails had been imported from England.
18th Century Shipbuilding
The building of ships, barkentines and sloops in Virginia, during the early years of the eighteenth century, had so increased that the Master Shipbuilders of the River Thames addressed a petition to the King in 1724, stating that by the great number of ships and other vessels lately built, then building, and likely to be built in the colonies, the trade of the petitioners was very much decayed, and great numbers of them for want of work to maintain their families, had of necessity left their native country and gone to America. They felt that not only British trade and navigation had suffered thereby, but danger existed in fitting out the Royal Navy in any extraordinary emergency. This petition applied to the northern colonies particularly, as they were far ahead of Virginia in shipbuilding, but the southern colonies were included. As we have seen, many shipwrights came to Virginia and acquired large tracts of land and became planters.
The construction of ships, barkentines, and sloops in Virginia during the early 1700s had increased so much that the Master Shipbuilders of the River Thames submitted a petition to the King in 1724. They argued that the large number of ships and other vessels recently built, currently being built, and expected to be built in the colonies was severely hurting their trade. Many of them, lacking work to support their families, had no choice but to leave their homeland and move to America. They believed that this not only harmed British trade and navigation but also posed a risk to the Royal Navy's readiness in case of an extraordinary emergency. This petition particularly targeted the northern colonies, as they were significantly ahead of Virginia in shipbuilding, although the southern colonies were also mentioned. As noted, many shipwrights moved to Virginia, acquired large plots of land, and became planters.
In the narrative of his travels in Virginia, with some companions early in the eighteenth century, Francis Louis Michel of Berne, Switzerland, related that when he was within fifty miles of the coast, he saw two ships, the larger, one of the most beautiful merchantmen he had ever seen. Because it was built in Virginia, it was named Indian King or Wild King, he did not remember which. Three years before, it had fallen into the hands of pirates, so the narrative related, but had been rescued by the British warship Shoreham, and sixty pirates of all nations taken prisoners, all of whom were hanged in England.
In the story of his travels in Virginia with some friends in the early 1700s, Francis Louis Michel from Berne, Switzerland, described how, when he was about fifty miles from the coast, he spotted two ships. The larger one was one of the most stunning merchant ships he had ever seen. Since it was built in Virginia, it was called Indian King or Wild King, though he couldn’t recall which name it was. Three years earlier, it had been captured by pirates, according to the story, but had been saved by the British warship Shoreham, which also took sixty pirates from all over the world as prisoners, all of whom were hanged in England.
How many vessels were built or repaired at the Point Comfort shipyard is not known. At a meeting of the Council of Virginia in May, 1702, a letter from Captain Moodie stated that he had fitted up a very convenient place at Point Comfort for careening Her Majesty's ships of war, or any other ships that came to the colony; and he proposed that some care be taken and some person appointed to have charge of the situation. This arrangement was confirmed by a letter from Lieutenant Governor Alexander Spotswood to the British Admiralty on October 24, 1710, in which he wrote that for the convenience of careening, there is a place at Point Comfort which, with a small charge, could be fitted up for that purpose; H.M.S. Southampton had careened there, and there may be served the largest ships of war, which Her Majesty will have occasion to send to Virginia as cruisers or convoys. This careening site at Point Comfort provided long-needed facilities for careening vessels for repairs and scraping bottoms. As early as 1633, David Pietersz de Vries from Holland, arrived at Jamestown with a leaky ship, but found no facilities in the colony for careening vessels. He found it necessary to sail to New Netherlands for such repairs. As late as 1700, when the Shoreham, a fifth rate frigate, was the Chesapeake Bay guardship, Captain Passenger, her commander, wrote to Governor Nicholson: "I have only to offer (may your Excellency think convenient) about the latter end of September to careen the Shoreham. She is at present very foul, and the rudder is loose, which I fear before the next summer, may be of dangerous consequences which cannot be removed, without careening or lying ashore, which I presume there is no place in Virginia, that will admit of." It is thought, however, that there must have been careening places in the colony for the smaller vessels, or how else could the pinnaces and sloops have been kept in repair.
How many ships were built or repaired at the Point Comfort shipyard is unknown. At a Virginia Council meeting in May 1702, Captain Moodie mentioned that he had set up a very suitable location at Point Comfort for careening Her Majesty's warships or any other ships coming to the colony; he suggested that someone be appointed to oversee the area. This plan was confirmed by a letter from Lieutenant Governor Alexander Spotswood to the British Admiralty on October 24, 1710, in which he stated that there is a place at Point Comfort that could be made available for careening with a small fee; H.M.S. Southampton had careened there, and even the largest warships, which Her Majesty might send to Virginia as cruisers or convoys, could be accommodated. This careening site at Point Comfort provided much-needed facilities for repairing vessels and scraping bottoms. As early as 1633, David Pietersz de Vries from Holland arrived at Jamestown with a leaky ship but found no facilities in the colony for careening. He had to sail to New Netherlands for repairs. As late as 1700, when the Shoreham, a fifth-rate frigate, was the guard ship for Chesapeake Bay, Captain Passenger, her commander, wrote to Governor Nicholson: "I have only to propose (if your Excellency thinks it appropriate) to careen the Shoreham towards the end of September. She is currently very dirty, and the rudder is loose, which I fear could lead to dangerous consequences by next summer that cannot be resolved without careening or going ashore, and I believe there is no place in Virginia that can accommodate that." However, it is thought that there must have been careening locations in the colony for smaller vessels, or else how could the pinnaces and sloops have been maintained?
Sloops became popular in the eighteenth century, and a number of them were built in Virginia to be disposed of in the West Indies. After the sloop was finished, she received a cargo of tobacco, and vessel and tobacco were sold together. Because of the danger from pirates and Spanish interference, the sloops for the West Indies trade were designed especially for speed and maneuverability. The pilot boat evolved in the colony quite early. An advertisement appeared in the Virginia Gazette, on July 22, 1737, for a pilot boat stolen or gone adrift from York River. The boat was twenty-four feet keel, nine feet beam, with two masts and sails, and was painted red. Another advertisement in September, 1739, concerning a boat stolen from Newport News, on the James River, by one James Hobbs, a carpenter. The boat was about fifteen feet keel, had two masts, and was payed with pitch. It had a new arch thort of black walnut, and a tarpaulin upon the forecastle.
Sloops became popular in the 1700s, and several were built in Virginia to be sold in the West Indies. Once the sloop was completed, it received a load of tobacco, and both the vessel and the tobacco were sold together. Due to the threat from pirates and Spanish interference, the sloops for the West Indies trade were specifically designed for speed and maneuverability. The pilot boat emerged in the colony fairly early on. An ad appeared in the Virginia Gazette on July 22, 1737, for a pilot boat that was either stolen or had gone adrift from York River. The boat was twenty-four feet long, nine feet wide, with two masts and sails, and was painted red. Another ad in September 1739 mentioned a boat stolen from Newport News on the James River by a carpenter named James Hobbs. This boat was about fifteen feet long, had two masts, and was coated with pitch. It featured a new arch made of black walnut and had a tarpaulin on the forecastle.
Norfolk became one of the busiest ports in Virginia, both in shipbuilding and ship repair work. A shipyard had been established on the Elizabeth River in 1621 by John Wood and work had been almost continuous, though at times very slow, throughout the seventeenth century. An inventory in 1723, listed one brigantine, three sloops, and three flats owned by Robert Tucker. One of the sloops was forty feet in length and valued at 230 pounds sterling. Captain Samuel Tatum owned the ship Caesar, which was said to be worth 625 pounds sterling, and the sloop Indian Creek valued at twenty-five pounds. William Byrd in his History of the Dividing Line, states that he saw at Norfolk, in 1728, twenty sloops and brigantines. Some of them were quite evidently of English origin. In 1736, the sloop Industry, "lately built in Norfolk," was loaded with tobacco in the James River to take to London.
Norfolk became one of the busiest ports in Virginia for shipbuilding and repair. John Wood established a shipyard on the Elizabeth River in 1621, and work there was almost continuous, although sometimes quite slow, throughout the seventeenth century. An inventory from 1723 listed one brigantine, three sloops, and three flats owned by Robert Tucker. One of the sloops was forty feet long and valued at 230 pounds sterling. Captain Samuel Tatum owned the ship Caesar, which was said to be worth 625 pounds sterling, and the sloop Indian Creek, valued at twenty-five pounds. William Byrd, in his History of the Dividing Line, states that he saw twenty sloops and brigantines in Norfolk in 1728. Some of them were clearly of English origin. In 1736, the sloop Industry, "recently built in Norfolk," was loaded with tobacco in the James River to take to London.
Captain Goodrich, master of the ship Betty of Liverpool, which was built on the Elizabeth River for the Maryland trade, was permitted by the Council of Virginia, to sail to Liverpool without the payment of the usual port duties. The firm of John Glasford and Company contracted with Smith Sparrows in 1761, for a ship built at Norfolk, sixty feet in length, sixteen feet in the lower hold, and four feet between decks, the price being fifty shillings per ton.
Captain Goodrich, the captain of the ship Betty from Liverpool, which was built on the Elizabeth River for the Maryland trade, was allowed by the Virginia Council to sail to Liverpool without having to pay the usual port fees. In 1761, the firm of John Glasford and Company made a deal with Smith Sparrows for a ship built in Norfolk, measuring sixty feet long, sixteen feet in the lower hold, and four feet between decks, with a price of fifty shillings per ton.
Many of the shipwrights, who came to Virginia and became land owners, settled in Norfolk. That port was especially known for this kind of citizen, ranking next to the merchant in wealth and influence. Among house owners were some ship-carpenters who carried on their trade, receiving for a day's work four shillings and a pint of rum, more wages than the salary of some clergymen. Several shipwrights listed in Lower Norfolk were large property owners. Abraham Elliott owned land both in Virginia and England. One John Ealfridge owned one-half interest in a mill, and acquired a plantation for each of his two sons in addition to his own.
Many of the shipbuilders who came to Virginia and became landowners settled in Norfolk. That port was particularly known for this type of resident, ranking just behind merchants in wealth and influence. Among homeowners were some ship carpenters who continued their trade, earning four shillings and a pint of rum for a day's work—more than some clergymen made. Several shipbuilders listed in Lower Norfolk were significant property owners. Abraham Elliott owned land in both Virginia and England. One John Ealfridge held a half interest in a mill and acquired a plantation for each of his two sons in addition to his own.
To secure a large sum of money due Robert Cary of London, Theophilus Pugh of Nansemond County mortgaged his lands, slaves, and vessels with all their boats. The vessels were listed as follows: ships, William and Betty, Prosperous Esther; sloops, Little Molly, Little Betty; schooners, Nansemond Frigate, Pugh. If the average planter had owned the equivalent of two ships, two sloops and two schooners, the total number of vessels in Virginia in the middle of the eighteenth century would have far exceeded any inventory reported.
To secure a large amount of money owed to Robert Cary of London, Theophilus Pugh of Nansemond County mortgaged his land, slaves, and vessels along with all their boats. The vessels were listed as follows: ships, William and Betty, Prosperous Esther; sloops, Little Molly, Little Betty; schooners, Nansemond Frigate, Pugh. If the average planter had owned the equivalent of two ships, two sloops, and two schooners, the total number of vessels in Virginia in the mid-eighteenth century would have greatly surpassed any inventory reported.
The frame of a snow, which was to have been built by Thomas Rawlings, a ship-carpenter, for Mr. John Hood, merchant of Prince George County, was advertised for sale in 1745. The snow was to have been sixty feet keel; twenty-three feet, eight inches beam; ten feet hold; and four feet between decks. Also advertised for sale about the same time was a schooner, trimmed and well-fitted with sails and rigging to carry fifty hogsheads of tobacco. In March, 1746, the sloop Little Betty, burden fifty tons, was offered for sale with her sails, anchors, furniture, and tackle.
The frame of a snow that was supposed to be built by Thomas Rawlings, a ship carpenter, for Mr. John Hood, a merchant from Prince George County, was advertised for sale in 1745. The snow was meant to be sixty feet on the keel; twenty-three feet, eight inches in beam; ten feet in hold; and four feet between decks. Also advertised for sale around the same time was a schooner, well-appointed with sails and rigging to carry fifty hogsheads of tobacco. In March 1746, the sloop Little Betty, with a capacity of fifty tons, was offered for sale along with her sails, anchors, furniture, and tackle.
The advertisements of Virginia-built vessels in the 1750's, and in the 1760's, show a steady increase in the size of sloops and ships. The following are mentioned: a brig of eighty tons; several snows, one to carry 250 hogsheads of tobacco; and several schooners. Schooner rigged boats appeared in the colony early in the eighteenth century, and gradually increased in size and importance. During the second half of the eighteenth century, the schooner displaced the sloop as the principal coastwise vessel, and emerged during the Revolution as a distinctive American type. "The most spectacular event in the history of naval architecture in the eighteenth century was the emergence of the Chesapeake Bay clipper-schooner," says Arthur Pierce Middleton.
The ads for ships made in Virginia during the 1750s and 1760s show a consistent increase in the size of sloops and ships. The following are mentioned: a brig weighing eighty tons; several snows, including one capable of carrying 250 hogsheads of tobacco; and multiple schooners. Schooner-rigged boats began appearing in the colony early in the eighteenth century and gradually grew in size and significance. In the latter half of the eighteenth century, the schooner replaced the sloop as the main coastal vessel and developed into a unique American design during the Revolution. "The most notable event in the history of naval architecture in the eighteenth century was the rise of the Chesapeake Bay clipper-schooner," says Arthur Pierce Middleton.
In April, 1767, John Hatley Norton came from London to be his father's agent with headquarters in Yorktown. He wrote home that his cousins, the Walker Brothers, had a shipyard at Hampton, and were building ships of new white oak, well calculated for the West Indies trade. A letter from John M. Jordon & Company, London, in 1770, reads in part as follows: "Mr. William Acrill desires you will make insurance of his brig, America, Captain William C. Latimer; in case of loss to receive four hundred pounds. She is chartered by a gentleman on the Rappahannock; and is now in Hampton Roads, and will sail tomorrow or next day; and in case she arrives safe, you are to receive her freight, and sell the vessel, provided you can get four hundred pounds for her."
In April 1767, John Hatley Norton moved from London to work as his father's agent based in Yorktown. He wrote home saying that his cousins, the Walker Brothers, had a shipyard in Hampton and were building ships made of new white oak, which were great for the West Indies trade. A letter from John M. Jordon & Company in London, dated 1770, includes the following: "Mr. William Acrill asks that you arrange insurance for his brig, America, Captain William C. Latimer; in case of loss, you will receive four hundred pounds. She is chartered by a gentleman on the Rappahannock and is currently in Hampton Roads, set to sail tomorrow or the next day; if she arrives safely, you are to collect her freight and sell the vessel, provided you can get four hundred pounds for her."
Occasionally, we find an account of the use of a vessel of some kind or other for pleasure. In Fithian's Journal and Letters, the author writes in 1773, that his employer, Mr. Robert Carter of Nomini, prepared for a voyage in his schooner Harriot (named for his daughter), to the Eastern Shore of Maryland for oysters. The schooner was of forty tons burden, thirty-eight feet in length, fourteen feet beam, six feet in depth of hold, carried 1400 bushels of grain, and was valued at forty pounds sterling. Again from the Journal: "From Horn Point, we agreed to ride to one Mr. Camel's, who is Comptroller of the customs here. Before dinner, we borrowed the Comptroller's barge, which is an overgrown canoe, and diverted ourselves in the river which lies fronting his house."
Occasionally, we come across a story about using a boat for leisure. In Fithian's Journal and Letters, the author mentions in 1773 that his boss, Mr. Robert Carter of Nomini, got ready for a trip on his schooner Harriot (named after his daughter) to the Eastern Shore of Maryland for oysters. The schooner was forty tons, thirty-eight feet long, fourteen feet wide, six feet deep, could carry 1400 bushels of grain, and was valued at forty pounds sterling. Again from the Journal: "From Horn Point, we decided to go to Mr. Camel's, who is the Comptroller of customs here. Before lunch, we borrowed the Comptroller's barge, which is a large canoe, and entertained ourselves on the river right in front of his house."

Photograph by W. T. Radcliffe.
Photo by W. T. Radcliffe.
Susan Constant. Replica of the Ship that brought the first settlers to Jamestown, 1607
Susan Constant. Replica of the ship that brought the first settlers to Jamestown, 1607

Photograph by W. T. Radcliffe.
Photo by W. T. Radcliffe.
Interior of the Susan Constant
Interior of the Susan Constant

The manner of makinge their boates. XII.
The way they make their boats. XII.
The manner of makinge their boates in Virginia is verye wonderfull. For wheras they want Instruments of yron, or other like vnto ours, yet they knowe howe to make them as handsomelye, to saile with whear they liste in their Riuers, and to fishe with all, as ours. First they choose some longe, and thicke tree, accordinge to the bignes of the boate which they would frame, and make a fyre on the grownd abowt the Roote therof, kindlinge the same by little, and little with drie mosse of trees, and chipps of woode that the flame should not mounte opp to highe, and burne to muche of the lengte of the tree. When yt is almost burnt thorough, and readye to fall they make a new fyre, which they suffer to burne vntill the tree fall of yt owne accord. Then burninge of the topp, and bowghs of the tree in suche wyse that the bodie of the same may Retayne his iust lengthe, they raise yt vppon potes laid ouer cross wise vppon forked posts, at suche a reasonable heighte as they may handsomlye worke vppó yt. Then take they of the barke with certayne shells: thy reserue the innermost parte of the lennke, for the nethermost parte of the boate. On the other side they make a fyre accordinge to the lengthe of the bodye of the tree, sauinge at both the endes. That which they thinke is sufficientlye burned they quenche and scrape away with shells, and makinge a new fyre they burne yt agayne, and soe they continue sometymes burninge and sometymes scrapinge, vntill the boate haue sufficient bothowmes. This god indueth thise sauage people with sufficient reason to make thinges necessarie to serue their turnes.
The way they make their boats in Virginia is truly impressive. Although they lack iron tools or anything similar to ours, they manage to craft them just as well, capable of sailing wherever they want in their rivers and fishing as effectively as we do. First, they choose a long, thick tree based on the size of the boat they want to create. They make a fire around the base of the tree, starting it gradually with dried moss and wood chips so the flame doesn’t get too high and burn too much of the tree’s length. When it’s almost burned through and ready to fall, they make a new fire which they let burn until the tree falls on its own. Then, they burn the top and branches of the tree in such a way that the trunk retains its proper length. They lift it onto supports laid crosswise on forked posts at a height that allows them to work on it comfortably. They remove the bark with certain shells, saving the innermost part for the bottom of the boat. On the other side of the tree, they build a fire that matches the length of the trunk, leaving both ends untouched. They extinguish what they believe is sufficiently burned and scrape away the ash with shells, and by making a new fire, they burn it again. They repeat this process of burning and scraping until the boat has enough depth. This ability shows how well these indigenous people are endowed with reasoning to create what they need.
From Hariot's Virginia.
From Hariot's Virginia.
Indian Dugout Canoe
Indian Canoe

Rose's Tobacco Boat, 1749
Rose's Tobacco Boat, 1749

From Percy's Piedmont Apocalypse.
From Percy's Piedmont Apocalypse.
Rucker's Tobacco Boat, 1771
Rucker's Tobacco Boat, 1771

From a sketch by Gordon Grant.
From a sketch by Gordon Grant.
Shallop
Shallow boat

Photograph by W. T. Radcliffe.
Photo by W. T. Radcliffe.
Discovery. Replica of the pinnace that accompanied the Susan Constant, 1607
Discovery. Replica of the small boat that accompanied the Susan Constant, 1607

Photograph by W. T. Radcliffe.
Photo by W. T. Radcliffe.
Construction of the Discovery, after Seventeenth-Century Shipbuilding
Construction of the Discovery, after Seventeenth-Century Shipbuilding

From Abbot's American Merchant Ships.
From Abbot's *American Merchant Ships*.
An Early Shipyard
An Early Boat Factory

From Ralamb's Skeps Byggerij, 1691.
From Ralamb's Skeps Byggerij, 1691.
Trans. by J. Aasland, Jr., Hampton, Va.
Trans. by J. Aasland, Jr., Hampton, Va.
Early Shipbuilding Tools used in Sweden and Other Countries
Early Shipbuilding Tools used in Sweden and Other Countries
1—English Broad Axe. 2—Compass. 3—Compass with Chalk Holder. 4—Chalk Line on Roller. 5—Compass. 6—Axe for Holes. 7—Ruler. 8—Tongue on Ruler 1½ ft. 9—Dutch Ruler. 10—Tongue on Ruler for Ship layout. 11—Swedish Cutting Axe. 12—Trimming Hatchet. 13—Hook for removing old calking. 14—English Adz. 15—Adz. 16—Swedish or Dutch Adz. 17—English Handsaw. 18—Handsaw with Handle. 19—Mallet. 20—Hammer. 21—Claw Hammer. 22—Circle Saw. 23—Auger. 24—Dutch Brace Auger. 25—English Wood Chisel. 26—Wood Chisel. 27—English Mallet. 28—Gouge. 29—Swedish Mallet. 30—Gouge. 31—Gouge. 32—Gouge. 33—Calking Mallet. 34—Calking Tool. 35—Spike Iron. 36—Calking Tool. 37—Calking Mallet. 38—English Gouge. 39—Calking Iron. 40—Lubricating Tool, also for removing pitch. 41—Hook for removing oakum or old calking. 42—Calking Iron. 43—Calking Iron. 44—Tool used to clean out seams. 45—Calking Iron. 46—Calking Iron. 47—Scraper.
1—English Broad Axe. 2—Compass. 3—Compass with Chalk Holder. 4—Chalk Line on Roller. 5—Compass. 6—Axe for Making Holes. 7—Ruler. 8—Tongue on Ruler 1.5 ft. 9—Dutch Ruler. 10—Tongue on Ruler for Ship Layout. 11—Swedish Cutting Axe. 12—Trimming Hatchet. 13—Hook for Removing Old Calking. 14—English Adz. 15—Adz. 16—Swedish or Dutch Adz. 17—English Handsaw. 18—Handsaw with Handle. 19—Mallet. 20—Hammer. 21—Claw Hammer. 22—Circular Saw. 23—Auger. 24—Dutch Brace Auger. 25—English Wood Chisel. 26—Wood Chisel. 27—English Mallet. 28—Gouge. 29—Swedish Mallet. 30—Gouge. 31—Gouge. 32—Gouge. 33—Calking Mallet. 34—Calking Tool. 35—Spike Iron. 36—Calking Tool. 37—Calking Mallet. 38—English Gouge. 39—Calking Iron. 40—Lubricating Tool, also for Removing Pitch. 41—Hook for Removing Oakum or Old Calking. 42—Calking Iron. 43—Calking Iron. 44—Tool Used to Clean Out Seams. 45—Calking Iron. 46—Calking Iron. 47—Scraper.

From Pepysian MSS in Magdalene College, Cambridge, England.
From Pepysian MSS in Magdalene College, Cambridge, England.
Shipwrights Drawing, 1586
Shipbuilders Drawing, 1586

Drawn by H. I. Chapelle from Admiralty Records.
Drawn by H. I. Chapelle from Admiralty Records.
H.M.S. Mediator, a Virginia Sloop of about 1741, Purchased for the Royal Navy in 1745
H.M.S. Mediator, a Virginia Sloop from around 1741, bought for the Royal Navy in 1745

From an original drawing, 1755.
From an original drawing, 1755.
Sloops in the York River between Yorktown and Gloucester Point
Sloops in the York River between Yorktown and Gloucester Point

From Brewington's Chesapeake Bay Log Canoes.
From Brewington's Chesapeake Bay Log Canoes.
Chesapeake Bay Log Canoe under construction
Chesapeake Bay log canoe being built

From Naval Chronicle, 1815.
From Naval Chronicle, 1815.
A Virginia Pilot Boat with a view of Cape Henry
A Virginia pilot boat with a view of Cape Henry

From a watercolor by G. Tobin in the National Maritime Museum, London.
From a watercolor by G. Tobin at the National Maritime Museum, London.
American Schooner off Coast of Virginia, 1794
American Schooner off Coast of Virginia, 1794

From a painting of Curacao, 1785.
From a painting of Curacao, 1785.
British Schooner
UK Schooner

From the Science Museum, South Kensington, London.
From the Science Museum, South Kensington, London.
Seventeenth-Century Shipyard in England
17th-Century Shipyard in England

From the Science Museum, South Kensington, London.
From the Science Museum, South Kensington, London.
Careening Ships in England, 1675
Careening Ships in England, 1675

From R. C. Anderson's Sailing Ships.
From R. C. Anderson's *Sailing Ships*.
English Ketch, about 1700
English Ketch, circa 1700

From Williams' Sailing Vessels of the Eighteenth Century.
From Williams' Sailing Vessels of the Eighteenth Century.
Brigantine, about 1720
Brigantine, around 1720

From Williams' Sailing Vessels of the Eighteenth Century.
From Williams' Sailing Vessels of the Eighteenth Century.
Brig
Brig

From Williams' Sailing Vessels of the Eighteenth Century.
From Williams' Sailing Vessels of the Eighteenth Century.
Snow
Snow

From the Archives in the Custom House, London.
From the Archives at the Custom House, London.
Small Galley-built Vessel, Ship-rigged, 1714
Small Galley Vessel, Ship-rigged, 1714

Photograph by W. T. Radcliffe.
Photo by W. T. Radcliffe.
SS United States, Built at the Newport News Shipbuilding and Dry Dock Company. Latest shipbuilding in Virginia, to compare with Seventeenth-Century Craft
SS United States, Built at the Newport News Shipbuilding and Dry Dock Company. The latest shipbuilding in Virginia, compared to Seventeenth-Century Craft.
Trading Towns and Ports
In the early days of the colony after tobacco had become a commodity for export, ships moored at the wharves of the plantations along the James, York and Rappahannock rivers and their estuaries. As trade increased, larger ships were used which anchored in the channels of the rivers, and the tobacco and other exports were carried to them by small boats—shallops, sloops, and barges. The government complained that it was losing revenue by this individualistic and unorganized shipping of the planters, and steps were taken to correct this. In 1633, it was enacted by the General Assembly that all goods entering in any vessel—ship, bark or brig, should discharge at Jamestown. This Act applied to the colonists in their exports as well, but the law was disregarded.
In the early days of the colony, after tobacco became a valuable export, ships docked at the plantations along the James, York, and Rappahannock rivers and their estuaries. As trade grew, larger ships began to anchor in the river channels, with small boats—like shallops, sloops, and barges—transporting tobacco and other exports to them. The government complained about losing revenue due to the disorganized and individualistic shipping practices of the planters, prompting action to address the issue. In 1633, the General Assembly mandated that all goods arriving by any vessel—ship, bark, or brig—must be unloaded at Jamestown. This law also applied to the colonists' exports, but it was largely ignored.
In 1680, places were selected in the different counties that had the advantage of accessibility and deep water where ships could gather to receive and discharge their cargoes. The establishment of these trading towns, as they were called, was by an Act as follows:
In 1680, locations were chosen in various counties that offered easy access and deep water where ships could come together to load and unload their cargo. The creation of these trading towns, as they were referred to, was mandated by an Act as follows:
The General Assembly having taken into consideration the great necessity, usefulness and advantages of cohabitation … and considering the building of storehouses for the reception of all merchandizes imported, and receiving and laying ready all tobacco for exportation and sale … that there be in every respective county fifty acres of land purchased by each county and laid out for a town and storehouses….
The General Assembly, recognizing the significant need, benefits, and advantages of cohabitation … and taking into account the construction of warehouses for storing all imported goods, as well as preparing and organizing all tobacco for export and sale … has decided that each county should acquire fifty acres of land designated for a town and warehouses….
The price of the fifty acres of land was set at 10,000 pounds of tobacco and casks. Lots of one-half acre were to be sold to individuals by a stated time at the price of one hundred pounds of tobacco. Twenty places were named in the counties where trading towns were to be established:
The price for the fifty acres of land was set at 10,000 pounds of tobacco and barrels. Lots of half an acre were to be sold to individuals by a specified deadline for one hundred pounds of tobacco each. Twenty locations were listed in the counties where trading towns were set to be established:
Henrico, at Varina. Charles City, at Flower de Hundred opposite Swinyards. Surry, at Smith's fort. James City, at James City. Isle of Wight, at Pate's Field, Pagan creek. Nansemond, at Huff's point. Warwick, at the mouth of Deep creek. Elizabeth City, west side of Hampton river. Lower Norfolk, on Nicholas Wise's land. York, on Mr. Reed's land. New Kent, at the Brick House. Gloucester, at Tindal's point. Middlesex, west side of Wormley's creek. Rappahannock, at Hobb's hole. Stafford, at Peace point. Westmoreland, at Nomini. Accomack, at Onancock. Northampton, north side of King's creek. Lancaster, north side of Corotomond creek. Northumberland, at Chickacone creek.
Henrico, at Varina. Charles City, at Flower de Hundred across from Swinyards. Surry, at Smith's Fort. James City, at James City. Isle of Wight, at Pate's Field, Pagan Creek. Nansemond, at Huff's Point. Warwick, at the mouth of Deep Creek. Elizabeth City, on the west side of Hampton River. Lower Norfolk, on Nicholas Wise's land. York, on Mr. Reed's land. New Kent, at the Brick House. Gloucester, at Tindal's Point. Middlesex, on the west side of Wormley's Creek. Rappahannock, at Hobb's Hole. Stafford, at Peace Point. Westmoreland, at Nomini. Accomack, at Onancock. Northampton, on the north side of King's Creek. Lancaster, on the north side of Corotomond Creek. Northumberland, at Chickacone Creek.
The towns were building up. Warehouses, churches, and prisons were erected in many of them, as well as private dwellings. An occasional court house could be found where legal proceedings were enacted. In 1691, however, an Act of the General Assembly changed many of the trading towns to ports, but was suspended later until the pleasure of the King and Queen on the subject should be learned. No definite action was taken until 1705, when Queen Anne, who ascended the throne in 1702, expressed approval. Then an Act for ports of entry and clearance was passed to be in use from the 25th of December, 1708. This Act provided that naval officers and collectors at the ports should charge Virginia owners of vessels no more than half of the fees required for the services of entering and clearing. The sixteen towns to become ports were named as follows:
The towns were developing. Warehouses, churches, and prisons were built in many of them, along with private homes. You could occasionally find a courthouse where legal matters were handled. In 1691, however, an Act of the General Assembly changed many of the trading towns into ports, but it was later put on hold until the King and Queen made a decision on the matter. No concrete action was taken until 1705, when Queen Anne, who became queen in 1702, gave her approval. Then an Act for ports of entry and clearance was passed to be in effect starting December 25, 1708. This Act stated that naval officers and collectors at the ports could charge Virginia ship owners no more than half the fees required for entering and clearing their vessels. The sixteen towns designated as ports were named as follows:
Hampton. Norfolk. Nansemond. James City. Powhatan (Flower de Hundred). Yorktown. Queensborough, at Blackwater. Delaware, at West Point. Queenstown, at Corrotoman. Urbanna, at Middlesex. Tappahannock, at Hobb's hole. New Castle, at Wicomico. Kingsdale, at Yohocomoco. Marlborough, at Potomac creek. Northampton, at King's creek. Onancock.
Hampton. Norfolk. Nansemond. James City. Powhatan (Flower de Hundred). Yorktown. Queensborough, at Blackwater. Delaware, at West Point. Queenstown, at Corrotoman. Urbanna, at Middlesex. Tappahannock, at Hobb's hole. New Castle, at Wicomico. Kingsdale, at Yohocomoco. Marlborough, at Potomac creek. Northampton, at King's creek. Onancock.
The names of some of the trading towns were changed when they became ports, and soon became important and well-known throughout the country. Hampton, known first by the Indian name Kecoughtan (spelled in various ways) was settled in 1610. Although the name had been changed to Elizabeth City by the Company in May, 1620, upon the petition of the colonists, the old Indian name was still in use occasionally in the 18th century. In papers relating to the administration of Governor Nicholson is a list of vessels about to sail from "Keccowtan" in July 1705, sixty-seven sail of merchant ships bound for various ports of Great Britain. The names Kecoughtan, Elizabeth City, Lower James, and even Southampton were used interchangeably, and shown on records of the colony, until the Act of 1705, named the port Hampton. In British colonial records of 1700, we find Hampton Town, Elizabeth City and Keccowtan used in the same chapter.
The names of some trading towns changed when they became ports and quickly gained importance and recognition across the country. Hampton, originally known by the Native American name Kecoughtan (spelled in various ways), was settled in 1610. Although the Company changed the name to Elizabeth City in May 1620 at the request of the colonists, the old Indian name was still occasionally used in the 18th century. In documents related to Governor Nicholson's administration, there’s a list of vessels set to sail from "Keccowtan" in July 1705, which included sixty-seven merchant ships headed for different ports in Great Britain. The names Kecoughtan, Elizabeth City, Lower James, and even Southampton were used interchangeably and appeared in the colony's records until the Act of 1705 officially named the port Hampton. In British colonial records from 1700, we see Hampton Town, Elizabeth City, and Keccowtan referenced in the same chapter.
F. C. Huntley in his Seaborne Trade in Virginia in Mid-Eighteenth Century, published in the Virginia Magazine of History, vol. 59, makes the statement that in the 18th century, Port Hampton handled the largest amount of shipping of all the Virginia ports, judging from the total tonnage of vessels entering and clearing as given in the records of the Naval Officers. He uses 1752, as a normal trade year of which he gives interesting statistics. He states that the tonnages that entered and cleared the Port Hampton naval office were distributed among five different types of rigging. Cleared: 64 sloops, 46 schooners, 16 ships, 20 brigs, 10 snows. Entered: 59 sloops, 40 schooners, 40 ships, 18 brigs, 12 snows. Of these a goodly portion were built in Virginia.
F. C. Huntley in his Seaborne Trade in Virginia in Mid-Eighteenth Century, published in the Virginia Magazine of History, vol. 59, states that in the 18th century, Port Hampton handled the most shipping of all the Virginia ports, based on the total tonnage of vessels arriving and departing as recorded by the Naval Officers. He uses 1752 as a typical trade year, providing interesting statistics. He mentions that the tonnages entering and leaving the Port Hampton naval office were divided among five different types of rigging. Cleared: 64 sloops, 46 schooners, 16 ships, 20 brigs, 10 snows. Entered: 59 sloops, 40 schooners, 40 ships, 18 brigs, 12 snows. A significant portion of these were built in Virginia.
After taking part in laying the dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina, William Byrd II wrote on March 28, 1728:
After helping to set the boundary between Virginia and North Carolina, William Byrd II wrote on March 28, 1728:
Norfolk has most the air of a town of any in Virginia. There were more than 20 brigantines and sloops riding at the wharves and ofttimes they have more. It has all the advantages of a situation requisite for trade and navigation. There is a secure harbor for a goodly number of ships of any burthen. The town is so near the sea that a vessel can sail in and out in a few hours. Their trade is chiefly to the West Indies whither they export abundance of beef, pork, flour and lumber.
Norfolk feels more like a town than any other in Virginia. There are usually over 20 brigantines and sloops docked at the wharves, and sometimes there are even more. It has all the benefits of a location ideal for trade and navigation. There’s a safe harbor that can accommodate a good number of ships of various sizes. The town is so close to the sea that a vessel can come and go within a few hours. Their main trade is with the West Indies, where they export plenty of beef, pork, flour, and lumber.
In the Journal of Lord Adam Gordon, Colonel of the 66th Regiment of Foot, stationed at the West Indies from 1763 to 1775, is extracted the following: "Norfolk hath a depth of water for a 40-gun ship or more, and conveniences of every kind for heaving down and fitting out large vessels; also a very fine ropewalk. There is a passage boat from Hampton to Norfolk and from York to Gloucester." In the third quarter of the 18th century, Norfolk became the principal seaport of Virginia.
In the Journal of Lord Adam Gordon, Colonel of the 66th Regiment of Foot, stationed in the West Indies from 1763 to 1775, the following is noted: "Norfolk has enough water for a 40-gun ship or larger and has all the necessary facilities for hauling down and outfitting big vessels; it also has a great ropewalk. There’s a ferry from Hampton to Norfolk and from York to Gloucester." In the third quarter of the 18th century, Norfolk became Virginia's main seaport.
Yorktown was founded on land patented about 1635 by Nicholas Martiau, a Walloon who had come to Virginia in the summer of 1620. His grandson, Benjamin Read, sold fifty acres to the colony in 1691, and here Yorktown as a port built the first custom house, not only in Virginia, but in the country. A two-story brick building, erected about 1715, by Richard Ambler, who occupied the building as collector of customs for Yorktown in 1720. It became a port of entry for New York, Philadelphia and other northern cities, the importance of which was destroyed by the Revolutionary War. York County was one of the eight original shires in 1634, under the name, Charles river, changed in 1643 to York. The old custom house is still standing and is used as a museum for colonial and revolutionary relics.
Yorktown was established on land patented around 1635 by Nicholas Martiau, a Walloon who arrived in Virginia in the summer of 1620. His grandson, Benjamin Read, sold fifty acres to the colony in 1691, and here, Yorktown, as a port, constructed the first custom house, not just in Virginia but in the entire country. A two-story brick building was built around 1715 by Richard Ambler, who served as the customs collector for Yorktown in 1720. It became a port of entry for New York, Philadelphia, and other northern cities, although its significance was diminished by the Revolutionary War. York County was one of the eight original shires created in 1634, initially named Charles River, which was changed to York in 1643. The old custom house is still standing and now serves as a museum for colonial and revolutionary artifacts.
The location of Alexandria on a large circular bay in the Potomac river soon gave that town great importance as a port and shipyard. For generations, tobacco and grain were shipped from there, and imports of many kinds brought in. Master shipbuilders turned out vessels manned, owned and operated by Alexandrians. From her ropewalk came the rope to hoist the sails made in her sail lofts. On May 19, 1760, George Washington went to Alexandria to see Col. Littledale's ship launched. He tells of another launching he attended there on October 6, 1768, when he "stayd up all night to a ball."
The location of Alexandria on a large circular bay in the Potomac River soon made the town a significant port and shipyard. For generations, tobacco and grain were shipped from there, and various imports were brought in. Skilled shipbuilders produced vessels that were manned, owned, and operated by Alexandrians. From the ropewalk came the ropes to hoist the sails made in the sail lofts. On May 19, 1760, George Washington visited Alexandria to witness Col. Littledale's ship being launched. He also recounted another launch he attended there on October 6, 1768, when he "stayed up all night for a ball."
The two creeks flowing from near Williamsburg to York river on one side and the James on the other, played an important part in early colonial history. From York river sloops, schooners, barges and all manner of flat-bottomed craft sailed up Queen's creek to Queen Mary's port with its Capitol Landing within a mile of Williamsburg. The same kind of watercraft sailed from James river up College creek to Queen Anne's port with its College Landing near the city. Cargoes of mahogany, lignum vitae, lemons, rum, sugar and ivory were discharged. Received in return were tobacco, grain, flour and other commodities. Vessels on Queen's creek were required to pass through the custom house at Yorktown after that office had been established.
The two creeks running from near Williamsburg to the York River on one side and the James River on the other played a significant role in early colonial history. From the York River, sloops, schooners, barges, and all kinds of flat-bottomed boats sailed up Queen's Creek to Queen Mary's Port, which had its Capitol Landing just a mile from Williamsburg. The same type of boats traveled from the James River up College Creek to Queen Anne's Port, with its College Landing near the city. Cargoes of mahogany, lignum vitae, lemons, rum, sugar, and ivory were unloaded. In exchange, they received tobacco, grain, flour, and other goods. Vessels on Queen's Creek were required to pass through the customs house at Yorktown after that office was established.
Because of a general complaint by masters of ships that there were neither pilots nor beacons to guide them in Virginia waters, the General Assembly appointed Captain William Oewin chief pilot of James river in March, 1661, to be paid five pounds sterling for the pilotage of all ships above eighty tons if he be employed, and if not employed due to the presence of the ship's pilot who guided the vessel, he received forty shillings. The pilot was required to maintain good and sufficient beacons at all necessary places, and toward this expense, the master of every vessel that anchored within Point Comfort, having or not having a pilot, was required to pay thirty shillings. Later the pilot or the company to which he belonged was required to keep one pilot boat of 18 foot keel at least, rigged and provided for use at all times.
Because ship captains were generally complaining that there were no pilots or beacons to guide them in Virginia waters, the General Assembly appointed Captain William Oewin as chief pilot of the James River in March 1661. He was to be paid five pounds sterling for piloting all ships over eighty tons when he was called upon. If he wasn’t employed due to the presence of the ship’s pilot, he would receive forty shillings. The pilot was required to maintain proper and sufficient beacons at all necessary locations, and to cover this expense, the captain of every vessel that anchored at Point Comfort, whether they had a pilot or not, had to pay thirty shillings. Additionally, the pilot or the company he worked for was mandated to keep one pilot boat with a keel of at least 18 feet, rigged and ready for use at all times.
Early Ferries in Virginia
During the first quarter of the seventeenth century, the settler in Virginia used any kind of craft he possessed to cross the streams that separated him from his neighbor or for transacting business. Canoes, flatboats, scows, even sailing boats were pressed into service. These he propelled himself until he acquired a slave or two. Communication was aided by bridges across the smaller streams, and when horses became available, by crossing the rivers at the fords whenever possible.
During the early 1600s, settlers in Virginia used whatever boats they had to cross the streams that separated them from their neighbors or to conduct business. Canoes, flatboats, scows, and even sailing boats were used. They operated these vessels themselves until they were able to acquire a slave or two. Communication was improved by bridges over smaller streams, and once horses became available, they crossed the rivers at fords whenever possible.
The steady increase of settlers, however, created a demand for public transportation across creeks and rivers at the most travelled points. One of the first public ferries on record was started as a private enterprise in 1636, by Adam Thoroughgood. A skiff was rowed by slaves across the waters of Lower Norfolk, between what are now the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth. In a few months the demand for transportation became so strong that the ferry was taken over by the county, increased to three hand-powered vessels and supported by a levy of six pounds of tobacco on each taxable person in the county.
The growing number of settlers created a need for public transportation across creeks and rivers at the busiest points. One of the first public ferries recorded started as a private business in 1636 by Adam Thoroughgood. A small boat was rowed by enslaved people across the waters of Lower Norfolk, between what are now the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth. Within a few months, the demand for transportation became so high that the county took over the ferry, expanded it to three hand-powered boats, and funded it through a tax of six pounds of tobacco on each taxable resident in the county.
A second early ferry was that of Henry Hawley in 1640, when he was granted a patent by the court to keep a ferry at the mouth of the Southampton River in Kequoton, now Hampton, for the use of the inhabitants and other passengers during his natural life, not exacting above one penny for ferriage according to the offer in his petition.
A second early ferry was that of Henry Hawley in 1640 when he received a patent from the court to operate a ferry at the mouth of the Southampton River in Kequoton, now Hampton, for the use of the local residents and other passengers for the rest of his life, charging no more than one penny for the ferry ride as stated in his petition.
"For the more ease of travellers," it was enacted by the General Assembly in January 1642, that the country provide and maintain ferries and bridges and the levy for payment to the ferrymen be made by the commissioners where the ferry is kept. This Act, establishing ferries at public expense, was repealed later and the court of each county given power to establish a ferry, or ferries in the county where needed at the instance of individuals. The court had authority to appoint and license the ferry keeper, to require of him a bond of twenty pounds sterling payable to His Majesty as security for the constant use and well-keeping of the boats. It was the duty of the court to order and direct the boats and hands in use at the ferries.
"For the convenience of travelers," the General Assembly enacted in January 1642 that the state would provide and maintain ferries and bridges, and that the fees for the ferrymen would be collected by the commissioners where the ferry operates. This law, which established ferries at public expense, was later repealed, and the court of each county was given the authority to establish a ferry or ferries in the county as needed at the request of individuals. The court had the power to appoint and license the ferry operator and to require a bond of twenty pounds sterling payable to His Majesty as a guarantee for the regular use and proper maintenance of the boats. It was the responsibility of the court to oversee and manage the boats and personnel used at the ferries.
To encourage men to engage in operating ferries, it was enacted in 1702 that all persons attending on ferryboats should be free from public and county levies and from such public services as musters, constables, clearing highways, impressment, etc., and should have their licenses without fee or paying a reward for obtaining them. And if the ferryman desired to maintain an ordinary (public inn) at the ferry, he should be permitted to do so without fee for the license, but should be required to give bond for security. No other person should be permitted to establish an ordinary within five miles of such a ferry keeper. A warning was issued that any person not a ferryman who for reward should set any person over the river where there was a ferry, except for going to church, should pay for every such offense five pounds sterling, one-half to go to the ferryman and one-half to the informer, the full amount to the ferryman should he be the informer.
To encourage men to operate ferries, it was established in 1702 that anyone working on ferryboats would be exempt from public and county taxes and from public duties like musters, constables, clearing roads, impressment, etc., and would receive their licenses for free without needing to pay any reward to obtain them. If the ferryman wanted to run a public inn at the ferry, he could do so without a fee for the license but would need to provide a bond for security. No one else would be allowed to open an inn within five miles of that ferry operator. A warning was issued that anyone who was not a ferryman and charged to take someone across the river where there was a ferry, except for going to church, would be fined five pounds sterling for each offense, with half going to the ferryman and half to the informer; if the ferryman was the informer, he would receive the full amount.
The county court was authorized in 1705 to make an agreement with the keeper of the ferry to set over the county militia on muster days and to raise an allowance for this in the county levy. All public messages and expresses to the government were to be allowed to cross ferry free. The adjutant general with one servant and their horses were exempted in 1738 from any payment on any ferry in the colony. Ministers of the church were likewise exempt from paying ferriage.
The county court was authorized in 1705 to arrange a deal with the ferry operator to transport the county militia on muster days and to include a funding provision for this in the county budget. All public messages and deliveries to the government were allowed to cross the ferry for free. In 1738, the adjutant general along with one servant and their horses were exempt from any ferry fees in the colony. Church ministers were also exempt from paying ferry charges.
Dugout canoes of the Indians were among the first ferries used in Virginia and when more space was needed, two canoes were lashed together and secured by means of heavy cross pieces. In the Journal of Thomas Chalkley, a traveller in Virginia, he tells of a ferry crossing made at Yorktown in 1703: "We put our horses into two canoes tied together, and our horses stood with their fore feet in one and their hind feet in the other." Later, flatboats, scows, barges, and more carefully planked boats were put into use. Rope ferries were necessary wherever the current was swift, but used as little as possible on navigable rivers because of the obstruction to navigation.
Dugout canoes made by the Indians were among the first ferries used in Virginia, and when more space was required, two canoes were tied together and secured with heavy cross pieces. In the Journal of Thomas Chalkley, a traveler in Virginia, he describes a ferry crossing at Yorktown in 1703: "We put our horses into two canoes tied together, and our horses stood with their front feet in one and their back feet in the other." Later on, flatboats, scows, barges, and better-constructed boats were introduced. Rope ferries were needed wherever the current was fast, but they were used as little as possible on navigable rivers to avoid blocking navigation.
The number of ferries in the colony increased steadily from year to year. At nearly every session of the General Assembly some law was enacted "for the good regulation of ferries." In 1705, the Assembly published a list of ferries with corresponding rates of ferriage that crossed the James, York, and Rappahannock Rivers and their branches. The ferries but not the rates are given herewith as follows:
The number of ferries in the colony grew steadily each year. Almost every session of the General Assembly introduced some law "for the good regulation of ferries." In 1705, the Assembly released a list of ferries along with their rates for crossing the James, York, and Rappahannock Rivers and their branches. The ferries, but not the rates, are provided below as follows:
Ferries on JAMES RIVER and branches thereof—
Ferries on the James River and its branches—
- Henrico county at Varina.
- Bermuda hundred to City Point.
- Charles City county at Westover.
- Appomattox river near Col. Byrd's store.
- Prince George County at Coggan's point, and Maycocks.
- Powhatan town to the Swineherd landing.
- Surry county, Hog island to Archer's Hope.
- Sicamore landing by Windmill point to the widow Jones's landing at Wyanoke.
- Mouth of the Upper Chipoake's creek over to the Row, or Martin's Brandon.
- Swan's point to James Town.
- Crouche's creek to James Town.
- James City county at James Town to Swan's point.
- James Town to Crouche's creek.
- Williamsburg, Princess Ann port to Hog island.
- Chickahominy, at usual place on each side of river.
- John Goddale's to Williams's neck, or Drummond's neck.
- Nansemond county, Coiefield's point to Robert Peale's near Sleepy hole.
- Elizabeth City county at Hampton Town from Town point to Brookes's point.
- Hampton Town to Sewell's point.
- Norfolk town to Sawyer's point or Lovet's plantation.
Ferries on YORK RIVER and branches—
Ferries on YORK RIVER and branches—
- New Kent county, Robert Peaseley's to Philip Williams's.
- Brick House to West point.
- Brick House to Graves's.
- King William county, Spencer's over to the usual landing place.
- Thomas Cranshaw to the usual landing place.
- Philip Williams's to Peaseley's point.
- West point to Brick House.
- Abbot's landing over Mattaponi river.
- West Point to Graves's.
- York Town to Tindal's point (Gloucester Point). This ferry was in continual operation until 1952 when a fine new bridge was opened for travel across the York. The ferriage in 1705 was seven pence half penny for a man, fifteen pence for man and horse.
- Queen Mary's port at Williamsburg to Claybank creek in Gloucester county.
- Captain Matthews's to Capahosack.
- Tindal's point to York town.
- Capahosack to Matthews's landing or Scimmino creek.
- Bailey's over the Peankatank.
- King and Queen county, Graves's to West point.
- Graves's to Brick house.
- Burford's to old Talbot's.
- Captain Walker's mill landing.
- Middlesex county, over Peankatank at Turk's ferry.
Ferries on the RAPPAHANNOCK RIVER—
Ferries on the Rappahannock River—
- Middlesex county, Shelton's to Mottrom Wright's.
- Brandon to Chowning's point.
- Essex county, Daniel Henry's to William Pannell's.
- Bowler's, at the usual place, to Sucket's point.
- Tappahannock to Webley Pavies, or to Rappahannock creek.
- Henry Long's to the usual place.
- Richmond county, William Pannell's over the Rappahannock.
- Sucket's point to Bowler's.
POTOMAC RIVER—
POTOMAC RIVER—
- Stafford County, Col., William Fitzhugh's landing to Maryland.
EASTERN SHORE—
EASTERN SHORE—
- Port of Northampton to the port of York.
- Port of Northampton to the port of Hampton.
Rates on these ferries were fixed by courts and varied according to distance. Across the Southampton River in Hampton the rate was one penny, while from the Port of Northampton to Hampton, the price was fifteen shillings for a man and thirty shillings for a man and horse.
Rates on these ferries were set by the courts and varied based on distance. Across the Southampton River in Hampton, the rate was one penny, whereas from the Port of Northampton to Hampton, the cost was fifteen shillings for a man and thirty shillings for a man and horse.
In 1740, the ferry from Hampton to Norfolk was described as follows: "From the town of Southampton, across the mouth of the James River, to the borough of Norfolk and Nansemond town; from the borough of Norfolk and Nansemond town, across the mouth of the James river, to the town of Southampton." The fare for this trip for a man passing singly was seven shillings, six pence; for a man and horse, five shillings each.
In 1740, the ferry from Hampton to Norfolk was described like this: "From the town of Southampton, across the James River's mouth, to the borough of Norfolk and Nansemond town; from the borough of Norfolk and Nansemond town, across the James River's mouth, to the town of Southampton." The fare for a single traveler was seven shillings and six pence; for a man with a horse, it was five shillings each.
By February 1743, the ferries across the Chesapeake Bay had been expanded, and were described as follows: "From York, Hampton and Norfolk towns, across the Bay to the land of Littleton Eyre on Hungar's river in Northampton County; from the land of Littleton Eyre on Hungar's river in Northampton County, across the Bay to York, Hampton and Norfolk." The rate for a man was twenty shillings, for a man and horse, fifteen shillings each.
By February 1743, the ferry services across the Chesapeake Bay had been expanded and were described this way: "From York, Hampton, and Norfolk towns, across the Bay to Littleton Eyre's land on Hungar's River in Northampton County; from Littleton Eyre's land on Hungar's River in Northampton County, across the Bay to York, Hampton, and Norfolk." The fare for a person was twenty shillings, and for a person with a horse, it was fifteen shillings each.
In 1748, another list of ferries, published in Hening's Statutes, showed that the number had more than doubled since 1705. The Potomac river had added fourteen to the number given at that time. Two ferries had been established on Nottaway: "From Thomas Drew's land to Dr. Brown's, and from Bolton's ferry to Simmons' land." The ferries in addition to those of 1705 are the following:
In 1748, another list of ferries published in Hening's Statutes showed that the number had more than doubled since 1705. The Potomac River had added fourteen to the count from that time. Two ferries had been set up on Nottaway: "From Thomas Drew's land to Dr. Brown's, and from Bolton's ferry to Simmons' land." The ferries in addition to those from 1705 are the following:
JAMES RIVER and branches—
JAMES RIVER and its branches—
- Land of Henry Batte in Henrico County, to the Glebe land at Varina.
- Westover in Charles City county, to Maycox, or Coggins point, and from Maycox to Westover.
- Kennon's to Maye's on Appomattox river, and from Maye's to Kennon's.
- Joseph Wilkin's or John Hood's land in Prince George county, to John Minge's land in Wyanoke.
- Hog-Island, in Surry county, to Higginson's landing on Col. Lewis Burwell's land.
- Jamestown to Swan's Point.
- Cowle's to Williams's.
- Cowle's to Hamner's point.
- Crawford's to Powder point.
- Boiling's point in Henrico county, over Appomattox river.
- City point to Shirley hundred, at the ship landing, and from the said landing to City Point.
- Ship landing at Shirley to Bermuda hundred.
- Bermuda hundred to City Point.
- Hemp landing at the falls of James river, to Shocoe's, on the land of William Byrd, esq.
- Land of Stephen Woodson, in the county of Goochland, to Manacon town.
- Henry Cary's land, over the river, to the land of the said Cary.
- Henry Batte's, in the county of Henrico, to Alexander Bollings, in the county of Prince George.
- Land of Col. Richard Bland, in the county of Prince George, to the land of Mrs. Anderson, in the county of Charles City.
- Land of William Pride called the store landing, in the county of Henrico, to Anthony's landing, in the county of Prince George.
- Store landing over Persie's stile creek, to the land of Peter Baugh.
- Warehouse landing at Warwick, to the land of Thomas Moseley.
- Mulberry island point in the county of Warwick, to Cocket's in Isle of Wight, and from Cocket's to Mulberry island.
- Land of Richard Mosby in Goochland county, to the land of Tarlton Fleming, opposite to Mosby's landing.
- Land of Tucker Woodson, to the land of Paul Micheaux near the court house.
- Land of Bennet Goode to the land of Col. John Fleming.
- Land of James Fenly to the land of William Cabbell, cross the Fluvanna.
- Charles Lynch's plantation in Albemarle county, on the Rivanna, cross the said river, to the land of Richard Meriwether.
- Land of Mr. Benjamin Cocke, cross the said river, to the land of the said Benjamin Cocke.
- Land of Ashford Hughes on the north side of James River, near the mouth of Willis Creek, cross the river to the land of Robert Carter, and from the said Carter's to the said Hughes's.
- Land of Lemuel Riddick, adjoining the public wharf in Suffolk, cross Nansemond river, to Samuel Jordan's land.
- Land of William Pride in the county of Herrico, on Appomattox river, above the narrow falls, to the land of the said Pride over the river, in Prince George county.
- Land of William Cabbell, in Albemarle county, at the mouth of Swan's creek, over the Fluvanna, to the land of Samuel Spencer; or from the said Cabbell's, over Tye river, to his land opposite.
Additional ferries on the YORK RIVER—
Additional ferries on the YORK RIVER—
- Chamberlayne's to Williams's.
- Brick House to Dudley's, or Dudley's to Brick House.
- Webb's to Lyde's, formerly Spencer's, in King William county.
- Temple landing, over Mattaponi river.
- West Point to Dudley's, or Dudley's to West point.
- Capahosic to Scimino.
- Seaton's over Piankatank.
- Frazier's to Broach's, and from Broach's to Frazier's.
- Walker town to Waller's, or Waller's to Walker town.
- Turk's ferry over Piankatank.
- Robert King's over Pamunkey to Blackwell's, or from Blackwell's to King's.
- Sweethall to Claiborne Gooch's, or from Claiborne Gooch's to Sweethall.
- George Dabney's over Pamunkey river.
- Taylor's in King William to Garland's in Hanover.
- William Pulliam's in Hanover, to John Holliday's in Caroline.
- Richard Littlepage's to Thomas Claiborne's land, over Pamunkey, and from Claiborne's to Littlepage's.
- Todd's warehouse landing, in King and Queen, to the land of Robert Armistead Bird, in King William.
Ferries on the RAPPAHANNOCK RIVER—
Ferries on the Rappahannock River—
- Whiting's to Gilbert's.
- Land of Thomas Ley to Robinson's, or from Robinson's to Ley's.
- Byrd's to Williams', or Williams' to Byrd's.
- Tappahannock town to Carter's, or to Rappahannock creek, on either side thereof.
- Tankersley's over Rappahannock river, to the usual place.
- Germanna over the Rapid Ann.
- Ray's plantation to Skinker's.
- Urbanna to Chetwood's.
- Urbanna, from the ferry landing to Locust point, on the land of Ralph Wormley, esq.
- Johnston's plantation in Spotsylvania, to Washington's in King George.
- Taliaferro's plantation of the Mount, to the land of Joseph Berry.
- Philemon Cavenaugh's ford.
- Wharf above the mouth of Massaponax creek, to the opposite landing upon Mr. Ball's land.
- Fredericksburg warehouse to the land of Anthony Strother, or from Strother's to Fredericksburg.
- Roy's warehouse to Gibson's warehouse.
- William Lowry's to the land of Benjamin Rust, or from Rust's to Lowry's.
- Falmouth to the land of Francis Thornton, in Spotsylvania.
- Hackley's land in King George to Corbin's in Caroline.
- Lot of Joseph Morton, in Leeds town, to the lands of Mrs. Brooke.
- Lower side of Parrot's creek to Teague's creek, on the land of Baldwin.
- Matthews Smith, and from that creek to the lower side of Parrot's creek.
Ferries on the POTOMAC RIVER—
Ferries on the Potomac River—
- Col. William Fitzhugh's land at Boyd's hole, over to Maryland.
- Hoe's to Cedar point.
- Tripplet's land below the mouth of Quantico creek, over to Brooks's land.
- Robert Lovell's in the county of Westmoreland, over to Maryland.
- Land of William Russel on Sherendo, cross into the fork, or cross the main river.
- Kersey's landing on Col. Carter Burwell's land, to the land of Col. Landon Carter.
- Gersham Key's land, to the land of the Honourable William Fairfax.
- Williams' Gap, from the land of the Right Honourable the Lord Fairfax, where John Melton now lives, to the land of Ralph Wormley, Esquire.
- Plantation of George Mason, opposite to Rock creek, over to Maryland.
- Plantation of John Hereford in [Doegs?] neck, over the river, to the lower side of Pamunkey in Maryland.
- Hunting creek warehouse to Frazier's point, or Addison's.
- Land of Ebenezer Floyd to Powell's.
- Evan Watkin's landing, opposite to Canagochego creek, to Edmund Wade's land in Maryland.
- Land of William Clifton to the land of Thomas Wallis.
- Land of Hugh West to Frazier's, or Addison's.
The county courts were required to appoint proper boats to be kept at the ferries where needed for the transportation of wheeled vehicles—carts, chaises, coaches and wagons. The rates for these vehicles were based upon the rates for horses. For every coach, chariot or wagon, the price was the same as for the ferriage of six horses; for every cart or four-wheeled chaise, the price was the same as for four horses; and for every two-wheeled chaise or chair, the same as for two horses. For every hogshead of tobacco, the rate of one horse was charged. For ferrying animals, every head of neat cattle rated as one horse; every sheep, lamb or goat, one-fifth part of the rate for a horse; for every hog, one-fourth of the ferriage of a horse.
The county courts were required to arrange suitable boats to be on hand at the ferries where necessary for transporting wheeled vehicles—carts, chaises, coaches, and wagons. The rates for these vehicles were based on the rates for horses. For every coach, chariot, or wagon, the charge was the same as the ferry cost for six horses; for every cart or four-wheeled chaise, the cost was the same as for four horses; and for every two-wheeled chaise or chair, it was the same as for two horses. For each hogshead of tobacco, the rate of one horse was applied. For ferrying livestock, each head of cattle counted as one horse; each sheep, lamb, or goat was charged one-fifth of the rate for a horse; and for every pig, it was one-fourth of the ferry cost for a horse.
Should the ferryman exceed the legal rates, he was penalized by having to pay to the party aggrieved, the ferriage demanded and ten shillings. In February 1752, a free ferry for any persons and their commodities was established from the town of Port Royal over the Rappahannock river to the land of John Moore in King George County. In 1757, there were five ferries from Norfolk over her various bodies of water, one of which was established as a free ferry supported by the county to enable the poor people of the community to have free passage to market.
Should the ferryman charge more than the legal rates, he would be fined by having to pay the affected party the fare demanded plus ten shillings. In February 1752, a free ferry was created for anyone and their goods from the town of Port Royal across the Rappahannock River to John Moore's land in King George County. By 1757, there were five ferries from Norfolk across its various waterways, one of which was set up as a free ferry funded by the county to allow poor community members free access to the market.
In the Virginia Gazette for March 31, 1768, the following advertisement appeared: "I have boats for the use of my ferry equal to any in the government, and can give ferry dispatch greater than any other ferry keeper on the Potomac river." In the late seventeenth century, the Henrico county ferry was run by a woman. The county levy for that year was the sum of 2,000 pounds of tobacco to be paid to Mrs. Sarah Woodson for keeping the ferry for one year.
In the Virginia Gazette from March 31, 1768, the following advertisement was published: "I have boats for my ferry that are as good as any in the government and can provide faster service than any other ferry operator on the Potomac River." In the late seventeenth century, a woman operated the Henrico County ferry. The county levy that year was 2,000 pounds of tobacco to be paid to Mrs. Sarah Woodson for running the ferry for one year.
The county courts continued to establish new ferries and to discontinue others through the Revolution and after. Now and then bridges would take the place of ferries across the smaller streams. An interesting instance of such a change is told in the Richmond Times-Dispatch for August 20, 1939. "For a century from 1650, ferries were maintained across the two branches of Pagan river at Smithfield in Isle of Wight county. In 1750, these ferries were abandoned for toll bridges." From year to year, ferries gradually gave way to bridges and now, when we have passed the middle of the twentieth century, there are few ferries left in Virginia. These are large, fine steamboats capable of carrying hundreds of passengers, but are no more necessary to the welfare of the people than were the little dugouts in the early days of the colony.
The county courts continued to create new ferries and shut down others during and after the Revolution. Occasionally, bridges would replace ferries across smaller streams. An interesting example of this change is reported in the Richmond Times-Dispatch from August 20, 1939. "For a century from 1650, ferries were operated across the two branches of Pagan River at Smithfield in Isle of Wight County. In 1750, these ferries were abandoned for toll bridges." Year by year, ferries slowly made way for bridges, and now, as we’ve passed the mid-twentieth century, there are few ferries left in Virginia. These consist of large, impressive steamboats capable of carrying hundreds of passengers, but they are no more essential to the well-being of the people than the small dugouts in the colony's early days.
Shipbuilding During the Revolutionary Era
At a Convention of delegates and representatives of the counties and corporations of the Colony of Virginia on July 17, 1775, there was established a Committee of Safety consisting of ten prominent men for putting into execution the ordinances and resolutions of the Convention. That committee was authorized to provide as many armed vessels as they judged necessary for the protection of the Colony in the war that seemed to threaten. Advertisements for ship-carpenters and other operatives were made, and every inducement held out to them in order that the building of vessels might immediately commence.
At a convention of delegates and representatives from the counties and corporations of the Colony of Virginia on July 17, 1775, a Committee of Safety was established, made up of ten prominent men, to carry out the ordinances and resolutions of the convention. That committee was given the authority to arrange for as many armed vessels as they deemed necessary for the protection of the colony against the war that appeared imminent. Advertisements were placed for shipbuilders and other workers, and every incentive was offered to them so that the construction of vessels could begin right away.
Between December, 1775, and July, 1776, the Committee established a small navy by purchase of several armed, schooner-rigged vessels from the owners of the merchant fleet; and contracts were made for a number of galleys to be constructed on the different rivers of the Colony. The Potomac was to be protected by the construction of two row-galleys and the purchase of three boats. George Minter was elected master of a row-galley to be built on the James River under the direction of Colonel Cary. He was requested to recommend proper persons to be mate, two midshipmen, gunner, and to enlist forty seamen.
Between December 1775 and July 1776, the Committee set up a small navy by buying several armed schooners from the owners of the merchant fleet; they also made contracts to build several galleys on different rivers in the Colony. The Potomac was to be safeguarded by building two row-galleys and purchasing three boats. George Minter was chosen as the captain of a row-galley to be constructed on the James River under Colonel Cary's supervision. He was asked to suggest suitable candidates for the mate, two midshipmen, a gunner, and to recruit forty sailors.
John Herbert, a master shipbuilder, was employed to engage any number of ship-carpenters that he could procure upon reasonable terms, and to examine such places upon the James River or its branches as he thought proper and convenient for erecting shipyards, and to report to the Committee.
John Herbert, a skilled shipbuilder, was hired to recruit as many ship carpenters as he could find at fair rates, and to check out locations along the James River or its branches that he deemed suitable for setting up shipyards, and to report back to the Committee.
Caleb Herbert was retained as the master builder of a shipyard on the Rappahannock River, and Reuben Herbert for such a yard on York River. Each of them was desired as soon as possible to engage a proper number of workmen for building two row-galleys to be employed in the two rivers to transport troops. It was recommended that a committee at Norfolk engage a proper person to take direction and employ a number of ship-carpenters for at least a year, to build vessels for the Colony.
Caleb Herbert was hired as the lead builder of a shipyard on the Rappahannock River, and Reuben Herbert was hired for a yard on the York River. Both were expected to quickly hire the right number of workers to build two row-galleys that would be used in the two rivers to transport troops. It was suggested that a committee in Norfolk hire a suitable person to oversee and employ a number of ship carpenters for at least a year to build vessels for the Colony.
George Mason, in a letter to George Washington on April 12, 1776, mentioned that he had under his charge two row-galleys of 40 or 50 tons burden, each to mount light guns, three and four pounders; and the sloop, American Congress, a fine stout vessel of 110 tons burden, mounting fourteen carriage guns, four and six pounders, and was considering mounting two 9-pounders upon her main boom.
George Mason, in a letter to George Washington on April 12, 1776, mentioned that he had in his care two row-galleys of 40 or 50 tons each, equipped to carry light guns, three and four pounders; and the sloop, American Congress, a sturdy vessel of 110 tons, armed with fourteen carriage guns, four and six pounders, and he was thinking about adding two 9-pounders to her main boom.
On June 6, 1776, the Committee of Safety appointed Christopher Calvert to superintend the building of two row-galleys for the protection of Virginia and North Carolina, to engage a master workman and as many men as he should need to work expeditiously. The two vessels, Caswell and Washington, were built at the South Quay Shipyard on the Blackwater River near the North Carolina line. A North Carolina sloop had been seized in Ocracoke Inlet in April, 1776. Sometime later, a warrant for £100 was issued to Argyle Herbert for the use of Captain Calvert upon account to pay the carpenters employed on his galley.
On June 6, 1776, the Committee of Safety appointed Christopher Calvert to oversee the construction of two row-galleys to protect Virginia and North Carolina, allowing him to hire a master craftsman and any workers he needed to work quickly. The two vessels, Caswell and Washington, were built at the South Quay Shipyard on the Blackwater River near the North Carolina border. A North Carolina sloop had been seized in Ocracoke Inlet in April 1776. Later, a warrant for £100 was issued to Argyle Herbert for Captain Calvert's use to pay the carpenters working on his galley.
At the convention of delegates held at the Capitol in Williamsburg on May 6, 1776, resolutions were passed dissolving the Government from Great Britain, establishing Virginia as a Commonwealth or State. A Board of Navy Commissioners composed of five members was appointed to superintend and direct all matters relating to the Navy. Their peculiar duties were defined as follows: To superintend and direct the building and repairing of all vessels; provide the necessary outfits, ordnance, provisions and naval stores; control the public rope walks; erect dockyards; contract for and provide all timber necessary for building purposes; and supervise the shipyards.
At the delegate convention held at the Capitol in Williamsburg on May 6, 1776, resolutions were passed to break away from Great Britain, declaring Virginia as a Commonwealth or State. A Board of Navy Commissioners made up of five members was appointed to oversee and manage all Navy-related matters. Their specific responsibilities were defined as follows: to oversee and manage the construction and repair of all vessels; provide necessary supplies, weapons, food, and naval equipment; control public rope-making facilities; establish dockyards; contract for and supply all timber needed for construction; and supervise the shipyards.
On September 12, 1776, this Commission was requested to engage the proper persons for building "in the most expeditious manner", 30 boats for the transportation of troops on the rivers, each boat to be the proper size for carrying a complete company of 68 men with their arms and baggage. Those were small boats without masts but broad and strong enough to transport troops across rivers and to carry from point to point large quantities of ammunition and provisions as they were required. The small boats had been found indispensable in retreats, in rapid marches, and in concentrating land forces.
On September 12, 1776, this Commission was asked to hire the right people to quickly build 30 boats for transporting troops on the rivers. Each boat needed to be the right size to carry a full company of 68 men along with their weapons and gear. These were small boats without masts but wide and sturdy enough to move troops across rivers and to transport large amounts of ammunition and supplies as needed. The small boats proved to be essential during retreats, fast marches, and when gathering land forces.
The Commissioners were authorized in October to provide the necessary plank and timber for the building of four large galleys fit for river and sea service, and to be mounted with proper guns. And for manning these galleys and others being built, the Commissioners were requested to raise the number of men needed, not to exceed 1300 to serve three years.
The Commissioners were given the green light in October to supply the necessary wood and materials for constructing four large galleys suitable for both river and sea use, equipped with proper cannons. Furthermore, to crew these galleys and others under construction, the Commissioners were asked to recruit up to 1,300 men to serve for three years.
The Continental Congress directed that two frigates of 36 guns and of 500 tons burthen be built in Virginia, and the Navy Board ordered the work done at Gosport Shipyard in Norfolk County. The following excerpts from a letter of Richard Henry Lee of the United States Congress to James Maxwell, Chief Superintendent of Construction on December 1, 1776, give directions for building the frigates:
The Continental Congress ordered the construction of two frigates with 36 guns and a capacity of 500 tons in Virginia, and the Navy Board designated Gosport Shipyard in Norfolk County for the work. The following excerpts from a letter by Richard Henry Lee of the United States Congress to James Maxwell, Chief Superintendent of Construction, on December 1, 1776, provide instructions for building the frigates:
The Congress has resolved upon building two ships-of-war of 36 guns each…. You, Sir, have been recommended as a person of great fitness for this business…. I do, in the name of the committee, request you will … determine a most fit place to put these ships upon the stocks at. Safety against the enemy is a very necessary object, proper water for launching, and convenience for getting timber you will consider…. A master builder with four or six workmen will soon go hence to Virginia for this business, and I have no doubt other workmen will be had in that State to carry on the work briskly…. The builder desires that trees be felled immediately whilst the sap is down, that a quantity of locust trunnels be split one and one-half inches and from 18 to 30 inches in length; that sawyers be employed to get out white oak plank of 3½ inches. These things and whatever else may be immediately necessary for this business you will take care to have done…. The builder tells me that cedar, locust, pitch pine, or wild cherry will be the proper timber for the upper works.
Congress has decided to build two warships, each with 36 guns. You have been recommended as someone very suitable for this task. I, on behalf of the committee, ask you to find the best location to put these ships on the stocks. It's essential to consider safety from the enemy, appropriate water for launching, and ease of accessing timber. A master builder with four or six workers will soon head to Virginia for this project, and I'm sure we can find more workers in that state to keep the work moving quickly. The builder requests that trees be cut down right away while the sap is down and that a supply of locust trunnels be split to one and a half inches in diameter and between 18 to 30 inches long. He also wants sawyers to obtain white oak planks that are 3 and a half inches thick. Please ensure these tasks and any other immediate necessities for the project are taken care of. The builder mentions that cedar, locust, pitch pine, or wild cherry would be the right types of timber for the upper structures.
On Wednesday, December 18, 1776, it was resolved by the General Assembly that the Governor be desired to write to the Maryland Council of Safety to inform them that four galleys of eighty odd feet keel, intended for the protection of Chesapeake Bay and adjacent capes and coasts, were then building in Virginia and in great forwardness, and that the General Assembly have directed four more galleys, much larger, be immediately built and equipped for the same purpose. The hope was expressed that the sister state, equally interested in mutual defence, would supply a proper quota of galleys to act in concert with those of Virginia. Chesapeake Bay was the chief theatre of action by the enemy because of the principal tories residing near its waters. To watch their movements and prevent intercourse with the enemy became the duty of these galleys.
On Wednesday, December 18, 1776, the General Assembly decided that the Governor should write to the Maryland Council of Safety to let them know that four galleys, each around eighty feet long, were being built in Virginia to protect Chesapeake Bay and the nearby capes and coasts, and that the General Assembly had ordered four more, much larger galleys, to be built and equipped right away for the same purpose. They expressed hope that Maryland, sharing the same interests in mutual defense, would provide a suitable number of galleys to work alongside Virginia's. Chesapeake Bay was the main area of conflict for the enemy due to the presence of many loyalists living nearby. It became the responsibility of these galleys to monitor their activities and prevent communication with the enemy.
Two galleys, the Accomack and Diligence, were built in 1777 on Muddy Creek near Guilford in Accomack County, and stationed on the Eastern Shore. These large galleys were about 90 feet in length and each carried two 18-pounders, four 9-pounders, and several swivels, in all ten guns.
Two galleys, the Accomack and Diligence, were constructed in 1777 on Muddy Creek near Guilford in Accomack County and were stationed on the Eastern Shore. These sizable galleys were approximately 90 feet long and each carried two 18-pound cannons, four 9-pound cannons, and several swivel guns, totaling ten weapons.
The State built and operated in 1777, a ropewalk at Warwick in Chesterfield County about five miles below Richmond, where ducking, sail-cloth, and rope were manufactured under the charge of Captain Charles Thomas. Several important warehouses had been established there. The place was totally destroyed in the British raid of April, 1781.
The State built and operated a ropewalk in 1777 at Warwick in Chesterfield County, about five miles south of Richmond, where they produced ducking, sailcloth, and rope under the supervision of Captain Charles Thomas. Several key warehouses were set up there. The site was completely destroyed during the British raid in April 1781.
There were numerous places in Virginia where shipbuilding was carried on during 1776 and 1779. Vessels were built and equipped on the Eastern Shore, the Potomac, the Rappahannock, Chickahominy and James Rivers; at Hampton, Gosport in Norfolk County, South Quay on the Blackwater near the Carolina line, Frazier's Ferry on the Mattaponi, and Cumberland on the Pamunkey. This last shipyard was discontinued at the suggestion of Thomas Jefferson in 1779 because of the enormous expense attending its support. There was also a shipyard in Gloucester County owned by John Hudgens. Construction was carried on chiefly at the Chickahominy and Gosport yards.
There were many places in Virginia where shipbuilding took place between 1776 and 1779. Vessels were constructed and outfitted on the Eastern Shore, the Potomac, the Rappahannock, Chickahominy, and James Rivers; at Hampton, Gosport in Norfolk County, South Quay on the Blackwater near the Carolina line, Frazier's Ferry on the Mattaponi, and Cumberland on the Pamunkey. This last shipyard was closed down at the suggestion of Thomas Jefferson in 1779 due to the high costs involved in maintaining it. There was also a shipyard in Gloucester County owned by John Hudgens. The primary construction happened mainly at the Chickahominy and Gosport yards.
The shipyard on the Chickahominy was located about twelve miles from its mouth and chosen partly because of its sheltered location and the fine timber that grew near by. The Navy Board had purchased 119 acres of land for the sum of £595 in April, 1777, and it became one of the busiest shipyards in the State. The ship Thetis, and the armed brig Jefferson, and many others were built in this yard. This establishment suffered the same fate as the Warwick ropewalk during Arnold's raid in 1781. A few posts are still standing in the water to mark the spot.
The shipyard on the Chickahominy was situated about twelve miles from its mouth and chosen partly for its sheltered location and the good timber that grew nearby. The Navy Board purchased 119 acres of land for £595 in April 1777, making it one of the busiest shipyards in the state. Ships like Thetis, the armed brig Jefferson, and many others were built in this yard. This facility faced the same fate as the Warwick ropewalk during Arnold's raid in 1781. A few posts still stand in the water to mark the location.
Just before the breaking out of the Revolution, the British Government had established a marine yard at Portsmouth, Virginia, for the use of its Navy, and named it for the dockyard Gosport near Portsmouth, England. This yard was confiscated by Virginia when the war began, and enlarged in 1801, by the purchase of 16 acres of the estate of Andrew Sproule, the British Navy Agent, for $12,000. The ship Virginia was built here and the two frigates laid on the stocks, with a number of other vessels.
Just before the start of the Revolution, the British Government set up a shipyard in Portsmouth, Virginia, for its Navy, naming it after the dockyard Gosport near Portsmouth, England. Virginia seized this yard when the war began, and in 1801, it expanded by purchasing 16 acres of land from Andrew Sproule, the British Navy Agent, for $12,000. The ship Virginia was built here, along with two frigates that were under construction, as well as several other vessels.
Early in May, 1779, a British fleet with a large force of frigates and transports passed through the Capes and on into Hampton Roads, under the command of Sir George Collier. Unable to meet such a formidable enemy, the Virginians withdrew their small fleet up the river for safety. The following extract is said to be from the Journal of H.M.S. Rainbow, commanded by Sir George Collier:
Early in May 1779, a British fleet with a strong group of frigates and transports sailed through the Capes and into Hampton Roads, led by Sir George Collier. Unable to confront such a powerful enemy, the Virginians moved their small fleet up the river for safety. The following excerpt is said to be from the Journal of H.M.S. Rainbow, commanded by Sir George Collier:
When the troops under General Matthews took possession of Portsmouth, Norfolk and Gosport Navy Yard had been abandoned. Before leaving, the Virginians had set fire to a ship-of-war of 28 guns ready for launching, belonging to Congress, and two French merchant ships loaded with bales of goods and tobacco…. The quantities of naval stores found in their arsenals were astonishing. Many vessels of war were on the stocks in different stages of forwardness; one of 36 guns, one of 18, three of 16, and three of 14, beside many merchantmen. The whole number taken, burnt, and destroyed while the King's ships were in the river amounted to one hundred and thirty-seven sail of vessels…. [Evidently, James Maxwell's two frigates were included in this group.] Five thousand loads of fine seasoned oak knees for shipbuilding and an infinite quantity of plank, masts, cordage, and numbers of beautiful ships-of-war on the stocks were at one time in a blaze and totally consumed, not a vestige remaining but the iron work…. Quantities of tar were found in the warehouses, and in Suffolk, 8,000 barrels of pitch, tar, and turpentine were seized. Much was carried away but great quantities were set on fire and left behind.
When the troops under General Matthews took control of Portsmouth, the Norfolk and Gosport Navy Yard had been deserted. Before leaving, the Virginians set fire to a warship with 28 guns that was ready to launch, owned by Congress, as well as two French merchant ships filled with bales of goods and tobacco. The amount of naval supplies found in their arsenals was incredible. Many warships were under construction at various stages; one had 36 guns, one had 18, three had 16, and three had 14, along with many merchant ships. The total number of vessels taken, burned, and destroyed while the King's ships were in the river was one hundred and thirty-seven sail of vessels. [Evidently, James Maxwell's two frigates were included in this group.] Five thousand loads of high-quality seasoned oak knees for shipbuilding and a huge quantity of planks, masts, ropes, and numerous exquisite warships under construction were all burning and completely consumed, with not a trace left except for the iron work. Large amounts of tar were found in the warehouses, and in Suffolk, 8,000 barrels of pitch, tar, and turpentine were seized. Much was taken away, but many quantities were set on fire and left behind.
Early in 1780, it was learned that the enemy intended another invasion of the coast of Virginia, and the General Assembly took measures for defense. In addition to land forces, the Navy was ordered to assemble a small fleet consisting of the ships Thetis, Tempest, and Dragon, the brig Jefferson and the galley Henry for the purpose of defending Hampton Roads and adjacent waters. In October, the situation seemed much more critical and Acts were passed to build two more galleys of the same construction as built by Congress in 1776, carrying two 32-pounders in the bow, a like number in the stern, with 6-pounders at the sides. The rigging, sails, guns, and other materials to be provided while the galleys were on the stocks that no time be lost in preparing them for the cruise.
Early in 1780, it was discovered that the enemy planned another invasion of the Virginia coast, prompting the General Assembly to take defensive measures. Besides land troops, the Navy was instructed to gather a small fleet made up of the ships Thetis, Tempest, and Dragon, the brig Jefferson, and the galley Henry to defend Hampton Roads and the surrounding waters. By October, the situation appeared much more urgent, and laws were enacted to build two additional galleys similar to those constructed by Congress in 1776, armed with two 32-pounders in the bow, a matching number in the stern, and 6-pounders on the sides. The rigging, sails, guns, and other supplies were to be ready while the galleys were under construction to ensure there were no delays in preparing them for deployment.
Captain James Maxwell addressed a letter to Governor Jefferson on December 7, 1780, informing him that the Lieutenant of the Jefferson thinks it will take £14,000 [in continental money] to pay her up to the present time. There was also due the workmen of the Gosport Shipyard on the last of October, £18,679-14s.-6d. Clothing was wanting for 26 men—52 shirts, 26 jackets, and breeches, stockings, shoes and hats or caps.
Captain James Maxwell wrote a letter to Governor Jefferson on December 7, 1780, letting him know that the Lieutenant of the Jefferson believes it will take £14,000 [in continental money] to cover expenses up to now. Additionally, the workers at the Gosport Shipyard were owed £18,679-14s.-6d. as of the end of October. There was also a need for clothing for 26 men—52 shirts, 26 jackets, and breeches, stockings, shoes, and hats or caps.
Governor Jefferson wrote to James Maxwell on January 16, 1781, as follows: "I enclose you a plan for building portable boats, recommended by General Washington, and shall be glad that you will take measures for having about twenty of them made without delay. We have doubts that they will suit our waters, and will be glad to confer with you on any suggested improvement."
Governor Jefferson wrote to James Maxwell on January 16, 1781, as follows: "I’m sending you a plan for building portable boats, recommended by General Washington, and I would appreciate it if you could arrange to have about twenty of them made as soon as possible. We’re unsure if they will be suitable for our waters, and I’d be happy to discuss any improvements you might suggest."
General Lafayette having arrived at York on March 13, 1781, Governor Jefferson wrote him that there would be ready for him at the Chickahominy Shipyard four boats well-fitted to his purpose, and others were collecting in the rivers to rendezvous at Hood's. These were for lookout boats placed in the Rappahannock, Piankatank, and York Rivers. Hood's was a battery on the James in Prince George County, opposite Weyanoke, now called Fort Powhatan. Later, Maxwell notified the Governor that he was building a few boats at the Chickahominy Shipyard. The Governor had requested that a good bateau builder be sent there to superintend some carpenters in building bateaux for the river above the Falls, and the rest of the carpenters be set to building boats for navigating the lower parts of the river, boats so light and of such form they could be moved on wheels.
General Lafayette arrived at York on March 13, 1781. Governor Jefferson informed him that there would be four well-equipped boats ready for him at the Chickahominy Shipyard, with more being gathered from the rivers to meet at Hood's. These boats were meant for surveillance in the Rappahannock, Piankatank, and York Rivers. Hood's was a battery on the James River in Prince George County, across from Weyanoke, now known as Fort Powhatan. Later, Maxwell updated the Governor that he was building a few boats at the Chickahominy Shipyard. The Governor had asked for a skilled bateau builder to be sent there to oversee some carpenters in constructing bateaux for the river above the Falls, while the remaining carpenters would build lightweight boats that could be moved on wheels for navigating the lower parts of the river.
On April 21, 1781, the traitor Arnold and Phillips made their raid up the James River, penetrating as far as Richmond. A detachment under Lieut. Col. Ambercrombie destroyed the shipyard at Chickahominy including a large number of naval craft, among them an unfinished ship of 200 tons, and important warehouses. On April 27, the Virginia fleet composed of six ships, eight brigs, five sloops, two schooners and several smaller craft, met the British fleet in battle a few miles below Richmond, but had to give way. A number of vessels were scuttled or set on fire, but the enemy captured the rest, and the fleet was practically wiped out. Only one armed vessel remained, the brig Liberty.
On April 21, 1781, the traitor Arnold and Phillips launched their raid up the James River, reaching as far as Richmond. A group led by Lieut. Col. Ambercrombie destroyed the shipyard at Chickahominy, including a large number of naval vessels, among them an unfinished 200-ton ship, as well as important warehouses. On April 27, the Virginia fleet, made up of six ships, eight brigs, five sloops, two schooners, and several smaller boats, faced the British fleet in battle a few miles below Richmond, but had to retreat. Several vessels were sunk or set on fire, but the enemy captured the rest, effectively wiping out the fleet. Only one armed vessel remained, the brig Liberty.
After the surrender of Cornwallis, the General Assembly met on May, 1782, and appointed three Commissioners to superintend the work of protecting the Bay. The ship Cormorant and the brig Liberty were prepared, and plans made for building two galleys and two barges or whale boats. The Commissioners managed to keep a small naval force together during 1782 and 1783, until the war came to an end. When peace was declared in 1783, the Commissioners had in different stages of construction the schooners Harrison and Patriot, the barges York and Richmond, and the pilot boat Fly. Virginia dispensed with all her fleet except the Liberty and Patriot which were retained, with the approval of Congress, as revenue cutters.
After Cornwallis surrendered, the General Assembly met in May 1782 and appointed three Commissioners to oversee the protection of the Bay. The ship Cormorant and the brig Liberty were readied, and plans were made to build two galleys and two barges or whale boats. The Commissioners managed to maintain a small naval force throughout 1782 and 1783, until the war ended. When peace was declared in 1783, the Commissioners had the schooners Harrison and Patriot, the barges York and Richmond, and the pilot boat Fly at various stages of construction. Virginia kept all her fleet except the Liberty and Patriot, which were retained as revenue cutters with Congress's approval.
Among the various types of vessels mentioned here, galleys are generally thought of as having been rather insignificant. On the contrary, they were among the important vessels constructed for the Virginia Navy. While they were so built that they could easily retire up the creeks out of range of British guns, they were capable also of sailing out in the broad waters of the Bay. They were broad in proportion to their length which varied from 60 to 90 feet, and not drawing much water could support immense weight upon their decks, as in transporting troops with their horses and baggage, and in carrying guns of the largest size. Generally they had two masts and were rigged as schooners, but an occasional galley carried three masts as in the case of the Gloucester. Some were without masts and were called row-galleys. These were only half decked, were provided with high and strong bulwarks for the better protection from marksmen, and were propelled by oars only.
Among the different types of vessels mentioned here, galleys are usually considered to have been rather unimportant. However, they were actually among the significant ships built for the Virginia Navy. They were designed so they could easily retreat up the creeks, out of range of British cannons, yet they were also capable of sailing in the open waters of the Bay. They were wide in proportion to their length, which ranged from 60 to 90 feet, and having a shallow draft allowed them to carry heavy loads on their decks, including troops with their horses and gear, as well as large cannons. Typically, they had two masts and were rigged like schooners, but sometimes a galley would have three masts, as was the case with the Gloucester. Some lacked masts entirely and were known as row-galleys. These were only partially decked, equipped with high and sturdy sides for better protection against enemy shooters, and were powered solely by oars.
The armaments of these galleys were much more formidable in proportion to their tonnage than were those of any other vessels. In November, 1776, two large galleys for river and sea service were ordered to be built to carry four 24-pounders, and fourteen 9-pounders each. Also, in October, 1780, two more large ones were ordered to carry two 30-pounders in the bow, the same in the stern, with 6-pounders at the sides, for the protection of the Chesapeake Bay.
The armaments of these galleys were significantly more powerful relative to their size than those of any other ships. In November 1776, two large galleys for river and sea duty were ordered to be built to carry four 24-pound cannons and fourteen 9-pound cannons each. Also, in October 1780, two more large ones were ordered to carry two 30-pound cannons at the front, the same at the back, with 6-pounders on the sides, for the defense of Chesapeake Bay.
The Gloucester was one of the largest galleys built. Judging from the order sent to Captain Charles Thomas on April 30, 1777, for rope and cables from the ropewalk at Warwick, the galley had a foremast, a mainmast, a mizzen and a bowsprit. All the rigging was to have a rogue's yarn in it, that it might be distinguished from merchant rope. A rogue's yarn was a single thread of red or blue which was twisted in the rope at the manufactory, and served to distinguish it from all others. The Gloucester was used as a prison ship.
The Gloucester was one of the largest galleys ever built. Based on the order sent to Captain Charles Thomas on April 30, 1777, for rope and cables from the ropewalk at Warwick, the galley had a foremast, a mainmast, a mizzen, and a bowsprit. All the rigging was required to have a rogue's yarn in it so that it could be distinguished from merchant rope. A rogue's yarn was a single thread of red or blue twisted into the rope during manufacturing, which helped identify it from all other ropes. The Gloucester was used as a prison ship.
Two accounts of the development of the schooner in use by Virginia during the Revolution are worth recording:
Two accounts of the development of the schooner used by Virginia during the Revolution are worth noting:
(a) It is from this time perhaps that we may date that new era in the art of shipbuilding which now produced the firstlings of that brood of fast-sailing clippers that afterwards were to astonish and charm the naval world with their brilliant performance. The Americans were the originators of this improved naval architecture. It was developed by that spirit of invention and love of adventure so characteristic of a young and vigorous people, urged by necessity…. The far-famed Baltimore clipper soon established the reputation of that long, low, rakish-looking craft, which has ever since been the cynosure of the seaman's eye.
(a) It’s around this time that we can mark the beginning of a new era in shipbuilding, one that brought forth the first of the fast-sailing clippers that later amazed and delighted the naval world with their exceptional performance. The Americans were the pioneers of this advanced naval design. It was fueled by the inventiveness and adventurous spirit typical of a young and energetic population, driven by necessity…. The famous Baltimore clipper quickly set the standard for that long, low, sleek-looking vessel, which has since become the focus of every sailor’s attention.
(b) The most spectacular event in the history of naval architecture in the 18th century was the emergence of the clipper-schooner which became famous during the Revolution. This was a trim, rakish craft known as the Virginia-built schooner, an exclusively Chesapeake type prior to the Revolution. The war created a demand for this fast-sailing vessel and builders all along the coast constructed vessels on the clipper lines thereby converting it to a national type. The war made the clipper-schooner internationally known, however, and before the end of the century, the French, Dutch, and British built schooners on the clipper lines.
(b) The most remarkable event in the history of naval architecture in the 18th century was the rise of the clipper-schooner, which gained fame during the Revolution. This was a sleek, stylish ship known as the Virginia-built schooner, a type that was unique to the Chesapeake before the Revolution. The war created a demand for this fast-sailing vessel, leading builders along the coast to start creating ships based on the clipper design, turning it into a national style. The war made the clipper-schooner known worldwide, and by the end of the century, the French, Dutch, and British were building schooners following the clipper design.
The pilot boat used in the Virginia Navy was a small fast-sailing craft used as "lookouts", only two of which, the Molly and the Fly, were armed. Their duties were attended with many hardships and extreme peril. They were obliged to hover along a dangerous coast in all weathers to give notice of the approach of every sail whether friend or foe. They acted as a flying sentry at the gates of the Chesapeake, but constantly exposed to the broad Atlantic outside.
The pilot boat used in the Virginia Navy was a small, fast-sailing vessel used as "lookouts," with only two of them, the Molly and the Fly, being armed. Their duties involved many hardships and great danger. They had to patrol a treacherous coastline in all kinds of weather to alert others about the approach of every ship, whether it was a friend or an enemy. They served as a mobile guard at the entrance to the Chesapeake, but were always vulnerable to the vast Atlantic outside.
Although the war virtually eliminated Virginia's trading fleet as well as her Navy, her shipbuilding capacity was at its best. Her many shipyards, abundant supplies of available shipbuilding timber, and her skilled craftsmen soon put her trading fleet in operation and it became an integral part of the American Merchant Marine.
Although the war nearly wiped out Virginia's trading fleet and Navy, her shipbuilding capabilities were at their peak. Her numerous shipyards, plentiful supplies of timber for shipbuilding, and skilled craftsmen quickly got her trading fleet back in action, making it a vital part of the American Merchant Marine.
EARLY VIRGINIA WATERCRAFT
(as defined by officials)
Shallop—A nondescript type of small boat, from the French "chaloupe," open or half-decked, sometimes with one or two masts for use if needed. It was the most popular boat used in the colony for collecting corn from the Indians, fishing, oystering, and exploring.
Shallop—A simple type of small boat, from the French "chaloupe," open or partially decked, sometimes with one or two masts for use when required. It was the most popular boat used in the colony for collecting corn from the Native Americans, fishing, oystering, and exploring.
Pinnace—"An old name in English marine nomenclature." A light sailing vessel from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, decked and having one or more masts, from twenty to thirty tons Burden. The pinnaces Virginia, Discovery, and the two built at Bermuda, Deliverance and Patience were sea-going vessels.
Pinnace—"An old term in English maritime terminology." A light sailing boat from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, equipped with a deck and one or more masts, weighing between twenty and thirty tons. The pinnaces Virginia, Discovery, and the two constructed in Bermuda, Deliverance and Patience, were ocean-going vessels.
Barge—"A term applied to numerous types of vessels throughout the ages." In Virginia it meant a ship's boat, or a flat bottom freight boat used on inland waterways and for loading and unloading ships.
Barge—"A term used for many kinds of boats over the years." In Virginia, it referred to a ship's boat or a flat-bottomed freight boat used on inland waterways for loading and unloading ships.
Bateau—The Chesapeake Bay bateau in colonial times was a double-ended boat having a V-bottomed hull, built in lengths to forty or fifty feet, and was primarily a rowing or poling boat used for rivers and creeks.
Bateau—The Chesapeake Bay bateau during colonial times was a double-ended boat with a V-shaped hull, built in lengths of forty to fifty feet, and was mainly used for rowing or poling in rivers and creeks.
Scow—A large flat-bottomed vessel having broad, square ends and straight sides, sometimes flat-decked. Probably from the Dutch term "schouw."
Scow—A large flat-bottomed boat with wide, square ends and straight sides, sometimes with a flat deck. Likely derived from the Dutch word "schouw."
Flat—An old form of boat, simple to build, with flat bottom, ends boarded over, used for heavy freight and ferrying, sometimes having a mast.
Flat—An old type of boat that’s easy to build, with a flat bottom and ends covered over, used for carrying heavy loads and ferrying people, sometimes equipped with a mast.
Skiff—A light swift open boat, generally double-ended for rowing, but sometimes equipped for sailing.
Skiff—A lightweight, fast open boat, usually with pointed ends for rowing, but sometimes set up for sailing.
Frigate—Originally a light vessel propelled by both sails and oars with flush decks. A "frigott" was constructed at Cape Comfort by Captain Argall in 1613. Later the term was applied only to a type of warship.
Frigate—Originally a light ship powered by both sails and oars with flat decks. A "frigott" was built at Cape Comfort by Captain Argall in 1613. Eventually, the term came to refer only to a specific type of warship.
Punt—A small flat-bottomed, open boat, usually with a seat in the middle, and a well or seat at one, or each end for use in shallow waters, propelled by oars or poles.
Punt—A small, flat-bottomed, open boat, typically with a seat in the middle and a well or seat at one or both ends, designed for use in shallow waters, propelled by oars or poles.
Yawl—A small sailing vessel rigged like a sloop with a small additional mast in the stern.
Yawl—A small sailing boat set up like a sloop but with an extra mast at the back.
Canoe—The evolution of the Chesapeake Bay canoe and the Chesapeake Bay bugeye from the Indian dugout canoe, is one of the most interesting developments in the history of shipbuilding in America.
Canoe—The development of the Chesapeake Bay canoe and the Chesapeake Bay bugeye from the Native American dugout canoe is one of the most fascinating advancements in the history of shipbuilding in America.
Piragua or Periagua—A large dugout canoe fitted with sails.
Piragua or Periagua—A big dugout canoe equipped with sails.
Tobacco Boat—The double dugout canoe generally referred to as the tobacco boat, was "invented" by the Reverend Robert Rose, rector of St. Ann's Parish in Albemarle. The boats were from fifty to sixty feet in length, from four to five feet in width, clamped together with cross beams and pins, two pieces running lengthwise over these, with a capacity of from five to ten hogsheads of tobacco. The first mention of this boat was in Rose's diary for March 14, 1749. (2) The James River bateau or tobacco boat was invented by Anthony J. Rucker in 1771, and is mentioned in Jefferson's Notes on Virginia. The bateaux were made of boards from forty to sixty feet long and flat-bottomed. They were constructed so that either end could be poled against the river bank and the hogshead rolled aboard. Each craft required a crew of three, one to steer and one each for the sideboards, the full length of the gunwales.
Tobacco Boat—The double dugout canoe commonly known as the tobacco boat was "invented" by Reverend Robert Rose, rector of St. Ann's Parish in Albemarle. These boats measured fifty to sixty feet long and four to five feet wide, held together with cross beams and pins, with two pieces running lengthwise over them. They could carry five to ten hogsheads of tobacco. The first reference to this boat appears in Rose's diary dated March 14, 1749. (2) The James River bateau or tobacco boat was created by Anthony J. Rucker in 1771 and is noted in Jefferson's Notes on Virginia. The bateaux were made from boards that were forty to sixty feet long and had flat bottoms. They were designed so that either end could be pushed against the river bank, allowing the hogshead to be rolled on board. Each boat needed a crew of three: one to steer and one on each side to manage the sideboards along the full length of the gunwales.
Sloop—A craft with a single mast and fore-and-aft rig, in its simplest form a mainsail and jib. It is said to have appeared in the colony from England before 1630, and became the most common colonial rig. It was the fast-sailing craft for coastwise and West Indies trade. It became very popular as a pleasure boat.
Sloop—A boat with one mast and a rig that is set up from front to back, usually consisting of a mainsail and a jib. It is believed to have arrived in the colony from England before 1630 and became the most common style of sailboat in the colonies. It was known for its speed, making it ideal for coastal and West Indies trade, and it grew very popular as a recreational boat.
Schooner—A two or more masted vessel, fore-and-aft rigged. The essentials of the schooner are two fore-and-aft sails and a headsail (jib), any other sails being incidental. This type of rig was not known until the last quarter of the seventeenth century, appearing in America by 1700, or shortly after. During the second half of the eighteenth century, the schooner displaced the sloop as the principal colonial coasting vessel, and during the Revolution emerged as the most distinctly American type.
Schooner—A vessel with two or more masts that is rigged fore-and-aft. The key features of a schooner are two fore-and-aft sails and a headsail (jib), with any additional sails being secondary. This type of rig wasn't known until the last part of the seventeenth century, surfacing in America by 1700 or shortly after. In the second half of the eighteenth century, the schooner replaced the sloop as the main coastal vessel in the colonies and became the most distinctly American type during the Revolution.
Pilot Boat—In 1661, the General Assembly passed an Act creating the office of Chief Pilot of the James River. A specific type of vessel evolved for use as pilot boats—fast, weatherly boats, somewhat on the mold of the already developing clipper schooner, about 1745. This boat soon acquired schooner rig and all the characteristics of a clipper schooner. This trim craft, distinguished for speed and sea worthiness, proved ideal for yachting. Almost all schooner yachts until about 1870, were built on the lines of pilot boats. The best known example was the victory of the yacht America in 1851.
Pilot Boat—In 1661, the General Assembly passed a law creating the position of Chief Pilot of the James River. A specific type of vessel emerged for use as pilot boats—fast, seaworthy boats, somewhat similar to the developing clipper schooner around 1745. This boat soon adopted a schooner rig and all the characteristics of a clipper schooner. This sleek craft, known for its speed and seaworthiness, turned out to be perfect for yachting. Almost all schooner yachts until about 1870 were designed based on pilot boat lines. The most famous example was the yacht America's victory in 1851.
Brig—A seagoing vessel having two masts and square rigged.
Brig—A sailing ship with two masts and a square rig.
Brigantine—A seagoing vessel having two masts, one square rigged, the other fore-and-aft.
Brigantine—A sailing ship with two masts, one rigged with a square sail, and the other rigged for fore-and-aft sailing.
Snow—A seagoing vessel having two masts similar to a brig, and an additional mast abaft the mainmast which carried a spanker or driver (a gaff-headed trysail).
Snow—A sailing ship with two masts like a brig, plus an extra mast behind the mainmast that carried a spanker or driver (a gaff-headed trysail).
Ship—A sailing vessel having three or more masts, square rigged, the largest seagoing vessel of the period. A term frequently applied to any vessel.
Ship—A sailing boat with three or more masts, rigged with square sails, the biggest type of sea vessel of its time. A term often used for any type of boat.
Bark or Barque—A sailing vessel having three or more masts, square rigged, the after mast, fore-and-aft rigged. A term frequently applied to any vessel.
Bark or Barque—A sailing ship with three or more masts, square-rigged, with the back mast rigged for fore-and-aft sailing. This term is often used for any ship.
Barkentine—A sailing vessel with three or more masts, the fore mast square rigged, the other masts being fore-and-aft.
Barkentine—A sailing boat with three or more masts, where the front mast is square rigged and the other masts are rigged fore-and-aft.
Galley—A long, single or partially decked vessel of light draft, fitted for rowing and having one or two masts to raise for use when needed. They ranged in size from forty to seventy-five feet in length, and were used as warships by Virginia during the Revolution when they carried from one to twelve guns.
Galley—A long, single or partially decked boat with a shallow draft, designed for rowing and equipped with one or two masts for use when necessary. They varied in size from forty to seventy-five feet in length and were used as warships by Virginia during the Revolution, carrying between one and twelve guns.
The planters and shipbuilders of Virginia had a wide choice in the selection of timber for building their boats and ships:
The planters and shipbuilders of Virginia had a broad range of options when it came to choosing timber for constructing their boats and ships:
Virginia yielding to no known place in the known world for timbers of all sorts, commodious for strength, pleasant for sweetness, specious for colors, spacious for largeness, useful for land and sea, for housing and shipping. For timber, we have the oak, ash, poplar, black walnut, pines and gum trees.
Virginia stands out as a place in the world for timber of all kinds—strong, sweet-smelling, attractive in color, large in size, and useful for both land and sea, including housing and shipping. We have oak, ash, poplar, black walnut, pines, and gum trees for timber.
Frequently several kinds of wood were used in the construction of a boat, and the color combinations of the natural woods, with the use of turpentine and pitch, was pleasing enough to some shipbuilders. For others, however, the vessels were painted in bright colors, often a combination of several colors. The larger vessels were usually built of white oak, but due to the rapid growth of the tree, Virginia oak was not as good or lasting as the oak grown in England. Ships built from the American live oak, helped much to improve the reputation of colonial vessels.
Often, different types of wood were used to build a boat, and the color combinations of the natural woods, along with turpentine and pitch, were appealing to some shipbuilders. However, others painted their vessels in bright colors, frequently using a mix of several shades. The larger boats were typically made from white oak, but because the tree grows quickly, Virginia oak wasn't as durable as the oak from England. Ships made from American live oak significantly enhanced the reputation of colonial vessels.
As a general rule, vessels built in the colony were without ornamentation of any kind, utility being the watchword, and speed important. It has been reported, however, that a few billet heads and figureheads were placed on ships, and carved figureheads imported from Boston by a planter appeared on his vessels.
As a general rule, boats built in the colony had no decorations at all, with practicality being the main focus and speed being a priority. However, there are reports that a few wooden carvings and figureheads were put on ships, and some carved figureheads imported from Boston by a planter showed up on his vessels.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abbot, W. J. American Merchant Ships and Sailors. New York, 1902.
Abbot, W. J. American Merchant Ships and Sailors. New York, 1902.
Ames, S. M. Studies of the Virginia Eastern Shore in the Seventeenth Century. Richmond, 1940.
Ames, S. M. Studies of the Virginia Eastern Shore in the Seventeenth Century. Richmond, 1940.
Andrews, C. M. The Colonial Period of American History. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1934-1938. 4 vols.
Andrews, C. M. The Colonial Period of American History. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1934-1938. 4 vols.
Beverley, Robert. The History and Present State of Virginia. London, 1705. Reprinted for The Institute of Early American History and Culture by the University of North Carolina, 1947.
Beverley, Robert. The History and Present State of Virginia. London, 1705. Reprinted for The Institute of Early American History and Culture by the University of North Carolina, 1947.
Bishop, J. L. The History of American Manufacturers from 1608 to 1860. Philadelphia, 1861-1864. 2 vols.
Bishop, J. L. The History of American Manufacturers from 1608 to 1860. Philadelphia, 1861-1864. 2 vols.
Bloomster, E. L. Sailing and Small Craft Down the Ages. United States Naval Institute, 1940.
Bloomster, E. L. Sailing and Small Craft Down the Ages. United States Naval Institute, 1940.
Bolton, H. E. The Spanish Borderlands. New Haven, 1921.
Bolton, H. E. The Spanish Borderlands. New Haven, 1921.
Brewington, M. V. Baycraft Labels at Dorothy's Discovery. Cambridge, Md., 1952.
Brewington, M. V. Baycraft Labels at Dorothy's Discovery. Cambridge, MD, 1952.
Brown, Alexander. The First Republic in America. Boston, 1898.
Brown, Alexander. The First Republic in America. Boston, 1898.
—— The Genesis of the United States. Boston, 1890. 2 vols.
—— The Genesis of the United States. Boston, 1890. 2 volumes.
Bruce, P. A. The Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. New York, 1896. 2 vols.
Bruce, P. A. The Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. New York, 1896. 2 vols.
Brumbaugh, G. M. Revolutionary War Records. Vol. 1, Virginia. Washington, 1936.
Brumbaugh, G. M. Revolutionary War Records. Vol. 1, Virginia. Washington, 1936.
Byrd, William. The Secret Diaries of William Byrd of Westover, 1709-1712, 1739-1741. Richmond, 1942. 2 vols.
Byrd, William. The Secret Diaries of William Byrd of Westover, 1709-1712, 1739-1741. Richmond, 1942. 2 vols.
Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series. 1574-1731 (not complete). London, 1860-1938. 18 vols.
Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series. 1574-1731 (not complete). London, 1860-1938. 18 vols.
Calendar of Virginia State Papers, compiled by William Price Palmer. Richmond, 1875-1893. 11 vols.
Calendar of Virginia State Papers, compiled by William Price Palmer. Richmond, 1875-1893. 11 vols.
Campbell, Charles. History of the Colony and Ancient Dominion of Virginia. Philadelphia, Pa., 1860.
Campbell, Charles. History of the Colony and Ancient Dominion of Virginia. Philadelphia, PA, 1860.
Chapelle, Howard I. American Small Sailing Craft. New York, 1951.
Chapelle, Howard I. American Small Sailing Craft. New York, 1951.
Chatterton, E. K. English Seamen and the Colonization of America. London, 1930.
Chatterton, E. K. English Seamen and the Colonization of America. London, 1930.
Dictionary of American History. New York, 1940. 6 vols.
Dictionary of American History. New York, 1940. 6 vols.
Fassett, J. F. G. The Shipbuilding Business in the United States. New York, Society of Naval Architects and Marine Engineers, 1948.
Fassett, J. F. G. The Shipbuilding Business in the United States. New York, Society of Naval Architects and Marine Engineers, 1948.
Fithian, P. V. Journal and Letters. Williamsburg, 1943.
Fithian, P. V. Journal and Letters. Williamsburg, 1943.
Flippen, P. S. The Royal Government in Virginia, 1624-1776. New York, 1919.
Flippen, P. S. The Royal Government in Virginia, 1624-1776. New York, 1919.
Fry and Jefferson's Map of Virginia. 1775.
Fry and Jefferson's Map of Virginia. 1775.
Grahame, James. History of the United States of America from the Plantations of the British Colonies Until Their Assumption of National Independence. Philadelphia, Pa., 1845. 4 vols.
Grahame, James. History of the United States of America from the Plantations of the British Colonies Until Their Assumption of National Independence. Philadelphia, PA, 1845. 4 vols.
Gwathmey, J. H. Historical Register of Virginians in the Revolution, 1775-1783. Richmond, 1938. "Vessels of the United States Navy," p. 861.
Gwathmey, J. H. Historical Register of Virginians in the Revolution, 1775-1783. Richmond, 1938. "Vessels of the United States Navy," p. 861.
Hakluyt, Richard. Principal Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the English Nation. Glasgow, 1905. 12 vols.
Hakluyt, Richard. Principal Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the English Nation. Glasgow, 1905. 12 vols.
Hariot, Thomas. A Brief and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia. Frankfort, De Bry, 1590. Also, a facsimile reprint of the first edition, 1588. New York, 1903.
Hariot, Thomas. A Brief and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia. Frankfort, De Bry, 1590. Also, a facsimile reprint of the first edition, 1588. New York, 1903.
Hening, W. W., ed. Statutes at Large. Richmond, Va., 1809-1823. 13 vols.
Hening, W. W., ed. Statutes at Large. Richmond, VA, 1809-1823. 13 vols.
Herrera, Antonio de. General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America. London, 1726. 6 vols.
Herrera, Antonio de. General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America. London, 1726. 6 vols.
Huntley, F. C. The Seaborne Trade in Virginia in Mid-Eighteenth Century. In Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 59.
Huntley, F. C. The Seaborne Trade in Virginia in the Mid-Eighteenth Century. In Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 59.
Johnson, E. R., and Collaborators. History of Domestic and Foreign Commerce of the United States. Washington, 1915.
Johnson, E. R., and Collaborators. History of Domestic and Foreign Commerce of the United States. Washington, 1915.
Johnson, Robert. Nova Britannia. 1609. (In Force's Tracts, vol. 1)
Johnson, Robert. Nova Britannia. 1609. (In Force's Tracts, vol. 1)
Kelly, Roy, and F. J. Allen. The Shipbuilding Industry. Boston, 1918.
Kelly, Roy, and F. J. Allen. The Shipbuilding Industry. Boston, 1918.
Latane, J. H. Early Relations of Maryland and Virginia. Baltimore, 1895. (Johns Hopkins University Studies. 13th ser., III-IV).
Latane, J. H. Early Relations of Maryland and Virginia. Baltimore, 1895. (Johns Hopkins University Studies. 13th ser., III-IV).
Lefroy, J. H. Memorials of Bermuda. London, 1877. 2 vols.
Lefroy, J. H. Memorials of Bermuda. London, 1877. 2 vols.
Lull, E. P. History of the United States Navy Yard at Gosport, Virginia. Washington, 1851.
Lull, E. P. History of the United States Navy Yard at Gosport, Virginia. Washington, 1851.
Mackintosh, J. The Discovery of America and the Origin of the North American Indians. Toronto, 1836.
Mackintosh, J. The Discovery of America and the Origin of the North American Indians. Toronto, 1836.
Mason, F. N., ed. John Norton and Sons, Merchants of London and Virginia. Richmond, 1937.
Mason, F. N., ed. John Norton and Sons, Merchants of London and Virginia. Richmond, 1937.
Mason, P. C. Records of Colonial Gloucester County. Newport News, Va., 1946-1948. 2 vols.
Mason, P. C. Records of Colonial Gloucester County. Newport News, VA, 1946-1948. 2 vols.
Mereness, N. D., ed. Travels in the American Colonies. New York, 1916.
Mereness, N. D., ed. Travels in the American Colonies. New York, 1916.
Middleton, A. P. Tobacco Coast, a Maritime History of the Chesapeake Bay in the Colonial Era, edited by George C. Mason. Newport News, 1953.
Middleton, A. P. Tobacco Coast, a Maritime History of the Chesapeake Bay in the Colonial Era, edited by George C. Mason. Newport News, 1953.
—— New Light on the Evolution of the Chesapeake Clipper Schooner. (In The American Neptune, vol. 9)
—— New Light on the Evolution of the Chesapeake Clipper Schooner. (In The American Neptune, vol. 9)
Moore, G. M. A Seaport in Virginia. Richmond, 1949.
Moore, G. M. A Seaport in Virginia. Richmond, 1949.
Morris, E. P. The Fore and Aft Rig in America. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1927.
Morris, E. P. The Fore and Aft Rig in America. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1927.
Morriss, M. S. The Colonial Trade of Maryland, 1689-1715. (Johns Hopkins University Studies in History and Political Science. Series 32.)
Morriss, M. S. The Colonial Trade of Maryland, 1689-1715. (Johns Hopkins University Studies in History and Political Science. Series 32.)
Neill, E. D. History of the Virginia Company. Albany, N.Y., 1869.
Neill, E. D. History of the Virginia Company. Albany, NY, 1869.
Norfolk County Deed Book, vol. F. manuscript.
Norfolk County Deed Book, vol. F. manuscript.
Palmer, W. P. The Virginia Navy of the Revolution. (In the Southern Literary Messenger, January-April, 1857.)
Palmer, W. P. The Virginia Navy of the Revolution. (In the Southern Literary Messenger, January-April, 1857.)
Paullin, C. O. The Navy of the American Revolution. Cleveland, 1906. "The Virginia Navy," pp. 396-417.
Paullin, C. O. The Navy of the American Revolution. Cleveland, 1906. "The Virginia Navy," pp. 396-417.
Percy, Alfred. Piedmont Apocalypse. Madison Heights, Va., 1949.
Percy, Alfred. Piedmont Apocalypse. Madison Heights, VA, 1949.
Purchas, Samuel. Purchas His Pilgrimes. Glasgow, 1905-1907. 20 vols.
Purchas, Samuel. Purchas His Pilgrimes. Glasgow, 1905-1907. 20 vols.
Quinn, D. B. The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590. London, Hakluyt Society, 1952. 2 vols.
Quinn, D. B. The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590. London, Hakluyt Society, 1952. 2 vols.
Ralamb, Ake Classon. Skeps Byggerij Eller Adelig Ofnings. Stockholm, 1691. Reprinted at Malmo, 1943.
Ralamb, Ake Classon. Skeps Byggerij Eller Adelig Ofnings. Stockholm, 1691. Reprinted in Malmo, 1943.
Robinson, Conway. Account of Discoveries in the West until 1519, and of Voyages to and along the Atlantic Coast of North America from 1520 to 1573. Richmond, 1849.
Robinson, Conway. Account of Discoveries in the West until 1519, and of Voyages to and along the Atlantic Coast of North America from 1520 to 1573. Richmond, 1849.
Smith, John. Works, 1608-1631. Arber edition. Birmingham, 1884.
Smith, John. Works, 1608-1631. Arber edition. Birmingham, 1884.
—— Same, with introduction by A. G. Bradley. Edinburgh, 1910. 2 vols.
—— Same, with an introduction by A. G. Bradley. Edinburgh, 1910. 2 vols.
Spotswood, Alexander. Official Letters. Richmond, 1882. 2 vols.
Spotswood, Alexander. Official Letters. Richmond, 1882. 2 vols.
Stewart, R. A. The History of Virginia's Navy of the Revolution. Richmond, Va., 1933.
Stewart, R. A. The History of Virginia's Navy of the Revolution. Richmond, VA, 1933.
Swem, E. G. Virginia Historical Index. Roanoke, Va., 1934-1936, 2 vols.
Swem, E. G. Virginia Historical Index. Roanoke, VA, 1934-1936, 2 vols.
The Trades Increase. London, 1615.
Trade Grows. London, 1615.
Tyler, L. G. The Cradle of the Republic. Richmond, 1906.
Tyler, L. G. The Cradle of the Republic. Richmond, 1906.
Virginia (Colony). Minutes of the Council and General Court of Colonial Virginia, 1622-1632. Richmond, 1924.
Virginia (Colony). Minutes of the Council and General Court of Colonial Virginia, 1622-1632. Richmond, 1924.
Virginia Gazette. Williamsburg, 1736-1780.
Virginia Gazette. Williamsburg, 1736-1780.
Virginia Company of London. Records, edited by S. M. Kingsbury. Washington, 1906-1935. 4 vols.
Virginia Company of London. Records, edited by S. M. Kingsbury. Washington, 1906-1935. 4 vols.
Virginia. Governor. Official Letters of the Governors of the State of Virginia. Vol. I: Patrick Henry, July, 1776-June, 1779. Vol. II: Thomas Jefferson, June, 1779-June, 1781. Richmond, 1926-1928.
Virginia. Governor. Official Letters of the Governors of the State of Virginia. Vol. I: Patrick Henry, July 1776 - June 1779. Vol. II: Thomas Jefferson, June 1779 - June 1781. Richmond, 1926-1928.
Virginia Historical Register. Richmond, Va., 1848-1851. 4 vols.
Virginia Historical Register. Richmond, VA, 1848-1851. 4 vols.
Virginia Magazine of History and Biography. Richmond, 1893-, vol. 1.
Virginia Magazine of History and Biography. Richmond, 1893-, vol. 1.
Wertenbaker, T. J. Norfolk; Historic Southern Port. Durham, N.C., 1931.
Wertenbaker, T. J. Norfolk; Historic Southern Port. Durham, N.C., 1931.
William and Mary College Quarterly. Williamsburg, 1892-1943. Series 1, vols. 1-27; series 2, vols. 1-23.
William and Mary College Quarterly. Williamsburg, 1892-1943. Series 1, vols. 1-27; series 2, vols. 1-23.
Williams, M. R. Sailing Vessels of the Eighteenth Century. (In United States Naval Institute Proceedings, vol. 62, January, 1936.)
Williams, M. R. Sailing Vessels of the Eighteenth Century. (In United States Naval Institute Proceedings, vol. 62, January, 1936.)
Winsor, Justin. Narrative and Critical History of America. Boston, 1886. 8 vols.
Winsor, Justin. Narrative and Critical History of America. Boston, 1886. 8 vols.
Wise, J. C. Ye Kingdom of Accomack, or The Eastern Shore of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. Richmond, Va., 1911.
Wise, J. C. Ye Kingdom of Accomack, or The Eastern Shore of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. Richmond, VA, 1911.
Wissler, Clark. Indians of the United States. Garden City, 1946.
Wissler, Clark. Indians of the United States. Garden City, 1946.
APPENDIX I
The following advertisements of vessels TO BE SOLD were selected from the Little Betty as showing types and sizes of watercraft in use.
The following ads for vessels FOR SALE were chosen from the Little Betty to showcase the types and sizes of watercraft being used.
1739, May 4. … a small shallop about five years old in Yorktown, will carry between 400 and 500 bushels of corn. William Rogers.
May 4, 1739. … a small boat about five years old in Yorktown, will hold between 400 and 500 bushels of corn. William Rogers.
1745, … by the executors of Mr. Thomas Rawlings, a ship carpenter, lately deceased, the frame of a snow which was to have been built by the said Rawlings on account of Mr. John Hood, merchant, of Prince George County, of the following dimensions: 60 feet keel, 23 feet 8 in. beam, molded, 10 feet hold, 4 feet between decks. To be sold at the plantation of the deceased near Flower de Hundred. Also, a sizable, useful boat and a vessel called a schaw.
1745, … by the executors of Mr. Thomas Rawlings, a ship carpenter who recently passed away, the frame of a snow that was supposed to be built by Rawlings for Mr. John Hood, a merchant from Prince George County, with the following dimensions: 60 feet keel, 23 feet 8 inches beam, molded, 10 feet hold, 4 feet between decks. To be sold at the deceased’s plantation near Flower de Hundred. Also, a sizable, useful boat and a vessel called a schaw.
1745, June 18. … To the highest bidder, schooner belonging to the estate of the Rev. Adam Duckie, deceased, trimmed and well-fitted with sails and rigging, some parts new, close docked, carries 50 hogsheads of tobacco … Also, a 12 hogsheads flat lying at Hobb's Hole.
June 18, 1745. … Up for auction to the highest bidder is a schooner that belonged to the estate of the Rev. Adam Duckie, who has passed away. It’s well-equipped with sails and rigging, with some new parts, kept in a close dock, and can carry 50 hogsheads of tobacco … There is also a flatboat that holds 12 hogsheads located at Hobb's Hole.
1746, March 27. … The sloop Little Betty lying at Suffolk town in Nansemond county, burthen 50 tons, with her sails, anchors, furniture, tackle, will be sold on Wednesday, 9th of April.
1746, March 27. … The sloop Little Betty, anchored at Suffolk town in Nansemond county, weighing 50 tons, along with her sails, anchors, gear, and equipment, will be sold on Wednesday, April 9th.
1751, September 26. … by the subscriber living in Norfolk county, a new schooner, now on the stocks and will be launched by the last day of November next, or sooner if required; the dimensions, 49 feet keel, 21 feet beam, 9 feet 6 inches hold. She is a well built vessel, her plank being well seasoned and sufficiently secured with iron work, being to be finished to a cleat, at 50 shillings per ton. William Ashley.
September 26, 1751. … by the undersigned living in Norfolk County, a new schooner, currently on the stocks and will be launched by the last day of November or sooner if needed; the dimensions are 49 feet on the keel, 21 feet wide, and 9 feet 6 inches deep. She is a well-built vessel, her planks being well-seasoned and securely fastened with iron work, to be finished to a cleat, at 50 shillings per ton. William Ashley.
1754, June 20. … the brig Lucy and John, burthen 80 tons together with guns, rigging, tackle, apparel and furniture, at York Town, Friday, the 26th instant, to the highest bidder. Thomas Dickinson.
June 20, 1754. … the brig Lucy and John, weighing 80 tons, along with guns, rigging, tackle, apparel, and furniture, will be sold at York Town on Friday, the 26th of this month, to the highest bidder. Thomas Dickinson.
1755, May —. … at public auction May 22, at the landing of Mr. Thomas Scott in the borough of Norfolk, a new ship on the stocks, dimensions: 62 feet keel, 23 feet beam, 11 feet hold, and 4 feet 6 inches 'tween decks. Joshua Corprew.
May 1755 — … at a public auction on May 22, at Mr. Thomas Scott's landing in the borough of Norfolk, a new ship on the stocks, with dimensions: 62 feet keel, 23 feet beam, 11 feet hold, and 4 feet 6 inches between decks. Joshua Corprew.
1766, June 27. … at Norfolk, a ship on the stocks, dimensions: 63 feet keel, 23 feet beam, 9 feet 8 inches hold, 4 feet 4 inches between decks, together with the rigging, sails, cables, anchors, etc., provided for her. She will be completely furnished and ready to launch by the 20th of next month. For terms apply to Thomas McCullock.
June 27, 1766. … at Norfolk, there’s a ship being built with the following dimensions: 63 feet long, 23 feet wide, 9 feet 8 inches deep, and 4 feet 4 inches between the decks, along with the rigging, sails, cables, anchors, etc., prepared for her. She will be fully equipped and ready to launch by the 20th of next month. For details, contact Thomas McCullock.
1766, September 19. … On the 16th day of October next at public auction to the highest bidder … a new ship about 170 tons burthen, well calculated for European or West Indies trade, and built with the best white oak complete and ready for launching with the full stock and rigging complete. Apply to administrators in Norfolk for William Irving.
September 19, 1766. … On October 16th, there will be a public auction for the highest bidder … a new ship weighing around 170 tons, ideal for trade in Europe or the West Indies, built with high-quality white oak, and ready for launch with all the necessary equipment and rigging included. Contact the administrators in Norfolk for William Irving.
1766, September 26. … To be let on charter for Europe the snow Nancy, John Ardis master, now lying at Norfolk, a new vessel, burthen about 270 hogsheads. Apply to John Greenwood.
September 26, 1766. … Available for charter to Europe is the snow Nancy, captained by John Ardis, currently docked in Norfolk. It's a new ship with a capacity of about 270 hogsheads. Contact John Greenwood for more details.
1766, November 6. … a new ship, 180 tons, built of white oak, for the West Indies or tobacco trade. Apply to Joseph Calvert, or to George Walker at Hampton.
November 6, 1766. … a new ship, 180 tons, made of white oak, for the West Indies or tobacco trade. Contact Joseph Calvert or George Walker at Hampton.
1767, May 7. … a new ship now lying at Suffolk wharf, burthen about 350 hogsheads of tobacco, well built with best white oak timber and plank. The purchaser may have long credit for part of the money. Any person inclinable to purchase may be shown the vessel by applying to subscriber, living in Kingston Parish, Gloucester county. Thomas Smith.
May 7, 1767. … a new ship is currently at Suffolk wharf, capable of carrying about 350 hogsheads of tobacco, well constructed with the finest white oak timber and planks. The buyer can get extended credit for part of the payment. Anyone interested in purchasing can see the vessel by contacting the subscriber, who lives in Kingston Parish, Gloucester County. Thomas Smith.
1767, May 11. … a new ship of about 236 tons, well calculated for the tobacco trade, built of the best seasonal plank and timber, and can be launched in a little time, if desired. Two month's credit will be allowed for two-thirds or three-fourths the value. Any person inclinable to purchase may be shown the vessel by applying to subscriber, living in Kingston Parish, Gloucester county. Thomas Smith.
May 11, 1767. … a new ship of about 236 tons, perfect for the tobacco trade, built from the best quality seasonal wood and timber, and can be launched quickly, if needed. You'll get two months' credit for two-thirds or three-fourths of the value. Anyone interested in buying can see the vessel by contacting the subscriber, who lives in Kingston Parish, Gloucester County. Thomas Smith.
1768, March 15. … a well built snow, carpenter's and outside work finished, dimensions: 51 feet keel, 21 feet beam, 9 feet clear lower hold, 3 feet 6 inches between decks. Norfolk, executors of Joshua Nicholson.
March 15, 1768. … a well-built ship, with the carpentry and exterior work completed, dimensions: 51 feet long, 21 feet wide, 9 feet deep in the hold, 3 feet 6 inches between the decks. Norfolk, executors of Joshua Nicholson.
1768, June 9. … a new schooner that will be launched in August next or sooner if required; burthen 71 tons, and will carry about 3000 bushels of grain; built of the best white oak plank and timber. Also, for sale, a sloop, 25 tons, one year old, together with her sails, anchors, etc. Apply to Edward Hughes, living on the head of East river in Gloucester county.
June 9, 1768. … a new schooner that will be launched in August or sooner if needed; capacity of 71 tons, and will carry about 3000 bushels of grain; made from the best white oak planks and timber. Also for sale, a sloop, 25 tons, one year old, including her sails, anchors, etc. Contact Edward Hughes, who lives at the head of East River in Gloucester County.
1768, June 16. … at Rocket's Landing, one-third, one-half or the whole of a schooner to be launched in a fortnight. Samuel du Val.
June 16, 1768. … at Rocket's Landing, a third, half, or the entire schooner will be launched in two weeks. Samuel du Val.
1768, August 4. … a sea schooner, 80 tons, two years old. Also a sloop, 50 tons, now on the stocks, launched in three weeks. Kingston Parish, Gloucester county. Robert Billings.
August 4, 1768. … a sailing yacht, 80 tons, two years old. Also a small boat, 50 tons, currently being built, set to launch in three weeks. Kingston Parish, Gloucester County. Robert Billings.
1768, August 28. … a new vessel on the stocks, double decked, about 300 tons, might be launched in 24 days. John Greenwood, Norfolk.
August 28, 1768. … a new ship is being built, with two decks, weighing around 300 tons, and it could be launched in 24 days. John Greenwood, Norfolk.
1768, September 29. … a new vessel now on the stocks, of about 176 tons, tobacco or West Indies trade, built of the best seasoned plank, and can be launched in a few weeks. She may be made a ship, a snow, or a brig as may best suit the purchaser. Apply in Norfolk. Edward H. Moseley.
September 29, 1768. … a new ship currently under construction, around 176 tons, for the tobacco or West Indies trade, made from the finest seasoned timber, and can be launched in a few weeks. It can be converted into a ship, a snow, or a brig, depending on what the buyer prefers. Contact in Norfolk. Edward H. Moseley.
1768, October 20. … a double decked vessel on the stocks, 110 tons, will carry a great burden and is esteemed a very fine vessel. Benjamin Harrison.
October 20, 1768. … a two-deck ship on the stocks, 110 tons, will hold a significant load and is considered a really great vessel. Benjamin Harrison.
1770, March 7. … the brig Little Benjamin about 110 tons burthen, double decked, has made but two voyages, is extremely well built and completely fitted. Credit will be given until the 10th of December next on giving bond with a good security to Ben: Harrison.
March 7, 1770. … the brig Little Benjamin, weighing about 110 tons, double-decked, has only made two trips, is very well built and fully equipped. Credit will be extended until December 10 of this year upon providing a bond with good security to Ben: Harrison.
1770, March 11. … anytime between this and the 10th of April next, the brigantine Fair Virginian, only one year old, just sheathed and now ready for to take a cargo on board, burthen about 100 tons. Any person inclinable to purchase such a vessel may know the terms by applying to the subscriber in Charles City and be shown the said vessel now lying near Sandy Point on James river. Cash or bills of exchange any time in the April General Court, will be accepted for payment. Robert McKittrick, William Acrill.
March 11, 1770. … anytime between now and April 10th, the brigantine Fair Virginian, just one year old, recently sheathed and ready to load cargo, with a capacity of about 100 tons, is available for sale. Anyone interested in purchasing this vessel can find out the terms by contacting the undersigned in Charles City and can view the vessel currently located near Sandy Point on the James River. Payment in cash or bills of exchange will be accepted at any time during the April General Court. Robert McKittrick, William Acrill.
1770, April 13. … ready to launch being completely finished, a schooner, 41 feet keel, 18 feet 4 inches beam, and 8 feet hold; her beams, carlings, and top timber of cedar, and built by a compleat workman. Any person in want of such a vessel may be supplied by the subscriber on paying one-half the purchase money on delivery of said vessel, and the other half in October next. Also, a sloop, burthen of about 4000 bushels, will be ready by the first of May, and wants a freight for any part of the West Indies. Any person in want of such a vessel is desired to make it known to Carter Tarrant.
April 13, 1770. … ready to launch and fully equipped, a schooner, 41 feet long, 18 feet 4 inches wide, and 8 feet deep; its beams, carlings, and top timber made of cedar, crafted by a skilled worker. Anyone interested in such a vessel can contact the subscriber, paying half the purchase price upon delivery and the remaining half in October. Additionally, a sloop, with a capacity of about 4000 bushels, will be ready by the beginning of May and is looking for freight to any location in the West Indies. Anyone in need of this vessel is encouraged to reach out to Carter Tarrant.
1776, September —. … the sloop Industry, now lying at Fredericksburg, with her sails, rigging, etc. She will carry upwards of 4000 bushels of grain. J. Watson and R. Dickinson are authorized to sell her.
September 1776 —. … the sloop Industry, currently docked at Fredericksburg, with her sails, rigging, and so on. She can hold over 4000 bushels of grain. J. Watson and R. Dickinson have permission to sell her.
Although the following contracts for building vessels were made when Virginia was no longer a colony but had become a state, they are included here because of the descriptions of the vessels and the interesting contracts:
Although the following contracts for building vessels were made when Virginia was no longer a colony but had become a state, they are included here because of the descriptions of the vessels and the interesting contracts:
(1) Contract between the owner and builder of a vessel in Gloucester county on July 31, 1777:
(1) Contract between the owner and builder of a vessel in Gloucester County on July 31, 1777:
It is this day agreed on between Mathias James of the one part and John Fowler of the other part … That the said Mathias James for and in consideration of the sum of 35 pounds to him in hand paid, the receipt whereof he hereby acknowledgeth, doth oblige himself to begin, finish, and complete all the joiner's work properly belonging to the sloop he is now building, in a neat, convenient and workmanlike manner. The steerage must be sealed that the whole shall be finished as soon as possible. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and seals, the day and year above written. N.B.—There is to be no State Room in the above cabin.
It is agreed today between Mathias James on one side and John Fowler on the other… That Mathias James, in exchange for the sum of 35 pounds paid to him, which he acknowledges, commits to starting, finishing, and completing all the joiner's work needed for the sloop he is currently building, in a neat, efficient, and skilled manner. The steerage must be sealed so that everything is finished as soon as possible. In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our signatures and seals on the day and year mentioned above. N.B.—There will be no State Room in the cabin mentioned above.
Matthew James, John Fowler.
Witness, William Lilly.
Matthew James, John Fowler.
Witness, William Lilly.
(2) Contract between the owner and builder of a vessel on November 20, 1779:
(2) Contract between the owner and builder of a ship on November 20, 1779:
I, Joseph Billups, Sr., of Gloucester county, Kingston Parish, do agree to build a boat 34 feet keel, with proper width of beam and hold, for John Avery…. I do hereby oblige him first to pay me, the said Billups, 120 gallons of good West India rum, and 300 pounds of lawful money…. The said Avery to oblige himself to pay the said Billups 100 pounds per ton, to supply the said Billups with suitable iron at ten shillings per pound…. To furnish him with money if wanting to carry on the said boat….
I, Joseph Billups, Sr., from Gloucester County, Kingston Parish, agree to build a boat with a 34-foot keel, with appropriate beam width and hold, for John Avery. I require him to first pay me, the undersigned Billups, 120 gallons of good West India rum and 300 pounds in legal currency. Avery agrees to pay me 100 pounds per ton and to provide me with the necessary iron at ten shillings per pound. He will also supply me with money if needed to continue work on the boat.
Joseph Billings, John Avery.
Teste, Joseph Billups, Jr.
Joseph Billings, John Avery.
Witness, Joseph Billups, Jr.
Various statistics were given by different writers for the number of Virginia owned vessels in the period just before the outbreak of the Revolutionary War. In Shipyard Statistics by H. C. Smith and L. C. Brown, one of the articles that comprises The Shipbuilding Business in the United States of America, edited by F. G. Fassett, Jr., and published in 1948 by the Society of Naval Architecture and Marine Engineers, there are given lists of vessels owned by the several provinces in the years 1769, 1770, and 1771. Virginia is listed as having in 1769, 6 ships, 21 sloops and schooners—27 vessels of 1269 tonnage; for 1770, there were 6 ships, 15 sloops and schooners, 1105 tons; and for 1771, 10 ships, 9 sloops and schooners, 1678 tons. We notice that the report of 27 vessels for 1769, is the same number reported by Governor Andros in 1698, which is rather surprising, and shows how inadequate the statistics were, and how careful a writer must be in using them.
Various statistics were provided by different authors regarding the number of Virginia-owned vessels just before the Revolutionary War began. In Shipyard Statistics by H. C. Smith and L. C. Brown, which is part of The Shipbuilding Business in the United States of America, edited by F. G. Fassett, Jr., and published in 1948 by the Society of Naval Architecture and Marine Engineers, there are lists of vessels owned by various provinces from 1769 to 1771. Virginia is noted to have had 6 ships, 21 sloops, and schooners—totaling 27 vessels with a tonnage of 1269 in 1769; for 1770, it had 6 ships, 15 sloops and schooners, totaling 1105 tons; and for 1771, there were 10 ships, 9 sloops and schooners, totaling 1678 tons. It is interesting to see that the 27 vessels reported for 1769 matches the number reported by Governor Andros in 1698, which is rather surprising and highlights how inadequate the statistics were, reminding us how careful a writer must be in using them.
APPENDIX II
The items on shipping given below were selected from the Virginia Gazette to show some details of Virginia shipping in the eighteenth century: the home ports, the ports entered and cleared, the types of vessels and various kinds of cargo. Sailings are given from September 3, 1736, when a Virginia owned vessel was first mentioned in the Gazette, to June 28, 1768, and is by no means a complete list, even in the copies of issues now extant; it is well to recall that copies of many issues have never been found. Later sailings in the Gazette have frequently omitted the type of vessel. A large number of vessels here named were Virginia owned and many of them Virginia built.
The shipping items listed below were taken from the Virginia Gazette to highlight some details about Virginia shipping in the eighteenth century: the home ports, the ports of entry and departure, the types of vessels, and various cargoes. Sailings are recorded from September 3, 1736, when a Virginia-owned vessel was first mentioned in the Gazette, to June 28, 1768. This is not a complete list, even among the available copies; it’s important to note that copies of many issues have never been found. Later sailings in the Gazette often did not include the type of vessel. Many of the vessels mentioned here were owned by Virginians, and a significant number were built in Virginia.
1736, September 3. Ship Priscilla of Virginia, Richard Williams, entered at the port of York river from Barbadoes.
September 3, 1736. The ship Priscilla from Virginia, Richard Williams, arrived at the York River port from Barbados.
1736, November 9. Ship John and Mary of Virginia, Richard Tillidge, entered the port of York river from Barbadoes.
November 9, 1736. The ship John and Mary from Virginia, captained by Richard Tillidge, arrived at the York River from Barbados.
1737, February 9. The brigantine belonging to Col. Benjamin Harrison, arrived in James river last week from London, but last from Salt Islands loaded with salt.
February 9, 1737. The brigantine owned by Col. Benjamin Harrison arrived in the James River last week from London, but its most recent stop was the Salt Islands where it was loaded with salt.
1737, February 9. Cleared out of York river the schooner Grampus, John Briggs, for Madeira with 870 bu. wheat, 1451 bu. white pease, 1914 bu. red pease, 40 bu. beans, 1 hhd. beeswax, and 600 staves.
February 9, 1737. The schooner Grampus, captained by John Briggs, left York River for Madeira with 870 bushels of wheat, 1451 bushels of white peas, 1914 bushels of red peas, 40 bushels of beans, 1 hogshead of beeswax, and 600 staves.
Cleared out of York district the following vessels:
Cleared out of the York district were the following vessels:
1737, March 2. Sloop Medford of New England, James Hathaway, for New England with 1000 bu. com, 100 bu. pease, and 600 ft. of walnut plank.
March 2, 1737. Sloop Medford from New England, James Hathaway, headed to New England with 1000 bushels of corn, 100 bushels of peas, and 600 feet of walnut planks.
March 3. Ship Hanover of Bristol, Roger Rumney, for Bristol with 294 hhd. tobacco, 50 tons iron, and 5280 staves.
March 3rd. Ship Hanover from Bristol, Roger Rumney, heading to Bristol with 294 hogsheads of tobacco, 50 tons of iron, and 5,280 staves.
1737, March 3. Schooner Swallow of New England, John Atwood, for Boston with 1500 bu. corn, 100 bu. pease, 20 bu. wheat, and 60 ft. of plank.
March 3, 1737. Schooner Swallow from New England, John Atwood, headed to Boston with 1,500 bushels of corn, 100 bushels of peas, 20 bushels of wheat, and 60 feet of plank.
1737, March 14. Sloop Francis of Bermuda, William Mallory, for Bermuda, with 2000 bu. corn, and 30 bu. pease.
March 14, 1737. Sloop Francis from Bermuda, William Mallory, heading to Bermuda, carrying 2000 bushels of corn and 30 bushels of peas.
1737, March 18. Sloop Mary of Bermuda, Samuel Nelms, for Bermuda, with 5000 bu. corn, 56 bu. pease, 1 mast, and other pieces of timber.
March 18, 1737. Sloop Mary from Bermuda, Samuel Nelms, heading to Bermuda, with 5000 bushels of corn, 56 bushels of peas, 1 mast, and other timber pieces.
1737, March 19. Ship Micajah and Philip of London, James Bradley, for London, with 734 hhd. tobacco, 7500 staves, and a parcel of plank.
March 19, 1737. Ship Micajah and Philip of London, James Bradley, heading to London, carrying 734 hogsheads of tobacco, 7500 staves, and a package of planks.
1737, March 31. Brig Abington of Virginia, John Upcott, for Madeira, with 1170 bu. pease, 1617 bu. corn, 162 bu. wheat, beeswax and hemp.
March 31, 1737. Ship Abington from Virginia, John Upcott, headed for Madeira, with 1,170 bushels of peas, 1,617 bushels of corn, 162 bushels of wheat, beeswax, and hemp.
Entered in the York District, with sundry European goods:
Entered in the York District, with various European goods:
1737, March 4. Ship Catherine of London, William Taylor, from London.
March 4, 1737. Ship Catherine of London, William Taylor, arriving from London.
1737, March 9. Ship Haswell of London, John Booch, from London.
March 9, 1737. Ship Haswell from London, John Booch, coming from London.
1737, March 18. Sloop Southampton of London, Robert Angus, from London.
March 18, 1737. Sloop Southampton from London, Robert Angus, arriving from London.
1737, March 23. Sloop Betty of Virginia, Thomas Hamlin, from Jamaica.
March 23, 1737. Sloop Betty from Virginia, Thomas Hamlin, arriving from Jamaica.
1737, April 22. The ship Johnston of Liverpool, James Gillart, is lately arrived at York from Angola, with 490 choice young slaves. The sale of them began on Tuesday the 12th instant, and continues at York river. Thomas Nelson.
April 22, 1737. The ship Johnston from Liverpool, captained by James Gillart, recently arrived in York from Angola, bringing with it 490 select young slaves. The sale of these slaves started on Tuesday the 12th and is ongoing at York river. Thomas Nelson.
1737, May 2. Entered York river schooner Lark of Virginia, John Thompson, from Jamaica with 31 casks molasses, 6 puncheons rum, 3 bags cocoa, and 200 pounds [sterling] in cash.
May 2, 1737. Arrived at York River, schooner Lark from Virginia, John Thompson, coming from Jamaica with 31 barrels of molasses, 6 barrels of rum, 3 bags of cocoa, and 200 pounds [sterling] in cash.
1737, May 12. Entered York river, the sloop Molly of Virginia, Simon Handcock, from Barbadoes, with 32 hhd. 64 tierces and 70 bbl. rum, 61 bbl. sugar, and 1 bag ginger.
May 12, 1737. Arrived at York River, the sloop Molly from Virginia, Simon Handcock, coming from Barbados, with 32 hogsheads, 64 tierces, and 70 barrels of rum, 61 barrels of sugar, and 1 bag of ginger.
Cleared from Upper District of James river:
Cleared from the Upper District of the James River:
1737, June 16. Sloop Betty of Virginia, George Cabanis, for Bermuda, with 764 bu. corn, 60 bbl. pork, 10 bbl. beef, 7 bbl. tallow, and 3 bbl. lard.
June 16, 1737. Sloop Betty from Virginia, George Cabanis, heading to Bermuda, carrying 764 bushels of corn, 60 barrels of pork, 10 barrels of beef, 7 barrels of tallow, and 3 barrels of lard.
1737, June 17. Sloop Phoenix of Virginia, Lemuel Portlock, for Barbadoes, with 696 bu. corn, 144 bu. pork, and 7000 staves.
June 17, 1737. Sloop Phoenix from Virginia, Lemuel Portlock, headed for Barbados, carrying 696 bushels of corn, 144 bushels of pork, and 7000 staves.
1737, June 18. Sloop Molly of Virginia, John Thompson, for Barbadoes, with 2534 bu. corn, 182 bu. pease, 38 bbl. pork, 1000 headings, and 4000 shingles.
June 18, 1737. Sloop Molly of Virginia, John Thompson, heading to Barbados, carrying 2534 bushels of corn, 182 bushels of peas, 38 barrels of pork, 1000 headboards, and 4000 shingles.
1737, July 1. Entered York District, the brig Priscilla of Virginia, Richard Williams, from London and Madeira with 23 pipes and 1 hhd. Madeira wine.
July 1, 1737. Arrived in York District, the brig Priscilla from Virginia, Richard Williams, coming from London and Madeira with 23 pipes and 1 hhd. of Madeira wine.
1737, July 18. Entered York District the sloop Industry of Virginia, John White, from Maryland; cleared for Maryland with 400 bbl. salt and 7 doz. bottles Madeira wine.
July 18, 1737. The sloop Industry from Virginia, captained by John White, entered York District after arriving from Maryland. It was cleared for Maryland with 400 barrels of salt and 7 dozen bottles of Madeira wine.
1737, July 29. Cleared from York river the brig Mary of Virginia, Stephen Swaddle, for London with 105 hhd. tobacco, 1000 staves, a parcel of sassafras, 13 pipes Madeira wine, 16 lbs. beaver skins and 6 doe skins.
July 29, 1737. The Virginia brig Mary cleared from York River, with Stephen Swaddle in charge, bound for London with 105 hogsheads of tobacco, 1,000 staves, a shipment of sassafras, 13 pipes of Madeira wine, 16 pounds of beaver skins, and 6 doe skins.
1737, September 17. Cleared out of York river, the brigantine Priscilla of Virginia, John Langland, for Bristol with 126 hhd. tobacco, 7 bbl. turpentine, 18 tons iron, 47 walnut planks, 49 gum planks, 7350 staves, and 1 bag wool.
September 17, 1737. Set sail from York River, the brigantine Priscilla of Virginia, John Langland, heading to Bristol with 126 hogsheads of tobacco, 7 barrels of turpentine, 18 tons of iron, 47 walnut planks, 49 gum planks, 7,350 staves, and 1 bag of wool.
1737, October 28. Entered York river, the sloop John and Mary of Virginia, J. Briggs, from St. Christophers with 5 tierces, 1 hhd. molasses, 600 bu. salt, and 102 pounds [sterling] in cash.
October 28, 1737. Entered York River, the sloop John and Mary of Virginia, J. Briggs, from St. Christophers with 5 barrels, 1 hogshead of molasses, 600 bushels of salt, and £102 in cash.
1737, December 9. The brigantine John and Mary, Richard Tillidge, now lies at Mr. Littlepage's wharf on Pamunkey river ready to take in tobacco on freight at the usual rate for Bristol. It is intended to sail in March. Orders sent to Captain John Perrin, owner, of Gloucester or Captain Tillidge.
December 9, 1737. The brigantine John and Mary, Richard Tillidge, is currently docked at Mr. Littlepage's wharf on the Pamunkey River, ready to load tobacco for transport at the standard rate for Bristol. It's scheduled to sail in March. Orders have been sent to either Captain John Perrin, the owner from Gloucester, or Captain Tillidge.
1737, December 16. The ship Industry, John Brown, now lying at Bull Hill in James river, will sail shortly for Cadiz, and is to call at Madeira in his return thither for wine and freight if sufficient encouragement is shown. Send orders to Captain John Hutchins of Norfolk, the owner of the ship, or to the master.
December 16, 1737. The ship Industry, captained by John Brown, currently docked at Bull Hill in the James River, will be setting sail soon for Cadiz, and is scheduled to stop at Madeira on the way back to pick up wine and cargo if there’s enough demand. Please send orders to Captain John Hutchins of Norfolk, who owns the ship, or to the captain.
1738, May 1. Entered York river, the sloop Molly of Virginia, John Thompson, from Jamaica, having on board 45 casks molasses, 200 gal. rum, 1 hhd. sugar, 1 bag ginger, and 100 pounds in cash. She belongs to Captain Francis Willis.
May 1, 1738. Entered York River, the sloop Molly of Virginia, John Thompson, coming from Jamaica, with 45 casks of molasses, 200 gallons of rum, 1 hogshead of sugar, 1 bag of ginger, and 100 pounds in cash. She belongs to Captain Francis Willis.
1738, May 1. Entered York river, the sloop Coan of Virginia, John Kerr, from Dublin, having on board 1 chest linens, provisions, and 53 passengers. She is in the employ of Colonel Martin, who arrived in her.
May 1, 1738. Entered York River, the sloop Coan of Virginia, John Kerr, from Dublin, carrying 1 chest of linens, supplies, and 53 passengers. She is working for Colonel Martin, who arrived on her.
1738, June 7. Cleared from Upper James, the snow Phoenix of Virginia, William Spry, for London with 200 hhd. tobacco, 5 hhd. skins, 4 hhd. ipecacuane, 1 box sundry goods returned, 6000 staves, and 1 hhd. sassafras.
June 7, 1738. Cleared from Upper James, the snow Phoenix of Virginia, William Spry, headed to London with 200 hogsheads of tobacco, 5 hogsheads of skins, 4 hogsheads of ipecac, 1 box of various goods returned, 6000 staves, and 1 hogshead of sassafras.
1738, June 12. Entered York river, the brig Abingdon of Virginia, Thomas Southwick, from Barbadoes with 6 hhd., 80 tierces and 116 bbl. rum, 42 bbl. sugar, 16 hhd. and 1 tierce molasses, and 2 bbl. ginger.
June 12, 1738. Arrived at York River, the brig Abingdon from Virginia, captained by Thomas Southwick, coming from Barbadoes with 6 hogsheads, 80 tierces and 116 barrels of rum, 42 barrels of sugar, 16 hogsheads and 1 tierce of molasses, and 2 barrels of ginger.
1738, June 30. The schooner Fanny lying at Mill creek near Hampton, will soon be higher up the James. Persons apply for freight to Mr. Jacob Walker or to Messrs. Cherrington and Whitten near the Falls of James river.
June 30, 1738. The schooner Fanny docked at Mill Creek near Hampton, will soon move further up the James River. People can contact Mr. Jacob Walker or Messrs. Cherrington and Whitten near the Falls of the James River for freight.
1738, June 30. Goods on board the ship Harrison at Swinyards in James river, Thomas Boiling, owner of goods unknown. Any person sending for them with bills of lading may have them.
June 30, 1738. There are goods on the ship Harrison at Swinyards in the James River. The owner of the goods is unknown, but anyone who comes with the bills of lading can claim them.
1738, July 27. Entered in York river the sloop Molly of Virginia, John Thompson, from Barbadoes with 45 hhd., 8 tierces, and 9 bbl. rum, 69 bbl. sugar, 1 bag cotton, and 3 Negroes.
July 27, 1738. The sloop Molly from Virginia, captained by John Thompson, arrived in York River from Barbados with 45 hogsheads, 8 tierces, and 9 barrels of rum, 69 barrels of sugar, 1 bag of cotton, and 3 enslaved people.
1738, July 28. A ship belonging to Mr. Theophilus Pugh of Nansemond is lately arrived in Nansemond, 13 weeks from Bristol.
July 28, 1738. A ship owned by Mr. Theophilus Pugh of Nansemond has recently arrived in Nansemond, after 13 weeks at sea from Bristol.
1738, August 7. Entered Upper District of James river, the brigantine Little Molly of Virginia, Thomas Hamlin, from Jamaica with 7 hhd. sugar, 8 puncheons rum, 4 bags and 3 casks of cocoa.
August 7, 1738. Arrived in the Upper District of the James River, the brigantine Little Molly of Virginia, captained by Thomas Hamlin, coming from Jamaica with 7 hogsheads of sugar, 8 puncheons of rum, 4 bags, and 3 casks of cocoa.
1738, August 17. Cleared at York the schooner Grampus of Virginia, John Briggs, for Boston with 900 bu. pease, 600 bu. corn, 180 bu. wheat, 400 ft. walnut plank, 300 pipe staves, and 1 hhd. Madeira wine.
August 17, 1738. Cleared at York the schooner Grampus of Virginia, John Briggs, for Boston with 900 bushels of peas, 600 bushels of corn, 180 bushels of wheat, 400 feet of walnut planks, 300 pipe staves, and 1 hogshead of Madeira wine.
1738, October 4. Cleared from York the ship Harrison, Captain Bolling, for London.
October 4, 1738. The ship Harrison, Captain Bolling, has set sail from York bound for London.
1738, October 26. Arrived in York river the schooner Grampus of Virginia belonging to Colonel Lewis of Gloucester, John Briggs, from Boston with 6 bbl. cider, 5 bbl. train oil, 6 bbl. codfish and mackerel, 1 cwt. iron, 4 bbl. cranberries, 30 bu. apples, 1 tierce molasses, 5 hhd. and 6 bbl. rum, a Negro slave and 250 lb. cheese.
October 26, 1738. The schooner Grampus from Virginia, owned by Colonel Lewis of Gloucester, arrived in York River. It brought John Briggs from Boston with 6 barrels of cider, 5 barrels of train oil, 6 barrels of codfish and mackerel, 1 hundredweight of iron, 4 barrels of cranberries, 30 bushels of apples, 1 tierce of molasses, 5 hogsheads and 6 barrels of rum, an enslaved person, and 250 pounds of cheese.
1738, October 26. The snow Catherine and Lenora, James McCullock, belonging to Messrs. Spaulding and Lidderdale, loaded with tobacco and bound for London, will sail from James river in 3 or 4 days.
October 26, 1738. The snow Catherine and Lenora, James McCullock, owned by Messrs. Spaulding and Lidderdale, loaded with tobacco and heading for London, will set sail from James River in 3 or 4 days.
1738, October 27. Arrived in York river last Monday the snow John and Mary belonging to Captain John Perrin, Richard Tillidge, from Bristol.
October 27, 1738. Arrived in the York River last Monday on the snow John and Mary owned by Captain John Perrin, Richard Tillidge, from Bristol.
1738, October 28. Cleared from Upper District of James river, the sloop Nancy of Virginia, James Griffin, for Boston with 1307 bu. wheat, and 153 deer skins.
October 28, 1738. Departed from Upper District of James River, the sloop Nancy from Virginia, James Griffin, heading to Boston with 1307 bushels of wheat and 153 deer skins.
1738, November 6. Cleared from Upper District of James river, the snow Kitty and Nora of Virginia, James McCullock, for London with 223 hhd. tobacco, 16 casks skins, 1 parcel beaver skins, 4200 staves, and 400 ft. oak plank.
November 6, 1738. Departed from the Upper District of James River, the snow Kitty and Nora of Virginia, James McCullock, heading to London with 223 hogsheads of tobacco, 16 casks of skins, 1 bundle of beaver skins, 4200 staves, and 400 feet of oak planks.
1738, November 13. Cleared out of Rappahannock District the ship Brothers, Robert Hall, for London with 471 hhd. tobacco, 40 tons pig iron, and 7000 staves.
November 13, 1738. The ship Brothers, captained by Robert Hall, departed from Rappahannock District for London, carrying 471 hogsheads of tobacco, 40 tons of pig iron, and 7,000 staves.
1738, November 23. Cleared out of York District, the ship Molly of Virginia, Thomas Wilson, for Madeira with 1014 bu. wheat, 130 bu. corn, 107 bu. bonnevelts, 2 hhd. and 2 bbl. beeswax, 4 bbl. flour, and 100 hhd. staves.
November 23, 1738. Departed from York District, the ship Molly of Virginia, Thomas Wilson, heading to Madeira with 1014 bushels of wheat, 130 bushels of corn, 107 bushels of bonnevelts, 2 hogsheads and 2 barrels of beeswax, 4 barrels of flour, and 100 hogsheads of staves.
1738, November 23. Cleared out of Upper District of James river, the sloop Charming Anne of Virginia, Thomas Goodman, for Lisbon with 3765 bu. wheat.
November 23, 1738. Departed from the Upper District of James River, the sloop Charming Anne of Virginia, Thomas Goodman, heading to Lisbon with 3,765 bushels of wheat.
1738, December 6. Entered in the Upper District of James river, the snow John and Mary of Virginia, Richard Tillidge, from York river in ballast.
December 6, 1738. Arrived in the Upper District of James River, the snow John and Mary of Virginia, Richard Tillidge, from York River with no cargo.
1738, December 9. Cleared from York river the schooner Grampus of Virginia, John Briggs, for Madeira with 2300 bu. of wheat, 1200 pipe staves and 143 lb. beeswax.
December 9, 1738. The schooner Grampus from Virginia, captained by John Briggs, departed from the York River heading to Madeira with 2,300 bushels of wheat, 1,200 pipe staves, and 143 pounds of beeswax.
1739, January 1. Cleared from York river the brig Abingdon of Virginia, Thomas Southwick, for Madeira with 2709 bu. wheat, 152 bu. pease, 112 bu. corn, and 2000 lb. bread.
January 1, 1739. The brig Abingdon from Virginia, captained by Thomas Southwick, set sail from York River to Madeira with 2,709 bushels of wheat, 152 bushels of peas, 112 bushels of corn, and 2,000 pounds of bread.
1739, January 26. Cleared out of Upper District of James river, the brig Little Molly of Virginia, Thomas Hamlin, for Georgia with 2551 bu. corn, 269 bu. pease, 33 casks pork, 8 casks beef, 2 casks lard, 8,314 shingles, 1 Negro, and 30 sheep.
January 26, 1739. Departed from the Upper District of James River, the brig Little Molly from Virginia, Thomas Hamlin, heading to Georgia with 2,551 bushels of corn, 269 bushels of peas, 33 casks of pork, 8 casks of beef, 2 casks of lard, 8,314 shingles, 1 African man, and 30 sheep.
1739, January 29. Entered the Upper District of James river, the brigantine Robert and John of Virginia, John Cooke, from the Lower District in ballast.
January 29, 1739. Entered the Upper District of James River, the brigantine Robert and John of Virginia, John Cooke, coming from the Lower District with no cargo.
1739, January 30. Cleared out of Upper District the snow John and Mary of Virginia, Richard Tillidge, for York river with 4977 bu. wheat.
January 30, 1739. Left the Upper District, the snow John and Mary of Virginia, Richard Tillidge, heading for York River with 4977 bushels of wheat.
1739, February 4. Cleared out of York river the snow John and Mary, Richard Tillidge, bound for Madeira, having on board 4977 bu. wheat, 144 bu. pease, and 2000 lb. bread.
February 4, 1739. Departed from York River the snow John and Mary, Richard Tillidge, heading to Madeira, carrying 4977 bushels of wheat, 144 bushels of peas, and 2000 pounds of bread.
1739, February 5. Entered in the Upper District of James river, the sloop Nancy of Virginia, James Griffin, from Rhode Island with 6 bbl. train oil, 545 lb. cheese, 9 hhd., 8 tierce rum, 4 hhd., 4 tierce molasses, and a bundle of European goods.
February 5, 1739. Arrived in the Upper District of James River, the sloop Nancy from Virginia, captained by James Griffin, coming from Rhode Island with 6 barrels of train oil, 545 pounds of cheese, 9 hogsheads, 8 tierces of rum, 4 hogsheads, 4 tierces of molasses, and a bundle of European goods.
1739, March 8. Cleared out of James river, the brig Robert and John of Virginia, John Cooke, for Madeira with 5400 bu. wheat.
March 8, 1739. Set sail from the James River, the brig Robert and John of Virginia, John Cooke, heading to Madeira with 5,400 bushels of wheat.
1739, March 9. Cleared out of James river the sloop Robert of Virginia, Samuel Rogers, for Barbadoes, with 47 bbl. pork, 800 bu. corn, and 53 bu. pease.
March 9, 1739. Set sail from James River the sloop Robert from Virginia, Samuel Rogers, headed for Barbados, with 47 barrels of pork, 800 bushels of corn, and 53 bushels of peas.
1739, March 23. Last Friday, the brig, Pretty Betsy belonging to Colonel Lewis of Gloucester county, James Robinson, bound for London with 202 hhd. tobacco, sailed out of Severn river and on the same day met with disaster on the Middle Ground between the Capes.
March 23, 1739. Last Friday, the brig, Pretty Betsy owned by Colonel Lewis from Gloucester County, James Robinson, heading to London with 202 hogsheads of tobacco, set sail from the Severn River and on the same day encountered a disaster on the Middle Ground between the Capes.
1739, May 3. Entered in York river the brig Pretty Betsy, Anthony Mosely, for London with 202 hhd. tobacco, 5000 staves, 1 pipe Madeira wine, and 22 tons iron.
May 3, 1739. Arrived in York River the ship Pretty Betsy, Anthony Mosely, headed for London with 202 hogsheads of tobacco, 5000 staves, 1 pipe of Madeira wine, and 22 tons of iron.
1739, May 21. Entered Upper District James river, the snow Kitty and Nora of Virginia, James McCullock, from London via Madeira with sundry European goods and 12 pipes, 1 hhd. Madeira wine.
May 21, 1739. Arrived in the Upper District of the James River, the ship Kitty and Nora from Virginia, captained by James McCullock, traveling from London through Madeira with various European goods and 12 pipes and 1 hogshead of Madeira wine.
1739, May 21. Entered in York river, the brig Abingdon of Virginia, Thomas Southwick, from Madeira and Barbadoes with 10 pipes wine, 15 hhd., 50 tierces and 63 bbl. rum, 37 bbl. sugar, and 9 pounds 8 shillings in cash.
May 21, 1739. The brig Abingdon from Virginia, captained by Thomas Southwick, arrived in the York River after coming from Madeira and Barbados with 10 pipes of wine, 15 hogsheads, 50 tierces, and 63 barrels of rum, 37 barrels of sugar, and £9 8s in cash.
1739, June 1. Cleared from York river the schooner Grampus of Virginia. John Briggs, for Madeira with 2460 bu. corn, 80 bu. pease, 1200 pipe staves, and 150 pounds beeswax.
June 1, 1739. The schooner Grampus from Virginia set sail from York River. John Briggs is headed for Madeira with 2,460 bushels of corn, 80 bushels of peas, 1,200 pipe staves, and 150 pounds of beeswax.
1739, June 4. Entered the Upper District of James river, the ship William and Betty of Virginia, John Turner, from the Lower District with 323 hhd. tobacco.
June 4, 1739. Entered the Upper District of James River, the ship William and Betty from Virginia, captained by John Turner, coming from the Lower District with 323 hogsheads of tobacco.
1739, June 14. Entered in York river, the snow John and Mary of Virginia, Richard Tillidge, from Madeira and Barbadoes with 98 hhd., 21 tierces and 20 bbl. rum, 86 bbl. Muscavado sugar, and 12 pipes Madeira wine.
June 14, 1739. Arrived in York River, the snow John and Mary of Virginia, Richard Tillidge, from Madeira and Barbados with 98 hogsheads, 21 tierces, and 20 barrels of rum, 86 barrels of Muscovado sugar, and 12 pipes of Madeira wine.
1739, June 16. Entered York river the snow Mary of Virginia, James Hume, from James river with 64 bbl. pork, 5600 shingles, 4200 pipe staves, and 4200 ft. 1-inch plank.
June 16, 1739. Entered York River the snow Mary of Virginia, James Hume, from James River with 64 barrels of pork, 5,600 shingles, 4,200 pipe staves, and 4,200 feet of 1-inch plank.
1739, June 22. The snow John and Mary, Richard Tillidge, belonging to Captain Perrin, now lying at Mr. Littlepage's on Pamunkey river, is ready to take on freight for Bristol.
June 22, 1739. The snow John and Mary, Richard Tillidge, owned by Captain Perrin, is currently docked at Mr. Littlepage's on the Pamunkey River and is ready to load cargo for Bristol.
1739, July 6. Cleared from Upper District the snow Kitty and Nora of Virginia, James McCullock, for London with 228 hhd. tobacco, 9 hhd. skins, 182 deer skins, 149 beaver skins, 56 walnut planks, and 4200 staves.
July 6, 1739. Cleared from Upper District the snow Kitty and Nora of Virginia, James McCullock, for London with 228 hogsheads of tobacco, 9 hogsheads of pelts, 182 deer hides, 149 beaver pelts, 56 walnut planks, and 4200 staves.
1739, August 11. Entered York river the brig Little Molly of Virginia, James Cox, from James river with part of her lading for the West Indies.
August 11, 1739. The brig Little Molly of Virginia, captained by James Cox, entered York River from James River with part of her cargo bound for the West Indies.
1739, September 8. Cleared York river, the brig Abingdon of Virginia, Thomas Southwick, for Madeira with 1861 bu. wheat, 1096 bu. corn, 118 pounds beeswax, and 1 case cloths.
September 8, 1739. Cleared York River, the brig Abingdon from Virginia, Thomas Southwick, headed to Madeira with 1861 bushels of wheat, 1096 bushels of corn, 118 pounds of beeswax, and 1 case of cloth.
1739, November 30. Last Saturday arrived in James river the sloop Charming Anne belonging to Colonel Benjamin Harrison, Captain Taylor, from Jamaica. Left James river for Jamaica on June 25, with 4000 staves, 487 bbl. pork, 37 bbl. beef, 2 bbl. tongue, 15 bbl. lard, 58 bbl. flour, 250 bbl. pease, and 70 bu. corn.
November 30, 1739. Last Saturday, the sloop Charming Anne, owned by Colonel Benjamin Harrison and captained by Taylor, arrived in the James River from Jamaica. It left the James River for Jamaica on June 25, carrying 4,000 staves, 487 barrels of pork, 37 barrels of beef, 2 barrels of tongue, 15 barrels of lard, 58 barrels of flour, 250 barrels of peas, and 70 bushels of corn.
1745, April 12. Cleared at Hampton, the snow John and Mary, Thomas Bradley, for Liverpool with 106 hhd. tobacco, 500 bbl. tar, 60 walnut stocks, and 5600 staves.
April 12, 1745. Set sail from Hampton, the ship John and Mary, Thomas Bradley, heading to Liverpool with 106 hogsheads of tobacco, 500 barrels of tar, 60 walnut stocks, and 5600 staves.
1745, April 19. Entered at Hampton, the sloop Little Molly, Crawford Conner, from Philadelphia.
April 19, 1745. Arrived in Hampton, the sloop Little Molly, Crawford Conner, from Philadelphia.
1745, May 17. Entered Hampton, May 3 to 17, 7 vessels.
May 17, 1745. Arrived in Hampton, from May 3 to 17, 7 ships.
1745, December 4. Cleared Upper District from September 20 to December 4, 14 vessels.
December 4, 1745. Cleared Upper District from September 20 to December 4, 14 ships.
1745, December 27. Entered Upper District from September 20 to December 27, 20 vessels.
December 27, 1745. Entered Upper District from September 20 to December 27, 20 ships.
1746, July 31. Entered York river the snow Two Brothers, with upwards of 200 fine healthy slaves, the sale of which will begin at West Point on Monday, 4th of August. The said ship is not two years old, well-fitted and manned, and will take in tobacco for Bristol at 14 pounds per ton. Such gentlemen as are inclined to ship to Thos. Chamberlayne & Co., from York or James river, are requested to send their orders on board to John Lidderdale.
July 31, 1746. The snow Two Brothers entered York River with over 200 healthy slaves, and the sale will start at West Point on Monday, August 4th. The ship is less than two years old, well-equipped, and fully staffed, and will load tobacco for Bristol at £14 per ton. Gentlemen who want to ship to Thos. Chamberlayne & Co. from York or James River are asked to send their orders on board to John Lidderdale.
1746, July 31. Arrived from Gambia, the ship Gildart with 250 choice Gambia slaves, the sale whereof will begin at Hobb's Hole on the Rappahannock, on Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, the 5th, 6th, 7th of August; and in Brown's church the Monday following, where the sale will continue until completed. The said ship is a new vessel mounted with 20 guns, navigated with 45 men, and will take on tobacco for Liverpool at 14 pounds per ton. Apply to John Lidderdale, Harmer & King.
July 31, 1746. The ship Gildart has arrived from Gambia with 250 selected slaves from Gambia. The sale will start at Hobb's Hole on the Rappahannock on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, August 5th, 6th, and 7th; and in Brown's church the following Monday, where the sale will continue until it's finished. This ship is a new vessel equipped with 20 guns, staffed by 45 men, and will load tobacco for Liverpool at £14 per ton. Contact John Lidderdale, Harmer & King.
1751, January 1. Entered in York river the snow London of Virginia, Alex Leslie master.
January 1, 1751. Entered the York River, the snow London of Virginia, with Alex Leslie as the captain.
1751, January 14. Cleared from York the sloop Merry Fellows, Thomas Perrin, for Barbadoes.
January 14, 1751. The sloop Merry Fellows, captained by Thomas Perrin, left York heading to Barbados.
1751, January 18. Cleared from York the snow London of Virginia, Alex Leslie master.
January 18, 1751. Cleared from York the snow London of Virginia, Alex Leslie captain.
1751, January 24. Cleared from York the snow John and Mary, of Virginia, Anthony Allen.
January 24, 1751. Departed from York, the snow John and Mary, of Virginia, Anthony Allen.
1752, September 21. Cleared from the Upper District of James river: (1) the ship Bobby of Virginia, John Cook, for London with 322 hhd. tobacco, 20 tons pig iron, and 7500 staves. (2) The snow Phoenix of Virginia, Samuel Kelly, for London, with 238 hhd. tobacco, 22 elephant's teeth, 1400 staves, 3200 heading, 50 pine planks, 100 hand spikes, and 14 oars.
September 21, 1752. Cleared from the Upper District of James river: (1) the ship Bobby of Virginia, John Cook, headed to London with 322 hogsheads of tobacco, 20 tons of pig iron, and 7500 staves. (2) The snow Phoenix of Virginia, Samuel Kelly, also going to London, carrying 238 hogsheads of tobacco, 22 elephant tusks, 1400 staves, 3200 headings, 50 pine planks, 100 hand spikes, and 14 oars.
1752, November 4. Cleared from the port of South Potomac, the Caple of Virginia, Samuel Curle, for Hampton, with 300 bu. Indian corn, 30 casks molasses, 17 bbl. and 6 tierce sugar, and 5 hhd. rum.
November 4, 1752. Departed from the port of South Potomac, the Caple of Virginia, Samuel Curle, heading to Hampton, with 300 bushels of corn, 30 casks of molasses, 17 barrels and 6 tierces of sugar, and 5 hogsheads of rum.
Entered at the port of Accomack the following Vessels:
Entered at the port of Accomack the following vessels:
1768, May 13. Schooner Anne, William Wainhouse, from New York with 2 boxes chocolate, 800 wt. ham, 6 bbl. cordial, 3 cases and 2 half-bbl. rum, 6 cases and 1 bbl. loaf sugar, 1 quarter box glass, 6 hhd., 3 tierces, and 1 bbl. molasses.
May 13, 1768. Schooner Anne, William Wainhouse, from New York with 2 boxes of chocolate, 800 pounds of ham, 6 barrels of cordial, 3 cases and 2 half-barrels of rum, 6 cases and 1 barrel of loaf sugar, 1 quarter box of glass, 6 hogsheads, 3 tierces, and 1 barrel of molasses.
1768, May 17. Sloop Nancy, Johannes Watson, from Philadelphia.
1768, May 17. Sloop Nancy, Johannes Watson, from Philadelphia.
1768, May 18. Sloop Endeavor, Edmund Joyne, from Maryland.
May 18, 1768. Sloop Endeavor, Edmund Joyne, coming from Maryland.
1768, May 31. Schooner Betsey and Esther, Stephen Sampson, from Barbadoes with 24 hhd. rum, and 13 bbl. Muscavado sugar.
May 31, 1768. Schooner Betsey and Esther, Stephen Sampson, arriving from Barbados with 24 hogsheads of rum and 13 barrels of Muscovado sugar.
1768, June 6. Sloop Nancy, Johannes Watson, from Philadelphia with 200 bu. salt, and a parcel of earthen ware.
June 6, 1768. Sloop Nancy, Johannes Watson, coming from Philadelphia with 200 bushels of salt and a shipment of pottery.
1768, June 10. Schooner Little Betsy, Zephaniah Brown, from Rhode Island, with one-half ton hollow iron ware, 2 hhd. rum, 20 bu. salt, a parcel of earthen ware, 2 riding chairs, 2 desks, 2 saddles, half-doz. house chairs, 2 trunks European goods, and 1 hhd. molasses.
June 10, 1768. Schooner Little Betsy, Zephaniah Brown, from Rhode Island, carrying half a ton of hollow ironware, 2 hogsheads of rum, 20 bushels of salt, a collection of earthenware, 2 riding chairs, 2 desks, 2 saddles, half a dozen household chairs, 2 trunks of European goods, and 1 hogshead of molasses.
1768, June 11. Sloop John and Betsey, W. B. Hunting, from Philadelphia, with 1 box loaf sugar, 250 bu. salt, 2000 wt. cordage, 3 bbl. limes, 3 boxes European goods, 1 cask nails, 1 quarter-cask gun powder, 8 bolts duck, and a parcel of earthen ware.
June 11, 1768. Sloop John and Betsey, W. B. Hunting, from Philadelphia, carrying 1 box of loaf sugar, 250 bushels of salt, 2000 pounds of cordage, 3 barrels of limes, 3 boxes of European goods, 1 cask of nails, 1 quarter-cask of gunpowder, 8 bolts of duck, and a parcel of earthenware.
1768, June 13. Schooner Jeany and Sally, Reubin Joyne, from Nevis and St. Eustatia, with 7 hhd. rum, 1 hhd. molasses, 3 bbl. sugar, 3 hhd. foreign brown sugar.
June 13, 1768. Schooner Jeany and Sally, Reubin Joyne, from Nevis and St. Eustatia, with 7 hogsheads of rum, 1 hogshead of molasses, 3 barrels of sugar, and 3 hogsheads of foreign brown sugar.
1768, June 20. Schooner Old Plantation, Laban Pettit, from Philadelphia, with 6 boxes chocolate, 2 boxes soap, 2 crates earthen ware, 4 saddles, 4 anchors, 3 doz. scythes, 1 bbl. loaf sugar, 2 tierces and 16 pieces of English duck, 1 trunk of European goods, 1 chest sweet oil, 1 cask nails, 3 kegs pipes, 1 tierce empty bottles, 1 box looking glasses, 2 bolts oznabrigs, and 1 piece sheeting.
June 20, 1768. Schooner Old Plantation, Laban Pettit, from Philadelphia, with 6 boxes of chocolate, 2 boxes of soap, 2 crates of pottery, 4 saddles, 4 anchors, 3 dozen scythes, 1 barrel of loaf sugar, 2 tierces and 16 pieces of English duck fabric, 1 trunk of European goods, 1 chest of sweet oil, 1 cask of nails, 3 kegs of pipes, 1 tierce of empty bottles, 1 box of mirrors, 2 bolts of oznabrigs, and 1 piece of sheeting.
Cleared at the port of Accomack:
Cleared at the port of Accomack:
1768, May 24. Sloop Nancy, Johannes Watson, for Philadelphia, with 1300 bu. corn, 5 bags feathers.
May 24, 1768. Sloop Nancy, Johannes Watson, heading to Philadelphia, carrying 1300 bushels of corn and 5 bags of feathers.
1768, May 28. Schooner Friendship, Daniel Sturgis, for Halifax with 3000 bu. corn.
May 28, 1768. Schooner Friendship, Daniel Sturgis, heading to Halifax with 3000 bushels of corn.
1768, May 28. Sloop Endeavour, Edmund Joyne, for Boston, with 1600 bu. corn, and 200 bu. oats.
May 28, 1768. Sloop Endeavour, Edmund Joyne, heading to Boston, carrying 1600 bushels of corn and 200 bushels of oats.
1768, May 28. Sloop John and Betsy, W. B. Bunting, for Philadelphia, with 1000 bu. corn, 20 bu. wheat, 60 bu. oats, 400 wt. feathers.
May 28, 1768. Sloop John and Betsy, W. B. Bunting, heading to Philadelphia, carrying 1000 bushels of corn, 20 bushels of wheat, 60 bushels of oats, and 400 weight of feathers.
1768, June 1. Schooner Leah, John Bradford, for Barbadoes, with 2000 bu. corn.
June 1, 1768. Schooner Leah, John Bradford, heading to Barbados, with 2000 bushels of corn.
1768, June 4. Sloop Polly, Thomas Alberton, for Philadelphia, with 900 bu. corn, 5 bbl. pork.
June 4, 1768. Sloop Polly, Thomas Alberton, heading to Philadelphia, carrying 900 bushels of corn and 5 barrels of pork.
1768, June 9. Sloop Nancy, Johannes Watson, for Philadelphia, with 1350 bu. corn, and 20 bu. oats.
June 9, 1768. Sloop Nancy, Johannes Watson, heading to Philadelphia, carrying 1350 bushels of corn and 20 bushels of oats.
1768, June 9. Schooner Skipton, William Patron, for Maryland, with 700 bu. corn, 1000 wt. bacon, 2 cwt. feathers, 10,000 shingles.
June 9, 1768. Schooner Skipton, William Patron, heading to Maryland, carrying 700 bushels of corn, 1000 pounds of bacon, 2 hundredweight of feathers, and 10,000 shingles.
1768, June 27. Schooner Old Plantation, Laban Pettit, for Philadelphia, with 1200 bu. oats.
June 27, 1768. Schooner Old Plantation, Laban Pettit, for Philadelphia, carrying 1200 bushels of oats.
1768, June 28. Schooner Little Betsey, Zephaniah Brown, for Rhode Island, with 1650 bu. corn, 12 bu. wheat, 10 bu. pease, 10 bu. rye, 4 bags feathers, and 1 bag cotton.
June 28, 1768. The schooner Little Betsey, captained by Zephaniah Brown, is headed for Rhode Island, carrying 1,650 bushels of corn, 12 bushels of wheat, 10 bushels of peas, 10 bushels of rye, 4 bags of feathers, and 1 bag of cotton.
An analysis of these items shows that the vessels entered and cleared at the York river, Lower James river, Hampton, Upper District of James river, Rappahannock, Pamunkey, Nansemond, and Severn river. At least half of the entries and clearances were made in the York river. It will be noted that the same vessel made a number of entries and clearances. In the list are brigs, brigantines, sloops, schooners, snows, and ships, most of them Virginia owned, and we like to think they were Virginia built as well. Only six ships are listed as Virginia owned, yet the names of some of the others are so strictly Virginia names—Braxton, Harrison, Virginia Planter—that is seems highly probable that they too were Virginia owned. The names of only ten owners are given.
An analysis of these items shows that the vessels entered and exited at the York River, Lower James River, Hampton, Upper District of James River, Rappahannock, Pamunkey, Nansemond, and Severn River. At least half of the entries and exits were made in the York River. It's worth noting that the same vessel made multiple entries and exits. The list includes brigs, brigantines, sloops, schooners, snows, and ships, most of which were owned by Virginians, and we like to think they were built in Virginia too. Only six ships are listed as Virginia-owned, yet the names of some of the others—Braxton, Harrison, Virginia Planter—suggest that they were likely Virginia-owned as well. Only ten owners' names are provided.
The information received by the Gazette was not always accurate. Occasionally a vessel is listed as two vessels of different rigs, but having the same name and the same master was evidence enough that they were one and the same. The John and Mary, Richard Tillidge master, is listed as a brigantine for two trips, a snow for eight trips, and a sloop, John Briggs master, for one entry. The Robert and John, John Cooke master, is listed both as a brig and a brigantine. Sometimes the name of a vessel was changed after its first appearance as in the case of the Katherine and Lenora which appeared on three trips thereafter as the Kitty and Nora, James McCullock master.
The information received by the Gazette wasn’t always accurate. Sometimes a ship is listed as two different ships with different types, but having the same name and the same captain was enough evidence that they were actually the same. The John and Mary, with Richard Tillidge as the captain, is recorded as a brigantine for two trips, a snow for eight trips, and a sloop, with John Briggs as the captain, for one entry. The Robert and John, with John Cooke as the captain, is listed as both a brig and a brigantine. Occasionally, a ship’s name was changed after its first listing, as seen with the Katherine and Lenora, which appeared on three trips afterward as the Kitty and Nora, with James McCullock as the captain.
The cargoes of vessels clearing for Europe and the West Indies contained for the most part tobacco, corn, wheat, beans, pease, beeswax and staves. The cargoes from vessels entering from Europe would contain goods of various kinds; vessels from the West Indies would bring rum, molasses, sugar, ginger, salt, and occasionally a slave. In 1746, two ship loads of slaves were brought to the colony and sold, a part of the sale being conducted in a church.
The cargoes of ships leaving for Europe and the West Indies mostly included tobacco, corn, wheat, beans, peas, beeswax, and wooden staves. The cargoes from ships coming in from Europe had different types of goods; ships from the West Indies would bring rum, molasses, sugar, ginger, salt, and sometimes a slave. In 1746, two shiploads of slaves were brought to the colony and sold, with part of the sale taking place in a church.
Transcriber's Note:
Transcriber's Note:
Research indicates the copyright of this book was not renewed.
Research indicates that the copyright for this book was not renewed.
Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note.
Minor typos have been fixed without comment.
Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained as printed.
Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been kept as they are in the print.
Download ePUB
If you like this ebook, consider a donation!